| 1. Homer, Odyssey, 9.34 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa Found in books: Borg (2008) 48 |
| 2. Homer, Iliad, 9 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa Found in books: Borg (2008) 72 |
| 3. Euripides, Phoenician Women, 393, 524-525, 531-533, 535-540, 534 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo (2022) 171 |
| 4. Herodotus, Histories, 3.80-83.1 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa (chrysostom) Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 267 |
| 5. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 3.37 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 1, 2 |
| 6. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa (chrysostom)\n, on fame •dio of prusa (chrysostom)\n, citations of tragedy by Found in books: Csapo (2022) 171 |
7. Cicero, On Duties, 3.82 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa (chrysostom)\n, on fame •dio of prusa (chrysostom)\n, citations of tragedy by Found in books: Csapo (2022) 171| 3.82. Est ergo ulla res tanti aut commodum ullum tam expetendum, ut viri boni et splendorem et nomen amittas? Quid est, quod afferre tantum utilitas ista, quae dicitur, possit, quantum auferre, si boni viri nomen eripuerit, fidem iustitiamque detraxerit? Quid enim interest, utrum ex homine se convertat quis in beluam an hominis figura immanitatem gerat beluae? Quid? qui omnia recta et honesta neglegunt, dum modo potentiam consequantur, nonne idem faciunt, quod is, qui etiam socerum habere voluit eum, cuius ipse audacia potens esset? Utile ei videbatur plurimum posse alterius invidia; id quam iniustum in patriam et quam turpe esset, non videbat. Ipse autem socer in ore semper Graecos versus de Phoenissis habebat, quos dicam, ut potero, incondite fortasse, sed tamen, ut res possit intellegi: Nam sí violandum est Iús, regdi grátia Violándum est; aliis rébus pietatém colas. Capitalis Eteocles vel potius Euripides, qui id unum, quod omnum sceleratissimum fuerit, exceperit! | 3.82. Is there, then, any object of such value or any advantage so worth the winning that, to gain it, one should sacrifice the name of a "good man" and the lustre of his reputation? What is there that your soâcalled expediency can bring to you that will compensate for what it can take away, if it steals from you the name of a "good man" and causes you to lose your sense of honour and justice? For what difference does it make whether a man is actually transformed into a beast or whether, keeping the outward appearance of a man, he has the savage nature of a beast within? Again, when people disregard everything that is morally right and true, if only they may secure power thereby, are they not pursuing the same course as he who wished to have as a father-inâlaw the man by whose effrontery he might gain power for himself? He thought it advantageous to secure supreme power while the odium of it fell upon another; and he failed to see how unjust to his country this was, and how wrong morally. But the father-inâlaw himself used to have continually upon his lips the Greek verses from the Phoenissae, which I will reproduce as well as I can â awkwardly, it may be, but still so that the meaning can be understood: "If wrong may e'er be right, for a throne's sake Were wrong most right:â be God in all else feared!" Our tyrant deserved his death for having made an exception of the one thing that was the blackest crime of all. |
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8. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 162-164 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 239 | 164. of which, Gaius, having no experience, imagined that he was really believed by the Alexandrians to be God, since they, without any disguise, openly and plainly used all the appellations without any limitation, with which they were accustomed to invoke the other gods. |
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9. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 10-19, 2, 20-29, 3, 30-39, 4, 40-49, 5, 50-59, 6, 60-69, 7, 70-79, 8, 80-89, 9, 90-96, 1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 239 | 1. Flaccus Avillius succeeded Sejanus in his hatred of and hostile designs against the Jewish nation. He was not, indeed, able to injure the whole people by open and direct means as he had been, inasmuch as he had less power for such a purpose, but he inflicted the most intolerable evils on all who came within his reach. Moreover, though in appearance he only attacked a portion of the nation, in point of fact he directed his aims against all whom he could find anywhere, proceeding more by art than by force; for those men who, though of tyrannical natures and dispositions, have not strength enough to accomplish their designs openly, seek to compass them by manoeuvres. |
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| 10. Propertius, Elegies, 3.11.30-3.11.58 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa (chrysostom) Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 239 |
11. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 7.407-7.417 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa (chrysostom) Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 240 | 7.407. 1. When Masada was thus taken, the general left a garrison in the fortress to keep it, and he himself went away to Caesarea; 7.408. for there were now no enemies left in the country, but it was all overthrown by so long a war. Yet did this war afford disturbances and dangerous disorders even in places very far remote from Judea; 7.409. for still it came to pass that many Jews were slain at Alexandria in Egypt; 7.410. for as many of the Sicarii as were able to fly thither, out of the seditious wars in Judea, were not content to have saved themselves, but must needs be undertaking to make new disturbances, and persuaded many of those that entertained them to assert their liberty, to esteem the Romans to be no better than themselves, and to look upon God as their only Lord and Master. 7.411. But when part of the Jews of reputation opposed them, they slew some of them, and with the others they were very pressing in their exhortations to revolt from the Romans; 7.412. but when the principal men of the senate saw what madness they were come to, they thought it no longer safe for themselves to overlook them. So they got all the Jews together to an assembly, and accused the madness of the Sicarii, and demonstrated that they had been the authors of all the evils that had come upon them. 7.413. They said also that “these men, now they were run away from Judea, having no sure hope of escaping, because as soon as ever they shall be known, they will be soon destroyed by the Romans, they come hither and fill us full of those calamities which belong to them, while we have not been partakers with them in any of their sins.” 7.414. Accordingly, they exhorted the multitude to have a care, lest they should be brought to destruction by their means, and to make their apology to the Romans for what had been done, by delivering these men up to them; 7.415. who being thus apprised of the greatness of the danger they were in, complied with what was proposed, and ran with great violence upon the Sicarii, and seized upon them; 7.416. and indeed six hundred of them were caught immediately: but as to all those that fled into Egypt and to the Egyptian Thebes, it was not long ere they were caught also, and brought back,— 7.417. whose courage, or whether we ought to call it madness, or hardiness in their opinions, everybody was amazed at. |
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| 12. Suetonius, Augustus, 45 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa (chrysostom)\n, on fame •dio of prusa (chrysostom)\n, citations of tragedy by Found in books: Csapo (2022) 171, 172, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180 |
| 13. Tacitus, Annals, 3.61.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa Found in books: Borg (2008) 16 |
| 14. Plutarch, On Talkativeness, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 229 |
15. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 12.4, 13.10, 17.6-17.7, 32.31, 32.36-32.39, 32.59-32.60, 32.71, 32.95, 33.1-33.2, 39.1, 40.11, 44.1, 44.6, 49.3, 49.8, 66.6, 72.2 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 1, 235; Blum and Biggs (2019) 228, 230; Borg (2008) 35, 40, 48, 161, 359, 360; Csapo (2022) 171; Manolaraki (2012) 239, 240, 241, 266 | 12.4. nay, not even the swan do they greet on account of its music, not even when in the fullness of years it sings its last song, and through joy, and because it has forgotten the troubles of life, utters its triumphant notes and at the same time without sorrow conducts itself, as it seems, to a sorrowless death â even then, I say, the birds are not so charmed by its strains that they gather on some river's bank or on a broad mead or the clean strand of a mere, or on some tiny green islet in a river. 13.10. Accordingly I reflected that Odysseus after all his wanderings did not hesitate to roam once more, when he carried an oar as Teiresias, a man dead and gone, had advised him, until he should fall in with people who knew not the sea, even by hearsay; and should not I follow his example if God so bade? So after exhorting myself in this way neither to fear or be ashamed of my action, and putting on humble attire and otherwise chastening myself, I proceeded to roam everywhere. 17.6. We know, for instance, that inflamed parts of the body do not yield at once to the first fomentation, but that if the treatment is continued, the swelling is softened and relief is given. So in a like manner we must be well content if we are able to assuage the inflammation in the souls of the many by the unceasing use of the word of reason. So I maintain in regard to covetousness too, that all men do know it is neither expedient nor honourable, but the cause of the greatest evils; and that in spite of all this, not one man refrains from it or is willing to have equality of possessions with his neighbour. 17.7. And yet you will find that, although idleness, intemperance and, to express it in general terms, all the other vices without exception are injurious to the very men who practice them; and although those who are addicted to any of them do deservedly, in my opinion, meet with admonishment and condemnation, still you certainly will find that they are not hated or regarded as the common enemies of all mankind. But greed is not only the greatest evil to a man himself, but it injures his neighbours as well. And so no one pities, forsooth, the covetous man or cares to instruct him, but all shun him and regard him as their enemy. 32.31. Who, pray, could praise a people with such a disposition? Is not that the reason why even to your own rulers you seem rather contemptible? Someone already, according to report, has expressed his opinion of you in these words: "But of the people of Alexandria what can one say, a folk to whom you need only throw plenty of bread and a ticket to the hippodrome, since they have no interest in anything else?" Why, inasmuch as, in case a leading citizen misbehaves publicly in the sight of all, you will visit him with your contempt and regard him as a worthless fellow, no matter if he has authority a thousand times as great as yours, you yourselves cannot succeed in maintaining a reputation for dignity and seriousness so long as you are guilty of like misconduct. 32.36. For not only does the mighty nation, Egypt, constitute the framework of your city â or more accurately its ')" onMouseOut="nd();" appendage â but the peculiar nature of the river, when compared with all others, defies description with regard to both its marvellous habits and its usefulness; and furthermore, not only have you a monopoly of the shipping of the entire Mediterranean by reason of the beauty of your harbours, the magnitude of your fleet, and the abundance and the marketing of the products of every land, but also the outer waters that lie beyond are in your grasp, both the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean, whose name was rarely heard in former days. The result is that the trade, not merely of islands, ports, a few straits and isthmuses, but of practically the whole world is yours. For Alexandria is situated, as it were, at the cross-roads of the whole world, of even the most remote nations thereof, as if it were a market serving a single city, a market which brings together into one place all manner of men, displaying them to one another and, as far as possible, making them a kindred people. 32.37. Perhaps these words of mine are pleasing to your ears and you fancy that you are being praised by me, as you are by all the rest who are always flattering you; but I was praising water and soil and harbours and places and everything except yourselves. For where have I said that you are sensible and temperate and just? Was it not quite the opposite? For when we praise human beings, it should be for their good discipline, gentleness, concord, civic order, for heeding those who give good counsel, and for not being always in search of pleasures. But arrivals and departures of vessels, and superiority in size of population, in merchandise, and in ships, are fit subjects for praise in the case of a fair, a harbour, or a market-place, but not of a city; 32.38. nay, if a man speaks in praise of water, he is not praising men but wells; if he talks of good climate, he does not mean that the people are good but the land; if he speaks of fish, he is not praising the city â how absurd! â but a sea, a lake, or a stream. Yet if someone eulogizes the Nile, you Alexandrians are as elated as if you yourselves were rivers flowing from Ethiopia. Indeed, it is safe to say that most other people also are delighted by such things and count themselves blessed if they dwell, as Homer puts it, 'on a tree-clad isle' or one that is 'deep-soiled' or on a mainland 'of abundant pasture, rich in sheep' or hard by 'shadowy mountains' or 'fountains of translucent waters,' none of which is a personal attribute of those men themselves; however, touching human virtue, they care not at all, not even in their dreams! 32.39. But my purpose in mentioning such matters was neither to elate you nor to range myself beside those who habitually sing such strains, whether orators or poets. For they are clever persons, mighty sophists, wonder-workers; but I am quite ordinary and prosaic in my utterance, though not ordinary in my theme. For though the words that I speak are not great in themselves, they treat of topics of the greatest possible moment. And what I said just now about the city was meant to show you that whatever impropriety you commit is committed, not in secrecy or in the presence of just a few, but in the presence of all mankind. 32.59. For you are always in merry mood, fond of laughter, fond of dancing; only in your case when you are thirsty wine does not bubble up of its own accord from some chance rock or glen, nor can you so readily get milk and honey by scratching the ground with the tips of your fingers; on the contrary, not even water comes to you in Alexandria of its own accord, nor is bread yours to command, I fancy, but that too you receive from the hand of those who are above you; and so perhaps it is high time for you to cease your Bacchic revels and instead to turn your attention to yourselves. But at present, if you merely hear the twang of the harp-string, as if you had heard the call of a bugle, you can no longer keep the peace. 32.60. Surely it is not the Spartans you are imitating, is it? It is said, you know, that in olden days they made war to the accompaniment of the pipe; but your warfare is to the accompaniment of the harp. Or do you desire â for I myself have compared king with commons do you, I ask, desire to be thought afflicted with the same disease as Nero? Why, not even he profited by his intimate acquaintance with music and his devotion to it. And how much better it would be to imitate the present ruler in his devotion to culture and reason! Will you not discard that disgraceful and immoderate craving for notoriety? Will you not be cautious about poking fun at everybody else, and, what is more, before persons who, if I may say so, have nothing great or wonderful to boast of? 32.71. And though you now have such reasonable men as governors, you have brought them to a feeling of suspicion toward themselves, and so they have come to believe that there is need of more careful watchfulness than formerly; and this you have brought about through arrogance and not through plotting. For would you revolt from anybody? Would you wage war a single day? Is it not true that in the disturbance which took place the majority went only as far as jeering in their show of courage, while only a few, after one or two shots with anything at hand, like people drenching passers-by with slops, quickly lay down and began to sing, and some went to fetch garlands, as if on their way to a drinking party at some festival? 32.95. Maybe, then, like so many others, you are only following the example set by Alexander, for he, like Heracles, claimed to be a son of Zeus. Nay rather, it may be that it is not Heracles whom your populace resembles, but some Centaur or Cyclops in his cups and amorous, in body strong and huge but mentally a fool. In heaven's name, do you not see how great is the consideration that your emperor has displayed toward your city? Well then, you also must match the zeal he shows and make your country better, not, by Zeus, through constructing fountains or stately portals â for you have not the wealth to squander on things like that, nor could you ever, methinks, surpass the emperor's magnificence â but rather by means of good behaviour, by decorum, by showing yourselves to be sane and steady. For in that case not only would he not regret his generosity because of what has happened, but he might even confer on you still further benefactions. And perhaps you might even make him long to visit you. 33.1. I wonder what on earth is your purpose, and what your expectation or desire, in seeking to have such persons as myself discourse for you. Do you think us to be sweet-voiced and more pleasant of utterance than the rest, so that, as if we were song-birds, you long to hear us make melody for you; or do you believe that we possess a different power in word and thought alike, a power of persuasion that is keener and truly formidable, which you call rhetoric, a power that holds sway both in the forum and on the rostrum; or is it because you expect to hear some laudation directed at yourselves, some patriotic hymn in praise of your city, all about Perseus and Heracles and the Lord of the Trident and the oracles that you have received, and how you are Hellenes, yes, Argives or even better, and how you have as founders heroes and demigods â or, I should say, Titans? 33.2. You may even, methinks, expect to hear a eulogy of your land and of the mountains it contains and of yonder Cydnus, how the most kindly of all rivers and the most beautiful and how those who drink its waters are 'affluent and blessed,' to use the words of Homer. For such praise is true indeed and you are constantly hearing it both from the poets in their verse and from other men also who have made it their business to pronounce encomia; but that sort of performance requires ample preparation and the gift of eloquence. 39.1. I am delighted at being honoured by you, as indeed it is to be expected that a man of sound judgement would be when honoured by a city which is noble and worthy of renown, as is the case with your city in regard to both power and grandeur, for it is inferior to no city of distinction anywhere, whether in nobility of lineage or in composition of population, comprising, as it does, the most illustrious families, not small groups of sorry specimens who came together from this place and from that, but the leaders among both Greeks and Macedonians, and, what is most significant, having had as founders both heroes and gods. 40.11. And yet, while it is true that the shoe must fit the wearer and his own special foot, and if the shoe is judged to be too large it must be trimmed down, one must never curtail a city or reduce it to one's own dimensions or measure it with regard to one's own spirit, if one happens to have a small and servile spirit, particularly in the light of existing precedents â I mean the activities of the men of Smyrna, of the men of Ephesus, of those men of Tarsus, of the men of Antioch. Again, I know perfectly that on former occasions too certain persons were ready to burst with rage on hearing me talk this way and were incensed that you were growing accustomed to listening to such words, and that any one should presume to name your city in company with such distinguished cities. 44.1. Fellow citizens, no sight is more delightful to me than your faces, no voice dearer than yours, no honours greater than those you bestow, no praise more splendid than praise from you. Even if the whole Greek world, and the Roman people too, were to admire and to praise me, that would not so cheer my heart. For though, in truth, Homer has spoken many wise and divine words, he never spoke a wiser or a truer word than this: For naught is sweeter than one's native land. 44.6. For, indeed, I have listened to these men too â though greatly awed on account of the speakers themselves, admiring their generosity and their devotion, and, what is more, their gift of eloquence. No wonder, then, if I myself have loved such a fatherland so greatly that I would not have chosen either Athens or Argos or Sparta, the foremost and most distinguished of the Greek cities, as my native land in preference to Prusa; and I have given practical demonstration of this too. For although many people in many lands have invited me both to make my home with them and to take charge of their public affairs, not merely at the present time, but even earlier, at the time when I was an exile â and some went so far as to send the Emperor resolutions thanking him for the honour he had done me â yet I never accepted such a proposal even by so much as a single word, but I did not even acquire a house or a plot of ground anywhere else, so that I might have nothing to suggest a home-land anywhere but here. 49.3. But he who is really a philosopher will be found to be devoting himself to no other task than that of learning how he will be able to rule well, whether it be ruling himself or a household or the greatest state or, in short, all mankind, provided they permit it, and, while himself needing no ruler other than reason and God, he will be competent to care for and give heed to the rest of mankind. Moreover, this fact has not escaped the notice even of kings themselves, or of any men in power who are not utterly bereft of judgement. For they entreat men of cultivation to become their counsellors in their most important problems, and, while giving orders to everybody else, they themselves accept orders from those counsellors as to what to do and what not to do. 49.8. the Celts appointed those whom they call Druids, these also being devoted to the prophetic art and to wisdom in general. In all these cases the kings were not permitted to do or plan anything without the assistance of these wise men, so that in truth it was they who ruled, while the kings became are servants and the ministers of their will, though they sat on golden thrones, dwelt in great houses, and feasted sumptuously. And indeed it is reasonable to expect that man to administer any office most capably who, occupying continuously the most difficult office of all, can show himself free from error. 66.6. Why, because of a golden lamb it came to pass that a mighty house like that of Pelops was overturned, as we learn from the tragic poets. And not only were the children of Thyestes cut in pieces, but Pelopia's father lay with her and begot Aegistheus; and Aegistheus with Clytemnestra's aid slew Agamemnon, "the shepherd of the Achaeans"; and then Clytemnestra's son Orestes slew her, and, having done so, he straightway went mad. One should not disbelieve these things, for they have been recorded by no ordinary men â Euripides and Sophocles â and also are recited in the midst of the theatres. Furthermore, one may behold another house, more affluent than that of Pelops, which has been ruined because of a tongue, and, in sooth, another house which is now in jeopardy. 72.2. Take our tavern-keepers too; though people day after day see them in front of their taverns with their tunics belted high, they never jeer at them but, on the contrary, they would make fun of them if they were not so attired, considering that their appearance is peculiarly suited to their occupation. But when they see some one in a cloak but no tunic, with flowing hair and beard, they find it impossible to keep quiet in his presence or to pass by in silence; instead, they step up to him and try to irritate him and either mock at him or speak insultingly, or sometimes they catch hold of him and try to drag him off, provided they see one who is not himself very strong and note that no one else is at hand to help him; and they do this although they know that the garb he wears is customary with the philosophers, as they are called, yes, as one might say, has been prescribed for them. |
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| 16. Tacitus, Germania (De Origine Et Situ Germanorum), 3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa (dio cocceianus) •dio of prusa (dio cocceianus), getica •dio of prusa (dio cocceianus), on kingship Found in books: Blum and Biggs (2019) 231 |
| 17. Lucan, Pharsalia, 10.9-10.52 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa (chrysostom) Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 267 |
| 18. Arrian, Epicteti Dissertationes, 4.7.19-4.7.24, 4.7.28 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa Found in books: Borg (2008) 361 |
19. Plutarch, Brutus, 15.5-15.9, 53.5-53.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 229| 15.5. ἐν τούτῳ δέ τις οἴκοθεν ἔθει πρὸς τὸν Βροῦτον ἀγγέλλων αὐτῷ τὴν γυναῖκα θνῄσκειν. 15.6. ἡγὰρ Πορκία πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἐκπαθὴς οὖσα καὶ τὸ μέγεθος μὴ φέρουσα τῆς φροντίδος ἑαυτήν τε μόλις οἴκοι κατεῖχε, καὶ πρὸς πάντα θόρυβον καὶ βοήν, ὥσπερ αἱ κατάσχετοι τοῖς βακχικοῖς πάθεσιν, ἐξᾴττουσα τῶν μὲν εἰσιόντων ἀπʼ ἀγορᾶς ἕκαστον ἀνέκρινεν ὅ τι πράττοι Βροῦτος, ἑτέρους δὲ συνεχῶς ἐξέπεμπε. 15.7. τέλος δὲ τοῦ χρόνου μῆκος λαμβάνοντος οὐκέτʼ ἀντεῖχεν ἡ τοῦ σώματος δύναμις, ἀλλʼ ἐξελύθη καὶ κατεμαραίνετο τῆς ψυχῆς ἀλυούσης διὰ τὴν ἀπορίαν καὶ παρελθεῖν μὲν εἰς τὸ δωμάτιον οὐκ ἔφθη, περιΐστατο δʼ αὐτὴν, ὥσπερ ἐτύγχανεν, ἐν μέσῳ καθεζομένην λιποθυμία καὶ θάμβος ἀμήχανον, ἥ τε χρόα μεταβολὴν ἐλάμβανε καὶ τὴν φωνὴν ἐπέσχητο παντάπασιν. 15.8. αἱ δὲ θεράπαιναι πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν ἀνωλόλυξαν, καὶ τῶν γειτόνων συνδραμόντων ἐπὶ θύρας ταχὺ προῆλθε φήμη καὶ διεδόθη λόγος ὡς τεθνηκυίας αὐτῆς. 15.9. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἐκείνην μὲν ἀναλάμψασαν ἐν βραχεῖ καὶ παρʼ ἑαυτῇ γενομένην αἱ γυναῖκες ἐθεράπευον ὁ δὲ Βροῦτος ὑπὸ τοῦ λόγου προσπεσόντος αὐτῷ συνεταράχθη μὲν, ὡς εἰκός, οὐ μήν γε κατέλιπε τὸ κοινὸν οὐδʼ ἐρρύη πρὸς τὸ οἰκεῖον ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους. 53.5. Πορκίαν δὲ τὴν Βρούτου γυναῖκα Νικόλαος ὁ φιλόσοφος ἱστορεῖ καὶ Οὐαλέριος Μάξιμος βουλομένην ἀποθανεῖν, ὡς οὐδεὶς ἐπέτρεπε τῶν φίλων, ἀλλὰ προσέκειντο καὶ παρεφύλαττον, ἐκ τοῦ πυρὸς ἀναρπάσασαν ἄνθρακας καταπιεῖν καὶ τὸ στόμα συγκλείσασαν καὶ μύσασαν οὕτω διαφθαρῆναι. 53.6. καίτοι φέρεταί τις ἐπιστολὴ Βρούτου πρὸς τοὺς φίλους ἐγκαλοῦντος αὐτοῖς καὶ ὀλοφυρομένου περὶ τῆς Πορκίας, ὡς ἀμεληθείσης ὑπʼ αὐτῶν καὶ προελομένης διὰ νόσον καταλιπεῖν τὸν βίον. 53.7. ἔοικεν οὖν ὁ Νικόλαος ἠγνοηκέναι τὸν χρόνον, ἐπεὶ τό γε πάθος καὶ τὸν ἔρωτα τῆς γυναικὸς καὶ τὸν τρόπον τῆς τελευτῆς ὑπονοῆσαι δίδωσι καὶ τὸ ἐπιστόλιον, εἴπερ ἄρα τῶν γνησίων ἐστίν. | 15.5. 15.6. 15.7. 15.8. 15.9. 53.5. 53.6. 53.7. |
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| 20. Plutarch, On Exilio, 605 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa (chrysostom)\n, on fame •dio of prusa (chrysostom)\n, citations of tragedy by Found in books: Csapo (2022) 171 |
| 21. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, 1.22 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa Found in books: Borg (2008) 161 |
22. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 44.13.1-44.13.14, 58.24.3-58.24.5, 59.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa •dio of prusa (chrysostom)\n, on fame •dio of prusa (chrysostom)\n, citations of tragedy by Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 229; Csapo (2022) 171, 172, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180 | 44.13.1. Now these were the influences that persuaded Brutus to attack Caesar, whom he had opposed from the beginning in any case, although he had later accepted benefits from him. He was also influenced by the fact that he was both nephew and son-inâlaw of that Cato who was called Uticensis, as I have stated. And his wife Portia was the only woman, as they say, who was privy to the plot. 44.13.2. For she came upon him while he was pondering over these very matters and asked him why he was so thoughtful. When he made no answer, she suspected that she was distrusted on account of her physical weakness, for fear she might reveal something, however unwillingly, under torture; hence she ventured to do a noteworthy deed. 44.13.3. She secretly inflicted a wound upon her own thigh, to test herself and see if she could endure torture. And as soon as the first intense pain was past, she despised the wound, and coming to him, said: "You, my husband, though you trusted my spirit that it would not betray you, nevertheless were distrustful of my body, and your feeling was but human. But I found that my body also can keep silence." 44.13.4. With these words she disclosed her thigh, and making known the reason for what she had done, she said: "Therefore fear not, but tell me all you are concealing from me, for neither fire, nor lashes, nor goads will force me to divulge a word; I was not born to that extent a woman. Hence, if you still distrust me, it is better for me to die than to live; otherwise let no one think me longer the daughter of Cato or your wife." 58.24.3. Among the various persons who perished either at the hands of the executioners or by their own act was Pomponius Labeo. This man, who had once governed Moesia for eight years after his praetorship, was indicted, together with his wife, for taking bribes, and voluntarily perished along with her. Mamercus Aemilius Scaurus, on the other hand, who had never governed a province or accepted bribes, was convicted because of a tragedy he had composed, and fell a victim to a worse fate than that which he had described. 58.24.4. "Atreus" was the name of his drama, and in the manner of Euripides it advised one of the subjects of that monarch to endure the folly of the reigning prince. Tiberius, upon hearing of it, declared that this had been written with reference to him, claiming that he himself was "Atreus" because of his bloodthirstiness; and remarking, "I will make him Ajax," he compelled him to commit suicide. 58.24.5. The above, however, was not the accusation that was actually brought against him, but instead, he was charged with having committed adultery with Livilla; indeed, many others also were punished on her account, some with good reason and some as the result of false accusations. 59.5. 1. This was the kind of emperor into whose hands the Romans were then delivered. Hence the deeds of Tiberius, though they were felt to have been very harsh, were nevertheless as far superior to those of Gaius as the deeds of Augustus were to those of his successor.,2. For Tiberius always kept the power in his own hands and used others as agents for carrying out his wishes; whereas Gaius was ruled by the charioteers and gladiators, and was the slave of the actors and others connected with the stage. Indeed, he always kept Apelles, the most famous of the tragedians of that day, with him even in public.,3. Thus he by himself and they by themselves did without let or hindrance all that such persons would naturally dare to do when given power. Everything that pertained to their art he arranged and settled on the slightest pretext in the most lavish manner, and he compelled the praetors and the consuls to do the same, so that almost every day some performance of the kind was sure to be given.,4. At first he was but a spectator and listener at these and would take sides for or against various performers like one of the crowd; and one time, when he was vexed with those of opposing tastes, he did not go to the spectacle. But as time went on, he came to imitate, and to contend in many events,,5. driving chariots, fighting as a gladiator, giving exhibitions of pantomimic dancing, and acting in tragedy. So much for his regular behaviour. And once he sent an urgent summons at night to the leading men of the senate, as if for some important deliberation, and then danced before them. |
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| 23. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 1.335 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Borg (2008) 40, 360 |
| 24. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 1.8.2, 10.81 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa Found in books: Borg (2008) 304 |
| 25. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 1.8.2, 10.81 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa •dio of prusa (chrysostom) Found in books: Borg (2008) 304; Manolaraki (2012) 239 |
26. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 1.7, 1.7.487-1.7.488, 1.11.495, 1.21.518, 1.22.526, 1.24.529, 1.25.534, 1.25.538-1.25.539, 1.25.542, 2.1.562, 2.4.568, 2.4.570, 2.8.583, 2.10.588-2.10.589, 2.24.607, 2.26.613 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blum and Biggs (2019) 227; Borg (2008) 68, 70, 72, 73, 360| 1.7. Δίωνα δὲ τὸν Προυσαῖον οὐκ οἶδ' ὅ τι χρὴ προσειπεῖν διὰ τὴν ἐς πάντα ἀρετήν, ̓Αμαλθείας γὰρ κέρας ἦν, τὸ τοῦ λόγου, ξυγκείμενος μὲν τῶν ἄριστα εἰρημένων τοῦ ἀρίστου, βλέπων δὲ πρὸς τὴν Δημοσθένους ἠχὼ καὶ Πλάτωνος, ᾗ, καθάπερ αἱ μαγάδες τοῖς ὀργάνοις, προσηχεῖ ὁ Δίων τὸ ἑαυτοῦ ἴδιον ξὺν ἀφελείᾳ ἐπεστραμμένῃ. ἀρίστη δὲ ἐν τοῖς Δίωνος λόγοις καὶ ἡ τοῦ ἤθους κρᾶσις: ὑβριζούσαις τε γὰρ πόλεσι πλεῖστα ἐπιπλήξας οὐ φιλολοίδορος, οὐδὲ ἀηδὴς ἔδοξεν, ἀλλ' οἷον ἵππων ὕβριν χαλινῷ καταρτύων μᾶλλον ἢ μάστιγι, πόλεών τε εὐνομουμένων ἐς ἐπαίνους καταστὰς οὐκ ἐπαίρειν αὐτὰς ἔδοξεν, ἀλλ' ἐπιστρέφειν μᾶλλον ὡς ἀπολουμένας, εἰ μεταβάλοιντο. ἦν δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τὸ τῆς ἄλλης φιλοσοφίας ἦθος οὐ κοινὸν οὐδὲ εἰρωνικόν, ἀλλὰ ἐμβριθῶς μὲν ἐγκείμενον, κεχρωσμένον δέ, οἷον ἡδύσματι, τῇ πρᾳότητι. ὡς δὲ καὶ ἱστορίαν ἱκανὸς ἦν ξυγγράφειν, δηλοῖ τὰ Γετικά, καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ ἐς Γέτας ἦλθεν, ὁπότε ἠλᾶτο. τὸν δὲ Εὐβοέα καὶ τὸν τοῦ ψιττακοῦ ἔπαινον καὶ ὁπόσα οὐχ ὑπὲρ μεγάλων ἐσπούδασται τῷ Δίωνι, μὴ μικρὰ ἡγώμεθα, ἀλλὰ σοφιστικά, σοφιστοῦ γὰρ τὸ καὶ ὑπὲρ τοιούτων σπουδάζειν. γενόμενος δὲ κατὰ τοὺς χρόνους, οὓς ̓Απολλώνιός τε ὁ Τυανεὺς καὶ Εὐφράτης ὁ Τύριος ἐφιλοσόφουν, ἀμφοτέροις ἐπιτηδείως εἶχε καίτοι διαφερομένοις πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἔξω τοῦ φιλοσοφίας ἤθους. τὴν δὲ ἐς τὰ Γετικὰ ἔθνη πάροδον τοῦ ἀνδρὸς φυγὴν μὲν οὐκ ἀξιῶ ὀνομάζειν, ἐπεὶ μὴ προσετάχθη αὐτῷ φυγεῖν, οὐδὲ ἀποδημίαν, ἐπειδὴ τοῦ φανεροῦ ἐξέστη κλέπτων ἑαυτὸν ὀφθαλμῶν τε καὶ ὤτων καὶ ἄλλα ἐν ἄλλῃ γῇ πράττων δέει τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν τυραννίδων, ὑφ' ὧν ἠλαύνετο φιλοσοφία πᾶσα. φυτεύων δὲ καὶ σκάπτων καὶ ἐπαντλῶν βαλανείοις τε καὶ κήποις καὶ πολλὰ τοιαῦτα ὑπὲρ τροφῆς ἐργαζόμενος οὐδὲ τοῦ σπουδάζειν ἠμέλει, ἀλλ' ἀπὸ δυοῖν βιβλίοιν ἑαυτὸν ξυνεῖχεν: ταυτὶ δὲ ἦν ὅ τε Φαίδων ὁ τοῦ Πλάτωνος καὶ Δημοσθένους ὁ κατὰ τῆς πρεσβείας. θαμίζων δὲ ἐς τὰ στρατόπεδα, ἐν οἷσπερ εἰώθει τρύχεσθαι, καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ὁρῶν ἐς νεώτερα ὁρμῶντας ἐπὶ Δομετιανῷ ἀπεσφαγμένῳ οὐκ ἐφείσατο ἀταξίαν ἰδὼν ἐκραγεῖσαν, ἀλλὰ γυμνὸς ἀναπηδήσας ἐπὶ βωμὸν ὑψηλὸν ἤρξατο τοῦ λόγου ὧδε: “αὐτὰρ ὁ γυμνώθη ῥακέων πολύμητις ̓Οδυσσεύς,” καὶ εἰπὼν ταῦτα καὶ δηλώσας ἑαυτόν, ὅτι μὴ πτωχός, μηδὲ ὃν ᾤοντο, Δίων δὲ εἴη ὁ σοφός, ἐπὶ μὲν τὴν κατηγορίαν τοῦ τυράννου πολὺς ἔπνευσεν, τοὺς δὲ στρατιώτας ἐδίδαξεν ἀμείνω φρονεῖν τὰ δοκοῦντα ̔Ρωμαίοις πράττοντας. καὶ γὰρ ἡ πειθὼ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς οἵα καταθέλξαι καὶ τοὺς μὴ τὰ ̔Ελλήνων ἀκριβοῦντας: Τραιανὸς γοῦν ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ ἀναθέμενος αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῆς ̔Ρώμης ἐς τὴν χρυσῆν ἅμαξαν, ἐφ' ἧς οἱ βασιλεῖς τὰς ἐκ τῶν πολέμων πομπὰς πομπεύουσιν, ἔλεγε θαμὰ ἐπιστρεφόμενος ἐς τὸν Δίωνα “τί μὲν λέγεις, οὐκ οἶδα, φιλῶ δέ σε ὡς ἐμαυτόν”. Σοφιστικώτατοι δὲ τοῦ Δίωνος αἱ τῶν λόγων εἰκόνες, ἐν αἷς εἰ καὶ πολύς, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐναργὴς καὶ τοῖς ὑποκειμένοις ὅμοιος. | |
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| 27. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 80.3-80.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 239 |
| 28. Heliodorus, Ethiopian Story, 9.22 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa (chrysostom) Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 240 |
| 29. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 1.35.2, 5.26.2 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blum and Biggs (2019) 229; Manolaraki (2012) 266 |
30. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.35.7, 5.13.7, 5.27.5-5.27.6, 7.2.8, 7.6.6, 7.10.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa Found in books: Borg (2008) 16| 1.35.7. τὸ δʼ ἐμοὶ θαῦμα παρασχόν, Λυδίας τῆς ἄνω πόλις ἐστὶν οὐ μεγάλη Τημένου θύραι· ἐνταῦθα παραραγέντος λόφου διὰ χειμῶνα ὀστᾶ ἐφάνη τὸ σχῆμα παρέχοντα ἐς πίστιν ὡς ἔστιν ἀνθρώπου, ἐπεὶ διὰ μέγεθος οὐκ ἔστιν ὅπως ἂν ἔδοξεν. αὐτίκα δὲ λόγος ἦλθεν ἐς τοὺς πολλοὺς Γηρυόνου τοῦ Χρυσάορος εἶναι μὲν τὸν νεκρόν, εἶναι δὲ καὶ τὸν θρόνον· καὶ γὰρ θρόνος ἀνδρός ἐστιν ἐνειργασμένος ὄρους λιθώδει προβολῇ· καὶ χείμαρρόν τε ποταμὸν Ὠκεανὸν ἐκάλουν καὶ βοῶν ἤδη κέρασιν ἔφασάν τινας ἐντυχεῖν ἀροῦντας, διότι ἔχει λόγος βοῦς ἀρίστας θρέψαι τὸν Γηρυόνην. 5.13.7. Πέλοπος δὲ καὶ Ταντάλου τῆς παρʼ ἡμῖν ἐνοικήσεως σημεῖα ἔτι καὶ ἐς τόδε λείπεται, Ταντάλου μὲν λίμνη τε ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ καλουμένη καὶ οὐκ ἀφανὴς τάφος, Πέλοπος δὲ ἐν Σιπύλῳ μὲν θρόνος ἐν κορυφῇ τοῦ ὄρους ἐστὶν ὑπὲρ τῆς Πλαστήνης μητρὸς τὸ ἱερόν, διαβάντι δὲ Ἕρμον ποταμὸν Ἀφροδίτης ἄγαλμα ἐν Τήμνῳ πεποιημένον ἐκ μυρσίνης τεθηλυίας· ἀναθεῖναι δὲ Πέλοπα αὐτὸ παρειλήφαμεν μνήμῃ, προϊλασκόμενόν τε τὴν θεὸν καὶ γενέσθαι οἱ τὸν γάμον τῆς Ἱπποδαμείας αἰτούμενον. 5.27.5. καὶ ἄλλο ἐν Λυδίᾳ θεασάμενος οἶδα διάφορον μὲν θαῦμα ἢ κατὰ τὸν ἵππον τὸν Φόρμιδος, μάγων μέντοι σοφίας οὐδὲ αὐτὸ ἀπηλλαγμένον. ἔστι γὰρ Λυδοῖς ἐπίκλησιν Περσικοῖς ἱερὰ ἔν τε Ἱεροκαισαρείᾳ καλουμένῃ πόλει καὶ ἐν Ὑπαίποις, ἐν ἑκατέρῳ δὲ τῶν ἱερῶν οἴκημά τε καὶ ἐν τῷ οἰκήματί ἐστιν ἐπὶ βωμοῦ τέφρα· χρόα δὲ οὐ κατὰ τέφραν ἐστὶν αὐτῇ τὴν ἄλλην. 5.27.6. ἐσελθὼν δὲ ἐς τὸ οἴκημα ἀνὴρ μάγος καὶ ξύλα ἐπιφορήσας αὖα ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν πρῶτα μὲν τιάραν ἐπέθετο ἐπὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ, δεύτερα δὲ ἐπίκλησιν ὅτου δὴ θεῶν ἐπᾴδει βάρβαρα καὶ οὐδαμῶς συνετὰ Ἕλλησιν· ἐπᾴδει δὲ ἐπιλεγόμενος ἐκ βιβλίου· ἄνευ τε δὴ πυρὸς ἀνάγκη πᾶσα ἁφθῆναι τὰ ξύλα καὶ περιφανῆ φλόγα ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐκλάμψαι. 7.2.8. Λέλεγες δὲ τοῦ Καρικοῦ μοῖρα καὶ Λυδῶν τὸ πολὺ οἱ νεμόμενοι τὴν χώραν ἦσαν· ᾤκουν δὲ καὶ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἄλλοι τε ἱκεσίας ἕνεκα καὶ γυναῖκες τοῦ Ἀμαζόνων γένους. Ἄνδροκλος δὲ ὁ Κόδρου—οὗτος γὰρ δὴ ἀπεδέδεικτο Ἰώνων τῶν ἐς Ἔφεσον πλευσάντων βασιλεύς—Λέλεγας μὲν καὶ Λυδοὺς τὴν ἄνω πόλιν ἔχοντας ἐξέβαλεν ἐκ τῆς χώρας· τοῖς δὲ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν οἰκοῦσι δεῖμα ἦν οὐδέν, ἀλλὰ Ἴωσιν ὅρκους δόντες καὶ ἀνὰ μέρος παρʼ αὐτῶν λαβόντες ἐκτὸς ἦσαν πολέμου. ἀφείλετο δὲ καὶ Σάμον Ἄνδροκλος Σαμίους, καὶ ἔσχον Ἐφέσιοι χρόνον τινὰ Σάμον καὶ τὰς προσεχεῖς νήσους· 7.6.6. οἶδα δὲ καὶ ἄνδρα αὐτὸς Λυδὸν Ἄδραστον ἰδίᾳ καὶ οὐκ ἀπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ τοῦ Λυδῶν ἀμύναντα Ἕλλησι· τοῦ δὲ Ἀδράστου τούτου χαλκῆν εἰκόνα ἀνέθεσαν οἱ Λυδοὶ πρὸ ἱεροῦ Περσικῆς Ἀρτέμιδος, καὶ ἔγραψαν ἐπίγραμμα ὡς τελευτήσειεν ὁ Ἄδραστος ἐναντίον Λεοννάτῳ μαχόμενος ὑπὲρ Ἑλλήνων. 7.10.1. τότε μὲν δὴ ἐς τοσοῦτο ἐπράχθη· τολμημάτων δὲ τὸ ἀνοσιώτατον, τὴν πατρίδα καὶ ἄνδρας προδιδόναι πολίτας ἐπὶ οἰκείοις κέρδεσιν, ἔμελλε καὶ Ἀχαιοῖς κακῶν ἄρξειν, οὔποτε ἐκ τοῦ χρόνου παντὸς τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἐκλιπόν. ἐπὶ μέν γε Δαρείου τοῦ Ὑστάσπου βασιλεύοντος Περσῶν Ἴωσι τὰ πράγματα ἐφθάρη Σαμίων πλὴν ἑνός τε καὶ δέκα ἀνδρῶν τῶν ἄλλων τριηράρχων τὸ ναυτικὸν τὸ Ἰώνων προδόντων· | 1.35.7. But what really caused me surprise is this. There is a small city of upper Lydia called The Doors of Temenus. There a crest broke away in a storm, and there appeared bones the shape of which led one to suppose that they were human, but from their size one would never have thought it. At once the story spread among the multitude that it was the corpse of Geryon, the son of Chrysaor, and that the seat also was his. For there is a man's seat carved on a rocky spur of the mountain. And a torrent they called the river Ocean, and they said that men ploughing met with the horns of cattle, for the story is that Geryon reared excellent cows. 5.13.7. That Pelops and Tantalus once dwelt in my country there have remained signs right down to the present day. There is a lake called after Tantalus and a famous grave, and on a peak of Mount Sipylus there is a throne of Pelops beyond the sanctuary of Plastene the Mother. If you cross the river Hermus you see an image of Aphrodite in Temnus made of a living myrtle-tree. It is a tradition among us that it was dedicated by Pelops when he was propitiating the goddess and asking for Hippodameia to be his bride. 5.27.5. There is another marvel I know of, having seen it in Lydia ; it is different from the horse of Phormis, but like it not innocent of the magic art. The Lydians surnamed Persian have sanctuaries in the city named Hierocaesareia and at Hypaepa. In each sanctuary is a chamber, and in the chamber are ashes upon an altar. But the color of these ashes is not the usual color of ashes. 5.27.6. Entering the chamber a magician piles dry wood upon the altar; he first places a tiara upon his head and then sings to some god or other an invocation in a foreign tongue unintelligible to Greeks, reciting the invocation from a book. So it is without fire that the wood must catch, and bright flames dart from it. 7.2.8. The inhabitants of the land were partly Leleges, a branch of the Carians, but the greater number were Lydians. In addition there were others who dwelt around the sanctuary for the sake of its protection, and these included some women of the race of the Amazons. But Androclus the son of Codrus (for he it was who was appointed king of the Ionians who sailed against Ephesus) expelled from the land the Leleges and Lydians who occupied the upper city. Those, however, who dwelt around the sanctuary had nothing to fear; they exchanged oaths of friendship with the Ionians and escaped warfare. Androclus also took Samos from the Samians, and for a time the Ephesians held Samos and the adjacent islands. 7.6.6. I myself know that Adrastus, a Lydian, helped the Greeks as a private individual, although the Lydian commonwealth held aloof. A likeness of this Adrastus in bronze was dedicated in front of the sanctuary of Persian Artemis by the Lydians, who wrote an inscription to the effect that Adrastus died fighting for the Greeks against Leonnatus. 7.10.1. Such were the events that took place on this occasion. The most impious of all crimes, the betrayal for private gain of fatherland and fellow-citizens, was destined to be the beginning of woes for the Achaeans as for others, for it has never been absent from Greece since the birth of time. In the reign of Dareius, the son of Hystaspes, the king of Persia 494 B.C. , the cause of the Ionians was ruined because all the Samian captains except eleven betrayed the Ionian fleet. |
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| 31. Menander of Laodicea, Rhet., 353.31, 357.12-358.1 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Borg (2008) 40 |
32. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 5.84 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa Found in books: Borg (2008) 70 | 5.84. (8) the sophist who lived at Alexandria, author of handbooks of rhetoric; (9) a grammarian of Adramyttium, surnamed Ixion because he was thought to be unjust to Hera; (10) a grammarian of Cyrene, surnamed Wine-jar, an eminent man; (11) a native of Scepsis, a man of wealth and good birth, ardently devoted to learning; he was also the means of bringing his countryman Metrodorus into prominence; (12) a grammarian of Erythrae enrolled as a citizen of Lemnos; (13) a Bithynian, son of Diphilus the Stoic and pupil of Panaetius of Rhodes; |
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| 33. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 26 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa Found in books: Borg (2008) 161 |
| 34. Synesius of Cyrene, Letters, 154 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa Found in books: Russell and Nesselrath (2014) 4 |
| 35. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Verus, 10, 5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Borg (2008) 161 |
| 36. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Verus, 10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa Found in books: Borg (2008) 161 |
| 37. Synesius of Cyrene, Letters, 154 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa Found in books: Russell and Nesselrath (2014) 4 |
| 38. Libanius, Orations, 11.42 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Borg (2008) 35 |
| 39. Various, Anthologia Latina, 7.158 Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa Found in books: Borg (2008) 304 |
| 40. Epigraphy, Cil, 3.607, 10.4760, 11.2704, 15.5262 Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa Found in books: Borg (2008) 304 |
| 41. Epigraphy, Ephesos, 17-19, 3080, 43, 672, 8, 3068 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kalinowski (2021) 211 |
| 42. Epigraphy, I.Ephesos, 17-19, 3080, 43, 672, 8, 3068 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kalinowski (2021) 211 |
| 43. Epigraphy, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, 709, 712 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Borg (2008) 70 |
| 44. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Antoninus Pius, 2 Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa Found in books: Borg (2008) 161 |
| 45. Sophocles, Trgf F589.1-3 227 See Also Page, 589.1-589.3 Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa (chrysostom)\n, citations of tragedy by Found in books: Csapo (2022) 180 |
| 46. Epigraphy, I. Thespiae, 358 Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa (chrysostom)\n, on fame •dio of prusa (chrysostom)\n, citations of tragedy by Found in books: Csapo (2022) 171, 172, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180 |
| 47. Anon., Historia Alexandri Magni, 2.4.6 Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa (chrysostom) Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 266 |
| 48. Epigraphy, L'Année Épigraphique, 1903, 227 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Borg (2008) 70 |
| 49. Suidas Thessalius, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •dio of prusa Found in books: Borg (2008) 73 |
| 50. Stephanos Ho Byzantios, Ethnica, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Borg (2008) 35 |
