1. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 24.17 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 74| 24.17. "אֶרְאֶנּוּ וְלֹא עַתָּה אֲשׁוּרֶנּוּ וְלֹא קָרוֹב דָּרַךְ כּוֹכָב מִיַּעֲקֹב וְקָם שֵׁבֶט מִיִּשְׂרָאֵל וּמָחַץ פַּאֲתֵי מוֹאָב וְקַרְקַר כָּל־בְּנֵי־שֵׁת׃", | 24.17. "I see him, but not now; I behold him, but not nigh; There shall step forth a star out of Jacob, And a scepter shall rise out of Israel, And shall smite through the corners of Moab, And break down all the sons of Seth.", |
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2. Homer, Iliad, 2.816-2.877 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio of nikaia, historian Found in books: Marek (2019) 484 | 2.816. / There on this day did the Trojans and their allies separate their companies.The Trojans were led by great Hector of the flashing helm, the son of Priam, and with him were marshalled the greatest hosts by far and the goodliest, raging with the spear. 2.817. / There on this day did the Trojans and their allies separate their companies.The Trojans were led by great Hector of the flashing helm, the son of Priam, and with him were marshalled the greatest hosts by far and the goodliest, raging with the spear. 2.818. / There on this day did the Trojans and their allies separate their companies.The Trojans were led by great Hector of the flashing helm, the son of Priam, and with him were marshalled the greatest hosts by far and the goodliest, raging with the spear. 2.819. / There on this day did the Trojans and their allies separate their companies.The Trojans were led by great Hector of the flashing helm, the son of Priam, and with him were marshalled the greatest hosts by far and the goodliest, raging with the spear. of the Dardanians again the valiant son of Anchises was captain, 2.820. / even Aeneas, whom fair Aphrodite conceived to Anchises amid the spurs of Ida, a goddess couched with a mortal man. Not alone was he; with him were Antenor's two sons, Archelochus and Acamas, well skilled in all manner of fighting.And they that dwelt in Zeleia beneath the nethermost foot of Ida, 2.821. / even Aeneas, whom fair Aphrodite conceived to Anchises amid the spurs of Ida, a goddess couched with a mortal man. Not alone was he; with him were Antenor's two sons, Archelochus and Acamas, well skilled in all manner of fighting.And they that dwelt in Zeleia beneath the nethermost foot of Ida, 2.822. / even Aeneas, whom fair Aphrodite conceived to Anchises amid the spurs of Ida, a goddess couched with a mortal man. Not alone was he; with him were Antenor's two sons, Archelochus and Acamas, well skilled in all manner of fighting.And they that dwelt in Zeleia beneath the nethermost foot of Ida, 2.823. / even Aeneas, whom fair Aphrodite conceived to Anchises amid the spurs of Ida, a goddess couched with a mortal man. Not alone was he; with him were Antenor's two sons, Archelochus and Acamas, well skilled in all manner of fighting.And they that dwelt in Zeleia beneath the nethermost foot of Ida, 2.824. / even Aeneas, whom fair Aphrodite conceived to Anchises amid the spurs of Ida, a goddess couched with a mortal man. Not alone was he; with him were Antenor's two sons, Archelochus and Acamas, well skilled in all manner of fighting.And they that dwelt in Zeleia beneath the nethermost foot of Ida, 2.825. / men of wealth, that drink the dark water of Aesepus, even the Troes, these again were led by the glorious son of Lycaon, Pandarus, to whom Apollo himself gave the bow.And they that held Adrasteia and the land of Apaesus, and that held Pityeia and the steep mount of Tereia, 2.826. / men of wealth, that drink the dark water of Aesepus, even the Troes, these again were led by the glorious son of Lycaon, Pandarus, to whom Apollo himself gave the bow.And they that held Adrasteia and the land of Apaesus, and that held Pityeia and the steep mount of Tereia, 2.827. / men of wealth, that drink the dark water of Aesepus, even the Troes, these again were led by the glorious son of Lycaon, Pandarus, to whom Apollo himself gave the bow.And they that held Adrasteia and the land of Apaesus, and that held Pityeia and the steep mount of Tereia, 2.828. / men of wealth, that drink the dark water of Aesepus, even the Troes, these again were led by the glorious son of Lycaon, Pandarus, to whom Apollo himself gave the bow.And they that held Adrasteia and the land of Apaesus, and that held Pityeia and the steep mount of Tereia, 2.829. / men of wealth, that drink the dark water of Aesepus, even the Troes, these again were led by the glorious son of Lycaon, Pandarus, to whom Apollo himself gave the bow.And they that held Adrasteia and the land of Apaesus, and that held Pityeia and the steep mount of Tereia, 2.830. / these were led by Adrastus and Araphius, with corslet of linen, sons twain of Merops of Percote, that was above all men skilled in prophesying, and would not suffer his sons to go into war, the bane of men. But the twain would in no wise hearken, for the fates of black death were leading them on. 2.831. / these were led by Adrastus and Araphius, with corslet of linen, sons twain of Merops of Percote, that was above all men skilled in prophesying, and would not suffer his sons to go into war, the bane of men. But the twain would in no wise hearken, for the fates of black death were leading them on. 2.832. / these were led by Adrastus and Araphius, with corslet of linen, sons twain of Merops of Percote, that was above all men skilled in prophesying, and would not suffer his sons to go into war, the bane of men. But the twain would in no wise hearken, for the fates of black death were leading them on. 2.833. / these were led by Adrastus and Araphius, with corslet of linen, sons twain of Merops of Percote, that was above all men skilled in prophesying, and would not suffer his sons to go into war, the bane of men. But the twain would in no wise hearken, for the fates of black death were leading them on. 2.834. / these were led by Adrastus and Araphius, with corslet of linen, sons twain of Merops of Percote, that was above all men skilled in prophesying, and would not suffer his sons to go into war, the bane of men. But the twain would in no wise hearken, for the fates of black death were leading them on. 2.835. / And they that dwelt about Percote and Practius, and that held Sestus and Abydus and goodly Arisbe, these again were led by Hyrtacus' son Asius, a leader of men—Asius, son of Hyrtacus, whom his horses tawny and tall had borne from Arisbe, from the river Selleïs. 2.836. / And they that dwelt about Percote and Practius, and that held Sestus and Abydus and goodly Arisbe, these again were led by Hyrtacus' son Asius, a leader of men—Asius, son of Hyrtacus, whom his horses tawny and tall had borne from Arisbe, from the river Selleïs. 2.837. / And they that dwelt about Percote and Practius, and that held Sestus and Abydus and goodly Arisbe, these again were led by Hyrtacus' son Asius, a leader of men—Asius, son of Hyrtacus, whom his horses tawny and tall had borne from Arisbe, from the river Selleïs. 2.838. / And they that dwelt about Percote and Practius, and that held Sestus and Abydus and goodly Arisbe, these again were led by Hyrtacus' son Asius, a leader of men—Asius, son of Hyrtacus, whom his horses tawny and tall had borne from Arisbe, from the river Selleïs. 2.839. / And they that dwelt about Percote and Practius, and that held Sestus and Abydus and goodly Arisbe, these again were led by Hyrtacus' son Asius, a leader of men—Asius, son of Hyrtacus, whom his horses tawny and tall had borne from Arisbe, from the river Selleïs. 2.840. / And Hippothous led the tribes of the Pelasgi, that rage with the spear, even them that dwelt in deep-soiled Larisa; these were led by Hippothous and Pylaeus, scion of Ares, sons twain of Pelasgian Lethus, son of Teutamus.But the Thracians Acamas led and Peirous, the warrior, 2.841. / And Hippothous led the tribes of the Pelasgi, that rage with the spear, even them that dwelt in deep-soiled Larisa; these were led by Hippothous and Pylaeus, scion of Ares, sons twain of Pelasgian Lethus, son of Teutamus.But the Thracians Acamas led and Peirous, the warrior, 2.842. / And Hippothous led the tribes of the Pelasgi, that rage with the spear, even them that dwelt in deep-soiled Larisa; these were led by Hippothous and Pylaeus, scion of Ares, sons twain of Pelasgian Lethus, son of Teutamus.But the Thracians Acamas led and Peirous, the warrior, 2.843. / And Hippothous led the tribes of the Pelasgi, that rage with the spear, even them that dwelt in deep-soiled Larisa; these were led by Hippothous and Pylaeus, scion of Ares, sons twain of Pelasgian Lethus, son of Teutamus.But the Thracians Acamas led and Peirous, the warrior, 2.844. / And Hippothous led the tribes of the Pelasgi, that rage with the spear, even them that dwelt in deep-soiled Larisa; these were led by Hippothous and Pylaeus, scion of Ares, sons twain of Pelasgian Lethus, son of Teutamus.But the Thracians Acamas led and Peirous, the warrior, 2.845. / even all them that the strong stream of the Hellespont encloseth.And Euphemus was captain of the Ciconian spearmen, the son of Ceas' son Troezenus, nurtured of Zeus.But Pyraechmes led the Paeonians, with curved bows, from afar, out of Amydon from the wide-flowing Axius— 2.846. / even all them that the strong stream of the Hellespont encloseth.And Euphemus was captain of the Ciconian spearmen, the son of Ceas' son Troezenus, nurtured of Zeus.But Pyraechmes led the Paeonians, with curved bows, from afar, out of Amydon from the wide-flowing Axius— 2.847. / even all them that the strong stream of the Hellespont encloseth.And Euphemus was captain of the Ciconian spearmen, the son of Ceas' son Troezenus, nurtured of Zeus.But Pyraechmes led the Paeonians, with curved bows, from afar, out of Amydon from the wide-flowing Axius— 2.848. / even all them that the strong stream of the Hellespont encloseth.And Euphemus was captain of the Ciconian spearmen, the son of Ceas' son Troezenus, nurtured of Zeus.But Pyraechmes led the Paeonians, with curved bows, from afar, out of Amydon from the wide-flowing Axius— 2.849. / even all them that the strong stream of the Hellespont encloseth.And Euphemus was captain of the Ciconian spearmen, the son of Ceas' son Troezenus, nurtured of Zeus.But Pyraechmes led the Paeonians, with curved bows, from afar, out of Amydon from the wide-flowing Axius— 2.850. / Axius the water whereof floweth the fairest over the face of the earth.And the Paphlagonians did Pylaemenes of the shaggy heart lead from the land of the Eneti, whence is the race of wild she-mules. These were they that held Cytorus and dwelt about Sesamon, and had their famed dwellings around the river Parthenius 2.851. / Axius the water whereof floweth the fairest over the face of the earth.And the Paphlagonians did Pylaemenes of the shaggy heart lead from the land of the Eneti, whence is the race of wild she-mules. These were they that held Cytorus and dwelt about Sesamon, and had their famed dwellings around the river Parthenius 2.852. / Axius the water whereof floweth the fairest over the face of the earth.And the Paphlagonians did Pylaemenes of the shaggy heart lead from the land of the Eneti, whence is the race of wild she-mules. These were they that held Cytorus and dwelt about Sesamon, and had their famed dwellings around the river Parthenius 2.853. / Axius the water whereof floweth the fairest over the face of the earth.And the Paphlagonians did Pylaemenes of the shaggy heart lead from the land of the Eneti, whence is the race of wild she-mules. These were they that held Cytorus and dwelt about Sesamon, and had their famed dwellings around the river Parthenius 2.854. / Axius the water whereof floweth the fairest over the face of the earth.And the Paphlagonians did Pylaemenes of the shaggy heart lead from the land of the Eneti, whence is the race of wild she-mules. These were they that held Cytorus and dwelt about Sesamon, and had their famed dwellings around the river Parthenius 2.855. / and Cromna and Aegialus and lofty Erythini.But of the Halizones Odius and Epistrophus were captains from afar, from Alybe, where is the birth-place of silver. 2.856. / and Cromna and Aegialus and lofty Erythini.But of the Halizones Odius and Epistrophus were captains from afar, from Alybe, where is the birth-place of silver. 2.857. / and Cromna and Aegialus and lofty Erythini.But of the Halizones Odius and Epistrophus were captains from afar, from Alybe, where is the birth-place of silver. 2.858. / and Cromna and Aegialus and lofty Erythini.But of the Halizones Odius and Epistrophus were captains from afar, from Alybe, where is the birth-place of silver. 2.859. / and Cromna and Aegialus and lofty Erythini.But of the Halizones Odius and Epistrophus were captains from afar, from Alybe, where is the birth-place of silver. And of the Mysians the captains were Chromis and Ennomus the augur; howbeit with his auguries he warded not off black fate, 2.860. / but was slain beneath the hands of the son of Aeacus, swift of foot, in the river, where Achilles was making havoc of the Trojans and the others as well.And Phorcys and godlike Ascanius led the Phrygians from afar, from Ascania, and were eager to fight in the press of battle.And the Maeonians had captains twain, Mesthles and Antiphus, 2.861. / but was slain beneath the hands of the son of Aeacus, swift of foot, in the river, where Achilles was making havoc of the Trojans and the others as well.And Phorcys and godlike Ascanius led the Phrygians from afar, from Ascania, and were eager to fight in the press of battle.And the Maeonians had captains twain, Mesthles and Antiphus, 2.862. / but was slain beneath the hands of the son of Aeacus, swift of foot, in the river, where Achilles was making havoc of the Trojans and the others as well.And Phorcys and godlike Ascanius led the Phrygians from afar, from Ascania, and were eager to fight in the press of battle.And the Maeonians had captains twain, Mesthles and Antiphus, 2.863. / but was slain beneath the hands of the son of Aeacus, swift of foot, in the river, where Achilles was making havoc of the Trojans and the others as well.And Phorcys and godlike Ascanius led the Phrygians from afar, from Ascania, and were eager to fight in the press of battle.And the Maeonians had captains twain, Mesthles and Antiphus, 2.864. / but was slain beneath the hands of the son of Aeacus, swift of foot, in the river, where Achilles was making havoc of the Trojans and the others as well.And Phorcys and godlike Ascanius led the Phrygians from afar, from Ascania, and were eager to fight in the press of battle.And the Maeonians had captains twain, Mesthles and Antiphus, 2.865. / the two sons of TaIaemenes, whose mother was the nymph of the Gygaean lake; and they led the Maeonians, whose birth was beneath Tmolas.And Nastes again led the Carians, uncouth of speech, who held Miletus and the mountain of Phthires, dense with its leafage, and the streams of Maeander, and the steep crests of Mycale. 2.866. / the two sons of TaIaemenes, whose mother was the nymph of the Gygaean lake; and they led the Maeonians, whose birth was beneath Tmolas.And Nastes again led the Carians, uncouth of speech, who held Miletus and the mountain of Phthires, dense with its leafage, and the streams of Maeander, and the steep crests of Mycale. 2.867. / the two sons of TaIaemenes, whose mother was the nymph of the Gygaean lake; and they led the Maeonians, whose birth was beneath Tmolas.And Nastes again led the Carians, uncouth of speech, who held Miletus and the mountain of Phthires, dense with its leafage, and the streams of Maeander, and the steep crests of Mycale. 2.868. / the two sons of TaIaemenes, whose mother was the nymph of the Gygaean lake; and they led the Maeonians, whose birth was beneath Tmolas.And Nastes again led the Carians, uncouth of speech, who held Miletus and the mountain of Phthires, dense with its leafage, and the streams of Maeander, and the steep crests of Mycale. 2.869. / the two sons of TaIaemenes, whose mother was the nymph of the Gygaean lake; and they led the Maeonians, whose birth was beneath Tmolas.And Nastes again led the Carians, uncouth of speech, who held Miletus and the mountain of Phthires, dense with its leafage, and the streams of Maeander, and the steep crests of Mycale. 2.870. / These were led by captains twain, Amphimachus and Nastes—Nastes and Amphimachus, the glorious children of Nomion. And he came to the war all decked with gold, like a girl, fool that he was; but his gold in no wise availed to ward off woeful destruction; nay, he was slain in the river beneath the hands of the son of Aeacus, swift of foot; 2.871. / These were led by captains twain, Amphimachus and Nastes—Nastes and Amphimachus, the glorious children of Nomion. And he came to the war all decked with gold, like a girl, fool that he was; but his gold in no wise availed to ward off woeful destruction; nay, he was slain in the river beneath the hands of the son of Aeacus, swift of foot; 2.872. / These were led by captains twain, Amphimachus and Nastes—Nastes and Amphimachus, the glorious children of Nomion. And he came to the war all decked with gold, like a girl, fool that he was; but his gold in no wise availed to ward off woeful destruction; nay, he was slain in the river beneath the hands of the son of Aeacus, swift of foot; 2.873. / These were led by captains twain, Amphimachus and Nastes—Nastes and Amphimachus, the glorious children of Nomion. And he came to the war all decked with gold, like a girl, fool that he was; but his gold in no wise availed to ward off woeful destruction; nay, he was slain in the river beneath the hands of the son of Aeacus, swift of foot; 2.874. / These were led by captains twain, Amphimachus and Nastes—Nastes and Amphimachus, the glorious children of Nomion. And he came to the war all decked with gold, like a girl, fool that he was; but his gold in no wise availed to ward off woeful destruction; nay, he was slain in the river beneath the hands of the son of Aeacus, swift of foot; 2.875. / and Achilles, wise of heart, bare off the gold.And Sarpedon and peerless Glaucus were captains of the Lycians from afar out of Lycia, from the eddying Xanthus. 2.876. / and Achilles, wise of heart, bare off the gold.And Sarpedon and peerless Glaucus were captains of the Lycians from afar out of Lycia, from the eddying Xanthus. 2.877. / and Achilles, wise of heart, bare off the gold.And Sarpedon and peerless Glaucus were captains of the Lycians from afar out of Lycia, from the eddying Xanthus. |
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3. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 19.20, 66.24 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio •dio cassius Found in books: Levine Allison and Crossan (2006) 252; Salvesen et al (2020) 353| 66.24. "וְיָצְאוּ וְרָאוּ בְּפִגְרֵי הָאֲנָשִׁים הַפֹּשְׁעִים בִּי כִּי תוֹלַעְתָּם לֹא תָמוּת וְאִשָּׁם לֹא תִכְבֶּה וְהָיוּ דֵרָאוֹן לְכָל־בָּשָׂר׃", | 19.20. "And it shall be for a sign and for a witness unto the LORD of hosts in the land of Egypt; for they shall cry unto the LORD because of the oppressors, and He will send them a saviour, and a defender, who will deliver them.", 66.24. "And they shall go forth, and look Upon the carcasses of the men that have rebelled against Me; For their worm shall not die, Neither shall their fire be quenched; And they shall be an abhorring unto all flesh. ", |
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4. Herodotus, Histories, 1.8-1.14, 4.94 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Janowitz (2002) 77; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 198 | 1.8. This Candaules, then, fell in love with his own wife, so much so that he believed her to be by far the most beautiful woman in the world; and believing this, he praised her beauty beyond measure to Gyges son of Dascylus, who was his favorite among his bodyguard; for it was to Gyges that he entrusted all his most important secrets. ,After a little while, Candaules, doomed to misfortune, spoke to Gyges thus: “Gyges, I do not think that you believe what I say about the beauty of my wife; men trust their ears less than their eyes: so you must see her naked.” Gyges protested loudly at this. ,“Master,” he said, “what an unsound suggestion, that I should see my mistress naked! When a woman's clothes come off, she dispenses with her modesty, too. ,Men have long ago made wise rules from which one ought to learn; one of these is that one should mind one's own business. As for me, I believe that your queen is the most beautiful of all women, and I ask you not to ask of me what is lawless.” 1.9. Speaking thus, Gyges resisted: for he was afraid that some evil would come of it for him. But this was Candaules' answer: “Courage, Gyges! Do not be afraid of me, that I say this to test you, or of my wife, that you will have any harm from her. I will arrange it so that she shall never know that you have seen her. ,I will bring you into the chamber where she and I lie and conceal you behind the open door; and after I have entered, my wife too will come to bed. There is a chair standing near the entrance of the room: on this she will lay each article of her clothing as she takes it off, and you will be able to look upon her at your leisure. ,Then, when she moves from the chair to the bed, turning her back on you, be careful she does not see you going out through the doorway.” 1.10. As Gyges could not escape, he consented. Candaules, when he judged it to be time for bed, brought Gyges into the chamber; his wife followed presently, and when she had come in and was laying aside her garments, Gyges saw her; ,when she turned her back upon him to go to bed, he slipped from the room. The woman glimpsed him as he went out, and perceived what her husband had done. But though shamed, she did not cry out or let it be seen that she had perceived anything, for she meant to punish Candaules; ,since among the Lydians and most of the foreign peoples it is felt as a great shame that even a man be seen naked. 1.11. For the present she made no sign and kept quiet. But as soon as it was day, she prepared those of her household whom she saw were most faithful to her, and called Gyges. He, supposing that she knew nothing of what had been done, answered the summons; for he was used to attending the queen whenever she summoned him. ,When Gyges came, the lady addressed him thus: “Now, Gyges, you have two ways before you; decide which you will follow. You must either kill Candaules and take me and the throne of Lydia for your own, or be killed yourself now without more ado; that will prevent you from obeying all Candaules' commands in the future and seeing what you should not see. ,One of you must die: either he, the contriver of this plot, or you, who have outraged all custom by looking on me uncovered.” Gyges stood awhile astonished at this; presently, he begged her not to compel him to such a choice. ,But when he could not deter her, and saw that dire necessity was truly upon him either to kill his master or himself be killed by others, he chose his own life. Then he asked: “Since you force me against my will to kill my master, I would like to know how we are to lay our hands on him.” ,She replied, “You shall come at him from the same place where he made you view me naked: attack him in his sleep.” 1.12. When they had prepared this plot, and night had fallen, Gyges followed the woman into the chamber (for Gyges was not released, nor was there any means of deliverance, but either he or Candaules must die). She gave him a dagger and hid him behind the same door; ,and presently he stole out and killed Candaules as he slept. Thus he made himself master of the king's wife and sovereignty. He is mentioned in the iambic verses of Archilochus of Parus who lived about the same time. 1.13. So he took possession of the sovereign power and was confirmed in it by the Delphic oracle. For when the Lydians took exception to what was done to Candaules, and took up arms, the faction of Gyges came to an agreement with the rest of the people that if the oracle should ordain him king of the Lydians, then he would reign; but if not, then he would return the kingship to the Heraclidae. ,The oracle did so ordain, and Gyges thus became king. However, the Pythian priestess declared that the Heraclidae would have vengeance on Gyges' posterity in the fifth generation; an utterance to which the Lydians and their kings paid no regard until it was fulfilled. 1.14. Thus the Mermnadae robbed the Heraclidae of the sovereignty and took it for themselves. Having gotten it, Gyges sent many offerings to Delphi : there are very many silver offerings of his there; and besides the silver, he dedicated a hoard of gold, among which six golden bowls are the offerings especially worthy of mention. ,These weigh thirty talents and stand in the treasury of the Corinthians; although in truth it is not the treasury of the Corinthian people but of Cypselus son of Eetion. This Gyges then was the first foreigner whom we know who placed offerings at Delphi after the king of Phrygia , Midas son of Gordias. ,For Midas too made an offering: namely, the royal seat on which he sat to give judgment, and a marvellous seat it is. It is set in the same place as the bowls of Gyges. This gold and the silver offered by Gyges is called by the Delphians “Gygian” after its dedicator. 4.94. Their belief in their immortality is as follows: they believe that they do not die, but that one who perishes goes to the deity Salmoxis, or Gebeleïzis, as some of them call him. ,Once every five years they choose one of their people by lot and send him as a messenger to Salmoxis, with instructions to report their needs; and this is how they send him: three lances are held by designated men; others seize the messenger to Salmoxis by his hands and feet, and swing and toss him up on to the spear-points. ,If he is killed by the toss, they believe that the god regards them with favor; but if he is not killed, they blame the messenger himself, considering him a bad man, and send another messenger in place of him. It is while the man still lives that they give him the message. ,Furthermore, when there is thunder and lightning these same Thracians shoot arrows skyward as a threat to the god, believing in no other god but their own. |
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| 5. Pherecrates, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 243 |
| 6. Xenophon, Hellenica, 3.3.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 215 |
| 7. Pherecrates, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 243 |
| 8. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 3.37 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 2 |
9. Aratus Solensis, Phaenomena, 100-102, 104-136, 103 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kneebone (2020) 396| 103. οὐδέ ποτʼ ἀρχαίων ἠνήνατο φῦλα γυναικῶν, | |
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| 10. Philochorus, Fragments, 328 171 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 243 |
| 11. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, on jewish proselytism in rome Found in books: Isaac (2004) 456 |
| 12. Aristotle, On The Universe, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, Found in books: Huttner (2013) 56 |
13. Septuagint, 3 Maccabees, 6.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 262 | 6.3. look upon the descendants of Abraham, O Father, upon the children of the sainted Jacob, a people of your consecrated portion who are perishing as foreigners in a foreign land. |
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| 14. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 71 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio, l. cassius, on crassus’ departure for parthia Found in books: Konrad (2022) 155 |
| 15. Cicero, Paradoxa Stoicorum, 36-38 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 339 |
| 16. Cicero, De Domo Sua, 37.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tuori (2016) 51 |
17. Cicero, Pro Rabirio Perduellionis Reo, 14, 24 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 246| 24. adopted one of these three lines of conduct: he must either have been with Saturninus, or with the good men, or he must have been lying in bed—to lie hid was a state equal to the most infamous death; to be with Saturninus was the act of insanity and wickedness. Virtue, and honour, and shame, compelled him to range himself on the side of the consuls. Do you, therefore, accuse Caius Rabirius on this account, that he was with those men whom he would have been utterly mad to have opposed, utterly infamous if he had deserted them? But Caius Decianus, whom you often mention, was condemned, because, when he was accusing, with the earnest approval of all good men, a man notorious for every description of infamy, Publius Furius, he dared to complain in the assembly of the death of Saturninus. And Sextus Titius was condemned for having an image of Lucius Saturninus in his house. The Roman knights laid it down by that decision that that man was a worthless citizen, and one who ought not to be allowed to remain in the state, who either by keeping his image sought, to do credit to the death of a man who was seditious to such a degree as to become an enemy to the republic, or who sought by pity to excite the regrets of ignorant men, or who showed his own inclination to imitate such villainy. | |
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| 18. Cicero, Pro Q. Roscio Comoedo, 84 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 370 |
19. Cicero, Pro Flacco, 67 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius, on gabinius •gabinius, dio cassius on Found in books: Udoh (2006) 17| 67. Italia et ex omnibus nostris provinciis Hierosolymam exportari soleret, Flaccus sanxit edicto ne ex Asia exportari liceret. quis est, iudices, qui hoc non vere laudare possit? exportari aurum non oportere cum saepe antea senatus tum me consule gravissime iudicavit. huic autem barbarae superstitioni resistere severitatis, multitudinem Iudaeorum flagrantem non numquam in contionibus pro re publica contemnere gravitatis summae fuit. at Cn. Pompeius captis Hierosolymis victor ex illo fano nihil attigit. | |
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20. Polybius, Histories, 2.56.10, 3.4.1-3.4.8, 3.103.3-3.103.4, 3.105.10, 3.106.2, 6.53, 36.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio •dio, l. cassius •dio, cassius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 49; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 367, 383; Konrad (2022) 107, 108| 2.56.10. δεῖ τοιγαροῦν οὐκ ἐπιπλήττειν τὸν συγγραφέα τερατευόμενον διὰ τῆς ἱστορίας τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας οὐδὲ τοὺς ἐνδεχομένους λόγους ζητεῖν καὶ τὰ παρεπόμενα τοῖς ὑποκειμένοις ἐξαριθμεῖσθαι, καθάπερ οἱ τραγῳδιογράφοι, τῶν δὲ πραχθέντων καὶ ῥηθέντων κατʼ ἀλήθειαν αὐτῶν μνημονεύειν πάμπαν, κἂν πάνυ μέτρια τυγχάνωσιν ὄντα. 3.4.1. εἰ μὲν οὖν ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν κατορθωμάτων ἢ καὶ τῶν ἐλαττωμάτων ἱκανὴν ἐνεδέχετο ποιήσασθαι τὴν διάληψιν ὑπὲρ τῶν ψεκτῶν ἢ τοὐναντίον ἐπαινετῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ πολιτευμάτων, ἐνθάδε που λήγειν ἂν ἡμᾶς ἔδει καὶ καταστρέφειν ἅμα τὴν διήγησιν καὶ τὴν πραγματείαν ἐπὶ τὰς τελευταίας ῥηθείσας πράξεις κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πρόθεσιν. 3.4.2. ὅ τε γὰρ χρόνος ὁ πεντηκοντακαιτριετὴς εἰς ταῦτʼ ἔληγεν, ἥ τʼ αὔξησις καὶ προκοπὴ τῆς Ῥωμαίων δυναστείας ἐτετελείωτο· 3.4.3. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ὁμολογούμενον ἐδόκει τοῦτʼ εἶναι καὶ κατηναγκασμένον ἅπασιν ὅτι λοιπόν ἐστι Ῥωμαίων ἀκούειν καὶ τούτοις πειθαρχεῖν ὑπὲρ τῶν παραγγελλομένων. 3.4.4. ἐπεὶ δʼ οὐκ αὐτοτελεῖς εἰσιν οὔτε περὶ τῶν κρατησάντων οὔτε περὶ τῶν ἐλαττωθέντων αἱ ψιλῶς ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν ἀγωνισμάτων διαλήψεις, 3.4.5. διὰ τὸ πολλοῖς μὲν τὰ μέγιστα δοκοῦντʼ εἶναι τῶν κατορθωμάτων, ὅταν μὴ δεόντως αὐτοῖς χρήσωνται, τὰς μεγίστας ἐπενηνοχέναι συμφοράς, οὐκ ὀλίγοις δὲ τὰς ἐκπληκτικωτάτας περιπετείας, ὅταν εὐγενῶς αὐτὰς ἀναδέξωνται, πολλάκις εἰς τὴν τοῦ συμφέροντος περιπεπτωκέναι μερίδα, 3.4.6. προσθετέον ἂν εἴη ταῖς προειρημέναις πράξεσι τήν τε τῶν κρατούντων αἵρεσιν, ποία τις ἦν μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ πῶς προεστάτει τῶν ὅλων, τάς τε τῶν ἄλλων ἀποδοχὰς καὶ διαλήψεις, πόσαι καὶ τίνες ὑπῆρχον περὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τὰς ὁρμὰς καὶ τοὺς ζήλους ἐξηγητέον, τίνες παρʼ ἑκάστοις ἐπεκράτουν καὶ κατίσχυον περί τε τοὺς κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους καὶ τὰς κοινὰς πολιτείας. 3.4.7. δῆλον γὰρ ὡς ἐκ τούτων φανερὸν ἔσται τοῖς μὲν νῦν οὖσιν πότερα φευκτὴν ἢ τοὐναντίον αἱρετὴν εἶναι συμβαίνει τὴν Ῥωμαίων δυναστείαν, τοῖς δʼ ἐπιγενομένοις πότερον ἐπαινετὴν καὶ ζηλωτὴν ἢ ψεκτὴν γεγονέναι νομιστέον τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτῶν. 3.4.8. τὸ γὰρ ὠφέλιμον τῆς ἡμετέρας ἱστορίας πρός τε τὸ παρὸν καὶ πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἐν τούτῳ πλεῖστον κείσεται τῷ μέρει. 3.103.3. διὸ καὶ τὸν μὲν Φάβιον ᾐτιῶντο καὶ κατεμέμφοντο πάντες ὡς ἀτόλμως χρώμενον τοῖς καιροῖς, τὸν δὲ Μάρκον ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ηὖξον διὰ τὸ συμβεβηκὸς ὥστε τότε γενέσθαι τὸ μηδέποτε γεγονός· 3.103.4. αὐτοκράτορα γὰρ κἀκεῖνον κατέστησαν, πεπεισμένοι ταχέως αὐτὸν τέλος ἐπιθήσειν τοῖς πράγμασι· καὶ δὴ δύο δικτάτορες ἐγεγόνεισαν ἐπὶ τὰς αὐτὰς πράξεις, ὃ πρότερον οὐδέποτε συνεβεβήκει παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις. 3.105.10. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν Ῥωμαῖοι διδαχθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ βαλόμενοι χάρακα πάλιν ἕνα πάντες ἐστρατοπέδευσαν ὁμόσε καὶ λοιπὸν ἤδη Φαβίῳ προσεῖχον τὸν νοῦν καὶ τοῖς ὑπὸ τούτου παραγγελλομένοις. 3.106.2. οἱ δὲ προϋπάρχοντες ὕπατοι, Γνάιος Σερουίλιος καὶ Μάρκος Ῥήγουλος ὁ μετὰ τὴν Φλαμινίου τελευτὴν ἐπικατασταθείς, τότε προχειρισθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ τὸν Αἰμίλιον ἀντιστράτηγοι καὶ παραλαβόντες τὴν ἐν τοῖς ὑπαίθροις ἐξουσίαν ἐχείριζον κατὰ τὴν ἑαυτῶν γνώμην τὰ κατὰ τὰς δυνάμεις. | 2.56.10. A historical author should not try to thrill his readers by such exaggerated pictures, nor should he, like a tragic poet, try to imagine the probable utterances of his characters or reckon up all the consequences probably incidental to the occurrences with which he deals, but simply record what really happened and what really was said, however commonplace. 3.4.1. Now if from their success or failure alone we could form an adequate judgement of how far states and individuals are worthy of praise or blame, I could here lay down my pen, bringing my narrative and this whole work to a close with the last-mentioned events, as was my original intention. 3.4.2. For the period of fifty-three years finished here, and the growth and advance of Roman power was now complete. 3.4.3. Besides which it was now universally accepted as a necessary fact that henceforth all must submit to the Romans and obey their orders. 3.4.4. But since judgements regarding either the conquerors or the conquered based purely on performance are by no means final â 3.4.5. what is thought to be the greatest success having brought the greatest calamities on many, if they do not make proper use of it, and the most dreadful catastrophes often turning out to the advantage of those who support them bravely â 3.4.6. I must append to the history of the above period an account of the subsequent policy of the conquerors and their method of universal rule, as well as of the various opinions and appreciations of their rulers entertained by the subjects, and finally I must describe what were the prevailing and domit tendencies and ambitions of the various peoples in their private and public life. 3.4.7. For it is evident that contemporaries will thus be able to see clearly whether the Roman rule is acceptable or the reverse, and future generations whether their government should be considered to have been worthy of praise and admiration or rather of blame. 3.4.8. And indeed it is just in this that the chief usefulness of this work for the present and the future will lie. 3.103.3. All therefore found fault with Fabius, accusing him of not making a bold use of his opportunities, while Marcus's reputation rose so much owing to this event that they took an entirely unprecedented step, 3.103.4. investing him like the Dictator with absolute power, in the belief that he would very soon put an end to the war. So two Dictators were actually appointed for the same field of action, a thing which had never before happened at Rome. 3.106.2. and the Consuls of the previous year, Gnaeus Servilius and Marcus Regulus â who had been appointed after the death of Flaminius â were invested with proconsular authority by Aemilius, and taking command in the field directed the operations of their forces as they thought fit. 6.53. 1. Whenever any illustrious man dies, he is carried at his funeral into the forum to the soâcalled rostra, sometimes conspicuous in an upright posture and more rarely reclined.,2. Here with all the people standing round, a grown-up son, if he has left one who happens to be present, or if not some other relative mounts the rostra and discourses on the virtues and successful achievements of the dead.,3. As a consequence the multitude and not only those who had a part in these achievements, but those also who had none, when the facts are recalled to their minds and brought before their eyes, are moved to such sympathy that the loss seems to be not confined to the mourners, but a public one affecting the whole people.,4. Next after the interment and the performance of the usual ceremonies, they place the image of the departed in the most conspicuous position in the house, enclosed in a wooden shrine.,5. This image is a mask reproducing with remarkable fidelity both the features and complexion of the deceased.,6. On the occasion of public sacrifices they display these images, and decorate them with much care, and when any distinguished member of the family dies they take them to the funeral, putting them on men who seem to them to bear the closest resemblance to the original in stature and carriage.,7. These representatives wear togas, with a purple border if the deceased was a consul or praetor, whole purple if he was a censor, and embroidered with gold if he had celebrated a triumph or achieved anything similar.,8. They all ride in chariots preceded by the fasces, axes, and other insignia by which the different magistrates are wont to be accompanied according to the respective dignity of the offices of state held by each during his life;,9. and when they arrive at the rostra they all seat themselves in a row on ivory chairs. There could not easily be a more ennobling spectacle for a young man who aspires to fame and virtue.,10. For who would not be inspired by the sight of the images of men renowned for their excellence, all together and as if alive and breathing? What spectacle could be more glorious than this? 36.9. 1. Both about the Carthaginians when they were crushed by the Romans and about the affair of the pseudo-Philip many divergent accounts were current in Greece, at first on the subject of the conduct of Rome to Carthage and next concerning their treatment of the pseudo-Philip.,2. As regards the former the judgements formed and the opinions held in Greece were far from uimous.,3. There were some who approved the action of the Romans, saying that they had taken wise and statesmanlike measures in defence of their empire.,4. For to destroy this source of perpetual menace, this city which had constantly disputed the supremacy with them and was still able to dispute it if it had the opportunity and thus to secure the dominion of their own country, was the act of intelligent and far-seeing men.,5. Others took the opposite view, saying that far from maintaining the principles by which they had won their supremacy, they were little by little deserting it for a lust of domination like that of Athens and Sparta, starting indeed later than those states, but sure, as everything indicated, to arrive at the same end.,6. For at first they had made war with every nation until they were victorious and until their adversaries had confessed that they must obey them and execute their orders.,7. But now they had struck the first note of their new policy by their conduct to Perseus, in utterly exterminating the kingdom of Macedonia, and they had now completely revealed it by their decision concerning Carthage.,8. For the Carthaginians had been guilty of no immediate offence to Rome, but the Romans had treated them with irremediable severity, although they had accepted all their conditions and consented to obey all their orders.,9. Others said that the Romans were, generally speaking, a civilized people, and that their peculiar merit on which they prided themselves was that they conducted their wars in a simple and noble manner, employing neither night attacks nor ambushes, disapproving of every kind of deceit and fraud, and considering that nothing but direct and open attacks were legitimate for them.,10. But in the present case, throughout the whole of their proceedings in regard to Carthage, they had used deceit and fraud, offering certain things one at a time and keeping others secret, until they cut off every hope the city had of help from her allies.,11. This, they said, savoured more of a despot's intrigue than of the principles of a civilized state such as Rome, and could only be justly described as something very like impiety and treachery.,12. And there were others who differed likewise from these latter critics. For, they said, if before the Carthaginians had committed themselves to the faith of Rome the Romans had proceeded in this manner, offering certain things one at a time and gradually disclosing others, they would of course have appeared to be guilty of the charge brought against them.,13. But if, in fact, after the Carthaginians had of their own accord committed themselves to the faith of the Romans and given them liberty to treat them in any way they chose, the Romans, being thus authorized to act as it seemed good to them, gave the orders and imposed the terms on which they had decided, what took place did not bear any resemblance to an act of impiety and scarcely any to an act of treachery; in fact some said it was not even of the nature of an injustice.,14. For every crime must naturally fall under one of these three classes, and what the Romans did belongs to neither of the three.,15. For impiety is sin against the gods, against parents, or against the dead; treachery is the violation of sworn or written agreements; and injustice is what is done contrary to law and custom.,16. of none of these three were the Romans guilty on the present occasion. Neither did they sin against the gods, against their parents, or against the dead, nor did they violate any sworn agreement or treaty; on the contrary they accused the Carthaginians of doing this.,17. Nor, again, did they break any laws or customs or their personal faith. For having received from a people who consented willingly full authority to act as they wished, when this people refused to obey their orders they finally resorted to force. |
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| 21. Cicero, Pro Balbo, 43 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Tuori (2016) 52 |
| 22. Cicero, Philippicae, 1.3, 2.35, 2.59-2.62, 2.71, 2.91, 11.24 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio •dio, l. cassius, on lepidus as magister equitum •dio, l. cassius, on antonius as magister equitum •dio, l. cassius, on caesar’s dictatorships •dio cassius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 343, 370; Konrad (2022) 133, 135, 136, 137; Rüpke (2011) 122 |
| 23. Cicero, De Lege Agraria, 2.93 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio, l. cassius Found in books: Konrad (2022) 76 |
| 24. Cicero, In Pisonem, 21.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Tuori (2016) 52 |
25. Cicero, On Divination, 1.29-1.30, 2.84 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio, l. cassius, on crassus’ departure for parthia Found in books: Konrad (2022) 155| 1.29. Ut P. Claudius, Appii Caeci filius, eiusque collega L. Iunius classis maxumas perdiderunt, cum vitio navigassent. Quod eodem modo evenit Agamemnoni; qui, cum Achivi coepissent . inter se strépere aperteque ártem obterere extíspicum, Sólvere imperát secundo rúmore adversáque avi. Sed quid vetera? M. Crasso quid acciderit, videmus, dirarum obnuntiatione neglecta. In quo Appius, collega tuus, bonus augur, ut ex te audire soleo, non satis scienter virum bonum et civem egregium censor C. Ateium notavit, quod ementitum auspicia subscriberet. Esto; fuerit hoc censoris, si iudicabat ementitum; at illud minime auguris, quod adscripsit ob eam causam populum Romanum calamitatem maximam cepisse. Si enim ea causa calamitatis fuit, non in eo est culpa, qui obnuntiavit, sed in eo, qui non paruit. Veram enim fuisse obnuntiationem, ut ait idem augur et censor, exitus adprobavit; quae si falsa fuisset, nullam adferre potuisset causam calamitatis. Etenim dirae, sicut cetera auspicia, ut omina, ut signa, non causas adferunt, cur quid eveniat, sed nuntiant eventura, nisi provideris. 1.30. Non igitur obnuntiatio Ateii causam finxit calamitatis, sed signo obiecto monuit Crassum, quid eventurum esset, nisi cavisset. Ita aut illa obnuntiatio nihil valuit aut, si, ut Appius iudicat, valuit, id valuit, ut peccatum haereat non in eo, qui monuerit, sed in eo, qui non obtemperarit. Quid? lituus iste vester, quod clarissumum est insigne auguratus, unde vobis est traditus? Nempe eo Romulus regiones direxit tum, cum urbem condidit. Qui quidem Romuli lituus, id est incurvum et leviter a summo inflexum bacillum, quod ab eius litui, quo canitur, similitudine nomen invenit, cum situs esset in curia Saliorum, quae est in Palatio, eaque deflagravisset, inventus est integer. 2.84. Cum M. Crassus exercitum Brundisii inponeret, quidam in portu caricas Cauno advectas vendens Cauneas clamitabat. Dicamus, si placet, monitum ab eo Crassum, caveret ne iret; non fuisse periturum, si omini paruisset. Quae si suscipiamus, pedis offensio nobis et abruptio corrigiae et sternumenta erunt observanda. | 1.29. For example, Publius Claudius, son of Appius Caecus, and his colleague Lucius Junius, lost very large fleets by going to sea when the auguries were adverse. The same fate befell Agamemnon; for, after the Greeks had begun toRaise aloft their frequent clamours, showing scorn of augurs art,Noise prevailed and not the omen: he then bade the ships depart.But why cite such ancient instances? We see what happened to Marcus Crassus when he ignored the announcement of unfavourable omens. It was on the charge of having on this occasion falsified the auspices that Gaius Ateius, an honourable man and a distinguished citizen, was, on insufficient evidence, stigmatized by the then censor Appius, who was your associate in the augural college, and an able one too, as I have often heard you say. I grant you that in pursuing the course he did Appius was within his rights as a censor, if, in his judgement, Ateius had announced a fraudulent augury. But he showed no capacity whatever as an augur in holding Ateius responsible for that awful disaster which befell the Roman people. Had this been the cause then the fault would not have been in Ateius, who made the announcement that the augury was unfavourable, but in Crassus, who disobeyed it; for the issue proved that the announcement was true, as this same augur and censor admits. But even if the augury had been false it could not have been the cause of the disaster; for unfavourable auguries — and the same may be said of auspices, omens, and all other signs — are not the causes of what follows: they merely foretell what will occur unless precautions are taken. 1.30. Therefore Ateius, by his announcement, did not create the cause of the disaster; but having observed the sign he simply advised Crassus what the result would be if the warning was ignored. It follows, then, that the announcement by Ateius of the unfavourable augury had no effect; or if it did, as Appius thinks, then the sin is not in him who gave the warning, but in him who disregarded it.[17] And whence, pray, did you augurs derive that staff, which is the most conspicuous mark of your priestly office? It is the very one, indeed with which Romulus marked out the quarter for taking observations when he founded the city. Now this staffe is a crooked wand, slightly curved at the top, and, because of its resemblance to a trumpet, derives its name from the Latin word meaning the trumpet with which the battle-charge is sounded. It was placed in the temple of the Salii on the Palatine hill and, though the temple was burned, the staff was found uninjured. 2.84. When Marcus Crassus was embarking his army at Brundisium a man who was selling Caunian figs at the harbour, repeatedly cried out Cauneas, Cauneas. Let us say, if you will, that this was a warning to Crassus to bid him Beware of going, and that if he had obeyed the omen he would not have perished. But if we are going to accept chance utterances of this kind as omens, we had better look out when we stumble, or break a shoe-string, or sneeze![41] Lots and the Chaldean astrologers remain to be discussed before we come to prophets and to dreams. |
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| 26. Cicero, On Friendship, 24 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 208 |
| 27. Cicero, Commentariolum Petitionis, 44 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius, roman history Found in books: Fertik (2019) 63 |
| 28. Cicero, Brutus, 1.18.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh (2006) 107 |
| 29. Cicero, Brutus, 1.18.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius, on cassius in syria Found in books: Udoh (2006) 107 |
30. Cicero, On Duties, 1.61 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •antonius, marcus, in dio cassius •tullius cicero, marcus, in dio cassius Found in books: Roller (2018) 74| 1.61. Intelligendum autem est, cum proposita sint genera quattuor, e quibus honestas officiumque manaret, splendidissimum videri, quod animo magno elatoque humanasque res despiciente factum sit. Itaque in probris maxime in promptu est si quid tale dici potest: Vós enim, iuvenes, ánimum geritis múliebrem, ílla virgo viri et si quid eius modi: Salmácida, spolia sÍne sudore et sánguine. Contraque in laudibus, quae magno animo et fortiter excellenterque gesta sunt, ea nescio quo modo quasi pleniore ore laudamus. Hinc rhetorum campus de Marathone, Salamine, Plataeis, Thermopylis, Leuctris, hine noster Cocles, hinc Decii, hinc Cn. et P. Scipiones, hinc M. Marcellus, innumerabiles alii, maximeque ipse populus Romanus animi magnitudine excellit. Declaratur autem studium bellicae gloriae, quod statuas quoque videmus ornatu fere militari. | 1.61. We must realize, however, that while we have set down four cardinal virtues from which as sources moral rectitude and moral duty emanate, that achievement is most glorious in the eyes of the world which is won with a spirit great, exalted, and superior to the vicissitudes of earthly life. And so, when we wish to hurl a taunt, the very first to rise to our lips is, if possible, something like this: "For ye, young men, show a womanish soul, yon maiden a man's;" and this: "Thou son of Salmacis, win spoils that cost nor sweat nor blood." When, on the other hand, we wish to pay a compliment, we somehow or other praise in more eloquent strain the brave and noble work of some great soul. Hence there is an open field for orators on the subjects of Marathon, Salamis, Plataea, Thermopylae, and Leuctra, and hence our own Cocles, the Decii, Gnaeus and Publius Scipio, Marcus Marcellus, and countless others, and, above all, the Roman People as a nation are celebrated for greatness of spirit. Their passion for military glory, moreover, is shown in the fact that we see their statues usually in soldier's garb. |
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31. Septuagint, Wisdom of Solomon, 14.15 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Janowitz (2002) 75 | 14.15. For a father, consumed with grief at an untimely bereavement,made an image of his child, who had been suddenly taken from him;and he now honored as a god what was once a dead human being,and handed on to his dependents secret rites and initiations. |
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| 32. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.4.79 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio, cassius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 49 |
33. Cicero, Republic, 4.11-4.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 210| 4.11. August. C.D. 2.9 Numquam comoediae, nisi consuetudo vitae pateretur, probare sua theatris flagitia potuissent. quem illa non adtigit vel potius quem non vexavit? cui pepercit? Esto, populares homines inprobos, in re publica seditiosos, Cleonem, Cleophontem, Hyperbolum laesit. Patiamur, etsi eius modi cives a censore melius est quam a poeta notari; sed Periclen, cum iam suae civitati maxima auctoritate plurimos annos domi et belli praefuisset, violari versibus, et eos agi in scaena non plus decuit, quam si Plautus noster voluisset aut Naevius Publio et Gnaeo Scipioni aut Caecilius Marco Catoni male dicere 4.12. Nostrae contra duo decim tabulae cum perpaucas res capite sanxissent, in his hanc quoque sanciendam putaverunt, si quis occentavisset sive carmen condidisset, quod infamiam faceret flagitiumve alteri. Praeclare; iudiciis enim magistratuum, disceptationibus legitimis propositam vitam, non poetarum ingeniis, habere debemus nec probrum audire nisi ea lege, ut respondere liceat et iudicio defendere. veteribus displicuisse Romanis vel laudari quemquam in scaena vivum hominem vel vituperari. 4.13. August. C.D. 2.11 Aeschines Atheniensis, vir eloquentissimus, cum adulescens tragoedias actitavisset, rem publicam capessivit, et Aristodemum, tragicum item actorem, maximis de rebus pacis et belli legatum ad Philippum Athenienses saepe miserunt. | |
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| 34. Cicero, Letters, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 246 |
| 35. Cicero, Letters, 23.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Rüpke (2011) 122 |
| 36. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 12.30.4, 18.17 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius, on cassius in syria •dio, l. cassius, on lepidus as magister equitum Found in books: Konrad (2022) 133; Udoh (2006) 107 |
| 37. Cicero, Letters, 3.2.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius, on gabinius •gabinius, dio cassius on Found in books: Udoh (2006) 17 |
| 38. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 26.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 232 |
39. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.18, 3.214 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 210, 246| 1.18. Nam quid ego de actione ipsa plura dicam? quae motu corporis, quae gestu, quae vultu, quae vocis conformatione ac varietate moderanda est; quae sola per se ipsa quanta sit, histrionum levis ars et scaena declarat; in qua cum omnes in oris et vocis et motus moderatione laborent, quis ignorat quam pauci sint fuerintque, quos animo aequo spectare possimus? Quid dicam de thesauro rerum omnium, memoria? Quae nisi custos inventis cogitatisque rebus et verbis adhibeatur, intellegimus omnia, etiam si praeclarissima fuerint in oratore, peritura. 3.214. Quid fuit in Graccho, quem tu melius, Catule, meministi, quod me puero tanto opere ferretur? "Quo me miser conferam? Quo vertam? In Capitoliumne? At fratris sanguine madet. An domum? Matremne ut miseram lamentantem videam et abiectam?" Quae sic ab illo esse acta constabat oculis, voce, gestu, inimici ut lacrimas tenere non possent. Haec ideo dico pluribus, quod genus hoc totum oratores, qui sunt veritatis ipsius actores, reliquerunt; imitatores autem veritatis, histriones, occupaverunt. | |
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| 40. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 2.21.3, 2.21.5, 3.2.1, 3.20-3.23, 3.99.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio, l. cassius, on antonius as magister equitum •dio, l. cassius, on caesar’s dictatorships •dio, l. cassius, on lepidus as magister equitum Found in books: Konrad (2022) 104, 133, 134, 137, 143 |
| 41. Philo of Alexandria, Allegorical Interpretation, 155-157 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 214 |
42. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 20.106.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio, l. cassius, on caesar’s dictatorships •dio, l. cassius, on lepidus as magister equitum Found in books: Konrad (2022) 130 | 20.106.1. When this year had passed, Nicocles was archon in Athens, and in Rome Marcus Livius and Marcus Aemilius received the consulship. While these held office, Cassander, the king of the Macedonians, on seeing that the power of the Greeks was increasing and that the whole war was directed against Macedonia, became much alarmed about the future. |
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| 43. Catullus, Poems, 63 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, Found in books: Huttner (2013) 56 |
| 44. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 1.3, 3.1, 5.1.3, 6.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 31, 35; Tuori (2016) 102 |
45. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 2.6.4, 4.40.5, 5.1, 5.19.3, 7.72.10, 7.72.13, 13.1.1-13.1.2 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio, l. cassius, on crassus’ departure for parthia •dio cassius •dio, l. cassius •cassius dio Found in books: Konrad (2022) 75, 155; Nuno et al (2021) 374; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 151, 245, 246 | 2.6.4. Because of such men many armies of the Romans have been utterly destroyed on land, many fleets have been lost with all their people at sea, and other great and dreadful reverses have befallen the commonwealth, some in foreign wars and others in civil dissensions. But the most remarkable and the greatest instance happened in my time when Licinius Crassus, a man inferior to no commander of his age, led his army against the Parthian nation contrary to the will of Heaven and in contempt of the innumerable omens that opposed his expedition. But to tell about the contempt of the divine power that prevails among some people in these days would be a long story. 4.40.5. The death of Tullius having occasioned a great tumult and lamentation throughout the whole city, Tarquinius was afraid lest, if the body should be carried through the Forum, according to the custom of the Romans, adorned with the royal robes and the other marks of honour usual in royal funerals, some attack might be made against him by the populace before he had firmly established his authority; and accordingly he would not permit any of the usual ceremonies to be performed in his honour. But the wife of Tullius, who was daughter to Tarquinius, the former king, with a few of her friends carried the body out of the city at night as if it had been that of some ordinary person; and after uttering many lamentations over the fate both of herself and of her husband and heaping countless imprecations upon her son-inâlaw and her daughter, she buried the body in the ground. 5.1. 5.1. 1. The Roman monarchy, therefore, after having continued for the space of two hundred and forty-four years from the founding of Rome and having under the last king become a tyranny, was overthrown for the reasons stated and by the men named, at the beginning of the sixty-eighth Olympiad (the one in which Ischomachus of Croton won the foot-race), Isagoras being the annual archon at Athens.,2. An aristocracy being now established, while there still remained about four months to complete that year, Lucius Junius Brutus and Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus were the first consuls invested with the royal power; the Romans, as I have said, call them in their own language consules or "counsellors." These men, associating with themselves many others, now that the soldiers from the camp had come to the city after the truce they had made with the Ardeates, called an assembly of the people a few days after the expulsion of the tyrant, and having spoken at length upon the advantages of harmony, again caused them to pass another vote confirming everything which those in the city had previously voted when condemning the Tarquinii to perpetual banishment.,3. After this they performed rites of purification for the city and entered into a solemn covet; and they themselves, standing over the parts of the victims, first swore, and then prevailed upon the rest of the citizens likewise to swear, that they would never restore from exile King Tarquinius or his sons or their posterity, and that they would never again make anyone king of Rome or permit others who wished to do so; and this oath they took not only for themselves, but also for their children and their posterity.,4. However, since it appeared that the kings had been the authors of many great advantages to the commonwealth, they desired to preserve the name of that office for as long a time as the city should endure, and accordingly they ordered the pontiffs and augurs to choose from among them the older men the most suitable one for the office, who should have the superintendence of religious observances and of naught else, being exempt from all military and civil duties, and should be called the king of sacred rites. The first person appointed to this office was Manius Papirius, one of the patricians, who was a lover of peace and quiet. 5.19.3. And desiring to give the plebeians a definite pledge of their liberty, he took the axes from the rods and established it as a precedent for his successors in the consulship â a precedent which continued to be followed down to my day â that, when they were outside the city, they should use the axes, but inside the city they should be distinguished by the rods only. 7.72.10. But it is not alone from the warlike and serious dance of these bands which the Romans employed in their sacrificial ceremonies and processions that one may observe their kinship to the Greeks, but also from that which is of a mocking and ribald nature. For after the armed dancers others marched in procession impersonating satyrs and portraying the Greek dance called sicinnis. Those who represented Sileni were dressed in shaggy tunics, called by some chortaioi, and in mantles of flowers of every sort; and those who represented satyrs wore girdles and goatskins, and on their heads manes that stood upright, with other things of like nature. These mocked and mimicked the serious movements of the others, turning them into laughter-provoking performances. 7.72.13. After these bands of dancers came a throng of lyre-players and many flute-players, and after them the persons who carried the censers in which perfumes and frankincense were burned along the whole route of the procession, also the men who bore the show-vessels made of silver and gold, both those that were sacred owing to the gods and those that belonged to the state. Last of all in the procession came the images of the gods, borne on men's shoulders, showing the same likenesses as those made by the Greeks and having the same dress, the same symbols, and the same gifts which tradition says each of them invented and bestowed on mankind. These were the images not only of Jupiter, Juno, Minerva, Neptune, and of the rest whom the Greeks reckon among the twelve gods, but also of those still more ancient from whom legend says the twelve were sprung, namely, Saturn, Ops, Themis, Latona, the Parcae, Mnemosynê, and all the rest to whom temples and holy places are dedicated among the Greeks; and also of those whom legend represents as living later, after Jupiter took over the sovereignty, such as Proserpina, Lucina, the Nymphs, the Muses, the Seasons, the Graces, Liber, and the demigods whose souls after they had left their mortal bodies are said to have ascended to Heaven and to have obtained the same honours as the gods, such as Hercules, Aesculapius, Castor and Pollux, Helen, Pan, and countless others. 13.1.1. When Camillus was besieging the city of Falerii, one of the Faliscans, either having given the city up for lost or seeking personal advantages for himself, tricked the sons of the most prominent families â he was a schoolmaster â and led them outside the city, as if to take a walk before the walls and to view the Roman camp. 13.1.2. And gradually leading them farther and farther from the city, he brought them to a Roman outpost and handed them over to the men who ran out. Being brought to Camillus by these men, he said he had long planned to put the city in the hands of the Romans, but not being in possession of any citadel or gate or arms, he had hit upon this plan, namely to put in their power the sons of the noblest citizens, assuming that the fathers in their yearning for the safety of their children would be compelled by inexorable necessity to hand over the city promptly to the Romans. |
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| 46. Julius Caesar, De Bello Gallico, 7.77 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, his descriptions of bloodshed Found in books: Isaac (2004) 220 |
47. Philo of Alexandria, On Husbandry, 79, 81-82, 80 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer (2010) 181, 182 | 80. And the chorus of men will have Moses for their leader; and that of the women will be under the guidance of Miriam, "the purified outward Sense." For it is just that hymns and praises should be uttered in honour of God without any delay, both in accordance with the suggestions of the intellect and the perceptions of the outward senses, and that each instrument should be struck in harmony, I mean those both of the mind and of the outward sense, in gratitude and honour to the holy Saviour. |
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48. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 2.17-2.27 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, l. Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 177 | 2.17. But this is not so entirely wonderful, although it may fairly by itself be considered a thing of great intrinsic importance, that his laws were kept securely and immutably from all time; but this is more wonderful by far, as it seems, that not only the Jews, but that also almost every other nation, and especially those who make the greatest account of virtue, have dedicated themselves to embrace and honour them, for they have received this especial honour above all other codes of laws, which is not given to any other code. 2.18. And a proof of this is to be found in the fact that of all the cities in Greece and in the territory of the barbarians, if one may so say, speaking generally, there is not one single city which pays any respect to the laws of another state. In fact, a city scarcely adheres to its own laws with any constancy for ever, but continually modifies them, and adapts them to the changes of times and circumstances. 2.19. The Athenians rejected the customs and laws of the Lacedaemonians, and so did the Lacedaemonians repudiate the laws of the Athenians. Nor, again, in the countries of the barbarians do the Egyptians keep the laws of the Scythians, nor do the Scythians keep the laws of the Egyptians; nor, in short, do those who live in Asia attend to the laws which obtain in Europe, nor do the inhabitants of Europe respect the laws of the Asiatic nations. And, in short, it is very nearly an universal rule, from the rising of the sun to its extreme west, that every country, and nation, and city, is alienated from the laws and customs of foreign nations and states, and that they think that they are adding to the estimation in which they hold their own laws by despising those in use among other nations. 2.20. But this is not the case with our laws which Moses has given to us; for they lead after them and influence all nations, barbarians, and Greeks, the inhabitants of continents and islands, the eastern nations and the western, Europe and Asia; in short, the whole habitable world from one extremity to the other. 2.21. For what man is there who does not honour that sacred seventh day, granting in consequence a relief and relaxation from labour, for himself and for all those who are near to him, and that not to free men only, but also to slaves, and even to beasts of burden; 2.22. for the holiday extends even to every description of animal, and to every beast whatever which performs service to man, like slaves obeying their natural master, and it affects even every species of plant and tree; for there is no shoot, and no branch, and no leaf even which it is allowed to cut or to pluck on that day, nor any fruit which it is lawful to gather; but everything is at liberty and in safety on that day, and enjoys, as it were, perfect freedom, no one ever touching them, in obedience to a universal proclamation. 2.23. Again, who is there who does not pay all due respect and honour to that which is called "the fast," and especially to that great yearly one which is of a more austere and venerable character than the ordinary solemnity at the full moon? on which, indeed, much pure wine is drunk, and costly entertainments are provided, and everything which relates to eating and drinking is supplied in the most unlimited profusion, by which the insatiable pleasures of the belly are inflamed and increased. 2.24. But on this fast it is not lawful to take any food or any drink, in order that no bodily passion may at all disturb or hinder the pure operations of the mind; but these passions are wont to be generated by fulness and satiety, so that at this time men feast, propitiating the Father of the universe with holy prayers, by which they are accustomed to solicit pardon for their former sins, and the acquisition and enjoyment of new blessings. 2.25. And that beauty and dignity of the legislation of Moses is honoured not among the Jews only, but also by all other nations, is plain, both from what has been already said and from what I am about to state. 2.26. In olden time the laws were written in the Chaldaean language, and for a long time they remained in the same condition as at first, not changing their language as long as their beauty had not made them known to other nations; 2.27. but when, from the daily and uninterrupted respect shown to them by those to whom they had been given, and from their ceaseless observance of their ordices, other nations also obtained an understanding of them, their reputation spread over all lands; for what was really good, even though it may through envy be overshadowed for a short time, still in time shines again through the intrinsic excellence of its nature. Some persons, thinking it a scandalous thing that these laws should only be known among one half portion of the human race, namely, among the barbarians, and that the Greek nation should be wholly and entirely ignorant of them, turned their attention to their translation. |
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49. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 156-157, 24, 353-357, 155 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Isaac (2004) 456 | 155. How then did he look upon the great division of Rome which is on the other side of the river Tiber, which he was well aware was occupied and inhabited by the Jews? And they were mostly Roman citizens, having been emancipated; for, having been brought as captives into Italy, they were manumitted by those who had bought them for slaves, without ever having been compelled to alter any of their hereditary or national observances. |
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| 50. Anon., Sibylline Oracles, 12.187-12.200 (1st cent. BCE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019) 16 |
51. Ovid, Amores, 3.2.43-3.2.62 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Nuno et al (2021) 374| 3.2.43. Sed iam pompa venit — linguis animisque favete! 3.2.44. Tempus adest plausus — aurea pompa venit. 3.2.45. Prima loco fertur passis Victoria pinnis — 3.2.46. Huc ades et meus hic fac, dea, vincat amor! 3.2.47. Plaudite Neptuno, nimium qui creditis undis! 3.2.48. Nil mihi cum pelago; me mea terra capit. 3.2.49. Plaude tuo Marti, miles! nos odimus arma; 3.2.50. Pax iuvat et media pace repertus amor. 3.2.51. Auguribus Phoebus, Phoebe vetibus adsit! 3.2.52. Artifices in te verte, Minerva, manus! 3.2.53. Ruricolae, Cereri teneroque adsurgite Baccho! 3.2.54. Pollucem pugiles, Castora placet eques! 3.2.55. Nos tibi, blanda Venus, puerisque potentibus arcu 3.2.56. Plaudimus; inceptis adnue, diva, meis 3.2.57. Daque novae mentem dominae! patiatur amari! 3.2.58. Adnuit et motu signa secunda dedit. 3.2.59. Quod dea promisit, promittas ipsa, rogamus; 3.2.60. Pace loquar Veneris, tu dea maior eris. 3.2.61. Per tibi tot iuro testes pompamque deorum, 3.2.62. Te dominam nobis tempus in omne peti! | |
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52. Ovid, Fasti, 3.809-3.876 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 203| 3.809. Una dies media est, et fiunt sacra Minervae, 3.810. nomina quae iunctis quinque diebus habent, 3.811. sanguine prima vacat, nec fas concurrere ferro: 3.812. causa, quod est illa nata Minerva die. 3.813. altera tresque super strata celebrantur harena: 3.814. ensibus exertis bellica laeta dea est. 3.815. Pallada nunc pueri teneraeque orate puellae: 3.816. qui bene placarit Pallada, doctus erit. 3.817. Pallade placata lanam mollire puellae 3.818. discant et plenas exonerare colos. 3.819. illa etiam stantis radio percurrere telas 3.820. erudit et rarum pectine denset opus. 3.821. hanc cole, qui maculas laesis de vestibus aufers, 3.822. hanc cole, velleribus quisquis aena paras; 3.823. nec quisquam invita faciet bene vincula plantae 3.824. Pallade, sit Tychio doctior ille licet; 3.825. et licet antiquo manibus conlatus Epeo 3.826. sit prior, irata Pallade manens erit. 3.827. vos quoque, Phoebea morbos qui pellitis arte, 3.828. munera de vestris pauca referte deae: 3.829. nec vos, turba fere censu fraudata, 1 magistri, 3.830. spernite; discipulos attrahit illa novos: 3.831. quique moves caelum, tabulamque coloribus uris, 3.832. quique facis docta mollia saxa manu. 3.833. mille dea est operum: certe dea carminis illa est; 3.834. si mereor, studiis adsit amica meis, 3.835. Caelius ex alto qua mons descendit in aequum, 3.836. hic, ubi non plana est, sed prope plana via, 3.837. parva licet videas Captae delubra Minervae, 3.838. quae dea natali coepit habere suo. 3.839. nominis in dubio causa est. capitale vocamus 3.840. ingenium sollers: ingeniosa dea est. 3.841. an quia de capitis fertur sine matre paterni 3.842. vertice cum clipeo prosiluisse suo? 3.843. an quia perdomitis ad nos captiva Faliscis 3.844. venit? et hoc ipsum littera prisca docet. 3.845. an quod habet legem, capitis quae pendere poenas 3.846. ex illo iubeat furta reperta loco? 3.847. a quacumque trahis ratione vocabula, Pallas, 3.848. pro ducibus nostris aegida semper habe. 23. B TVBIL — NP 3.849. Summa dies e quinque tubas lustrare canoras 3.850. admonet et forti sacrificare deae. 3.851. nunc potes ad solem sublato dicere voltu 3.852. hic here Phrixeae vellera pressit ovis. 3.853. seminibus tostis sceleratae fraude novercae 3.854. sustulerat nullas, ut solet, herba comas. 3.855. mittitur ad tripodas, certa qui sorte reportet, 3.856. quam sterili terrae Delphicus edat opem. 3.857. hic quoque corruptus cum semine nuntiat Helles 3.858. et iuvenis Phrixi funera sorte peti; 3.859. utque recusantem cives et tempus et Ino 3.860. compulerunt regem iussa nefanda pati, 3.861. et soror et Phrixus, velati tempora vittis, 3.862. stant simul ante aras iunctaque fata gemunt. 3.863. aspicit hos, ut forte pependerat aethere, mater 3.864. et ferit attonita pectora nuda manu, 3.865. inque draconigenam nimbis comitantibus urbem 3.866. desilit et natos eripit inde suos; 3.867. utque fugam capiant, aries nitidissimus auro 3.868. traditur: ille vehit per freta longa duos. 3.869. icitur infirma cornu tenuisse sinistra 3.870. femina, cum de se nomina fecit aquae. 3.871. paene simul periit, dum volt succurrere lapsae 3.872. frater, et extentas porrigit usque manus, 3.873. flebat, ut amissa gemini consorte pericli, 3.874. caeruleo iunctam nescius esse deo. 3.875. litoribus tactis aries fit sidus, at huius 3.876. pervenit in Colchas aurea lana domos. 24. C Q — REX — C — F 25. DC 26. EC | 3.809. Which take their name from the sequence of five days. 3.810. The first day is bloodless, and sword fights are unlawful, 3.811. Because Minerva was born on that very day. 3.812. The next four are celebrated with gladiatorial shows, 3.813. The warlike goddess delights in naked swords. 3.814. Pray now you boys and tender girls to Pallas: 3.815. He who can truly please Pallas, is learned. 3.816. Pleasing Pallas let girls learn to card wool, 3.817. And how to unwind the full distaff. 3.818. She shows how to draw the shuttle through the firm 3.819. Warp, and close up loose threads with the comb. 3.820. Worship her, you who remove stains from damaged clothes, 3.821. Worship her, you who ready bronze cauldrons for fleeces. 3.822. If Pallas frowns, no one could make good shoes, 3.823. Even if he were more skilled than Tychius: 3.824. And even if he were cleverer with his hand 3.825. Than Epeus once was, he’ll be useless if Pallas is angry. 3.826. You too who drive away ills with Apollo’s art, 3.827. Bring a few gifts of your own for the goddess: 3.828. And don’t scorn her, you schoolmasters, a tribe 3.829. So often cheated of its pay: she attracts new pupils: 3.830. Nor you engravers, and painters with encaustics, 3.831. Nor you who carve the stone with a skilful hand. 3.832. She’s the goddess of a thousand things: and song for sure: 3.833. If I’m worthy may she be a friend to my endeavours. 3.834. Where the Caelian Hill slopes down to the plain, 3.835. At the point where the street’s almost, but not quite, level, 3.836. You can see the little shrine of Minerva Capta, 3.837. Which the goddess first occupied on her birthday. 3.838. The source of the name is doubtful: we speak of 3.839. ‘Capital’ ingenuity: the goddess is herself ingenious. 3.840. Or is it because, motherless, she leapt, with a shield 3.841. From the crown of her father’s head (caput)? 3.842. Or because she came to us as a ‘captive’ from the conquest 3.843. of Falerii? This, an ancient inscription claims. 3.844. Or because her law ordains ‘capital’ punishment 3.845. For receiving things stolen from that place? 3.846. By whatever logic your title’s derived, Pallas, 3.847. Shield our leaders with your aegis forever. 3.848. The last day of the five exhorts us to purify 3.849. The tuneful trumpets, and sacrifice to the mighty god. 3.850. Now you can turn your face to the Sun and say: 3.851. ‘He touched the fleece of the Phrixian Ram yesterday’. 3.852. The seeds having been parched, by a wicked stepmother’ 3.853. Guile, the corn did not sprout in the usual way. 3.854. They sent to the oracle, to find by sure prophecy, 3.855. What cure the Delphic god would prescribe for sterility. 3.856. But tarnished like the seed, the messenger brought new 3.857. That the oracle sought the death of Helle and young Phrixus: 3.858. And when citizens, season, and Ino herself compelled 3.859. The reluctant king to obey that evil order, 3.860. Phrixus and his sister, brows covered with sacred bands, 3.861. Stood together before the altar, bemoaning their mutual fate. 3.862. Their mother saw them, as she hovered by chance in the air, 3.863. And, stunned, she beat her naked breasts with her hand: 3.864. Then, with the clouds as her companions, she leapt down 3.865. Into serpent-born Thebes, and snatched away her children: 3.866. And so that they could flee a ram, shining and golden, 3.867. Was brought, and it carried them over the wide ocean. 3.868. They say the sister held too weakly to the left-hand horn, 3.869. And so gave her own name to the waters below. 3.870. Her brother almost died with her, trying to help her 3.871. As she fell, stretching out his hands as far as he could. 3.872. He wept at losing her, his friend in their twin danger, 3.873. Not knowing she was now wedded to a sea-green god. 3.874. Reaching the shore the Ram was raised as a constellation, 3.875. While his golden fleece was carried to the halls of Colchis. 3.876. When the Morning Star has three times heralded the dawn, |
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| 53. Horace, Sermones, 1.4.142-1.4.143 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Goodman (2006) 98 |
| 54. Horace, Letters, 1.1.14, 9.30 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bryan (2018) 318; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 30; Wardy and Warren (2018) 318 |
| 55. Horace, Odes, 1.18.1, 1.26.2, 1.27, 1.37.21-1.37.32, 2.3.7, 2.12.7, 2.12.9, 3.28.12, 3.37.2-3.37.3, 3.41.1, 4.21.2, 5.40.1, 5.43.2, 6.23.3, 8.20.1, 9.51.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio •dio cassius Found in books: Gorain (2019) 105; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 36; Tuori (2016) 267, 268, 270, 271, 272, 283 |
| 56. Livy, History, 1.16, 1.46.3, 2.7.6, 2.7.11, 2.13, 3.29.2-3.29.3, 4.20.7, 4.31.5, 4.34.5, 4.46.11-4.46.12, 4.57.6, 5.49, 5.54.1, 6.11.10, 6.12.10, 7.2.4-7.2.13, 8.10.11-8.10.14, 8.17.3, 8.30.11, 8.32.2-8.32.11, 8.32.14-8.32.16, 8.32.18, 8.33.8, 8.33.14-8.33.15, 8.33.17-8.33.19, 8.34.2, 8.34.9, 8.35.2, 9.7.13, 10.3.3-10.3.8, 10.7.1, 22.8.6, 22.25.10-22.25.11, 22.25.16, 22.26.7, 22.27.3-22.27.4, 22.27.11, 22.30.1-22.30.5, 22.31.7, 22.32.1, 22.49.7-22.49.9, 22.57.9, 23.5.12, 23.19.5, 24.24.3, 24.34.7, 25.1.8, 25.5.16-25.5.19, 25.39.8, 27.5.10, 27.5.15, 27.5.19, 27.6.18 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Isaac (2004) 220 |
| 57. Seneca The Elder, Suasoriae, 1.6, 6.17.22 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Gorain (2019) 105; Maso (2022) 3 |
58. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 4.30, 4.39 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Cain (2016) 96; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 367 | 4.30. There are others also in which the words lack so close a resemblance, and yet are not dissimilar. Here is an example of one kind of such word-plays: "Quid veniam, qui sim, quem insimulem, cui prosim, quae postulem, brevi cognoscetis." For in this example there is a sort of resemblance among certain words, not so complete, to be sure, as in the instances above, yet sometimes serviceable. An example of another kind: "Demus operam, Quirites, ne omnino patres conscripti circumscripti putentur." In this paronomasia the resemblance is closer than in the preceding, yet is not so close as in those above, because some letters are added and some at the same time removed. There is a third form of paronomasia, depending on a change of case in one or more proper nouns. 4.39. Reciprocal Change occurs when two discrepant thoughts are so expressed by transposition that the latter follows from the former although contradictory to it, as follows: "You must eat to live, not live to eat." Again: "I do not write poems, because I cannot write the sort I wish, and I do not wish to write the sort I can." Again: "What can be told of that man is not being told; what is being told of him cannot be told." Again: "A poem ought to be a painting that speaks; a painting ought to be a silent poem." Again: "If you are a fool, for that reason you should be silent; and yet, although you should be silent, you are not for that reason a fool." One cannot deny that the effect is neat when in juxtaposing contrasted ideas the words also are transposed. In order to make this figure, which is hard to invent, quite clear, I have subjoined several examples â so that, well understood, it may be easier for the speaker to invent. Surrender is used when we indicate in speaking that we yield and submit the whole matter to another's will, as follows: "Since only soul and body remain to me, now that I am deprived of everything else, even these, which alone of many goods are left me, I deliver up to you and to your power. You may use and even abuse me in your own way as you think best; with impunity make your decision upon me, whatever it may be; speak and give a sign â I shall obey." Although this figure is often to be used also in other circumstances, it is especially suited to provoking pity. |
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| 59. Livy, Per., 112.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 232; Udoh (2006) 208 |
60. Philo of Alexandria, On The Contemplative Life, 13 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •non-judean women, adopting judean practices, dio cassius, writings of Found in books: Kraemer (2010) 181, 182 | 13. Then, because of their anxious desire for an immortal and blessed existence, thinking that their mortal life has already come to an end, they leave their possessions to their sons or daughters, or perhaps to other relations, giving them up their inheritance with willing cheerfulness; and those who know no relations give their property to their companions or friends, for it followed of necessity that those who have acquired the wealth which sees, as if ready prepared for them, should be willing to surrender that wealth which is blind to those who themselves also are still blind in their minds. |
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61. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 2.5.59, 2.282-2.283 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius •cassius dio, l. Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 30, 31; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 177 | 2.282. Nay, farther, the multitude of mankind itself have had a great inclination of a long time to follow our religious observances; for there is not any city of the Grecians, nor any of the barbarians, nor any nation whatsoever, whither our custom of resting on the seventh day hath not come, and by which our fasts and lighting up lamps, and many of our prohibitions as to our food, are not observed; 2.283. they also endeavor to imitate our mutual concord with one another, and the charitable distribution of our goods, and our diligence in our trades, and our fortitude in undergoing the distresses we are in, on account of our laws; |
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62. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.152-1.153, 1.175, 1.179-1.180, 1.219, 1.222, 1.224-1.225, 1.231, 1.248-1.249, 1.280, 1.360-1.361, 1.398-1.400, 1.440, 2.118, 2.200, 2.250, 2.433, 2.559-2.561, 3.54-3.55, 3.307-3.315, 4.130, 4.218, 4.444-4.452, 4.486, 4.550-4.551, 4.649 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius, on gabinius •gabinius, dio cassius on •dio cassius, on cassius in syria •dio cassius, on territory given to cleopatra •dio cassius, on tiberius •dio cassius, on tributum capitis •dio cassius •non-judean women, adopting judean practices, dio cassius, writings of •cassius dio •cassius dio, l. Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 362; Kraemer (2010) 181; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 198; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 196; Salvesen et al (2020) 353; Udoh (2006) 17, 102, 103, 104, 106, 107, 146, 221, 243 | 1.152. 6. But there was nothing that affected the nation so much, in the calamities they were then under, as that their holy place, which had been hitherto seen by none, should be laid open to strangers; for Pompey, and those that were about him, went into the temple itself whither it was not lawful for any to enter but the high priest, and saw what was reposited therein, the candlestick with its lamps, and the table, and the pouring vessels, and the censers, all made entirely of gold, as also a great quantity of spices heaped together, with two thousand talents of sacred money. 1.153. Yet did not he touch that money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror. 1.175. 7. But now as Gabinius was marching to the war against the Parthians, he was hindered by Ptolemy, whom, upon his return from Euphrates, he brought back into Egypt, making use of Hyrcanus and Antipater to provide everything that was necessary for this expedition; for Antipater furnished him with money, and weapons, and corn, and auxiliaries; he also prevailed with the Jews that were there, and guarded the avenues at Pelusium, to let them pass. 1.179. 8. In the meantime, Crassus came as successor to Gabinius in Syria. He took away all the rest of the gold belonging to the temple of Jerusalem, in order to furnish himself for his expedition against the Parthians. He also took away the two thousand talents which Pompey had not touched; but when he had passed over Euphrates, he perished himself, and his army with him; concerning which affairs this is not a proper time to speak [more largely]. 1.180. 9. But now Cassius, after Crassus, put a stop to the Parthians, who were marching in order to enter Syria. Cassius had fled into that province, and when he had taken possession of the same, he made a hasty march into Judea; and, upon his taking Taricheae, he carried thirty thousand Jews into slavery. He also slew Pitholaus, who had supported the seditious followers of Aristobulus; and it was Antipater who advised him so to do. 1.219. where he procured a reconciliation between Bassus and Marcus, and the legions which were at difference with him; so he raised the siege of Apamia, and took upon him the command of the army, and went about exacting tribute of the cities, and demanding their money to such a degree as they were not able to bear. 1.222. o he made slaves of Gophna and Emmaus, and two others of less note; nay, he proceeded as if he would kill Malichus, because he had not made greater haste in exacting his tribute; but Antipater prevented the ruin of this man, and of the other cities, and got into Cassius’s favor by bringing in a hundred talents immediately. 1.224. but when Malichus was caught in his plot, he put upon Antipater’s sons by his impudence, for he thoroughly deluded Phasaelus, who was the guardian of Jerusalem, and Herod who was entrusted with the weapons of war, and this by a great many excuses and oaths, and persuaded them to procure his reconciliation to his father. Thus was he preserved again by Antipater, who dissuaded Marcus, the then president of Syria, from his resolution of killing Malichus, on account of his attempts for innovation. 1.225. 4. Upon the war between Cassius and Brutus on one side, against the younger Caesar [Augustus] and Antony on the other, Cassius and Marcus got together an army out of Syria; and because Herod was likely to have a great share in providing necessaries, they then made him procurator of all Syria, and gave him an army of foot and horse. Cassius promised him also, that after the war was over, he would make him king of Judea. 1.231. 7. And because, upon the taking of Laodicea by Cassius, the men of power were gotten together from all quarters, with presents and crowns in their hands, Herod allotted this time for the punishment of Malichus. When Malichus suspected that, and was at Tyre, he resolved to withdraw his son privately from among the Tyrians, who was a hostage there, while he got ready to fly away into Judea; 1.248. 1. Now two years afterward, when Barzapharnes, a governor among the Parthians, and Pacorus, the king’s son, had possessed themselves of Syria, and when Lysanias had already succeeded, upon the death of his father Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, in the government [of Chalcis], he prevailed with the governor, by a promise of a thousand talents, and five hundred women, to bring back Antigonus to his kingdom, and to turn Hyrcanus out of it. 1.249. Pacorus was by these means induced so to do, and marched along the seacoast, while he ordered Barzapharnes to fall upon the Jews as he went along the Mediterranean part of the country; but of the maritime people, the Tyrians would not receive Pacorus, although those of Ptolemais and Sidon had received him; so he committed a troop of his horse to a certain cupbearer belonging to the royal family, of his own name [Pacorus], and gave him orders to march into Judea, in order to learn the state of affairs among their enemies, and to help Antigonus when he should want his assistance. 1.280. 3. But as he was in peril about Pamphylia, and obliged to cast out the greatest part of the ship’s lading, he with difficulty got safe to Rhodes, a place which had been grievously harassed in the war with Cassius. He was there received by his friends, Ptolemy and Sappinius; and although he was then in want of money, he fitted up a three-decked ship of very great magnitude, 1.360. So she calumniated the principal men among the Syrians to Antony, and persuaded him to have them slain, that so she might easily gain to be mistress of what they had; nay, she extended her avaricious humor to the Jews and Arabians, and secretly labored to have Herod and Malichus, the kings of both those nations, slain by his order. 1.361. 5. Now as to these her injunctions to Antony, he complied in part; for though he esteemed it too abominable a thing to kill such good and great kings, yet was he thereby alienated from the friendship he had for them. He also took away a great deal of their country; nay, even the plantation of palm trees at Jericho, where also grows the balsam tree, and bestowed them upon her; as also all the cities on this side the river Eleutherus, Tyre and Sidon excepted. 1.398. 4. Moreover, after the first games at Actium, he added to his kingdom both the region called Trachonitis, and what lay in its neighborhood, Batanea, and the country of Auranitis; and that on the following occasion: Zenodorus, who had hired the house of Lysanias, had all along sent robbers out of Trachonitis among the Damascens; who thereupon had recourse to Varro, the president of Syria, and desired of him that he would represent the calamity they were in to Caesar. When Caesar was acquainted with it, he sent back orders that this nest of robbers should be destroyed. 1.399. Varro therefore made an expedition against them, and cleared the land of those men, and took it away from Zenodorus. Caesar did also afterward bestow it on Herod, that it might not again become a receptacle for those robbers that had come against Damascus. He also made him a procurator of all Syria, and this on the tenth year afterward, when he came again into that province; and this was so established, that the other procurators could not do anything in the administration without his advice: 1.400. but when Zenodorus was dead, Caesar bestowed on him all that land which lay between Trachonitis and Galilee. Yet, what was still of more consequence to Herod, he was beloved by Caesar next after Agrippa, and by Agrippa next after Caesar; whence he arrived at a very great degree of felicity. Yet did the greatness of his soul exceed it, and the main part of his magimity was extended to the promotion of piety. 1.440. This charge fell like a thunderbolt upon Herod, and put him into disorder; and that especially, because his love to her occasioned him to be jealous, and because he considered with himself that Cleopatra was a shrewd woman, and that on her account Lysanias the king was taken off, as well as Malichus the Arabian; for his fear did not only extend to the dissolving of his marriage, but to the danger of his life. 2.118. Under his administration it was that a certain Galilean, whose name was Judas, prevailed with his countrymen to revolt, and said they were cowards if they would endure to pay a tax to the Romans and would after God submit to mortal men as their lords. This man was a teacher of a peculiar sect of his own, and was not at all like the rest of those their leaders. 2.200. But as they could be no way prevailed upon, and he saw that the country was in danger of lying without tillage (for it was about seedtime that the multitude continued for fifty days together idle); so he at last got them together, 2.250. 1. Now as to the many things in which Nero acted like a madman, out of the extravagant degree of the felicity and riches which he enjoyed, and by that means used his good fortune to the injury of others; and after what manner he slew his brother, and wife, and mother, from whom his barbarity spread itself to others that were most nearly related to him; 2.433. 8. In the meantime, one Manahem, the son of Judas, that was called the Galilean (who was a very cunning sophister, and had formerly reproached the Jews under Cyrenius, that after God they were subject to the Romans) took some of the men of note with him, and retired to Masada, 2.559. 2. In the meantime, the people of Damascus, when they were informed of the destruction of the Romans, set about the slaughter of those Jews that were among them; 2.560. and as they had them already cooped up together in the place of public exercises, which they had done out of the suspicion they had of them, they thought they should meet with no difficulty in the attempt; yet did they distrust their own wives, which were almost all of them addicted to the Jewish religion; 2.561. on which account it was that their greatest concern was, how they might conceal these things from them; so they came upon the Jews, and cut their throats, as being in a narrow place, in number ten thousand, and all of them unarmed, and this in one hour’s time, without any body to disturb them. 3.54. it was parted into eleven portions, of which the royal city Jerusalem was the supreme, and presided over all the neighboring country, as the head does over the body. As to the other cities that were inferior to it, they presided over their several toparchies; 3.55. Gophna was the second of those cities, and next to that Acrabatta, after them Thamna, and Lydda, and Emmaus, and Pella, and Idumea, and Engaddi, and Herodium, and Jericho; 3.307. 32. Nor did the Samaritans escape their share of misfortunes at this time; for they assembled themselves together upon the mountain called Gerizzim, which is with them a holy mountain, and there they remained; which collection of theirs, as well as the courageous minds they showed, could not but threaten somewhat of war; 3.308. nor were they rendered wiser by the miseries that had come upon their neighboring cities. They also, notwithstanding the great success the Romans had, marched on in an unreasonable manner, depending on their own weakness, and were disposed for any tumult upon its first appearance. 3.309. Vespasian therefore thought it best to prevent their motions, and to cut off the foundation of their attempts. For although all Samaria had ever garrisons settled among them, yet did the number of those that were come to Mount Gerizzim, and their conspiracy together, give ground for fear what they would be at; 3.310. he therefore sent thither Cerealis, the commander of the fifth legion, with six hundred horsemen, and three thousand footmen, 3.311. who did not think it safe to go up to the mountain, and give them battle, because many of the enemy were on the higher part of the ground; so he encompassed all the lower part of the mountain with his army, and watched them all that day. 3.312. Now it happened that the Samaritans, who were now destitute of water, were inflamed with a violent heat (for it was summer time, and the multitude had not provided themselves with necessaries), 3.313. insomuch that some of them died that very day with heat, while others of them preferred slavery before such a death as that was, and fled to the Romans, 3.314. by whom Cerealis understood that those which still staid there were very much broken by their misfortunes. So he went up to the mountain, and having placed his forces round about the enemy, he, in the first place, exhorted them to take the security of his right hand, and come to terms with him, and thereby save themselves; and assured them, that if they would lay down their arms, he would secure them from any harm; 3.315. but when he could not prevail with them, he fell upon them and slew them all, being in number eleven thousand and six hundred. This was done on the twenty-seventh day of the month Desius [Sivan]. And these were the calamities that befell the Samaritans at this time. 4.130. for Titus went from Gischala to Caesarea, and Vespasian from Caesarea to Jamnia and Azotus, and took them both; and when he had put garrisons into them, he came back with a great number of the people, who were come over to him, upon his giving them his right hand for their preservation. 4.218. for that Aus made no longer delay, but had prevailed with the people to send ambassadors to Vespasian, to invite him to come presently and take the city; and that he had appointed a fast for the next day against them, that they might obtain admission into the temple on a religious account, or gain it by force, and fight with them there; 4.444. And when he had laid waste all the places about the toparchy of Thamnas, he passed on to Lydda and Jamnia; and when both these cities had come over to him, he placed a great many of those that had come over to him [from other places] as inhabitants therein, and then came to Emmaus, 4.445. where he seized upon the passage which led thence to their metropolis, and fortified his camp, and leaving the fifth legion therein, he came to the toparchy of Bethletephon. 4.446. He then destroyed that place, and the neighboring places, by fire, and fortified, at proper places, the strongholds all about Idumea; 4.447. and when he had seized upon two villages, which were in the very midst of Idumea, Betaris and Caphartobas, he slew above ten thousand of the people, 4.448. and carried into captivity above a thousand, and drove away the rest of the multitude, and placed no small part of his own forces in them, who overran and laid waste the whole mountainous country; 4.449. while he, with the rest of his forces, returned to Emmaus, whence he came down through the country of Samaria, and hard by the city, by others called Neapolis (or Sichem), but by the people of that country Mabortha, to Corea, where he pitched his camp, on the second day of the month Daesius [Sivan]; 4.450. and on the day following he came to Jericho; on which day Trajan, one of his commanders, joined him with the forces he brought out of Perea, all the places beyond Jordan being subdued already. 4.451. 2. Hereupon a great multitude prevented their approach, and came out of Jericho, and fled to those mountainous parts that lay over against Jerusalem, while that part which was left behind was in a great measure destroyed; 4.452. they also found the city desolate. It is situated in a plain; but a naked and barren mountain, of a very great length, hangs over it, 4.486. 1. And now Vespasian had fortified all the places round about Jerusalem, and erected citadels at Jericho and Adida, and placed garrisons in them both, partly out of his own Romans, and partly out of the body of his auxiliaries. 4.550. But in the meantime Vespasian removed from Caesarea, on the fifth day of the month Daesius, [Sivan,] and marched against those places of Judea which were not yet overthrown. 4.551. So he went up to the mountainous country, and took those two toparchies that were called the Gophnitick and Acrabattene toparchies. After which he took Bethel and Ephraim, two small cities; and when he had put garrisons into them, he rode as far as Jerusalem, in which march he took many prisoners, and many captives; 4.649. where Domitian, with many other of the principal Romans, providentially escaped, while the rest of the multitude were entirely cut to pieces, and Sabinus himself was brought to Vitellius, and then slain; the soldiers also plundered the temple of its ornaments, and set it on fire. |
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63. Mishnah, Sotah, 9.14 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 347| 9.14. "בַּפֻּלְמוֹס שֶׁל אַסְפַּסְיָנוּס גָּזְרוּ עַל עַטְרוֹת חֲתָנִים, וְעַל הָאֵרוּס. בַּפֻּלְמוֹס שֶׁל טִיטוּס גָּזְרוּ עַל עַטְרוֹת כַּלּוֹת, וְשֶׁלֹא יְלַמֵּד אָדָם אֶת בְּנוֹ יְוָנִית. בַּפֻּלְמוֹס הָאַחֲרוֹן גָּזְרוּ שֶׁלֹּא תֵצֵא הַכַּלָּה בָּאַפִּרְיוֹן בְּתוֹךְ הָעִיר, וְרַבּוֹתֵינוּ הִתִּירוּ שֶׁתֵּצֵא הַכַּלָּה בָּאַפִּרְיוֹן בְּתוֹךְ הָעִיר: \n", | 9.14. "During the war with Vespasian they [the rabbis] decreed against [the use of] crowns worn by bridegrooms and against [the use of] the bell. During the war with Quietus they decreed against [the use of] crowns worn by brides and that nobody should teach their child Greek. During the final war they decreed that a bride should not go out in a palanquin inside the city, but our rabbis decreed that a bride may go out in a palanquin inside the city.", |
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| 64. Juvenal, Satires, 14.96-14.106 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, l. Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 177 |
65. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 1.223-1.236, 13.68, 14.72, 14.98-14.100, 14.105-14.110, 14.119-14.120, 14.190-14.195, 14.201-14.210, 14.272, 14.275, 14.279-14.280, 14.289, 14.330-14.333, 14.378, 15.6.7, 15.92, 15.95, 15.131, 15.343-15.360, 18.3.5, 18.4, 18.16-18.18, 18.65-18.84, 18.273-18.275, 19.266-19.271, 20.13, 20.17-20.53, 20.92-20.96, 20.189-20.198, 20.244 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 99; Goodman (2006) 98; Janowitz (2002) 77; Kraemer (2010) 181; Moss (2012) 37; Nasrallah (2019) 188; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 177, 214; Salvesen et al (2020) 282, 353; Tuori (2016) 93, 155; Udoh (2006) 17, 18, 102, 103, 104, 106, 107, 146, 221, 243 | 1.223. Abraham also placed his own happiness in this prospect, that, when he should die, he should leave this his son in a safe and secure condition; which accordingly he obtained by the will of God: who being desirous to make an experiment of Abraham’s religious disposition towards himself, appeared to him, and enumerated all the blessings he had bestowed on him; 1.224. how he had made him superior to his enemies; and that his son Isaac, who was the principal part of his present happiness, was derived from him; and he said that he required this son of his as a sacrifice and holy oblation. Accordingly he commanded him to carry him to the mountain Moriah, and to build an altar, and offer him for a burnt-offering upon it for that this would best manifest his religious disposition towards him, if he preferred what was pleasing to God, before the preservation of his own son. 1.225. 2. Now Abraham thought that it was not right to disobey God in any thing, but that he was obliged to serve him in every circumstance of life, since all creatures that live enjoy their life by his providence, and the kindness he bestows on them. Accordingly he concealed this command of God, and his own intentions about the slaughter of his son, from his wife, as also from every one of his servants, otherwise he should have been hindered from his obedience to God; and he took Isaac, together with two of his servants, and laying what things were necessary for a sacrifice upon an ass, he went away to the mountain. 1.226. Now the two servants went along with him two days; but on the third day, as soon as he saw the mountain, he left those servants that were with him till then in the plain, and, having his son alone with him, he came to the mountain. It was that mountain upon which king David afterwards built the temple. 1.227. Now they had brought with them every thing necessary for a sacrifice, excepting the animal that was to be offered only. Now Isaac was twenty-five years old. And as he was building the altar, he asked his father what he was about to offer, since there was no animal there for an oblation:—to which it was answered, “That God would provide himself an oblation, he being able to make a plentiful provision for men out of what they have not, and to deprive others of what they already have, when they put too much trust therein; that therefore, if God pleased to be present and propitious at this sacrifice, he would provide himself an oblation.” 1.228. 3. As soon as the altar was prepared, and Abraham had laid on the wood, and all things were entirely ready, he said to his son, “O son, I poured out a vast number of prayers that I might have thee for my son; when thou wast come into the world, there was nothing that could contribute to thy support for which I was not greatly solicitous, nor any thing wherein I thought myself happier than to see thee grown up to man’s estate, and that I might leave thee at my death the successor to my dominion; 1.229. but since it was by God’s will that I became thy father, and it is now his will that I relinquish thee, bear this consecration to God with a generous mind; for I resign thee up to God who has thought fit now to require this testimony of honor to himself, on account of the favors he hath conferred on me, in being to me a supporter and defender. 1.230. Accordingly thou, my son, wilt now die, not in any common way of going out of the world, but sent to God, the Father of all men, beforehand, by thy own father, in the nature of a sacrifice. I suppose he thinks thee worthy to get clear of this world neither by disease, neither by war, nor by any other severe way, by which death usually comes upon men, 1.231. but so that he will receive thy soul with prayers and holy offices of religion, and will place thee near to himself, and thou wilt there be to me a succorer and supporter in my old age; on which account I principally brought thee up, and thou wilt thereby procure me God for my Comforter instead of thyself.” 1.232. 4. Now Isaac was of such a generous disposition as became the son of such a father, and was pleased with this discourse; and said, “That he was not worthy to be born at first, if he should reject the determination of God and of his father, and should not resign himself up readily to both their pleasures; since it would have been unjust if he had not obeyed, even if his father alone had so resolved.” So he went immediately to the altar to be sacrificed. 1.233. And the deed had been done if God had not opposed it; for he called loudly to Abraham by his name, and forbade him to slay his son; and said, “It was not out of a desire of human blood that he was commanded to slay his son, nor was he willing that he should be taken away from him whom he had made his father, but to try the temper of his mind, whether he would be obedient to such a command. 1.234. Since therefore he now was satisfied as to that his alacrity, and the surprising readiness he showed in this his piety, he was delighted in having bestowed such blessings upon him; and that he would not be wanting in all sort of concern about him, and in bestowing other children upon him; and that his son should live to a very great age; that he should live a happy life, and bequeath a large principality to his children, who should be good and legitimate.” 1.235. He foretold also, that his family should increase into many nations and that those patriarchs should leave behind them an everlasting name; that they should obtain the possession of the land of Canaan, and be envied by all men. When God had said this, he produced to them a ram, which did not appear before, for the sacrifice. 1.236. So Abraham and Isaac receiving each other unexpectedly, and having obtained the promises of such great blessings, embraced one another; and when they had sacrificed, they returned to Sarah, and lived happily together, God affording them his assistance in all things they desired. 13.68. for the prophet Isaiah foretold that, ‘there should be an altar in Egypt to the Lord God;’” and many other such things did he prophesy relating to that place. 14.72. for Pompey went into it, and not a few of those that were with him also, and saw all that which it was unlawful for any other men to see but only for the high priests. There were in that temple the golden table, the holy candlestick, and the pouring vessels, and a great quantity of spices; and besides these there were among the treasures two thousand talents of sacred money: yet did Pompey touch nothing of all this, on account of his regard to religion; and in this point also he acted in a manner that was worthy of his virtue. 14.98. 2. Now when Gabinius was making an expedition against the Parthians, and had already passed over Euphrates, he changed his mind, and resolved to return into Egypt, in order to restore Ptolemy to his kingdom. This hath also been related elsewhere. 14.99. However, Antipater supplied his army, which he sent against Archelaus, with corn, and weapons, and money. He also made those Jews who were above Pelusium his friends and confederates, and had been the guardians of the passes that led into Egypt. 14.100. But when he came back out of Egypt, he found Syria in disorder, with seditions and troubles; for Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, having seized on the government a second time by force, made many of the Jews revolt to him; and so he marched over the country with a great army, and slew all the Romans he could light upon, and proceeded to besiege the mountain called Gerizzim, whither they had retreated. 14.105. 1. Now Crassus, as he was going upon his expedition against the Parthians, came into Judea, and carried off the money that was in the temple, which Pompey had left, being two thousand talents, and was disposed to spoil it of all the gold belonging to it, which was eight thousand talents. 14.106. He also took a beam, which was made of solid beaten gold, of the weight of three hundred minae, each of which weighed two pounds and a half. It was the priest who was guardian of the sacred treasures, and whose name was Eleazar, that gave him this beam, not out of a wicked design, 14.107. for he was a good and a righteous man; but being intrusted with the custody of the veils belonging to the temple, which were of admirable beauty, and of very costly workmanship, and hung down from this beam, when he saw that Crassus was busy in gathering money, and was in fear for the entire ornaments of the temple, he gave him this beam of gold as a ransom for the whole, 14.108. but this not till he had given his oath that he would remove nothing else out of the temple, but be satisfied with this only, which he should give him, being worth many ten thousand [shekels]. Now this beam was contained in a wooden beam that was hollow, but was known to no others; but Eleazar alone knew it; 14.109. yet did Crassus take away this beam, upon the condition of touching nothing else that belonged to the temple, and then brake his oath, and carried away all the gold that was in the temple. 14.110. 2. And let no one wonder that there was so much wealth in our temple, since all the Jews throughout the habitable earth, and those that worshipped God, nay, even those of Asia and Europe, sent their contributions to it, and this from very ancient times. 14.119. 3. So when Crassus had settled all things as he himself pleased, he marched into Parthia, where both he himself and all his army perished, as hath been related elsewhere. But Cassius, as he fled from Rome to Syria, took possession of it, and was an impediment to the Parthians, who by reason of their victory over Crassus made incursions upon it. 14.120. And as he came back to Tyre, he went up into Judea also, and fell upon Taricheae, and presently took it, and carried about thirty thousand Jews captives; and slew Pitholaus, who succeeded Aristobulus in his seditious practices, and that by the persuasion of Antipater, 14.190. 2. “Caius Julius Caesar, imperator and high priest, and dictator the second time, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Sidon, sendeth greeting. If you be in health, it is well. I also and the army are well. 14.191. I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. 14.192. It is as follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time, and high priest, have made this decree, with the approbation of the senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and this both now and in former times, both in peace and in war, as many of our generals have borne witness, 14.193. and came to our assistance in the last Alexandrian war, with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed himself superior in valor to all the rest of that army;— 14.194. for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our particular friends. 14.195. I also ordain that he and his children retain whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or whatsoever favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter there arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will that he determine the same. And I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find us winter quarters, or that any money should be required of them.” 14.201. and that the Jews be allowed to deduct out of their tribute, every second year the land is let [in the Sabbatic period], a corus of that tribute; and that the tribute they pay be not let to farm, nor that they pay always the same tribute.” 14.202. 6. “Caius Caesar, imperator the second time, hath ordained, That all the country of the Jews, excepting Joppa, do pay a tribute yearly for the city Jerusalem, excepting the seventh, which they call the sabbatical year, because thereon they neither receive the fruits of their trees, nor do they sow their land; 14.203. and that they pay their tribute in Sidon on the second year [of that sabbatical period], the fourth part of what was sown: and besides this, they are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons which they paid to their forefathers. 14.204. And that no one, neither president, nor lieutet, nor ambassador, raise auxiliaries within the bounds of Judea; nor may soldiers exact money of them for winter quarters, or under any other pretense; but that they be free from all sorts of injuries; 14.205. and that whatsoever they shall hereafter have, and are in possession of, or have bought, they shall retain them all. It is also our pleasure that the city Joppa, which the Jews had originally, when they made a league of friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them, as it formerly did; 14.206. and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his sons, have as tribute of that city from those that occupy the land for the country, and for what they export every year to Sidon, twenty thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year, the seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic year, excepted, whereon they neither plough, nor receive the product of their trees. 14.207. It is also the pleasure of the senate, that as to the villages which are in the great plain, which Hyrcanus and his forefathers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the Jews have them with the same privileges with which they formerly had them also; 14.208. and that the same original ordices remain still in force which concern the Jews with regard to their high priests; and that they enjoy the same benefits which they have had formerly by the concession of the people, and of the senate; and let them enjoy the like privileges in Lydda. 14.209. It is the pleasure also of the senate that Hyrcanus the ethnarch, and the Jews, retain those places, countries, and villages which belonged to the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, the confederates of the Romans, and which they had bestowed on them as their free gifts. 14.210. It is also granted to Hyrcanus, and to his sons, and to the ambassadors by them sent to us, that in the fights between single gladiators, and in those with beasts, they shall sit among the senators to see those shows; and that when they desire an audience, they shall be introduced into the senate by the dictator, or by the general of the horse; and when they have introduced them, their answers shall be returned them in ten days at the furthest, after the decree of the senate is made about their affairs.” 14.272. and having raised the siege, he brought over both Bassus and Marcus to his party. He then went over the cities, and got together weapons and soldiers, and laid great taxes upon those cities; and he chiefly oppressed Judea, and exacted of it seven hundred talents: 14.275. whereas the curators of the other cities, with their citizens, were sold for slaves; and Cassius reduced four cities into a state of slavery, the two most potent of which were Gophna and Emmaus; and, besides these, Lydia and Thamna. 14.279. and made an agreement with him: this was when Marcus was president of Syria; who yet perceiving that this Malichus was making a disturbance in Judea, proceeded so far that he had almost killed him; but still, at the intercession of Antipater, he saved him. 14.280. 4. However, Antipater little thought that by saving Malichus he had saved his own murderer; for now Cassius and Marcus had got together an army, and intrusted the entire care of it with Herod, and made him general of the forces of Celesyria, and gave him a fleet of ships, and an army of horsemen and footmen; and promised him, that after the war was over they would make him king of Judea; for a war was already begun between Antony and the younger Caesar: 14.289. Now when Cassius had taken Laodicea, they all went together to him, and carried him garlands and money; and Herod thought that Malichus might be punished while he was there; 14.330. 3. Now, in the second year, Pacorus, the king of Parthia’s son, and Barzapharnes, a commander of the Parthians, possessed themselves of Syria. Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, also was now dead, and Lysanias his son took his government, and made a league of friendship with Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus; and in order to obtain it, made use of that commander, who had great interest in him. 14.331. Now Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians a thousand talents, and five hundred women, upon condition they would take the government away from Hyrcanus, and bestow it upon him, and withal kill Herod. 14.332. And although he did not give them what he had promised, yet did the Parthians make an expedition into Judea on that account, and carried Antigonus with them. Pacorus went along the maritime parts, but the commander Barzapharnes through the midland. 14.333. Now the Tyrians excluded Pacorus, but the Sidontans and those of Ptolemais received him. However, Pacorus sent a troop of horsemen into Judea, to take a view of the state of the country, and to assist Antigonus; and sent also the king’s butler, of the same name with himself. 14.378. and as he found that city very much damaged in the war against Cassius, though he were in necessity himself, he neglected not to do it a kindness, but did what he could to recover it to its former state. He also built there a three-decked ship, and set sail thence, with his friends, for Italy, and came to the port of Brundusium; 15.92. o he slew Lysanias, the son of Ptolemy, accusing him of his bringing the Parthians upon those countries. She also petitioned Antony to give her Judea and Arabia; and, in order thereto, desired him to take these countries away from their present governors. 15.95. Thus he gave her the cities that were within the river Eleutherus, as far as Egypt, excepting Tyre and Sidon, which he knew to have been free cities from their ancestors, although she pressed him very often to bestow those on her also. 15.131. And what occasion is there for me to mention many instances of such their procedure? When they were in danger of losing their own government of themselves, and of being slaves to Cleopatra, what others were they that freed them from that fear? for it was the friendship. I had with Antony, and the kind disposition he was in towards us, that hath been the occasion that even these Arabians have not been utterly undone, Antony being unwilling to undertake any thing which might be suspected by us of unkindness: 15.343. who, when they came thither, lodged at the house of Pollio, who was very fond of Herod’s friendship; and they had leave to lodge in Caesar’s own palace, for he received these sons of Herod with all humanity, and gave Herod leave to give his, kingdom to which of his sons he pleased; and besides all this, he bestowed on him Trachon, and Batanea, and Auranitis, which he gave him on the occasion following: 15.344. One Zenodorus had hired what was called the house of Lysanias, who, as he was not satisfied with its revenues, became a partner with the robbers that inhabited the Trachonites, and so procured himself a larger income; for the inhabitants of those places lived in a mad way, and pillaged the country of the Damascenes, while Zenodorus did not restrain them, but partook of the prey they acquired. 15.345. Now as the neighboring people were hereby great sufferers, they complained to Varro, who was then president [of Syria], and entreated him to write to Caesar about this injustice of Zenodorus. When these matters were laid before Caesar, he wrote back to Varro to destroy those nests of robbers, and to give the land to Herod, that so by his care the neighboring countries might be no longer disturbed with these doings of the Trachonites; 15.346. for it was not an easy firing to restrain them, since this way of robbery had been their usual practice, and they had no other way to get their living, because they had neither any city of their own, nor lands in their possession, but only some receptacles and dens in the earth, and there they and their cattle lived in common together. However, they had made contrivances to get pools of water, and laid up corn in granaries for themselves, and were able to make great resistance, by issuing out on the sudden against any that attacked them; 15.347. for the entrances of their caves were narrow, in which but one could come in at a time, and the places within incredibly large, and made very wide but the ground over their habitations was not very high, but rather on a plain, while the rocks are altogether hard and difficult to be entered upon, unless any one gets into the plain road by the guidance of another, for these roads are not straight, but have several revolutions. 15.348. But when these men are hindered from their wicked preying upon their neighbors, their custom is to prey one upon another, insomuch that no sort of injustice comes amiss to them. But when Herod had received this grant from Caesar, and was come into this country, he procured skillful guides, and put a stop to their wicked robberies, and procured peace and quietness to the neighboring people. 15.349. 2. Hereupon Zenodorus was grieved, in the first place, because his principality was taken away from him; and still more so, because he envied Herod, who had gotten it; So he went up to Rome to accuse him, but returned back again without success. 15.350. Now Agrippa was [about this time] sent to succeed Caesar in the government of the countries beyond the Ionian Sea, upon whom Herod lighted when he was wintering about Mitylene, for he had been his particular friend and companion, and then returned into Judea again. 15.351. However, some of the Gadarens came to Agrippa, and accused Herod, whom he sent back bound to the king without giving them the hearing. But still the Arabians, who of old bare ill-will to Herod’s government, were nettled, and at that time attempted to raise a sedition in his dominions, and, as they thought, upon a more justifiable occasion; 15.352. for Zenodorus, despairing already of success as to his own affairs, prevented [his enemies], by selling to those Arabians a part of his principality, called Auranitis, for the value of fifty talents; but as this was included in the donations of Caesar, they contested the point with Herod, as unjustly deprived of what they had bought. Sometimes they did this by making incursions upon him, and sometimes by attempting force against him, and sometimes by going to law with him. 15.353. Moreover, they persuaded the poorer soldiers to help them, and were troublesome to him, out of a constant hope that they should reduce the people to raise a sedition; in which designs those that are in the most miserable circumstances of life are still the most earnest; and although Herod had been a great while apprised of these attempts, yet did not he indulge any severity to them, but by rational methods aimed to mitigate things, as not willing to give any handle for tumults. 15.354. 3. Now when Herod had already reigned seventeen years, Caesar came into Syria; at which time the greatest part of the inhabitants of Gadara clamored against Herod, as one that was heavy in his injunctions, and tyrannical. 15.355. These reproaches they mainly ventured upon by the encouragement of Zenodorus, who took his oath that he would never leave Herod till he had procured that they should be severed from Herod’s kingdom, and joined to Caesar’s province. 15.356. The Gadarens were induced hereby, and made no small cry against him, and that the more boldly, because those that had been delivered up by Agrippa were not punished by Herod, who let them go, and did them no harm; for indeed he was the principal man in the world who appeared almost inexorable in punishing crimes in his own family, but very generous in remitting the offenses that were committed elsewhere. 15.357. And while they accused Herod of injuries, and plunderings, and subversions of temples, he stood unconcerned, and was ready to make his defense. However, Caesar gave him his right hand, and remitted nothing of his kindness to him, upon this disturbance by the multitude; 15.358. and indeed these things were alleged the first day, but the hearing proceeded no further; for as the Gadarens saw the inclination of Caesar and of his assessors, and expected, as they had reason to do, that they should be delivered up to the king, some of them, out of a dread of the torments they might undergo, cut their own throats in the night time, and some of them threw themselves down precipices, and others of them cast themselves into the river, and destroyed themselves of their own accord; 15.359. which accidents seemed a sufficient condemnation of the rashness and crimes they had been guilty of; whereupon Caesar made no longer delay, but cleared Herod from the crimes he was accused of. Another happy accident there was, which was a further great advantage to Herod at this time; for Zenodorus’s belly burst, and a great quantity of blood issued from him in his sickness, and he thereby departed this life at Antioch in Syria; 15.360. o Caesar bestowed his country, which was no small one, upon Herod; it lay between Trachon and Galilee, and contained Ulatha, and Paneas, and the country round about. He also made him one of the procurators of Syria, and commanded that they should do every thing with his approbation; 18.4. Yet was there one Judas, a Gaulonite, of a city whose name was Gamala, who, taking with him Sadduc, a Pharisee, became zealous to draw them to a revolt, who both said that this taxation was no better than an introduction to slavery, and exhorted the nation to assert their liberty; 18.16. 4. But the doctrine of the Sadducees is this: That souls die with the bodies; nor do they regard the observation of any thing besides what the law enjoins them; for they think it an instance of virtue to dispute with those teachers of philosophy whom they frequent: 18.17. but this doctrine is received but by a few, yet by those still of the greatest dignity. But they are able to do almost nothing of themselves; for when they become magistrates, as they are unwillingly and by force sometimes obliged to be, they addict themselves to the notions of the Pharisees, because the multitude would not otherwise bear them. 18.18. 5. The doctrine of the Essenes is this: That all things are best ascribed to God. They teach the immortality of souls, and esteem that the rewards of righteousness are to be earnestly striven for; 18.65. 4. About the same time also another sad calamity put the Jews into disorder, and certain shameful practices happened about the temple of Isis that was at Rome. I will now first take notice of the wicked attempt about the temple of Isis, and will then give an account of the Jewish affairs. 18.66. There was at Rome a woman whose name was Paulina; one who, on account of the dignity of her ancestors, and by the regular conduct of a virtuous life, had a great reputation: she was also very rich; and although she was of a beautiful countece, and in that flower of her age wherein women are the most gay, yet did she lead a life of great modesty. She was married to Saturninus, one that was every way answerable to her in an excellent character. 18.67. Decius Mundus fell in love with this woman, who was a man very high in the equestrian order; and as she was of too great dignity to be caught by presents, and had already rejected them, though they had been sent in great abundance, he was still more inflamed with love to her, insomuch that he promised to give her two hundred thousand Attic drachmae for one night’s lodging; 18.68. and when this would not prevail upon her, and he was not able to bear this misfortune in his amours, he thought it the best way to famish himself to death for want of food, on account of Paulina’s sad refusal; and he determined with himself to die after such a manner, and he went on with his purpose accordingly. 18.69. Now Mundus had a freed-woman, who had been made free by his father, whose name was Ide, one skillful in all sorts of mischief. This woman was very much grieved at the young man’s resolution to kill himself, (for he did not conceal his intentions to destroy himself from others,) and came to him, and encouraged him by her discourse, and made him to hope, by some promises she gave him, that he might obtain a night’s lodging with Paulina; 18.70. and when he joyfully hearkened to her entreaty, she said she wanted no more than fifty thousand drachmae for the entrapping of the woman. So when she had encouraged the young man, and gotten as much money as she required, she did not take the same methods as had been taken before, because she perceived that the woman was by no means to be tempted by money; but as she knew that she was very much given to the worship of the goddess Isis, she devised the following stratagem: 18.71. She went to some of Isis’s priests, and upon the strongest assurances [of concealment], she persuaded them by words, but chiefly by the offer of money, of twenty-five thousand drachmae in hand, and as much more when the thing had taken effect; and told them the passion of the young man, and persuaded them to use all means possible to beguile the woman. 18.72. So they were drawn in to promise so to do, by that large sum of gold they were to have. Accordingly, the oldest of them went immediately to Paulina; and upon his admittance, he desired to speak with her by herself. When that was granted him, he told her that he was sent by the god Anubis, who was fallen in love with her, and enjoined her to come to him. 18.73. Upon this she took the message very kindly, and valued herself greatly upon this condescension of Anubis, and told her husband that she had a message sent her, and was to sup and lie with Anubis; so he agreed to her acceptance of the offer, as fully satisfied with the chastity of his wife. 18.74. Accordingly, she went to the temple, and after she had supped there, and it was the hour to go to sleep, the priest shut the doors of the temple, when, in the holy part of it, the lights were also put out. Then did Mundus leap out, (for he was hidden therein,) and did not fail of enjoying her, who was at his service all the night long, as supposing he was the god; 18.75. and when he was gone away, which was before those priests who knew nothing of this stratagem were stirring, Paulina came early to her husband, and told him how the god Anubis had appeared to her. Among her friends, also, she declared how great a value she put upon this favor, 18.76. who partly disbelieved the thing, when they reflected on its nature, and partly were amazed at it, as having no pretense for not believing it, when they considered the modesty and the dignity of the person. 18.77. But now, on the third day after what had been done, Mundus met Paulina, and said, “Nay, Paulina, thou hast saved me two hundred thousand drachmae, which sum thou sightest have added to thy own family; yet hast thou not failed to be at my service in the manner I invited thee. As for the reproaches thou hast laid upon Mundus, I value not the business of names; but I rejoice in the pleasure I reaped by what I did, while I took to myself the name of Anubis.” 18.78. When he had said this, he went his way. But now she began to come to the sense of the grossness of what she had done, and rent her garments, and told her husband of the horrid nature of this wicked contrivance, and prayed him not to neglect to assist her in this case. So he discovered the fact to the emperor; 18.79. whereupon Tiberius inquired into the matter thoroughly by examining the priests about it, and ordered them to be crucified, as well as Ide, who was the occasion of their perdition, and who had contrived the whole matter, which was so injurious to the woman. He also demolished the temple of Isis, and gave order that her statue should be thrown into the river Tiber; 18.80. while he only banished Mundus, but did no more to him, because he supposed that what crime he had committed was done out of the passion of love. And these were the circumstances which concerned the temple of Isis, and the injuries occasioned by her priests. I now return to the relation of what happened about this time to the Jews at Rome, as I formerly told you I would. 18.81. 5. There was a man who was a Jew, but had been driven away from his own country by an accusation laid against him for transgressing their laws, and by the fear he was under of punishment for the same; but in all respects a wicked man. He, then living at Rome, professed to instruct men in the wisdom of the laws of Moses. 18.82. He procured also three other men, entirely of the same character with himself, to be his partners. These men persuaded Fulvia, a woman of great dignity, and one that had embraced the Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to the temple at Jerusalem; and when they had gotten them, they employed them for their own uses, and spent the money themselves, on which account it was that they at first required it of her. 18.83. Whereupon Tiberius, who had been informed of the thing by Saturninus, the husband of Fulvia, who desired inquiry might be made about it, ordered all the Jews to be banished out of Rome; 18.84. at which time the consuls listed four thousand men out of them, and sent them to the island Sardinia; but punished a greater number of them, who were unwilling to become soldiers, on account of keeping the laws of their forefathers. Thus were these Jews banished out of the city by the wickedness of four men. 18.273. 4. When matters were in this state, Aristobulus, king Agrippa’s brother, and Helcias the Great, and the other principal men of that family with them, went in unto Petronius, and besought him, 18.274. that since he saw the resolution of the multitude, he would not make any alteration, and thereby drive them to despair; but would write to Caius, that the Jews had an insuperable aversion to the reception of the statue, and how they continued with him, and left off the tillage of their ground: that they were not willing to go to war with him, because they were not able to do it, but were ready to die with pleasure, rather than suffer their laws to be transgressed: and how, upon the land’s continuing unsown, robberies would grow up, on the inability they would be under of paying their tributes; 18.275. and that perhaps Caius might be thereby moved to pity, and not order any barbarous action to be done to them, nor think of destroying the nation: that if he continues inflexible in his former opinion to bring a war upon them, he may then set about it himself. 19.266. Claudius complied with him, and called the senate together into the palace, and was carried thither himself through the city, while the soldiery conducted him, though this was to the great vexation of the multitude; 19.267. for Cherea and Sabinus, two of Caius’s murderers, went in the fore-front of them, in an open manner, while Pollio, whom Claudius, a little before, had made captain of his guards, had sent them an epistolary edict, to forbid them to appear in public. 19.268. Then did Claudius, upon his coming to the palace, get his friends together, and desired their suffrages about Cherea. They said that the work he had done was a glorious one; but they accused him the he did it of perfidiousness, and thought it just to inflict the punishment [of death] upon him, to discountece such actions for the time to come. 19.269. So Cherea was led to his execution, and Lupus and many other Romans with him. Now it is reported that Cherea bore this calamity courageously; and this not only by the firmness of his own behavior under it, but by the reproaches he laid upon Lupus, who fell into tears; 19.270. for when Lupus had laid his garment aside, and complained of the cold he said, that cold was never hurtful to Lupus [i.e. a wolf] And as a great many men went along with them to see the sight, when Cherea came to the place, he asked the soldier who was to be their executioner, whether this office was what he was used to, or whether this was the first time of his using his sword in that manner, and desired him to bring him that very sword with which he himself slew Caius. So he was happily killed at one stroke. 19.271. But Lupus did not meet with such good fortune in going out of the world, since he was timorous, and had many blows leveled at his neck, because he did not stretch it out boldly [as he ought to have done]. 20.13. And I have complied with your desire, in the first place, out of regard to that piety which I profess, and because I would have every one worship God according to the laws of their own country; and this I do also because I shall hereby highly gratify king Herod, and Agrippa, junior, whose sacred regards to me, and earnest good-will to you, I am well acquainted with, and with whom I have the greatest friendship, and whom I highly esteem, and look on as persons of the best character. 20.17. 1. About this time it was that Helena, queen of Adiabene, and her son Izates, changed their course of life, and embraced the Jewish customs, and this on the occasion following: 20.18. Monobazus, the king of Adiabene, who had also the name of Bazeus, fell in love with his sister Helena, and took her to be his wife, and begat her with child. But as he was in bed with her one night, he laid his hand upon his wife’s belly, and fell asleep, and seemed to hear a voice, which bid him take his hand off his wife’s belly, and not hurt the infant that was therein, which, by God’s providence, would be safely born, and have a happy end. 20.19. This voice put him into disorder; so he awaked immediately, and told the story to his wife; and when his son was born, he called him Izates. 20.20. He had indeed Monobazus, his elder brother, by Helena also, as he had other sons by other wives besides. Yet did he openly place all his affections on this his only begotten son Izates, 20.21. which was the origin of that envy which his other brethren, by the same father, bore to him; while on this account they hated him more and more, and were all under great affliction that their father should prefer Izates before them. 20.22. Now although their father was very sensible of these their passions, yet did he forgive them, as not indulging those passions out of an ill disposition, but out of a desire each of them had to be beloved by their father. However, he sent Izates, with many presents, to Abennerig, the king of Charax-Spasini, and that out of the great dread he was in about him, lest he should come to some misfortune by the hatred his brethren bore him; and he committed his son’s preservation to him. 20.23. Upon which Abennerig gladly received the young man, and had a great affection for him, and married him to his own daughter, whose name was Samacha: he also bestowed a country upon him, from which he received large revenues. 20.24. 2. But when Monobazus was grown old, and saw that he had but a little time to live, he had a mind to come to the sight of his son before he died. So he sent for him, and embraced him after the most affectionate manner, and bestowed on him the country called Carra; 20.25. it was a soil that bare amomum in great plenty: there are also in it the remains of that ark, wherein it is related that Noah escaped the deluge, and where they are still shown to such as are desirous to see them. 20.26. Accordingly, Izates abode in that country until his father’s death. But the very day that Monobazus died, queen Helena sent for all the grandees, and governors of the kingdom, and for those that had the armies committed to their command; 20.27. and when they were come, she made the following speech to them: “I believe you are not unacquainted that my husband was desirous Izates should succeed him in the government, and thought him worthy so to do. However, I wait your determination; for happy is he who receives a kingdom, not from a single person only, but from the willing suffrages of a great many.” 20.28. This she said, in order to try those that were invited, and to discover their sentiments. Upon the hearing of which, they first of all paid their homage to the queen, as their custom was, and then they said that they confirmed the king’s determination, and would submit to it; and they rejoiced that Izates’s father had preferred him before the rest of his brethren, as being agreeable to all their wishes: 20.29. but that they were desirous first of all to slay his brethren and kinsmen, that so the government might come securely to Izates; because if they were once destroyed, all that fear would be over which might arise from their hatred and envy to him. 20.30. Helena replied to this, that she returned them her thanks for their kindness to herself and to Izates; but desired that they would however defer the execution of this slaughter of Izates’s brethren till he should be there himself, and give his approbation to it. 20.31. So since these men had not prevailed with her, when they advised her to slay them, they exhorted her at least to keep them in bonds till he should come, and that for their own security; they also gave her counsel to set up some one whom she could put the greatest trust in, as a governor of the kingdom in the mean time. 20.32. So queen Helena complied with this counsel of theirs, and set up Monobazus, the eldest son, to be king, and put the diadem upon his head, and gave him his father’s ring, with its signet; as also the ornament which they call Sampser, and exhorted him to administer the affairs of the kingdom till his brother should come; 20.33. who came suddenly upon hearing that his father was dead, and succeeded his brother Monobazus, who resigned up the government to him. 20.34. 3. Now, during the time Izates abode at Charax-Spasini, a certain Jewish merchant, whose name was Aias, got among the women that belonged to the king, and taught them to worship God according to the Jewish religion. 20.35. He, moreover, by their means, became known to Izates, and persuaded him, in like manner, to embrace that religion; he also, at the earnest entreaty of Izates, accompanied him when he was sent for by his father to come to Adiabene; it also happened that Helena, about the same time, was instructed by a certain other Jew and went over to them. 20.36. But when Izates had taken the kingdom, and was come to Adiabene, and there saw his brethren and other kinsmen in bonds, he was displeased at it; 20.37. and as he thought it an instance of impiety either to slay or imprison them, but still thought it a hazardous thing for to let them have their liberty, with the remembrance of the injuries that had been offered them, he sent some of them and their children for hostages to Rome, to Claudius Caesar, and sent the others to Artabanus, the king of Parthia, with the like intentions. 20.38. 4. And when he perceived that his mother was highly pleased with the Jewish customs, he made haste to change, and to embrace them entirely; and as he supposed that he could not be thoroughly a Jew unless he were circumcised, he was ready to have it done. 20.39. But when his mother understood what he was about, she endeavored to hinder him from doing it, and said to him that this thing would bring him into danger; and that, as he was a king, he would thereby bring himself into great odium among his subjects, when they should understand that he was so fond of rites that were to them strange and foreign; and that they would never bear to be ruled over by a Jew. 20.40. This it was that she said to him, and for the present persuaded him to forbear. And when he had related what she had said to Aias, he confirmed what his mother had said; and when he had also threatened to leave him, unless he complied with him, he went away from him, 20.41. and said that he was afraid lest such an action being once become public to all, he should himself be in danger of punishment for having been the occasion of it, and having been the king’s instructor in actions that were of ill reputation; and he said that he might worship God without being circumcised, even though he did resolve to follow the Jewish law entirely, which worship of God was of a superior nature to circumcision. 20.42. He added, that God would forgive him, though he did not perform the operation, while it was omitted out of necessity, and for fear of his subjects. So the king at that time complied with these persuasions of Aias. 20.43. But afterwards, as he had not quite left off his desire of doing this thing, a certain other Jew that came out of Galilee, whose name was Eleazar, and who was esteemed very skillful in the learning of his country, persuaded him to do the thing; 20.44. for as he entered into his palace to salute him, and found him reading the law of Moses, he said to him, “Thou dost not consider, O king! that thou unjustly breakest the principal of those laws, and art injurious to God himself, [by omitting to be circumcised]; for thou oughtest not only to read them, but chiefly to practice what they enjoin thee. 20.45. How long wilt thou continue uncircumcised? But if thou hast not yet read the law about circumcision, and dost not know how great impiety thou art guilty of by neglecting it, read it now.” 20.46. When the king had heard what he said, he delayed the thing no longer, but retired to another room, and sent for a surgeon, and did what he was commanded to do. He then sent for his mother, and Aias his tutor, and informed them that he had done the thing; 20.47. upon which they were presently struck with astonishment and fear, and that to a great degree, lest the thing should be openly discovered and censured, and the king should hazard the loss of his kingdom, while his subjects would not bear to be governed by a man who was so zealous in another religion; and lest they should themselves run some hazard, because they would be supposed the occasion of his so doing. 20.48. But it was God himself who hindered what they feared from taking effect; for he preserved both Izates himself and his sons when they fell into many dangers, and procured their deliverance when it seemed to be impossible, and demonstrated thereby that the fruit of piety does not perish as to those that have regard to him, and fix their faith upon him only. But these events we shall relate hereafter. 20.49. 5. But as to Helena, the king’s mother, when she saw that the affairs of Izates’s kingdom were in peace, and that her son was a happy man, and admired among all men, and even among foreigners, by the means of God’s providence over him, she had a mind to go to the city of Jerusalem, in order to worship at that temple of God which was so very famous among all men, and to offer her thank-offerings there. So she desired her son to give her leave to go thither; 20.50. upon which he gave his consent to what she desired very willingly, and made great preparations for her dismission, and gave her a great deal of money, and she went down to the city Jerusalem, her son conducting her on her journey a great way. 20.51. Now her coming was of very great advantage to the people of Jerusalem; for whereas a famine did oppress them at that time, and many people died for want of what was necessary to procure food withal, queen Helena sent some of her servants to Alexandria with money to buy a great quantity of corn, and others of them to Cyprus, to bring a cargo of dried figs. 20.52. And as soon as they were come back, and had brought those provisions, which was done very quickly, she distributed food to those that were in want of it, and left a most excellent memorial behind her of this benefaction, which she bestowed on our whole nation. 20.53. And when her son Izates was informed of this famine, he sent great sums of money to the principal men in Jerusalem. However, what favors this queen and king conferred upon our city Jerusalem shall be further related hereafter. 20.92. 3. It was not long ere Izates died, when he had completed fifty-five years of his life, and had ruled his kingdom twenty-four years. He left behind him twenty-four sons and twenty-four daughters. 20.93. However, he gave order that his brother Monobazus should succeed in the government, thereby requiting him, because, while he was himself absent after their father’s death, he had faithfully preserved the government for him. 20.94. But when Helena, his mother, heard of her son’s death, she was in great heaviness, as was but natural, upon her loss of such a most dutiful son; yet was it a comfort to her that she heard the succession came to her eldest son. Accordingly, she went to him in haste; and when she was come into Adiabene, she did not long outlive her son Izates. 20.95. But Monobazus sent her bones, as well as those of Izates, his brother, to Jerusalem, and gave order that they should be buried at the pyramids which their mother had erected; they were three in number, and distant no more than three furlongs from the city Jerusalem. 20.96. But for the actions of Monobazus the king, which he did during the rest of his life, we will relate them hereafter. 20.189. 11. About the same time king Agrippa built himself a very large dining-room in the royal palace at Jerusalem, near to the portico. 20.190. Now this palace had been erected of old by the children of Asamoneus and was situate upon an elevation, and afforded a most delightful prospect to those that had a mind to take a view of the city, which prospect was desired by the king; and there he could lie down, and eat, and thence observe what was done in the temple; 20.191. which thing, when the chief men of Jerusalem saw they were very much displeased at it; for it was not agreeable to the institutions of our country or law that what was done in the temple should be viewed by others, especially what belonged to the sacrifices. They therefore erected a wall upon the uppermost building which belonged to the inner court of the temple towards the west, 20.192. which wall when it was built, did not only intercept the prospect of the dining-room in the palace, but also of the western cloisters that belonged to the outer court of the temple also, where it was that the Romans kept guards for the temple at the festivals. 20.193. At these doings both king Agrippa, and principally Festus the procurator, were much displeased; and Festus ordered them to pull the wall down again: but the Jews petitioned him to give them leave to send an embassage about this matter to Nero; for they said they could not endure to live if any part of the temple should be demolished; 20.194. and when Festus had given them leave so to do, they sent ten of their principal men to Nero, as also Ismael the high priest, and Helcias, the keeper of the sacred treasure. 20.195. And when Nero had heard what they had to say, he not only forgave them what they had already done, but also gave them leave to let the wall they had built stand. This was granted them in order to gratify Poppea, Nero’s wife, who was a religious woman, and had requested these favors of Nero, and who gave order to the ten ambassadors to go their way home; but retained Helcias and Ismael as hostages with herself. 20.196. As soon as the king heard this news, he gave the high priesthood to Joseph, who was called Cabi, the son of Simon, formerly high priest. 20.197. 1. And now Caesar, upon hearing the death of Festus, sent Albinus into Judea, as procurator. But the king deprived Joseph of the high priesthood, and bestowed the succession to that dignity on the son of Aus, who was also himself called Aus. 20.198. Now the report goes that this eldest Aus proved a most fortunate man; for he had five sons who had all performed the office of a high priest to God, and who had himself enjoyed that dignity a long time formerly, which had never happened to any other of our high priests. 20.244. But when he had reigned three years, and as many months, Pompey came upon him, and not only took the city of Jerusalem by force, but put him and his children in bonds, and sent them to Rome. He also restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, and made him governor of the nation, but forbade him to wear a diadem. |
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| 66. Martial, Epigrams, 4.63, 8.3.4-8.3.8, 9.1.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius •dio, cassius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 43; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 198; Rüpke (2011) 133 |
| 67. Martial, Epigrams, 8.3.4-8.3.8, 9.1.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio, cassius •dio cassius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 43; Rüpke (2011) 133 |
| 68. Josephus Flavius, Life, 71 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius, on tributum capitis Found in books: Udoh (2006) 221 |
69. Mishnah, Taanit, 4.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Noam (2018) 178| 4.6. "חֲמִשָּׁה דְבָרִים אֵרְעוּ אֶת אֲבוֹתֵינוּ בְּשִׁבְעָה עָשָׂר בְּתַמּוּז וַחֲמִשָּׁה בְּתִשְׁעָה בְאָב. בְּשִׁבְעָה עָשָׂר בְּתַמּוּז נִשְׁתַּבְּרוּ הַלּוּחוֹת, וּבָטַל הַתָּמִיד, וְהֻבְקְעָה הָעִיר, וְשָׂרַף אַפּוֹסְטֹמוֹס אֶת הַתּוֹרָה, וְהֶעֱמִיד צֶלֶם בַּהֵיכָל. בְּתִשְׁעָה בְאָב נִגְזַר עַל אֲבוֹתֵינוּ שֶׁלֹּא יִכָּנְסוּ לָאָרֶץ, וְחָרַב הַבַּיִת בָּרִאשׁוֹנָה וּבַשְּׁנִיָּה, וְנִלְכְּדָה בֵיתָר, וְנֶחְרְשָׁה הָעִיר. מִשֶּׁנִּכְנַס אָב, מְמַעֲטִין בְּשִׂמְחָה: \n", | 4.6. "There were five events that happened to our ancestors on the seventeenth of Tammuz and five on the ninth of Av.On the seventeenth of Tammuz: The tablets were shattered; The tamid (daily) offering was cancelled; The [walls] of the city were breached; And Apostomos burned the Torah, and placed an idol in the Temple. On the ninth of Av It was decreed that our ancestors should not enter the land, The Temple was destroyed the first And the second time, Betar was captured, And the city was plowed up. When Av enters, they limit their rejoicing.", |
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| 70. New Testament, Romans, 16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Nasrallah (2019) 188 |
71. New Testament, Acts, 10.1-10.2, 13.16, 16.14, 16.20, 17.17, 18.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lampe (2003) 201; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 177| 10.1. Ἀνὴρ δέ τις ἐν Καισαρίᾳ ὀνόματι Κορνήλιος, ἑκατοντάρχης ἐκ σπείρης τῆς καλουμένης Ἰταλικῆς, 10.2. εὐσεβὴς καὶ φοβούμενος τὸν θεὸν σὺν παντὶ τῷ οἴκῳ αὐτοῦ, ποιῶν ἐλεημοσύνας πολλὰς τῷ λαῷ καὶ δεόμενος τοῦ θεοῦ διὰ παντός, 13.16. ἀναστὰς δὲ Παῦλος καὶ κατασείσας τῇ χειρὶ εἶπεν Ἄνδρες Ἰσραηλεῖται καὶ οἱ φοβούμενοι τὸν θεόν, ἀκούσατε. 16.14. καί τις γυνὴ ὀνόματι Λυδία, πορφυρόπωλις πόλεως Θυατείρων σεβομένη τὸν θεόν, ἤκουεν, ἧς ὁ κύριος διήνοιξεν τὴν καρδίαν προσέχειν τοῖς λαλουμένοις ὑπὸ Παύλου. 16.20. καὶ προσαγαγόντες αὐτοὺς τοῖς στρατηγοῖς εἶπαν Οὗτοι οἱ ἄνθρωποι ἐκταράσσουσιν ἡμῶν τὴν πόλιν Ἰουδαῖοι ὑπάρχοντες, 17.17. διελέγετο μὲν οὖν ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις καὶ τοῖς σεβομένοις καὶ ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ κατὰ πᾶσαν ἡμέραν πρὸς τοὺς παρατυγχάνοντας. 18.4. ἔπειθέν τε Ἰουδαίους καὶ Ἕλληνας. | 10.1. Now there was a certain man in Caesarea, Cornelius by name, a centurion of what was called the Italian Regiment, 10.2. a devout man, and one who feared God with all his house, who gave gifts for the needy generously to the people, and always prayed to God. 13.16. Paul stood up, and beckoning with his hand said, "Men of Israel, and you who fear God, listen. 16.14. A certain woman named Lydia, a seller of purple, of the city of Thyatira, one who worshiped God, heard us; whose heart the Lord opened to listen to the things which were spoken by Paul. 16.20. When they had brought them to the magistrates, they said, "These men, being Jews, are agitating our city, 17.17. So he reasoned in the synagogue with Jews and the devout persons, and in the marketplace every day with those who met him. 18.4. He reasoned in the synagogue every Sabbath, and persuaded Jews and Greeks. |
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72. New Testament, Hebrews, 13.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Cain (2016) 96| 13.8. Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς ἐχθὲς καὶ σήμερον ὁ αὐτός, καὶ εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας. διδαχαῖς ποικίλαις καὶ ξέναις μὴ παραφέρεσθε· | 13.8. Jesus Christ is the same yesterday, today, and forever. |
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73. New Testament, John, 11.50, 15.18-15.27, 19.1-19.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Levine Allison and Crossan (2006) 36, 299; Moss (2012) 37| 11.50. οὐδὲ λογίζεσθε ὅτι συμφέρει ὑμῖν ἵνα εἷς ἄνθρωπος ἀποθάνῃ ὑπὲρ τοῦ λαοῦ καὶ μὴ ὅλον τὸ ἔθνος ἀπόληται. 15.18. Εἰ ὁ κόσμος ὑμᾶς μισεῖ, γινώσκετε ὅτι ἐμὲ πρῶτον ὑμῶν μεμίσηκεν. εἰ ἐκ τοῦ κόσμου ἦτε, ὁ κόσμος ἂν τὸ ἴδιον ἐφίλει· 15.19. ὅτι δὲ ἐκ τοῦ κόσμου οὐκ ἐστέ, ἀλλʼ ἐγὼ ἐξελεξάμην ὑμᾶς ἐκ τοῦ κόσμου, διὰ τοῦτο μισεῖ ὑμᾶς ὁ κόσμος. 15.20. μνημονεύετε τοῦ λόγου οὗ ἐγὼ εἶπον ὑμῖν Οὐκ ἔστιν δοῦλος μείζων τοῦ κυρίου αὐτοῦ· εἰ ἐμὲ ἐδίωξαν, καὶ ὑμᾶς διώξουσιν· εἰ τὸν λόγον μου ἐτήρησαν, καὶ τὸν ὑμέτερον τηρήσουσιν. 15.21. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα πάντα ποιήσουσιν εἰς ὑμᾶς διὰ τὸ ὄνομά μου, ὅτι οὐκ οἴδασιν τὸν πέμψαντά με. 15.22. Εἰ μὴ ἦλθον καὶ ἐλάλησα αὐτοῖς, ἁμαρτίαν οὐκ εἴχοσαν· νῦν δὲ πρόφασιν οὐκ ἔχουσιν περὶ τῆς ἁμαρτίας αὐτῶν. 15.23. ὁ ἐμὲ μισῶν καὶ τὸν πατέρα μου μισεῖ. 15.24. εἰ τὰ ἔργα μὴ ἐποίησα ἐν αὐτοῖς ἃ οὐδεὶς ἄλλος ἐποίησεν, ἁμαρτίαν οὐκ εἴχοσαν· νῦν δὲ καὶ ἑωράκασιν καὶ μεμισήκασιν καὶ ἐμὲ καὶ τὸν πατέρα μου. 15.25. ἀλλʼ ἵνα πληρωθῇ ὁ λόγος ὁ ἐν τῷ νόμῳ αὐτῶν γεγραμμένος ὅτι Ἐμίσησάν με δωρεάν. 15.26. Ὅταν ἔλθῃ ὁ παράκλητος ὃν ἐγὼ πέμψω ὑμῖν παρὰ τοῦ πατρός, τὸ πνεῦμα τῆς ἀληθείας ὃ παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐκπορεύεται, ἐκεῖνος μαρτυρήσει περὶ ἐμοῦ· καὶ ὑμεῖς δὲ μαρτυρεῖτε, 15.27. ὅτι ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς μετʼ ἐμοῦ ἐστέ. 19.1. Τότε οὖν ἔλαβεν ὁ Πειλᾶτος τὸν Ἰησοῦν καὶ ἐμαστίγωσεν. 19.2. καὶ οἱ στρατιῶται πλέξαντες στέφανον ἐξ ἀκανθῶν ἐπέθηκαν αὐτοῦ τῇ κεφαλῇ, καὶ ἱμάτιον πορφυροῦν περιέβαλον αὐτόν, 19.3. καὶ ἤρχοντο πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ ἔλεγον Χαῖρε ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν Ἰουδαίων· καὶ ἐδίδοσαν αὐτῷ ῥαπίσματα. | 11.50. nor do you consider that it is advantageous for us that one man should die for the people, and that the whole nation not perish." 15.18. If the world hates you, you know that it has hated me before it hated you. 15.19. If you were of the world, the world would love its own. But because you are not of the world, since I chose you out of the world, therefore the world hates you. 15.20. Remember the word that I said to you: 'A servant is not greater than his lord.' If they persecuted me, they will also persecute you. If they kept my word, they will keep yours also. 15.21. But all these things will they do to you for my name's sake, because they don't know him who sent me. 15.22. If I had not come and spoken to them, they would not have had sin; but now they have no excuse for their sin. 15.23. He who hates me, hates my Father also. 15.24. If I hadn't done among them the works which no one else did, they wouldn't have had sin. But now have they seen and also hated both me and my Father. 15.25. But this happened so that the word may be fulfilled which was written in their law, 'They hated me without a cause.' 15.26. "When the Counselor has come, whom I will send to you from the Father, the Spirit of truth, who proceeds from the Father, he will testify about me. 15.27. You will also testify, because you have been with me from the beginning. 19.1. So Pilate then took Jesus, and flogged him. 19.2. The soldiers twisted thorns into a crown, and put it on his head, and dressed him in a purple garment. 19.3. They kept saying, "Hail, King of the Jews!" and they kept slapping him. |
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74. New Testament, Luke, 4.16-4.30, 10.25-10.28, 12.10-12.11, 16.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Levine Allison and Crossan (2006) 36, 252, 299| 4.16. Καὶ ἦλθεν εἰς Ναζαρά, οὗ ἦν τεθραμμένος, καὶ εἰσῆλθεν κατὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς αὐτῷ ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῶν σαββάτων εἰς τὴν συναγωγήν, καὶ ἀνέστη ἀναγνῶναι. 4.17. καὶ ἐπεδόθη αὐτῷ βιβλίον τοῦ προφήτου Ἠσαίου, καὶ ἀνοίξας τὸ βιβλίον εὗρεν [τὸν] τόπον οὗ ἦν γεγραμμένον 4.18. Πνεῦμα Κυρίου ἐπʼ ἐμέ, οὗ εἵνεκεν ἔχρισέν με εὐαγγελίσασθαι πτωχοῖς, ἀπέσταλκέν με κηρύξαι αἰχμαλώτοις ἄφεσιν καὶ τυφλοῖς ἀνάβλεψιν, ἀποστεῖλαι τεθραυσμένους ἐν ἀφέσει, 4.19. κηρύξαι ἐνιαυτὸν Κυρίου δεκτόν. 4.20. καὶ πτύξας τὸ βιβλίον ἀποδοὺς τῷ ὑπηρέτῃ ἐκάθισεν· καὶ πάντων οἱ ὀφθαλμοὶ ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ ἦσαν ἀτενίζοντες αὐτῷ. 4.21. ἤρξατο δὲ λέγειν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὅτι Σήμερον πεπλήρωται ἡ γραφὴ αὕτη ἐν τοῖς ὠσὶν ὑμῶν. 4.22. καὶ πάντες ἐμαρτύρουν αὐτῷ καὶ ἐθαύμαζον ἐπὶ τοῖς λόγοις τῆς χάριτος τοῖς ἐκπορευομένοις ἐκ τοῦ στόματος αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἔλεγον Οὐχὶ υἱός ἐστιν Ἰωσὴφ οὗτος; 4.23. καὶ εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτούς Πάντως ἐρεῖτέ μοι τὴν παραβολὴν ταύτην Ἰατρέ, θεράπευσον σεαυτόν· ὅσα ἠκούσαμεν γενόμενα εἰς τὴν — Καφαρναοὺμ ποίησον καὶ ὧδε ἐν τῇ πατρίδι σου. 4.24. εἶπεν δέ Ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι οὐδεὶς προφήτης δεκτός ἐστιν ἐν τῇ πατρίδι αὐτοῦ. 4.25. ἐπʼ ἀληθείας δὲ λέγω ὑμῖν, πολλαὶ χῆραι ἦσαν ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις Ἠλείου ἐν τῷ Ἰσραήλ, ὅτε ἐκλείσθη ὁ οὐρανὸς ἔτη τρία καὶ μῆνας ἕξ, ὡς ἐγένετο λιμὸς μέγας ἐπὶ πᾶσαν τὴν γῆν, 4.26. καὶ πρὸς οὐδεμίαν αὐτῶν ἐπέμφθη Ἠλείας εἰ μὴ εἰς Σάρεπτα τῆς Σιδωνίας πρὸς γυναῖκα χήραν. 4.27. καὶ πολλοὶ λεπροὶ ἦσαν ἐν τῷ Ἰσραὴλ ἐπὶ Ἐλισαίου τοῦ προφήτου, καὶ οὐδεὶς αὐτῶν ἐκαθαρίσθη εἰ μὴ Ναιμὰν ὁ Σύρος. 4.28. καὶ ἐπλήσθησαν πάντες θυμοῦ ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ ἀκούοντες ταῦτα, 4.29. καὶ ἀναστάντες ἐξέβαλον αὐτὸν ἔξω τῆς πόλεως, καὶ ἤγαγον αὐτὸν ἕως ὀφρύος τοῦ ὄρους ἐφʼ οὗ ἡ πόλις ᾠκοδόμητο αὐτῶν, ὥστε κατακρημνίσαι αὐτόν· 4.30. αὐτὸς δὲ διελθὼν διὰ μέσου αὐτῶν ἐπορεύετο. 10.25. Καὶ ἰδοὺ νομικός τις ἀνέστη ἐκπειράζων αὐτὸν λέγων Διδάσκαλε, τί ποιήσας ζωὴν αἰώνιον κληρονομήσω; 10.26. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτόν Ἐν τῷ νόμῳ τί γέγραπται; πῶς ἀναγινώσκεις; 10.27. ὁ δὲ ἀποκριθεὶς εἶπεν Ἀγαπήσεις Κύριον τὸν θεόν σου ἐξ ὅλης καρδίας σου καὶ ἐν ὅλη τῇ ψυχῇ σου καὶ ἐν ὅλῃ τῇ ἰσχύι σου καὶ ἐν ὅλῃ τῇ διανοίᾳ σου, καὶ τὸν πλησίον σου ὡς σεαυτόν. 10.28. εἶπεν δὲ αὐτῷ Ὀρθῶς ἀπεκρίθης· τοῦτο ποίει καὶ ζήσῃ. 12.10. Καὶ πᾶς ὃς ἐρεῖ λόγον εἰς τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου, ἀφεθήσεται αὐτῷ· τῷ δὲ εἰς τὸ ἅγιον πνεῦμα βλασφημήσαντι οὐκ ἀφεθήσεται. 12.11. Ὅταν δὲ εἰσφέρωσιν ὑμᾶς ἐπὶ τὰς συναγωγὰς καὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ τὰς ἐξουσίας, μὴ μεριμνήσητε πῶς [ἢ τί] ἀπολογήσησθε ἢ τί εἴπητε· 16.9. Καὶ ἐγὼ ὑμῖν λέγω, ἑαυτοῖς ποιήσατε φίλους ἐκ τοῦ μαμωνᾶ τῆς ἀδικίας, ἵνα ὅταν ἐκλίπῃ δέξωνται ὑμᾶς εἰς τὰς αἰωνίους σκηνάς. | 4.16. He came to Nazareth, where he had been brought up. He entered, as was his custom, into the synagogue on the Sabbath day, and stood up to read. 4.17. The book of the prophet Isaiah was handed to him. He opened the book, and found the place where it was written, 4.18. "The Spirit of the Lord is on me, Because he has anointed me to preach good news to the poor. He has sent me to heal the brokenhearted, To proclaim release to the captives, Recovering of sight to the blind, To deliver those who are crushed, 4.19. And to proclaim the acceptable year of the Lord." 4.20. He closed the book, gave it back to the attendant, and sat down. The eyes of all in the synagogue were fastened on him. 4.21. He began to tell them, "Today, this Scripture has been fulfilled in your hearing." 4.22. All testified about him, and wondered at the gracious words which proceeded out of his mouth, and they said, "Isn't this Joseph's son?" 4.23. He said to them, "Doubtless you will tell me this parable, 'Physician, heal yourself! Whatever we have heard done at Capernaum, do also here in your hometown.'" 4.24. He said, "Most assuredly I tell you, no prophet is acceptable in his hometown. 4.25. But truly I tell you, there were many widows in Israel in the days of Elijah, when the the sky was shut up three years and six months, when a great famine came over all the land. 4.26. Elijah was sent to none of them, except to Zarephath, in the land of Sidon, to a woman who was a widow. 4.27. There were many lepers in Israel in the time of Elisha the prophet, yet not one of them was cleansed, except Naaman, the Syrian." 4.28. They were all filled with wrath in the synagogue, as they heard these things. 4.29. They rose up, threw him out of the city, and led him to the brow of the hill that their city was built on, that they might throw him off the cliff. 4.30. But he, passing through the midst of them, went his way. 10.25. Behold, a certain lawyer stood up and tested him, saying, "Teacher, what shall I do to inherit eternal life?" 10.26. He said to him, "What is written in the law? How do you read it?" 10.27. He answered, "You shall love the Lord your God with all your heart, with all your soul, with all your strength, and with all your mind; and your neighbor as yourself." 10.28. He said to him, "You have answered correctly. Do this, and you will live." 12.10. Everyone who speaks a word against the Son of Man will be forgiven, but those who blaspheme against the Holy Spirit will not be forgiven. 12.11. When they bring you before the synagogues, the rulers, and the authorities, don't be anxious how or what you will answer, or what you will say; 16.9. I tell you, make for yourselves friends by means of unrighteous mammon, so that when you fail, they may receive you into the eternal tents. |
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75. New Testament, Mark, 4.24, 9.48, 12.28-12.34, 15.15-15.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Levine Allison and Crossan (2006) 36, 252, 299| 4.24. Καὶ ἔλεγεν αὐτοῖς Βλέπετε τί ἀκούετε. ἐν ᾧ μέτρῳ μετρεῖτε μετρηθήσεται ὑμῖν καὶ προστεθήσεται ὑμῖν. 9.48. ὅπου ὁ σκώληξ αὐτῶν οὐ τελευτᾷ καὶ τὸ πῦρ οὐ σβέννυται· 12.28. Καὶ προσελθὼν εἷς τῶν γραμματέων ἀκούσας αὐτῶν συνζητούντων, εἰδὼς ὅτι καλῶς ἀπεκρίθη αὐτοῖς, ἐπηρώτησεν αὐτόν Ποία ἐστὶν ἐντολὴ πρώτη πάντων; 12.29. ἀπεκρίθη ὁ Ἰησοῦς ὅτι Πρώτη ἐστίν Ἄκουε, Ἰσραήλ, Κύριος ὁ θεὸς ἡμῶν κύριος εἷς ἐστίν, 12.30. καὶ ἀγαπήσεις Κύριον τὸν θεόν σου ἐξ ὅλης καρδίας σου καὶ ἐξ ὅλης τῆς ψυχῆς σου καὶ ἐξ ὅλης τῆς διανοίας σου καὶ ἐξ ὅλης τῆς ἰσχύος σου. 12.31. δευτέρα αὕτη Ἀγαπήσεις τὸν πλησίον σου ὡς σεαυτόν. μείζων τούτων ἄλλη ἐντολὴ οὐκ ἔστιν. 12.32. Εἶπεν αὐτῷ ὁ γραμματεύς Καλῶς, διδάσκαλε, ἐπʼ ἀληθείας εἶπες ὅτι εἷς ἐστὶν καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν ἄλλος πλὴν αὐτοῦ· 12.33. καὶ τὸ ἀγαπᾷν αὐτὸν ἐξ ὅλης καρδίας καὶ ἐξ ὅλης τῆς συνέσεως καὶ ἐξ ὅλης τῆς ἰσχύος καὶ τὸ ἀγαπᾷν τὸν πλησίον ὡς ἑαυτὸν περισσότερόν ἐστιν πάντων τῶν ὁλοκαυτωμάτων καὶ θυσιῶν. 12.34. καὶ ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἰδὼν αὐτὸν ὅτι νουνεχῶς ἀπεκρίθη εἶπεν αὐτῷ Οὐ μακρὰν [εἶ] ἀπὸ τῆς βασιλείας τοῦ θεοῦ. Καὶ οὐδεὶς οὐκέτι ἐτόλμα αὐτὸν ἐπερωτῆσαι. 15.15. ὁ δὲ Πειλᾶτος βουλόμενος τῷ ὄχλῳ τὸ ἱκανὸν ποιῆσαι ἀπέλυσεν αὐτοῖς τὸν Βαραββᾶν, καὶ παρέδωκεν τὸν Ἰησοῦν φραγελλώσας ἵνα σταυρωθῇ. 15.16. Οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται ἀπήγαγον αὐτὸν ἔσω τῆς αὐλῆς, ὅ ἐστιν πραιτώριον, καὶ συνκαλοῦσιν ὅλην τὴν σπεῖραν. 15.17. καὶ ἐνδιδύσκουσιν αὐτὸν πορφύραν καὶ περιτιθέασιν αὐτῷ πλέξαντες ἀκάνθινον στέφανον· 15.18. καὶ ἤρξαντο ἀσπάζεσθαι αὐτόν Χαῖρε βασιλεῦ τῶν Ἰουδαίων· 15.19. καὶ ἔτυπτον αὐτοῦ τὴν κεφαλὴν καλάμῳ καὶ ἐνέπτυον αὐτῷ, καὶ τιθέντες τὰ γόνατα προσεκύνουν αὐτῷ. 15.20. καὶ ὅτε ἐνέπαιξαν αὐτῷ, ἐξέδυσαν αὐτὸν τὴν πορφύραν καὶ ἐνέδυσαν αὐτὸν τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτοῦ. Καὶ ἐξάγουσιν αὐτὸν ἵνα σταυρώσωσιν αὐτόν· | 4.24. He said to them, "Take heed what you hear. With whatever measure you measure, it will be measured to you, and more will be given to you who hear. 9.48. 'where their worm doesn't die, and the fire is not quenched.' 12.28. One of the scribes came, and heard them questioning together. Knowing that he had answered them well, asked him, "Which commandment is the greatest of all?" 12.29. Jesus answered, "The greatest is, 'Hear, Israel, the Lord our God, the Lord is one: 12.30. you shall love the Lord your God with all your heart, and with all your soul, and with all your mind, and with all your strength.' This is the first commandment. 12.31. The second is like this, 'You shall love your neighbor as yourself.' There is no other commandment greater than these." 12.32. The scribe said to him, "Truly, teacher, you have said well that he is one, and there is none other but he, 12.33. and to love him with all the heart, and with all the understanding, with all the soul, and with all the strength, and to love his neighbor as himself, is more important than all whole burnt offerings and sacrifices." 12.34. When Jesus saw that he answered wisely, he said to him, "You are not far from the Kingdom of God."No one dared ask him any question after that. 15.15. Pilate, wishing to please the multitude, released Barabbas to them, and handed over Jesus, when he had flogged him, to be crucified. 15.16. The soldiers led him away within the court, which is the Praetorium; and they called together the whole cohort. 15.17. They clothed him with purple, and weaving a crown of thorns, they put it on him. 15.18. They began to salute him, "Hail, King of the Jews!" 15.19. They struck his head with a reed, and spat on him, and bowing their knees, did homage to him. 15.20. When they had mocked him, they took the purple off of him, and put his own garments on him. They led him out to crucify him. |
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76. New Testament, Matthew, 7.2, 10.17-10.20, 22.34-22.40, 23.15, 26.52, 27.26-27.31 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius •cassius dio Found in books: Goodman (2006) 98; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006) 36, 252, 299| 7.2. ἐν ᾧ γὰρ κρίματι κρίνετε κριθήσεσθε, καὶ ἐν ᾧ μέτρῳ μετρεῖτε μετρηθήσεται ὑμῖν. 10.17. προσέχετε δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων· παραδώσουσιν γὰρ ὑμᾶς εἰς συνέδρια, καὶ ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς αὐτῶν μαστιγώσουσιν ὑμᾶς· 10.18. καὶ ἐπὶ ἡγεμόνας δὲ καὶ βασιλεῖς ἀχθήσεσθε ἕνεκεν ἐμοῦ εἰς μαρτύριον αὐτοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἔθνεσιν. 10.19. ὅταν δὲ παραδῶσιν ὑμᾶς, μὴ μεριμνήσητε πῶς ἢ τί λαλήσητε· δοθήσεται γὰρ ὑμῖν ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ὥρᾳ τί λαλήσητε· 10.20. οὐ γὰρ ὑμεῖς ἐστὲ οἱ λαλοῦντες ἀλλὰ τὸ πνεῦμα τοῦ πατρὸς ὑμῶν τὸ λαλοῦν ἐν ὑμῖν. 22.34. Οἱ δὲ Φαρισαῖοι ἀκούσαντες ὅτι ἐφίμωσεν τοὺς Σαδδουκαίους συνήχθησαν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό. 22.35. καὶ ἐπηρώτησεν εἷς ἐξ αὐτῶν νομικὸς πειράζων αὐτόν 22.36. Διδάσκαλε, ποία ἐντολὴ μεγάλη ἐν τῷ νόμῳ; 22.37. ὁ δὲ ἔφη αὐτῷ Ἀγαπήσεις Κύριον τὸν θεόν σου ἐν ὅλῃ καρδίᾳ σου καὶ ἐν ὅλῃ τῇ ψυχῇ σου καὶ ἐν ὅλῃ τῇ διανοίᾳ σου· 22.38. αὕτη ἐστὶν ἡ μεγάλη καὶ πρώτη ἐντολή. 22.39. δευτέρα ὁμοία αὕτη Ἀγαπήσεις τὸν πλησίον σου ὡς σεαυτόν. 22.40. ἐν ταύταις ταῖς δυσὶν ἐντολαῖς ὅλος ὁ νόμος κρέμαται καὶ οἱ προφῆται. 23.15. Οὐαὶ ὑμῖν, γραμματεῖς καὶ Φαρισαῖοι ὑποκριταί, ὅτι περιάγετε τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ τὴν ξηρὰν ποιῆσαι ἕνα προσήλυτον, καὶ ὅταν γένηται ποιεῖτε αὐτὸν υἱὸν γεέννης διπλότερον ὑμῶν. 26.52. τότε λέγει αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς Ἀπόστρεψον τὴν μάχαιράν σου εἰς τὸν τόπον αὐτῆς, πάντες γὰρ οἱ λαβόντες μάχαιραν ἐν μαχαίρῃ ἀπολοῦνται· 27.26. τότε ἀπέλυσεν αὐτοῖς τὸν Βαραββᾶν, τὸν δὲ Ἰησοῦν φραγελλώσας παρέδωκεν ἵνα σταυρωθῇ. 27.27. Τότε οἱ στρατιῶται τοῦ ἡγεμόνος παραλαβόντες τὸν Ἰησοῦν εἰς τὸ πραιτώριον συνήγαγον ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ὅλην τὴν σπεῖραν. 27.28. καὶ ἐκδύσαντες αὐτὸν χλαμύδα κοκκίνην περιέθηκαν αὐτῷ, 27.29. καὶ πλέξαντες στέφανον ἐξ ἀκανθῶν ἐπέθηκαν ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς αὐτοῦ καὶ κάλαμον ἐν τῇ δεξιᾷ αὐτοῦ, καὶ γονυπετήσαντες ἔμπροσθεν αὐτοῦ ἐνέπαιξαν αὐτῷ λέγοντες Χαῖρε, βασιλεῦ τῶν Ἰουδαίων, 27.30. καὶ ἐμπτύσαντες εἰς αὐτὸν ἔλαβον τὸν κάλαμον καὶ ἔτυπτον εἰς τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ. 27.31. καὶ ὅτε ἐνέπαιξαν αὐτῷ, ἐξέδυσαν αὐτὸν τὴν χλαμύδα καὶ ἐνέδυσαν αὐτὸν τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἀπήγαγον αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ σταυρῶσαι. | 7.2. For with whatever judgment you judge, you will be judged; and with whatever measure you measure, it will be measured to you. 10.17. But beware of men: for they will deliver you up to councils, and in their synagogues they will scourge you. 10.18. Yes, and you will be brought before governors and kings for my sake, for a testimony to them and to the Gentiles. 10.19. But when they deliver you up, don't be anxious how or what you will say, for it will be given you in that hour what you will say. 10.20. For it is not you who speak, but the Spirit of your Father who speaks in you. 22.34. But the Pharisees, when they heard that he had put the Sadducees to silence, gathered themselves together. 22.35. One of them, a lawyer, asked him a question, testing him. 22.36. "Teacher, which is the greatest commandment in the law?" 22.37. Jesus said to him, "'You shall love the Lord your God with all your heart, and with all your soul, and with all your mind.' 22.38. This is the first and great commandment. 22.39. A second likewise is this, 'You shall love your neighbor as yourself.' 22.40. The whole law and the prophets depend on these two commandments." 23.15. Woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! For you travel around by sea and land to make one proselyte; and when he becomes one, you make him twice as much of a son of Gehenna as yourselves. 26.52. Then Jesus said to him, "Put your sword back into its place, for all those who take the sword will die by the sword. 27.26. Then he released to them Barabbas, but Jesus he flogged and delivered to be crucified. 27.27. Then the governor's soldiers took Jesus into the Praetorium, and gathered the whole garrison together against him. 27.28. They stripped him, and put a scarlet robe on him. 27.29. They braided a crown of thorns and put it on his head, and a reed in his right hand; and they kneeled down before him, and mocked him, saying, "Hail, King of the Jews!" 27.30. They spat on him, and took the reed and struck him on the head. 27.31. When they had mocked him, they took the robe off of him, and put his clothes on him, and led him away to crucify him. |
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| 77. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 53.2, 65.3-65.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius •dio, l. cassius Found in books: Konrad (2022) 19; Rüpke (2011) 133 |
| 78. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 6.1, 6.2, 6.3, 8.4, 14.1, 16, 24, 26, 61.4, 63.6, 63.7, 63.8, 64.4, 65, 65.1-66.8, 66, 66.3, 66.4, 67, 68, 69, 69.3, 69.4, 69.5, 70, 71, 72, 72.3, 72.4, 73, 73.3, 74, 75, 76, 76.3, 76.4, 77, 83, 84, 85, 86 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 36 |
| 79. Lucan, Pharsalia, 2.38-2.42, 3.126-3.127, 7.778, 9.1010-9.1108 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius •dio, l. cassius, on crassus’ departure for parthia Found in books: Konrad (2022) 155; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 206, 232, 244 |
| 80. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 53.2, 65.3-65.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius •dio, l. cassius Found in books: Konrad (2022) 19; Rüpke (2011) 133 |
| 81. Frontinus, Strategemata, 4.1.31 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio, l. cassius Found in books: Konrad (2022) 25 |
| 82. Epictetus, Discourses, 3.13.9-3.13.12, 3.26.32, 4.1, 4.1.12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Stanton (2021) 79 |
| 83. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 391 |
| 84. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 3.28, 5.68, 14.22.144-14.22.146, 17.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius, on censuses •dio cassius, on territory given to cleopatra •cassius dio Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 362; Udoh (2006) 146, 209 |
| 85. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Cain (2016) 96 |
86. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 8.3.68, 9.3.66, 10.1.118, 11.3.8, 12.10.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio •cassius dio, greek historian •dio cassius Found in books: Cain (2016) 96; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 367; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 246; Rizzi (2010) 115 | 8.3.68. But if we expand all that the one word "stormed" includes, we shall see the flames pouring from house and temple, and hear the crash of falling roofs and one confused clamour blent of many cries: we shall behold some in doubt whither to fly, others clinging to their nearest and dearest in one last embrace, while the wailing of women and children and the laments of old men that the cruelty of fate should have spared them to see that day will strike upon our ears. |
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87. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 33.41, 45.4 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, on caracalla •cassius dio, on syrians •cassius dio Found in books: Isaac (2004) 346; Stanton (2021) 79 | 33.41. well then, suppose that a man were to judge you too by the sound that came to him from a distance, what kind of men would he guess you were and what your occupation? For you haven't the capacity for tending either cattle or sheep! And would any one call you colonists from Argos, as you claim to be, or more likely colonists of those abominable Aradians? Would he call you Greeks, or the most licentious of Phoenicians? I believe it is more appropriate for a man of sense to plug his ears with wax in a city like yours than if he chanced to be sailing past the Sirens. For there one faced the risk of death, but here it is licentiousness, insolence, the most extreme corruption that threatens. 45.4. But the question whether these concessions are useful and important, or whether they have been granted, not to many other cities, but to one only, and that too, I venture to state, one of the most illustrious in all Asia, a city possessing so great a claim upon the Emperor, inasmuch as the god they worship had prophesied and foretold his leadership to him and had been the first of all openly to proclaim him master of the world â I am not speaking of anything like that. But that you desired these concessions most of all, and that there had been a long period during which you were in a state of expectancy, victims of deception, constantly bestowing extravagant honours upon those private persons who merely gave you promises â for of course none of the proconsuls ever either expected or promised these concessions â inasmuch as you went in a body far from Prusa to meet the men of whom I speak, and waited for them in other cities â this perhaps is a matter worth bearing in mind. |
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88. Plutarch, Brutus, 4.1, 19.3, 29.1-29.2, 30.2, 32.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stanton (2021) 80; Udoh (2006) 102, 104| 4.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ πράγματα διέστη Πομπηΐου καί Καίσαρος ἐξενεγκαμένων τὰ ὅπλα καί τῆς ἡγεμονίας ταραχθείσης, ἐπίδοξος μὲν ἦν αἱρήσεσθαι τὰ Καίσαρος· ὁ γὰρ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸν Πομπήϊον ἐτεθνήκει πρότερον· 19.3. καὶ Κάσσιον μὲν Ἀντώνιος εἱστία παραλαβών, Βροῦτον δὲ Λέπιδος, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους, ὥς τις εἶχε πρὸς ἕκαστον ἢ συνηθείας ἢ φιλοφροσύνης. 29.1. ἐβούλετο μὲν οὖν ἴσον ἔχειν τιμῆς καὶ παρέχειν ὁ Κάσσιος, ἔφθανε δʼ ὁ Βροῦτος ὡς τὰ πολλὰ φοιτῶν πρὸς αὐτόν ἡλικίᾳ τε προὔχοντα καὶ σώματι πονεῖν ὁμοίως μὴ δυναμένῳ χρώμενον. 29.2. ἦν δὲδόξα Κάσσιον μὲν εἶναι δεινὸν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς, ὀργῇ δὲ τραχὺν καὶ φόβῳ μᾶλλον ἄρχοντα, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς συνήθεις ὑγρότερον τῷγελοίῳ καὶ φιλοσκώπτην· 30.2. οὐκ εἴων μὲν οὖν τὸν Κάσσιον οἱ φίλοι διδόναι, λέγοντες ὡς οὐ δίκαιον, ἃ σὺ φειδόμενος διαφυλάττεις Καὶ φθόνῳ συνάγεις, ἐκεῖνον λαβόντα δημαγωγεῖν Καὶ χαρίζεσθαι τοῖς στρατιώταις· οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἔδωκεν αὐτῷ τρίτον μέρος ἁπάντων. 32.2. αἱ δʼἀνδρῶν τε καὶ πατέρων ἐπιφανῶν οὖσαι διηγούμεναι τὸν Βροῦτον, ὡς ἀνὴρ εἴη σωφρονέστατος καὶ δικαιότατος, ἔπεισαν εἶξαι καὶ παραδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν. | 4.1. 19.3. 29.1. 29.2. 30.2. 32.2. |
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| 89. Suetonius, Caligula, 15.2, 24.2-24.3, 30.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 206, 244; Rüpke (2011) 133 |
| 90. Suetonius, Claudius, 11.1, 13.2, 25.4, 29.1, 37.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Isaac (2004) 457; Tuori (2016) 155 |
| 91. Suetonius, Domitianus, 3.1, 4.5, 10.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 259; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 101; Tuori (2016) 274 |
| 92. Plutarch, Pompey, 80 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 232 |
| 93. Suetonius, Iulius, 20.1, 30.5, 76.1, 80.3, 81.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio, l. cassius •cassius dio Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 339; Konrad (2022) 75; Lampe (2003) 201 |
| 94. Suetonius, Nero, 6.4, 21.2, 22.1, 33.1, 34.2-34.4, 38.1-38.2, 39.2-39.3, 46.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 362, 364, 369, 370; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 198, 200, 201, 202, 203, 206, 209, 210, 214 |
| 95. Suetonius, Tiberius, 2.2, 31.2, 37.4, 59.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022) 104; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 206; Tuori (2016) 147; Udoh (2006) 209 |
| 96. Suetonius, Vitellius, 15.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 362 |
97. Plutarch, Precepts of Statecraft, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 391 | 814c. it is even now possible to resemble our ancestors, but Marathon, the Eurymedon, Plataea, and all the other examples which make the common folk vainly to swell with pride and kick up their heels, should be left to the schools of the sophists. And not only should the statesman show himself and his native State blameless towards our rulers, but he should also have always a friend among the men of high station who have the greatest power as a firm bulwark, so to speak, of his administration; for the Romans themselves are most eager to promote the political interests of their friends; and it is a fine thing also, when we gain advantage from the friendship of great men, to turn it to the welfare of our community, as Polybius and Panaetius, through Scipio's goodwill towards them, |
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98. Plutarch, Timoleon, 2.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Stanton (2021) 80| 2.2. οὐ μόνον διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν οὐδʼ ἀφʼ ὧν ἤδη πολλάκις εὐεργέτηντο πιστεύοντες ἐκείνοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ καθόλου τὴν πόλιν ὁρῶντες φιλελεύθερον καὶ μισοτύραννον οὖσαν ἀεί, καὶ τῶν πολέμων τοὺς πλείστους καὶ μεγίστους πεπολεμηκυῖαν οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἡγεμονίας καὶ πλεονεξίας, ἀλλʼ ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας. | 2.2. not only because they trusted them on account of their kinship Syracuse was founded by Corinthians in 735 B.C. and in consequence of the many benefits they had already received from them, but also in general because they saw that the city was always a lover of freedom and a hater of tyrants, and had waged the most and greatest of her wars, not for supremacy and aggrandizement, but for the liberty of the Greeks. |
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| 99. Plutarch, Roman Questions, 14 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Janowitz (2002) 75 |
100. Plutarch, Romulus, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Stanton (2021) 80| 1.1. τὸ μέγα τῆς Ῥώμης ὄνομα καὶ δόξῃ διὰ πάντων ἀνθρώπων κεχωρηκὸς ἀφʼ ὅτου καὶ διʼ ἣν αἰτίαν τῇ πόλει γέγονεν, οὐχ ὡμολόγηται παρὰ τοῖς συγγραφεῦσιν, ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν Πελασγούς, ἐπὶ πλεῖστα τῆς οἰκουμένης πλανηθέντας ἀνθρώπων τε πλείστων κρατήσαντας, αὐτόθι κατοικῆσαι, καὶ διὰ τὴν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ῥώμην οὕτως ὀνομάσαι τὴν πόλιν, | 1.1. From whom, and for what reason the great name of Rome, so famous among mankind, was given to that city, writers are not agreed. Some say that the Pelasgians, after wandering over most of the habitable earth and subduing most of mankind, settled down on that site, and that from their strength in war they called their city Rome. |
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101. Plutarch, Sertorius, 3.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •antonius, marcus, in dio cassius •fufius calenus, in dio cassius •tullius cicero, marcus, in dio cassius Found in books: Roller (2018) 60| 3.1. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν Κίμβρων καὶ Τευτόνων ἐμβεβληκότων εἰς Γαλατίαν στρατευόμενος ὑπὸ Καιπίωνι, κακῶς ἀγωνισαμένων τῶν Ῥωμαίων καὶ τροπῆς γενομένης ἀποβεβληκὼς τὸν ἵππον καὶ κατατετρωμένος τὸ σῶμα τὸν Ῥοδανὸν διεπέρασεν, αὐτῷ τε τῷ θώρακι καὶ θυρεῷ πρὸς ἐναντίον ῥεῦμα πολὺ νηχόμενος· οὕτω τὸ σῶμα ῥωμαλέον ἦν αὐτῷ καὶ διάπονον τῇ ἀσκήσει. | 3.1. |
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| 102. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 17, 3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 246 |
| 103. Appian, The War Against Hannibal, 12.52, 13.55 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio, l. cassius Found in books: Konrad (2022) 107 |
104. Plutarch, Sulla, 33.1-33.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio, l. cassius, on antonius as magister equitum •dio, l. cassius, on caesar’s dictatorships •cassius dio Found in books: Konrad (2022) 135; Tuori (2016) 60| 33.1. ἔξω δὲ τῶν φονικῶν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐλύπει. δικτάτορα μὲν γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ἀνηγόρευσε, διʼ ἐτῶν ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι τοῦτο τὸ γένος τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀναλαβών. ἐψηφίσθη δὲ αὐτῷ πάντων ἄδεια τῶν γεγονότων, πρὸς δὲ τὸ μέλλον ἐξουσία θανάτου, δημεύσεως, κληρουχιῶν, κτίσεως, πορθήσεως, ἀφελέσθαι βασιλείαν, καὶ ᾧ καὶ ᾧ with Bekker, after Reiske: ᾧ . βούλοιτο χαρίσασθαι. 33.2. τὰς δὲ διαπράσεις τῶν δεδημευμένων οἴκων οὕτως ὑπερηφάνως ἐποιεῖτο καὶ δεσποτικῶς ἐπὶ βήματος καθεζόμενος, ὥστε τῶν ἀφαιρέσεων ἐπαχθεστέρας αὐτοῦ τὰς δωρεὰς εἶναι, καὶ γυναιξὶν εὐμόρφοις καὶ λυρῳδοῖς καὶ μίμοις καὶ καθάρμασιν ἐξελευθερικοῖς ἐθνῶν χώρας καὶ πόλεων χαριζομένου προσόδους, ἐνίοις δὲ γάμους ἀκουσίως ζευγνυμένων γυναικῶν. | 33.1. 33.2. |
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| 105. Tacitus, Agricola, 2.1-2.3, 29.1, 42.3, 43.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 71, 170, 232, 243 |
106. Tacitus, Annals, 1.2, 1.4.1-1.4.2, 1.6.1, 1.31, 1.33, 1.73.2, 2.6, 2.28-2.29, 2.32, 2.42, 2.73, 2.85-2.87, 3.1.3-3.1.4, 3.2.3, 3.3.1, 3.5.2, 3.6, 3.15, 3.22.2, 3.55.5, 4.6, 4.11.3, 4.21.2, 4.32-4.35, 4.37.3, 4.53.2, 4.55.3, 4.56.1, 5.1-5.2, 6.10.1, 6.19, 6.41, 6.50, 11.1-11.3, 11.4.1, 11.11.3, 11.26-11.38, 11.27.1, 11.31.3, 11.36.1-11.36.2, 12.3.4-12.3.8, 12.34, 12.42, 12.47, 12.52, 12.56.3, 13.1.1, 13.2, 13.3.2, 13.4.1, 13.10.1, 13.11, 13.20-13.21, 13.32, 13.42, 14.1-14.13, 14.1.1, 14.3.1, 14.3.3, 14.4.1-14.4.4, 14.6.1, 14.6.3, 14.7.6, 14.8.1, 14.8.5, 14.10.1-14.10.2, 14.12.1-14.12.2, 14.13.1, 14.20, 14.27.2, 14.37, 14.46, 14.57, 14.63-14.64, 15.23, 15.32, 15.36, 15.38.1, 15.38.7, 15.40.1-15.40.2, 15.41.2, 15.46.2, 15.48, 16.12.2, 16.21-16.35, 16.28.1-16.28.3, 16.31.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Isaac (2004) 220| 14.37. Ac primum legio gradu immota et angustias loci pro munimento retinens, postquam in propius suggressos hostis certo iactu tela exhauserat, velut cuneo erupit. idem auxiliarium impetus; et eques protentis hastis perfringit quod obvium et validum erat. ceteri terga praebuere, difficili effugio, quia circumiecta vehicula saepserant abitus. et miles ne mulierum quidem neci temperabat, confixaque telis etiam iumenta corporum cumulum auxerant. clara et antiquis victoriis par ea die laus parta: quippe sunt qui paulo minus quam octoginta milia Britannorum cecidisse tradant, militum quadringentis ferme interfectis nec multo amplius vulneratis. Boudicca vitam veneno finivit. et Poenius Postumus, praefectus castrorum secundae legionis, cognitis quartadecimanorum vicesimanorumque prosperis rebus, quia pari gloria legionem suam fraudaverat abnue- ratque contra ritum militiae iussa ducis, se ipse gladio transegit. | 14.37. At first, the legionaries stood motionless, keeping to the defile as a natural protection: then, when the closer advance of the enemy had enabled them to exhaust their missiles with certitude of aim, they dashed forward in a wedge-like formation. The auxiliaries charged in the same style; and the cavalry, with lances extended, broke a way through any parties of resolute men whom they encountered. The remainder took to flight, although escape was difficult, as the cordon of waggons had blocked the outlets. The troops gave no quarter even to the women: the baggage animals themselves had been speared and added to the pile of bodies. The glory won in the course of the day was remarkable, and equal to that of our older victories: for, by some accounts, little less than eighty thousand Britons fell, at a cost of some four hundred Romans killed and a not much greater number of wounded. Boudicca ended her days by poison; while Poenius Postumus, camp-prefect of the second legion, informed of the exploits of the men of the fourteenth and twentieth, and conscious that he had cheated his own corps of a share in the honours and had violated the rules of the service by ignoring the orders of his commander, ran his sword through his body. |
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107. Tacitus, Histories, 1.1, 1.3, 1.4.1, 1.10.3, 1.27, 1.51.1, 2.50.2, 2.78, 3.71, 3.71.4, 4.5-4.8, 5.2, 5.5.1-5.5.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius •cassius dio •dio, cassius •cassius dio, l. Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 104; Jenkyns (2013) 43; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 362, 367, 370; Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022) 107; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 49, 170, 201, 215; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 177 | 2.78. After Mucianus had spoken, the rest became bolder; they gathered about Vespasian, encouraged him, and recalled the prophecies of seers and the movements of the stars. Nor indeed was he wholly free from such superstitious belief, as was evident later when he had obtained supreme power, for he openly kept at court an astrologer named Seleucus, whom he regarded as his guide and oracle. Old omens came back to his mind: once on his country estate a cypress of conspicuous height suddenly fell, but the next day it rose again on the selfsame spot fresh, tall, and with wider expanse than before. This occurrence was a favourable omen of great significance, as the haruspices all agreed, and promised the highest distinctions for Vespasian, who was then still a young man. At first, however, the insignia of a triumph, his consulship, and his victory over Judea appeared to have fulfilled the promise given by the omen; yet after he had gained these honours, he began to think that it was the imperial throne that was foretold. Between Judea and Syria lies Carmel: this is the name given to both the mountain and the divinity. The god has no image or temple â such is the rule handed down by the fathers; there is only an altar and the worship of the god. When Vespasian was sacrificing there and thinking over his secret hopes in his heart, the priest Basilides, after repeated inspection of the victim's vitals, said to him: "Whatever you are planning, Vespasian, whether to build a house, or to enlarge your holdings, or to increase the number of your slaves, the god grants you a mighty home, limitless bounds, and a multitude of men." This obscure oracle rumour had caught up at the time, and now was trying to interpret; nothing indeed was more often on men's lips. It was discussed even more in Vespasian's presence â for men have more to say to those who are filled with hope. The two leaders now separated with clear purposes before them, Mucianus going to Antioch, Vespasian to Caesarea. Antioch is the capital of Syria, Caesarea of Judea. 3.71. Martialis had hardly returned to the Capitol when the soldiers arrived in fury. They had no leader; each directed his own movements. Rushing through the Forum and past the temples that rise above it, they advanced in column up the hill, as far as the first gates of the Capitoline citadel. There were then some old colonnades on the right as you go up the slopes; the defenders came out on the roofs of these and showered stones and tiles on their assailants. The latter had no arms except their swords, and they thought that it would cost too much time to send for artillery and missiles; consequently they threw firebrands on a projecting colonnade, and then followed in the path of the flames; they actually burned the gates of the Capitol and would have forced their way through, if Sabinus had not torn down all the statues, memorials to the glory of our ancestors, and piled them up across the entrance as a barricade. Then the assailants tried different approaches to the Capitol, one by the grove of the asylum and another by the hundred steps that lead up to the Tarpeian Rock. Both attacks were unexpected; but the one by the asylum was closer and more threatening. Moreover, the defenders were unable to stop those who climbed through neighbouring houses, which, built high in time of peace, reached the level of the Capitol. It is a question here whether it was the besiegers or the besieged who threw fire on the roofs. The more common tradition says this was done by the latter in their attempts to repel their assailants, who were climbing up or had reached the top. From the houses the fire spread to the colonnades adjoining the temple; then the "eagles" which supported the roof, being of old wood, caught and fed the flames. So the Capitol burned with its doors closed; none defended it, none pillaged it. 4.5. Since I have again had occasion to mention a man of whom I shall have cause to speak many times, I think that I ought to give a brief account of his life and interests, and of the vicissitudes of fortune that he experienced. Helvidius Priscus was born in the town of Cluviae [in the district of Caracina]. His father had been a centurion of the first rank. In his early youth Helvidius devoted his extraordinary talents to the higher studies, not as most youths do, in order to cloak a useless leisure with a pretentious name, but that he might enter public life better fortified against the chances of fortune. He followed those teachers of philosophy who count only those things "good" which are morally right and only those things "evil" which are base, and who reckon power, high birth, and everything else that is beyond the control of the will as neither good nor bad. After he had held only the quaestorship, he was selected by Paetus Thrasea to be his son-inâlaw; from the character of his father-inâlaw he derived above everything the spirit of freedom; as citizen, senator, husband, son-inâlaw, and friend he showed himself equal to all of life's duties, despising riches, determined in the right, unmoved by fear. 4.6. Some thought that he was rather too eager for fame, since the passion for glory is that from which even philosophers last divest themselves. Driven into exile by the ruin of his father, he returned under Galba and brought charges against Marcellus Eprius, who had informed against Thrasea. This attempt to avenge him, at once notable and just, divided the senators: for if Marcellus fell, it was the ruin of a host of the guilty. At first the struggle was threatening, as is proved by the elsewhere speeches on both sides; later, since Galba's attitude was uncertain, Priscus yielded to many appeals from his fellow senators and gave up the prosecution. This action called forth varied comments according to the nature of those who made them, some praising his moderation, others regretting his lack of firmness. However, at the meeting of the senate at which Vespasian was voted the imperial power, the senators decided to send a delegation to the emperor. This gave rise to a sharp difference between Helvidius and Eprius, for Helvidius demanded that the representatives be chosen by the magistrates under oath, Marcellus demanded a selection by lot, as the consul designate had proposed. 4.7. The interest that Marcellus felt was prompted by his personal vanity and his fear that others might be chosen and so he might seem neglected. Gradually the disputants were swept on in their wrangling to make long and bitter speeches. Helvidius asked Marcellus why he was so afraid of the decision of the magistrates. "You have," he said, "wealth and eloquence in which you would be superior to many, if you were not burdened with men's memory of your crimes. The lot and urn do not judge character; voting and the judgment of the senate have been devised as means to penetrate into the life and reputation of the individual. It is for the interests of the state and it touches the honour to be done Vespasian to have the delegation that meets him made up of the men whom the senate considers freest from reproach, that they may fill the emperor's ears with honourable counsels. Vespasian was once the friend of Thrasea, Soranus, and Sentius. Even if it is not well to punish their accusers, we ought not to make a display of them. By its decision in this matter the senate will, in a way, suggest to the emperor whom to approve, whom to fear. For a good government there is no greater instrument at hand than the possession of good friends. You, Marcellus, must be satisfied with the fact that you induced Nero to put to death so many innocent men. Enjoy your rewards and immunity; leave Vespasian to better men." 4.8. Marcellus replied that it was not his proposal, but that of the consul designate that was attacked; and it was a proposal that conformed to the ancient precedents, which prescribed that delegates should be chosen by lot, that there might be no room for self-seeking or for hate. Nothing had occurred to give reason for abandoning long-established customs or for turning the honour due an emperor into an insult to any man: they could all pay homage. What they must try to avoid was allowing the wilfulness of certain individuals to irritate the mind of the emperor, who was as yet unbiassed, being newly come to power and watchful of every look and every word. For his own part he remembered the time in which he was born, the form of government that their fathers and grandfathers had established; he admired the earlier period, but adapted himself to the present; he prayed for good emperors, but endured any sort. It was not by his speech any more than by the judgment of the senate that Thrasea had been brought to ruin; Nero's cruel nature found its delight in such shows of justice, and such a friendship caused him no less anxiety than exile in others. In short, let them set Helvidius on an equality with Cato and Brutus in firmness and courage: for himself, he was only one of a senate which accepted a common servitude. He would also advise Priscus not to exalt himself above an emperor, not to try to check by his precepts a man of ripe age as Vespasian was, a man who had gained the insignia of a triumph, and who had sons grown to man's estate. Just as the worst emperors wish for absolute tyrannical power, even the best desire some limit to the freedom of their subjects. These arguments, which were hurled back and forth with great vehemence, were received with different feelings. The party prevailed that favoured the selection of the envoys by lot, for even the ordinary senators were eager to preserve precedent, and all the most prominent also inclined to the same course, fearing to excite envy if they should be selected themselves. 5.2. However, as I am about to describe the last days of a famous city, it seems proper for me to give some account of its origin. It is said that the Jews were originally exiles from the island of Crete who settled in the farthest parts of Libya at the time when Saturn had been deposed and expelled by Jove. An argument in favour of this is derived from the name: there is a famous mountain in Crete called Ida, and hence the inhabitants were called the Idaei, which was later lengthened into the barbarous form Iudaei. Some hold that in the reign of Isis the superfluous population of Egypt, under the leadership of Hierosolymus and Iuda, discharged itself on the neighbouring lands; many others think that they were an Egyptian stock, which in the reign of Cepheus was forced to migrate by fear and hatred. Still others report that they were Assyrian refugees, a landless people, who first got control of a part of Egypt, then later they had their own cities and lived in the Hebrew territory and the nearer parts of Syria. Still others say that the Jews are of illustrious origin, being the Solymi, a people celebrated in Homer's poems, who founded a city and gave it the name Hierosolyma, formed from their own. |
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| 108. Appian, Civil Wars, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Udoh (2006) 103 |
| 109. Appian, The Illyrian Wars, 30.87 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 384 |
| 110. Suetonius, Augustus, 13.1-13.2, 32.3, 33.1-33.3, 45.1, 53.1-53.2, 56.1, 97.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 256; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 99; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 31; Tuori (2016) 90, 102, 112, 115 |
| 111. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 203 |
| 112. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 18.4-19.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Rüpke (2011) 133 |
| 113. Plutarch, Cicero, 32.6-32.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Maso (2022) 3 |
| 114. Seneca The Younger, De Otio Sapientis (Dialogorum Liber Viii), 2.1, 3.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Bryan (2018) 318; Wardy and Warren (2018) 318 |
| 115. Appian, Roman History, 3.66, 4.34, 4.52, 4.73-4.74 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius, on cassius in syria Found in books: Udoh (2006) 103, 104, 107 |
| 116. Seneca The Younger, De Clementia, 1.8.5, 1.12.4, 2.2.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius, on living law ideal in roman imperialism •dio cassius Found in books: Martens (2003) 51; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 206 |
117. Plutarch, Crassus, 16.4-16.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio, l. cassius, on crassus’ departure for parthia Found in books: Konrad (2022) 155| 16.4. μέγα γὰρ ἦν ἐκείνου τὸ πρὸς τὸν ὄχλον ἀξίωμα· καὶ τότε παρεσκευασμένους πολλοὺς ἐνίστασθαι καὶ καταβοᾶν ὁρώμενος πρὸ αὐτοῦ φαιδρῷ βλέμματι καὶ προσώπῳ κατεπράυνεν ὁ Πομπήιος, ὥσθʼ ὑπείκειν σιωπῇ διʼ αὐτῶν προϊοῦσιν. ὁ δʼ Ἀτήιος ἀπαντήσας πρῶτον μὲν ἀπὸ φωνῆς ἐκώλυε καὶ διεμαρτύρετο μὴ βαδίζειν, ἔπειτα τὸν ὑπηρέτην ἐκέλευεν ἁψάμενον τοῦ σώματος κατέχειν. 16.5. ἄλλων δὲ δημάρχων οὐκ ἐώντων, ὁ μὲν ὑπηρέτης ἀφῆκε τὸν Κράσσον, ὁ δʼ Ἀτήιος προδραμὼν ἐπὶ τὴν πύλην ἔθηκεν ἐσχαρίδα καιομένην, καὶ τοῦ Κράσσου γενομένου κατʼ αὐτήν ἐπιθυμιῶν καὶ κατασπένδων ἀρὰς ἐπηρᾶτο δεινὰς μὲν αὐτὰς καὶ φρικώδεις, δεινοὺς δέ τινας θεοὺς καὶ ἀλλοκότους ἐπʼ αὐταῖς καλῶν καὶ ὀνομάζων· 16.6. ταύτας φασὶ Ῥωμαῖοι τὰς ἀρὰς ἀποθέτους καὶ παλαιὰς τοιαύτην ἔχειν δύναμιν ὡς περιφυγεῖν μηδένα τῶν ἐνσχεθέντων αὐταῖς, κακῶς δὲ πράσσειν καὶ τὸν χρησάμενον, ὅθεν οὐκ ἐπὶ τοῖς τυχοῦσιν αὐτὰς οὐδʼ ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἀρᾶσθαι. καὶ τότʼ οὖν ἐμέμφοντο τὸν Ἀτήιον, εἰ διʼ ἣν ἐχαλέπαινε τῷ Κράσσῳ πόλιν, εἰς αὐτήν ἀρὰς ἀφῆκε καὶ δεισιδαιμονίαν τοσαύτην. | 16.4. 16.5. 16.6. |
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118. Plutarch, On The Control of Anger, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022) 130; König and Wiater (2022) 130 | 455e. "Noble Athos, whose summit reaches Heaven, do not put in the way of my deeds great stones difficult to work. Else Ishall hew you down and cast you into the sea." For temper can do many terrible things, and likewise many that are ridiculous; therefore it is both the most hated and the most despised of the passions. It will be useful to consider it in both of these aspects. As for me â whether rightly Ido not know â Imade this start in the treatment of my anger: Ibegan to observe the passion in others, just as the Spartans used to observe in the Helots what a thing drunkenness is. And first, as Hippocrates says that the most severe disease |
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| 119. Plutarch, Demetrius, 42.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Tuori (2016) 214 |
120. Plutarch, Fabius, 9.5, 10.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022) 107| 10.1. τὸν δὲ Μινούκιον ἐπὶ τὰς αὐτὰς τῷ δικτάτορι πράξεις ἀποδείξαντες ᾤοντο κεκολοῦσθαι καὶ γεγονέναι ταπεινὸν παντάπασιν ἐκεῖνον, οὐκ ὀρθῶς στοχαζόμενοι τοῦ ἀνδρός. οὐ γὰρ αὑτοῦ συμφορὰν ἡγεῖτο τὴν ἐκείνων ἄγνοιαν, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ Διογένης ὁ σοφός, εἰπόντος τινὸς πρὸς αὐτόν· οὗτοι σοῦ καταγελῶσιν, ἀλλʼ ἐγώ εἶπεν, οὐ καταγελῶμαι, μόνους ἡγούμενος καταγελᾶσθαι τοὺς ἐνδιδόντας καὶ πρὸς τὰ τοιαῦτα διαταραττομένους. | 10.1. Now that they had invested Minucius with the same powers as the dictator, the people supposed that the latter would feel shorn of strength and altogether humble, but they did not estimate the man aright. For he did not regard their mistake as his own calamity, but was like Diogenes the wise man, who, when some one said to him, These folk are ridiculing you, said, But I am not ridiculed. He held that only those are ridiculed who are confounded by such treatment and yield their ground. 10.1. Now that they had invested Minucius with the same powers as the dictator, the people supposed that the latter would feel shorn of strength and altogether humble, but they did not estimate the man aright. For he did not regard their mistake as his own calamity, but was like Diogenes the wise man, who, when some one said to him,These folk are ridiculing you, said,But I am not ridiculed. He held that only those are ridiculed who are confounded by such treatment and yield their ground. |
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| 121. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Polybium (Ad Polybium De Consolatione) (Dialogorum Liber Xi), 7.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius, on living law ideal in roman imperialism Found in books: Martens (2003) 51 |
| 122. Seneca The Younger, Dialogi, 6.14.3, 11.15.5, 11.17.2-11.17.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 232, 234, 245 |
| 123. Soranus, Gynaecology, 2.19-2.20, 2.19.15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Penniman (2017) 44 |
| 124. Seneca The Younger, Apocolocyntosis, 7.4-7.5, 8.2, 10.1-10.2, 10.4, 11.1-11.5, 13.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al (2020) 96; Tuori (2016) 151, 155 |
125. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 4.3-4.4, 6.3, 48.1.65, 51.1, 57.2-57.3, 58.2, 60.1, 63.1, 66.1-66.3, 69.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 339; Konrad (2022) 135, 136, 144; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 232; Tuori (2016) 60| 4.3. ἦν δέ τις καὶ ἀπὸ δείπνων καὶ τραπέζης καὶ ὅλως τῆς περὶ τὴν δίαιταν λαμπρότητος αὐξανομένη κατὰ μικρὸν αὐτῷ δύναμις εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν. ἣν τὸ πρῶτον οἱ φθονοῦντες οἰόμενοι ταχὺ τῶν ἀναλωμάτων ἐπιλιπόντων ἐξίτηλον ἔσεσθαι, περιεώρων ἀνθοῦσαν ἐν τοῖς πολλοῖς· ὀψὲ δὲ ᾔσθοντο, μεγάλης καὶ δυσανατρέπτου γενομένης καὶ βαδιζούσης ἄντικρυς ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν ὅλων μεταβολήν, ὡς οὐδεμίαν ἀρχὴν πράγματος ἡγητέον ἡγητέον MSS. and Sint. 2 ; ἡγητέον οὕτω Coraës, after Stephanus; οὑτω ἡγητέον Sint. 1 ; οὑτως ἡγητέον Bekker. μικράν, ἣν οὐ ταχὺ ποιεῖ μεγάλην τὸ ἐνδελεχές ἐκ τοῦ καταφρονηθῆναι τὸ μὴ κωλυθῆναι λαβοῦσαν. 4.4. ὁ γοῦν πρῶτος ὑπιδέσθαι δοκῶν αὐτοῦ καὶ φοβηθῆναι τῆς πολιτείας ὥσπερ θαλάττης τὰ διαγελῶντα καὶ τὴν ἐν τῷ φιλανθρώπῳ καὶ ἱλαρῷ κεκρυμμένην δεινότητα τοῦ ἤθους καταμαθὼν Κικέρων ἔλεγε τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ἐπιβουλεύμασιν αὐτοῦ καὶ πολιτεύμασι τυραννικὴν ἐνορᾶν διάνοιαν, ἀλλʼ ὅταν ἔφη, τὴν κόμην οὕτω διακειμένην περιττῶς ἴδω κἀκεῖνον ἑνὶ δακτύλῳ κνώμενον, οὔ μοι δοκεῖ πάλιν οὗτος ἅνθρωπος εἰς νοῦν ἂν ἐμβαλέσθαι τηλικοῦτον κακόν, ἀναίρεσιν τῆς Ῥωμαίων πολιτείας. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὕστερον. 6.3. ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν ἐβόων τυραννίδα πολιτεύεσθαι Καίσαρα, νόμοις καὶ δόγμασι κατορωρυγμένας ἐπανιστάντα τιμάς, καὶ τοῦτο πεῖραν ἐπὶ τὸν δῆμον εἶναι προμαλαττόμενον, εἰ τετιθάσευται ταῖς φιλοτιμίαις ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ δίδωσι παίζειν τοιαῦτα καὶ καινοτομεῖν, οἱ δὲ Μαριανοὶ παραθαρρύναντες ἀλλήλους πλήθει τε θαυμαστοὶ ὅσοι διεφάνησαν ἐξαίφνης, καὶ κρότῳ κατεῖχον τὸ Καπιτώλιον· 51.1. ἐκ τούτου διαβαλὼν εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἀνέβαινεν εἰς Ῥώμην, τοῦ μὲν ἐνιαυτοῦ καταστρέφοντος εἰς ὃν ᾕρητο δικτάτωρ τὸ δεύτερον, οὐδέποτε τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκείνης πρότερον ἐνιαυσίου γενομένης· εἰς δὲ τοὐπιὸν ὕπατος ἀπεδείχθη, καὶ κακῶς ἤκουσεν ὅτι τῶν στρατιωτῶν στασιασάντων καὶ δύο στρατηγικοὺς ἄνδρας ἀνελόντων, Κοσκώνιον καὶ Γάλβαν, ἐπετίμησε μὲν αὐτοῖς τοσοῦτον ὅσον ἀντὶ στρατιωτῶν πολίτας προσαγορεῦσαι, χιλίας δὲ διένειμεν ἑκάστῳ δραχμὰς καὶ χώραν τῆς Ἰταλίας ἀπεκλήρωσε πολλήν. 57.2. τιμὰς δὲ τὰς πρώτας Κικέρωνος εἰς τὴν βουλὴν γράψαντος, ὧν ἁμῶς γέ πως ἀνθρώπινον ἦν τὸ μέγεθος, ἕτεροι προστιθέντες ὑπερβολὰς καὶ διαμιλλώμενοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐξειργάσαντο καὶ τοῖς πρᾳοτάτοις ἐπαχθῆ τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ λυπηρὸν γενέσθαι διὰ τὸν ὄγκον καὶ τὴν ἀτοπίαν τῶν ψηφιζομένων, οἷς οὐδὲν ἧττον οἴονται συναγωνίσασθαι τῶν κολακευόντων Καίσαρα τοὺς μισοῦντας, 57.3. ὅπως ὅτι πλείστας κατʼ αὐτοῦ προφάσεις ἔχωσι καὶ μετὰ μεγίστων ἐγκλημάτων ἐπιχειρεῖν δοκῶσιν. ἐπεὶ τά γε ἄλλα, τῶν ἐμφυλίων αὐτῷ πολέμων πέρας ἐσχηκότων, ἀνέγκλητον ἑαυτὸν ἀνέγκλητον ἑαυτόν Coraës and Bekker, after Reiske: ἀνέγκλητον . παρεῖχε· καὶ τό γε τῆς Ἐπιεικείας ἱερὸν οὐκ ἀπὸ τρόπου δοκοῦσι χαριστήριον ἐπὶ τῇ πρᾳότητι ψηφίσασθαι. καὶ γὰρ ἀφῆκε πολλοὺς τῶν πεπολεμηκότων πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐνίοις δὲ καὶ ἀρχὰς καὶ τιμάς, ὡς Βρούτῳ καὶ Κασσίῳ, προσέθηκεν ἐστρατήγουν γὰρ ἀμφότεροι. 58.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸ φύσει μεγαλουργὸν αὑτοῦ καὶ φιλότιμον αἱ πολλαὶ κατορθώσεις οὐ πρὸς ἀπόλαυσιν ἔτρεπον Τῶν πεπονημένων, ἀλλʼ ὑπέκκαυμα καὶ θάρσος οὖσαι πρὸς τὰ μέλλοντα μειζόνων ἐνέτικτον ἐπινοίας πραγμάτων καὶ καινῆς ἔρωτα δόξης ὡς ἀποκεχρημένῳ τῇ παρούσῃ, τὸ μὲν πάθος οὐδὲν ἦν ἕτερον ἢ ζῆλος αὑτοῦ καθάπερ ἄλλου καὶ φιλονεικία τις ὑπὲρ Τῶν μελλόντων πρὸς τὰ πεπραγμένα, 60.1. τὸ δὲ ἐμφανὲς μάλιστα μῖσος καὶ θανατηφόρον ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ὁ τῆς βασιλείας ἔρως ἐξειργάσατο, τοῖς μὲν πολλοῖς αἰτία πρώτη, τοῖς δὲ ὑπούλοις πάλαι πρόφασις εὐπρεπεστάτη γενομένη, καίτοι καὶ λόγον τινὰ κατέσπειραν εἰς τὸν δῆμον οἱ ταύτην Καίσαρι τὴν τιμὴν προξενοῦντες, ὡς ἐκ γραμμάτων Σιβυλλείων ἁλώσιμα τὰ Πάρθων φαίνοιτο Ῥωμαίοις σὺν βασιλεῖ στρατευομένοις ἐπʼ αὐτούς, ἄλλως ἀνέφικτα ὄντα· 63.1. ἀλλʼ ἔοικεν οὐχ οὕτως ἀπροσδόκητον ὡς ἀφύλακτον εἶναι τὸ πεπρωμένον, ἐπεὶ καὶ σημεῖα θαυμαστὰ καὶ φάσματα φανῆναι λέγουσι. σέλα μὲν οὖν οὐράνια καὶ κτύπους νύκτωρ πολλαχοῦ διαφερομένους καὶ καταίροντας εἰς ἀγορὰν ἐρήμους ὄρνιθας οὐκ ἄξιον ἴσως ἐπὶ πάθει τηλικούτῳ μνημονεῦσαι· 66.1. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἤδη που φέρει καὶ τὸ αὐτόματον· ὁ δὲ δεξάμενος τὸν φόνον ἐκεῖνον καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα χῶρος, εἰς ὃν ἡ σύγκλητος ἠθροίσθη τότε, Πομπηΐου μὲν εἰκόνα κειμένην ἔχων, Πομπηΐου δὲ ἀνάθημα γεγονὼς τῶν προσκεκοσμημένων τῷ θεάτρῳ, παντάπασιν ἀπέφαινε δαίμονός τινος ὑφηγουμένου καὶ καλοῦντος ἐκεῖ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἔργον γεγονέναι. 66.2. καὶ γὰρ οὖν καὶ λέγεται Κάσσιος εἰς τὸν ἀνδριάντα τοῦ Πομπηΐου πρὸ τῆς ἐγχειρήσεως ἀποβλέπων ἐπικαλεῖσθαι σιωπῇ, καίπερ οὐκ ἀλλότριος ὢν τῶν Ἐπικούρου λόγων ἀλλʼ ὁ καιρὸς, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἤδη τοῦ δεινοῦ παρεστῶτος ἐνθουσιασμὸν ἐνεποίει καὶ πάθος ἀντὶ τῶν προτέρων λογισμῶν. 66.3. Ἀντώνιον μὲν οὖν πιστὸν ὄντα Καίσαρι καὶ ῥωμαλέον ἔξω παρακατεῖχε Βροῦτος Ἀλβῖνος, ἐμβαλὼν ἐπίτηδες ὁμιλίαν μῆκος ἔχουσαν· εἰσιόντος δὲ Καίσαρος ἡ βουλὴ μὲν ὑπεξανέστη θεραπεύουσα, τῶν δὲ περὶ Βροῦτον οἱ μὲν ἐξόπισθεν τὸν δίφρον αὐτοῦ περιέστησαν, οἱ δὲ ἀπήντησαν, ὡς δὴ Τιλλίῳ Κίμβρῳ περὶ ἀδελφοῦ φυγάδος ἐντυχάνοντι συνδεησόμενοι, καὶ συνεδέοντο μέχρι τοῦ δίφρου παρακολουθοῦντες. 69.1. θνῄσκει δὲ Καῖσαρ τὰ μὲν πάντα γεγονὼς ἔτη πεντήκοντα καὶ ἕξ, Πομπηΐῳ δʼ ἐπιβιώσας οὐ πολὺ πλέον ἐτῶν τεσσάρων, ἣν δὲ τῷ βίῳ παντὶ ἀρχὴν καὶ δυναστείαν διὰ κινδύνων τοσούτων διώκων μόλις κατειργάσατο, ταύτης οὐδὲν ὅτι μὴ τοὔνομα μόνον καὶ τὴν ἐπίφθονον καρπωσάμενος δόξαν παρὰ τῶν πολιτῶν. | 4.3. 4.4. 6.3. 51.1. 57.2. 57.3. 58.2. 60.1. 63.1. 66.1. 66.2. 66.3. 69.1. |
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| 126. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 9.3.66, 10.1.118, 12.10.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Cain (2016) 96; Rizzi (2010) 115 |
| 127. Statius, Siluae, 1.6, 1.6.9-1.6.20, 1.6.28-1.6.33, 1.6.43-1.6.44, 1.6.71, 1.6.93-1.6.95, 2.2.13-2.2.14, 2.2.54-2.2.59 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio •dio cassius Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 259; Konig and Wiater (2022) 130; König and Wiater (2022) 130; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 212 |
| 128. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 21.9, 80.7, 88.22, 91.1, 108.22, 113.23 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bryan (2018) 318; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 364; Nasrallah (2019) 188; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 210, 214; Wardy and Warren (2018) 318 |
129. Plutarch, Camillus, 10.3, 36.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius •dio, l. cassius, on caesar’s dictatorships •dio, l. cassius, on lepidus as magister equitum Found in books: Konrad (2022) 130; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 151| 10.3. ἀχθεὶς δὲ καὶ καταστὰς εἰς μέσον ἔλεγε παιδευτὴς μέν εἶναι καὶ διδάσκαλος, τὴν δὲ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον χάριν ἀντὶ τούτων ἑλόμενος τῶν δικαίων, ἥκειν αὐτῷ τὴν πόλιν ἐν τοῖς παισὶ κομίζων, δεινὸν οὖν ἀκούσαντι τὸ ἔργον ἐφάνη Καμίλλῳ· καὶ πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας εἰπών, ὡς χαλεπὸν μέν ἐστι πόλεμος καὶ διὰ πολλῆς ἀδικίας καὶ βιαίων περαινόμενος ἔργων, 36.4. ἐπεὶ δὲ κατασταθεὶς ἐπὶ ταῦτα δικτάτωρ Κούιντος Καπιτωλῖνος εἰς τὴν εἱρκτὴν ἐνέβαλε τὸν Μάλλιον, ὁ δὲ δῆμος γενομένου τούτου μετέβαλε τὴν ἐσθῆτα, πρᾶγμα γινόμενον ἐπὶ συμφοραῖς μεγάλαις καὶ δημοσίαις, δείσασα τὸν θόρυβον ἡ σύγκλητος ἐκέλευσεν ἀφεθῆναι τὸν Μάλλιον. ὁ δʼ οὐδὲν ἦν ἀφεθεὶς ἀμείνων, ἀλλὰ σοβαρώτερον ἐδημαγώγει καὶ διεστασίαζε τὴν πόλιν. αἱροῦνται δὴ πάλιν χιλίαρχον τὸν Κάμιλλον. | 10.3. So led, and in that presence, he said he was a boys’ school-teacher, but chose rather to win the general’s favour than to fulfil the duties of his office, and so had come bringing to him the city in the persons of its boys. It seemed to Camillus, on hearing him, that the man had done a monstrous deed, and turning to the bystanders he said: War is indeed a grievous thing, and is waged with much injustice and violence; 36.4. To quell their disorder, Quintus Capitolinus was made dictator, and he cast Manlius into prison. Thereupon the people put on the garb of mourners, a thing done only in times of great public calamity, and the Senate, cowed by the tumult, ordered that Manlius be released. He, however, when released, did not mend his ways, but grew more defiantly seditious, and filled the whole city with faction. Accordingly, Camillus was again made military tribune. |
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130. Cassius Dio, Roman History, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Isaac (2004) 315 | 19.64. 1. The Romans, when they had had a taste of Asiatic luxury and had spent some time among the possessions of the vanquished amid the abundance of spoils and the licence granted by success in arms, rapidly came to emulate the prodigality of these peoples and ere long to trample under foot their own ancestral traditions. Thus the terrible influence, starting in that quarter, invaded the city as well. |
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| 131. Lucian, Parliament of The Gods, 12 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dreams (in greek and latin literature), cassius dio, roman history Found in books: Renberg (2017) 320 |
| 132. Palestinian Talmud, Sukkah, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 349, 369 |
| 133. Polyaenus, Stratagems, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 95, 151, 201, 202 |
| 134. Aelius Aristides, Ecnomium of Rome, 101, 100 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022) 130; König and Wiater (2022) 130 |
| 135. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio, l. cassius, on crassus’ departure for parthia Found in books: Konrad (2022) 155 |
| 136. Anon., Mekhilta Derabbi Yishmael, None (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 248 |
| 137. Lucian, The Lover of Lies, 10-23, 29-31, 6-9, 38 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017) 320 |
138. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 4.30.3, 9.12 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Lampe (2003) 201; Stanton (2021) 79 | 9.12. Inasmuch as (Elchasai) considers, then, that it would be an insult to reason that these mighty and ineffable mysteries should be trampled under foot, or that they should be committed to many, he advises that as valuable pearls Matthew 7:6 they should be preserved, expressing himself thus: Do not recite this account to all men, and guard carefully these precepts, because all men are not faithful, nor are all women straightforward. Books containing these (tenets), however, neither the wise men of the Egyptians secreted in shrines, nor did Pythagoras, a sage of the Greeks, conceal them there. For if at that time Elchasai had happened to live, what necessity would there be that Pythagoras, or Thales, or Solon, or the wise Plato, or even the rest of the sages of the Greeks, should become disciples of the Egyptian priests, when they could obtain possession of such and such wisdom from Alcibiades, as the most astonishing interpreter of that wretched Elchasai? The statements, therefore, that have been made for the purpose of attaining a knowledge of the madness of these, would seem sufficient for those endued with sound mind. And so it is, that it has not appeared expedient to quote more of their formularies, seeing that these are very numerous and ridiculous. Since, however, we have not omitted those practices that have risen up in our own day, and have not been silent as regards those prevalent before our time, it seems proper, in order that we may pass through all their systems, and leave nothing untold, to state what also are the (customs) of the Jews, and what are the diversities of opinion among them, for I imagine that these as yet remain behind for our consideration. Now, when I have broken silence on these points, I shall pass on to the demonstration of the Doctrine of the Truth, in order that, after the lengthened argumentative straggle against all heresies, we, devoutly pressing forward towards the kingdom's crown, and believing the truth, may not be unsettled. |
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| 139. Marcus Aurelius Emperor of Rome, Meditations, 1.16.14, 3.4.1, 4.4, 4.12, 10.6.2, 11.13.4, 11.13.21, 12.20 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Stanton (2021) 79, 80 |
| 140. Anon., Leviticus Rabba, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, l. Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 250 |
141. Oppian, Halieutica, 2.664-2.684 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Kneebone (2020) 396, 397, 399| 2.664. οὐ μέντοι τό γε θαῦμα Δίκην ἀπάτερθε θαλάσσης 2.665. ναιετάειν· οὐ γάρ τι πάλαι πρέσβειρα θεάων 2.666. οὐδὲ μετὰ θνητοῖσιν ἔχε θρόνον, ἀλλὰ κυδοιμοὶ 2.667. δυσκέλαδοι καὶ θοῦρος Ἄρευς φθισήνορος ἄτη 2.668. μαῖά τʼ ἐρικλαύστων πολέμων Ἔρις ἀλγεσίδωρος 2.669. ἔφλεγον ἡμερίων δειλὸν γένος· οὐδέ τι θηρῶν 2.670. κεκριμένοι πολέες μερόπων ἔσαν, ἀλλὰ λεόντων 2.671. αἰνότεροι πύργους τʼ εὐτείχεας ἠδὲ μέλαθρα 2.672. νηούς τʼ ἀθανάτων εὐώδεας αἵματι φωτῶν 2.673. καπνῷ τʼ αἰθαλόεντι κατείνυον Ἡφαίστοιο, 2.674. εἰσόκε ῥαιομένην γενεὴν ᾤκτειρε Κρονίων, 2.675. ὑμῖν δʼ Αἰνεάδῃσιν ἐπέραπε γαῖαν ἀνάψας. 2.676. ἀλλʼ ἔτι καὶ προτέροισιν ἐν Αὐσονίων βασιλεῦσι 2.677. θῦνεν Ἄρης, Κελτούς τε καὶ αὐχήεντας Ἴβηρας 2.678. θωρήσσων Λιβύης τε πολύν πόρον ἔργα τε Ῥήνου 2.679. Ἴστρον τʼ Εὐφρήτην τε· τί μοι τάδε δούρατος ἔργα 2.680. μεμνῆσθαι; νῦν γάρ σε, Δίκη θρέπτειρα πολήων, 2.681. γινώσκω μερόπεσσι συνέστιον ἠδὲ σύνοικον, 2.682. ἐξ οὗ μοι κραίνουσι μέγαν θρόνον ἐμβεβαῶτες 2.683. ἄμφω θεσπέσιός τε πατὴρ καὶ φαίδιμος ὄρπηξ· 2.684. ἐκ τῶν μοι γλυκύς ὅρμος ἀνακτορίης πεπέτασται. | |
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| 142. Tertullian, To Scapula, 3.5, 4.6-4.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio •cassius dio, Found in books: Huttner (2013) 233; Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019) 16 |
| 143. Lucian, Alexander The False Prophet, 19 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dreams (in greek and latin literature), cassius dio, roman history Found in books: Renberg (2017) 320 |
144. Anon., Lamentations Rabbah, 1.16 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 369| 1.16. חַד מִתַּלְמִידוֹי דְּרַבִּי יוֹחָנָן הֲוָה יָתֵיב קוֹמֵיהּ מִיסְבַּר לֵיהּ וְלָא סְבַר, אֲמַר לֵיהּ לָמָּה לֵית אַתְּ סָבַר, אֲמַר לֵיהּ תְּלַת מִילִין קַשְׁיָן חֲמֵית בַּהֲדֵין לֵילְיָא וְלֵית אֲנָא יָדַע מָה אִינוּן. אֲמַר לֵיהּ אֵימָא לִי מָה אִינוּן. אֲמַר לֵיהּ חֲמֵית בְּחֶלְמִי דְּאָמְרִין לִי בַּאֲדָר אַתְּ מַיְית, וְנִיסָן לֵית אַתְּ חָמֵי, וְזָרַע וְלָא חָצַד. אֲמַר לֵיהּ תְּלָתֵיהוֹן הֵן טָבִין, בַּאֲדָר אַתְּ מַיְית, בְּהִדּוּרָהּ שֶׁל תּוֹרָה אַתְּ מַיְית, [פרוש מתגבר], וְנִיסָן לֵית אַתְּ חָמֵי, נִסְיוֹנִין לֵית אַתְּ חָמֵי. וְזָרַע וְלָא חֲצָד, מַה דִּילֵידִית לֵית אַתְּ קָבֵיר. אֲמַר לוֹ חוֹרָן חֲמֵית בְּחֶלְמִי דְּלָא הֲוָה בְּרַגְלִי פְּטִישׁ, אֲמַר לֵיהּ חַיֶּיךָ לֵית הָא בִּישָׁא אֶלָּא טָבָא, דְּמָטֵי חַגָּא וְלָא הֲוָה לֵיהּ לְהַהוּא גַבְרָא כְּלוּם, מִן הָן יְלִיף רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן, רֶגֶל בְּרָגֶל. | |
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| 145. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 7.6.11, 10.96-10.97 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian •cassius dio, on jewish proselytism in rome Found in books: Isaac (2004) 460; Rizzi (2010) 115 |
146. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 7.6.11, 7.33.7, 8.6.14, 10.33, 10.96-10.97 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian •cassius dio •dio, cassius •cassius dio, l. •cassius dio, on jewish proselytism in rome Found in books: Isaac (2004) 460; Jenkyns (2013) 49; Lampe (2003) 201; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 154; Rizzi (2010) 115 | 10.33. To Trajan. While I was visiting a distant part of the province a most desolating fire broke out at Nicomedia and destroyed a number of private houses and two public buildings, the almshouse * and temple of Isis, although a road ran between them. The fire was allowed to spread farther than it need have done, first, owing to the violence of the wind, and, secondly, to the laziness of the inhabitants, it being generally agreed that they stood idly by without moving and merely watched the catastrophe. Moreover, there is not a single public fire-engine ** or bucket in the place, and not one solitary appliance for mastering an outbreak of fire. However, these will be provided in accordance with the orders I have already given. But, Sir, I would have you consider whether you think a guild of firemen, of about 150 men, should be instituted. I will take care that no one who is not a genuine fireman should be admitted, and that the guild should not misapply the charter granted to it, and there would be no difficulty in keeping an eye on so small a body. 0 |
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| 147. Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation To The Greeks, 3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Janowitz (2002) 75 |
| 148. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 1.7.487, 1.21.520, 2.4.570, 2.6.576-2.6.577, 2.8.580 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 307 |
149. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 7.14 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, on caracalla •cassius dio, on syrians Found in books: Isaac (2004) 346| 7.14. πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος “Δάμιδι μὲν ὑπὲρ τῶν παρόντων εὐλαβῶς διειλεγμένῳ ξυγγνώμην” ἔφη “προσήκει ἔχειν, ̓Ασσύριος γὰρ ὢν καὶ Μήδοις προσοικήσας, οὗ τὰς τυραννίδας προσκυνοῦσιν, οὐδὲν ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας ἐνθυμεῖται μέγα, σὺ δ' οὐκ οἶδ' ὅ τι πρὸς φιλοσοφίαν ἀπολογήσῃ, φόβους ὑποτιθείς, ὧν, εἴ τι καὶ ἀληθὲς ἐφαίνετο, ἀπάγειν ἐχρῆν μᾶλλον ἢ ἔσω καθιστάναι τοῦ φοβεῖσθαι τὸν μηδ' ἃ παθεῖν εἰκὸς ἦν δεδιότα. σοφὸς δ' ἀνὴρ ἀποθνησκέτω μὲν ὑπὲρ ὧν εἶπας, ἀποθάνοι δ' ἄν τις ὑπὲρ τούτων καὶ μὴ σοφός, τὸ μὲν γὰρ ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας ἀποθνήσκειν νόμῳ προστέτακται, τὸ δ' ὑπὲρ ξυγγενείας ἢ φίλων ἢ παιδικῶν φύσις ὥρισε, δουλοῦται δὲ ἅπαντας ἀνθρώπους φύσις καὶ νόμος, φύσις μὲν καὶ ἑκόντας, νόμος δὲ ἄκοντας: σοφοῖς δὲ οἰκειότερον τελευτᾶν ὑπὲρ ὧν ἐπετήδευσαν: ἃ γὰρ μὴ νόμου ἐπιτάξαντος, μηδὲ φύσεως ξυντεκούσης αὐτοὶ ὑπὸ ῥώμης τε καὶ θράσους ἐμελέτησαν, ὑπὲρ τούτων, εἰ καταλύοι τις αὐτά, ἴτω μὲν πῦρ ἐπὶ τὸν σοφόν, ἴτω δὲ πέλεκυς, ὡς νικήσει αὐτὸν οὐδὲν τούτων, οὐδὲ ἐς ὁτιοῦν περιελᾷ ψεῦδος, καθέξει δέ, ὁπόσα οἶδε, μεῖον οὐδὲν ἢ ἃ ἐμυήθη. ἐγὼ δὲ γιγνώσκω μὲν πλεῖστα ἀνθρώπων, ἅτε εἰδὼς πάντα, οἶδα δὲ ὦν οἶδα τὰ μὲν σπουδαίοις, τὰ δὲ σοφοῖς, τὰ δὲ ἐμαυτῷ, τὰ δὲ θεοῖς, τυράννοις δὲ οὐδέν. ὡς δὲ οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἀνοήτων ἥκω, σκοπεῖν ἔξεστιν: ἐγὼ γὰρ περὶ μὲν τῷ ἐμαυτοῦ σώματι κινδυνεύω οὐδέν, οὐδ' ἀποθάνοιμ' ἂν ὑπὸ τῆς τυραννίδος, οὐδ' εἰ αὐτὸς βουλοίμην, ξυνίημι δὲ κινδυνεύων περὶ τοῖς ἀνδράσιν, ὧν εἴτε ἀρχὴν εἴτε προσθήκην ποιεῖταί με ὁ τύραννος, εἰμὶ πᾶν ὅ τι βούλεται. εἰ δὲ προὐδίδουν σφᾶς ἢ βραδύνων ἢ βλακεύων πρὸς τὴν αἰτίαν, τίς ἂν τοῖς σπουδαίοις ἔδοξα; τίς δ' οὐκ ἂν ἀπέκτεινέ με εἰκότως, ὡς παίζοντα ἐς ἄνδρας, οἷς, ἃ παρὰ τῶν θεῶν ᾔτουν, ἀνετέθη; ὅτι δ' οὐκ ἦν μοι διαφυγεῖν τὸ μὴ οὐ προδότης δόξαι, δηλῶσαι βούλομαι: τυραννίδων ἤθη διττά, αἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀκρίτους ἀποκτείνουσιν, αἱ δὲ ὑπαχθέντας δικαστηρίοις, ἐοίκασι δ' αἱ μὲν τοῖς θερμοῖς τε καὶ ἑτοίμοις τῶν θηρίων, αἱ δὲ τοῖς μαλακωτέροις τε καὶ ληθάργοις. ὡς μὲν δὴ χαλεπαὶ ἄμφω, δῆλον πᾶσι παράδειγμα ποιουμένοις τῆς μὲν ὁρμώσης καὶ ἀκρίτου Νέρωνα, τῆς δὲ ὑποκαθημένης Τιβέριον, ἀπώλλυσαν γὰρ ὁ μὲν οὐδ' οἰηθέντας, ὁ δ' ἐκ πολλοῦ δείσαντας. ἐγὼ δ' ἡγοῦμαι χαλεπωτέρας τὰς δικάζειν προσποιουμένας καὶ ψηφίζεσθαί τι ὡς ἐκ τῶν νόμων, πράττουσι μὲν γὰρ κατ' αὐτοὺς οὐδέν, ψηφίζονται δ', ἅπερ οἱ μηδὲν κρίναντες, ὄνομα τῷ διατρίβοντι τῆς ὀργῆς θέμενοι νόμον, τὸ δ' ἀποθνήσκειν κατεψηφισμένους ἀφαιρεῖται τοὺς ἀθλίους καὶ τὸν παρὰ τῶν πολλῶν ἔλεον, ὃν ὥσπερ ἐντάφιον χρὴ ἐπιφέρειν τοῖς ἀδίκως ἀπελθοῦσι. δικαστικὸν μὲν δὴ τὸ τῆς τυραννίδος ταύτης ὁρῶ σχῆμα, τελευτᾶν δέ μοι δοκεῖ ἐς ἄκριτον, ὧν γὰρ πρὶν ἢ δικάσαι κατεψηφίσατο, τούτους ὡς μήπω δεδικασμένους ὑπάγει τῇ κρίσει, καὶ ὁ μὲν ψήφῳ ἁλοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ δῆλον ὡς ὑπὸ τοῦ μὴ κατὰ νόμους κρίναντος ἀπολωλέναι φησίν, ὁ δ' ἐκλιπὼν τὸ δικάσασθαι πῶς ἂν διαφύγοι τὸ μὴ οὐκ ἐφ' ἑαυτὸν ἐψηφίσθαι; τὸ δὲ καὶ τοιῶνδε ἀνδρῶν κειμένων ἐπ' ἐμοὶ νῦν ἀποδρᾶναι τὸν ἐμαυτοῦ τε κἀκείνων ἀγῶνα ποῖ με τῆς γῆς ἐάσει καθαρὸν δόξαι; ἔστω γὰρ σὲ μὲν εἰρηκέναι ταῦτα, ἐμὲ δὲ ̔ὡς' ὀρθῶς εἰρημένοις πείθεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ ἀπεσφάχθαι, τίς μὲν ὑπὲρ εὐπλοίας εὐχὴ τῷ τοιῷδε; ποῖ δὲ ὁρμιεῖται; πορεύσεται δὲ παρὰ τίνα; ἐξαλλάττειν γὰρ χρὴ οἶμαι πάσης, ὁπόσης ̔Ρωμαῖοι ἄρχουσι, παρ' ἄνδρας δὲ ἥκειν ἐπιτηδείους τε καὶ μὴ ἐν φανερῷ οἰκοῦντας, τουτὶ δ' ἂν Φραώτης τε εἴη καὶ ὁ Βαβυλώνιος καὶ ̓Ιάρχας ὁ θεῖος καὶ Θεσπεσίων ὁ γενναῖος. εἰ μὲν δὴ ἐπ' Αἰθιόπων στελλοίμην, τί ἄν, ὦ λῷστε, πρὸς Θεσπεσίωνα εἴποιμι; εἴτε γὰρ κρύπτοιμι ταῦτα, ψευδολογίας ἐραστὴς δόξω, μᾶλλον δὲ δοῦλος, εἴτε ἐς ἀπαγγελίαν αὐτῶν ἴοιμι, τοιῶνδέ που δεήσει λόγων: ἐμέ, ὦ Θεσπεσίων, Εὐφράτης πρὸς ὑμᾶς διέβαλεν, ἃ μὴ ἐμαυτῷ ξύνοιδα: ὁ μὲν γὰρ κομπαστὴν ἔφη καὶ τερατώδη με εἶναι καὶ ὑβριστὴν σοφίας, ὁπόση ̓Ινδῶν, ἐγὼ δὲ ταυτὶ μὲν οὐκ εἰμί, προδότης δὲ τῶν ἐμαυτοῦ φίλων καὶ σφαγεὺς καὶ οὐδὲν πιστὸν καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτά εἰμι, στέφανόν τε ἀρετῆς, εἴ τις, στεφανωσόμενος ἥκω τοῦτον, ἐπειδὴ τοὺς μεγίστους τῶν κατὰ τὴν ̔Ρώμην οἴκων οὕτως ἀνεῖλον, ὡς μηδὲ οἰκήσεσθαι αὐτοὺς ἔτι. ἐρυθριᾷς, Δημήτριε, τούτων ἀκούων, ὁρῶ γάρ. τί οὖν, εἰ καὶ Φραώτην ἐνθυμηθείης κἀμὲ παρὰ τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον ἐς ̓Ινδοὺς φεύγοντα, πῶς μὲν ἂν ἐς αὐτὸν βλέψαιμι; τί δ' ἂν εἴποιμι ὑπὲρ ὧν φεύγω; μῶν ὡς ἀφικόμην μὲν καλὸς κἀγαθὸς πρότερον καὶ τὸν θάνατον τὸν ὑπὲρ φίλων οὐκ ἄθυμος, ἐπεὶ δὲ ξυνεγενόμην αὐτῷ, τὸ θειότατον τουτὶ τῶν κατὰ ἀνθρώπους ἄτιμον ἔρριψά σοι; ὁ δὲ ̓Ιάρχας οὐδὲ ἐρήσεται οὐδὲν ἥκοντα, ἀλλ' ὥσπερ ὁ Αἴολός ποτε τὸν ̓Οδυσσέα κακῶς χρησάμενον τῷ τῆς εὐπλοίας δώρῳ ἄτιμον ἐκέλευσε χωρεῖν τῆς νήσου, κἀμὲ δήπου ἀπελᾷ τοῦ ὄχθου, κακὸν εἰπὼν ἐς τὸ Ταντάλειον γεγονέναι πῶμα, βούλονται γὰρ τὸν ἐς αὐτὸ κύψαντα καὶ κινδύνων κοινωνεῖν τοῖς φίλοις. οἶδα, ὡς δεινὸς εἶ, Δημήτριε, λόγους ξυντεμεῖν πάντας, ὅθεν μοι δοκεῖς καὶ τοιοῦτό τι ἐρεῖν πρός με: ἀλλὰ μὴ παρὰ τούτους ἴθι, παρ' ἄνδρας δέ, οἷς μήπω ἐπέμιξας, καὶ εὖ κείσεταί σοι τὸ ἀποδρᾶναι, ῥᾷον γὰρ ἐν οὐκ εἰδόσι λήσῃ. βασανιζέσθω δὲ καὶ ὅδε ὁ λόγος, ὅπη τοῦ πιθανοῦ ἔχει: δοκεῖ γάρ μοι περὶ αὐτοῦ τάδε: ἐγὼ ἡγοῦμαι τὸν σοφὸν μηδὲν ἰδίᾳ μηδ' ἐφ' ἑαυτοῦ πράττειν, μηδ' ἂν ἐνθυμηθῆναί τι οὕτως ἀμάρτυρον, ὡς μὴ αὐτὸν γοῦν ἑαυτῷ παρεῖναι, καὶ εἴτε ̓Απόλλωνος αὐτοῦ τὸ Πυθοῖ γράμμα, εἴτε ἀνδρὸς ὑγιῶς ἑαυτὸν γνόντος καὶ διὰ τοῦτο γνώμην αὐτὸ ποιουμένου ἐς πάντας, δοκεῖ μοι ὁ σοφὸς ἑαυτὸν γιγνώσκων καὶ παραστάτην ἔχων τὸν ἑαυτοῦ νοῦν μήτ' ἂν πτῆξαί τι ὧν οἱ πολλοί, μήτ' ἂν θαρσῆσαί τι ὧν ἕτεροι μὴ ξὺν αἰσχύνῃ ἅπτονται: δοῦλοι γὰρ τῶν τυραννίδων ὄντες καὶ προδοῦναι αὐταῖς ποτε τοὺς φιλτάτους ὥρμησαν, τὰ μὲν μὴ φοβερὰ δείσαντες, ἃ δὲ χρὴ δεῖσαι μὴ φοβηθέντες. σοφία δὲ οὐ ξυγχωρεῖ ταῦτα: πρὸς γὰρ τῷ Πυθικῷ ἐπιγράμματι καὶ τὸ τοῦ Εὐριπίδου ἐπαινεῖ ξύνεσιν ἡγουμένου περὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους εἶναι τὴν ἀπολλῦσαν αὐτοὺς ̔νόσον', ἐπειδὰν ἐνθυμηθῶσιν, ὡς κακὰ εἰργασμένοι εἰσίν. ἥδε γάρ που καὶ τῷ ̓Ορέστῃ τὰ τῶν Εὐμενίδων εἴδη ἀνέγραφεν, ὅτε δὴ ἐμαίνετο ἐπὶ τῇ μητρί, νοῦς μὲν γὰρ τῶν πρακτέων κύριος, σύνεσις δὲ τῶν ἐκείνῳ δοξάντων. ἢν μὲν δὴ χρηστὰ ἕληται ὁ νοῦς, πέμπει ἤδη τὸν ἄνδρα ἡ ξύνεσις ἐς πάντα μὲν ἱερά, πάσας δὲ ἀγυιάς, πάντα δὲ τεμένη, πάντα δὲ ἀνθρώπων ἤθη κροτοῦσά τε καὶ ᾅδουσα, ἐφυμνήσει δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ καθεύδοντι, παριστᾶσα χορὸν εὔφημον ἐκ τοῦ τῶν ὀνείρων δήμου, ἢν δ' ἐς φαῦλα ὀλίσθῃ ἡ τοῦ νοῦ στάσις, οὐκ ἐᾷ τοῦτον ἡ ξύνεσις οὔτε ὄμμα ὀρθὸν ἐς ἀνθρώπων τινὰ ἀφεῖναι οὔτε τὸ ἀπ' ἐλευθέρας γλώττης φθέγμα, ἱερῶν τε ἀπελαύνει καὶ τοῦ εὔχεσθαι, οὐδὲ γὰρ χεῖρα αἴρειν ξυγχωρεῖ ἐς τὰ ἀγάλματα, ἀλλ' ἐπικόπτει αἴροντας, ὥσπερ τοὺς ἐπανατεινομένους οἱ νόμοι, ἐξίστησι δὲ αὐτοὺς καὶ ὁμίλου παντὸς καὶ δειματοῖ καθεύδοντας, καὶ ἃ μὲν ὁρῶσι μεθ' ἡμέραν καὶ εἰ δή τινα ἀκούειν ἢ λέγειν οἴονται, ὀνειρώδη καὶ ἀνεμιαῖα ποιεῖ τούτοις, τὰς δὲ ἀμυδρὰς καὶ φαντασιώδεις πτοίας ἀληθεῖς ἤδη καὶ πιθανὰς τῷ φόβῳ. ὡς μὲν δὴ ἐλέγξει με ἡ σύνεσις ἐς εἰδότας τε καὶ μὴ εἰδότας ἥκοντα, προδότης εἰ γενοίμην τῶν ἀνδρῶν, δεδεῖχθαί μοι σαφῶς οἶμαι καὶ ὡς φαίνει ἀλήθεια, προδώσω δὲ οὐδὲ ἐμαυτόν, ἀλλ' ἀγωνιοῦμαι πρὸς τὸν τύραννον, τὸ τοῦ γενναίου ̔Ομήρου ἐπειπών: ξυνὸς ̓Ενυάλιος.” | 7.14. Apollonius answered thus: We must make allowance for the very timid remarks which Damis has made about the situation; for he is a Syrian and lives on the border of Media, where tyrants are worshipped, and hence does not entertain a lofty idea of freedom; but as for yourself, I do not see how you can defend yourself at the bar of philosophy from the charge of trumping up fears, from which, even if there were really any reason for them, you ought to try to wean him; instead of doing so you try to plunge into terror a man who was not even afraid of such things as were likely to occur. I would indeed have a wise man sacrifice his life for the objects you have mentioned, but any man without being wise should equally die for them; for it is an obligation of law that we should die in behalf of our freedom, and an injunction of nature that we should die in behalf of our kinsfolk or of our friends or darlings. Now all men are the slaves of nature and of law; the willing slaves of nature, as the unwilling ones of law. But it is the duty of the wise in a still higher degree to lay down their lives for the tenets they have embraced. Here are interests which neither law has laid upon us, nor nature planted in us from birth, but to which we have devoted ourselves out of mere strength of character and courage. In behalf therefore of these, should anyone try to violate them, let the wise man pass through fire, let him bare his neck for the axe, for he will not be overcome by any such threats, nor driven to any sort of subterfuge; but he will cleave to all he knows as firmly as if it were a religion in which he had been initiated. As for myself, I am acquainted with more than other human beings, for I know all things, and what I know, I know partly for good men, partly for wise ones, partly for myself, partly for the gods, but for tyrants nothing. But that I am not come on any fool's errand, you can see if you will; for I run no risk of my life myself, nor shall I die at the hands of a despot, however much I might wish to do so; but I am aware that I am gambling with the lives of those whom I bear such relation as the tyrant chooses, whether he count me their leader or their supporter. But if I were to betray them by holding back or by cowardly refusal to face the accusation, what would good men think of me? Who would not justly slay me, for playing with the lives of men to whom was entrusted everything I had besought of heaven? And I would like to point out to you, that I could not possibly escape the reputation of being a traitor.For there are two kinds of tyrants; the one kind put their victims to death without trial, the other after they have been brought before a court of law.The former kind resemble the more passionate and prompt of wild beasts, the other kind resemble the gentle and more lethargic ones. That both kinds are cruel is clear to everybody who takes Nero as an example of the impetuous disposition which does not trouble about legal forms, Tiberius, on the other hand of the tardy and lurking nature; for the former destroyed his victims before they had any suspicion of what was coming, and the other after he had tortured them with long drawn-out terror. For myself I consider those crueler who make a pretense of legal trial, and of getting a verdict pronounced in accordance with the laws; for in reality they set them at defiance, and bring in the same verdict as they would have done without any real trial, giving the name of law to the mere postponement of their own spleen. The very fact of their being put to death in legal form does not deprive the wretches so condemned to death of that compassion on the part of the crowd, which should be tendered like a winding sheet to the victims of injustice. Well, I perceive that the present ruler cloaks his tyranny under legal forms. But it seems to me that he ends by condemnation without trial; for he really sentences men before they enter the court, and then brings them before it as if they had not yet been tried. Now one who is formally condemned by a verdict in court, can obviously say he perished owing to an illegal sentence, but how can he that evades his trial escape the implied verdict against himself? And supposing, now that the fate of such distinguished persons also rests on me, I do manage to run away from the crisis which equally impends over them and myself, what can save me from no matter where I go on all the earth from the brand of infamy? For let us suppose that you have delivered yourself of all these sentiments, and that I have admitted their correctness and acted on them, and that in consequence our friends have been murdered, what prayers could I offer in such a case for a favorable voyage? What haven could I cast anchor in? To whom could I set out on any voyage? For methinks I should have to steer clear of any land over which the Romans rule, and should have to seek men who are my friends, and yet do not live in sight of the tyrant, and that would be Phraotes, and the Babylonian, and the divine Iarchas, and the noble Thespesion. Now supposing I set out for Ethiopia, what, my excellent friend, could I tell Thespesion? For if I concealed this episode, I should prove myself a lover of falsehood, nay worse, a slave; while if I frankly confessed all to him, I could only use such words as these: O Thespesion, Euphrates slandered me to you and accused me of things that are not on my conscience; for he said that I was a boaster and a miracle-monger, and one that violated wisdom, especially that of the Indians; but while I am none of these things, I am nevertheless a betrayer of my own friends, and their murderer, and utterly unreliable and so forth; and if there is any wreath for virtue, I come to wear it, because I have ruined the greatest of the Roman houses so utterly, that henceforth they are left desolate. You blush, Demetrius, to hear such words; I see that you do so. What then, if you turn from Thespesion to Phraotes and imagine me fleeing to India to take refuge with such a man as he? How should I look him in the face? How should I explain the motive of my flight? Should I not have to say that when I visited him before, I was a gentleman not too faint-hearted to lay down my life for my friends; but that after enjoying his society, I had at your bidding thrown away with scorn this divinest of human privileges. And as for Iarchas, he surely would not ask me any questions at all when I arrived, but just as Aeolus once bade Odysseus quit his island with ignominy, because he had made a bad use of the gift of a good wind which he had bestowed on him, so Iarchas, I imagine, would drive me from his eminence, and tell me that I had disgraced the draught I there had from the cup of Tantalus. For they require a man who stoops and drinks of that goblet, to share the dangers of his friends. I know, Demetrius, how clever you are at chopping logic, and this, I believe, is why you will tender me some further advice, such as this: But you must not resort to those you have named, but to men with whom you have never had anything to do, and then your flight will be secure; for you will find it easier to lie hidden among people who do not know you. Well, let me examine this argument too, and see whether there is anything in it. For this is how I regard it: I consider that a wise man does nothing in private nor by himself alone; I hold that not even his inmost thoughts can be so devoid of witness, that he himself at least is not present with himself; and whether the Pythian inscription was suggested by Apollo himself, or by some man who had a healthy conscience, and was therefore minded to publish it as an aphorism for all, I hold that the sage who “knows himself,” and has his own conscience as his perpetual companion, will never cower before things that scare the many, nor venture upon courses which others would engage upon without shame. For being the slaves of despots, they have been ready at times to betray to them even their dearest; because just as they trembled at imaginary terrors, so they felt no fear where they should have trembled.But Wisdom allows of none these things. For beside the Pythian epigram, she also praises Euripides who regarded “conscience in the case of human beings as a disease which works their ruin, whenever they realize that they have done wrong.” For it was such conscience that brought up before Orestes and depicted in his imagination the shapes of the Eumenides, when he had gone mad with wrath against his mother; for whereas reason decides what should be done, conscience revises the resolutions taken by reason. If then reason chooses the better part, conscience forthwith escorts a man to all the temples, into all the by-streets, into all groves of the gods, and into all haunts of mankind, applauding him and singing his praises. She will even hymn his merits as he sleeps, and will weave around him a chorus of angels from the world of dreams; but if the determination of reason trip and fall into evil courses, conscience permits not the sinner to look others in the face, nor to address them freely and boldly with his lips; and she drives him away from temples and from prayer. For she suffers him not even to uplift his hands in prayer to the images, but strikes them down as he lifts them, as the law strikes down those who rebel against it; and she drives such men from every social meeting, and terrifies them in their sleep; and while she turns into dreams and windy forms all that they see by day, and any things they think they hear or say, she lends to their empty and fantastic flutterings of heart truth and substantial reality of well-found terror. I think then that I have clearly shown you, and that truth itself will convince you, that my conscience will convict me wherever I go, whether to people that know me, or to people that do not, supposing I were to betray my friends; but I will not betray even myself, but I will boldly wrestle with the tyrant, hailing him with the words of the noble Homer: Ares is as much my friend as thine. |
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| 150. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 26.7, 26.37, 26.83-26.84, 26.86, 26.89, 26.101, 26.106, 38.21 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio •dreams (in greek and latin literature), cassius dio, roman history Found in books: Renberg (2017) 321; Stanton (2021) 88 |
| 151. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022) 76 |
| 152. Apuleius, De Mundo, 17 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, Found in books: Huttner (2013) 56 |
153. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.18.6-1.18.9, 1.34.3, 9.39.14, 10.12.2-10.12.3, 10.12.6-10.12.7 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio •dreams (in greek and latin literature), cassius dio, roman history Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022) 188; König and Wiater (2022) 188; Renberg (2017) 320, 321; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 43| 1.18.6. πρὶν δὲ ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν ἰέναι τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Ὀλυμπίου —Ἀδριανὸς ὁ Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς τόν τε ναὸν ἀνέθηκε καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα θέας ἄξιον, οὗ μεγέθει μέν, ὅτι μὴ Ῥοδίοις καὶ Ῥωμαίοις εἰσὶν οἱ κολοσσοί, τὰ λοιπὰ ἀγάλματα ὁμοίως ἀπολείπεται, πεποίηται δὲ ἔκ τε ἐλέφαντος καὶ χρυσοῦ καὶ ἔχει τέχνης εὖ πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος ὁρῶσιν—, ἐνταῦθα εἰκόνες Ἀδριανοῦ δύο μέν εἰσι Θασίου λίθου, δύο δὲ Αἰγυπτίου· χαλκαῖ δὲ ἑστᾶσι πρὸ τῶν κιόνων ἃς Ἀθηναῖοι καλοῦσιν ἀποίκους πόλεις. ὁ μὲν δὴ πᾶς περίβολος σταδίων μάλιστα τεσσάρων ἐστίν, ἀνδριάντων δὲ πλήρης· ἀπὸ γὰρ πόλεως ἑκάστης εἰκὼν Ἀδριανοῦ βασιλέως ἀνάκειται, καὶ σφᾶς ὑπερεβάλοντο Ἀθηναῖοι τὸν κολοσσὸν ἀναθέντες ὄπισθε τοῦ ναοῦ θέας ἄξιον. 1.18.7. ἔστι δὲ ἀρχαῖα ἐν τῷ περιβόλῳ Ζεὺς χαλκοῦς καὶ ναὸς Κρόνου καὶ Ῥέας καὶ τέμενος Γῆς τὴν ἐπίκλησιν Ὀλυμπίας. ἐνταῦθα ὅσον ἐς πῆχυν τὸ ἔδαφος διέστηκε, καὶ λέγουσι μετὰ τὴν ἐπομβρίαν τὴν ἐπὶ Δευκαλίωνος συμβᾶσαν ὑπορρυῆναι ταύτῃ τὸ ὕδωρ, ἐσβάλλουσί τε ἐς αὐτὸ ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος ἄλφιτα πυρῶν μέλιτι μίξαντες. 1.18.8. κεῖται δὲ ἐπὶ κίονος Ἰσοκράτους ἀνδριάς, ὃς ἐς μνήμην τρία ὑπελίπετο, ἐπιπονώτατον μὲν ὅτι οἱ βιώσαντι ἔτη δυοῖν δέοντα ἑκατὸν οὔποτε κατελύθη μαθητὰς ἔχειν, σωφρονέστατον δὲ ὅτι πολιτείας ἀπεχόμενος διέμεινε καὶ τὰ κοινὰ οὐ πολυπραγμονῶν, ἐλευθερώτατον δὲ ὅτι πρὸς τὴν ἀγγελίαν τῆς ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ μάχης ἀλγήσας ἐτελεύτησεν ἐθελοντής. κεῖνται δὲ καὶ λίθου Φρυγίου Πέρσαι χαλκοῦν τρίποδα ἀνέχοντες, θέας ἄξιοι καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ ὁ τρίπους. τοῦ δὲ Ὀλυμπίου Διὸς Δευκαλίωνα οἰκοδομῆσαι λέγουσι τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἱερόν, σημεῖον ἀποφαίνοντες ὡς Δευκαλίων Ἀθήνῃσιν ᾤκησε τάφον τοῦ ναοῦ τοῦ νῦν οὐ πολὺ ἀφεστηκότα. 1.18.9. Ἀδριανὸς δὲ κατεσκευάσατο μὲν καὶ ἄλλα Ἀθηναίοις, ναὸν Ἥρας καὶ Διὸς Πανελληνίου καὶ θεοῖς τοῖς πᾶσιν ἱερὸν κοινόν, τὰ δὲ ἐπιφανέστατα ἑκατόν εἰσι κίονες Φρυγίου λίθου· πεποίηνται δὲ καὶ ταῖς στοαῖς κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ οἱ τοῖχοι. καὶ οἰκήματα ἐνταῦθά ἐστιν ὀρόφῳ τε ἐπιχρύσῳ καὶ ἀλαβάστρῳ λίθῳ, πρὸς δὲ ἀγάλμασι κεκοσμημένα καὶ γραφαῖς· κατάκειται δὲ ἐς αὐτὰ βιβλία. καὶ γυμνάσιόν ἐστιν ἐπώνυμον Ἀδριανοῦ· κίονες δὲ καὶ ἐνταῦθα ἑκατὸν λιθοτομίας τῆς Λιβύων. 1.34.3. παρέχεται δὲ ὁ βωμὸς μέρη· τὸ μὲν Ἡρακλέους καὶ Διὸς καὶ Ἀπόλλωνός ἐστι Παιῶνος, τὸ δὲ ἥρωσι καὶ ἡρώων ἀνεῖται γυναιξί, τρίτον δὲ Ἑστίας καὶ Ἑρμοῦ καὶ Ἀμφιαράου καὶ τῶν παίδων Ἀμφιλόχου· Ἀλκμαίων δὲ διὰ τὸ ἐς Ἐριφύλην ἔργον οὔτε ἐν Ἀμφιαράου τινά, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ παρὰ τῷ Ἀμφιλόχῳ τιμὴν ἔχει. τετάρτη δέ ἐστι τοῦ βωμοῦ μοῖρα Ἀφροδίτης καὶ Πανακείας, ἔτι δὲ Ἰασοῦς καὶ Ὑγείας καὶ Ἀθηνᾶς Παιωνίας· πέμπτη δὲ πεποίηται νύμφαις καὶ Πανὶ καὶ ποταμοῖς Ἀχελῴῳ καὶ Κηφισῷ. τῷ δὲ Ἀμφιλόχῳ καὶ παρʼ Ἀθηναίοις ἐστὶν ἐν τῇ πόλει βωμὸς καὶ Κιλικίας ἐν Μαλλῷ μαντεῖον ἀψευδέστατον τῶν ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ. 9.39.14. γράφω δὲ οὐκ ἀκοὴν ἀλλὰ ἑτέρους τε ἰδὼν καὶ αὐτὸς τῷ Τροφωνίῳ χρησάμενος. τοὺς δὲ ἐς τοῦ Τροφωνίου κατελθόντας, ἀνάγκη σφᾶς, ὁπόσα ἤκουσεν ἕκαστος ἢ εἶδεν, ἀναθεῖναι γεγραμμένα ἐν πίνακι. λείπεται δʼ ἔτι καὶ τοῦ Ἀριστομένους ἐνταῦθα ἡ ἀσπίς· τὰ δὲ ἐς αὐτὴν ὁποῖα ἐγένετο, ἐδήλωσα ἐν τοῖς προτέροις τοῦ λόγου. 10.12.2. ἡ δὲ Ἡροφίλη νεωτέρα μὲν ἐκείνης, φαίνεται δὲ ὅμως πρὸ τοῦ πολέμου γεγονυῖα καὶ αὕτη τοῦ Τρωικοῦ, καὶ Ἑλένην τε προεδήλωσεν ἐν τοῖς χρησμοῖς, ὡς ἐπʼ ὀλέθρῳ τῆς Ἀσίας καὶ Εὐρώπης τραφήσοιτο ἐν Σπάρτῃ, καὶ ὡς Ἴλιον ἁλώσεται διʼ αὐτὴν ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων. Δήλιοι δὲ καὶ ὕμνον μέμνηνται τῆς γυναικὸς ἐς Ἀπόλλωνα. καλεῖ δὲ οὐχ Ἡροφίλην μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ Ἄρτεμιν ἐν τοῖς ἔπεσιν αὑτήν, καὶ Ἀπόλλωνος γυνὴ γαμετή, τοτὲ δὲ ἀδελφὴ καὶ αὖθις θυγάτηρ φησὶν εἶναι. 10.12.3. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ μαινομένη τε καὶ ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ κάτοχος πεποίηκεν· ἑτέρωθι δὲ εἶπε τῶν χρησμῶν ὡς μητρὸς μὲν ἀθανάτης εἴη μιᾶς τῶν ἐν Ἴδῃ νυμφῶν, πατρὸς δὲ ἀνθρώπου, καὶ οὕτω λέγει τὰ ἔπη· εἰμὶ δʼ ἐγὼ γεγαυῖα μέσον θνητοῦ τε θεᾶς τε, νύμφης δʼ ἀθανάτης, πατρὸς δʼ αὖ κητοφάγοιο, μητρόθεν Ἰδογενής, πατρὶς δέ μοί ἐστιν ἐρυθρή Μάρπησσος, μητρὸς ἱερή, ποταμός τʼ Ἀιδωνεύς. 10.12.6. τὸ μέντοι χρεὼν αὐτὴν ἐπέλαβεν ἐν τῇ Τρῳάδι, καί οἱ τὸ μνῆμα ἐν τῷ ἄλσει τοῦ Σμινθέως ἐστὶ καὶ ἐλεγεῖον ἐπὶ τῆς στήλης· ἅδʼ ἐγὼ ἁ Φοίβοιο σαφηγορίς εἰμι Σίβυλλα τῷδʼ ὑπὸ λαϊνέῳ σάματι κευθομένα, παρθένος αὐδάεσσα τὸ πρίν, νῦν δʼ αἰὲν ἄναυδος, μοίρᾳ ὑπὸ στιβαρᾷ τάνδε λαχοῦσα πέδαν. ἀλλὰ πέλας Νύμφαισι καὶ Ἑρμῇ τῷδʼ ὑπόκειμαι, μοῖραν ἔχοισα κάτω τᾶς τότʼ ἀνακτορίας. ὁ μὲν δὴ παρὰ τὸ μνῆμα ἕστηκεν Ἑρμῆς λίθου τετράγωνον σχῆμα· ἐξ ἀριστερᾶς δὲ ὕδωρ τε κατερχόμενον ἐς κρήνην καὶ τῶν Νυμφῶν ἐστι τὰ ἀγάλματα. 10.12.7. Ἐρυθραῖοι δὲ—ἀμφισβητοῦσι γὰρ τῆς Ἡροφίλης προθυμότατα Ἑλλήνων—Κώρυκόν τε καλούμενον ὄρος καὶ ἐν τῷ ὄρει σπήλαιον ἀποφαίνουσι, τεχθῆναι τὴν Ἡροφίλην ἐν αὐτῷ λέγοντες, Θεοδώρου δὲ ἐπιχωρίου ποιμένος καὶ νύμφης παῖδα εἶναι· Ἰδαίαν δὲ ἐπίκλησιν γενέσθαι τῇ νύμφῃ κατʼ ἄλλο μὲν οὐδέν, τῶν δὲ χωρίων τὰ δασέα ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἴδας τότε ὀνομάζεσθαι. τὸ δὲ ἔπος τὸ ἐς τὴν Μάρπησσον καὶ τὸν ποταμὸν τὸν Ἀϊδωνέα, τοῦτο οἱ Ἐρυθραῖοι τὸ ἔπος ἀφαιροῦσιν ἀπὸ τῶν χρησμῶν. | 1.18.6. Before the entrance to the sanctuary of Olympian Zeus—Hadrian the Roman emperor dedicated the temple and the statue, one worth seeing, which in size exceeds all other statues save the colossi at Rhodes and Rome , and is made of ivory and gold with an artistic skill which is remarkable when the size is taken into account—before the entrance, I say, stand statues of Hadrian, two of Thasian stone, two of Egyptian. Before the pillars stand bronze statues which the Athenians call “colonies.” The whole circumference of the precincts is about four stades, and they are full of statues; for every city has dedicated a likeness of the emperor Hadrian, and the Athenians have surpassed them in dedicating, behind the temple, the remarkable colossus. 1.18.7. Within the precincts are antiquities: a bronze Zeus, a temple of Cronus and Rhea and an enclosure of Earth surnamed Olympian. Here the floor opens to the width of a cubit, and they say that along this bed flowed off the water after the deluge that occurred in the time of Deucalion, and into it they cast every year wheat meal mixed with honey. 1.18.8. On a pillar is a statue of Isocrates, whose memory is remarkable for three things: his diligence in continuing to teach to the end of his ninety-eight years, his self-restraint in keeping aloof from politics and from interfering with public affairs, and his love of liberty in dying a voluntary death, distressed at the news of the battle at Chaeronea 338 B.C. . There are also statues in Phrygian marble of Persians supporting a bronze tripod; both the figures and the tripod are worth seeing. The ancient sanctuary of Olympian Zeus the Athenians say was built by Deucalion, and they cite as evidence that Deucalion lived at Athens a grave which is not far from the present temple. 1.18.9. Hadrian constructed other buildings also for the Athenians: a temple of Hera and Zeus Panellenios (Common to all Greeks), a sanctuary common to all the gods, and, most famous of all, a hundred pillars of Phrygian marble. The walls too are constructed of the same material as the cloisters. And there are rooms there adorned with a gilded roof and with alabaster stone, as well as with statues and paintings. In them are kept books. There is also a gymnasium named after Hadrian; of this too the pillars are a hundred in number from the Libyan quarries. 1.34.3. The altar shows parts. One part is to Heracles, Zeus, and Apollo Healer, another is given up to heroes and to wives of heroes, the third is to Hestia and Hermes and Amphiaraus and the children of Amphilochus. But Alcmaeon, because of his treatment of Eriphyle, is honored neither in the temple of Amphiaraus nor yet with Amphilochus. The fourth portion of the altar is to Aphrodite and Panacea, and further to Iaso, Health and Athena Healer. The fifth is dedicated to the nymphs and to Pan, and to the rivers Achelous and Cephisus. The Athenians too have an altar to Amphilochus in the city, and there is at Mallus in Cilicia an oracle of his which is the most trustworthy of my day. 9.39.14. What I write is not hearsay; I have myself inquired of Trophonius and seen other inquirers. Those who have descended into the shrine of Trophonius are obliged to dedicate a tablet on which is written all that each has heard or seen. The shield also of Aristomenes is still preserved here. Its story I have already given in a former part of my work. See Paus. 4.16.7 to Paus. 4.32.6 . 10.12.2. Herophile was younger than she was, but nevertheless she too was clearly born before the Trojan war, as she foretold in her oracles that Helen would be brought up in Sparta to be the ruin of Asia and of Europe , and that for her sake the Greeks would capture Troy . The Delians remember also a hymn this woman composed to Apollo. In her poem she calls herself not only Herophile but also Artemis, and the wedded wife of Apollo, saying too sometimes that she is his sister, and sometimes that she is his daughter. 10.12.3. These statements she made in her poetry when in a frenzy and possessed by the god. Elsewhere in her oracles she states that her mother was an immortal, one of the nymphs of Ida, while her father was a human. These are the verses:— I am by birth half mortal, half divine; An immortal nymph was my mother, my father an eater of corn; On my mother's side of Idaean birth, but my fatherland was red Marpessus, sacred to the Mother, and the river Aidoneus. 10.12.6. However, death came upon her in the Troad , and her tomb is in the grove of the Sminthian with these elegiac verses inscribed upon the tomb-stone:— Here I am, the plain-speaking Sibyl of Phoebus, Hidden beneath this stone tomb. A maiden once gifted with voice, but now for ever voiceless, By hard fate doomed to this fetter. But I am buried near the nymphs and this Hermes, Enjoying in the world below a part of the kingdom I had then. The Hermes stands by the side of the tomb, a square-shaped figure of stone. On the left is water running down into a well, and the images of the nymphs. 10.12.7. The Erythraeans, who are more eager than any other Greeks to lay claim to Herophile, adduce as evidence a mountain called Mount Corycus with a cave in it, saying that Herophile was born in it, and that she was a daughter of Theodorus, a shepherd of the district, and of a nymph. They add that the surname Idaean was given to the nymph simply because the men of those days called idai places that were thickly wooded. The verse about Marpessus and the river Aidoneus is cut out of the oracles by the Erythraeans. |
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| 154. Galen, On Good And Bad Humors, 6.749 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, on contemporary greeks Found in books: Isaac (2004) 401 |
155. Theophilus, To Autolycus, 1.11 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 134 | 1.11. Wherefore I will rather honour the king [than your gods], not, indeed, worshipping him, but praying for him. But God, the living and true God, I worship, knowing that the king is made by Him. You will say, then, to me, Why do you not worship the king? Because he is not made to be worshipped, but to be reverenced with lawful honour, for he is not a god, but a man appointed by God, not to be worshipped, but to judge justly. For in a kind of way his government is committed to him by God: as He will not have those called kings whom He has appointed under Himself; for king is his title, and it is not lawful for another to use it; so neither is it lawful for any to be worshipped but God only. Wherefore, O man, you are wholly in error. Accordingly, honour the king, be subject to him, and pray for him with loyal mind; for if you do this, you do the will of God. For the law that is of God, says, My son, fear the Lord and the king, and be not disobedient to them; for suddenly they shall take vengeance on their enemies. |
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156. Athenagoras, Apology Or Embassy For The Christians, 35 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 134 | 35. What man of sound mind, therefore, will affirm, while such is our character, that we are murderers? For we cannot eat human flesh till we have killed some one. The former charge, therefore, being false, if any one should ask them in regard to the second, whether they have seen what they assert, not one of them would be so barefaced as to say that he had. And yet we have slaves, some more and some fewer, by whom we could not help being seen; but even of these, not one has been found to invent even such things against us. For when they know that we cannot endure even to see a man put to death, though justly; who of them can accuse us of murder or cannibalism? Who does not reckon among the things of greatest interest the contests of gladiators and wild beasts, especially those which are given by you? But we, deeming that to see a man put to death is much the same as killing him, have abjured such spectacles. How, then, when we do not even look on, lest we should contract guilt and pollution, can we put people to death? And when we say that those women who use drugs to bring on abortion commit murder, and will have to give an account to God for the abortion, on what principle should we commit murder? For it does not belong to the same person to regard the very fœtus in the womb as a created being, and therefore an object of God's care, and when it has passed into life, to kill it; and not to expose an infant, because those who expose them are chargeable with child-murder, and on the other hand, when it has been reared to destroy it. But we are in all things always alike and the same, submitting ourselves to reason, and not ruling over it. |
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| 157. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Janowitz (2002) 77 |
158. Tertullian, Apology, 5.5-5.6, 21.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, •cassius dio •dio cassius Found in books: Huttner (2013) 233; Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019) 16; Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022) 136| 5.5. 5.6. accusatoribus damnatione, et quidem tetriore. Quales ergo leges istae quas adversus nos soli exercent impii, iniusti, turpes, truces, vani, dementes? quas Traianus ex parte frustratus est vetando inquiri Christianos, quas nullus Hadrianus, quamquam omnium curiositatum explorator, nullus Vespasianus, quamquam Iudaeorum debellator, nullus Pius, nullus verus inpressit. 21.1. praesumptionis abscondat, | |
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| 159. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 4.6.3, 4.14.7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 244, 245 |
160. Anon., Genesis Rabba, 34.10, 64.8 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, l. •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 252; Rizzi (2010) 74| 64.8. וַיָּשָׁב יִצְחָק וַיַּחְפֹּר וגו' (בראשית כו, יח), כַּמָּה בְּאֵרוֹת חָפַר אָבִינוּ יִצְחָק בִּבְאֵר שָׁבַע, רַבִּי יְהוּדָה אָמַר אַרְבַּע, כְּנֶגֶד כֵּן נַעֲשׂוּ בָנָיו אַרְבָּעָה דְגָלִים בַּמִּדְבָּר. וְרַבָּנָן אָמְרֵי חָמֵשׁ, כְּנֶגֶד חֲמִשָּׁה סִפְרֵי תוֹרָה. (בראשית כו, כ): וַיִּקְרָא שֵׁם הַבְּאֵר עֵשֶׂק, כְּנֶגֶד סֵפֶר בְּרֵאשִׁית, שֶׁבּוֹ נִתְעַסֵּק הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא וּבָרָא אֶת הָעוֹלָם. (בראשית כו, כא): וַיִּקְרָא שְׁמָהּ שִׂטְנָה, כְּנֶגֶד סֵפֶר וְאֵלֶּה שְׁמוֹת, עַל שֵׁם (שמות א, יד): וַיְמָרֲרוּ אֶת חַיֵּיהֶם בַּעֲבֹדָה קָשָׁה. (בראשית כו, יט): וַיִּמְצְאוּ שָׁם בְּאֵר מַיִם חַיִּים, כְּנֶגֶד סֵפֶר וַיִּקְרָא, שֶׁהוּא מָלֵא הֲלָכוֹת רַבּוֹת. (בראשית כו, לג): וַיִּקְרָא אוֹתָהּ שִׁבְעָה, כְּנֶגֶד סֵפֶר וַיְדַבֵּר, שֶׁהוּא מַשְׁלִים שִׁבְעָה סִפְרֵי תוֹרָה. וַהֲלוֹא חֲמִשָּׁה הֵן, אֶלָּא בֶּן קַפָּרָא עָבֵיד וַיְדַבֵּר תְּלָתָא סְפָרִים, מִן וַיְדַבֵּר עַד (במדבר י, לה): וַיְהִי בִּנְסֹעַ הָאָרֹן סֵפֶר בִּפְנֵי עַצְמוֹ, מִן וַיְהִי בִּנְסֹעַ וּדְבַתְרֵיהּ סֵפֶר בִּפְנֵי עַצְמוֹ, וּמִן סוֹפֵיהּ דְּפִסְקָא וְעַד סוֹפֵיהּ דְּסִפְרָא סֵפֶר בִּפְנֵי עַצְמוֹ. (בראשית כו, כב): וַיִּקְרָא שְׁמָהּ רְחֹבוֹת, כְּנֶגֶד מִשְׁנֵה תוֹרָה, עַל שֵׁם (דברים יב, כ): כִּי יַרְחִיב, (בראשית כו, כח): כִּי עַתָּה הִרְחִיב ה' לָנוּ וּפָרִינוּ בָאָרֶץ. | 34.10. "And Ad-nai said to his heart (Gen. 8:21) - The wicked are under control of their heart: 'The fool has said in his heart' (Ps. 14:1); 'And Esav said in his heart' (Gen.27:41); 'And Yerovoam said in his heart' (I Kings 12:25); 'Now Haman said in his heart' (Est. 6:6). But the righteous have their hearts under their control since it is written 'Now Hannah, she spoke at her heart' (I Sam. 1:13); 'And David said to his heart' (I Sam. 27:1); 'But Daniel put to his heart' (Dan. 1:8); [so too] 'And the Lord said to his heart: I will not again/add curse to the ground' (Gen. 8:21): He did not add to it, and let that indeed suffice. The Rabbis interpreted: I will not add [curse] to the children of Noah; I will not add [curse] to future generations. 'Because the devisings of man's heart [yetzer lev] is evil'. Rabbi Hiyya the Elder said: How terrible must be the dough when the baker himself testifies it to be bad! 'Because the inclination of man's heart [yetzer lev] is evil from his youth' Abba Jose the potter said: How terrible must be the leaven when he who created it testifies that it is bad, as it is written 'For He knows our inclinations, it is remembered that we are dust' (Ps. 103:14). The Rabbis said: How terrible must be the plant when the planter himself testifies that it is bad as it is written 'For the Lord of hosts, that planted you, has spoken evil of you (Jer. 1:17). Antoninus asked our teacher: ‘When is the evil inclination placed in a person, from the moment one comes out of the womb of one's mother or before one comes out of the womb of one's mother?’ ‘Before one comes out of the womb of one's mother’ he replied. [Antoninus] replied ‘It can't be, if [the yetzer] is put before one comes out from the womb, one would dig through the womb and emerge! Rabbi agreed with him, because his view corresponds with that of Scripture: 'Because the inclination of man's heart [yetzer lev] is evil from his youth [mine'urav]'. Rabbi Yudan said: This is written mine'urav (from his awakening), which means, from when he awakes [nin'ar] to the world. Antoninus asked our Teacher further: “When is the soul [neshama] put in a person, from the moment one comes out of the womb of one's mother or before one comes out of the womb of one's mother?’ He answered: ‘When one comes out of the womb of one's mother.’ [Antoninus] replied ‘It can't be! This is comparable to meat left without salt for three days - will it not putrefy?' Our Teacher agreed with him, for Scripture supports him: 'You bestowed on me life and care; Your providence watched over my spirit[ruach].' (Job 10:12) - hence, when did You place the spirit in me? When You gave me Your providence.", |
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| 161. Gellius, Attic Nights, 12.1.17, 15.11.3-15.11.5, 20.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •romanization, as seen by cassius dio •cassius dio •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 101; Isaac (2004) 192; Rizzi (2010) 115 |
| 162. Tertullian, On Flight In Persecution, 9.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 134 |
| 163. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.4 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Bryan (2018) 318; Wardy and Warren (2018) 318 |
164. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 353| 111a. מאי אמן א"ר חנינא אל מלך נאמן,(ישעיהו ה, יד) לכן הרחיבה שאול נפשה ופערה פיה לבלי חוק אמר ר"ל למי שמשייר אפי' חוק אחד א"ר יוחנן לא ניחא למרייהו דאמרת להו הכי אלא אפי' לא למד אלא חוק אחד,(שנאמר) (זכריה יג, ח) והיה בכל הארץ נאם ה' פי שנים בה יכרתו ויגועו והשלישית יותר בה אמר ר"ל שלישי של שם א"ל רבי יוחנן לא ניחא למרייהו דאמרת להו הכי אלא אפי' שלישי של נח,(ירמיהו ג, יד) כי אנכי בעלתי בכם ולקחתי אתכם אחד מעיר ושנים ממשפחה אמר ר"ל דברים ככתבן א"ל ר' יוחנן לא ניחא ליה למרייהו דאמרת להו הכי אלא אחד מעיר מזכה כל העיר כולה ושנים ממשפחה מזכין כל המשפחה כולה יתיב רב כהנא קמיה דרב ויתיב וקאמר דברים ככתבן א"ל רב לא ניחא ליה למרייהו דאמרת להו הכי אלא אחד מעיר מזכה כל העיר ושנים ממשפחה מזכין כל המשפחה,חזייה דהוה קא חייף רישיה וסליק ויתיב קמיה דרב א"ל (איוב כח, יג) ולא תמצא בארץ החיים א"ל מילט קא לייטת לי א"ל קרא קאמינא לא תמצא תורה במי שמחיה עצמו עליה,תניא רבי סימאי אומר נאמר (שמות ו, ז) ולקחתי אתכם לי לעם ונאמר והבאתי אתכם מקיש יציאתן ממצרים לביאתן לארץ מה ביאתן לארץ שנים מס' ריבוא אף יציאתן ממצרים שנים מס' ריבוא אמר רבא וכן לימות המשיח שנא' (הושע ב, יז) וענתה שמה כימי נעוריה וכיום עלותה מארץ מצרים,תניא אמר ר' אלעזר ברבי יוסי פעם אחת נכנסתי לאלכסנדריא של מצרים מצאתי זקן אחד ואמר לי בא ואראך מה עשו אבותי לאבותיך מהם טבעו בים מהם הרגו בחרב מהם מעכו בבנין ועל דבר זה נענש משה רבינו שנא' (שמות ה, כג) ומאז באתי אל פרעה לדבר בשמך הרע לעם הזה,אמר לו הקב"ה חבל על דאבדין ולא משתכחין הרי כמה פעמים נגליתי על אברהם יצחק ויעקב באל שדי ולא הרהרו על מדותי ולא אמרו לי מה שמך אמרתי לאברהם (בראשית יג, יז) קום התהלך בארץ לארכה ולרחבה כי לך אתננה בקש מקום לקבור את שרה ולא מצא עד שקנה בד' מאות שקל כסף ולא הרהר על מדותי,אמרתי ליצחק (בראשית כו, ג) גור בארץ הזאת ואהיה עמך ואברכך בקשו עבדיו מים לשתות ולא מצאו עד שעשו מריבה שנאמר (בראשית כו, כ) ויריבו רועי גרר עם רועי יצחק לאמר לנו המים ולא הרהר אחר מדותי,אמרתי ליעקב (בראשית כח, יג) הארץ אשר אתה שוכב עליה לך אתננה ביקש מקום לנטוע אהלו ולא מצא עד שקנה במאה קשיטה ולא הרהר אחר מדותי ולא אמרו לי מה שמך ואתה אמרת לי מה שמך בתחלה ועכשיו אתה אומר לי (שמות ה, כג) והצל לא הצלת את עמך (שמות ו, א) עתה תראה (את) אשר אעשה לפרעה במלחמת פרעה אתה רואה ואי אתה רואה במלחמת שלשים ואחד מלכים,(שמות לד, ח) וימהר משה ויקוד ארצה וישתחו מה ראה משה,ר' חנינא בן גמלא אמר ארך אפים ראה ורבנן אמרי אמת ראה: תניא כמ"ד ארך אפים ראה דתניא כשעלה משה למרום מצאו להקב"ה שיושב וכותב ארך אפים אמר לפניו רבונו של עולם ארך אפים לצדיקים אמר לו אף לרשעים א"ל רשעים יאבדו א"ל השתא חזית מאי דמבעי לך,כשחטאו ישראל אמר לו לא כך אמרת לי ארך אפים לצדיקים | 111a. b What /b is the meaning of the term b amen? Rabbi Ḥanina says: /b It is an acronym of the words: b God, faithful King [ i El Melekh ne’eman /i ]. /b ,§ With regard to the verse: b “Therefore, the netherworld has enlarged itself and opened its mouth without measure [ i livli ḥok /i ]” /b (Isaiah 5:14), b Reish Lakish says: /b It is referring to b one who leaves even one statute [ i ḥok /i ] /b unfulfilled; the netherworld expands for him. b Rabbi Yoḥa says: It is not satisfactory to /b God, b their Master, that you said this about them, /b as according to Reish Lakish’s opinion most of the Jewish people would be doomed to Gehenna. b Rather, even if one learned only one statute, /b he has a share in the World-to-Come, and “ i livli ḥok /i ” means one who has learned no statutes at all.,With regard to b that /b which b is stated: “And it shall come to pass that in all the land, says the Lord, two parts shall be excised and die, but the third shall remain in it” /b (Zechariah 13:8), b Reish Lakish says: /b “The third” means that only b one-third /b of the descendants b of Shem, /b son of Noah, will remain, and everyone else will die. b Rabbi Yoḥa said to /b Reish Lakish: b It is not satisfactory to /b God, b their Master, that you said this about them, /b that the overwhelming majority of the world will be destroyed. b Rather, even /b as many as b one-third /b of the descendants b of Noah, /b one-third of the population of the world, will remain.,With regard to the verse: b “For I have taken you to Myself: And I will take out one of a city, and two of a family” /b (Jeremiah 3:14), b Reish Lakish says: /b The meaning of this b statement /b is b as it is written, /b that only individuals will be spared and the rest will be destroyed. b Rabbi Yoḥa said to him: It is not satisfactory to /b God, b their Master, that you said this about them. Rather, /b the merit of b one from the city causes the entire city /b to b benefit, and /b the merit of b two from a family causes the entire family /b to b benefit /b and be redeemed. Likewise, the Gemara relates that b Rav Kahana sat before Rav, and sat and said: /b The meaning of b this statement /b is b as it is written. Rav said to him: It is not satisfactory to /b God, b their Master, that you said this about them. Rather, /b the merit of b one from the city causes the entire city /b to b benefit, and /b the merit of b two from a family causes the entire family /b to b benefit /b and be redeemed.,The Gemara relates that Rav b saw that /b Rav Kahana b was washing /b the hair on b his head and /b then b arose and sat before Rav. /b Rav b said to /b Rav Kahana: b “Nor shall it be found in the land of the living [ i haḥayyim /i ]” /b (Job 28:13). Rav Kahana thought that Rav addressed that verse to him and b he said to /b Rav: b Are you cursing me? /b Rav b said to him: /b It is b a verse /b that b I am saying /b to remind you that b Torah will not be found in one who sustains [ i meḥayye /i ] himself /b in an indulgent manner b in its /b study; rather, Torah is acquired through suffering and difficulty., b It is taught /b in a i baraita /i with regard to the few that are destined to be redeemed: b Rav Simai says /b that b it is stated: “And I will take you to Me as a people” /b (Exodus 6:7), b and /b juxtaposed to that verse b it is stated: “And I will bring you /b into the land” (Exodus 6:8). The Torah b compares their exodus from Egypt to their entry into the land; just as /b during b their entry into the land /b only b two of six hundred thousand /b entered the land, as they all died in the wilderness except for Caleb and Joshua, b so too, /b during b their exodus from Egypt, /b in terms of the ratio, b only two of six hundred thousand /b left Egypt and the rest died there. b Rava says: And likewise, /b that will be situation b in the messianic era, as it is stated: “And she shall respond there, as in the days of her youth, and as in the day when she came up out of the land of Egypt” /b (Hosea 2:17). The ultimate redemption and the exodus from Egypt are juxtaposed, indicating that in the messianic era too, only few will survive.,§ b It is taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Yosei, says: One time I entered Alexandria of Egypt. I found one old man and he said to me: Come and I will show you what my ancestors, /b the Egyptians, b did to your ancestors, /b the Jewish people. Some b of them they drowned in the sea, /b some b of them they killed with the sword, /b and b some of them they crushed in the buildings. And /b it is b over this matter, /b Moses’ protest of the afflictions suffered by the Jewish people, that b Moses, our teacher, was punished, as it is stated: “For since I came to Pharaoh to speak in Your name, he has done evil to this people, /b neither have You delivered Your people at all” (Exodus 5:23)., b The Holy One, Blessed be He, said to /b Moses: b Woe over those who are gone and are no /b longer b found; as several times I revealed Myself to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob as God Almighty [ i El Shaddai /i ] and they did not question My attributes, and did not say to Me: What is Your name? I said to Abraham: “Arise, walk through the land in the length of it and in the breadth of it; for unto you I will give it” /b (Genesis 13:17). Ultimately, b he sought a place to bury Sarah and did not find /b one b until he purchased /b it b for four hundred silver shekels, and he did not question My attributes /b and did not protest that I failed to fulfill My promise to give him the land., b I said to Isaac: “Sojourn in this land, and I will be with you and will bless you” /b (Genesis 26:3). b His servants sought water to drink and they did not find /b it b until they started a quarrel, as it is stated: “And the herdsmen of Gerar quarreled with Isaac’s herdsmen saying: The water is ours” /b (Genesis 26:20), b and he did not question My attributes. /b , b I said to Jacob: “The land upon which you lie, to you I will give it” /b (Genesis 28:13). b He sought a place to pitch his tent and he did not find /b one b until he purchased /b it b for one hundred coins, and he did not question My attributes, and did not say to Me: What is Your name? And you, /b Moses, b ask Me: What is Your name, initially, /b after witnessing My greatness more than they ever did. b And now you say to Me: “Neither have You delivered Your people” /b (Exodus 5:23). The verse then states: b “Now shall you see what I will do to Pharaoh” /b (Exodus 6:1). One can infer: b The war with Pharaoh /b and his downfall b you /b shall b see, but you will not see the war with the thirty-one kings /b in Eretz Yisrael, as you will not be privileged to conquer Eretz Yisrael for the Jewish people.,§ With regard to the verse: “And the Lord passed before him and proclaimed: The Lord, the Lord, compassionate and gracious God, slow to anger, abounding in loving-kindness and truth, extending loving-kindness to thousands of generations… b and Moses made haste and bowed his head toward the earth and prostrated himself” /b (Exodus 34:6–8), the Gemara asks: b What did Moses see /b in these attributes that caused him to hastily prostrate himself?, b Rabbi Ḥanina ben Gamla says: He saw /b the attribute of b slow to anger; and the Rabbis say: He saw /b the attribute of b truth. It is taught /b in a i baraita /i b in accordance with /b the opinion of b the one who said: He saw /b the attribute of b slow to anger, as it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b When Moses ascended on high, he discovered the Holy One, Blessed be He, sitting and writing: Slow to anger. /b Moses b said before Him: Master of the Universe, /b is Your attribute of b slow to anger /b only to be used b for the righteous? /b God b said to him: /b It is an attribute b even for the wicked. /b Moses b said to Him: Let the wicked be doomed. /b God b said to him: Now, you /b will b see that you will need /b this, as ultimately you will reconsider that statement., b When the Jewish people sinned /b in the sin of the spies and Moses asked God to forgive them, the Holy One, Blessed be He, b said to /b Moses: b Didn’t you say to Me /b that the attribute of b slow to anger /b is b for the righteous /b alone? They are not worthy of atonement. |
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165. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 3.18.4, 4.9, 4.21, 4.26.1, 4.27, 5.5, 5.5.1-5.5.6, 5.6.18-5.6.19 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio •cassius dio, •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Huttner (2013) 233; Lampe (2003) 201; Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019) 16; Rizzi (2010) 134 | 3.18.4. To such a degree, indeed, did the teaching of our faith flourish at that time that even those writers who were far from our religion did not hesitate to mention in their histories the persecution and the martyrdoms which took place during it. 4.26.1. In those days also Melito, bishop of the parish in Sardis, and Apolinarius, bishop of Hierapolis, enjoyed great distinction. Each of them on his own part addressed apologies in behalf of the faith to the above-mentioned emperor of the Romans who was reigning at that time. 5.5.1. It is reported that Marcus Aurelius Caesar, brother of Antoninus, being about to engage in battle with the Germans and Sarmatians, was in great trouble on account of his army suffering from thirst. But the soldiers of the so-called Melitene legion, through the faith which has given strength from that time to the present, when they were drawn up before the enemy, kneeled on the ground, as is our custom in prayer, and engaged in supplications to God. 5.5.2. This was indeed a strange sight to the enemy, but it is reported that a stranger thing immediately followed. The lightning drove the enemy to flight and destruction, but a shower refreshed the army of those who had called on God, all of whom had been on the point of perishing with thirst. 5.5.3. This story is related by non-Christian writers who have been pleased to treat the times referred to, and it has also been recorded by our own people. By those historians who were strangers to the faith, the marvel is mentioned, but it is not acknowledged as an answer to our prayers. But by our own people, as friends of the truth, the occurrence is related in a simple and artless manner. 5.5.4. Among these is Apolinarius, who says that from that time the legion through whose prayers the wonder took place received from the emperor a title appropriate to the event, being called in the language of the Romans the Thundering Legion. 5.5.5. Tertullian is a trustworthy witness of these things. In the Apology for the Faith, which he addressed to the Roman Senate, and which work we have already mentioned, he confirms the history with greater and stronger proofs. 5.5.6. He writes that there are still extant letters of the most intelligent Emperor Marcus in which he testifies that his army, being on the point of perishing with thirst in Germany, was saved by the prayers of the Christians. And he says also that this emperor threatened death to those who brought accusation against us. |
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166. Babylonian Talmud, Niddah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer (2010) 181, 182| 31a. מאי קרא (תהלים עא, ו) ממעי אמי אתה גוזי מאי משמע דהאי גוזי לישנא דאשתבועי הוא דכתיב (ירמיהו ז, כט) גזי נזרך והשליכי,ואמר רבי אלעזר למה ולד דומה במעי אמו לאגוז מונח בספל של מים אדם נותן אצבעו עליו שוקע לכאן ולכאן,תנו רבנן שלשה חדשים הראשונים ולד דר במדור התחתון אמצעיים ולד דר במדור האמצעי אחרונים ולד דר במדור העליון וכיון שהגיע זמנו לצאת מתהפך ויוצא וזהו חבלי אשה,והיינו דתנן חבלי של נקבה מרובין משל זכר,ואמר רבי אלעזר מאי קרא (תהלים קלט, טו) אשר עשיתי בסתר רקמתי בתחתיות ארץ דרתי לא נאמר אלא רקמתי,מאי שנא חבלי נקבה מרובין משל זכר זה בא כדרך תשמישו וזה בא כדרך תשמישו זו הופכת פניה וזה אין הופך פניו,תנו רבנן שלשה חדשים הראשונים תשמיש קשה לאשה וגם קשה לולד אמצעיים קשה לאשה ויפה לולד אחרונים יפה לאשה ויפה לולד שמתוך כך נמצא הולד מלובן ומזורז,תנא המשמש מטתו ליום תשעים כאילו שופך דמים מנא ידע אלא אמר אביי משמש והולך (תהלים קטז, ו) ושומר פתאים ה',תנו רבנן שלשה שותפין יש באדם הקב"ה ואביו ואמו אביו מזריע הלובן שממנו עצמות וגידים וצפרנים ומוח שבראשו ולובן שבעין אמו מזרעת אודם שממנו עור ובשר ושערות ושחור שבעין והקב"ה נותן בו רוח ונשמה וקלסתר פנים וראיית העין ושמיעת האוזן ודבור פה והלוך רגלים ובינה והשכל,וכיון שהגיע זמנו להפטר מן העולם הקב"ה נוטל חלקו וחלק אביו ואמו מניח לפניהם אמר רב פפא היינו דאמרי אינשי פוץ מלחא ושדי בשרא לכלבא,דרש רב חיננא בר פפא מאי דכתיב (איוב ט, י) עושה גדולות עד אין חקר ונפלאות עד אין מספר בא וראה שלא כמדת הקב"ה מדת בשר ודם מדת בשר ודם נותן חפץ בחמת צרורה ופיה למעלה ספק משתמר ספק אין משתמר ואילו הקב"ה צר העובר במעי אשה פתוחה ופיה למטה ומשתמר,דבר אחר אדם נותן חפציו לכף מאזנים כל זמן שמכביד יורד למטה ואילו הקב"ה כל זמן שמכביד הולד עולה למעלה,דרש רבי יוסי הגלילי מאי דכתיב {תהילים קל״ט:י״ד } אודך (ה') על כי נוראות נפליתי נפלאים מעשיך ונפשי יודעת מאד בא וראה שלא כמדת הקב"ה מדת בשר ודם מדת בשר ודם אדם נותן זרעונים בערוגה כל אחת ואחת עולה במינו ואילו הקב"ה צר העובר במעי אשה וכולם עולין למין אחד,דבר אחר צבע נותן סמנין ליורה כולן עולין לצבע אחד ואילו הקב"ה צר העובר במעי אשה כל אחת ואחת עולה למינו,דרש רב יוסף מאי דכתיב (ישעיהו יב, א) אודך ה' כי אנפת בי ישוב אפך ותנחמני במה הכתוב מדבר,בשני בני אדם שיצאו לסחורה ישב לו קוץ לאחד מהן התחיל מחרף ומגדף לימים שמע שטבעה ספינתו של חבירו בים התחיל מודה ומשבח לכך נאמר ישוב אפך ותנחמני,והיינו דאמר רבי אלעזר מאי דכתיב (תהלים עב, יח) עושה נפלאות (גדולות) לבדו וברוך שם כבודו לעולם אפילו בעל הנס אינו מכיר בנסו,דריש רבי חנינא בר פפא מאי דכתיב (תהלים קלט, ג) ארחי ורבעי זרית וכל דרכי הסכנת מלמד שלא נוצר אדם מן כל הטפה אלא מן הברור שבה תנא דבי רבי ישמעאל משל לאדם שזורה בבית הגרנות נוטל את האוכל ומניח את הפסולת,כדרבי אבהו דרבי אבהו רמי כתיב (שמואל ב כב, מ) ותזרני חיל וכתיב (תהלים יח, לג) האל המאזרני חיל אמר דוד לפני הקב"ה רבש"ע זיריתני וזרזתני,דרש רבי אבהו מאי דכתיב (במדבר כג, י) מי מנה עפר יעקב ומספר את רובע ישראל מלמד שהקב"ה יושב וסופר את רביעיותיהם של ישראל מתי תבא טיפה שהצדיק נוצר הימנה,ועל דבר זה נסמית עינו של בלעם הרשע אמר מי שהוא טהור וקדוש ומשרתיו טהורים וקדושים יציץ בדבר זה מיד נסמית עינו דכתיב (במדבר כד, ג) נאם הגבר שתום העין,והיינו דאמר רבי יוחנן מאי דכתיב (בראשית ל, טז) וישכב עמה בלילה הוא מלמד שהקב"ה סייע באותו מעשה שנאמר (בראשית מט, יד) יששכר חמור גרם חמור גרם לו ליששכר,אמר רבי יצחק אמר רבי אמי אשה מזרעת תחילה יולדת זכר איש מזריע תחילה יולדת נקבה שנאמר (ויקרא יג, כט) אשה כי תזריע וילדה זכר,תנו רבנן בראשונה היו אומרים אשה מזרעת תחילה יולדת זכר איש מזריע תחלה יולדת נקבה ולא פירשו חכמים את הדבר עד שבא רבי צדוק ופירשו (בראשית מו, טו) אלה בני לאה אשר ילדה ליעקב בפדן ארם ואת דינה בתו תלה הזכרים בנקבות ונקבות בזכרים,(דברי הימים א ח, מ) ויהיו בני אולם אנשים גבורי חיל דורכי קשת ומרבים בנים ובני בנים וכי בידו של אדם להרבות בנים ובני בנים אלא מתוך | 31a. b What is the verse /b from which it is derived that a fetus is administered an oath on the day of its birth? “Upon You I have relied from birth; b You are He Who took me out [ i gozi /i ] of my mother’s womb” /b (Psalms 71:6). b From where may /b it b be inferred that this /b word: b “ i Gozi /i ,” is a term of administering an oath? As it is written: “Cut off [ i gozi /i ] your hair and cast it away” /b (Jeremiah 7:29), which is interpreted as a reference to the vow of a nazirite, who must cut off his hair at the end of his term of naziriteship., b And Rabbi Elazar says: To what is a fetus in its mother’s womb comparable? /b It is comparable b to a nut placed in a basin /b full b of water, /b floating on top of the water. If b a person puts his finger on top of /b the nut, b it sinks /b either b in this direction or in that direction. /b ,§ b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : During b the first three months /b of pregcy, the b fetus resides in the lower compartment /b of the womb; in the b middle /b three months, the b fetus resides in the middle compartment; /b and during the b last /b three months of pregcy the b fetus resides in the upper compartment. And once its time to emerge arrives, it turns upside down and emerges; and this is /b what causes b labor pains. /b ,With regard to the assertion that labor pains are caused by the fetus turning upside down, the Gemara notes: b And this is /b the explanation for b that which we learned /b in a i baraita /i : b The labor pains experienced by /b a woman who gives birth to b a female are greater than /b those b experienced by /b a woman who gives birth to b a male. /b The Gemara will explain this below., b And Rabbi Elazar says: What is the verse /b from which it is derived that a fetus initially resides in the lower part of the womb? b “When I was made in secret, and I was woven together in the lowest parts of the earth” /b (Psalms 139:15). Since it b is not stated: I resided /b in the lowest parts of the earth, b but rather: “I was woven together /b in the lowest parts of the earth,” this teaches that during the initial stage of a fetus’s development, when it is woven together, its location is in the lower compartment of the womb.,The Gemara asks: b What is different /b about b the labor pains experienced by /b a woman who gives birth to b a female, /b that they b are greater than those experienced by /b a woman who gives birth to b a male? /b The Gemara answers: b This /b one, a male fetus, b emerges in the manner in which it engages in intercourse. /b Just as a male engages in intercourse facing downward, so too, it is born while facing down. b And that /b one, a female fetus, b emerges in the manner in which it engages in intercourse, /b i.e., facing upward. Consequently, b that /b one, a female fetus, b turns its face around /b before it is born, b but this /b one, a male fetus, b does not turn its face around /b before it is born.,§ b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : During b the first three months /b of pregcy, b sexual intercourse is difficult /b and harmful b for the woman and is also difficult for the offspring. /b During the b middle /b three months, intercourse is b difficult for the woman but is beneficial for the offspring. /b During the b last /b three months, sexual intercourse is b beneficial for the woman and beneficial for the offspring; as a result of it the offspring is found to be strong and fair skinned. /b ,The Sages b taught /b in a i baraita /i : With regard to b one who engages in intercourse /b with his wife b on the ninetieth day /b of her pregcy, b it is as though he spills /b her b blood. /b The Gemara asks: b How does one know /b that it is the ninetieth day of her pregcy? b Rather, Abaye says: One should go ahead and engage in intercourse /b with his wife even if it might be the ninetieth day, b and /b rely on God to prevent any ensuing harm, as the verse states: b “The Lord preserves the simple” /b (Psalms 116:6).,§ b The Sages taught: There are three partners in /b the creation of b a person: The Holy One, Blessed be He, and his father, and his mother. His father emits the white seed, from which /b the following body parts are formed: The b bones, /b the b sinews, /b the b nails, /b the b brain that is in its head, and /b the b white of the eye. His mother emits red seed, from which /b are formed the b skin, /b the b flesh, /b the b hair, and /b the b black of the eye. And the Holy One, Blessed be He, inserts into him a spirit, a soul, /b his b countece [ i ukelaster /i ], eyesight, hearing of the ear, /b the capability of b speech /b of b the mouth, /b the capability of b walking /b with b the legs, understanding, and wisdom. /b , b And when /b a person’s b time to depart from the world arrives, the Holy One, Blessed be He, retrieves His part, and He leaves the part of /b the person’s b father and mother before them. Rav Pappa said: This /b is in accordance with the adage b that people say: Remove the salt /b from a piece of meat, b and /b you may then b toss the meat to a dog, /b as it has become worthless.,§ b Rav Ḥina bar Pappa taught: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written: “Who does great deeds beyond comprehension, wondrous deeds without number” /b (Job 9:10)? b Come and see that the attribute of flesh and blood is unlike the attribute of the Holy One, Blessed be He. The attribute of flesh and blood /b is that if one b puts an article in a flask, /b even if the flask is b tied and its opening /b faces b upward, it is uncertain whether /b the item b is preserved /b from getting lost, b and it is uncertain whether it is not preserved /b from being lost. b But the Holy One, Blessed be He, forms the fetus in a woman’s open womb, and its opening /b faces b downward, and /b yet the fetus b is preserved. /b , b Another matter /b that demonstrates the difference between the attributes of God and the attributes of people is that when b a person places his articles on a scale /b to be measured, b the heavier /b the item b is, /b the more b it descends. But /b when b the Holy One, Blessed be He, /b forms a fetus, b the heavier the offspring gets, /b the more b it ascends upward /b in the womb., b Rabbi Yosei HaGelili taught: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written: “I will give thanks to You, for I am fearfully and wonderfully made; wonderful are Your works, and that my soul knows very well” /b (Psalms 139:14)? b Come and see that the attribute of flesh and blood is unlike the attribute of the Holy One, Blessed be He. The attribute of flesh and blood /b is that when b a person plants seeds /b of different species b in /b one b garden bed, each and every one /b of the seeds b emerges /b as a grown plant b according to its species. But the Holy One, Blessed be He, forms the fetus in a woman’s womb, and all of /b the seeds, i.e., those of both the father and the mother, b emerge /b when the offspring is formed b as one /b sex., b Alternatively, /b when b a dyer puts herbs in a cauldron [ i leyora /i ], they all emerge as one color /b of dye, b whereas the Holy One, Blessed be He, forms the fetus in a woman’s womb, /b and b each and every one /b of the seeds b emerges as its own type. /b In other words, the seed of the father form distinct elements, such as the white of the eye, and the seed of the mother forms other elements, such as the black of the eye, as explained above., b Rav Yosef taught: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written: /b “And on that day you shall say: b I will give thanks to You, Lord, for You were angry with me; Your anger is turned away, and You comfort me” /b (Isaiah 12:1)? b With regard to what /b matter b is the verse speaking? /b ,It is referring, for example, b to two people who left /b their homes to go b on a business /b trip. b A thorn penetrated /b the body b of one of them, /b and he was consequently unable to go with his colleague. b He started blaspheming and cursing /b in frustration. b After a period of time, he heard that the ship of the other /b person b had sunk in the sea, /b and realized that the thorn had saved him from death. He then b started thanking /b God b and praising /b Him for his delivery due to the slight pain caused to him by the thorn. This is the meaning of the statement: I will give thanks to You, Lord, for You were angry with me. b Therefore, it is stated /b at the end of the verse: b “Your anger is turned away, and You comfort me.” /b , b And this /b statement b is /b identical to b that which Rabbi Elazar said: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written: /b “Blessed be the Lord God, the God of Israel, b Who does wondrous things alone; and blessed be His glorious name forever” /b (Psalms 72:18–19)? What does it mean that God “does wondrous things alone”? It means that b even the one for whom the miracle was performed does not recognize the miracle /b that was performed for b him. /b , b Rabbi Ḥanina bar Pappa taught: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written: “You measure [ i zerita /i ] my going about [ i orḥi /i ] and my lying down [ i riv’i /i ], and are acquainted with all my ways” /b (Psalms 139:3)? This verse b teaches that a person is not created from the entire drop /b of semen, b but from its clear /b part. i Zerita /i can mean to winnow, while i orḥi /i and i riv’i /i can both be explained as references to sexual intercourse. Therefore the verse is interpreted homiletically as saying that God separates the procreative part of the semen from the rest. b The school of Rabbi Yishmael taught a parable: /b This matter is comparable b to a person who winnows /b grain b in the granary; he takes the food and leaves the waste. /b ,This is b in accordance with /b a statement b of Rabbi Abbahu, as Rabbi Abbahu raises a contradiction: It is written /b in one of King David’s psalms: b “For You have girded me [ i vatazreni /i ] with strength for battle” /b (II Samuel 22:40), without the letter i alef /i in i vatazreni /i ; b and it is written /b in another psalm: b “Who girds me [ i hame’azreni /i ] with strength” /b (Psalms 18:33), with an i alef /i in i hame’azreini /i . What is the difference between these two expressions? b David said before the Holy One, Blessed be He: Master of the Universe, You selected me [ i zeiritani /i ], /b i.e., You separated between the procreative part and the rest of the semen in order to create me, b and You have girded me [ i zeraztani /i ] with strength. /b , b Rabbi Abbahu taught: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written /b in Balaam’s blessing: b “Who has counted the dust of Jacob, or numbered the stock [ i rova /i ] of Israel” /b (Numbers 23:10)? The verse b teaches that the Holy One, Blessed be He, sits and counts the times that the Jewish people engage in intercourse [ i revi’iyyoteihem /i ], /b anticipating the time b when the drop from which the righteous person will be created will arrive. /b , b And /b it was b due to this matter /b that b the eye of wicked Balaam went blind. He said: Should /b God, b who is pure and holy, and whose ministers are pure and holy, peek at this matter? Immediately his eye was blinded /b as a divine punishment, b as it is written: “The saying of the man whose eye is shut” /b (Numbers 24:3)., b And this /b statement b is /b the same as that b which Rabbi Yoḥa said: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written, /b with regard to Leah’s conceiving Issachar: b “And he lay with her that night” /b (Genesis 30:16)? The verse b teaches that the Holy One, Blessed be He, contributed to that act. /b The manner in which God contributed to this act is derived from another verse, b as it is stated: “Issachar is a large-boned [ i garem /i ] donkey” /b (Genesis 49:14). This teaches that God directed Jacob’s b donkey /b toward Leah’s tent so that he would engage in intercourse with her, thereby b causing [ i garam /i ] /b Leah’s conceiving b Issachar. /b ,§ b Rabbi Yitzḥak says /b that b Rabbi Ami says: /b The sex of a fetus is determined at the moment of conception. If the b woman emits seed first, she gives birth to a male, /b and if the b man emits seed first, she gives birth to a female, as it is stated: “If a woman bears seed and gives birth to a male” /b (Leviticus 12:2)., b The Sages taught: At first, /b people b would say /b that if the b woman emits seed first she gives birth to a male, /b and if the b man emits seed first, she gives birth to a female. But the Sages did not explain /b from which verse this b matter /b is derived, b until Rabbi Tzadok came and explained /b that b it /b is derived from the following verse: b “These are the sons of Leah, whom she bore to Jacob in Paddan Aram, with his daughter Dinah” /b (Genesis 46:15). From the fact that the verse b attributes the males to the females, /b as the males are called: The sons of Leah, b and /b it attributes b the females to the males, /b in that Dinah is called: His daughter, it is derived that if the woman emits seed first she gives birth to a male, whereas if the man emits seed first, she bears a female.,This statement is also derived from the following verse: b “And the sons of Ulam were mighty men of valor, archers, and had many sons and sons’ sons” /b (I Chronicles 8:40). b Is it in a person’s power to have many sons and sons’ sons? Rather, because /b |
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167. Origen, Against Celsus, 3.5, 3.7, 3.34-3.35, 5.33, 5.41, 5.59 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius •dreams (in greek and latin literature), cassius dio, roman history Found in books: Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022) 109; Renberg (2017) 321 | 3.5. Immediately after these points, Celsus, imagining that the Jews are Egyptians by descent, and had abandoned Egypt, after revolting against the Egyptian state, and despising the customs of that people in matters of worship, says that they suffered from the adherents of Jesus, who believed in Him as the Christ, the same treatment which they had inflicted upon the Egyptians; and that the cause which led to the new state of things in either instance was rebellion against the state. Now let us observe what Celsus has here done. The ancient Egyptians, after inflicting many cruelties upon the Hebrew race, who had settled in Egypt owing to a famine which had broken out in Judea, suffered, in consequence of their injustice to strangers and suppliants, that punishment which divine Providence had decreed was to fall on the whole nation for having combined against an entire people, who had been their guests, and who had done them no harm; and after being smitten by plagues from God, they allowed them, with difficulty, and after a brief period, to go wherever they liked, as being unjustly detained in slavery. Because, then, they were a selfish people, who honoured those who were in any degree related to them far more than they did strangers of better lives, there is not an accusation which they have omitted to bring against Moses and the Hebrews, - not altogether denying, indeed, the miracles and wonders done by him, but alleging that they were wrought by sorcery, and not by divine power. Moses, however, not as a magician, but as a devout man, and one devoted to the God of all things, and a partaker in the divine Spirit, both enacted laws for the Hebrews, according to the suggestions of the Divinity, and recorded events as they happened with perfect fidelity. 3.7. In like manner, as the statement is false that the Hebrews, being (originally) Egyptians, dated the commencement (of their political existence) from the time of their rebellion, so also is this, that in the days of Jesus others who were Jews rebelled against the Jewish state, and became His followers; for neither Celsus nor they who think with him are able to point out any act on the part of Christians which savours of rebellion. And yet, if a revolt had led to the formation of the Christian commonwealth, so that it derived its existence in this way from that of the Jews, who were permitted to take up arms in defense of the members of their families, and to slay their enemies, the Christian Lawgiver would not have altogether forbidden the putting of men to death; and yet He nowhere teaches that it is right for His own disciples to offer violence to any one, however wicked. For He did not deem it in keeping with such laws as His, which were derived from a divine source, to allow the killing of any individual whatever. Nor would the Christians, had they owed their origin to a rebellion, have adopted laws of so exceedingly mild a character as not to allow them, when it was their fate to be slain as sheep, on any occasion to resist their persecutors. And truly, if we look a little deeper into things, we may say regarding the exodus from Egypt, that it is a miracle if a whole nation at once adopted the language called Hebrew, as if it had been a gift from heaven, when one of their own prophets said, As they went forth from Egypt, they heard a language which they did not understand. 3.34. I am, however, of opinion that these individuals are the only instances with which Celsus was acquainted. And yet, that he might appear voluntarily to pass by other similar cases, he says, And one might name many others of the same kind. Let it be granted, then, that many such persons have existed who conferred no benefit upon the human race: what would each one of their acts be found to amount to in comparison with the work of Jesus, and the miracles related of Him, of which we have already spoken at considerable length? He next imagines that, in worshipping him who, as he says, was taken prisoner and put to death, we are acting like the Get who worship Zamolxis, and the Cilicians who worship Mopsus, and the Acarians who pay divine honours to Amphilochus, and like the Thebans who do the same to Amphiaraus, and the Lebadians to Trophonius. Now in these instances we shall prove that he has compared us to the foregoing without good grounds. For these different tribes erected temples and statues to those individuals above enumerated, whereas we have refrained from offering to the Divinity honour by any such means (seeing they are adapted rather to demons, which are somehow fixed in a certain place which they prefer to any other, or which take up their dwelling, as it were, after being removed (from one place to another) by certain rites and incantations), and are lost in reverential wonder at Jesus, who has recalled our minds from all sensible things, as being not only corruptible, but destined to corruption, and elevated them to honour the God who is over all with prayers and a righteous life, which we offer to Him as being intermediate between the nature of the uncreated and that of all created things, and who bestows upon us the benefits which come from the Father, and who as High Priest conveys our prayers to the supreme God. 3.35. But I should like, in answer to him who for some unknown reason advances such statements as the above, to make in a conversational way some such remarks as the following, which seem not inappropriate to him. Are then those persons whom you have mentioned nonentities, and is there no power in Lebadea connected with Trophonius, nor in Thebes with the temple of Amphiaraus, nor in Acaria with Amphilochus, nor in Cilicia with Mopsus? Or is there in such persons some being, either a demon, or a hero, or even a god, working works which are beyond the reach of man? For if he answer that there is nothing either demoniacal or divine about these individuals more than others, then let him at once make known his own opinion, as being that of an Epicurean, and of one who does not hold the same views with the Greeks, and who neither recognises demons nor worships gods as do the Greeks; and let it be shown that it was to no purpose that he adduced the instances previously enumerated (as if he believed them to be true), together with those which he adds in the following pages. But if he will assert that the persons spoken of are either demons, or heroes, or even gods, let him notice that he will establish by what he has admitted a result which he does not desire, viz., that Jesus also was some such being; for which reason, too, he was able to demonstrate to not a few that He had come down from God to visit the human race. And if he once admit this, see whether he will not be forced to confess that He is mightier than those individuals with whom he classed Him, seeing none of the latter forbids the offering of honour to the others; while He, having confidence in Himself, because He is more powerful than all those others, forbids them to be received as divine because they are wicked demons, who have taken possession of places on earth, through inability to rise to the purer and diviner region, whither the grossnesses of earth and its countless evils cannot reach. 5.33. The remarks which we have made not only answer the statements of Celsus regarding the superintending spirits, but anticipate in some measure what he afterwards brings forward, when he says: Let the second party come forward; and I shall ask them whence they come, and whom they regard as the originator of their ancestral customs. They will reply, No one, because they spring from the same source as the Jews themselves, and derive their instruction and superintendence from no other quarter, and notwithstanding they have revolted from the Jews. Each one of us, then, has come in the last days, when one Jesus has visited us, to the visible mountain of the Lord, the Word that is above every word, and to the house of God, which is the Church of the living God, the pillar and ground of the truth. And we notice how it is built upon the tops of the mountains, i.e., the predictions of all the prophets, which are its foundations. And this house is exalted above the hills, i.e., those individuals among men who make a profession of superior attainments in wisdom and truth; and all the nations come to it, and the many nations go forth, and say to one another, turning to the religion which in the last days has shone forth through Jesus Christ: Come, and let us go up to the mountain of the Lord, to the house of the God of Jacob; and He will teach us of His ways, and we will walk in them. For the law came forth from the dwellers in Sion, and settled among us as a spiritual law. Moreover, the word of the Lord came forth from that very Jerusalem, that it might be disseminated through all places, and might judge in the midst of the heathen, selecting those whom it sees to be submissive, and rejecting the disobedient, who are many in number. And to those who inquire of us whence we come, or who is our founder, we reply that we have come, agreeably to the counsels of Jesus, to cut down our hostile and insolent 'wordy' swords into ploughshares, and to convert into pruning-hooks the spears formerly employed in war. For we no longer take up sword against nation, nor do we learn war any more, having become children of peace, for the sake of Jesus, who is our leader, instead of those whom our fathers followed, among whom we were strangers to the covet, and having received a law, for which we give thanks to Him that rescued us from the error (of our ways), saying, Our fathers honoured lying idols, and there is not among them one that causes it to rain. Our Superintendent, then, and Teacher, having come forth from the Jews, regulates the whole world by the word of His teaching. And having made these remarks by way of anticipation, we have refuted as well as we could the untrue statements of Celsus, by subjoining the appropriate answer. 5.41. Let us notice the charges which are next advanced by Celsus, in which there is exceedingly little that has reference to the Christians, as most of them refer to the Jews. His words are: If, then, in these respects the Jews were carefully to preserve their own law, they are not to be blamed for so doing, but those persons rather who have forsaken their own usages, and adopted those of the Jews. And if they pride themselves on it, as being possessed of superior wisdom, and keep aloof from intercourse with others, as not being equally pure with themselves, they have already heard that their doctrine concerning heaven is not peculiar to them, but, to pass by all others, is one which has long ago been received by the Persians, as Herodotus somewhere mentions. 'For they have a custom,' he says, 'of going up to the tops of the mountains, and of offering sacrifices to Jupiter, giving the name of Jupiter to the whole circle of the heavens.' And I think, continues Celsus, that it makes no difference whether you call the highest being Zeus, or Zen, or Adonai, or Sabaoth, or Ammoun like the Egyptians, or Papp us like the Scythians. Nor would they be deemed at all holier than others in this respect, that they observe the rite of circumcision, for this was done by the Egyptians and Colchians before them; nor because they abstain from swine's flesh, for the Egyptians practised abstinence not only from it, but from the flesh of goats, and sheep, and oxen, and fishes as well; while Pythagoras and his disciples do not eat beans, nor anything that contains life. It is not probable, however, that they enjoy God's favour, or are loved by Him differently from others, or that angels were sent from heaven to them alone, as if they had had allotted to them 'some region of the blessed,' for we see both themselves and the country of which they were deemed worthy. Let this band, then, take its departure, after paying the penalty of its vaunting, not having a knowledge of the great God, but being led away and deceived by the artifices of Moses, having become his pupil to no good end. 5.59. Celsus then continues: The Jews accordingly, and these (clearly meaning the Christians), have the same God; and as if advancing a proposition which would not be conceded, he proceeds to make the following assertion: It is certain, indeed, that the members of the great Church admit this, and adopt as true the accounts regarding the creation of the world which are current among the Jews, viz., concerning the six days and the seventh; on which day, as the Scripture says, God ceased from His works, retiring into the contemplation of Himself, but on which, as Celsus says (who does not abide by the letter of the history, and who does not understand its meaning), God rested, - a term which is not found in the record. With respect, however, to the creation of the world, and the rest which is reserved after it for the people of God, the subject is extensive, and mystical, and profound, and difficult of explanation. In the next place, as it appears to me, from a desire to fill up his book, and to give it an appearance of importance, he recklessly adds certain statements, such as the following, relating to the first man, of whom he says: We give the same account as do the Jews, and deduce the same genealogy from him as they do. However, as regards the conspiracies of brothers against one another, we know of none such, save that Cain conspired against Abel, and Esau against Jacob; but not Abel against Cain, nor Jacob against Esau: for if this had been the case, Celsus would have been correct in saying that we give the same accounts as do the Jews of the conspiracies of brothers against one another. Let it be granted, however, that we speak of the same descent into Egypt as they, and of their return thence, which was not a flight, as Celsus considers it to have been, what does that avail towards founding an accusation against us or against the Jews? Here, indeed, he thought to cast ridicule upon us, when, in speaking of the Hebrew people, he termed their exodus a flight; but when it was his business to investigate the account of the punishments inflicted by God upon Egypt, that topic he purposely passed by in silence. |
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| 168. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Verus, 1.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 114 |
| 169. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Elagabalus, 16.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Tuori (2016) 272 |
| 170. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 8.698 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 95 |
| 171. John Chrysostom, Against The Jews, 2.3.3-2.3.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •non-judean women, adopting judean practices, dio cassius, writings of Found in books: Kraemer (2010) 182 |
172. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 16.8.2, 16.11.9, 19.12.14, 23.6.18 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, •cassius dio, on marcus aurelius Found in books: Edmonds (2019) 389; Huttner (2013) 56; Isaac (2004) 222 | 16.8.2. For if anyone consulted a soothsayer about the squeaking of a shrew-mouse, the meeting with a weasel on the way, or any like portent, or used some old wife’s charm to relieve pain (a thing which even medical authority allows), he was indicted (from what source he could not guess), was haled into court, and suffered death as the penalty. 16.11.9. Finally Julian, learning from the report of some scouts just captured, that now in the heat of summer the river could be forded, with words of encouragement sent the light-armed auxiliaries with Bainobaudes, tribune of the Cornuti, to perform a memorable feat, if fortune would favour them; and they, now wading through the shallows, now swimming on their shields, which they put under them like canoes, Cf. xiv. 2, 10, cavatis arborum truncis ; xxxi. 4, 5, navibus ratibusque et cavatis arborum alveis. came to a neighbouring island and landing there they butchered everyone they found, men and women alike, without distinction of age, like so many sheep. Then, finding some empty boats, they rowed on in these, unsteady as they were, and raided a large number of such places; and when they were sated with slaughter, loaded down with a wealth of booty (a part of which they lost through the force of the current) they all came back safe and sound. 19.12.14. For if anyone wore on his neck an amulet against the quartan ague or any other complaint, or was accused by the testimony of the evil-disposed of passing by a grave in the evening, on the ground that he was a dealer in poisons, or a gatherer of the horrors of tombs and the vain illusions of the ghosts that walk there, he was condemned to capital punishment and so perished. 23.6.18. A similar opening was formerly to be seen (as some say) at Hierapolis in Phrygia. And from this also a noxious vapour with a penetrating stench came forth and was destructive to whatever came near it, excepting only eunuchs; and the reason for this may be left to natural philosophers to determine. Cf. Dio. lxviii. 27, 3; Pliny, N.H. ii. 208. |
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| 173. Epiphanius, Panarion, 49.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 134 |
| 174. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.12.36-1.12.37 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Rüpke (2011) 133 |
| 175. Victor, Epitome De Caesaribus, 23.1 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, l. Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 251 |
176. Augustine, The City of God, 4.5, 18.52 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012) 77 | 4.5. I shall not therefore stay to inquire what sort of men Romulus gathered together, seeing he deliberated much about them - how, being assumed out of that life they led into the fellowship of his city, they might cease to think of the punishment they deserved, the fear of which had driven them to greater villainies; so that henceforth they might be made more peaceable members of society. But this I say, that the Roman empire, which by subduing many nations had already grown great and an object of universal dread, was itself greatly alarmed, and only with much difficulty avoided a disastrous overthrow, because a mere handful of gladiators in Campania, escaping from the games, had recruited a great army, appointed three generals, and most widely and cruelly devastated Italy. Let them say what god aided these men, so that from a small and contemptible band of robbers they attained to a kingdom, feared even by the Romans, who had such great forces and fortresses. Or will they deny that they were divinely aided because they did not last long? As if, indeed, the life of any man whatever lasted long. In that case, too, the gods aid no one to reign, since all individuals quickly die; nor is sovereign power to be reckoned a benefit, because in a little time in every man, and thus in all of them one by one, it vanishes like a vapor. For what does it matter to those who worshipped the gods under Romulus, and are long since dead, that after their death the Roman empire has grown so great, while they plead their causes before the powers beneath? Whether those causes are good or bad, it matters not to the question before us. And this is to be understood of all those who carry with them the heavy burden of their actions, having in the few days of their life swiftly and hurriedly passed over the stage of the imperial office, although the office itself has lasted through long spaces of time, being filled by a constant succession of dying men. If, however, even those benefits which last only for the shortest time are to be ascribed to the aid of the gods, these gladiators were not a little aided, who broke the bonds of their servile condition, fled, escaped, raised a great and most powerful army, obedient to the will and orders of their chiefs and much feared by the Roman majesty, and remaining unsubdued by several Roman generals, seized many places, and, having won very many victories, enjoyed whatever pleasures they wished, and did what their lust suggested, and, until at last they were conquered, which was done with the utmost difficulty, lived sublime and domit. But let us come to greater matters. 18.52. I do not think, indeed, that what some have thought or may think is rashly said or believed, that until the time of Antichrist the Church of Christ is not to suffer any persecutions besides those she has already suffered - that is, ten - and that the eleventh and last shall be inflicted by Antichrist. They reckon as the first that made by Nero, the second by Domitian, the third by Trajan, the fourth by Antoninus, the fifth by Severus, the sixth by Maximin, the seventh by Decius, the eighth by Valerian, the ninth by Aurelian, the tenth by Diocletian and Maximian. For as there were ten plagues in Egypt before the people of God could begin to go out, they think this is to be referred to as showing that the last persecution by Antichrist must be like the eleventh plague, in which the Egyptians, while following the Hebrews with hostility, perished in the Red Sea when the people of God passed through on dry land. Yet I do not think persecutions were prophetically signified by what was done in Egypt, however nicely and ingeniously those who think so may seem to have compared the two in detail, not by the prophetic Spirit, but by the conjecture of the human mind, which sometimes hits the truth, and sometimes is deceived. But what can those who think this say of the persecution in which the Lord Himself was crucified? In which number will they put it? And if they think the reckoning is to be made exclusive of this one, as if those must be counted which pertain to the body, and not that in which the Head Himself was set upon and slain, what can they make of that one which, after Christ ascended into heaven, took place in Jerusalem, when the blessed Stephen was stoned; when James the brother of John was slaughtered with the sword; when the Apostle Peter was imprisoned to be killed, and was set free by the angel; when the brethren were driven away and scattered from Jerusalem; when Saul, who afterward became the Apostle Paul, wasted the Church; and when he himself, publishing the glad tidings of the faith he had persecuted, suffered such things as he had inflicted, either from the Jews or from other nations, where he most fervently preached Christ everywhere? Why, then, do they think fit to start with Nero, when the Church in her growth had reached the times of Nero amid the most cruel persecutions; about which it would be too long to say anything? But if they think that only the persecutions made by kings ought to be reckoned, it was king Herod who also made a most grievous one after the ascension of the Lord. And what account do they give of Julian, whom they do not number in the ten? Did not he persecute the Church, who forbade the Christians to teach or learn liberal letters? Under him the elder Valentinian, who was the third emperor after him, stood forth as a confessor of the Christian faith, and was dismissed from his command in the army. I shall say nothing of what he did at Antioch, except to mention his being struck with wonder at the freedom and cheerfulness of one most faithful and steadfast young man, who, when many were seized to be tortured, was tortured during a whole day, and sang under the instrument of torture, until the emperor feared lest he should succumb under the continued cruelties and put him to shame at last, which made him dread and fear that he would be yet more dishonorably put to the blush by the rest. Lastly, within our own recollection, did not Valens the Arian, brother of the foresaid Valentinian, waste the Catholic Church by great persecution throughout the East? But how unreasonable it is not to consider that the Church, which bears fruit and grows through the whole world, may suffer persecution from kings in some nations even when she does not suffer it in others! Perhaps, however, it was not to be reckoned a persecution when the king of the Goths, in Gothia itself, persecuted the Christians with wonderful cruelty, when there were none but Catholics there, of whom very many were crowned with martyrdom, as we have heard from certain brethren who had been there at that time as boys, and unhesitatingly called to mind that they had seen these things? And what took place in Persia of late? Was not persecution so hot against the Christians (if even yet it is allayed) that some of the fugitives from it came even to Roman towns? When I think of these and the like things, it does not seem to me that the number of persecutions with which the Church is to be tried can be definitely stated. But, on the other hand, it is no less rash to affirm that there will be some persecutions by kings besides that last one, about which no Christian is in doubt. Therefore we leave this undecided, supporting or refuting neither side of this question, but only restraining men from the audacious presumption of affirming either of them. |
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| 177. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Marcus Antoninus, 16, 24, 2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 249 |
| 178. Libanius, Declamationes, 30.1.4 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Cain (2016) 96 |
| 179. Epiphanius, De Mensuris Et Ponderibus, 14 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 89 |
| 180. Orosius Paulus, Historiae Adversum Paganos, 4.4.41, 6.19.8-6.19.9, 7.29.4, 7.30.14, 7.32.9, 7.33.3, 7.34.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio •dio cassius Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 28; Van Nuffelen (2012) 77 |
| 181. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Verus, 1.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 114 |
| 182. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Quadrigae Tyrannorum, 8.1, 8.3, 8.6, 8.8, 8.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 114, 115, 116 |
| 183. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 1.1, 3.3, 3.5, 7.1-7.2, 9.3, 14.2, 14.5-14.7, 18.1, 22.11-22.13, 23.11, 24.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian •dio cassius •cassius dio Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 81; Rizzi (2010) 47, 74, 113, 114; Tuori (2016) 210 |
| 184. Zosimus, New History, 1.11.2 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Tuori (2016) 272 |
| 185. Jerome, On Illustrious Men, 20, 19 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 81 |
| 186. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 16.8.20 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022) 138 |
| 187. Jerome, Chronicon Eusebii (Interpretatio Chronicae Eusebii Pamphili), None (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 81 |
| 188. Caesar, B.Afr., 98 Tagged with subjects: •dio, l. cassius, on lepidus as magister equitum Found in books: Konrad (2022) 133 |
| 189. Anon., De Viris Illustribus, 43.3 Tagged with subjects: •dio, l. cassius Found in books: Konrad (2022) 107 |
| 190. Anon., Fasti Capitolini, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022) 131 |
| 191. Caesar, B.Alex., 48.1 Tagged with subjects: •dio, l. cassius, on antonius as magister equitum Found in books: Konrad (2022) 143 |
| 192. Libanius, Progym., 12.29.7-12.29.10 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 262 |
| 193. Arch., Att., 13.44.1 Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Rüpke (2011) 122 |
| 194. Papyri, P.Ups.8, 1.84 Tagged with subjects: •dreams (in greek and latin literature), cassius dio, roman history •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Renberg (2017) 320; Rizzi (2010) 131 |
| 195. Papyri, P.Yadin, 7 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, l. Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 154 |
| 196. Papyri, P.Ifao, 3.43 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 306 |
| 197. Papyri, P.Col., 123 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Tuori (2016) 244 |
| 198. Palladius of Aspuna, Lausiac History, 22.1 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Cain (2016) 96 |
| 199. Paulus Julius, Digesta, 5.22.3-5.22.4 Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022) 138 |
| 200. Ostraka, O.Mattha, 233 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 306 |
| 201. Epigraphy, Cil Ii2, 5.900 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al (2020) 101 |
| 202. Sen., Oct., 831 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 362, 370 |
| 203. Flor., Epit., 2.13.94 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 339 |
| 204. Nic. Dam., Fgrh 90, 130.59, 130.67, 130.131 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 339, 343 |
| 205. Diod. Sic., Hist., 17.13.1, 17.70.2, 19.7.1, 19.7.4, 20.71.2 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 367 |
| 206. Papyri, P.Oxy., 4.705, 10.1242, 23.2382 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio •dio cassius Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 198; Salvesen et al (2020) 306, 379 |
| 207. Epigraphy, Ig Ii², 7.2712 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 243, 244, 256, 259, 262 |
| 208. Antoninus Pius, Digest, 48.8.11 Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022) 136 |
| 209. Epigraphy, Judeich 1898, 33 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, Found in books: Huttner (2013) 56 |
| 210. Epigraphy, Ritti 2006, 27 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, Found in books: Huttner (2013) 56 |
| 211. Epigraphy, Ms, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 473 |
| 212. Epigraphy, Inscriptiones Italiae, 190-191, 33, 189 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011) 129 |
| 213. Cornelius Nepos, Hann., 5.3 Tagged with subjects: •dio, l. cassius Found in books: Konrad (2022) 107 |
| 214. Papyri, P.Giss., 40.1 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Tuori (2016) 286 |
| 216. Phlegon of Tralles, Fragmenta, Fghr 257, None Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 114 |
| 217. Epigraphy, Ils, 11, 5193 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011) 133 |
| 218. Epigraphy, Seg, 19.765, 33.938, 51.1579, 55.1145 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio •cassius dio, l. Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 154; Tuori (2016) 155, 267 |
| 219. Epigraphy, Stratonikeia, 1508 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, l. Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 154 |
| 220. Eusebius of Caesarea, Chronicon, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 348 |
| 221. Augustus Caesar, Lex Julia De Adulteriis, 0 Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Penniman (2017) 39 |
| 222. Augustus Caesar, Lex Julia De Maritandis Ordinibus, 0 Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Penniman (2017) 39 |
| 223. Augustus Caesar, Lex Papia Poppaea, 0 Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Penniman (2017) 39 |
| 224. Plutarch, Satires, 2.3.188 Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius, on living law ideal in roman imperialism Found in books: Martens (2003) 51 |
| 225. Epigraphy, Ig Xii, 9-11, 5647 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 244 |
| 226. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 1.46.3 Tagged with subjects: •dio, l. cassius, on crassus’ departure for parthia Found in books: Konrad (2022) 155 |
| 228. Fronto, Ad M. Caesarem Et Invicem, 1.6.2-1.6.3 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Tuori (2016) 220 |
| 229. Arch., Am., 30 Tagged with subjects: •dio, cassius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 43 |
| 230. Epigraphy, Steinepigramme, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
231. Anon., Esther Rabbah, 1.3 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 369| 1.3. אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ רַבִּי לֵוִי וְרַבָּנָן, רַבִּי לֵוִי אָמַר אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ הוּא אַרְתַּחְשַׁשְׂתָּא. וְרַבָּנָן אָמְרֵי אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ, שֶׁכָּל מִי שֶׁזּוֹכְרוֹ חוֹשֵׁשׁ אֶת רֹאשׁוֹ. לָמָּה קְרָאוֹ הַכָּתוּב אַרְתַּחְשַׁשְׂתָּא, שֶׁהָיָה מַרְתִּיחַ וְתָשׁ. אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ, רַבִּי יִצְחָק וְרַבָּנִין, רַבִּי יִצְחָק אָמַר אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ שֶׁבָּאוּ כָּל הַצָּרוֹת בְּיָמָיו, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר: אֵבֶל גָּדוֹל לַיְּהוּדִים. הוּא אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ, שֶׁבָּאוּ כָּל הַטּוֹבוֹת בְּיָמָיו, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר: שִׂמְחָה וְשָׂשׂוֹן לַיְּהוּדִים מִשְׁתֶּה וְיוֹם טוֹב. רַבָּנָן אָמְרֵי אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ עַד שֶׁלֹא נִכְנְסָה אֶסְתֵּר אֶצְלוֹ, הוּא אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ, מִשֶּׁנִּכְנְסָה אֶסְתֵּר אֶצְלוֹ לֹא הָיָה בּוֹעֵל נִדּוֹת. | |
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| 232. Jerome, Chronici Canones, None Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 101 |
| 234. Anon., Leges Publicae, 1.16 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 369 |
235. Septuagint, 4 Maccabees, 3.20, 4.23-4.26, 5.16-5.18 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, l. Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 214 | 3.20. At a time when our fathers were enjoying profound peace because of their observance of the law and were prospering, so that even Seleucus Nicanor, king of Asia, had both appropriated money to them for the temple service and recognized their commonwealth -- 4.23. and after he had plundered them he issued a decree that if any of them should be found observing the ancestral law they should die. 4.24. When, by means of his decrees, he had not been able in any way to put an end to the people's observance of the law, but saw that all his threats and punishments were being disregarded, 4.25. even to the point that women, because they had circumcised their sons, were thrown headlong from heights along with their infants, though they had known beforehand that they would suffer this -- 4.26. when, then, his decrees were despised by the people, he himself, through torture, tried to compel everyone in the nation to eat defiling foods and to renounce Judaism. 5.16. We, O Antiochus, who have been persuaded to govern our lives by the divine law, think that there is no compulsion more powerful than our obedience to the law. 5.17. Therefore we consider that we should not transgress it in any respect. 5.18. Even if, as you suppose, our law were not truly divine and we had wrongly held it to be divine, not even so would it be right for us to invalidate our reputation for piety. |
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| 236. Anon., The Acts of Justin And Seven Companions (Review A), None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019) 16 |
| 237. Epigraphy, Cil, 3.6578, 3.6813-3.6814, 3.6816, 6.1898, 10.7852.12, 14.2113, 14.3676 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian •cassius dio, l. •dio, l. cassius •dio cassius Found in books: Konrad (2022) 76; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 170; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 154, 282; Rizzi (2010) 131; Rüpke (2011) 133 |
| 238. Digesta, Digesta, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tuori (2016) 222 |
239. Strabo, Geography, 8.3, 13.4.14, 14.5.16, 17.1.6 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner (2013) 56; Renberg (2017) 320; Rizzi (2010) 131; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 55 | 8.3. 1. Eleia At the present time the whole of the seaboard that lies between the countries of the Achaeans and the Messenians, and extends inland to the Arcadian districts of Pholoe, of the Azanes, and of the Parrhasians, is called the Eleian country. But in early times this country was divided into several domains; and afterwards into two — that of the Epeians and that under the rule of Nestor the son of Neleus; just as Homer, too, states, when he calls the land of the Epeians by the name of Elis (and passed goodly Elis, where the Epeians hold sway ), and the land under the rule of Nestor, Pylus, through which, he says, the Alpheius flows (of the Alpheius, that floweth in wide stream through the land of the Pylians). of course Homer also knew of Pylus as a city (and they reached Pylus, the well-built city of Nestor), but the Alpheius does not flow through the city, nor past it either; in fact, another river flows past it, a river which some call Pamisus and others Amathus (whence, apparently, the epithet Emathoeis which has been applied to this Pylus), but the Alpheius flows through the Pylian country.,2. What is now the city of Elis had not yet been founded in Homer's time; in fact, the people of the country lived only in villages. And the country was called Coele Elis from the fact in the case, for the most and best of it was Coele. It was only relatively late, after the Persian wars, that people came together from many communities into what is now the city of Elis. And I might almost say that, with only a few exceptions, the other Peloponnesian places named by the poet were also named by him, not as cities, but as countries, each country being composed of several communities, from which in later times the well-known cities were settled. For instance, in Arcadia, Mantineia was settled by Argive colonists from five communities; and Tegea from nine; and also Heraea from nine, either by Cleombrotus or by Cleonymus. And in the same way the city Aegium was made up of seven or eight communities; the city Patrae of seven; and the city Dyme of eight. And in this way the city Elis was also made up of the communities of the surrounding country (one of these . . . the Agriades). The Peneius River flows through the city past the gymnasium. And the Eleians did not make this gymnasium until a long time after the districts that were under Nestor had passed into their possession.,3. These districts were Pisatis (of which Olympia was a part), Triphylia, and the country of the Cauconians. The Triphylians were so called from the fact that three tribes of people had come together in that country — that of the Epeians, who were there at the outset, and that of the Minyans, who later settled there, and that of the Eleians, who last dominated the country. But some name the Arcadians in the place of the Minyans, since the Arcadians had often disputed the possession of the country; and hence the same Pylus was called both Arcadian Pylus and Triphylian Pylus. Homer calls this whole country as far as Messene Pylus, giving it the same name as the city. But Coele Elis was distinct from the places subject to Nestor, as is shown in the Catalogue of Ships by the names of the chieftains and of their abodes. I say this because I am comparing present conditions with those described by Homer; for we must needs institute this comparison because of the fame of the poet and because of our familiarity with him from our childhood, since all of us believe that we have not successfully treated any subject which we may have in hand until there remains in our treatment nothing that conflicts with what the poet says on the same subject, such confidence do we have in his words. Accordingly, I must give conditions as they now are, and then, citing the words of the poet, in so far as they bear on the matter, take them also into consideration.,4. In the Eleian country, on the north, is a cape, Araxus, sixty stadia distant from Dyme, an Achaean city. This cape, then, I put down as the beginning of the seaboard of the Eleians. After this cape, as one proceeds towards the west, one comes to the naval station of the Eleians, Cyllene, from which there is a road leading inland to the present city Elis, a distance of one hundred and twenty stadia. Homer, too, mentions this Cyllene when he says, Otus, a Cyllenian, a chief of the Epeians, for he would not have represented a chieftain of the Epeians as being from the Arcadian mountain. Cyllene is a village of moderate size; and it has the Asclepius made by Colotes — an ivory image that is wonderful to behold. After Cyllene one comes to the promontory Chelonatas, the most westerly point of the Peloponnesus. off Chelonatas lies an isle, and also some shallows that are on the common boundary between Coele Elis and the country of the Pisatae; and from here the voyage to Cephallenia is not more than eighty stadia. Somewhere in this neighborhood, on the aforesaid boundary line, there also flows the River Elison or Elisa.,5. It is between Chelonatas and Cyllene that the River Peneius empties; as also the River Selleeis, which is mentioned by the poet and flows out of Pholoe. On the Selleeis is situated a city Ephyra, which is to be distinguished from the Thesprotian, Thessalian, and Corinthian Ephyras; it is a fourth Ephyra, and is situated on the road that leads to Lasion, being either the same city as Boenoa (for thus Oinoe is usually called), or else near that city, at a distance of one hundred and twenty stadia from the city of the Eleians. This, apparently, is the Ephyra which Homer calls the home of the mother of Tlepolemus the son of Heracles (for the expeditions of Heracles were in this region rather than in any of the other three) when he says, whom he had brought out of Ephyra, from the River Selleeis . and there is no River Selleeis near the other Ephyras. Again, he says of the corselet of Meges: this corselet Phyleus once brought out of Ephyra, from the River Selleeis. And thirdly, the man-slaying drugs: for Homer says that Odysseus came to Ephyra in search of a man-slaying drug, that he might have wherewithal to smear his arrows; and in speaking of Telemachus the wooers say: or else he means to go to the fertile soil of Ephyra, that from there he may bring deadly drugs; for Nestor, in his narrative of his war against the Epeians, introduces the daughter of Augeas, the king of the Epeians, as a mixer of drugs: I was the first that slew a man, even the spearman Mulius; he was a son-in-law of Augeias, having married his eldest daughter, and she knew all drugs that are nourished by the wide earth. But there is another River Selleeis near Sikyon, and near the river a village Ephyra. And in the Agraean district of Aitolia there is a village Ephyra; its inhabitants are called Ephyri. And there are still other Ephyri, I mean the branch of the Perrhaebians who live near Macedonia (the Crannonians), as also those Thesprotian Ephyri of Cichyrus, which in earlier times was called Ephyra.,6. Apollodorus, in teaching us how the poet is wont to distinguish between places of the same name, says that as the poet, in the case of Orchomenus, for instance, refers to the Arcadian Orchomenus as abounding in flocks and to the Boeotian Orchomenus as Minyeian, and refers to Samos as the Thracian Samos by connecting it with a neighboring island, betwixt Samos and Imbros, in order to distinguish it from Ionian Samos — so too, Apollodorus says, the poet distinguishes the Thesprotian Ephyra both by the word distant and by the phrase from the River Selleeis. 5 In this, however, Apollodorus is not in agreement with what Demetrius of Scepsis says, from whom he borrows most of his material; for Demetrius says that there is no River Selleeis among the Thesprotians, but says that it is in the Eleian country and flows past the Ephyra there, as I have said before. In this statement, therefore, Apollodorus was in want of perception; as also in his statement concerning Oichalia, because, although Oichalia is the name of not merely one city, he says that there is only one city of Eurytus the Oichalian, namely, the Thessalian Oichalia, in reference to which Homer says: Those that held Oichalia, city of Eurytus the Oichalian. What Oichalia, pray, was it from which Thamyris had set out when, near Dorium, the Muses met Thamyris the Thracian and put a stop to his singing? For Homer adds: as he was on his way from Oichalia, from Eurytus the Oichalian. For if it was the Thessalian Oichalia, Demetrius of Scepsis is wrong again when he says that it was a certain Arcadian Oichalia, which is now called Andania; but if Demetrius is right, Arcadian Oichalia was also called city of Eurytus, and therefore there was not merely one Oichalia; but Apollodorus says that there was one only.,7. It was between the outlets of the Peneius and the Selleeis, near the Scollium, that Pylus was situated; not the city of Nestor, but another Pylus which has nothing in common with the Alpheius, nor with the Pamisus (or Amathus, if we should call it that). Yet there are some who do violence to Homer's words, seeking to win for themselves the fame and noble lineage of Nestor; for, since history mentions three Pyluses in the Peloponnesus (as is stated in this verse: There is a Pylus in front of Pylus; yea, and there is still another Pylus,) the Pylus in question, the Lepreatic Pylus in Triphylia and Pisatis, and a third, the Messenian Pylus near Coryphasium, the inhabitants of each try to show that the Pylus in their own country is emathoeis and declare that it is the native place of Nestor. However, most of the more recent writers, both historians and poets, say that Nestor was a Messenian, thus adding their support to the Pylus which has been preserved down to their own times. But the writers who follow the words of Homer more closely say that the Pylus of Nestor is the Pylus through whose territory the Alpheius flows. And the Alpheius flows through Pisatis and Triphylia. However, the writers from Coele Elis have not only supported their own Pylus with a similar zeal, but have also attached to it tokens of recognition, pointing out a place called Gerenus, a river called Geron, and another river called Geranius, and then confidently asserting that Homer's epithet for Nestor, Gerenian, was derived from these. But the Messenians have done the selfsame thing, and their argument appears at least more plausible; for they say that their own Gerena is better known, and that it was once a populous place. Such, then, is the present state of affairs as regards Coele Elis.,8. But when the poet divides this country into four parts and also speaks of the leaders as four in number, his statement is not clear: And they too that inhabited both Buprasium and goodly Elis, so much thereof as is enclosed by Hyrmine and Myrsinus on the borders, and by the Olenian Rock and Aleisium, — of these men, I say, there were four leaders, and ten swift ships followed each leader, and many Epeians embarked thereon. For when he speaks of both the Buprasians and the Eleians as Epeians but without going on and calling the Buprasians Eleians, it would seem that he is not dividing the Eleian country into four parts, but rather the country of the Epeians, which he had already divided into only two parts; and thus Buprasium would not be a part of Elis but rather of the country of the Epeians. For it is clear that he calls the Buprasians Epeians; as when the Epeians were burying lord Amarynces at Buprasium. But Buprasium now appears to have been a territory of the Eleian country, having in it a settlement of the same name, which was also a part of Elis. And again, when he names the two together, saying both Buprasium and goodly Elis, and then divides the country into four parts, it seems as though he is classifying the four parts under the general designation both Buprasium and goodly Elis. It seems likely that at one time there was a considerable settlement by the name of Buprasium in the Eleian country which is no longer in existence (indeed, only that territory which is on the road that leads to Dyme from the present city of Elis is now so called); and one might suppose that at that time Buprasium had a certain preeminence as compared with Elis, just as the Epeians had in comparison with the Eleians; but later on the people were called Eleians instead of Epeians. And though Buprasium was a part of Elis, they say that Homer, by a sort of poetic figure, names the part with the whole, as for instance when he says: throughout Hellas and mid- Argos, and throughout Hellas and Phthia, and the Curetes fought and the Aitolians, and the men of Dulichium and the holy Echinades, for Dulichium is one of the Echinades. And more recent poets also use this figure; for instance, Hipponax, when he says: to those who have eaten the bread of the Cyprians and the wheaten bread of the Amathusians, for the Amathusians are also Cyprians; and Alcman, when he says: when she had left lovely Cypros and seagirt Paphos and Aeschylus, when he says: since thou dost possess the whole of Cypros and Paphos as thine allotment. But if Homer nowhere calls the Buprasians Eleians, I will say that there are many other facts also that he does not mention; yet this is no proof that they are not facts, but merely that he has not mentioned them.,9. But Hecataeus of Miletus says that the Epeians are a different people from the Eleians; that, at any rate, the Epeians joined Heracles in his expedition against Augeas and helped him to destroy both Augeas and Elis. And he says, further, that Dyme is an Epeian and an Achaean city. However, the early historians say many things that are not true, because they were accustomed to falsehoods on account of the use of myths in their writings; and on this account, too, they do not agree with one another concerning the same things. Yet it is not incredible that the Epeians, even if they were once at variance with the Eleians and belonged to a different race, later became united with the Eleians as the result of prevailing over them, and with them formed one common state; and that they prevailed even as far as Dyme. For although the poet has not named Dyme, it is not unreasonable to suppose that in his time Dyme belonged to the Epeians, and later to the Ionians, or, if not to them, at all events to the Achaeans who took possession of their country. of the four parts, inside which Buprasium is situated, only Hyrmine and Myrsinus belong to the Eleian country, whereas the remaining two are already on the frontiers of Pisatis, as some writers think.,10. Now Hyrmine was a small town. It is no longer in existence, but near Cyllene there is a mountain promontory called Hormina or Hyrmina. Myrsinus is the present Myrtuntium, a settlement that extends down to the sea, and is situated on the road which runs from Dyme into Elis, and is seventy stadia distant from the city of the Eleians. The Olenian Rock is surmised to be what is now called Scollis; for we are obliged to state what is merely probable, because both the places and the names have undergone changes, and because in many cases the poet does not make himself very clear. Scollis is a rocky mountain common to the territories of the Dymaeans, the Tritaeans, and the Eleians, and borders on another Arcadian mountain called Lampeia, which is one hundred and thirty stadia distant from Elis, one hundred from Tritaea, and the same from Dyme; the last two are Achaean cities. Aleisium is the present Alesiaion, a territory in the neighborhood of Amphidolis, in which the people of the surrounding country hold a monthly market. It is situated on the mountain road that runs from Elis to Olympia. In earlier times it was a city of Pisatis, for the boundaries have varied at different times on account of the change of rulers. The poet also calls Aleisium Hill of Aleisium, when he says: until we caused our horses to set foot on Buprasium, rich in wheat, and on the Olenian Rock, and of Aleisium where is the place called Hill (we must interpret the words as a case of hyperbaton, that is, as equivalent to and where is the place called Hill of Aleisium). Some writers point also to a river Aleisius.,11. Since certain people in Triphylia near Messenia are called Cauconians, and since Dyme also is called Cauconian by some writers, and since in the Dymaean territory between Dyme and Tritaea there is also a river which is called Caucon, in the feminine gender, writers raise the question whether there are not two different sets of Cauconians, one in the region of Triphylia, and the other in the region of Dyme, Elis, and the River Caucon. This river empties into another river which is called Teutheas, in the masculine gender; Teutheas has the same name as one of the little towns which were incorporated into Dyme, except that the name of this town, Teuthea, is in the feminine gender, and is spelled without the s and with the last syllable long. In this town is the sanctuary of the Nemydian Artemis. The Teutheas empties into the Achelous which flows by Dyme and has the same name as the Acarian river. It is also called the Peirus; by Hesiod, for instance, when he says: he dwelt on the Olenian Rock along the banks of a river, wide Peirus. Some change the reading to Pierus, wrongly. They raise that question about the Cauconians, they say, because, when Athene in the guise of Mentor, in the Odyssey says to Nestor, but in the morning I will go to the great-hearted Cauconians, where a debt is due me, in no way new or small. But do thou send this man on his way with a chariot and with thy son, since he has come to thy house, and give him horses, the poet seems to designate a certain territory in the country of the Epeians which was held by the Cauconians, these Cauconians being a different set from those in Triphylia and perhaps extending as far as the territory of Dyme. Indeed, one should not fail to inquire both into the origin of the epithet of Dyme, Cauconian, and into the origin of the name of the river Caucon, because the question who those Cauconians were to whom Athene says she is going in order to recover the debt offers a problem; for if we should interpret the poet as meaning the Cauconians in Triphylia near Lepreum, I do not see how his account can be plausible. Hence some read: where a debt is due me in goodly Elis, no small one. But this question will be investigated with clearer results when I describe the country that comes next after this, I mean Pisatis and Triphylia as far as the borders of the country of the Messenians.,12. After Chelonatas comes the long seashore of the Pisatans; and then Cape Pheia. And there was also a small town called Pheia: beside the walls of Pheia, about the streams of Iardanus, for there is also a small river nearby. According to some, Pheia is the beginning of Pisatis. off Pheia lie a little island and a harbor, from which the nearest distance from the sea to Olympia is one hundred and twenty stadia. Then comes another cape, Ichthys, which, like Chelonatas, projects for a considerable distance towards the west; and from it the distance to Cephallenia is again one hundred and twenty stadia. Then comes the mouth of the Alpheius, which is distant two hundred and eighty stadia from Chelonatas, and five hundred and forty five from Araxus. It flows from the same regions as the Eurotas, that is, from a place called Asea, a village in the territory of Megalopolis, where there are two springs near one another from which the rivers in question flow. They sink and flow beneath the earth for many stadia and then rise again; and then they flow down, one into Laconia and the other into Pisatis. The stream of the Eurotas reappears where the district called Bleminatis begins, and then flows past Sparta itself, traverses a long glen near Helus (a place mentioned by the poet), and empties between Gythium, the naval station of Sparta, and Acraea. But the Alpheius, after receiving the waters of the Ladon, the Erymanthus, and other rivers of less significance, flows through Phrixa, Pisatis, and Triphylia past Olympia itself to the Sicilian Sea, into which it empties between Pheia and Epitalium. Near the outlet of the river is the sacred precinct of Artemis Alpheionia or Alpheiusa (for the epithet is spelled both ways), which is about eighty stadia distant from Olympia. An annual festival is also celebrated at Olympia in honor of this goddess as well as in honor of Artemis Elaphia and Artemis Daphnia. The whole country is full of sanctuaries of Artemis, Aphrodite, and the Nymphs, being situated in sacred precincts that are generally full of flowers because of the abundance of water. And there are also numerous shrines of Hermes on the roads, and sanctuaries of Poseidon on the shores. In the sanctuary of Artemis Alpheionia are very famous paintings by two Corinthians, Cleanthes and Aregon: by Cleanthes the Capture of Troy and the Birth of Athene, and by Aregon the Artemis Borne Aloft on a Griffin.,13. Then comes the mountain of Triphylia that separates Macistia from Pisatis; then another river called Chalcis, and a spring called Cruni, and a settlement called Chalcis, and, after these, Samicum, where is the most highly revered sanctuary of the Samiac Poseidon. About the sanctuary is a sacred precinct full of wild olive trees. The people of Macistum used to have charge over it; and it was they, too, who used to proclaim the armistice day called Samiac. But all the Triphylians contribute to the maintece of the sanctuary.,14. In the general neighborhood of these sanctuaries, above the sea, at a distance of thirty stadia or slightly more, is situated the Triphylian Pylus, also called the Lepreatic Pylus, which Homer calls emathoeis and transmits to posterity as the fatherland of Nestor, as one might infer from his words, whether it be that the river that flows past Pylus towards the north (now called Mamaus, or Arkadikos) was called Amathus in earlier times, so that Pylus got its epithet emathoeis from Amathus, or that this river was called Pamisus, the same as two rivers in Messenia, and that the derivation of the epithet of the city is uncertain; for it is false, they say, that either the river or the country about it is amathodes. And also the sanctuary of Athene Scilluntia at Scillus, in the neighborhood of Olympia near Phellon, is one of the famous sanctuaries. Near Pylus, towards the east, is a mountain named after Minthe, who, according to myth, became the concubine of Hades, was trampled under foot by Kore, and was transformed into garden-mint, the plant which some call Hedyosmos. Furthermore, near the mountain is a precinct sacred to Hades, which is revered by the Macistians too, and also a grove sacred to Demeter, which is situated above the Pylian plain. This plain is fertile; it borders on the sea and stretches along the whole distance between Samicum and the River Neda. But the shore of the sea is narrow and sandy, so that one could not refuse to believe that Pylus got its epithet emathoeis therefrom.,15. Towards the north, on the borders of Pylus, were two little Triphylian cities, Hypana and Tympaneae; the former of these was incorporated into Elis, whereas the latter remained as it was. And further, two rivers flow near these places, the Dalion and the Acheron, both of them emptying into the Alpheius. The Acheron has been so named by virtue of its close relation to Hades; for, as we know, not only the sanctuaries of Demeter and Kore have been held in very high honor there, but also those of Hades, perhaps because of the contrariness of the soil, to use the phrase of Demetrius of Scepsis. For while Triphylia brings forth good fruit, it breeds red-rust and produces rush; and therefore in this region it is often the case that instead of a large crop there is no crop at all.,16. To the south of Pylus is Lepreum. This city, too, was situated above the sea, at a distance of forty stadia; and between Lepreum and the Annius is the sanctuary of the Samiac Poseidon, at a distance of one hundred stadia from each. This is the sanctuary at which the poet says Telemachus found the Pylians performing the sacrifice: And they came to Pylus, the well-built city of Neleus; and the people were doing sacrifice on the seashore, slaying bulls that were black all over, to the dark-haired Earth-shaker. Now it is indeed allowable for the poet even to fabricate what is not true, but when practicable he should adapt his words to what is true and preserve his narrative; but the more appropriate thing was to abstain from what was not true. The Lepreatans held a fertile territory; and that of the Cyparissians bordered on it. Both these districts were taken and held by the Cauconians; and so was the Macistus (by some called Platanistus). The name of the town is the same as that of the territory. It is said that there is a tomb of Caucon in the territory of Lepreum — whether Caucon was a progenitor of the tribe or one who for some other reason had the same name as the tribe.,17. There are several accounts of the Cauconians; for it is said that, like the Pelasgians, they were an Arcadian tribe, and, again like the Pelasgians, that they were a wandering tribe. At any rate, the poet tells us that they came to Troy as allies of the Trojans. But he does not say whence they come, though they seem to have come from Paphlagonia; for in Paphlagonia there is a people called Cauconiatae whose territory borders on that of the Mariandyni, who are themselves Paphlagonians. But I shall speak of them at greater length when I come to my description of that region. At present I must add the following to my account of the Cauconians in Triphylia. Some say that the whole of what is. now called Eleia, from Messenia as far as Dyme, was called Cauconia. Antimachus, at any rate, calls all the inhabitants both Epeians and Cauconians. Others, however, say that the Cauconians did not occupy the whole of Eleia, but lived there in two separate divisions, one division in Triphylia near Messenia, and the other in Buprasis and Coele Elis near Dyme. And Aristotle has knowledge of their having been established at this latter place especially. And in fact the last view agrees better with what Homer says, and furnishes a solution of the question asked above, for in this view it is assumed that Nestor lived in the Triphylian Pylus, and that the parts towards the south and east (that is, the parts that are contiguous to Messenia and the Laconian country) were subject to him; and these parts were held by the Cauconians, so that if one went by land from Pylus to Lacedemon his journey necessarily must have been made through the territory of the Cauconians; and yet the sanctuary of the Samiac Poseidon and the mooring-place near it, where Telemachus landed, lie off towards the northwest. So then, if the Cauconians live only here, the account of the poet is not conserved; for instance, Athene, according to Sotades, bids Nestor to send Telemachus to Lacedemon with chariot and son to the parts that lie towards the east, and yet she says that she herself will go to the ship to spend the night, towards the west, and back the same way she came, and she goes on to say that in the morning she will go amongst the great-hearted Cauconians to collect a debt, that is, she will go forward again. How, pray? For Nestor might have said: But the Cauconians are my subjects and live near the road that people travel to Lacedemon. Why, therefore, do you not travel with Telemachus and his companions instead of going back the same way you came? And at the same time it would have been proper for one who was going to people subject to Nestor to collect a debt — no small debt, as she says — to request aid from Nestor, if there should be any unfairness (as is usually the case) in connection with the contract; but this she did not do. If, then, the Cauconians lived only there, the result would be absurd; but if some of the Cauconians had been separated from the rest and had gone to the regions near Dyme in Eleia, then Athene would be speaking of her journey thither, and there would no longer be anything incongruous either in her going down to the ship or in her withdrawing from the company of travellers, because their roads lay in opposite directions. And similarly, too, the puzzling questions raised in regard to Pylus may find an appropriate solution when, a little further on in my chorography, I reach the Messenian Pylus.,18. A part of the inhabitants of Triphylia were called Paroreatae; they occupied mountains, in the neighborhood of Lepreum and Macistum, that reach down to the sea near the Samiac Poseidium.,19. At the base of these mountains, on the seaboard, are two caves. One is the cave of the nymphs called Anigriades; the other is the scene of the stories of the daughters of Atlas and of the birth of Dardanus. And here, too, are the sacred precincts called the Ionaion and the Eurycydeium. Samicum is now only a fortress, though formerly there was also a city which was called Samos, perhaps because of its lofty situation; for they used to call lofty places Samoi. And perhaps Samicum was the acropolis of Arene, which the poet mentions in the Catalogue: And those who dwelt in Pylus and lovely Arene. For while they cannot with certainty discover Arene anywhere, they prefer to conjecture that this is its site; and the neighboring River Anigrus, formerly called Minyeius, gives no slight indication of the truth of the conjecture, for the poet says: And there is a River Minyeius which falls into the sea near Arene. For near the cave of the nymphs called Anigriades is a spring which makes the region that lies below it swampy and marshy. The greater part of the water is received by the Anigrus, a river so deep and so sluggish that it forms a marsh; and since the region is muddy, it emits an offensive odor for a distance of twenty stadia, and makes the fish unfit to eat. In the mythical accounts, however, this is attributed by some writers to the fact that certain of the Centaurs here washed off the poison they got from the Hydra, and by others to the fact that Melampus used these cleansing waters for the purification of the Proetides. The bathing-water from here cures leprosy, elephantiasis, and scabies. It is said, also, that the Alpheius was so named from its being a cure for leprosy. At any rate, since both the sluggishness of the Anigrus and the backwash from the sea give fixity rather than current to its waters, it was called the Minyeius in earlier times, so it is said, though some have perverted the name and made it Minteius instead. But the word has other sources of derivation, either from the people who went forth with Chloris, the mother of Nestor, from the Minyeian Orchomenus, or from the Minyans, who, being descendants of the Argonauts, were first driven out of Lemnos into Lacedemon, and thence into Triphylia, and took up their abode about Arene in the country which is now called Hypaesia, though it no longer has the settlements of the Minyans. Some of these Minyans sailed with Theras, the son of Autesion, who was a descendant of Polyneices, to the island which is situated between Cyrenaea and Crete (Calliste its earlier name, but Thera its later, as Callimachus says), and founded Thera, the mother-city of Cyrene, and designated the island by the same name as the city.,20. Between the Anigrus and the mountain from which it flows are to be seen the meadow and tomb of Iardanus, and also the Achaeae, which are abrupt cliffs of that same mountain above which, as I was saying, the city Samos was situated. However, Samos is not mentioned at all by the writers of the Circumnavigations — perhaps because it had long since been torn down and perhaps also because of its position; for the Poseidium is a sacred precinct, as I have said, near the sea, and above it is situated a lofty hill which is in front of the Samicum of today, on the site of which Samos once stood, and therefore Samos was not visible from the sea. Here, too, is a plain called Samicum; and from this one might get more conclusive proof that there was once a city called Samos. And further, the poem entitled Rhadine (of which Stesichorus is reputed to be the author), which begins, Come, thou clear-voiced Muse, Erato, begin thy song, voicing to the tune of thy lovely lyre the strain of the children of Samos, refers to the children of the Samos in question; for Rhadine, who had been betrothed to a tyrant of Corinth, the author says, set sail from Samos (not meaning, of course, the Ionian Samos) while the west wind was blowing, and with the same wind her brother, he adds, went to Delphi as chief of an embassy; and her cousin, who was in love with her, set out for Corinth in his chariot to visit her. And the tyrant killed them both and sent their bodies away on a chariot, but repented, recalled the chariot, and buried their bodies.,21. From this Pylus and Lepreum to the Messenian Pylus and Coryphasium (a fortress situated on the sea) and to the adjacent island Sphagia, the distance is about four hundred stadia; from the Alpheius seven hundred and fifty; and from Chelonatas one thousand and thirty. In the intervening space are both the sanctuary of the Macistian Heracles and the Acidon River. The Acidon flows past the tomb of Iardanus and past Chaa — a city that was once in existence near Lepreum, where is also the Aepasian Plain. It was for the possession of this Chaa, some say, that the war between the Arcadians and Pylians, of which Homer tells us, arose in a dispute; and they think that one should write, Would that I were in the bloom of my youth, as when the Pylians and the Arcadians gathered together and fought at the swift-flowing Acidon, beside the walls of Chaa — instead of Celadon and Pheia; for this region, they say, is nearer than the other to the tomb of Iardanus and to the country of the Arcadians.,22. Cyparissia is on the Triphylian Sea, and so are Pyrgoi, and the Acidon and Neda Rivers. At the present time the stream of the Neda is the boundary between Triphylia and Messenia (an impetuous stream that comes down from Lycaeus, an Arcadian mountain, out of a spring, which, according to the myth, Rhea, after she had given birth to Zeus, caused to break forth in order to have water to bathe in); and it flows past Phigalia, opposite the place where the Pyrgetans, last of the Triphylians, border on the Cyparissians, first of the Messenians; but in the early times the division between the two countries was different, so that some of the territories across the Neda were subject to Nestor — not only Cyparisseeis, but also some other parts on the far side. Just so, too, the poet prolongs the Pylian Sea as far as the seven cities which Agamemnon promised to Achilles: and all are situated near the sea of sandy Pylus; for this phrase is equivalent to near the Pylian Sea.,23. Be that as it may, next in order after sailing past Cyparisseeis towards the Messenian Pylus and Coryphasium one comes to Erana, which some wrongly think was in earlier times called Arene by the same name as the Pylian Arene, and also to Cape Platamodes, from which the distance to Coryphasium and to what is now called Pylus is one hundred stadia. Here, too, is a small island, Prote, and on it a town of the same name. Perhaps I would not be examining at such length things that are ancient, and would be content merely to tell in detail how things now are, if there were not connected with these matters legends that have been taught us from boyhood; and since different men say different things, I must act as arbiter. In general, it is the most famous, the oldest, and the most experienced men who are believed; and since it is Homer who has surpassed all others in these respects, I must likewise both inquire into his words and compare them with things as they now are, as I was saying a little while ago.,24. I have already inquired into Homer's words concerning Coele Elis and Buprasium. Concerning the country that was subject to Nestor, Homer speaks as follows: And those who dwelt in Pylus and lovely Arene and Thryum, fording-place of the Alpheius, and well-built Aepy, and also those who were inhabitants of Cyparisseeis and Amphigeneia and Pteleon and Helus and Dorium, at which place the Muses met Thamyris the Thracian, and put a stop to his singing while he was on his way from Oichalia from Eurytus the Oichalian. It is Pylus, then, with which our investigation is concerned, and about it we shall make inquiry presently. About Arene I have already spoken. The city which the poet now calls Thryum he elsewhere calls Thryoessa: There is a certain city, Thryoessa, a steep hill, far away on the Alpheius. He calls it fording-place of the Alpheius because the river could be crossed on foot, as it seems, at this place. But it is now called Epitalium (a small place in Macistia). As for well-built Aepy, some raise the question which of the two words is the epithet and which is the city, and whether it is the Margalae of today, in Amphidolia. Now Margalae is not a natural stronghold, but another place is pointed out which is a natural stronghold, in Macistia. The man, therefore, who suspects that the latter place is meant by Homer calls the name of the city Aepy from what is actually the case in nature (compare Helus, Aegialus, and several other names of places); whereas the man who suspects that Margala is meant does the reverse perhaps. Thryum, or Thryoessa, they say, is Epitalium, because the whole of this country is full of rushes, particularly the rivers; and this is still more conspicuous at the fordable places of the stream. But perhaps, they say, Homer called the ford Thryum and called Epitalium well-built Aepy; for Epitalium is fortified by nature. And in fact he speaks of a steep hill in other places: There is a certain city, Thryoessa, a steep hill, far away on the Alpheius, last city of sandy Pylus.,25. Cyparisseeis is in the neighborhood of the Macistia of earlier times (when Macistia still extended across the Neda), but it is no longer inhabited, as is also the case with Macistum. But there is another, the Messenian Cyparissia; it, too, is now called by the same name as the Macistian and in like manner, namely, Cyparissia, in the singular number and in the feminine gender, whereas only the river is now called Cyparisseeis. And Amphigeneia, also, is in Macistia, in the neighborhood of the Hypsoeis River, where is the sanctuary of Leto. Pteleum was a settlement of the colony from the Thessalian Pteleum, for, as Homer tells us, there was a Pteleum in Thessaly too: and Antron, near the sea, and grassy Pteleum; but now it is a woody, uninhabited place, and is called Pteleasium. As for Helus, some call it a territory in the neighborhood of the Alpheius, while others go on to call it a city, as they do the Laconian Helus: and Helus, a city near the sea; but others call it a marsh, the marsh in the neighborhood of Alorium, where is the sanctuary of the Heleian Artemis, whose worship was under the management of the Arcadians, for this people had the priesthood. As for Dorium, some call it a mountain, while others call it a plain, but nothing is now to be seen; and yet by some the Aluris of today, or Alura, situated in what is called the Aulon of Messenia, is called Dorium. And somewhere in this region is also the Oichalia of Eurytus (the Andania of today, a small Arcadian town, with the same name as the towns in Thessaly and Euboea), whence, according to the poet, Thamyris the Thracian came to Dorium and was deprived of the art of singing.,26. From these facts, then, it is clear that the country subject to Nestor, all of which the poet calls land of the Pylians, extends on each side of the Alpheius; but the Alpheius nowhere touches either Messenia or Coele Elis. For the fatherland of Nestor is in this country which we call Triphylian, or Arcadian, or Leprean, Pylus. And the truth is that, whereas the other places called Pylus are to be seen on the sea, this Pylus is more than thirty stadia above the sea — a fact that is also clear from the verses of Homer, for, in the first place, a messenger is sent to the boat after the companions of Telemachus to invite them to an entertainment, and, secondly, Telemachus on his return from Sparta does not permit Peisistratus to drive to the city, but urges him to turn aside towards the ship, knowing that the road towards the city is not the same as that towards the place of anchorage. And thus the return voyage of Telemachus might be spoken of appropriately in these words: And they went past Cruni and fair-flowing Chalcis. And the sun set and all the ways grew dark; and the ship, rejoicing in the breeze of Zeus, drew near to Phea, and on past goodly Elis, where the Epeians hold sway. Thus far, then, the voyage is towards the north, but thence it bends in the direction of the east. That is, the ship abandons the voyage that was set out upon at first and that led straight to Ithaca, because there the wooers had set the ambush in the strait between Ithaca and rugged Samos. And thence again he steered for the islands that are thoai; but by thoai the poet means the islands that are pointed. These belong to the Echinades group and are near the beginning of the Corinthian Gulf and the outlets of the Achelous. Again, after passing by Ithaca far enough to put it south of him, Telemachus turns round towards the proper course between Acaria and Ithaca and makes his landing on the other side of the island — not at the Cephallenian strait which was being guarded by the wooers.,27. At any rate, if one should conceive the notion that the Eleian Pylus is the Pylus of Nestor, the poet could not appropriately say that the ship, after putting to sea from there, was carried past Cruni and Chalcis before sunset, then drew near to Phea by night, and then sailed past Eleia; for these places are to the south of Eleia: first, Phea, then Chalcis, then Cruni, and then the Triphylian Pylus and Samicum. This, then, would be the voyage for one who is sailing towards the south from Eleian Pylus, whereas one who is sailing towards the north, where Ithaca is, leaves all these parts behind him, and also must sail past Eleia itself — and that before sunset, though the poet says after sunset. And further, if one should go on to make a second supposition, that the Messenian Pylus and Coryphasium are the beginning of the voyage from Nestor's, the distance would be considerable and would require more time. At any rate, merely the distance to Triphylian Pylus and the Samiac Poseidium is four hundred stadia; and the first part of the coasting-voyage is not past Cruni and Chalcis and Phea (names of obscure rivers, or rather creeks), but past the Neda; then past the Acidon; and then past the Alpheius and the intervening places. And on this supposition those other places should have been mentioned later, for the voyage was indeed made past them too.,28. Furthermore, the detailed account which Nestor recites to Patroclus concerning the war that took place between the Pylians and the Eleians pleads for what I have been trying to prove, if one observes the verses of the poet. For in them the poet says that, since Heracles had ravaged the Pylian country to the extent that all the youth were slain and that of all the twelve sons of Neleus only Nestor, then in his earliest youth, had been left, and since the Epeians had conceived a contempt for Neleus because of his old age and lack of defenders, they began to treat the Pylians in an arrogant and wanton manner. So, in return for this treatment, Nestor gathered together all he could of the people of his homeland, made an attack, he says, upon Eleia, and herded together very much booty, fifty herds of cattle, and as many flocks of sheep, and as many droves of swine, and also as many herds of goats, and one hundred and fifty sorrel mares, most of them with foals beneath them. And these, he says, we drove within Neleian Pylus, to the city, in the night, meaning, first, that it was in the daytime that the driving away of the booty and the rout of those who came to the rescue took place (when he says he killed Itymoneus), and, secondly, that it was in the nighttime that the return took place, so that it was night when they arrived at the city. And while the Pylians were busied with the distribution of the booty and with offering sacrifice, the Epeians, on the third day, after assembling in numbers, both footmen and horsemen, came forth in their turn against the Pylians and encamped around Thryum, which is situated on the Alpheius River. And when the Pylians learned this, they forthwith set out to the rescue; they passed the night in the neighborhood of the Minyeius River near Arene, and thence arrived at the Alpheius in open sky, that is, at midday. And after they offered sacrifice to the gods and passed the night near the river, they joined battle at early dawn; and after the rout took place, they did not stop pursuing and slaying the enemy until they set foot on Buprasium and on the Olenian Rock and where is the place called Hill of Aleisium, whence Athene turned the people back again; and a little further on the poet says: But the Achaeans drove back their swift horses from Buprasium to Pylus.,29. From all this, then, how could one suppose that either the Eleian or Messenian Pylus is meant? Not the Eleian Pylus, because, if this Pylus was being ravaged by Heracles, the country of the Epeians was being ravaged by him at the same time; but this is the Eleian country. How, pray, could a people whose country had been ravaged at the same time and were of the same stock, have acquired such arrogance and wantonness towards a people who had been wronged at the same time? And how could they overrun and plunder their own homeland? And how could both Augeas and Neleus be rulers of the same people at the same time if they were personal enemies? If to Neleus a great debt was owing in goodly Elis. Four horses, prize-winners, with their chariots, had come to win prizes and were to run for a tripod; but these Augeas, lord of men, detained there, though he sent away the driver. And if this is where Neleus lived, Nestor too must have lived there. How, pray, could the poet say of the Eleians and the Buprasians, there were four rulers of them, and ten swift ships followed each man, and many Epeians embarked? And the country, too, was divided into four parts; yet Nestor ruled over no one of these, but over them that dwelt in Pylus and in lovely Arene, and over the places that come after these as far as Messene. Again, how could the Epeians, who in their turn went forth to attack the Pylians, set out for the Alpheius and Thryum? And how, after the battle took place, after they were routed, could they flee towards Buprasium? And again, if it was the Messenian Pylus which Heracles had ravaged, how could a people so far distant as the Epeians act wantonly towards them, and how could the Epeians have been involved in numerous contracts with them and have defaulted these by cancelling them, so that the war resulted on that account? And how could Nestor, when he went forth to plunder the country, when he herded together booty consisting of both swine and cattle, none of which could travel fast or far, have accomplished a journey of more than one thousand stadia to that Pylus which is near Coryphasium? Yet on the third day they all came to Thryoessa and the River Alpeius to besiege the stronghold! And how could these places belong to those who were in power in Messenia, when they were held by Cauconians and Triphylians and Pisatans? And as for Gerena, or Gerenia (for the word is spelled both ways), perhaps some people named it that to suit a purpose, though it is also possible that the place was by chance so named. And, in general, since Messenia was classified as subject to Menelaus, as was also the Laconian country (as will be clear from what I shall say later), and since the Pamisus and the Nedon flow through Messenia, whereas the Alpheius nowhere touches it (the Alpheius that floweth in broad stream through the land of the Pylians, over which Nestor ruled), what plausibility could there be in an account which lands Nestor in a foreign realm and robs him of the cities that are attributed to him in the Catalogue, and thus makes everything subject to Menelaus?,30. It remains for me to tell about Olympia, and how everything fell into the hands of the Eleians. The sanctuary is in Pisatis, less than three hundred stadia distant from Elis. In front of the sanctuary is situated a grove of wild olive trees, and the stadium is in this grove. Past the sanctuary flows the Alpheius, which, rising in Arcadia, flows between the west and the south into the Triphylian Sea. At the outset the sanctuary got fame on account of the oracle of the Olympian Zeus; and yet, after the oracle failed to respond, the glory of the sanctuary persisted none the less, and it received all that increase of fame of which we know, on account both of the festal assembly and of the Olympian Games, in which the prize was a crown and which were regarded as sacred, the greatest games in the world. The sanctuary was adorned by its numerous offerings, which were dedicated there from all parts of Greece. Among these was the Zeus of beaten gold dedicated by Cypselus the tyrant of Corinth. But the greatest of these was the image of Zeus made by Pheidias of Athens, son of Charmides; it was made of ivory, and it was so large that, although the temple was very large, the artist is thought to have missed the proper symmetry, for he showed Zeus seated but almost touching the roof with his head, thus making the impression that if Zeus arose and stood erect he would unroof the temple. Certain writers have recorded the measurements of the image, and Callimachus has set them forth in an iambic poem. Panaenus the painter, who was the nephew and collaborator of Pheidias, helped him greatly in decorating the image, particularly the garments, with colors. And many wonderful paintings, works of Panaenus, are also to be seen round the temple. It is related of Pheidias that, when Panaenus asked him after what model he was going to make the likeness of Zeus, he replied that he was going to make it after the likeness set forth by Homer in these words: Cronion spoke, and nodded assent with his dark brows, and then the ambrosial locks flowed streaming from the lord's immortal head, and he caused great Olympus to quake. A noble description indeed, as appears not only from the brows but from the other details in the passage, because the poet provokes our imagination to conceive the picture of a mighty personage and a mighty power worthy of a Zeus, just as he does in the case of Hera, at the same time preserving what is appropriate in each; for of Hera he says, she shook herself upon the throne, and caused lofty Olympus to quake. What in her case occurred when she moved her whole body, resulted in the case of Zeus when he merely nodded with his brows, although his hair too was somewhat affected at the same time. This, too, is a graceful saying about the poet, that he alone has seen, or else he alone has shown, the likenesses of the gods. The Eleians above all others are to be credited both with the magnificence of the sanctuary and with the honor in which it was held. In the times of the Trojan war, it is true, or even before those times, they were not a prosperous people, since they had been humbled by the Pylians, and also, later on, by Heracles when Augeas their king was overthrown. The evidence is this: The Eleians sent only forty ships to Troy, whereas the Pylians and Nestor sent ninety. But later on, after the return of the Heracleidae, the contrary was the case, for the Aitolians, having returned with the Heracleidae under the leadership of Oxylus, and on the strength of ancient kinship having taken up their abode with the Epeians, enlarged Coele Elis, and not only seized much of Pisatis but also got Olympia under their power. What is more, the Olympian Games are an invention of theirs; and it was they who celebrated the first Olympiads, for one should disregard the ancient stories both of the founding of the sanctuary and of the establishment of the games — some alleging that it was Heracles, one of the Idaean Dactyli, who was the originator of both, and others, that it was Heracles the son of Alcmene and Zeus, who also was the first to contend in the games and win the victory; for such stories are told in many ways, and not much faith is to be put in them. It is nearer the truth to say that from the first Olympiad, in which the Eleian Coroebus won the stadium-race, until the twenty-sixth Olympiad, the Eleians had charge both of the sanctuary and of the games. But in the times of the Trojan War, either there were no games in which the prize was a crown or else they were not famous, neither the Olympian nor any other of those that are now famous. In the first place, Homer does not mention any of these, though he mentions another kind — funeral games. And yet some think that he mentions the Olympian Games when he says that Augeas deprived the driver of four horses, prize-winners, that had come to win prizes. And they say that the Pisatans took no part in the Trojan War because they were regarded as sacred to Zeus. But neither was the Pisatis in which Olympia is situated subject to Augeas at that time, but only the Eleian country, nor were the Olympian Games celebrated even once in Eleia, but always in Olympia. And the games which I have just cited from Homer clearly took place in Elis, where the debt was owing: for a debt was owing to him in goodly Elis, four horses, prize-winners. And these were not games in which the prize was a crown (for the horses were to run for a tripod), as was the case at Olympia. After the twenty-sixth Olympiad, when they had got back their homeland, the Pisatans themselves went to celebrating the games because they saw that these were held in high esteem. But in later times Pisatis again fell into the power of the Eleians, and thus again the direction of the games fell to them. The Lacedemonians also, after the last defeat of the Messenians, cooperated with the Eleians, who had been their allies in battle, whereas the Arcadians and the descendants of Nestor had done the opposite, having joined with the Messenians in war. And the Lacedemonians cooperated with them so effectually that the whole country as far as Messene came to be called Eleia, and the name has persisted to this day, whereas, of the Pisatans, the Triphylians, and the Cauconians, not even a name has survived. Further, the Eleians settled the inhabitants of sandy Pylus itself in Lepreum, to gratify the Lepreatans, who had been victorious in a war, and they broke up many other settlements, and also exacted tribute of as many a they saw inclined to act independently.,31. Pisatis first became widely famous on account of its rulers, who were most powerful: they were Oinomaus, and Pelops who succeeded him, and the numerous sons of the latter. And Salmoneus, too, is said to have reigned there; at any rate, one of the eight cities into which Pisatis is divided is called Salmone. So for these reasons, as well as on account of the sanctuary at Olympia, the country has gained wide repute. But one should listen to the old accounts with reserve, knowing that they are not very commonly accepted; for the later writers hold new views about many things and even tell the opposite of the old accounts, as when they say that Augeas ruled over Pisatis, but Oinomaus and Salmoneus over Eleia; and some writers combine the two tribes into one. But in general one should follow only what is commonly accepted. Indeed, the writers do not even agree as to the derivation of the name Pisatis; for some derive it from a city Pisa, which bears the same name as the spring; the spring, they say, was called Pisa, the equivalent of pistra, that is potistra; and they point out the site of the city on a lofty place between Ossa and Olympus, two mountains that bear the same name as those in Thessaly. But some say that there was no city by the name of Pisa (for if there had been, it would have been one of the eight cities), but only a spring, now called Pisa, near Cicysium, the largest of the eight cities; and Stesichorus, they explain, uses the term city for the territory called Pisa, just as Homer calls Lesbos the city of Macar; so Euripides in his Ion, there is Euboea, a neighboring city to Athens; and in his Rhadamanthys, who hold the Euboean land, a neighboring city; and Sophocles in his Mysians, The whole country, stranger, is called Asia, but the city of the Mysians is called Mysia.,32. Salmone is situated near the spring of that name from which flows the Enipeus River. The river empties into the Alpheius, and is now called the Barnichius. It is said that Tyro fell in love with Enipeus: She loved a river, the divine Enipeus. For there, it is said, her father Salmoneus reigned, just as Euripides also says in his Aeolus. Some write the name of the river in Thessaly Eniseus; it flows from Mount Othrys, and receives the Apidanus, which flows down out of Pharsalus. Near Salmone is Heracleia, which is also one of the eight cities; it is about forty stadia distant from Olympia and is situated on the Cytherius River, where is the sanctuary of the Ioniades Nymphs, who have been believed to cure diseases with their waters. Near Olympia is Arpina, also one of the eight cities, through which flows the River Parthenias, on the road that leads up to Pheraea. Pheraea is in Arcadia, and it is situated above Dymaea and Buprasium and Elis, that is, to the north of Pisatis Here, too, is Cicysium, one of the eight cities; and also Dyspontium, which is situated in a plain and on the road that leads from Elis to Olympia; but it was destroyed, and most of its inhabitants emigrated to Epidamnus and Apollonia. Pholoe, an Arcadian mountain, is also situated above Olympia, and very close to it, so that its foothills are in Pisatis. Both the whole of Pisatis and most parts of Triphylia border on Arcadia; and on this account most of the Pylian districts mentioned in the Catalogue are thought to be Arcadian; the well-informed, however, deny this, for they say that the Erymanthus, one of the rivers that empty into the Alpheius, forms a boundary of Arcadia and that the districts in question are situated outside that river.,33. Ephorus says that Aetolus, after he had been driven by Salmoneus, the king of the Epeians and the Pisatans, out of Eleia into Aitolia, named the country after himself and also united the cities there under one metropolis; and Oxylus, a descendant of Aetolus and a friend of Temenus and the Heracleidae who accompanied him, acted as their guide on their way back to the Peloponnesus, and apportioned among them that part of the country which was hostile to them, and in general made suggestions regarding the conquest of the country; and in return for all this he received as a favor the permission to return to Eleia, his ancestral land; and he collected an army and returned from Aitolia to attack the Epeians who were in possession of Elis; but when the Epeians met them with arms, and it was found that the two forces were evenly matched, Pyraechmes the Aitolian and Degmenus the Epeian, in accordance with an ancient custom of the Greeks, advanced to single combat. Degmenus was lightly armed with a bow, thinking that he would easily overcome a heavy-armed opponent at long range, but Pyraechmes armed himself with a sling and a bag of stones, after he had noticed his opponent's ruse (as it happened, the sling had only recently been invented by the Aitolians); and since the sling had longer range, Degmenus fell, and the Aitolians drove out the Epeians and took possession of the land; and they also assumed the superintendence, then in the hands of the Achaeans, of the sanctuary at Olympia; and because of the friendship of Oxylus with the Heracleidae, a sworn agreement was promptly made by all that Eleia should be sacred to Zeus, and that whoever invaded that country with arms should he under a curse, and that whoever did not defend it to the extent of his power should be likewise under a curse; consequently those who later founded the city of the Eleians left it without a wall, and those who go through the country itself with an army give up their arms and then get them back again after they have passed out of its borders; and Iphitus celebrated the Olympian Games, the Eleians now being a sacred people; for these reasons the people flourished, for whereas the other peoples were always at war with one another, the Eleians alone had profound peace, not only they, but their alien residents as well, and so for this reason their country became the most populous of all; but Pheidon the Argive, who was the tenth in descent from Temenus and surpassed all men of his time in ability (whereby he not only recovered the whole inheritance of Temenus, which had been broken up into several parts, but also invented the measures called Pheidonian, and weights, and coinage struck from silver and other metals) — Pheidon, I say, in addition to all this, also attacked the cities that had been captured previously by Heracles, and claimed for himself the right to celebrate all the games that Heracles had instituted. And he said that the Olympian Games were among these; and so he invaded Eleia and celebrated the games himself, the Eleians, because of the Peace, having no arms wherewith to resist him, and all the others being under his domination; however, the Eleians did not record this celebration in their public register, but because of his action they also procured arms and began to defend themselves; and the Lacedemonians cooperated with them, either because they envied them the prosperity which they had enjoyed on account of the peace, or because they thought that they would have them as allies in destroying the power of Pheidon, for he had deprived them of the hegemony over the Peloponnesus which they had formerly held; and the Eleians did help them to destroy the power of Pheidon, and the Lacedemonians helped the Eleians to bring both Pisatis and Triphylia under their sway. The length of the voyage along the coast of the Eleia of today, not counting the sinuosities of the gulfs, is, all told, twelve hundred stadia. So much for Eleia. 13.4.14. When one crosses over the Mesogis, between the Carians and the territory of Nysa, which latter is a country on the far side of the Maeander extending to Cibyratis and Cabalis, one comes to certain cities. First, near the Mesogis, opposite Laodiceia, to Hierapolis, where are the hot springs and the Plutonion, both of which have something marvellous about them; for the water of the springs so easily congeals and changes into stone that people conduct streams of it through ditches and thus make stone fences consisting of single stones, while the Plutonion, below a small brow of the mountainous country that lies above it, is an opening of only moderate size, large enough to admit a man, but it reaches a considerable depth, and it is enclosed by a quadrilateral handrail, about half a plethrum in circumference, and this space is full of a vapour so misty and dense that one can scarcely see the ground. Now to those who approach the handrail anywhere round the enclosure the air is harmless, since the outside is free from that vapor in calm weather, for the vapor then stays inside the enclosure, but any animal that passes inside meets instant death. At any rate, bulls that are led into it fall and are dragged out dead; and I threw in sparrows and they immediately breathed their last and fell. But the Galli, who are eunuchs, pass inside with such impunity that they even approach the opening, bend over it, and descend into it to a certain depth, though they hold their breath as much as they can (for I could see in their counteces an indication of a kind of suffocating attack, as it were), — whether this immunity belongs to all who are maimed in this way or only to those round the sanctuary, or whether it is because of divine providence, as would be likely in the case of divine obsessions, or whether it is, the result of certain physical powers that are antidotes against the vapor. The changing of water into stone is said also to be the case with the rivers in Laodiceia, although their water is potable. The water at Hierapolis is remarkably adapted also to the dyeing of wool, so that wool dyed with the roots rival those dyed with the coccus or with the marine purple. And the supply of water is so abundant that the city is full of natural baths. 14.5.16. After the Cydnus River one comes to the Pyramus River, which flows from Cataonia, a river which I have mentioned before. According to Artemidorus, the distance thence to Soli in a straight voyage is five hundred stadia. Near by, also, is Mallos, situated on a height, founded by Amphilochus and Mopsus, the latter the son of Apollo and Manto, concerning whom many myths are told. And indeed I, too, have mentioned them in my account of Calchas and of the quarrel between Calchas and Mopsus about their powers of divination. For some writers transfer this quarrel, Sophocles, for example, to Cilicia, which he, following the custom of tragic poets, calls Pamphylia, just as he calls Lycia Caria and Troy and Lydia Phrygia. And Sophocles, among others, tells us that Calchas died there. But, according to the myth, the contest concerned, not only the power of divination, but also the sovereignty; for they say that Mopsus and Amphilochus went from Troy and founded Mallos, and that Amphilochus then went away to Argos, and, being dissatisfied with affairs there, returned to Mallos, but that, being excluded from a share in the government there, he fought a duel with Mopsus, and that both fell in the duel and were buried in places that were not in sight of one another. And today their tombs are to be seen in the neighborhood of Magarsa near the Pyramus River. This was the birthplace of Crates the grammarian, of whom Panaetius is said to have been a pupil. 17.1.6. As Alexandreia and its neighbourhood occupy the greatest and principal portion of the description, I shall begin with it.In sailing towards the west, the sea-coast from Pelusium to the Canobic mouth of the Nile is about 1300 stadia in extent, and constitutes, as we have said, the base of the Delta. Thence to the island Pharos are 150 stadia more.Pharos is a small oblong island, and lies quite close to the continent, forming towards it a harbour with a double entrance. For the coast abounds with bays, and has two promontories projecting into the sea. The island is situated between these, and shuts in the bay, lying lengthways in front of it.of the extremities of the Pharos, the eastern is nearest to the continent and to the promontory in that direction, called Lochias, which is the cause of the entrance to the port being narrow. Besides the narrowness of the passage, there are rocks, some under water, others rising above it, which at all times increase the violence of the waves rolling in upon them from the open sea. This extremity itself of the island is a rock, washed by the sea on all sides, with a tower upon it of the same name as the island, admirably constructed of white marble, with several stories. Sostratus of Cnidus, a friend of the kings, erected it for the safety of mariners, as the inscription imports. For as the coast on each side is low and without harbours, with reefs and shallows, an elevated and conspicuous mark was required to enable navigators coming in from the open sea to direct their course exactly to the entrance of the harbour.The western mouth does not afford an easy entrance, but it does not require the same degree of caution as the other. It forms also another port, which has the name of Eunostus, or Happy Return: it lies in front of the artificial and close harbour. That which has its entrance at the above-mentioned tower of Pharos is the great harbour. These (two) lie contiguous in the recess called Heptastadium, and are separated from it by a mound. This mound forms a bridge from the continent to the island, and extends along its western side, leaving two passages only through it to the harbour of Eunostus, which are bridged over. But this work served not only as a bridge, but as an aqueduct also, when the island was inhabited. Divus Caesar devastated the island, in his war against the people of Alexandreia, when they espoused the party of the kings. A few sailors live near the tower.The great harbour, in addition to its being well enclosed by the mound and by nature, is of sufficient depth near the shore to allow the largest vessel to anchor near the stairs. It is also divided into several ports.The former kings of Egypt, satisfied with what they possessed, and not desirous of foreign commerce, entertained a dislike to all mariners, especially the Greeks (who, on account of the poverty of their own country, ravaged and coveted the property of other nations), and stationed a guard here, who had orders to keep off all persons who approached. To the guard was assigned as a place of residence the spot called Rhacotis, which is now a part of the city of Alexandreia, situated above the arsenal. At that time, however, it was a village. The country about the village was given up to herdsmen, who were also able (from their numbers) to prevent strangers from entering the country.When Alexander arrived, and perceived the advantages of the situation, he determined to build the city on the (natural) harbour. The prosperity of the place, which ensued, was intimated, it is said, by a presage which occurred while the plan of the city was tracing. The architects were engaged in marking out the line of the wall with chalk, and had consumed it all, when the king arrived; upon which the dispensers of flour supplied the workmen with a part of the flour, which was provided for their own use; and this substance was used in tracing the greater part of the divisions of the streets. This, they said, was a good omen for the city. |
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| 240. Suetonius Paulinus, Commentarii, 4.14, 4.29, 4.34, 4.52 Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius, on living law ideal in roman imperialism Found in books: Martens (2003) 50 |
| 241. Suidas Thessalius, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 241 |
| 242. Synkellos, Ecloga Chronographica, 348 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 116 |
| 243. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Isaac (2004) 315 |
| 244. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 1.13, 2.14.3, 2.46.3, 2.81.3, 2.82, 2.130.1 Tagged with subjects: •dio, cassius •cassius dio •dio, l. cassius, on crassus’ departure for parthia •dio cassius, roman history Found in books: Fertik (2019) 63; Gorain (2019) 105; Jenkyns (2013) 49, 339; Konrad (2022) 155; Tuori (2016) 51 |
245. Vergil, Aeneis, 2.34, 5.144-5.145, 8.626-8.728 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio •dio cassius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 362, 364; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 25, 36 | 2.34. bound homeward for Mycenae . Teucria then 5.144. Arrived the wished-for day; through cloudless sky 5.145. the coursers of the Sun's bright-beaming car 8.626. in safety stands, I call not Trojan power 8.627. vanquished or fallen. But to help thy war 8.628. my small means match not thy redoubled name. 8.629. Yon Tuscan river is my bound. That way 8.630. Rutulia thrusts us hard and chafes our wall 8.631. with loud, besieging arms. But I propose 8.632. to league with thee a numerous array 8.633. of kings and mighty tribes, which fortune strange 8.634. now brings to thy defence. Thou comest here 8.635. because the Fates intend. Not far from ours 8.636. a city on an ancient rock is seen, 8.637. Agylla, which a warlike Lydian clan 8.638. built on the Tuscan hills. It prospered well 8.639. for many a year, then under the proud yoke 8.640. of King Mezentius it came and bore 8.641. his cruel sway. Why tell the loathsome deeds 8.642. and crimes unspeakable the despot wrought? 8.643. May Heaven requite them on his impious head 8.644. and on his children! For he used to chain 8.645. dead men to living, hand on hand was laid 8.646. and face on face,—torment incredible! 8.647. Till, locked in blood-stained, horrible embrace, 8.648. a lingering death they found. But at the last 8.649. his people rose in furious despair, 8.650. and while he blasphemously raged, assailed 8.651. his life and throne, cut down his guards 8.652. and fired his regal dwellings; he, the while, 8.653. escaped immediate death and fied away 8.654. to the Rutulian land, to find defence 8.655. in Turnus hospitality. To-day 8.656. Etruria, to righteous anger stirred, 8.657. demands with urgent arms her guilty King. 8.658. To their large host, Aeneas, I will give 8.659. an added strength, thyself. For yonder shores 8.660. re-echo with the tumult and the cry 8.661. of ships in close array; their eager lords 8.662. are clamoring for battle. But the song 8.663. of the gray omen-giver thus declares 8.664. their destiny: ‘O goodly princes born 8.665. of old Maeonian lineage! Ye that are 8.666. the bloom and glory of an ancient race, 8.667. whom just occasions now and noble rage 8.668. enflame against Mezentius your foe, 8.669. it is decreed that yonder nation proud 8.670. hall never submit to chiefs Italian-born. 8.671. Seek ye a king from far!’ So in the field 8.672. inert and fearful lies Etruria's force, 8.673. disarmed by oracles. Their Tarchon sent 8.674. envoys who bore a sceptre and a crown 8.675. even to me, and prayed I should assume 8.676. the sacred emblems of Etruria's king, 8.677. and lead their host to war. But unto me 8.678. cold, sluggish age, now barren and outworn, 8.679. denies new kingdoms, and my slow-paced powers 8.680. run to brave deeds no more. Nor could I urge 8.681. my son, who by his Sabine mother's line 8.682. is half Italian-born. Thyself art he, 8.683. whose birth illustrious and manly prime 8.684. fate favors and celestial powers approve. 8.685. Therefore go forth, O bravest chief and King 8.686. of Troy and Italy ! To thee I give 8.687. the hope and consolation of our throne, 8.688. pallas, my son, and bid him find in thee 8.689. a master and example, while he learns 8.690. the soldier's arduous toil. With thy brave deeds 8.691. let him familiar grow, and reverence thee 8.692. with youthful love and honor. In his train 8.693. two hundred horsemen of Arcadia , 8.694. our choicest men-at-arms, shall ride; and he 8.695. in his own name an equal band shall bring 8.696. to follow only thee.” Such the discourse. 8.697. With meditative brows and downcast eyes 8.698. Aeneas and Achates, sad at heart, 8.699. mused on unnumbered perils yet to come. 8.700. But out of cloudless sky Cythera's Queen 8.701. gave sudden signal: from th' ethereal dome 8.702. a thunder-peal and flash of quivering fire 8.703. tumultuous broke, as if the world would fall, 8.704. and bellowing Tuscan trumpets shook the air. 8.705. All eyes look up. Again and yet again 8.706. crashed the terrible din, and where the sky 8.707. looked clearest hung a visionary cloud, 8.708. whence through the brightness blazed resounding arms. 8.709. All hearts stood still. But Troy 's heroic son 8.710. knew that his mother in the skies redeemed 8.711. her pledge in sound of thunder: so he cried, 8.712. “Seek not, my friend, seek not thyself to read 8.713. the meaning of the omen. 'T is to me 8.714. Olympus calls. My goddess-mother gave 8.715. long since her promise of a heavenly sign 8.716. if war should burst; and that her power would bring 8.717. a panoply from Vulcan through the air, 8.718. to help us at our need. Alas, what deaths 8.719. over Laurentum's ill-starred host impend! 8.720. O Turnus, what a reckoning thou shalt pay 8.721. to me in arms! O Tiber , in thy wave 8.722. what helms and shields and mighty soldiers slain 8.723. hall in confusion roll! Yea, let them lead 8.725. He said: and from the lofty throne uprose. 8.726. Straightway he roused anew the slumbering fire 8.727. acred to Hercules, and glad at heart 8.728. adored, as yesterday, the household gods |
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246. Vergil, Georgics, 3.103-3.104 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 364| 3.103. Nonne vides, cum praecipiti certamine campum 3.104. corripuere ruuntque effusi carcere currus, | |
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| 247. Zonaras, Epitome, 7.14, 7.20, 7.25, 8.14-8.16, 8.26, 9.2, 10.1 Tagged with subjects: •dio, l. cassius, language of dictatorial appointments •dio, l. cassius, on antonius as magister equitum •dio, l. cassius, on caesar’s dictatorships •dio, l. cassius •dio, l. cassius, on iunius pullus Found in books: Konrad (2022) 25, 107, 108, 145, 165 |
| 248. Epigraphy, Lex Irnitana, None Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Rüpke (2011) 133 |
| 249. Epigraphy, Tam, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 250. Anon., History of The Monks In Egypt, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cain (2016) 96 |
| 251. Epigraphy, Ricis, 202/0173, 515/0115, 202/0267 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bricault et al. (2007) 107 |
| 252. Papyri, Bgu, 2.625 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 131 |
| 253. Papyri, Cpj, 450, 78-79, 77 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 306 |
| 254. Epigraphy, Jiwe, 2.62 Tagged with subjects: •non-judean women, adopting judean practices, dio cassius, writings of Found in books: Kraemer (2010) 181 |
| 255. Anon., Chronicon Paschale, 1.474 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 89 |
| 256. Babylonian Talmud, Avodah Zarah, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 249 |
| 257. Basil of Caesarea, Long Rules, 6.69 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Cain (2016) 96 |
| 258. Ostraka, O.Bodl. Dem., 686 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 306 |
| 259. Anon., Alexandrian War, 3.4 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 349 |
| 260. Appian, The Arabian Book, 19 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 349 |
| 264. Sha, Geta, 7 Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 244, 245 |
| 265. Sha, M. Ant., 3 Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 244, 245 |
| 266. Anon., Consolatio Ad Liuiam, 86-90 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 234 |
| 267. Javol., Dig., 4.8.39 Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 170 |
| 268. Historia Augusta, Avid. Cass., 6.7 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 132 |
| 269. Historia Augusta, M. Ant., 13.6, 21.2 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 132, 134 |
| 271. Historia Augusta, Hel., 3.4-3.5 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 115 |
| 272. Juvenal, Satyrae, 15.44-15.45 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 115 |
| 274. Papyri, W. Chr, 21 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 131 |
| 275. Papyri, P. Heid, 7.400 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 131 |
| 276. Papyri, Sel. Pap., 1.120 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 131 |
| 277. Aurelius Victor, Liber De Caesaribus, 14.7 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 47 |
| 278. Historia Augusta, Ael., 1.2, 2.1, 3.1, 4.1, 4.3, 5.6, 6.6-6.7, 7.1-7.2 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 114 |
| 280. Epigraphy, Trallians, 1940.62 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, greek historian Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 114 |
| 281. Eutrop., Fragments, Frhist., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 203 |
| 282. Ausonius, Prog., 22 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Van Nuffelen (2012) 77 |
| 283. Plin., Ep., 1.13, 3.21, 8.22, 9.23, 10.57.2 Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 49, 71, 170 |
| 285. Historia Augusta, M. Ant., 1.7, 2.9, 6.2-6.3, 9.2 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, l. Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 248, 250, 251, 252 |
| 289. Aurelius Victor, Caes., 23, 21 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 253 |
| 290. Victor, Elagab., 3 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, l. Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 253 |
| 294. Historia Augusta, Geta, 2.9, 6.2, 6.5, 7.3-7.6 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, l. Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 250 |
| 297. Anon., Shir Ha-Shirim Zuta, 1.6 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, l. Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 251 |
| 298. Josephus Flavius, As., 9-10 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 177 |
| 299. Philo, Q.E., 2.2 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio, l. Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 177 |
| 300. Apol., Met., 11.11 Tagged with subjects: •cassius dio Found in books: Nuno et al (2021) 374 |
| 301. Mela, Nepos, None Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 210 |
| 302. Eutrop., Flor. Epit., 1.6.5, 2.20.10, 2.21, 2.21.5-2.21.9 Tagged with subjects: •dio cassius Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 25, 28, 30, 151 |
| 305. Pseudo-Seneca, Octauia, 309-343, 345-376, 929-946, 344 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 198 |
