1. Polybius, Histories, 1.37, 1.39.6, 1.52.6, 3.86.6-3.86.7, 3.87.7-3.87.9, 3.88.7-3.88.8, 3.103.3-3.103.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, rei gerundae •dictator interregni caussa, clavi figendi •dictator interregni caussa, comitiorum habendorum •dictator interregni caussa, seditionis sedandae •dictator interregni caussa, special purpose •fasti capitolini, on dictator interregni caussa •dictator interregni caussa •dictator interregni caussa, feriarum latinarum •dictator interregni caussa, interregni ineundi causa •dictator interregni caussa, unattested except in fasti of 217 •dictator interregni caussa, explained by gusso •dictator interregni caussa, explained by hartfield •dictator interregni caussa, explained by nicosia •dictator interregni caussa, senatus legendi Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 105, 111, 173, 175, 179, 256, 258| 1.39.6. ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ποιούμενοι παραβόλως καὶ διὰ πόρου τὸν πλοῦν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην πάλιν περιέπεσον χειμῶνι τηλικούτῳ τὸ μέγεθος ὥστε πλείω τῶν ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα πλοίων ἀποβαλεῖν. οἱ δʼ ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ τούτων συμβάντων, 1.52.6. ὁ δʼ Ἰούνιος ἀφικόμενος εἰς τὴν Μεσσήνην καὶ προσλαβὼν τὰ συνηντηκότα τῶν πλοίων ἀπό τε τοῦ στρατοπέδου καὶ τῆς ἄλλης Σικελίας παρεκομίσθη κατὰ σπουδὴν εἰς τὰς Συρακούσας, ἔχων ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι σκάφη καὶ τὴν ἀγορὰν σχεδὸν ἐν ὀκτακοσίαις ναυσὶ φορτηγοῖς. 3.86.6. ἐν δὲ τῇ Ῥώμῃ, τριταίας οὔσης τῆς κατὰ τὴν μάχην προσαγγελίας, καὶ μάλιστα τότε τοῦ πάθους κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ὡσανεὶ φλεγμαίνοντος, ἐπιγενομένης καὶ ταύτης τῆς περιπετείας οὐ μόνον τὸ πλῆθος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν σύγκλητον αὐτὴν συνέβη διατραπῆναι. 3.86.7. διὸ καὶ παρέντες τὴν κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν ἀγωγὴν τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ τὴν αἵρεσιν τῶν ἀρχόντων μειζόνως ἐπεβάλοντο βουλεύεσθαι περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων, νομίζοντες αὐτοκράτορος δεῖσθαι στρατηγοῦ τὰ πράγματα καὶ τοὺς περιεστῶτας καιρούς. 3.87.7. ὁ δὲ δικτάτωρ ταύτην ἔχει τὴν διαφορὰν τῶν ὑπάτων· τῶν μὲν γὰρ ὑπάτων ἑκατέρῳ δώδεκα πελέκεις ἀκολουθοῦσι, 3.87.8. τούτῳ δʼ εἴκοσι καὶ τέτταρες, κἀκεῖνοι μὲν ἐν πολλοῖς προσδέονται τῆς συγκλήτου πρὸς τὸ συντελεῖν τὰς ἐπιβολάς, οὗτος δʼ ἔστιν αὐτοκράτωρ στρατηγός, οὗ κατασταθέντος παραχρῆμα διαλύεσθαι συμβαίνει πάσας τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ πλὴν τῶν δημάρχων. 3.87.9. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἐν ἄλλοις ἀκριβεστέραν ποιησόμεθα τὴν διαστολήν. ἅμα δὲ τῷ δικτάτορι κατέστησαν ἱππάρχην Μάρκον Μινύκιον. οὗτος δὲ τέτακται μὲν ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτοκράτορα, γίνεται δʼ οἱονεὶ διάδοχος τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐν τοῖς ἐκείνου περισπασμοῖς. 3.88.7. ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ καὶ Φάβιος μετὰ τὴν κατάστασιν θύσας τοῖς θεοῖς ἐξώρμησε μετὰ τοῦ συνάρχοντος καὶ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ καιροῦ καταγραφέντων τεττάρων στρατοπέδων. 3.88.8. συμμίξας δὲ ταῖς ἀπʼ Ἀριμίνου βοηθούσαις δυνάμεσι περὶ τὴν Ναρνίαν, Γνάιον μὲν τὸν ὑπάρχοντα στρατηγὸν ἀπολύσας τῆς κατὰ γῆν στρατείας ἐξαπέστειλε μετὰ παραπομπῆς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, ἐντειλάμενος, ἐάν τι κατὰ θάλατταν κινῶνται Καρχηδόνιοι, βοηθεῖν ἀεὶ τοῖς ὑποπίπτουσι καιροῖς, 3.103.3. διὸ καὶ τὸν μὲν Φάβιον ᾐτιῶντο καὶ κατεμέμφοντο πάντες ὡς ἀτόλμως χρώμενον τοῖς καιροῖς, τὸν δὲ Μάρκον ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ηὖξον διὰ τὸ συμβεβηκὸς ὥστε τότε γενέσθαι τὸ μηδέποτε γεγονός· 3.103.4. αὐτοκράτορα γὰρ κἀκεῖνον κατέστησαν, πεπεισμένοι ταχέως αὐτὸν τέλος ἐπιθήσειν τοῖς πράγμασι· καὶ δὴ δύο δικτάτορες ἐγεγόνεισαν ἐπὶ τὰς αὐτὰς πράξεις, ὃ πρότερον οὐδέποτε συνεβεβήκει παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις. 3.103.5. τῷ δὲ Μάρκῳ διασαφηθείσης τῆς τε τοῦ πλήθους εὐνοίας καὶ τῆς παρὰ τοῦ δήμου δεδομένης ἀρχῆς αὐτῷ, διπλασίως παρωρμήθη πρὸς τὸ παραβάλλεσθαι καὶ κατατολμᾶν τῶν πολεμίων. | 3.86.6. Three days after the news of the great battle had reached Rome, and just when throughout the city the sore, so to speak, was most violently inflamed, came the tidings of this fresh disaster, and now not only the populace but the Senate too were thrown into consternation. 3.86.7. Abandoning therefore the system of government by magistrates elected annually they decided to deal with the present situation more radically, thinking that the state of affairs and the impending peril demanded the appointment of a single general with full powers. 3.87.7. A dictator differs from the Consuls in these respects, that while each of the Consuls is attended by twelve lictors, the Dictator has twenty-four, 3.87.8. and that while the Consuls require in many matters the co-operation of the Senate, the Dictator is a general with absolute powers, all the magistrates in Rome, except the Tribunes, ceasing to hold office on his appointment. 3.87.9. However, I will deal with this subject in greater detail later. At the same time they appointed Marcus Minucius Master of the Horse. The Master of the Horse is subordinate to the Dictator but becomes as it were his successor when the Dictator is otherwise occupied. 3.88.7. At the same time Fabius on his appointment, after sacrificing to the gods, also took the field with his colleague and the four legions which had been raised for the emergency. 3.88.8. Joining near Narnia the army from Ariminum, he relieved Gnaeus the Consul of his command on land and sent him with an escort to Rome with orders to take the steps that circumstances called for should the Carthaginians make any naval movements. 3.103.3. All therefore found fault with Fabius, accusing him of not making a bold use of his opportunities, while Marcus's reputation rose so much owing to this event that they took an entirely unprecedented step, 3.103.4. investing him like the Dictator with absolute power, in the belief that he would very soon put an end to the war. So two Dictators were actually appointed for the same field of action, a thing which had never before happened at Rome. 3.103.5. When Minucius was informed of his popularity at home and the office given him by the people's decree, he grew twice as eager to run risks and take some bold action against the enemy. |
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| 2. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.62 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, comitiorum habendorum •dictator interregni caussa, legibus scribundis et rei p. constituendae •dictator interregni caussa, rei gerundae Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135 |
| 3. Cicero, Letters, 1.5.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, explained by sumner Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 171 |
| 4. Cicero, Letters, 9.15.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, comitiorum habendorum •dictator interregni caussa, explained by hartfield •dictator interregni caussa, explained by sumner •dictator interregni caussa, legibus scribundis et rei p. constituendae •dictator interregni caussa, rei gerundae Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135, 171, 172 |
5. Cicero, On Duties, 3.112 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, clavi figendi •dictator interregni caussa, feriarum latinarum •dictator interregni caussa, legibus scribundis et rei p. constituendae •dictator interregni caussa, rei gerundae •dictator interregni caussa, senatus legendi •dictator interregni caussa, special purpose Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 101, 102| 3.112. L. Manlio A. f., cum dictator fuisset, M. Pomponius tr. pl. diem dixit, quod is paucos sibi dies ad dictaturam gerendam addidisset; criminabatur etiam, quod Titum filium, qui postea est Torquatus appellatus, ab hominibus relegasset et ruri habitare iussisset. Quod cum audivisset adulescens filius, negotium exhiberi patri, accurrisse Romam et cum primo luci Pomponi domum venisse dicitur. Cui cum esset nuntiatum, qui illum iratum allaturum ad se aliquid contra patrem arbitraretur, surrexit e lectulo remotisque arbitris ad se adulescentem iussit venire. At ille, ut ingressus est, confestim gladium destrinxit iuravitque se illum statim interfecturum, nisi ius iurandum sibi dedisset se patrem missum esse facturum. Iuravit hoc terrore coactus Pomponius; rem ad populum detulit, docuit, cur sibi causa desistere necesse esset, Manlium missum fecit. Tantum temporibus illis ius iurandum valebat. Atque hic T. Manlius is est, qui ad Anienem Galli, quem ab eo provocatus occiderat, torque detracto cognomen invenit, cuius tertio consulatu Latini ad Veserim fusi et fugati, magnus vir in primis et, qui perindulgens in patrem, idem acerbe severus in filium. | 3.112. Marcus Pomponius, a tribune of the people, brought an indictment against Lucius Manlius, Aulus's son, for having extended the term of his dictatorship a few days beyond its expiration. He further charged him with having banished his own son Titus (afterward surnamed Torquatus) from all companionship with his fellow-men, and with requiring him to live in the country. When the son, who was then a young man, heard that his father was in trouble on his account, he hastened to Rome â so the story goes â and at daybreak presented himself at the house of Pomponius. The visitor was announced to Pomponius. Inasmuch as he thought that the son in his anger meant to bring him some new evidence to use against the father, he arose from his bed, asked all who were present to leave the room, and sent word to the young man to come in. Upon entering, he at once drew a sword and swore that he would kill the tribune on the spot, if he did not swear an oath to withdraw the suit against his father. Constrained by the terror of the situation, Pomponius gave his oath. He reported the matter to the people, explaining why he was obliged to drop the prosecution, and withdrew his suit against Manlius. Such was the regard for the sanctity of an oath in those days. And that lad was the Titus Manlius who in the battle on the Anio killed the Gaul by whom he had been challenged to single combat, pulled off his torque and thus won his surname. And in his third consulship he routed the Latins and put them to flight in the battle on the Veseris. He was one of the greatest of the great, and one who, while more than generous toward his father, could yet be bitterly severe toward his son. |
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| 6. Cicero, On Laws, 3.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, clavi figendi •dictator interregni caussa, feriarum constituendarum •dictator interregni caussa, ludorum faciendorum Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 93 |
7. Cicero, On Divination, 2.20, 2.71 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, rei gerundae Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 260, 263, 264| 2.20. Si omnia fato, quid mihi divinatio prodest? Quod enim is, qui divinat, praedicit, id vero futurum est, ut ne illud quidem sciam quale sit, quod Deiotarum, necessarium nostrum, ex itinere aquila revocavit; qui nisi revertisset, in eo conclavi ei cubandum fuisset, quod proxuma nocte corruit; ruina igitur oppressus esset. At id neque, si fatum fuerat, effugisset nec, si non fuerat, in eum casum incidisset. Quid ergo adiuvat divinatio? aut quid est, quod me moneant aut sortes aut exta aut ulla praedictio? Si enim fatum fuit classes populi Romani bello Punico primo, alteram naufragio, alteram a Poenis depressam, interire, etiamsi tripudium solistumum pulli fecissent L. Iunio et P. Claudio consulibus, classes tamen interissent. Sin, cum auspiciis obtemperatum esset, interiturae classes non fuerunt, non interierunt fato; vultis autem omnia fato; 2.71. Nec vero non omni supplicio digni P. Claudius L. Iunius consules, qui contra auspicia navigaverunt; parendum enim religioni fuit nec patrius mos tam contumaciter repudiandus. Iure igitur alter populi iudicio damnatus est, alter mortem sibi ipse conscivit. Flaminius non paruit auspiciis, itaque periit cum exercitu. At anno post Paulus paruit; num minus cecidit in Cannensi pugna cum exercitu? Etenim, ut sint auspicia, quae nulla sunt, haec certe, quibus utimur, sive tripudio sive de caelo, simulacra sunt auspiciorum, auspicia nullo modo. Q. Fabi, te mihi in auspicio esse volo ; respondet: audivi . Hic apud maiores nostros adhibebatur peritus, nunc quilubet. Peritum autem esse necesse est eum, qui, silentium quid sit, intellegat; id enim silentium dicimus in auspiciis, quod omni vitio caret. | 2.20. of what advantage to me is divination if everything is ruled by Fate? On that hypothesis what the diviner predicts is bound to happen. Hence I do not know what to make of the fact that an eagle recalled our intimate friend Deiotarus from his journey; for if he had not turned back he must have been sleeping in the room when it was destroyed the following night, and, therefore, have been crushed in the ruins. And yet, if Fate had willed it, he would not have escaped that calamity; and vice versa. Hence, I repeat, what is the good of divination? Or what is it that lots, entrails, or any other means of prophecy warn me to avoid? For, if it was the will of Fate that the Roman fleets in the First Punic War should perish — the one by shipwreck and the other at the hands of the Carthaginians — they would have perished just the same even if the sacred chickens had made a tripudium solistimum in the consulship of Lucius Junius and Publius Claudius! On the other hand, if obedience to the auspices would have prevented the destruction of the fleets, then they did not perish in accordance with Fate. But you insist that all things happen by Fate; therefore there is no such thing as divination. 2.71. In my opinion the consuls, Publius Claudius and Lucius Junius, who set sail contrary to the auspices, were deserving of capital punishment; for they should have respected the established religion and should not have treated the customs of their forefathers with such shameless disdain. Therefore it was a just retribution that the former was condemned by a vote of the people and that the latter took his own life. Flaminius, you say, did not obey the auspices, therefore he perished with his army. But a year later Paulus did obey them; and did he not lose his army and his life in the battle of Cannae? Granting that there are auspices (as there are not), certainly those which we ordinarily employ — whether by the tripudium or by the observation of the heavens — are not auspices in any sense, but are the mere ghosts of auspices.[34] Quintus Fabius, I wish you to assist me at the auspices. He answers, I will. (In our forefathers time the magistrates on such occasions used to call in some expert person to take the auspices — but in these days anyone will do. But one must be an expert to know what constitutes silence, for by that term we mean free of every augural defect. |
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| 8. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.80, 6.30, 6.88, 6.93, 6.95 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, clavi figendi •dictator interregni caussa, feriarum constituendarum •dictator interregni caussa, ludorum faciendorum •dictator interregni caussa •dictator interregni caussa, rei gerundae Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 33, 93, 212 |
| 9. Livy, Per., 19 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, rei gerundae Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 261 |
| 10. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 2.21.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, comitiorum habendorum •dictator interregni caussa, explained by hartfield •dictator interregni caussa, explained by sumner •dictator interregni caussa, rei gerundae Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 171, 172 |
11. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 19.73.1, 19.76.3-19.76.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, quaestionibus exercendis •dictator interregni caussa, rei gerundae Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 10 | 19.73.1. When the activities of this year had come to an end, Theophrastus obtained the archonship in Athens, and Marcus Publius and Gaius Sulpicius became consuls in Rome. While these were in office, the people of Callantia, who lived on the left side of the Pontus and who were subject to a garrison that had been sent by Lysimachus, drove out this garrison and made an effort to gain autonomy. 19.76.3. While this battle was still unknown to them, the Campanians, scorning the Romans, rose in rebellion; but the people at once sent an adequate force against them with the dictator Gaius Manius as commander and accompanying him, according to the national custom, Manius Fulvius as master-ofâhorse. 19.76.4. When these were in position near Capua, the Campanians at first endeavoured to fight; but afterwards, hearing of the defeat of the Samnites and believing that all the forces would come against themselves, they made terms with the Romans. 19.76.5. They surrendered those guilty of the uprising, who without awaiting the judgement of the trial that was instituted killed themselves. But the cities gained pardon and were reinstated in their former alliance. |
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12. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 11.63.1, 12.10 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa •dictator interregni caussa, comitiorum habendorum Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 198, 293 | 11.63.1. The following year, the people having voted that consuls should again be appointed, Marcus Geganius Macerinus (for the second time) and Titus Quintius Capitolinus (for the fifth time) entered upon the consulship on the ides of December. 12.10. 1. (11) When the Romans were besieging the Veientes about the time of the rising of the dog-star, the season when lakes are most apt to fail, as well as all rivers, with the single exception of the Egyptian Nile, a certain lake, distant not less than one hundred and twenty stades from Rome in the Alban mountains, as they are called, beside which in ancient times the mother-city of the Romans was situated, at a time when neither rains nor snow-storms had occurred nor any other cause perceptible to human beings, received such an increase to its waters that it inundated a large part of the region lying round the mountains, destroyed many farm houses, and finally carved out the gap between the mountains and poured a mighty river down over the plains lying below.,2. (12) Upon learning of this, the Romans at first, in the belief that some god was angry at the commonwealth, voted to propitiate the gods and lesser divinities who presided over the region, and asked the native soothsayers if they had anything to say; but when neither the lake resumed its natural state nor the soothsayers had anything definite to say, but advised consulting the god, they sent envoys to the Delphic oracle. (13) In the meantime one of the Veientes, who had inherited from his ancestors a knowledge of the augural science of his country, chanced to be guarding the wall, and one of the centurions from Rome had long been an acquaintance of his. This centurion, being near the wall one day and giving the other man the customary greetings, remarked that he pitied him because of the calamity that would befall him along with the rest if the city were captured. |
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| 13. Livy, History, 2.18.5, 2.31.3, 3.29.2-3.29.3, 3.55.11-3.55.12, 4.29.8, 4.34.5, 4.37.3, 5.9, 5.9.1-5.9.6, 5.11.11, 5.12.5, 5.14.5-5.14.7, 5.17.1-5.17.4, 5.31.5-5.31.8, 5.38.1, 7.1.6, 7.3.9, 7.9.3-7.9.5, 7.26.11, 8.3.4-8.3.5, 8.15.6, 8.17.3, 8.23.13-8.23.17, 8.29.6-8.29.14, 8.30.1, 8.31.4, 8.32.3, 8.36.1, 8.40, 9.7.12-9.7.14, 9.21.1, 9.22, 9.22.1, 9.23.4-9.23.5, 9.23.7-9.23.17, 9.24.1, 9.26.7, 9.26.14, 9.26.20, 9.34.14, 9.38.14, 10.3.7, 21.63.2, 21.63.5, 22.1.7, 22.7.14, 22.8.5-22.8.6, 22.9.11, 22.10.1-22.10.10, 22.11.1-22.11.9, 22.25.5-22.25.6, 22.25.16, 22.30.4, 22.31.1-22.31.11, 22.33.8-22.33.12, 22.34.3, 22.34.7, 22.34.10-22.34.11, 22.35.1-22.35.4, 22.41.2, 22.42.1-22.42.10, 22.57.1-22.57.6, 22.57.8-22.57.9, 23.14.2-23.14.4, 23.22.10-23.22.11, 23.24.5, 23.31.13, 24.8.17, 24.37.9, 24.37.11, 24.38.9, 24.39.2, 25.2-25.11, 25.2.3, 25.5.16-25.5.19, 26.23.8, 27.5.10, 27.5.15, 28.10.1, 29.10.2, 29.11.3, 29.11.9, 30.23.5, 33.44.2, 41.17.6, 41.18.6 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 175 |
14. Plutarch, Brutus, 53.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, comitiorum habendorum Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 207| 53.5. Πορκίαν δὲ τὴν Βρούτου γυναῖκα Νικόλαος ὁ φιλόσοφος ἱστορεῖ καὶ Οὐαλέριος Μάξιμος βουλομένην ἀποθανεῖν, ὡς οὐδεὶς ἐπέτρεπε τῶν φίλων, ἀλλὰ προσέκειντο καὶ παρεφύλαττον, ἐκ τοῦ πυρὸς ἀναρπάσασαν ἄνθρακας καταπιεῖν καὶ τὸ στόμα συγκλείσασαν καὶ μύσασαν οὕτω διαφθαρῆναι. | 53.5. |
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| 15. Plutarch, Camillus, 2.10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, comitiorum habendorum Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 293 |
16. Plutarch, Fabius, 2.3, 2.3-3.3, 4.3, 9.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 175| 4.3. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα καλλίστην ἀρχόμενος ἐκ θεῶν ἀρχήν, καὶ διδάσκων τὸν δῆμον ὡς ὀλιγωρίᾳ καὶ περιφρονήσει τοῦ στρατηγοῦ πρὸς τὸ δαιμόνιον, οὐ μοχθηρίᾳ τῶν ἀγωνισαμένων σφαλέντα, προὔτρεπε μὴ δεδιέναι τοὺς ἐχθρούς, ἀλλὰ τοὺς θεοὺς ἐξευμενίζεσθαι καὶ τιμᾶν, οὐ δεισιδαιμονίαν ἐνεργαζόμενος, ἐνεργαζόμενος Coraës and Bekker after Bryan, now with S: ἐργαζόμενος . ἀλλὰ θαρρύνων εὐσεβείᾳ τὴν ἀρετὴν καὶ ταῖς παρὰ τῶν θεῶν ἐλπίσι τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμίων φόβον ἀφαιρῶν καὶ παραμυθούμενος. | 4.3. After this, he began with the gods, which is the fairest of all beginnings, and showed the people that the recent disaster was due to the neglect and scorn with which their general had treated religious rites, and not to the cowardice of those who fought under him. He thus induced them, instead of fearing their enemies, to propitiate and honour the gods. It was not that he filled them with superstition, but rather that he emboldened their valour with piety, allaying and removing the fear which their enemies inspired, with hopes of aid from the gods. 4.3. After this, he began with the gods, which is the fairest of all beginnings, and showed the people that the recent disaster was due to the neglect and scorn with which their general had treated religious rites, and not to the cowardice of those who fought under him. He thus induced them, instead of fearing their enemies, to propitiate and honour the gods. It was not that he filled them with superstition, but rather that he emboldened their valour with piety, allaying and removing the fear which their enemies inspired, with hopes of aid from the gods. |
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17. Plutarch, Marcellus, 4.1-4.6, 5.6, 6.1, 12.2, 30.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa •dictator interregni caussa, unattested except in fasti of 217 •dictator interregni caussa, comitiorum habendorum Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 180, 207, 208, 278, 293| 4.1. οἱ μὲν οὖν πρῶτοι τῶν ἀγώνων νίκας τε μεγάλας καὶ σφάλματα τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἐνέγκαντες εἰς οὐδὲν ἐτελεύτησαν πέρας βέβαιον Φλαμινίου δὲ καὶ Φουρίου τῶν ὑπάτων μεγάλαις ἐκστρατευσάντων δυνάμεσιν ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἴνσομβρας, ὤφθη μὲν αἵματι ῥέων ὁ διὰ τῆς Πικηνίδος χώρας ποταμός, ἐλέχθη δὲ τρεῖς σελήνας φανῆναι περὶ πόλιν Ἀρίμινον, 4.2. οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ ταῖς ὑπατικαῖς ψηφοφορίαις παραφυλάττοντες οἰωνοὺς ἱερεῖς διεβεβαιοῦντο μοχθηρὰς καὶ δυσόρνιθας αὐτοῖς γεγονέναι τὰς τῶν ὑπάτων ἀναγορεύσεις, εὐθὺς οὖν ἔπεμψεν ἡ σύγκλητος ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον γράμματα καλοῦσα καὶ μεταπεμπομένη τοὺς ὑπάτους, ὅπως ἐπανελθόντες ᾗ τάχιστα τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπείπωνται καὶ μηδὲν ὡς ὕπατοι φθάσωσι πρᾶξαι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους. 4.3. ταῦτα δεξάμενος τὰ γράμματα Φλαμίνιος οὐ πρότερον ἔλυσεν ἢ μάχῃ συνάψας τρέψασθαι τοὺς βαρβάρους καὶ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν ἐπιδραμεῖν. ὡς οὖν ἐπανῆλθε μετὰ πολλῶν λαφύρων, οὐκ ἀπήντησεν ὁ δῆμος, ἀλλʼ ὅτι καλούμενος οὐκ εὐθὺς ὑπήκουσεν οὐδʼ ἐπείσθη τοῖς γράμμασιν, ἀλλʼ ἐνύβρισε καὶ κατεφρόνησε, μικροῦ μὲν ἐδέησεν ἀποψηφίσασθαι τὸν θρίαμβον αὐτοῦ, θριαμβεύσαντα δὲ ἰδιώτην ἐποίησεν, ἀναγκάσας ἐξομόσασθαι τὴν ὑπατείαν μετὰ τοῦ συνάρχοντος. 4.4. οὕτω πάντα τὰ πράγματα Ῥωμαίοις εἰς τὸν θεὸν ἀνήγετο, μαντειῶν δὲ καὶ πατρίων ὑπεροψίαν οὐδʼ ἐπὶ ταῖς μεγίσταις εὐπραξίαις ἀπεδέχοντο, μεῖζον ἡγούμενοι πρὸς σωτηρίαν πόλεως τὸ θαυμάζειν τὰ θεῖα τοὺς ἄρχοντας τὸν κρατεῖν τῶν πολεμίων. 6.1. Ὡς δʼ οὖν ἐξωμόσαντο τὴν ἀρχὴν οἱ περὶ τὸν Φλαμίνιον, διὰ τῶν καλουμένων μεσοβασιλέων ὕπατος ἀποδείκνυται Μάρκελλος, καὶ παραλαβὼν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀποδείκνυσιν αὑτῷ συνάρχοντα Γναῖον Κορνήλιον. ἐλέχθη μὲν οὖν ὡς πολλὰ συμβατικὰ τῶν Γαλατῶν λεγόντων, καὶ τῆς βουλῆς εἰρηναῖα βουλομένης, ὁ Μάρκελλος ἐξετράχυνε τὸν δῆμον ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον· 12.2. οὐ μέντοι τὴν στρατείαν ἔφυγεν, ἀλλʼ ἀνθύπατος ἀναγορευθεὶς καὶ πάλιν πρὸς Νῶλαν ἐπανελθὼν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον κακῶς ἐποίει τοὺς ᾑρημένους τὰ τοῦ Φοίνικος, ὡς δὲ ὀξεῖαν ἐπʼ αὐτὸν θέμενος βοήθειαν ἐκεῖνος ἧκε, προκαλουμένῳ μὲν ἐκ παρατάξεως οὐκ ἠβουλήθη διαγωνίσασθαι, τρέψαντι δὲ τὸ πλεῖστον ἐφʼ ἁρπαγὴν τοῦ στρατοῦ καὶ μηκέτι προσδεχομένῳ μάχην ἐπεξῆλθε, διαδοὺς δόρατα τῶν ναυμάχων μεγάλα τοῖς πεζοῖς, καὶ διδάξας πόρρωθεν συντηροῦσι παίειν τοὺς Καρχηδονίους, ἀκοντιστὰς μὲν οὐκ ὄντας αἰχμαῖς δὲ χρωμένους ἐκ χειρὸς βραχείαις. 30.5. ἐκεῖ δὲ αὐτοῦ τῷ ἀνδριάντι τοῦτʼ ἦν ἐπιγεγραμμένον, ὡς Ποσειδώνιός φησι, τὸ ἐπίγραμμα· οὗτός τοι Ῥώμης ὁ μέγας, ξένε, πατρίδος ἀστήρ, Μάρκελλος κλεινῶν Κλαύδιος ἐκ πατέρων. ἑπτάκι τὰν ὑπάταν ἀρχὰν ἐν Ἄρηϊ φυλάξας, τὸν πολὺν ἀντιπάλοις ὃς κατέχευε φόνον. . τήν γὰρ ἀνθύπατον ἀρχήν, ἣν δὶς ἦρξε, ταῖς πέντε προσκατηρίθμησεν ὑπατείαις ὁ τὸ ἐπίγραμμα ποιήσας. | 4.1. The first conflicts of this war brought great victories and also great disasters to the Romans, and led to no sure and final conclusion; but at last Flaminius and Furius, the consuls, led forth large forces against the Insubrians. At the time of their departure, however, the river that flows through Picenum was seen to be running with blood, and it was reported that at Ariminum three moons had appeared in the heavens, 4.2. and the priests who watched the flight of birds at the time of the consular elections insisted that when the consuls were proclaimed the omens were inauspicious and baleful for them. At once, therefore, the senate sent letters to the camp, summoning the consuls to return to the city with all speed and lay down their office, and forbidding them, while they were still consuls, to take any steps against the enemy. 4.3. On receiving these letters, Flaminius would not open them before he had joined battle with the Barbarians, routed them, and overrun their country. Therefore, when he returned with much spoil, the people would not go out to meet him, but because he had not at once listened to his summons, and had disobeyed the letters, treating them with insolent contempt, they came near refusing him his triumph, and after his triumph, they compelled him to renounce the consulship with his colleague, and made him a private citizen. 4.4. To such a degree did the Romans make everything depend upon the will of the gods, and so intolerant were they of any neglect of omens and ancestral rites, even when attended by the greatest successes, considering it of more importance for the safety of the city that their magistrates should reverence religion than that they should overcome their enemies. 6.1. But to resume the story, after Flaminius and his colleague had renounced their offices, Marcellus was appointed consul In 222 B.C. In republican times, an interrex was elected when there was a vacancy in the supreme power, held office for five days, and, if necessary, nominated his successor. Any number of interreges might be successively appointed, until the highest office was filled. Cf. the Numa , ii. 6 f. by the so-called interreges. He took the office, and appointed Gnaeus Cornelius his colleague. Now it has been said that, although the Gauls made many conciliatory proposals, and although the senate was peaceably inclined, Marcellus tried to provoke the people to continue the war. 12.2. He did not, however, lay aside his military command, but having been declared proconsul, he returned to his army at Nola and proceeded to punish those who had espoused the cause of the Carthaginian. And when Hannibal came swiftly to their aid against him, and challenged him to a pitched battle, Marcellus declined an engagement; but as soon as his adversary had set the greater part of his army to plundering and was no longer expecting a battle, he led his forces out against him. He had distributed long spears used in naval combats among his infantry, and taught them to watch their opportunity and smite the Carthaginians at long range; these were not javelineers, but used short spears in hand to hand fighting. 30.5. There, too, there was a statue of him, according to Poseidonius, bearing this inscription: This, O stranger, was the great star of his country, Rome,—Claudius Marcellus of illustrious line, who seven times held the consular power in time of war, and poured much slaughter on his foes. For the author of the inscription has added his two proconsulates to his five consulates. |
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18. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 51.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, comitiorum habendorum •dictator interregni caussa, legibus scribundis et rei p. constituendae •dictator interregni caussa, rei gerundae Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135| 51.1. ἐκ τούτου διαβαλὼν εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἀνέβαινεν εἰς Ῥώμην, τοῦ μὲν ἐνιαυτοῦ καταστρέφοντος εἰς ὃν ᾕρητο δικτάτωρ τὸ δεύτερον, οὐδέποτε τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκείνης πρότερον ἐνιαυσίου γενομένης· εἰς δὲ τοὐπιὸν ὕπατος ἀπεδείχθη, καὶ κακῶς ἤκουσεν ὅτι τῶν στρατιωτῶν στασιασάντων καὶ δύο στρατηγικοὺς ἄνδρας ἀνελόντων, Κοσκώνιον καὶ Γάλβαν, ἐπετίμησε μὲν αὐτοῖς τοσοῦτον ὅσον ἀντὶ στρατιωτῶν πολίτας προσαγορεῦσαι, χιλίας δὲ διένειμεν ἑκάστῳ δραχμὰς καὶ χώραν τῆς Ἰταλίας ἀπεκλήρωσε πολλήν. | 51.1. |
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| 19. Appian, The War Against Hannibal, 12.52, 16.68 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa •dictator interregni caussa, unattested except in fasti of 217 •fasti capitolini, on dictator interregni caussa •dictator interregni caussa, clavi figendi •dictator interregni caussa, comitiorum habendorum •dictator interregni caussa, feriarum latinarum •dictator interregni caussa, interregni ineundi causa Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 175, 179 |
20. Plutarch, Sulla, 33.1-33.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, comitiorum habendorum •dictator interregni caussa, legibus scribundis et rei p. constituendae •dictator interregni caussa, rei gerundae Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135| 33.1. ἔξω δὲ τῶν φονικῶν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐλύπει. δικτάτορα μὲν γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ἀνηγόρευσε, διʼ ἐτῶν ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι τοῦτο τὸ γένος τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀναλαβών. ἐψηφίσθη δὲ αὐτῷ πάντων ἄδεια τῶν γεγονότων, πρὸς δὲ τὸ μέλλον ἐξουσία θανάτου, δημεύσεως, κληρουχιῶν, κτίσεως, πορθήσεως, ἀφελέσθαι βασιλείαν, καὶ ᾧ καὶ ᾧ with Bekker, after Reiske: ᾧ . βούλοιτο χαρίσασθαι. 33.2. τὰς δὲ διαπράσεις τῶν δεδημευμένων οἴκων οὕτως ὑπερηφάνως ἐποιεῖτο καὶ δεσποτικῶς ἐπὶ βήματος καθεζόμενος, ὥστε τῶν ἀφαιρέσεων ἐπαχθεστέρας αὐτοῦ τὰς δωρεὰς εἶναι, καὶ γυναιξὶν εὐμόρφοις καὶ λυρῳδοῖς καὶ μίμοις καὶ καθάρμασιν ἐξελευθερικοῖς ἐθνῶν χώρας καὶ πόλεων χαριζομένου προσόδους, ἐνίοις δὲ γάμους ἀκουσίως ζευγνυμένων γυναικῶν. | 33.1. 33.2. |
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| 21. Appian, Civil Wars, 1.98.459 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, comitiorum habendorum •dictator interregni caussa, legibus scribundis et rei p. constituendae •dictator interregni caussa, rei gerundae Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135 |
| 22. Gellius, Attic Nights, 13.12.6, 13.15.4, 15.17.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 33, 101, 171 |
23. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 36.34.2-36.34.3, 42.20, 42.20.3-42.20.4, 42.21.1-42.21.2, 46.13.1, 46.45.3-46.45.4, 53.51.8, 57.16-57.17, 57.21 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, rei gerundae •dictator interregni caussa, comitiorum habendorum •dictator interregni caussa, legibus scribundis et rei p. constituendae •dictator interregni caussa, explained by sumner •dictator interregni caussa, perpetuo •dictator interregni caussa •dictator interregni caussa, unattested except in fasti of 217 •fasti capitolini, on dictator interregni caussa •dictator interregni caussa, clavi figendi •dictator interregni caussa, feriarum latinarum •dictator interregni caussa, interregni ineundi causa Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 113, 135, 171, 175, 179, 258, 261 | 36.34.2. Accordingly, if you require any such official, you may, without either transgressing the laws or forming plans in disregard of the common welfare, elect Pompey himself or anyone else as dictator â on condition that he shall not hold office longer than the appointed time nor outside of Italy. For surely you are not unaware that this second limitation, too, was scrupulously observed by our forefathers, and no instance can be found of a dictator chosen for another country, except one who was sent to Sicily and who, moreover, accomplished nothing. 36.34.3. But if Italy requires no such person, and you would no longer tolerate, I will not say the functions of the dictator, but even the name, â as is clear from your anger against Sulla, â how could it be right for a new position of command to be created, and that, too, for three years and embracing practically all interests both in Italy and outside? 42.20. 1. They granted him, then, permission to do whatever he wished to those who had favoured Pompey's cause, not that he had not already received this right from himself, but in order that he might seem to be acting with some show of legal authority. They appointed him arbiter of war and peace with all mankind â using the conspirators in Africa as a pretext â without the obligation even of making any communication on the subject to the people or the senate.,2. This, of course, also lay in his power before, inasmuch as he had so large an armed force; at any rate the wars he had fought he had undertaken on his own authority in nearly every case. Nevertheless, because they wished still to appear to be free and independent citizens, they voted him these rights and everything else which it was in his power to have even against their will.,3. Thus he received the privilege of being consul for five consecutive years and of being chosen dictator, not for six months, but for an entire year, and he assumed the tribunician authority practically for life; for he secured the right of sitting with the tribunes upon the same benches and of being reckoned with them for other purposes â a privilege which was permitted to no one.,4. All the elections except those of the plebs now passed into his hands, and for this reason they were delayed till after his arrival and were held toward the close of the year. In the case of the governorships in subject territory the citizens pretended to allot themselves those which fell to the consuls, but voted that Caesar should give the others to the praetors without the casting of lots; for they had gone back to consuls and praetors again contrary to their decree.,5. And they also granted another privilege, which was customary, to be sure, but in the corruption of the times might cause hatred and resentment: they decreed that Caesar should hold a triumph for the war against Juba and the Romans who fought with him, just as if had been the victor, although, as a matter of fact, he had not then so much as heard that there was to be such a war. 42.20.3. Thus he received the privilege of being consul for five consecutive years and of being chosen dictator, not for six months, but for an entire year, and he assumed the tribunician authority practically for life; for he secured the right of sitting with the tribunes upon the same benches and of being reckoned with them for other purposes â a privilege which was permitted to no one. 42.20.4. All the elections except those of the plebs now passed into his hands, and for this reason they were delayed till after his arrival and were held toward the close of the year. In the case of the governorships in subject territory the citizens pretended to allot themselves those which fell to the consuls, but voted that Caesar should give the others to the praetors without the casting of lots; for they had gone back to consuls and praetors again contrary to their decree. 42.21.1. In this way these measures were voted and ratified. Caesar entered upon the dictatorship at once, although he was outside of Italy, and chose Antony, although he had not yet been praetor, as his master of horse; and the consuls proposed the latter's name also, although the augurs very strongly opposed him, declaring that no one might be master of the horses for more than six months. 42.21.2. But for this course they brought upon themselves a great deal of ridicule, because, after having decided that the dictator himself should be chosen for a year, contrary to all precedent, they were now splitting hairs about the master of the horse. 46.45.3. Thus Caesar took possession of the city without a blow and was appointed consul by the people, after two men had been chosen to act as consuls for holding the elections; for it was impossible, on so short notice, for an -- interrex to be chosen for the purpose, in accordance with precedent, because many men who held the patrician offices were absent from the city. 46.45.4. For they preferred to submit to this arrangement of having two men named by the praetor urbanus rather to have the consuls elected under his direction, because now these officials would limit their activities to the elections and consequently would appear to have possessed no office greater than his. 57.16. 1. Besides the matters just related, some of the men who had been quaestors the previous year were sent out to the provinces, since the quaestors of the current year were too few in number to fill the places. And this practice was also followed on other occasions, as often as was found necessary.,2. As many of the public records had either perished completely or at least become illegible with the lapse of time, three senators were elected to copy off those that were still extant and to recover the text of the others. Assistance was rendered to the victims of various conflagrations not only by Tiberius but also by Livia.,3. The same year a certain Clemens, who had been a slave of Agrippa and resembled him to a certain extent, pretended to be Agrippa himself. He went to Gaul and won many to his cause there and many later in Italy, and finally he marched upon Rome with the avowed intention of recovering the dominion of his grandfather.,4. The population of the city became excited at this, and not a few joined his cause; but Tiberius got him into his hands by a ruse with the aid of some persons who pretended to sympathize with this upstart. He thereupon tortured him, in order to learn something about his fellow-conspirators. Then, when the other would not utter a word, he asked him: "How did you come to be Agrippa?" And he replied: "In the same way as you came to be Caesar." 57.17. 1. The following year Gaius Caecilius and Lucius Flaccus received the title of consuls. And when some brought Tiberius money at the beginning of the year, he would not accept it and published an edict regarding this very practice, in which he used a word that was not Latin.,2. After thinking it over at night he sent for all who were experts in such matters, for he was extremely anxious to have his diction irreproachable. Thereupon one Ateius Capito declared: "Even if no one has previously used this expression, yet now because of you we shall all cite it as an example of classical usage." But a certain Marcellus replied: "You, Caesar, can confer Roman citizenship upon men, but not upon words.",3. And the emperor did this man no harm for his remark, in spite of its extreme frankness. His anger was aroused, however, against Archelaus, the king of Cappadocia, because this prince, after having once grovelled before him in order to gain his assistance as advocate when accused by his subjects in the time of Augustus,,4. had afterwards slighted him on the occasion of his visit to Rhodes, yet had paid court to Gaius when the latter went to Asia. Therefore Tiberius now summoned him on the charge of rebellious conduct and left his fate to the decision of the senate, although the man was not only stricken in years, but also a great sufferer from gout, and was furthermore believed to be demented.,5. As a matter of fact, he had once lost his mind to such an extent that a guardian was appointed over his domain by Augustus; nevertheless, at the time in question he was no longer weak-witted, but was merely feigning, in the hope of saving himself by this expedient. And he would now have been put to death, had not someone in testifying against him stated that he had once said: "When I get back home, I will show him what sort of sinews I possess." So great a shout of laughter went up at this â for the man was not only unable to stand, but could not even sit up â that Tiberius gave up his purpose of putting him to death.,6. In fact, the prince's condition was so serious that he was carried into the senate in a covered litter (for it was customary even for men, whenever one of them came there feeling ill, to be carried in reclining, and even Tiberius sometimes did so), and he spoke a few words leaning out of the litter.,7. So it was that the life of Archelaus was spared for the time being; but he died shortly afterward from some other cause. After this Cappadocia fell to the Romans and was put in charge of a knight as governor. The cities in Asia which had been damaged by the earthquake were assigned to an ex-praetor with five lictors; and large sums of money were remitted from taxes and large sums were also given them by Tiberius.,8. For not only did he refrain scrupulously from the possessions of others â so long, that is, as he practised any virtue at all â and would not even accept the inheritances that were left to him by testators who had relatives, but he actually contributed vast sums both to cities and to private individuals, and would not accept any honour or praise for these acts.,9. When embassies came from cities or provinces, he never dealt with them alone, but caused a number of others to participate in the deliberations, especially men who had once governed these peoples. 57.21. 1. After this, when his consulship had expired, he came to Rome and prevented the consuls from acting as advocates for some persons in court, remarking: "If I were consul, I should not have done so.",2. One of the praetors was accused of having made some impious remark or of having committed some offence against him, whereupon the man left the senate and having taken off his robe of office returned, demanding as a private citizen to have the complaint lodged at once; at this the emperor was greatly grieved and molested him no further.,3. He banished the actors from Rome and would allow them no place in which to practise their profession, because they kept debauching the women and stirring up tumults. He honoured many men after their death with statues and public funerals, but for Sejanus he erected a bronze statue in the theatre during his lifetime. As a result, numerous images of Sejanus were made by many different persons, and many eulogies were delivered in his honour, both before the people and before the senate.,4. The leading citizens, including the consuls themselves, regularly resorted to his house at dawn, and communicated to him not only all the private requests that any of them wished to make of Tiberius, but also the public business which required to be taken up. In a word, no business of this sort was transacted henceforth without his knowledge.,5. About this time one of the largest porticos in Rome began to lean to one side, and was set upright in a remarkable way by an architect whose name no one knows, because Tiberius, jealous of his wonderful achievement, would not permit it to be entered in the records. This architect, then, whatever his name may have been, first strengthened the foundations round about, so that they should not collapse,,6. and wrapped all the rest of the structure in fleeces and thick garments, binding it firmly together on all sides by means of ropes; then with the aid of many men and windlasses he raised it back to its original position. At the time Tiberius both admired and envied him; for the former reason he honoured him with a present of money, and for the latter he expelled him from the city.,7. Later the exile approached him to crave pardon, and while doing so purposely let fall a crystal goblet; and though it was bruised in some way or shattered, yet by passing his hands over it he promptly exhibited it whole once more. For this he hoped to obtain pardon, but instead the emperor put him to death. |
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| 24. Censorinus, De Die Natali, 17.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, rei gerundae Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 261 |
| 25. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 7.4, 26.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, rei gerundae Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 258, 263, 264 |
| 26. Eutropius, Breviarium Ab Urbe Condita (Paeanii Translatio), 1.19.2 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, comitiorum habendorum •dictator interregni caussa, explained by hartfield •dictator interregni caussa, explained by sumner •dictator interregni caussa, rei gerundae Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 172 |
| 27. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.1.3-1.1.5, 2.8.2, 3.2.9, 4.6.5, 5.4.3 Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, comitiorum habendorum •dictator interregni caussa, perpetuo •dictator interregni caussa, clavi figendi •dictator interregni caussa, feriarum latinarum •dictator interregni caussa, rei gerundae •dictator interregni caussa, senatus legendi •dictator interregni caussa, special purpose Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 14, 102, 114, 207 |
| 28. Zonaras, Epitome, 7.26, 8.15, 8.20, 8.26 Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, clavi figendi •dictator interregni caussa, comitiorum habendorum •dictator interregni caussa, feriarum constituendarum •dictator interregni caussa, ludorum faciendorum •dictator interregni caussa, rei gerundae •fasti capitolini, on dictator interregni caussa •dictator interregni caussa •dictator interregni caussa, interregni ineundi causa •dictator interregni caussa, feriarum latinarum •dictator interregni caussa, unattested except in fasti of 217 Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 94, 175, 179, 203, 204, 261, 293 |
| 29. Censorinus, Chronographer of 354, 0 Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, comitiorum habendorum •dictator interregni caussa, explained by hartfield •dictator interregni caussa, explained by sumner •dictator interregni caussa, rei gerundae Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 172 |
| 30. Anon., Fasti Privernates, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 113 |
| 31. Anon., Fasti Capitolini, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 169 |
| 32. Anon., Elogia Arretina, None Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa •dictator interregni caussa, unattested except in fasti of 217 Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 179 |
| 33. Anon., Tabula Triumphalis Barberiniana, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 179 |
| 34. Epigraphy, Cil, 6.331, 6.1507, 12.2.607, 12.2.615, 12.2.613, 12.2.608, 14.2935 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 207, 208 |
| 35. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 1.19.2 Tagged with subjects: •dictator interregni caussa, comitiorum habendorum •dictator interregni caussa, explained by hartfield •dictator interregni caussa, explained by sumner •dictator interregni caussa, rei gerundae Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 172 |
| 36. Epigraphy, Ils, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 208 |
