| 1. Archilochus, Fragments, 3 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •oracle, delphi Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun (2014), The History of Religions School Today : Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts 103 |
| 2. Homer, Odyssey, 1.50, 3.306-3.307, 8.79-8.81, 8.335-8.342, 10.473-10.474, 11.271-11.280, 15.403-15.404, 24.541-24.548 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of •oracle(s), of delphi •oracles, delphi •oracles, of apollo in delphi •oracle, at delphi Found in books: Fletcher (2012), Performing Oaths in Classical Greek Drama, 71; Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 32; Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 142, 145, 676; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 48, 193; de Jáuregui (2010), Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity, 397 |
3. Homer, Iliad, 1.50-1.52, 2.1-2.75, 2.734-2.737, 2.862-2.866, 4.378, 4.406, 5.76-5.83, 6.223, 7.452-7.453, 9.404-9.405, 9.570, 9.575-9.592, 9.806-9.848, 10.286, 11.386-11.395, 14.415, 20.208-20.209, 20.213-20.243, 20.307-20.308, 22.359, 23.74, 23.679, 24.328, 24.468-24.516, 24.525-24.548 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle •oracle, at delphi •oracles, delphi •oracle, oracular, oracle of delphi •delphi, oracle of •oracle(s), of delphi •delphi, oracle of apollo at •oracles, delphi, oracle of apollo at •oracle, delphi •apollo, his oracle at delphi •delphi, oracle at Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 402, 403; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 481; Jouanna (2012), Greek Medicine from Hippocrates to Galen, 58; Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 142, 676; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 110, 111; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun (2014), The History of Religions School Today : Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts 103; Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 98, 139, 149; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 163; de Jáuregui (2010), Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity, 397 | 1.50. / but then on the men themselves he let fly his stinging shafts, and struck; and constantly the pyres of the dead burned thick.For nine days the missiles of the god ranged among the host, but on the tenth Achilles called the people to assembly, for the goddess, white-armed Hera, had put it in his heart, 1.51. / but then on the men themselves he let fly his stinging shafts, and struck; and constantly the pyres of the dead burned thick.For nine days the missiles of the god ranged among the host, but on the tenth Achilles called the people to assembly, for the goddess, white-armed Hera, had put it in his heart, 1.52. / but then on the men themselves he let fly his stinging shafts, and struck; and constantly the pyres of the dead burned thick.For nine days the missiles of the god ranged among the host, but on the tenth Achilles called the people to assembly, for the goddess, white-armed Hera, had put it in his heart, 2.1. / Now all the other gods and men, lords of chariots, slumbered the whole night through, but Zeus was not holden of sweet sleep, for he was pondering in his heart how he might do honour to Achilles and lay many low beside the ships of the Achaeans. And this plan seemed to his mind the best, 2.2. / Now all the other gods and men, lords of chariots, slumbered the whole night through, but Zeus was not holden of sweet sleep, for he was pondering in his heart how he might do honour to Achilles and lay many low beside the ships of the Achaeans. And this plan seemed to his mind the best, 2.3. / Now all the other gods and men, lords of chariots, slumbered the whole night through, but Zeus was not holden of sweet sleep, for he was pondering in his heart how he might do honour to Achilles and lay many low beside the ships of the Achaeans. And this plan seemed to his mind the best, 2.4. / Now all the other gods and men, lords of chariots, slumbered the whole night through, but Zeus was not holden of sweet sleep, for he was pondering in his heart how he might do honour to Achilles and lay many low beside the ships of the Achaeans. And this plan seemed to his mind the best, 2.5. / Now all the other gods and men, lords of chariots, slumbered the whole night through, but Zeus was not holden of sweet sleep, for he was pondering in his heart how he might do honour to Achilles and lay many low beside the ships of the Achaeans. And this plan seemed to his mind the best, 2.5. / to send to Agamemnon, son of Atreus, a baneful dream. So he spake, and addressed him with winged words:Up, go, thou baneful Dream, unto the swift ships of the Achaeans, and when thou art come to the hut of Agamemnon, son of Atreus, 2.6. / to send to Agamemnon, son of Atreus, a baneful dream. So he spake, and addressed him with winged words:Up, go, thou baneful Dream, unto the swift ships of the Achaeans, and when thou art come to the hut of Agamemnon, son of Atreus, 2.7. / to send to Agamemnon, son of Atreus, a baneful dream. So he spake, and addressed him with winged words:Up, go, thou baneful Dream, unto the swift ships of the Achaeans, and when thou art come to the hut of Agamemnon, son of Atreus, 2.8. / to send to Agamemnon, son of Atreus, a baneful dream. So he spake, and addressed him with winged words:Up, go, thou baneful Dream, unto the swift ships of the Achaeans, and when thou art come to the hut of Agamemnon, son of Atreus, 2.9. / to send to Agamemnon, son of Atreus, a baneful dream. So he spake, and addressed him with winged words:Up, go, thou baneful Dream, unto the swift ships of the Achaeans, and when thou art come to the hut of Agamemnon, son of Atreus, 2.10. / tell him all my word truly, even as I charge thee. Bid him arm the long-haired Achaeans with all speed, since now he may take the broad-wayed city of the Trojans. For the immortals, that have homes upon Olympus, are no longer divided in counsel, 2.11. / tell him all my word truly, even as I charge thee. Bid him arm the long-haired Achaeans with all speed, since now he may take the broad-wayed city of the Trojans. For the immortals, that have homes upon Olympus, are no longer divided in counsel, 2.12. / tell him all my word truly, even as I charge thee. Bid him arm the long-haired Achaeans with all speed, since now he may take the broad-wayed city of the Trojans. For the immortals, that have homes upon Olympus, are no longer divided in counsel, 2.13. / tell him all my word truly, even as I charge thee. Bid him arm the long-haired Achaeans with all speed, since now he may take the broad-wayed city of the Trojans. For the immortals, that have homes upon Olympus, are no longer divided in counsel, 2.14. / tell him all my word truly, even as I charge thee. Bid him arm the long-haired Achaeans with all speed, since now he may take the broad-wayed city of the Trojans. For the immortals, that have homes upon Olympus, are no longer divided in counsel, 2.15. / since Hera hath Vent the minds of all by her supplication, and over the Trojans hang woes. So spake he, and the Dream went his way, when he had heard this saying. Forthwith he came to the swift ships of the Achaeans, and went his way to Agamemnon, son of Atreus, and found him sleeping in his hut, and over him was shed ambrosial slumber. 2.16. / since Hera hath Vent the minds of all by her supplication, and over the Trojans hang woes. So spake he, and the Dream went his way, when he had heard this saying. Forthwith he came to the swift ships of the Achaeans, and went his way to Agamemnon, son of Atreus, and found him sleeping in his hut, and over him was shed ambrosial slumber. 2.17. / since Hera hath Vent the minds of all by her supplication, and over the Trojans hang woes. So spake he, and the Dream went his way, when he had heard this saying. Forthwith he came to the swift ships of the Achaeans, and went his way to Agamemnon, son of Atreus, and found him sleeping in his hut, and over him was shed ambrosial slumber. 2.18. / since Hera hath Vent the minds of all by her supplication, and over the Trojans hang woes. So spake he, and the Dream went his way, when he had heard this saying. Forthwith he came to the swift ships of the Achaeans, and went his way to Agamemnon, son of Atreus, and found him sleeping in his hut, and over him was shed ambrosial slumber. 2.19. / since Hera hath Vent the minds of all by her supplication, and over the Trojans hang woes. So spake he, and the Dream went his way, when he had heard this saying. Forthwith he came to the swift ships of the Achaeans, and went his way to Agamemnon, son of Atreus, and found him sleeping in his hut, and over him was shed ambrosial slumber. 2.20. / So he took his stand above his head, in the likeness of the son of Neleus, even Nestor, whom above all the elders Agamemnon held in honour; likening himself to him, the Dream from heaven spake, saying:Thou sleepest, son of wise-hearted Atreus, the tamer of horses. To sleep the whole night through beseemeth not a man that is a counsellor, 2.21. / So he took his stand above his head, in the likeness of the son of Neleus, even Nestor, whom above all the elders Agamemnon held in honour; likening himself to him, the Dream from heaven spake, saying:Thou sleepest, son of wise-hearted Atreus, the tamer of horses. To sleep the whole night through beseemeth not a man that is a counsellor, 2.22. / So he took his stand above his head, in the likeness of the son of Neleus, even Nestor, whom above all the elders Agamemnon held in honour; likening himself to him, the Dream from heaven spake, saying:Thou sleepest, son of wise-hearted Atreus, the tamer of horses. To sleep the whole night through beseemeth not a man that is a counsellor, 2.23. / So he took his stand above his head, in the likeness of the son of Neleus, even Nestor, whom above all the elders Agamemnon held in honour; likening himself to him, the Dream from heaven spake, saying:Thou sleepest, son of wise-hearted Atreus, the tamer of horses. To sleep the whole night through beseemeth not a man that is a counsellor, 2.24. / So he took his stand above his head, in the likeness of the son of Neleus, even Nestor, whom above all the elders Agamemnon held in honour; likening himself to him, the Dream from heaven spake, saying:Thou sleepest, son of wise-hearted Atreus, the tamer of horses. To sleep the whole night through beseemeth not a man that is a counsellor, 2.25. / to whom a host is entrusted, and upon whom rest so many cares. But now, hearken thou quickly unto me, for I am a messenger to thee from Zeus, who, far away though he be, hath exceeding care for thee and pity. He biddeth thee arm the long-haired Achaeans with all speed, since now thou mayest take the broad-wayed city of the Trojans. 2.26. / to whom a host is entrusted, and upon whom rest so many cares. But now, hearken thou quickly unto me, for I am a messenger to thee from Zeus, who, far away though he be, hath exceeding care for thee and pity. He biddeth thee arm the long-haired Achaeans with all speed, since now thou mayest take the broad-wayed city of the Trojans. 2.27. / to whom a host is entrusted, and upon whom rest so many cares. But now, hearken thou quickly unto me, for I am a messenger to thee from Zeus, who, far away though he be, hath exceeding care for thee and pity. He biddeth thee arm the long-haired Achaeans with all speed, since now thou mayest take the broad-wayed city of the Trojans. 2.28. / to whom a host is entrusted, and upon whom rest so many cares. But now, hearken thou quickly unto me, for I am a messenger to thee from Zeus, who, far away though he be, hath exceeding care for thee and pity. He biddeth thee arm the long-haired Achaeans with all speed, since now thou mayest take the broad-wayed city of the Trojans. 2.29. / to whom a host is entrusted, and upon whom rest so many cares. But now, hearken thou quickly unto me, for I am a messenger to thee from Zeus, who, far away though he be, hath exceeding care for thee and pity. He biddeth thee arm the long-haired Achaeans with all speed, since now thou mayest take the broad-wayed city of the Trojans. 2.30. / For the immortals that have homes upon Olympus are no longer divided in counsel, since Hera hath bent the minds of all by her supplication, and over the Trojans hang woes by the will of Zeus. But do thou keep this in thy heart, nor let forgetfulness lay hold of thee, whenso honey-hearted sleep shall let thee go. 2.31. / For the immortals that have homes upon Olympus are no longer divided in counsel, since Hera hath bent the minds of all by her supplication, and over the Trojans hang woes by the will of Zeus. But do thou keep this in thy heart, nor let forgetfulness lay hold of thee, whenso honey-hearted sleep shall let thee go. 2.32. / For the immortals that have homes upon Olympus are no longer divided in counsel, since Hera hath bent the minds of all by her supplication, and over the Trojans hang woes by the will of Zeus. But do thou keep this in thy heart, nor let forgetfulness lay hold of thee, whenso honey-hearted sleep shall let thee go. 2.33. / For the immortals that have homes upon Olympus are no longer divided in counsel, since Hera hath bent the minds of all by her supplication, and over the Trojans hang woes by the will of Zeus. But do thou keep this in thy heart, nor let forgetfulness lay hold of thee, whenso honey-hearted sleep shall let thee go. 2.34. / For the immortals that have homes upon Olympus are no longer divided in counsel, since Hera hath bent the minds of all by her supplication, and over the Trojans hang woes by the will of Zeus. But do thou keep this in thy heart, nor let forgetfulness lay hold of thee, whenso honey-hearted sleep shall let thee go. 2.35. / So spoke the Dream, and departed, and left him there, pondering in his heart on things that were not to be brought to pass. For in sooth he deemed that he should take the city of Priam that very day, fool that he was! seeing he knew not what deeds Zeus was purposing, 2.36. / So spoke the Dream, and departed, and left him there, pondering in his heart on things that were not to be brought to pass. For in sooth he deemed that he should take the city of Priam that very day, fool that he was! seeing he knew not what deeds Zeus was purposing, 2.37. / So spoke the Dream, and departed, and left him there, pondering in his heart on things that were not to be brought to pass. For in sooth he deemed that he should take the city of Priam that very day, fool that he was! seeing he knew not what deeds Zeus was purposing, 2.38. / So spoke the Dream, and departed, and left him there, pondering in his heart on things that were not to be brought to pass. For in sooth he deemed that he should take the city of Priam that very day, fool that he was! seeing he knew not what deeds Zeus was purposing, 2.39. / So spoke the Dream, and departed, and left him there, pondering in his heart on things that were not to be brought to pass. For in sooth he deemed that he should take the city of Priam that very day, fool that he was! seeing he knew not what deeds Zeus was purposing, 2.40. / who was yet to bring woes and groanings on Trojans alike and Danaans throughout the course of stubborn fights. Then he awoke from sleep, and the divine voice was ringing in his ears. He sat upright and did on his soft tunic, fair and glistering, and about him cast his great cloak, and beneath his shining feet he bound his fair sandals, 2.41. / who was yet to bring woes and groanings on Trojans alike and Danaans throughout the course of stubborn fights. Then he awoke from sleep, and the divine voice was ringing in his ears. He sat upright and did on his soft tunic, fair and glistering, and about him cast his great cloak, and beneath his shining feet he bound his fair sandals, 2.42. / who was yet to bring woes and groanings on Trojans alike and Danaans throughout the course of stubborn fights. Then he awoke from sleep, and the divine voice was ringing in his ears. He sat upright and did on his soft tunic, fair and glistering, and about him cast his great cloak, and beneath his shining feet he bound his fair sandals, 2.43. / who was yet to bring woes and groanings on Trojans alike and Danaans throughout the course of stubborn fights. Then he awoke from sleep, and the divine voice was ringing in his ears. He sat upright and did on his soft tunic, fair and glistering, and about him cast his great cloak, and beneath his shining feet he bound his fair sandals, 2.44. / who was yet to bring woes and groanings on Trojans alike and Danaans throughout the course of stubborn fights. Then he awoke from sleep, and the divine voice was ringing in his ears. He sat upright and did on his soft tunic, fair and glistering, and about him cast his great cloak, and beneath his shining feet he bound his fair sandals, 2.45. / and about his shoulders flung his silver-studded sword; and he grasped the sceptre of his fathers, imperishable ever, and therewith took his way along the ships of the brazen-coated Achaeans.Now the goddess Dawn went up to high Olympus, to announce the light to Zeus and the other immortals, 2.46. / and about his shoulders flung his silver-studded sword; and he grasped the sceptre of his fathers, imperishable ever, and therewith took his way along the ships of the brazen-coated Achaeans.Now the goddess Dawn went up to high Olympus, to announce the light to Zeus and the other immortals, 2.47. / and about his shoulders flung his silver-studded sword; and he grasped the sceptre of his fathers, imperishable ever, and therewith took his way along the ships of the brazen-coated Achaeans.Now the goddess Dawn went up to high Olympus, to announce the light to Zeus and the other immortals, 2.48. / and about his shoulders flung his silver-studded sword; and he grasped the sceptre of his fathers, imperishable ever, and therewith took his way along the ships of the brazen-coated Achaeans.Now the goddess Dawn went up to high Olympus, to announce the light to Zeus and the other immortals, 2.49. / and about his shoulders flung his silver-studded sword; and he grasped the sceptre of his fathers, imperishable ever, and therewith took his way along the ships of the brazen-coated Achaeans.Now the goddess Dawn went up to high Olympus, to announce the light to Zeus and the other immortals, 2.50. / but Agamemnon bade the clear-voiced heralds summon to the place of gathering the long-haired Achaeans. And they made summons, and the men gathered full quickly.But the king first made the council of the great-souled elders to sit down beside the ship of Nestor, the king Pylos-born. 2.51. / but Agamemnon bade the clear-voiced heralds summon to the place of gathering the long-haired Achaeans. And they made summons, and the men gathered full quickly.But the king first made the council of the great-souled elders to sit down beside the ship of Nestor, the king Pylos-born. 2.52. / but Agamemnon bade the clear-voiced heralds summon to the place of gathering the long-haired Achaeans. And they made summons, and the men gathered full quickly.But the king first made the council of the great-souled elders to sit down beside the ship of Nestor, the king Pylos-born. 2.53. / but Agamemnon bade the clear-voiced heralds summon to the place of gathering the long-haired Achaeans. And they made summons, and the men gathered full quickly.But the king first made the council of the great-souled elders to sit down beside the ship of Nestor, the king Pylos-born. 2.54. / but Agamemnon bade the clear-voiced heralds summon to the place of gathering the long-haired Achaeans. And they made summons, and the men gathered full quickly.But the king first made the council of the great-souled elders to sit down beside the ship of Nestor, the king Pylos-born. 2.55. / And when he had called them together, he contrived a cunning plan, and said:Hearken, my friends, a Dream from heaven came to me in my sleep through the ambrosial night, and most like was it to goodly Nestor, in form and in stature and in build. It took its stand above my head, and spake to me, saying: 2.56. / And when he had called them together, he contrived a cunning plan, and said:Hearken, my friends, a Dream from heaven came to me in my sleep through the ambrosial night, and most like was it to goodly Nestor, in form and in stature and in build. It took its stand above my head, and spake to me, saying: 2.57. / And when he had called them together, he contrived a cunning plan, and said:Hearken, my friends, a Dream from heaven came to me in my sleep through the ambrosial night, and most like was it to goodly Nestor, in form and in stature and in build. It took its stand above my head, and spake to me, saying: 2.58. / And when he had called them together, he contrived a cunning plan, and said:Hearken, my friends, a Dream from heaven came to me in my sleep through the ambrosial night, and most like was it to goodly Nestor, in form and in stature and in build. It took its stand above my head, and spake to me, saying: 2.59. / And when he had called them together, he contrived a cunning plan, and said:Hearken, my friends, a Dream from heaven came to me in my sleep through the ambrosial night, and most like was it to goodly Nestor, in form and in stature and in build. It took its stand above my head, and spake to me, saying: 2.60. / ‘Thou sleepest, son of wise-hearted Atreus, the tamer of horses. To sleep the whole night through beseemeth not a man that is a counsellor, to whom a host is entrusted, and upon whom rest so many cares. But now, hearken thou quickly unto me, for I am a messenger to thee from Zeus, who, far away though he be, hath exceeding care for thee and pity. 2.61. / ‘Thou sleepest, son of wise-hearted Atreus, the tamer of horses. To sleep the whole night through beseemeth not a man that is a counsellor, to whom a host is entrusted, and upon whom rest so many cares. But now, hearken thou quickly unto me, for I am a messenger to thee from Zeus, who, far away though he be, hath exceeding care for thee and pity. 2.62. / ‘Thou sleepest, son of wise-hearted Atreus, the tamer of horses. To sleep the whole night through beseemeth not a man that is a counsellor, to whom a host is entrusted, and upon whom rest so many cares. But now, hearken thou quickly unto me, for I am a messenger to thee from Zeus, who, far away though he be, hath exceeding care for thee and pity. 2.63. / ‘Thou sleepest, son of wise-hearted Atreus, the tamer of horses. To sleep the whole night through beseemeth not a man that is a counsellor, to whom a host is entrusted, and upon whom rest so many cares. But now, hearken thou quickly unto me, for I am a messenger to thee from Zeus, who, far away though he be, hath exceeding care for thee and pity. 2.64. / ‘Thou sleepest, son of wise-hearted Atreus, the tamer of horses. To sleep the whole night through beseemeth not a man that is a counsellor, to whom a host is entrusted, and upon whom rest so many cares. But now, hearken thou quickly unto me, for I am a messenger to thee from Zeus, who, far away though he be, hath exceeding care for thee and pity. 2.65. / He biddeth thee arm the long-haired Achaeans with all speed, since now thou mayest take the broad-wayed city of the Trojans. For the immortals that have homes upon Olympus are no longer divided in counsel, since Hera hath bent the minds of all by her supplication, and over the Trojans hang woes by the will of Zeus. 2.66. / He biddeth thee arm the long-haired Achaeans with all speed, since now thou mayest take the broad-wayed city of the Trojans. For the immortals that have homes upon Olympus are no longer divided in counsel, since Hera hath bent the minds of all by her supplication, and over the Trojans hang woes by the will of Zeus. 2.67. / He biddeth thee arm the long-haired Achaeans with all speed, since now thou mayest take the broad-wayed city of the Trojans. For the immortals that have homes upon Olympus are no longer divided in counsel, since Hera hath bent the minds of all by her supplication, and over the Trojans hang woes by the will of Zeus. 2.68. / He biddeth thee arm the long-haired Achaeans with all speed, since now thou mayest take the broad-wayed city of the Trojans. For the immortals that have homes upon Olympus are no longer divided in counsel, since Hera hath bent the minds of all by her supplication, and over the Trojans hang woes by the will of Zeus. 2.69. / He biddeth thee arm the long-haired Achaeans with all speed, since now thou mayest take the broad-wayed city of the Trojans. For the immortals that have homes upon Olympus are no longer divided in counsel, since Hera hath bent the minds of all by her supplication, and over the Trojans hang woes by the will of Zeus. 2.70. / But do thou keep this in thy heart.’ So spake he, and was flown away, and sweet sleep let me go. Nay, come now, if in any wise we may, let us arm the sons of the Achaeans; but first will I make trial of them in speech, as is right, and will bid them flee with their benched ships; 2.71. / But do thou keep this in thy heart.’ So spake he, and was flown away, and sweet sleep let me go. Nay, come now, if in any wise we may, let us arm the sons of the Achaeans; but first will I make trial of them in speech, as is right, and will bid them flee with their benched ships; 2.72. / But do thou keep this in thy heart.’ So spake he, and was flown away, and sweet sleep let me go. Nay, come now, if in any wise we may, let us arm the sons of the Achaeans; but first will I make trial of them in speech, as is right, and will bid them flee with their benched ships; 2.73. / But do thou keep this in thy heart.’ So spake he, and was flown away, and sweet sleep let me go. Nay, come now, if in any wise we may, let us arm the sons of the Achaeans; but first will I make trial of them in speech, as is right, and will bid them flee with their benched ships; 2.74. / But do thou keep this in thy heart.’ So spake he, and was flown away, and sweet sleep let me go. Nay, come now, if in any wise we may, let us arm the sons of the Achaeans; but first will I make trial of them in speech, as is right, and will bid them flee with their benched ships; 2.75. / but do you from this side and from that bespeak them, and strive to hold them back. 2.734. / and Oechalia, city of Oechalian Eurytus, these again were led by the two sons of Asclepius, the skilled leeches Podaleirius and Machaon. And with these were ranged thirty hollow ships. And they that held Ormenius and the fountain Hypereia, 2.735. / and that held Asterium and the white crests of Titanus, these were led by Eurypylus, the glorious son of Euaemon. And with him there followed forty black ships.And they that held Argissa, and dwelt in Gyrtone, Orthe, and Elone, and the white city of Oloösson, 2.736. / and that held Asterium and the white crests of Titanus, these were led by Eurypylus, the glorious son of Euaemon. And with him there followed forty black ships.And they that held Argissa, and dwelt in Gyrtone, Orthe, and Elone, and the white city of Oloösson, 2.737. / and that held Asterium and the white crests of Titanus, these were led by Eurypylus, the glorious son of Euaemon. And with him there followed forty black ships.And they that held Argissa, and dwelt in Gyrtone, Orthe, and Elone, and the white city of Oloösson, 2.862. / but was slain beneath the hands of the son of Aeacus, swift of foot, in the river, where Achilles was making havoc of the Trojans and the others as well.And Phorcys and godlike Ascanius led the Phrygians from afar, from Ascania, and were eager to fight in the press of battle.And the Maeonians had captains twain, Mesthles and Antiphus, 2.863. / but was slain beneath the hands of the son of Aeacus, swift of foot, in the river, where Achilles was making havoc of the Trojans and the others as well.And Phorcys and godlike Ascanius led the Phrygians from afar, from Ascania, and were eager to fight in the press of battle.And the Maeonians had captains twain, Mesthles and Antiphus, 2.864. / but was slain beneath the hands of the son of Aeacus, swift of foot, in the river, where Achilles was making havoc of the Trojans and the others as well.And Phorcys and godlike Ascanius led the Phrygians from afar, from Ascania, and were eager to fight in the press of battle.And the Maeonians had captains twain, Mesthles and Antiphus, 2.865. / the two sons of TaIaemenes, whose mother was the nymph of the Gygaean lake; and they led the Maeonians, whose birth was beneath Tmolas.And Nastes again led the Carians, uncouth of speech, who held Miletus and the mountain of Phthires, dense with its leafage, and the streams of Maeander, and the steep crests of Mycale. 2.866. / the two sons of TaIaemenes, whose mother was the nymph of the Gygaean lake; and they led the Maeonians, whose birth was beneath Tmolas.And Nastes again led the Carians, uncouth of speech, who held Miletus and the mountain of Phthires, dense with its leafage, and the streams of Maeander, and the steep crests of Mycale. 4.378. / met him, neither saw him; but men say that he was pre-eminent over all. Once verily he came to Mycenae, not as an enemy, but as a guest, in company with godlike Polyneices, to gather a host; for in that day they were waging a war against the sacred walls of Thebe, and earnestly did they make prayer that glorious allies be granted them; 4.406. / We declare ourselves to be better men by far than our fathers: we took the seat of Thebe of the seven gates, when we twain had gathered a lesser host against a stronger wall, putting our trust in the portents of the gods and in the aid of Zeus; whereas they perished through their own blind folly. 5.76. / So he fell in the dust, and bit the cold bronze with his teeth.And Eurypylus, son of Euaemon, slew goodly Hypsenor, son of Dolopion high of heart, that was made priest of Scamander, and was honoured of the folk even as a god—upon him did Eurypylus, Euaemon's glorious son, 5.77. / So he fell in the dust, and bit the cold bronze with his teeth.And Eurypylus, son of Euaemon, slew goodly Hypsenor, son of Dolopion high of heart, that was made priest of Scamander, and was honoured of the folk even as a god—upon him did Eurypylus, Euaemon's glorious son, 5.78. / So he fell in the dust, and bit the cold bronze with his teeth.And Eurypylus, son of Euaemon, slew goodly Hypsenor, son of Dolopion high of heart, that was made priest of Scamander, and was honoured of the folk even as a god—upon him did Eurypylus, Euaemon's glorious son, 5.79. / So he fell in the dust, and bit the cold bronze with his teeth.And Eurypylus, son of Euaemon, slew goodly Hypsenor, son of Dolopion high of heart, that was made priest of Scamander, and was honoured of the folk even as a god—upon him did Eurypylus, Euaemon's glorious son, 5.80. / rush with his sword as he fled before him, and in mid-course smite him upon the shoulder and lop off his heavy arm. So the arm all bloody fell to the ground; and down over his eyes came dark death and mighty fate. 5.81. / rush with his sword as he fled before him, and in mid-course smite him upon the shoulder and lop off his heavy arm. So the arm all bloody fell to the ground; and down over his eyes came dark death and mighty fate. 5.82. / rush with his sword as he fled before him, and in mid-course smite him upon the shoulder and lop off his heavy arm. So the arm all bloody fell to the ground; and down over his eyes came dark death and mighty fate. 5.83. / rush with his sword as he fled before him, and in mid-course smite him upon the shoulder and lop off his heavy arm. So the arm all bloody fell to the ground; and down over his eyes came dark death and mighty fate. 6.223. / and Bellerophon a double cup of gold which I left in my palace as I came hither. But Tydeus I remember not, seeing I was but a little child when he left, what time the host of the Achaeans perished at Thebes. Therefore now am I a dear guest-friend to thee in the midst of Argos, 7.452. / but gave not glorious hecatombs to the gods? of a surety shall the fame thereof reach as far as the dawn spreadeth, and men will forget the wall that I and Phoebus Apollo built with toil for the warrior Laomedon. Then greatly troubled, Zeus, the cloud-gatherer, spake to him: 7.453. / but gave not glorious hecatombs to the gods? of a surety shall the fame thereof reach as far as the dawn spreadeth, and men will forget the wall that I and Phoebus Apollo built with toil for the warrior Laomedon. Then greatly troubled, Zeus, the cloud-gatherer, spake to him: 9.404. / and to have joy of the possessions that the old man Peleus won him. For in my eyes not of like worth with life is even all that wealth that men say Ilios possessed, the well-peopled citadel, of old in time of peace or ever the sons of the Achaeans came,—nay, nor all that the marble threshold of the Archer 9.405. / Phoebus Apollo encloseth in rocky Pytho. For by harrying may cattle be had and goodly sheep, and tripods by the winning and chestnut horses withal; but that the spirit of man should come again when once it hath passed the barrier of his teeth, neither harrying availeth nor winning. 9.570. / the while she knelt and made the folds of her bosom wet with tears, that they should bring death upon her son; and the Erinys that walketh in darkness heard her from Erebus, even she of the ungentle heart. Now anon was the din of the foemen risen about their gates, and the noise of the battering of walls, and to Meleager the elders 9.575. / of the Aetolians made prayer, sending to him the best of the priests of the gods, that he should come forth and succour them, and they promised him a mighty gift; they bade him, where the plain of lovely Calydon was fattest, there choose a fair tract of fifty acres, the half of it vineland, 9.576. / of the Aetolians made prayer, sending to him the best of the priests of the gods, that he should come forth and succour them, and they promised him a mighty gift; they bade him, where the plain of lovely Calydon was fattest, there choose a fair tract of fifty acres, the half of it vineland, 9.577. / of the Aetolians made prayer, sending to him the best of the priests of the gods, that he should come forth and succour them, and they promised him a mighty gift; they bade him, where the plain of lovely Calydon was fattest, there choose a fair tract of fifty acres, the half of it vineland, 9.578. / of the Aetolians made prayer, sending to him the best of the priests of the gods, that he should come forth and succour them, and they promised him a mighty gift; they bade him, where the plain of lovely Calydon was fattest, there choose a fair tract of fifty acres, the half of it vineland, 9.579. / of the Aetolians made prayer, sending to him the best of the priests of the gods, that he should come forth and succour them, and they promised him a mighty gift; they bade him, where the plain of lovely Calydon was fattest, there choose a fair tract of fifty acres, the half of it vineland, 9.580. / and the half clear plough-land, to be cut from out the plain. 9.581. / and the half clear plough-land, to be cut from out the plain. 9.582. / and the half clear plough-land, to be cut from out the plain. 9.583. / and the half clear plough-land, to be cut from out the plain. 9.584. / and the half clear plough-land, to be cut from out the plain. And earnestly the old horseman Oeneus besought him, standing upon the threshold of his high-roofed chamber, and shaking the jointed doors, in prayer to his son, and earnestly too did his sisters and his honoured mother beseech him 9.585. / —but he denied them yet more—and earnestly his companions that were truest and dearest to him of all; yet not even so could they persuade the heart in his breast, until at the last his chamber was being hotly battered, and the Curetes were mounting upon the walls and firing the great city. 9.586. / —but he denied them yet more—and earnestly his companions that were truest and dearest to him of all; yet not even so could they persuade the heart in his breast, until at the last his chamber was being hotly battered, and the Curetes were mounting upon the walls and firing the great city. 9.587. / —but he denied them yet more—and earnestly his companions that were truest and dearest to him of all; yet not even so could they persuade the heart in his breast, until at the last his chamber was being hotly battered, and the Curetes were mounting upon the walls and firing the great city. 9.588. / —but he denied them yet more—and earnestly his companions that were truest and dearest to him of all; yet not even so could they persuade the heart in his breast, until at the last his chamber was being hotly battered, and the Curetes were mounting upon the walls and firing the great city. 9.589. / —but he denied them yet more—and earnestly his companions that were truest and dearest to him of all; yet not even so could they persuade the heart in his breast, until at the last his chamber was being hotly battered, and the Curetes were mounting upon the walls and firing the great city. 9.590. / Then verily his fair-girdled wife besought Meleager with wailing, and told him all the woes that come on men whose city is taken; the men are slain and the city is wasted by fire, and their children and low-girdled women are led captive of strangers. 9.591. / Then verily his fair-girdled wife besought Meleager with wailing, and told him all the woes that come on men whose city is taken; the men are slain and the city is wasted by fire, and their children and low-girdled women are led captive of strangers. 9.592. / Then verily his fair-girdled wife besought Meleager with wailing, and told him all the woes that come on men whose city is taken; the men are slain and the city is wasted by fire, and their children and low-girdled women are led captive of strangers. 10.286. / Follow now with me even as thou didst follow with my father, goodly Tydeus, into Thebes, what time he went forth as a messenger of the Achaeans. Them he left by the Asopus, the brazen-coated Achaeans, and he bare a gentle word thither to the Cadmeians; but as he journeyed back he devised deeds right terrible 11.386. / Bowman, reviler, proud of thy curling locks, thou ogler of girls! O that thou wouldst make trial of me man to man in armour, then would thy bow and thy swift-falling arrows help thee not; whereas now having but grazed the flat of my foot thou boastest vainly. I reck not thereof, any more than if a woman had struck me or a witless child, 11.387. / Bowman, reviler, proud of thy curling locks, thou ogler of girls! O that thou wouldst make trial of me man to man in armour, then would thy bow and thy swift-falling arrows help thee not; whereas now having but grazed the flat of my foot thou boastest vainly. I reck not thereof, any more than if a woman had struck me or a witless child, 11.388. / Bowman, reviler, proud of thy curling locks, thou ogler of girls! O that thou wouldst make trial of me man to man in armour, then would thy bow and thy swift-falling arrows help thee not; whereas now having but grazed the flat of my foot thou boastest vainly. I reck not thereof, any more than if a woman had struck me or a witless child, 11.389. / Bowman, reviler, proud of thy curling locks, thou ogler of girls! O that thou wouldst make trial of me man to man in armour, then would thy bow and thy swift-falling arrows help thee not; whereas now having but grazed the flat of my foot thou boastest vainly. I reck not thereof, any more than if a woman had struck me or a witless child, 11.390. / for blunt is the dart of one that is a weakling and a man of naught. Verily in other wise when sped by my hand, even though it do but touch, does the spear prove its edge, and forthwith layeth low its man; torn then with wailing are the two cheeks of his wife, and his children fatherless, while he, reddening the earth with his blood, 11.391. / for blunt is the dart of one that is a weakling and a man of naught. Verily in other wise when sped by my hand, even though it do but touch, does the spear prove its edge, and forthwith layeth low its man; torn then with wailing are the two cheeks of his wife, and his children fatherless, while he, reddening the earth with his blood, 11.392. / for blunt is the dart of one that is a weakling and a man of naught. Verily in other wise when sped by my hand, even though it do but touch, does the spear prove its edge, and forthwith layeth low its man; torn then with wailing are the two cheeks of his wife, and his children fatherless, while he, reddening the earth with his blood, 11.393. / for blunt is the dart of one that is a weakling and a man of naught. Verily in other wise when sped by my hand, even though it do but touch, does the spear prove its edge, and forthwith layeth low its man; torn then with wailing are the two cheeks of his wife, and his children fatherless, while he, reddening the earth with his blood, 11.394. / for blunt is the dart of one that is a weakling and a man of naught. Verily in other wise when sped by my hand, even though it do but touch, does the spear prove its edge, and forthwith layeth low its man; torn then with wailing are the two cheeks of his wife, and his children fatherless, while he, reddening the earth with his blood, 11.395. / rotteth away, more birds than women around him. So spake he, and to him did Odysseus, famed for his spear, draw nigh, and take his stand before him, and Diomedes sat down behind him, and drew forth the sharp arrow from his foot, and a sore pang shot through his flesh. Then leapt he upon his chariot and bade his charioteer 14.415. / and a dread reek of brimstone ariseth therefrom—then verily courage no longer possesseth him that looketh thereon and standeth near by, for dread is the bolt of great Zeus—even so fell mighty Hector forthwith to the ground in the dust. And the spear fell from his hand, but the shield was hurled upon him, 20.208. / but with sight of eyes hast thou never seen my parents nor I thine. Men say that thou art son of peerless Peleus, and that thy mother was fair-tressed Thetis, a daughter of the sea; but for me, I declare thiat I am son of great-hearted Anchises, and my mother is Aphrodite. 20.209. / but with sight of eyes hast thou never seen my parents nor I thine. Men say that thou art son of peerless Peleus, and that thy mother was fair-tressed Thetis, a daughter of the sea; but for me, I declare thiat I am son of great-hearted Anchises, and my mother is Aphrodite. 20.213. / of these shall one pair or the other mourn a dear son this day; for verily not with childish words, I deem, shall we twain thus part one from the other and return from out the battle. Howbeit, if thou wilt, hear this also, that thou mayest know well my lineage, and many there be that know it: 20.214. / of these shall one pair or the other mourn a dear son this day; for verily not with childish words, I deem, shall we twain thus part one from the other and return from out the battle. Howbeit, if thou wilt, hear this also, that thou mayest know well my lineage, and many there be that know it: 20.215. / at the first Zeus, the cloud-gatherer, begat Dardanus, and he founded Dardania, for not yet was sacred Ilios builded in the plain to be a city of mortal men, but they still dwelt upon the slopes of many-fountained Ida. And Dardanus in turn begat a son, king Erichthonius, 20.216. / at the first Zeus, the cloud-gatherer, begat Dardanus, and he founded Dardania, for not yet was sacred Ilios builded in the plain to be a city of mortal men, but they still dwelt upon the slopes of many-fountained Ida. And Dardanus in turn begat a son, king Erichthonius, 20.217. / at the first Zeus, the cloud-gatherer, begat Dardanus, and he founded Dardania, for not yet was sacred Ilios builded in the plain to be a city of mortal men, but they still dwelt upon the slopes of many-fountained Ida. And Dardanus in turn begat a son, king Erichthonius, 20.218. / at the first Zeus, the cloud-gatherer, begat Dardanus, and he founded Dardania, for not yet was sacred Ilios builded in the plain to be a city of mortal men, but they still dwelt upon the slopes of many-fountained Ida. And Dardanus in turn begat a son, king Erichthonius, 20.219. / at the first Zeus, the cloud-gatherer, begat Dardanus, and he founded Dardania, for not yet was sacred Ilios builded in the plain to be a city of mortal men, but they still dwelt upon the slopes of many-fountained Ida. And Dardanus in turn begat a son, king Erichthonius, 20.220. / who became richest of mortal men. Three thousand steeds had he that pastured in the marsh-land; mares were they. rejoicing in their tender foals. of these as they grazed the North Wind became enamoured, and he likened himself to a dark-maned stallion and covered them; 20.221. / who became richest of mortal men. Three thousand steeds had he that pastured in the marsh-land; mares were they. rejoicing in their tender foals. of these as they grazed the North Wind became enamoured, and he likened himself to a dark-maned stallion and covered them; 20.222. / who became richest of mortal men. Three thousand steeds had he that pastured in the marsh-land; mares were they. rejoicing in their tender foals. of these as they grazed the North Wind became enamoured, and he likened himself to a dark-maned stallion and covered them; 20.223. / who became richest of mortal men. Three thousand steeds had he that pastured in the marsh-land; mares were they. rejoicing in their tender foals. of these as they grazed the North Wind became enamoured, and he likened himself to a dark-maned stallion and covered them; 20.224. / who became richest of mortal men. Three thousand steeds had he that pastured in the marsh-land; mares were they. rejoicing in their tender foals. of these as they grazed the North Wind became enamoured, and he likened himself to a dark-maned stallion and covered them; 20.225. / and they conceived, and bare twelve fillies These, when they bounded over the earth, the giver of grain, would course over the topmost ears of ripened corn and break them not, and whenso they bounded over the broad back of the sea, would course over the topmost breakers of the hoary brine. 20.226. / and they conceived, and bare twelve fillies These, when they bounded over the earth, the giver of grain, would course over the topmost ears of ripened corn and break them not, and whenso they bounded over the broad back of the sea, would course over the topmost breakers of the hoary brine. 20.227. / and they conceived, and bare twelve fillies These, when they bounded over the earth, the giver of grain, would course over the topmost ears of ripened corn and break them not, and whenso they bounded over the broad back of the sea, would course over the topmost breakers of the hoary brine. 20.228. / and they conceived, and bare twelve fillies These, when they bounded over the earth, the giver of grain, would course over the topmost ears of ripened corn and break them not, and whenso they bounded over the broad back of the sea, would course over the topmost breakers of the hoary brine. 20.229. / and they conceived, and bare twelve fillies These, when they bounded over the earth, the giver of grain, would course over the topmost ears of ripened corn and break them not, and whenso they bounded over the broad back of the sea, would course over the topmost breakers of the hoary brine. 20.230. / And Erichthonius begat Tros to be king among the Trojans, and from Tros again three peerless sons were born, Ilus, and Assaracus, and godlike Ganymedes that was born the fairest of mortal men; wherefore the gods caught him up on high to be cupbearer to Zeus by reason of his beauty, that he might dwell with the immortals. 20.231. / And Erichthonius begat Tros to be king among the Trojans, and from Tros again three peerless sons were born, Ilus, and Assaracus, and godlike Ganymedes that was born the fairest of mortal men; wherefore the gods caught him up on high to be cupbearer to Zeus by reason of his beauty, that he might dwell with the immortals. 20.232. / And Erichthonius begat Tros to be king among the Trojans, and from Tros again three peerless sons were born, Ilus, and Assaracus, and godlike Ganymedes that was born the fairest of mortal men; wherefore the gods caught him up on high to be cupbearer to Zeus by reason of his beauty, that he might dwell with the immortals. 20.233. / And Erichthonius begat Tros to be king among the Trojans, and from Tros again three peerless sons were born, Ilus, and Assaracus, and godlike Ganymedes that was born the fairest of mortal men; wherefore the gods caught him up on high to be cupbearer to Zeus by reason of his beauty, that he might dwell with the immortals. 20.234. / And Erichthonius begat Tros to be king among the Trojans, and from Tros again three peerless sons were born, Ilus, and Assaracus, and godlike Ganymedes that was born the fairest of mortal men; wherefore the gods caught him up on high to be cupbearer to Zeus by reason of his beauty, that he might dwell with the immortals. 20.235. / And Ilus again begat a son, peerless Laomedon, and Laomedon begat Tithonus and Priam and Clytius, and Hicetaon, scion of Ares. And Assaracus begat Capys, and he Anchises; but Anchises begat me and Priam goodly Hector. 20.236. / And Ilus again begat a son, peerless Laomedon, and Laomedon begat Tithonus and Priam and Clytius, and Hicetaon, scion of Ares. And Assaracus begat Capys, and he Anchises; but Anchises begat me and Priam goodly Hector. 20.237. / And Ilus again begat a son, peerless Laomedon, and Laomedon begat Tithonus and Priam and Clytius, and Hicetaon, scion of Ares. And Assaracus begat Capys, and he Anchises; but Anchises begat me and Priam goodly Hector. 20.238. / And Ilus again begat a son, peerless Laomedon, and Laomedon begat Tithonus and Priam and Clytius, and Hicetaon, scion of Ares. And Assaracus begat Capys, and he Anchises; but Anchises begat me and Priam goodly Hector. 20.239. / And Ilus again begat a son, peerless Laomedon, and Laomedon begat Tithonus and Priam and Clytius, and Hicetaon, scion of Ares. And Assaracus begat Capys, and he Anchises; but Anchises begat me and Priam goodly Hector. 20.240. / This then is the lineage amid the blood wherefrom I avow me sprung. 20.241. / This then is the lineage amid the blood wherefrom I avow me sprung. 20.242. / This then is the lineage amid the blood wherefrom I avow me sprung. 20.243. / This then is the lineage amid the blood wherefrom I avow me sprung. 20.307. / from mortal women. For at length hath the son of Cronos come to hate the race of Priam; and now verily shall the mighty Aeneas be king among the Trojans, and his sons' sons that shall be born in days to come. 20.308. / from mortal women. For at length hath the son of Cronos come to hate the race of Priam; and now verily shall the mighty Aeneas be king among the Trojans, and his sons' sons that shall be born in days to come. 22.359. / Then even in dying spake unto him Hector of the flashing helm:Verily I know thee well, and forbode what shall be, neither was it to be that I should persuade thee; of a truth the heart in thy breast is of iron. Bethink thee now lest haply I bring the wrath of the gods upon thee on the day when Paris and Phoebus Apollo shall slay thee, 23.74. / Not in my life wast thou unmindful of me, but now in my death! Bury me with all speed, that I pass within the gates of Hades. Afar do the spirits keep me aloof, the phantoms of men that have done with toils, neither suffer they me to join myself to them beyond the River, but vainly I wander through the wide-gated house of Hades. 23.679. / that they may bear him forth when worsted by my hands. So spake he, and they all became hushed in silence. Euryalus alone uprose to face him, a godlike man, son of king Mecisteus, son of Talaus, who on a time had come to Thebes for the burial of Oedipus, 24.328. / driven of wise-hearted Idaeus, and behind came the horses that the old man ever plying the lash drave swiftly through the city; and his kinsfolk all followed wailing aloud as for one faring to his death. But when they had gone down from the city and were come to the plain, 24.468. / But go thou in, and clasp the knees of the son of Peleus and entreat him by his father and his fair-haired mother and his child, that thou mayest stir his soul. 24.469. / But go thou in, and clasp the knees of the son of Peleus and entreat him by his father and his fair-haired mother and his child, that thou mayest stir his soul. So spake Hermes, and departed unto high Olympus; and Priam leapt from his chariot to the ground, 24.470. / and left there Idaeus, who abode holding the horses and mules; but the old man went straight toward the house where Achilles, dear to Zeus, was wont to sit. Therein he found Achilles, but his comrades sat apart: two only, the warrior Automedon and Alcimus, scion of Ares, 24.471. / and left there Idaeus, who abode holding the horses and mules; but the old man went straight toward the house where Achilles, dear to Zeus, was wont to sit. Therein he found Achilles, but his comrades sat apart: two only, the warrior Automedon and Alcimus, scion of Ares, 24.472. / and left there Idaeus, who abode holding the horses and mules; but the old man went straight toward the house where Achilles, dear to Zeus, was wont to sit. Therein he found Achilles, but his comrades sat apart: two only, the warrior Automedon and Alcimus, scion of Ares, 24.473. / and left there Idaeus, who abode holding the horses and mules; but the old man went straight toward the house where Achilles, dear to Zeus, was wont to sit. Therein he found Achilles, but his comrades sat apart: two only, the warrior Automedon and Alcimus, scion of Ares, 24.474. / and left there Idaeus, who abode holding the horses and mules; but the old man went straight toward the house where Achilles, dear to Zeus, was wont to sit. Therein he found Achilles, but his comrades sat apart: two only, the warrior Automedon and Alcimus, scion of Ares, 24.475. / waited busily upon him; and he was newly ceased from meat, even from eating and drinking, and the table yet stood by his side. Unseen of these great Priam entered in, and coming close to Achilles, clasped in his hands his knees, and kissed his hands, the terrible, man-slaying hands that had slain his many sons. 24.476. / waited busily upon him; and he was newly ceased from meat, even from eating and drinking, and the table yet stood by his side. Unseen of these great Priam entered in, and coming close to Achilles, clasped in his hands his knees, and kissed his hands, the terrible, man-slaying hands that had slain his many sons. 24.477. / waited busily upon him; and he was newly ceased from meat, even from eating and drinking, and the table yet stood by his side. Unseen of these great Priam entered in, and coming close to Achilles, clasped in his hands his knees, and kissed his hands, the terrible, man-slaying hands that had slain his many sons. 24.478. / waited busily upon him; and he was newly ceased from meat, even from eating and drinking, and the table yet stood by his side. Unseen of these great Priam entered in, and coming close to Achilles, clasped in his hands his knees, and kissed his hands, the terrible, man-slaying hands that had slain his many sons. 24.479. / waited busily upon him; and he was newly ceased from meat, even from eating and drinking, and the table yet stood by his side. Unseen of these great Priam entered in, and coming close to Achilles, clasped in his hands his knees, and kissed his hands, the terrible, man-slaying hands that had slain his many sons. 24.480. / And as when sore blindness of heart cometh upon a man, that in his own country slayeth another and escapeth to a land of strangers, to the house of some man of substance, and wonder holdeth them that look upon him; even so was Achilles seized with wonder at sight of godlike Priam, and seized with wonder were the others likewise, and they glanced one at the other. 24.481. / And as when sore blindness of heart cometh upon a man, that in his own country slayeth another and escapeth to a land of strangers, to the house of some man of substance, and wonder holdeth them that look upon him; even so was Achilles seized with wonder at sight of godlike Priam, and seized with wonder were the others likewise, and they glanced one at the other. 24.482. / And as when sore blindness of heart cometh upon a man, that in his own country slayeth another and escapeth to a land of strangers, to the house of some man of substance, and wonder holdeth them that look upon him; even so was Achilles seized with wonder at sight of godlike Priam, and seized with wonder were the others likewise, and they glanced one at the other. 24.483. / And as when sore blindness of heart cometh upon a man, that in his own country slayeth another and escapeth to a land of strangers, to the house of some man of substance, and wonder holdeth them that look upon him; even so was Achilles seized with wonder at sight of godlike Priam, and seized with wonder were the others likewise, and they glanced one at the other. 24.484. / And as when sore blindness of heart cometh upon a man, that in his own country slayeth another and escapeth to a land of strangers, to the house of some man of substance, and wonder holdeth them that look upon him; even so was Achilles seized with wonder at sight of godlike Priam, and seized with wonder were the others likewise, and they glanced one at the other. 24.485. / But Priam made entreaty, and spake to him, saying:Remember thy father, O Achilles like to the gods, whose years are even as mine, on the grievous threshold of old age. Him full likely the dwellers that be round about are entreating evilly, neither is there any to ward from him ruin and bane. 24.486. / But Priam made entreaty, and spake to him, saying:Remember thy father, O Achilles like to the gods, whose years are even as mine, on the grievous threshold of old age. Him full likely the dwellers that be round about are entreating evilly, neither is there any to ward from him ruin and bane. 24.487. / But Priam made entreaty, and spake to him, saying:Remember thy father, O Achilles like to the gods, whose years are even as mine, on the grievous threshold of old age. Him full likely the dwellers that be round about are entreating evilly, neither is there any to ward from him ruin and bane. 24.488. / But Priam made entreaty, and spake to him, saying:Remember thy father, O Achilles like to the gods, whose years are even as mine, on the grievous threshold of old age. Him full likely the dwellers that be round about are entreating evilly, neither is there any to ward from him ruin and bane. 24.489. / But Priam made entreaty, and spake to him, saying:Remember thy father, O Achilles like to the gods, whose years are even as mine, on the grievous threshold of old age. Him full likely the dwellers that be round about are entreating evilly, neither is there any to ward from him ruin and bane. 24.490. / Howbeit, while he heareth of thee as yet alive he hath joy at heart, and therewithal hopeth day by day that he shall see his dear son returning from Troy-land. But I—I am utterly unblest, seeing I begat sons the best in the broad land of Troy, yet of them I avow that not one is left. 24.491. / Howbeit, while he heareth of thee as yet alive he hath joy at heart, and therewithal hopeth day by day that he shall see his dear son returning from Troy-land. But I—I am utterly unblest, seeing I begat sons the best in the broad land of Troy, yet of them I avow that not one is left. 24.492. / Howbeit, while he heareth of thee as yet alive he hath joy at heart, and therewithal hopeth day by day that he shall see his dear son returning from Troy-land. But I—I am utterly unblest, seeing I begat sons the best in the broad land of Troy, yet of them I avow that not one is left. 24.493. / Howbeit, while he heareth of thee as yet alive he hath joy at heart, and therewithal hopeth day by day that he shall see his dear son returning from Troy-land. But I—I am utterly unblest, seeing I begat sons the best in the broad land of Troy, yet of them I avow that not one is left. 24.494. / Howbeit, while he heareth of thee as yet alive he hath joy at heart, and therewithal hopeth day by day that he shall see his dear son returning from Troy-land. But I—I am utterly unblest, seeing I begat sons the best in the broad land of Troy, yet of them I avow that not one is left. 24.495. / Fifty I had, when the sons of the Achaeans came; nineteen were born to me of the self-same womb, and the others women of the palace bare. of these, many as they were, furious Ares hath loosed the knees, and he that alone was left me, that by himself guarded the city and the men, 24.496. / Fifty I had, when the sons of the Achaeans came; nineteen were born to me of the self-same womb, and the others women of the palace bare. of these, many as they were, furious Ares hath loosed the knees, and he that alone was left me, that by himself guarded the city and the men, 24.497. / Fifty I had, when the sons of the Achaeans came; nineteen were born to me of the self-same womb, and the others women of the palace bare. of these, many as they were, furious Ares hath loosed the knees, and he that alone was left me, that by himself guarded the city and the men, 24.498. / Fifty I had, when the sons of the Achaeans came; nineteen were born to me of the self-same womb, and the others women of the palace bare. of these, many as they were, furious Ares hath loosed the knees, and he that alone was left me, that by himself guarded the city and the men, 24.499. / Fifty I had, when the sons of the Achaeans came; nineteen were born to me of the self-same womb, and the others women of the palace bare. of these, many as they were, furious Ares hath loosed the knees, and he that alone was left me, that by himself guarded the city and the men, 24.500. / him thou slewest but now as he fought for his country, even Hector. For his sake am I now come to the ships of the Achaeans to win him back from thee, and I bear with me ransom past counting. Nay, have thou awe of the gods, Achilles, and take pity on me, remembering thine own father. Lo, I am more piteous far than he, 24.501. / him thou slewest but now as he fought for his country, even Hector. For his sake am I now come to the ships of the Achaeans to win him back from thee, and I bear with me ransom past counting. Nay, have thou awe of the gods, Achilles, and take pity on me, remembering thine own father. Lo, I am more piteous far than he, 24.502. / him thou slewest but now as he fought for his country, even Hector. For his sake am I now come to the ships of the Achaeans to win him back from thee, and I bear with me ransom past counting. Nay, have thou awe of the gods, Achilles, and take pity on me, remembering thine own father. Lo, I am more piteous far than he, 24.503. / him thou slewest but now as he fought for his country, even Hector. For his sake am I now come to the ships of the Achaeans to win him back from thee, and I bear with me ransom past counting. Nay, have thou awe of the gods, Achilles, and take pity on me, remembering thine own father. Lo, I am more piteous far than he, 24.504. / him thou slewest but now as he fought for his country, even Hector. For his sake am I now come to the ships of the Achaeans to win him back from thee, and I bear with me ransom past counting. Nay, have thou awe of the gods, Achilles, and take pity on me, remembering thine own father. Lo, I am more piteous far than he, 24.505. / and have endured what no other mortal on the face of earth hath yet endured, to reach forth my hand to the face of him that hath slain my sons. 24.506. / and have endured what no other mortal on the face of earth hath yet endured, to reach forth my hand to the face of him that hath slain my sons. 24.507. / and have endured what no other mortal on the face of earth hath yet endured, to reach forth my hand to the face of him that hath slain my sons. 24.508. / and have endured what no other mortal on the face of earth hath yet endured, to reach forth my hand to the face of him that hath slain my sons. 24.509. / and have endured what no other mortal on the face of earth hath yet endured, to reach forth my hand to the face of him that hath slain my sons. So spake he, and in Achilles he roused desire to weep for his father; and he took the old man by the hand, and gently put him from him. So the twain bethought them of their dead, and wept; the one for man-slaying Hector wept sore, 24.510. / the while he grovelled at Achilles' feet, but Achilles wept for his own father, and now again for Patroclus; and the sound of their moaning went up through the house. But when goodly Achilles had had his fill of lamenting, and the longing therefor had departed from his heart and limbs, 24.511. / the while he grovelled at Achilles' feet, but Achilles wept for his own father, and now again for Patroclus; and the sound of their moaning went up through the house. But when goodly Achilles had had his fill of lamenting, and the longing therefor had departed from his heart and limbs, 24.512. / the while he grovelled at Achilles' feet, but Achilles wept for his own father, and now again for Patroclus; and the sound of their moaning went up through the house. But when goodly Achilles had had his fill of lamenting, and the longing therefor had departed from his heart and limbs, 24.513. / the while he grovelled at Achilles' feet, but Achilles wept for his own father, and now again for Patroclus; and the sound of their moaning went up through the house. But when goodly Achilles had had his fill of lamenting, and the longing therefor had departed from his heart and limbs, 24.514. / the while he grovelled at Achilles' feet, but Achilles wept for his own father, and now again for Patroclus; and the sound of their moaning went up through the house. But when goodly Achilles had had his fill of lamenting, and the longing therefor had departed from his heart and limbs, 24.515. / forthwith then he sprang from his seat, and raised the old man by his hand, pitying his hoary head and hoary beard; and he spake and addressed him with winged words: Ah, unhappy man, full many in good sooth are the evils thou hast endured in thy soul. How hadst thou the heart to come alone to the ships of the Achaeans, 24.516. / forthwith then he sprang from his seat, and raised the old man by his hand, pitying his hoary head and hoary beard; and he spake and addressed him with winged words: Ah, unhappy man, full many in good sooth are the evils thou hast endured in thy soul. How hadst thou the heart to come alone to the ships of the Achaeans, 24.525. / For on this wise have the gods spun the thread for wretched mortals, that they should live in pain; and themselves are sorrowless. For two urns are set upon the floor of Zeus of gifts that he giveth, the one of ills, the other of blessings. To whomsoever Zeus, that hurleth the thunderbolt, giveth a mingled lot, 24.526. / For on this wise have the gods spun the thread for wretched mortals, that they should live in pain; and themselves are sorrowless. For two urns are set upon the floor of Zeus of gifts that he giveth, the one of ills, the other of blessings. To whomsoever Zeus, that hurleth the thunderbolt, giveth a mingled lot, 24.527. / For on this wise have the gods spun the thread for wretched mortals, that they should live in pain; and themselves are sorrowless. For two urns are set upon the floor of Zeus of gifts that he giveth, the one of ills, the other of blessings. To whomsoever Zeus, that hurleth the thunderbolt, giveth a mingled lot, 24.528. / For on this wise have the gods spun the thread for wretched mortals, that they should live in pain; and themselves are sorrowless. For two urns are set upon the floor of Zeus of gifts that he giveth, the one of ills, the other of blessings. To whomsoever Zeus, that hurleth the thunderbolt, giveth a mingled lot, 24.529. / For on this wise have the gods spun the thread for wretched mortals, that they should live in pain; and themselves are sorrowless. For two urns are set upon the floor of Zeus of gifts that he giveth, the one of ills, the other of blessings. To whomsoever Zeus, that hurleth the thunderbolt, giveth a mingled lot, 24.530. / that man meeteth now with evil, now with good; but to whomsoever he giveth but of the baneful, him he maketh to be reviled of man, and direful madness driveth him over the face of the sacred earth, and he wandereth honoured neither of gods nor mortals. Even so unto Peleus did the gods give glorious gifts 24.531. / that man meeteth now with evil, now with good; but to whomsoever he giveth but of the baneful, him he maketh to be reviled of man, and direful madness driveth him over the face of the sacred earth, and he wandereth honoured neither of gods nor mortals. Even so unto Peleus did the gods give glorious gifts 24.532. / that man meeteth now with evil, now with good; but to whomsoever he giveth but of the baneful, him he maketh to be reviled of man, and direful madness driveth him over the face of the sacred earth, and he wandereth honoured neither of gods nor mortals. Even so unto Peleus did the gods give glorious gifts 24.533. / that man meeteth now with evil, now with good; but to whomsoever he giveth but of the baneful, him he maketh to be reviled of man, and direful madness driveth him over the face of the sacred earth, and he wandereth honoured neither of gods nor mortals. Even so unto Peleus did the gods give glorious gifts 24.534. / that man meeteth now with evil, now with good; but to whomsoever he giveth but of the baneful, him he maketh to be reviled of man, and direful madness driveth him over the face of the sacred earth, and he wandereth honoured neither of gods nor mortals. Even so unto Peleus did the gods give glorious gifts 24.535. / from his birth; for he excelled all men in good estate and in wealth, and was king over the Myrmidons, and to him that was but a mortal the gods gave a goddess to be his wife. 24.536. / from his birth; for he excelled all men in good estate and in wealth, and was king over the Myrmidons, and to him that was but a mortal the gods gave a goddess to be his wife. 24.537. / from his birth; for he excelled all men in good estate and in wealth, and was king over the Myrmidons, and to him that was but a mortal the gods gave a goddess to be his wife. 24.538. / from his birth; for he excelled all men in good estate and in wealth, and was king over the Myrmidons, and to him that was but a mortal the gods gave a goddess to be his wife. 24.539. / from his birth; for he excelled all men in good estate and in wealth, and was king over the Myrmidons, and to him that was but a mortal the gods gave a goddess to be his wife. 24.540. / Howbeit even upon him the gods brought evil, in that there nowise sprang up in his halls offspring of princely sons, but he begat one only son, doomed to an untimely fate. Neither may I tend him as he groweth old, seeing that far, far from mine own country I abide in the land of Troy, vexing thee and thy children. And of thee, old sire, we hear that of old thou wast blest; how of all that toward the sea Lesbos, the seat of Macar, encloseth, 24.541. / Howbeit even upon him the gods brought evil, in that there nowise sprang up in his halls offspring of princely sons, but he begat one only son, doomed to an untimely fate. Neither may I tend him as he groweth old, seeing that far, far from mine own country I abide in the land of Troy, vexing thee and thy children. And of thee, old sire, we hear that of old thou wast blest; how of all that toward the sea Lesbos, the seat of Macar, encloseth, 24.542. / Howbeit even upon him the gods brought evil, in that there nowise sprang up in his halls offspring of princely sons, but he begat one only son, doomed to an untimely fate. Neither may I tend him as he groweth old, seeing that far, far from mine own country I abide in the land of Troy, vexing thee and thy children. And of thee, old sire, we hear that of old thou wast blest; how of all that toward the sea Lesbos, the seat of Macar, encloseth, 24.543. / Howbeit even upon him the gods brought evil, in that there nowise sprang up in his halls offspring of princely sons, but he begat one only son, doomed to an untimely fate. Neither may I tend him as he groweth old, seeing that far, far from mine own country I abide in the land of Troy, vexing thee and thy children. And of thee, old sire, we hear that of old thou wast blest; how of all that toward the sea Lesbos, the seat of Macar, encloseth, 24.544. / Howbeit even upon him the gods brought evil, in that there nowise sprang up in his halls offspring of princely sons, but he begat one only son, doomed to an untimely fate. Neither may I tend him as he groweth old, seeing that far, far from mine own country I abide in the land of Troy, vexing thee and thy children. And of thee, old sire, we hear that of old thou wast blest; how of all that toward the sea Lesbos, the seat of Macar, encloseth, 24.545. / and Phrygia in the upland, and the boundless Hellespont, over all these folk, men say, thou, old sire, wast preeminent by reason of thy wealth and thy sons. Howbeit from the time when the heavenly gods brought upon thee this bane, ever around thy city are battles and slayings of men. Bear thou up, neither wail ever ceaselessly in thy heart; for naught wilt thou avail by grieving for thy son, 24.546. / and Phrygia in the upland, and the boundless Hellespont, over all these folk, men say, thou, old sire, wast preeminent by reason of thy wealth and thy sons. Howbeit from the time when the heavenly gods brought upon thee this bane, ever around thy city are battles and slayings of men. Bear thou up, neither wail ever ceaselessly in thy heart; for naught wilt thou avail by grieving for thy son, 24.547. / and Phrygia in the upland, and the boundless Hellespont, over all these folk, men say, thou, old sire, wast preeminent by reason of thy wealth and thy sons. Howbeit from the time when the heavenly gods brought upon thee this bane, ever around thy city are battles and slayings of men. Bear thou up, neither wail ever ceaselessly in thy heart; for naught wilt thou avail by grieving for thy son, 24.548. / and Phrygia in the upland, and the boundless Hellespont, over all these folk, men say, thou, old sire, wast preeminent by reason of thy wealth and thy sons. Howbeit from the time when the heavenly gods brought upon thee this bane, ever around thy city are battles and slayings of men. Bear thou up, neither wail ever ceaselessly in thy heart; for naught wilt thou avail by grieving for thy son, |
|
4. Hesiod, Theogony, 409, 497-500 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 142 | 500. And prey to Poseidon and Queen Hecate, |
|
5. Hesiod, Works And Days, 238, 255, 282-284, 286, 285 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Fletcher (2012), Performing Oaths in Classical Greek Drama, 33 | 285. It’s no use being good when wickedne |
|
| 6. Hesiod, Fragments, None (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •oracle, oracular, oracle of delphi Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 207 |
7. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 65.4 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of apollo Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 32| 65.4. "הַיֹּשְׁבִים בַּקְּבָרִים וּבַנְּצוּרִים יָלִינוּ הָאֹכְלִים בְּשַׂר הַחֲזִיר ופרק [וּמְרַק] פִּגֻּלִים כְּלֵיהֶם׃", | 65.4. "That sit among the graves, and lodge in the vaults; that eat swine’s flesh, and broth of abominable things is in their vessels;", |
|
| 8. Archilochus, Fragments, 3 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •oracle, delphi Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun (2014), The History of Religions School Today : Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts 103 |
9. Homeric Hymns, To Aphrodite, 177 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 110 | 177. Get up, Anchises! Tell me, is my guise |
|
10. Homeric Hymns, To Apollo And The Muses, 179-183, 247-248, 294-295, 475-476, 517 (8th cent. BCE - 8th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 374 | 517. From Crete to Pylos (we’re a Cretan race). |
|
| 11. Eumelus Corinthius, Fragments, None (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 207 |
| 12. Solon, Fragments, 31 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 25 |
| 13. Sappho, Fragments, 16 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 37 |
| 14. Tyrtaeus, Fragments, 6.10 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 77 |
| 15. Sappho, Fragments, 16 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 37 |
16. Aeschylus, Seven Against Thebes, 742-757, 844, 209 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 32| 209. πρύμνηθεν ηὗρε μηχανὴν σωτηρίας, | |
|
17. Aeschylus, Persians, 1601-1603, 226-280, 508, 725, 735, 737, 813, 865, 797 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 32| 797. στρατὸς κυρήσει νοστίμου σωτηρίας. Χορός | |
|
18. Aeschylus, Eumenides, 1, 10-11, 166, 180, 2-6, 661, 7-9, 909, 62 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 374| 62. ἰατρόμαντις δʼ ἐστὶ καὶ τερασκόπος | |
|
19. Aeschylus, Libation-Bearers, 1017, 203, 236, 264, 269, 280, 295-297, 299-305, 505, 900-901, 977-980, 298 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Fletcher (2012), Performing Oaths in Classical Greek Drama, 42| 298. κεἰ μὴ πέποιθα, τοὔργον ἔστʼ ἐργαστέον. | |
|
20. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, -, 1, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 1080, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 1238, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 1438, 1439, 1440, 1441, 1442, 1443, 1444, 1445, 1446, 146, 1501, 1645, 2, 343, 5, 618, 8, 9, 933, 934, [, ], 1248 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 374| 1248. ἀλλʼ οὔτι παιὼν τῷδʼ ἐπιστατεῖ λόγῳ. Χορός | 1248. Nay, if the thing be near: but never be it! KASSANDRA. |
|
| 21. Heraclitus of Ephesus, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: de Jáuregui (2010), Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity, 9, 397 |
| 22. Pherecydes of Syros, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 48 |
| 23. Pindar, Fragments, 46 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •oracle, delphi Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 191 |
| 24. Pindar, Nemean Odes, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 68 |
| 25. Pindar, Olympian Odes, 6.44, 13.61-13.82 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle •oracles, delphi •delphi, speculation regarding early dream-oracle Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 483; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 101 |
| 26. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 1.39, 4.74, 4.143, 5.60, 11.15-11.37 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of •oracle(s), of delphi Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 142; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 25, 191, 192, 193 |
| 27. Simonides, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo in delphi Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 53 |
| 28. Pherecydes of Athens, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 48 |
| 29. Euripides, Alcestis, 220, 357-362, 962-964, 966-971, 965 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: de Jáuregui (2010), Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity, 9 |
| 30. Plato, Phaedrus, 244 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013), Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians, 83 |
| 31. Androtion, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracles from Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 79 |
| 32. Democritus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle at Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 244 |
33. Plato, Statesman, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracles from Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 79| 290e. ἄρχειν, ἀλλʼ ἐὰν ἄρα καὶ τύχῃ πρότερον ἐξ ἄλλου γένους βιασάμενος, ὕστερον ἀναγκαῖον εἰς τοῦτο εἰστελεῖσθαι αὐτὸν τὸ γένος· ἔτι δὲ καὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων πολλαχοῦ ταῖς μεγίσταις ἀρχαῖς τὰ μέγιστα τῶν περὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα θύματα εὕροι τις ἂν προσταττόμενα θύειν. καὶ δὴ καὶ παρʼ ὑμῖν οὐχ ἥκιστα δῆλον ὃ λέγω· τῷ γὰρ λαχόντι βασιλεῖ φασιν τῇδε τὰ σεμνότατα καὶ μάλιστα πάτρια τῶν ἀρχαίων θυσιῶν ἀποδεδόσθαι. ΝΕ. ΣΩ. καὶ πάνυ γε. | 290e. and if he happens to have forced his way to the throne from some other class, he must enroll himself in the class of priests afterwards; and among the Greeks, too, you would find that in many states the performance of the greatest public sacrifices is a duty imposed upon the highest officials. Yes, among you Athenians this is very plain, for they say the holiest and most national of the ancient sacrifices are performed by the man whom the lot has chosen to be the King. Y. Soc. Yes, certainly. |
|
34. Plato, Timaeus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013), Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians, 83| 71e. ἡμῶν, ἵνα ἀληθείας πῃ προσάπτοιτο, κατέστησαν ἐν τούτῳ τὸ μαντεῖον. ἱκανὸν δὲ σημεῖον ὡς μαντικὴν ἀφροσύνῃ θεὸς ἀνθρωπίνῃ δέδωκεν· οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἔννους ἐφάπτεται μαντικῆς ἐνθέου καὶ ἀληθοῦς, ἀλλʼ ἢ καθʼ ὕπνον τὴν τῆς φρονήσεως πεδηθεὶς δύναμιν ἢ διὰ νόσον, ἢ διά τινα ἐνθουσιασμὸν παραλλάξας. ΤΙ. ἀλλὰ συννοῆσαι μὲν ἔμφρονος τά τε ῥηθέντα ἀναμνησθέντα ὄναρ ἢ ὕπαρ ὑπὸ τῆς μαντικῆς τε καὶ ἐνθουσιαστικῆς φύσεως, καὶ ὅσα ἂν φαντάσματα | 71e. as good as they possibly could, rectified the vile part of us by thus establishing therein the organ of divination, that it might in some degree lay hold on truth. And that God gave unto man’s foolishness the gift of divination a sufficient token is this: no man achieves true and inspired divination when in his rational mind, but only when the power of his intelligence is fettered in sleep or when it is distraught by disease or by reason of some divine inspiration. Tim. But it belongs to a man when in his right mind to recollect and ponder both the things spoken in dream or waking vision by the divining and inspired nature, and all the visionary forms that were seen, and by means of reasoning to discern about them all |
|
35. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 256| 344a. ὅνπερ νυνδὴ ἔλεγον, τὸν μεγάλα δυνάμενον πλεονεκτεῖν· τοῦτον οὖν σκόπει, εἴπερ βούλει κρίνειν ὅσῳ μᾶλλον συμφέρει ἰδίᾳ αὑτῷ ἄδικον εἶναι ἢ τὸ δίκαιον. πάντων δὲ ῥᾷστα μαθήσῃ, ἐὰν ἐπὶ τὴν τελεωτάτην ἀδικίαν ἔλθῃς, ἣ τὸν μὲν ἀδικήσαντα εὐδαιμονέστατον ποιεῖ, τοὺς δὲ ἀδικηθέντας καὶ ἀδικῆσαι οὐκ ἂν ἐθέλοντας ἀθλιωτάτους. ἔστιν δὲ τοῦτο τυραννίς, ἣ οὐ κατὰ σμικρὸν τἀλλότρια καὶ λάθρᾳ καὶ βίᾳ ἀφαιρεῖται, καὶ ἱερὰ καὶ ὅσια καὶ ἴδια καὶ δημόσια, ἀλλὰ | 344a. the man who has the ability to overreach on a large scale. Consider this type of man, then, if you wish to judge how much more profitable it is to him personally to be unjust than to be just. And the easiest way of all to understand this matter will be to turn to the most consummate form of injustice which makes the man who has done the wrong most happy and those who are wronged and who would not themselves willingly do wrong most miserable. And this is tyranny, which both by stealth and by force takes away what belongs to others, both sacred and profane, both private and public, not little by little but at one swoop. |
|
36. Euripides, Bacchae, 680-681, 6 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 319| 6. ὁρῶ δὲ μητρὸς μνῆμα τῆς κεραυνίας | |
|
37. Aristophanes, Wasps, 1019-1020 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 480| 1020. εἰς ἀλλοτρίας γαστέρας ἐνδὺς κωμῳδικὰ πολλὰ χέασθαι: | |
|
38. Aristophanes, The Rich Man, 1159, 407-408, 11 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 374| 11. ἰατρὸς ὢν καὶ μάντις, ὥς φασιν, σοφὸς | |
|
| 39. Aristophanes, Clouds, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracles from Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 280 |
| 40. Isocrates, Orations, 8.118-8.119, 9.14-9.15, 10.27 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracles from •oracles, of apollo in delphi •delphi, oracle Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 68; Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 21; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 248 |
41. Plato, Protagoras, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle •oracles, delphi Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 92 | 347e. even though they may drink a great deal of wine. And so a gathering like this of ours, when it includes such men as most of us claim to be, requires no extraneous voices, not even of the poets, whom one cannot question on the sense of what they say; when they are adduced in discussion we are generally told by some that the poet thought so and so, and by others, something different, and they go on arguing about a matter which they are powerless to determine. Soc. No, this sort of meeting is avoided by men of culture, |
|
| 42. Euripides, Fragments, 948-949, 951-954, 950 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: de Jáuregui (2010), Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity, 9 |
| 43. Euripides, Hippolytus, 45-46, 948, 950-954, 949 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: de Jáuregui (2010), Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity, 9 |
| 44. Euripides, Hercules Furens, 543 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •oracle(s), of delphi Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 676 |
| 45. Lysias, Fragments, a b c d\n0 [6.] [6.] [6 ] (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo of delphi Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 112 |
| 46. Euripides, Iphigenia Among The Taurians, 1234-1269, 1271-1283, 1270 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 483; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 101 |
| 47. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 374 |
48. Plato, Gorgias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle at Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 374| 514d. ἢ οὔ; ΚΑΛ. πάνυ γε. ΣΩ. οὐκοῦν οὕτω πάντα, τά τε ἄλλα κἂν εἰ ἐπιχειρήσαντες δημοσιεύειν παρεκαλοῦμεν ἀλλήλους ὡς ἱκανοὶ ἰατροὶ ὄντες, ἐπεσκεψάμεθα δήπου ἂν ἐγώ τε σὲ καὶ σὺ ἐμέ, φέρε πρὸς θεῶν, αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ Σωκράτης πῶς ἔχει τὸ σῶμα πρὸς ὑγίειαν; ἢ ἤδη τις ἄλλος διὰ Σωκράτην ἀπηλλάγη νόσου, ἢ δοῦλος ἢ ἐλεύθερος; κἂν ἐγὼ οἶμαι περὶ σοῦ ἕτερα τοιαῦτα ἐσκόπουν· καὶ εἰ μὴ ηὑρίσκομεν διʼ ἡμᾶς μηδένα | 514d. the correctness of this statement or not? Call. Yes, to be sure. Soc. And so too with all the rest: suppose, for instance, we had undertaken the duties of state-physicians, and were to invite one another to the work as qualified doctors, we should, I presume, have first inquired of each other, I of you and you of me: Let us see now, in Heaven’s name; how does Socrates himself stand as regards his body’s health? Or has anyone else, slave or free, ever had Socrates to thank for ridding him of a disease? And I also, I fancy, should make the same sort of inquiry about you; and then, if we found we had never been the cause |
|
| 49. Euripides, Medea, 663-752, 754-758, 753 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 603 |
| 50. Euripides, Orestes, 331, 387, 22682 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2012), Greek Medicine from Hippocrates to Galen, 82 |
| 51. Euripides, Phoenician Women, 641, 657-672, 674-675, 79, 673 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Fletcher (2012), Performing Oaths in Classical Greek Drama, 131 |
52. Hebrew Bible, Ecclesiastes, 9.10 (5th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of apollo Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 32 | 9.10. "Whatsoever thy hand attaineth to do by thy strength, that do; for there is no work, nor device, nor knowledge, nor wisdom, in the grave, whither thou goest.", |
|
| 53. Plato, Charmides, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of apollo at •oracles, delphi, oracle of apollo at Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 140 |
| 54. Hellanicus of Lesbos, Fgrh I P. 104., None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 111 |
| 55. Antiphon, Orations, 6.45 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 25 |
56. Herodotus, Histories, 1.1, 1.2, 1.3, 1.4, 1.5, 1.8.1, 1.12, 1.13, 1.14, 1.19, 1.20, 1.21, 1.25, 1.29, 1.46, 1.47, 1.48, 1.49, 1.50-51.1, 1.50, 1.51, 1.52, 1.53, 1.53.3, 1.54, 1.55.2, 1.55, 1.64.2, 1.65.4, 1.65, 1.66, 1.67, 1.68, 1.69.4, 1.72, 1.75, 1.87, 1.90, 1.91.5, 1.91, 1.92, 1.132.2, 1.141.4, 1.147, 1.168, 1.170.3, 3.39, 3.40, 3.41, 3.42, 3.43, 4.97.6, 4.154, 4.155, 4.156, 4.157, 4.158, 4.159, 4.160, 4.161, 4.162, 4.163, 4.205, 5.36.4-37.2, 5.36, 5.38, 5.39, 5.40, 5.41, 5.60, 5.61, 5.62, 5.63, 5.63.1, 5.63.2, 5.66.1, 5.67, 5.68, 5.82, 5.86.3, 5.89.2, 5.89.3, 5.90, 5.91, 5.92.3, 5.98, 5.109.3, 5.114, 6.19.2, 6.19.1, 6.27, 6.56, 6.61, 6.62, 6.63, 6.64, 6.65, 6.66, 6.67, 6.68, 6.69, 6.70, 6.75, 6.86, 6.106.3, 6.112, 6.117, 6.122, 6.123, 6.133, 6.134, 6.135, 6.136, 7.94, 7.117, 7.140, 7.141, 7.142, 7.143, 7.144, 7.171, 7.178, 7.188, 7.189, 7.190, 7.191, 7.192, 7.204, 7.206.1, 7.230, 8.35, 8.92.1, 8.129, 8.138.2, 9.11.1, 9.21, 9.22, 9.33, 9.34, 9.35, 9.70, 9.81.1, 9.100, 9.104 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 125; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 481; Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 143 | 7.142. This answer seemed to be and really was more merciful than the first, and the envoys, writing it down, departed for Athens. When the messengers had left Delphi and laid the oracle before the people, there was much inquiry concerning its meaning, and among the many opinions which were uttered, two contrary ones were especially worthy of note. Some of the elder men said that the gods answer signified that the acropolis should be saved, for in old time the acropolis of Athens had been fenced by a thorn hedge, ,which, by their interpretation, was the wooden wall. But others supposed that the god was referring to their ships, and they were for doing nothing but equipping these. Those who believed their ships to be the wooden wall were disabled by the two last verses of the oracle: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" Divine Salamis, you will bring death to women's sons /l l When the corn is scattered, or the harvest gathered in. /l /quote ,These verses confounded the opinion of those who said that their ships were the wooden wall, for the readers of oracles took the verses to mean that they should offer battle by sea near Salamis and be there overthrown. |
|
| 57. Hippocrates, On Breaths, 124-125, 658 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan |
58. Euripides, Hecuba, 71 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, speculation regarding early dream-oracle Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 101| 71. μελανοπτερύγων μῆτερ ὀνείρων, | |
|
59. Aristophanes, Birds, 584 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle at Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 374| 584. εἶθ' ὅ γ' ̓Απόλλων ἰατρός γ' ὢν ἰάσθω: μισθοφορεῖ δέ. | |
|
60. Euripides, Andromache, 900 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle at Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 374| 900. ̔Ελένη κατ' οἴκους πατρί: μηδὲν ἀγνόει. 900. ὦ Φοῖβ' ἀκέστορ, πημάτων δοίης λύσιν. | |
|
| 61. Xenophon, Constitution of The Spartans, 4.5, 13.2, 13.11, 15.2-15.6 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 211; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 28 |
| 62. Sophocles, Philoctetes, 184, 226, 265, 1324 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Fletcher (2012), Performing Oaths in Classical Greek Drama, 96 |
| 63. Sophocles, Oedipus The King, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 144; Meinel (2015), Pollution and Crisis in Greek Tragedy, 51, 52; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 374 |
| 64. Sophocles, Electra, 1424, 33-37, 32 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 143 |
| 65. Sophocles, Antigone, 1041, 1040 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Fletcher (2012), Performing Oaths in Classical Greek Drama, 110 |
| 66. Sophocles, Ajax, 1093-1096, 722, 721 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 311 |
| 67. Xenophon, Constitution of The Athenians, 2.9 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracles from Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 79 |
68. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.13.6, 1.112.5, 1.118.3, 1.132.2, 1.139, 2.17.1, 2.71, 3.68.3, 3.104.1-3.104.2, 5.11, 5.11.1, 5.16, 5.32.1, 5.54.2, 5.75.2, 6.3.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of •delphi, oracle •oracles, delphi •athenians, consultations of oracle at delphi •delphi, oracles from •oracles, of apollo in delphi •oracle, of apollon at delphi Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 125, 227; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 76, 276; Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 211; Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 53, 66; Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 76, 77; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 192, 211; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 33, 79, 247, 253| 1.13.6. καὶ Ἴωσιν ὕστερον πολὺ γίγνεται ναυτικὸν ἐπὶ Κύρου Περσῶν πρώτου βασιλεύοντος καὶ Καμβύσου τοῦ υἱέος αὐτοῦ, τῆς τε καθ’ ἑαυτοὺς θαλάσσης Κύρῳ πολεμοῦντες ἐκράτησάν τινα χρόνον. καὶ Πολυκράτης Σάμου τυραννῶν ἐπὶ Καμβύσου ναυτικῷ ἰσχύων ἄλλας τε τῶν νήσων ὑπηκόους ἐποιήσατο καὶ Ῥήνειαν ἑλὼν ἀνέθηκε τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι τῷ Δηλίῳ. Φωκαῆς τε Μασσαλίαν οἰκίζοντες Καρχηδονίους ἐνίκων ναυμαχοῦντες: 1.112.5. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα τὸν ἱερὸν καλούμενον πόλεμον ἐστράτευσαν, καὶ κρατήσαντες τοῦ ἐν Δελφοῖς ἱεροῦ παρέδοσαν Δελφοῖς: καὶ αὖθις ὕστερον Ἀθηναῖοι ἀποχωρησάντων αὐτῶν στρατεύσαντες καὶ κρατήσαντες παρέδοσαν Φωκεῦσιν. 1.118.3. αὐτοῖς μὲν οὖν τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις διέγνωστο λελύσθαι τε τὰς σπονδὰς καὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἀδικεῖν, πέμψαντες δὲ ἐς Δελφοὺς ἐπηρώτων τὸν θεὸν εἰ πολεμοῦσιν ἄμεινον ἔσται: ὁ δὲ ἀνεῖλεν αὐτοῖς, ὡς λέγεται, κατὰ κράτος πολεμοῦσι νίκην ἔσεσθαι, καὶ αὐτὸς ἔφη ξυλλήψεσθαι καὶ παρακαλούμενος καὶ ἄκλητος. 1.132.2. ὑποψίας δὲ πολλὰς παρεῖχε τῇ τε παρανομίᾳ καὶ ζηλώσει τῶν βαρβάρων μὴ ἴσος βούλεσθαι εἶναι τοῖς παροῦσι, τά τε ἄλλα αὐτοῦ ἀνεσκόπουν, εἴ τί που ἐξεδεδιῄτητο τῶν καθεστώτων νομίμων, καὶ ὅτι ἐπὶ τὸν τρίποδά ποτε τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖς, ὃν ἀνέθεσαν οἱ Ἕλληνες ἀπὸ τῶν Μήδων ἀκροθίνιον, ἠξίωσεν ἐπιγράψασθαι αὐτὸς ἰδίᾳ τὸ ἐλεγεῖον τόδε: l ana=" 2.17.1. ἐπειδή τε ἀφίκοντο ἐς τὸ ἄστυ, ὀλίγοις μέν τισιν ὑπῆρχον οἰκήσεις καὶ παρὰ φίλων τινὰς ἢ οἰκείων καταφυγή, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ τά τε ἐρῆμα τῆς πόλεως ᾤκησαν καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ καὶ τὰ ἡρῷα πάντα πλὴν τῆς ἀκροπόλεως καὶ τοῦ Ἐλευσινίου καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο βεβαίως κλῃστὸν ἦν: τό τε Πελαργικὸν καλούμενον τὸ ὑπὸ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν, ὃ καὶ ἐπάρατόν τε ἦν μὴ οἰκεῖν καί τι καὶ Πυθικοῦ μαντείου ἀκροτελεύτιον τοιόνδε διεκώλυε, λέγον ὡς ‘τὸ Πελαργικὸν ἀργὸν ἄμεινον,’ ὅμως ὑπὸ τῆς παραχρῆμα ἀνάγκης ἐξῳκήθη. 3.68.3. τὴν δὲ πόλιν ἐνιαυτὸν μέν τινα [Θηβαῖοι] Μεγαρέων ἀνδράσι κατὰ στάσιν ἐκπεπτωκόσι καὶ ὅσοι τὰ σφέτερα φρονοῦντες Πλαταιῶν περιῆσαν ἔδοσαν ἐνοικεῖν: ὕστερον δὲ καθελόντες αὐτὴν ἐς ἔδαφος πᾶσαν ἐκ τῶν θεμελίων ᾠκοδόμησαν πρὸς τῷ Ἡραίῳ καταγώγιον διακοσίων ποδῶν πανταχῇ, κύκλῳ οἰκήματα ἔχον κάτωθεν καὶ ἄνωθεν, καὶ ὀροφαῖς καὶ θυρώμασι τοῖς τῶν Πλαταιῶν ἐχρήσαντο, καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἃ ἦν ἐν τῷ τείχει ἔπιπλα, χαλκὸς καὶ σίδηρος, κλίνας κατασκευάσαντες ἀνέθεσαν τῇ Ἥρᾳ, καὶ νεὼν ἑκατόμπεδον λίθινον ᾠκοδόμησαν αὐτῇ. τὴν δὲ γῆν δημοσιώσαντες ἀπεμίσθωσαν ἐπὶ δέκα ἔτη, καὶ ἐνέμοντο Θηβαῖοι. 3.104.1. τοῦ δ’ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος καὶ Δῆλον ἐκάθηραν Ἀθηναῖοι κατὰ χρησμὸν δή τινα. ἐκάθηρε μὲν γὰρ καὶ Πεισίστρατος ὁ τύραννος πρότερον αὐτήν, οὐχ ἅπασαν, ἀλλ’ ὅσον ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἐφεωρᾶτο τῆς νήσου: τότε δὲ πᾶσα ἐκαθάρθη τοιῷδε τρόπῳ. 3.104.2. θῆκαι ὅσαι ἦσαν τῶν τεθνεώτων ἐν Δήλῳ, πάσας ἀνεῖλον, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν προεῖπον μήτε ἐναποθνῄσκειν ἐν τῇ νήσῳ μήτε ἐντίκτειν, ἀλλ’ ἐς τὴν Ῥήνειαν διακομίζεσθαι. ἀπέχει δὲ ἡ Ῥήνεια τῆς Δήλου οὕτως ὀλίγον ὥστε Πολυκράτης ὁ Σαμίων τύραννος ἰσχύσας τινὰ χρόνον ναυτικῷ καὶ τῶν τε ἄλλων νήσων ἄρξας καὶ τὴν Ῥήνειαν ἑλὼν ἀνέθηκε τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι τῷ Δηλίῳ ἁλύσει δήσας πρὸς τὴν Δῆλον. καὶ τὴν πεντετηρίδα τότε πρῶτον μετὰ τὴν κάθαρσιν ἐποίησαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὰ Δήλια. 5.11.1. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τὸν Βρασίδαν οἱ ξύμμαχοι πάντες ξὺν ὅπλοις ἐπισπόμενοι δημοσίᾳ ἔθαψαν ἐν τῇ πόλει πρὸ τῆς νῦν ἀγορᾶς οὔσης: καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν οἱ Ἀμφιπολῖται, περιείρξαντες αὐτοῦ τὸ μνημεῖον, ὡς ἥρωί τε ἐντέμνουσι καὶ τιμὰς δεδώκασιν ἀγῶνας καὶ ἐτησίους θυσίας, καὶ τὴν ἀποικίαν ὡς οἰκιστῇ προσέθεσαν, καταβαλόντες τὰ Ἁγνώνεια οἰκοδομήματα καὶ ἀφανίσαντες εἴ τι μνημόσυνόν που ἔμελλεν αὐτοῦ τῆς οἰκίσεως περιέσεσθαι, νομίσαντες τὸν μὲν Βρασίδαν σωτῆρά τε σφῶν γεγενῆσθαι καὶ ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἅμα τὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ξυμμαχίαν φόβῳ τῶν Ἀθηναίων θεραπεύοντες, τὸν δὲ Ἅγνωνα κατὰ τὸ πολέμιον τῶν Ἀθηναίων οὐκ ἂν ὁμοίως σφίσι ξυμφόρως οὐδ’ ἂν ἡδέως τὰς τιμὰς ἔχειν. 5.32.1. περὶ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους τοῦ θέρους τούτου Σκιωναίους μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι ἐκπολιορκήσαντες ἀπέκτειναν τοὺς ἡβῶντας, παῖδας δὲ καὶ γυναῖκας ἠνδραπόδισαν, καὶ τὴν γῆν Πλαταιεῦσιν ἔδοσαν νέμεσθαι, Δηλίους δὲ κατήγαγον πάλιν ἐς Δῆλον, ἐνθυμούμενοι τάς τε ἐν ταῖς μάχαις ξυμφορὰς καὶ τοῦ ἐν Δελφοῖς θεοῦ χρήσαντος. 5.54.2. ὡς δ’ αὐτοῖς τὰ διαβατήρια θυομένοις οὐ προυχώρει, αὐτοί τε ἀπῆλθον ἐπ’ οἴκου καὶ τοῖς ξυμμάχοις περιήγγειλαν μετὰ τὸν μέλλοντα ʽΚαρνεῖος δ’ ἦν μήν, ἱερομηνία Δωριεῦσἰ παρασκευάζεσθαι ὡς στρατευσομένους. 5.75.2. καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ Κορίνθου καὶ ἔξω Ἰσθμοῦ ξυμμάχους ἀπέστρεψαν πέμψαντες οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀναχωρήσαντες καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἀφέντες ʽΚάρνεια γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἐτύγχανον ὄντἀ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἦγον. 6.3.1. Ἑλλήνων δὲ πρῶτοι Χαλκιδῆς ἐξ Εὐβοίας πλεύσαντες μετὰ Θουκλέους οἰκιστοῦ Νάξον ᾤκισαν, καὶ Ἀπόλλωνος Ἀρχηγέτου βωμὸν ὅστις νῦν ἔξω τῆς πόλεώς ἐστιν ἱδρύσαντο, ἐφ’ ᾧ, ὅταν ἐκ Σικελίας θεωροὶ πλέωσι, πρῶτον θύουσιν. | 1.13.6. Subsequently the Ionians attained to great naval strength in the reign of Cyrus, the first king of the Persians, and of his son Cambyses, and while they were at war with the former commanded for a while the Ionian sea. Polycrates also, the tyrant of Samos , had a powerful navy in the reign of Cambyses with which he reduced many of the islands, and among them Rhenea, which he consecrated to the Delian Apollo. About this time also the Phocaeans, while they were founding Marseilles , defeated the Carthaginians in a sea-fight. 1.112.5. After this the Lacedaemonians marched out on a sacred war, and becoming masters of the temple at Delphi , placed it in the hands of the Delphians. Immediately after their retreat, the Athenians marched out, became masters of the temple, and placed it in the hands of the Phocians. 1.118.3. And though the Lacedaemonians had made up their own minds on the fact of the breach of the treaty and the guilt of the Athenians, yet they sent to Delphi and inquired of the god whether it would be well with them if they went to war; and, as it is reported, received from him the answer that if they put their whole strength into the war, victory would be theirs, and the promise that he himself would be with them, whether invoked or uninvoked. 1.132.2. he gave grounds for much suspicion of his being discontented with things established; all the occasions on which he had in any way departed from the regular customs were passed in review, and it was remembered that he had taken upon himself to have inscribed on the tripod at Delphi , which was dedicated by the Hellenes as the first-fruits of the spoil of the Medes, the following couplet:— The Mede defeated, great Pausanias raised This monument, that Phoebus might be praised. 2.17.1. When they arrived at Athens , though a few had houses of their own to go to, or could find an asylum with friends or relatives, by far the greater number had to take up their dwelling in the parts of the city that were not built over and in the temples and chapels of the heroes, except the Acropolis and the temple of the Eleusinian Demeter and such other places as were always kept closed. The occupation of the plot of ground lying below the citadel called the Pelasgian had been forbidden by a curse; and there was also an ominous fragment of a Pythian oracle which said— Leave the Pelasgian parcel desolate, woe worth the day that men inhabit it! 3.68.3. The city the Thebans gave for about a year to some political emigrants from Megara , and to the surviving Plataeans of their own party to inhabit, and afterwards razed it to the ground from the very foundations, and built on to the precinct of Hera an inn two hundred feet square, with rooms all round above and below, making use for this purpose of the roofs and doors of the Plataeans: of the rest of the materials in the wall, the brass and the iron, they made couches which they dedicated to Hera, for whom they also built a stone chapel of a hundred feet square. The land they confiscated and let out on a ten-years' lease to Theban occupiers. 3.104.1. The same winter the Athenians purified Delos , in compliance, it appears, with a certain oracle. It had been purified before by Pisistratus the tyrant; not indeed the whole island, but as much of it as could be seen from the temple. All of it was, however, now purified in the following way. 3.104.2. All the sepulchres of those that had died in Delos were taken up, and for the future it was commanded that no one should be allowed either to die or to give birth to a child in the island; but that they should be carried over to Rhenea, which is so near to Delos that Polycrates, tyrant of Samos , having added Rhenea to his other island conquests during his period of naval ascendancy, dedicated it to the Delian Apollo by binding it to Delos with a chain. The Athenians, after the purification, celebrated, for the first time, the quinquennial festival of the Delian games. 5.11.1. After this all the allies attended in arms and buried Brasidas at the public expense in the city, in front of what is now the market-place, and the Amphipolitans having enclosed his tomb, ever afterwards sacrifice to him as a hero and have given to him the honor of games and annual offerings. They constituted him the founder of their colony, and pulled down the Hagnonic erections and obliterated everything that could be interpreted as a memorial of his having founded the place; for they considered that Brasidas had been their preserver and courting as they did the alliance of Lacedaemon for fear of Athens , in their present hostile relations with the latter they could no longer with the same advantage or satisfaction pay Hagnon his honors. 5.32.1. About the same time in this summer Athens succeeded in reducing Scione , put the adult males to death, and making slaves of the women and children, gave the land for the Plataeans to live in. She also brought back the Delians to Delos , moved by her misfortunes in the field and by the commands of the god at Delphi . 5.54.2. The sacrifices, however, for crossing the frontier not proving propitious, the Lacedaemonians returned home themselves, and sent word to the allies to be ready to march after the month ensuing, which happened to be the month of Carneus, a holy time for the Dorians. 5.75.2. The Lacedaemonians also sent and turned back the allies from Corinth and from beyond the Isthmus, and returning themselves dismissed their allies, and kept the Carnean holidays, which happened to be at that time. 6.3.1. These were the barbarians in Sicily , settled as I have said. of the Hellenes, the first to arrive were Chalcidians from Euboea with Thucles, their founder. They founded Naxos and built the altar to Apollo Archegetes, which now stands outside the town, and upon which the deputies for the games sacrifice before sailing from Sicily . |
|
| 69. Sophocles, Women of Trachis, 1026, 1030, 221 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 374 |
| 70. Xanthus Lydius, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 111 |
| 71. Xenophon, Apology, 15 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 78 |
72. Aristophanes, Acharnians, 1000-1001, 1030, 1032, 1212, 1031 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 374| 1031. ἴθ' ἀντιβολῶ ς', ἤν πως κομίσωμαι τὼ βόε. | |
|
| 73. Xenophon, Ways And Means, 4.19, 6.1-6.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracles from Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 248 |
| 74. Xenophon, Hellenica, 2.4.20, 3.3.1-3.3.4, 4.7.2, 6.3.6, 6.4.16, 7.3.12 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle •oracles, delphi •delphi, oracle of •oracle, of apollon at delphi Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 264; Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 211; Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 76, 77, 84; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 28, 192 |
75. Xenophon, The Education of Cyrus, 1.6.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle •oracles, delphi Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 481| 1.6.2. προϊόντι δὲ τῷ Κύρῳ ὁ πατὴρ ἤρχετο λόγου τοιοῦδε. ὦ παῖ, ὅτι μὲν οἱ θεοὶ ἵλεῴ τε καὶ εὐμενεῖς πέμπουσί σε καὶ ἐν ἱεροῖς δῆλον καὶ ἐν οὐρανίοις σημείοις· γιγνώσκεις δὲ καὶ αὐτός. ἐγὼ γάρ σε ταῦτα ἐπίτηδες ἐδιδαξάμην, ὅπως μὴ διʼ ἄλλων ἑρμηνέων τὰς τῶν θεῶν συμβουλίας συνιείης, ἀλλʼ αὐτὸς καὶ ὁρῶν τὰ ὁρατὰ καὶ ἀκούων τὰ ἀκουστὰ γιγνώσκοις καὶ μὴ ἐπὶ μάντεσιν εἴης, εἰ βούλοιντό σε ἐξαπατᾶν ἕτερα λέγοντες ἢ τὰ παρὰ τῶν θεῶν σημαινόμενα, μηδʼ αὖ, εἴ ποτε ἄρα ἄνευ μάντεως γένοιο, ἀποροῖο θείοις σημείοις ὅ τι χρῷο, ἀλλὰ γιγνώσκων διὰ τῆς μαντικῆς τὰ παρὰ τῶν θεῶν συμβουλευόμενα, τούτοις πείθοιο. | 1.6.2. My son, it is evident both from the sacrifices and from the signs from the skies that the gods are sending you forth with their grace and favour; and you yourself must recognize it, for I had you taught this art on purpose that you might not have to learn the counsels of the gods through others as interpreters, but that you yourself, both seeing what is to be seen and hearing what is to be heard, might understand; for I would not have you at the mercy of the soothsayers, in case they should wish to deceive you by saying other things than those revealed by the gods; and furthermore, if ever you should be without a soothsayer, I would not have you in doubt as to what to make of the divine revelations, but by your soothsayer’s art I would have you understand the counsels of the gods and obey them. |
|
76. Xenophon, Memoirs, 1.1.1-1.1.9, 1.3.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, sanctuary and oracle at, •oracles, of apollo of delphi Found in books: Luck (2006), Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts, 321; Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 178| 1.1.1. πολλάκις ἐθαύμασα τίσι ποτὲ λόγοις Ἀθηναίους ἔπεισαν οἱ γραψάμενοι Σωκράτην ὡς ἄξιος εἴη θανάτου τῇ πόλει. ἡ μὲν γὰρ γραφὴ κατʼ αὐτοῦ τοιάδε τις ἦν· ἀδικεῖ Σωκράτης οὓς μὲν ἡ πόλις νομίζει θεοὺς οὐ νομίζων, ἕτερα δὲ καινὰ δαιμόνια εἰσφέρων· ἀδικεῖ δὲ καὶ τοὺς νέους διαφθείρων. 1.1.2. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν, ὡς οὐκ ἐνόμιζεν οὓς ἡ πόλις νομίζει θεούς, ποίῳ ποτʼ ἐχρήσαντο τεκμηρίῳ; θύων τε γὰρ φανερὸς ἦν πολλάκις μὲν οἴκοι, πολλάκις δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν κοινῶν τῆς πόλεως βωμῶν, καὶ μαντικῇ χρώμενος οὐκ ἀφανὴς ἦν. διετεθρύλητο γὰρ ὡς φαίη Σωκράτης τὸ δαιμόνιον ἑαυτῷ σημαίνειν· ὅθεν δὴ καὶ μάλιστά μοι δοκοῦσιν αὐτὸν αἰτιάσασθαι καινὰ δαιμόνια εἰσφέρειν. 1.1.3. ὁ δʼ οὐδὲν καινότερον εἰσέφερε τῶν ἄλλων, ὅσοι μαντικὴν νομίζοντες οἰωνοῖς τε χρῶνται καὶ φήμαις καὶ συμβόλοις καὶ θυσίαις. οὗτοί τε γὰρ ὑπολαμβάνουσιν οὐ τοὺς ὄρνιθας οὐδὲ τοὺς ἀπαντῶντας εἰδέναι τὰ συμφέροντα τοῖς μαντευομένοις, ἀλλὰ τοὺς θεοὺς διὰ τούτων αὐτὰ σημαίνειν, κἀκεῖνος δὲ οὕτως ἐνόμιζεν. 1.1.4. ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν πλεῖστοί φασιν ὑπό τε τῶν ὀρνίθων καὶ τῶν ἀπαντώντων ἀποτρέπεσθαί τε καὶ προτρέπεσθαι· Σωκράτης δʼ ὥσπερ ἐγίγνωσκεν, οὕτως ἔλεγε· τὸ δαιμόνιον γὰρ ἔφη σημαίνειν. καὶ πολλοῖς τῶν συνόντων προηγόρευε τὰ μὲν ποιεῖν, τὰ δὲ μὴ ποιεῖν, ὡς τοῦ δαιμονίου προσημαίνοντος· καὶ τοῖς μὲν πειθομένοις αὐτῷ συνέφερε, τοῖς δὲ μὴ πειθομένοις μετέμελε. 1.1.5. καίτοι τίς οὐκ ἂν ὁμολογήσειεν αὐτὸν βούλεσθαι μήτʼ ἠλίθιον μήτʼ ἀλαζόνα φαίνεσθαι τοῖς συνοῦσιν; ἐδόκει δʼ ἂν ἀμφότερα ταῦτα, εἰ προαγορεύων ὡς ὑπὸ θεοῦ φαινόμενα καὶ ψευδόμενος ἐφαίνετο. δῆλον οὖν ὅτι οὐκ ἂν προέλεγεν, εἰ μὴ ἐπίστευεν ἀληθεύσειν. ταῦτα δὲ τίς ἂν ἄλλῳ πιστεύσειεν ἢ θεῷ; πιστεύων δὲ θεοῖς πῶς οὐκ εἶναι θεοὺς ἐνόμιζεν; ἀλλὰ μὴν ἐποίει καὶ τάδε πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους. 1.1.6. τὰ μὲν γὰρ ἀναγκαῖα συνεβούλευε καὶ πράττειν ὡς ἐνόμιζεν ἄριστʼ ἂν πραχθῆναι· περὶ δὲ τῶν ἀδήλων ὅπως ἀποβήσοιτο μαντευσομένους ἔπεμπεν, εἰ ποιητέα. 1.1.7. καὶ τοὺς μέλλοντας οἴκους τε καὶ πόλεις καλῶς οἰκήσειν μαντικῆς ἔφη προσδεῖσθαι· τεκτονικὸν μὲν γὰρ ἢ χαλκευτικὸν ἢ γεωργικὸν ἢ ἀνθρώπων ἀρχικὸν ἢ τῶν τοιούτων ἔργων ἐξεταστικὸν ἢ λογιστικὸν ἢ οἰκονομικὸν ἢ στρατηγικὸν γενέσθαι, πάντα τὰ τοιαῦτα μαθήματα καὶ ἀνθρώπου γνώμῃ αἱρετὰ ἐνόμιζεν εἶναι· 1.1.8. τὰ δὲ μέγιστα τῶν ἐν τούτοις ἔφη τοὺς θεοὺς ἑαυτοῖς καταλείπεσθαι, ὧν οὐδὲν δῆλον εἶναι τοῖς ἀνθρώποις. οὔτε γὰρ τῷ καλῶς ἀγρὸν φυτευσαμένῳ δῆλον ὅστις καρπώσεται, οὔτε τῷ καλῶς οἰκίαν οἰκοδομησαμένῳ δῆλον ὅστις ἐνοικήσει, οὔτε τῷ στρατηγικῷ δῆλον εἰ συμφέρει στρατηγεῖν, οὔτε τῷ πολιτικῷ δῆλον εἰ συμφέρει τῆς πόλεως προστατεῖν, οὔτε τῷ καλὴν γήμαντι, ἵνʼ εὐφραίνηται, δῆλον εἰ διὰ ταύτην ἀνιάσεται, οὔτε τῷ δυνατοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει κηδεστὰς λαβόντι δῆλον εἰ διὰ τούτους στερήσεται τῆς πόλεως. 1.1.9. τοὺς δὲ μηδὲν τῶν τοιούτων οἰομένους εἶναι δαιμόνιον, ἀλλὰ πάντα τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης γνώμης, δαιμονᾶν ἔφη· δαιμονᾶν δὲ καὶ τοὺς μαντευομένους ἃ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἔδωκαν οἱ θεοὶ μαθοῦσι διακρίνειν (οἷον εἴ τις ἐπερωτῴη πότερον ἐπιστάμενον ἡνιοχεῖν ἐπὶ ζεῦγος λαβεῖν κρεῖττον ἢ μὴ ἐπιστάμενον, ἢ πότερον ἐπιστάμενον κυβερνᾶν ἐπὶ τὴν ναῦν κρεῖττον λαβεῖν ἢ μὴ ἐπιστάμενον), ἢ ἃ ἔξεστιν ἀριθμήσαντας ἢ μετρήσαντας ἢ στήσαντας εἰδέναι· τοὺς τὰ τοιαῦτα παρὰ τῶν θεῶν πυνθανομένους ἀθέμιτα ποιεῖν ἡγεῖτο. ἔφη δὲ δεῖν, ἃ μὲν μαθόντας ποιεῖν ἔδωκαν οἱ θεοί, μανθάνειν, ἃ δὲ μὴ δῆλα τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐστί, πειρᾶσθαι διὰ μαντικῆς παρὰ τῶν θεῶν πυνθάνεσθαι· τοὺς θεοὺς γὰρ οἷς ἂν ὦσιν ἵλεῳ σημαίνειν. 1.3.1. ὡς δὲ δὴ καὶ ὠφελεῖν ἐδόκει μοι τοὺς συνόντας τὰ μὲν ἔργῳ δεικνύων ἑαυτὸν οἷος ἦν, τὰ δὲ καὶ διαλεγόμενος, τούτων δὴ γράψω ὁπόσα ἂν διαμνημονεύσω. τὰ μὲν τοίνυν πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς φανερὸς ἦν καὶ ποιῶν καὶ λέγων ᾗπερ ἡ Πυθία ἀποκρίνεται τοῖς ἐρωτῶσι πῶς δεῖ ποιεῖν ἢ περὶ θυσίας ἢ περὶ προγόνων θεραπείας ἢ περὶ ἄλλου τινὸς τῶν τοιούτων· ἥ τε γὰρ Πυθία νόμῳ πόλεως ἀναιρεῖ ποιοῦντας εὐσεβῶς ἂν ποιεῖν, Σωκράτης τε οὕτω καὶ αὐτὸς ἐποίει καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις παρῄνει, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλως πως ποιοῦντας περιέργους καὶ ματαίους ἐνόμιζεν εἶναι. | 1.1.1. I have often wondered by what arguments those who drew up the indictment against Socrates could persuade the Athenians that his life was forfeit to the state. The indictment against him was to this effect: Socrates is guilty of rejecting the gods acknowledged by the state and of bringing in strange deities: he is also guilty of corrupting the youth. 1.1.2. First then, that he rejected the gods acknowledged by the state — what evidence did they produce of that? He offered sacrifices constantly, and made no secret of it, now in his home, now at the altars of the state temples, and he made use of divination with as little secrecy. Indeed it had become notorious that Socrates claimed to be guided by the deity: That immanent divine something, as Cicero terms it, which Socrates claimed as his peculiar possession. it was out of this claim, I think, that the charge of bringing in strange deities arose. 1.1.3. He was no more bringing in anything strange than are other believers in divination, who rely on augury, oracles, coincidences and sacrifices. For these men’s belief is not that the birds or the folk met by accident know what profits the inquirer, but that they are the instruments by which the gods make this known; and that was Socrates ’ belief too. 1.1.4. Only, whereas most men say that the birds or the folk they meet dissuade or encourage them, Socrates said what he meant: for he said that the deity gave him a sign. Many of his companions were counselled by him to do this or not to do that in accordance with the warnings of the deity: and those who followed his advice prospered, and those who rejected it had cause for regret. 1.1.5. And yet who would not admit that he wished to appear neither a knave nor a fool to his companions? but he would have been thought both, had he proved to be mistaken when he alleged that his counsel was in accordance with divine revelation. Obviously, then, he would not have given the counsel if he had not been confident that what he said would come true. And who could have inspired him with that confidence but a god? And since he had confidence in the gods, how can he have disbelieved in the existence of the gods? 1.1.6. Another way he had of dealing with intimate friends was this: if there was no room for doubt, he advised them to act as they thought best; but if the consequences could not be foreseen, he sent them to the oracle to inquire whether the thing ought to be done. 1.1.7. Those who intended to control a house or a city, he said, needed the help of divination. For the craft of carpenter, smith, farmer or ruler, and the theory of such crafts, and arithmetic and economics and generalship might be learned and mastered by the application of human powers; 1.1.8. but the deepest secrets of these matters the gods reserved to themselves; they were dark to men. You may plant a field well; but you know not who shall gather the fruits: you may build a house well; but you know not who shall dwell in it: able to command, you cannot know whether it is profitable to command: versed in statecraft, you know not whether it is profitable to guide the state: though, for your delight, you marry a pretty woman, you cannot tell whether she will bring you sorrow: though you form a party among men mighty in the state, you know not whether they will cause you to be driven from the state. 1.1.9. If any man thinks that these matters are wholly within the grasp of the human mind and nothing in them is beyond our reason, that man, he said, is irrational. But it is no less irrational to seek the guidance of heaven in matters which men are permitted by the gods to decide for themselves by study: to ask, for instance, Is it better to get an experienced coachman to drive my carriage or a man without experience? Cyropaedia I. vi. 6. Is it better to get an experienced seaman to steer my ship or a man without experience? So too with what we may know by reckoning, measurement or weighing. To put such questions to the gods seemed to his mind profane. In short, what the gods have granted us to do by help of learning, we must learn; what is hidden from mortals we should try to find out from the gods by divination: for to him that is in their grace the gods grant a sign. 1.3.1. In order to support my opinion that he benefited his companions, alike by actions that revealed his own character and by his conversation, I will set down what I recollect of these. First, then, for his attitude towards religion; his deeds and words were clearly in harmony with the answer given by the Priestess at Delphi to such questions as What is my duty about sacrifice? or about cult of ancestors. For the answer of the Priestess is, Follow the custom of the State: that is the way to act piously. And so Socrates acted himself and counselled others to act. To take any other course he considered presumption and folly. |
|
77. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 125| 3.2.12. καὶ εὐξάμενοι τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι ὁπόσους κατακάνοιεν τῶν πολεμίων τοσαύτας χιμαίρας καταθύσειν τῇ θεῷ, ἐπεὶ οὐκ εἶχον ἱκανὰς εὑρεῖν, ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν πεντακοσίας θύειν, καὶ ἔτι νῦν ἀποθύουσιν. | 3.2.12. And while they had vowed to Artemis that for every man they might slay of the enemy they would sacrifice a goat to the goddess, they were unable to find goats enough; According to Herodotus ( Hdt. 6.117 ) the Persian dead numbered 6,400. so they resolved to offer five hundred every year, and this sacrifice they are paying even to this day. |
|
| 78. Callimachus, Iambi, 194 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle •oracles, delphi Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 483 |
| 79. Callimachus, Fragments, 229 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle •oracles, delphi Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 483 |
| 80. Anaximenes of Lampsacus, Rhetoric To Alexander, 2.3-2.4 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo of delphi Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 178 |
| 81. Aeschines, Letters, 1.125, 3.116 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, oracle at delphi •delphi, oracles from •oracle, delphi Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 43; Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 278 |
| 82. Aristotle, Rhetoric, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 35 |
| 83. Callimachus, Fragments, 229 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle •oracles, delphi Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 483 |
| 84. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 579 |
| 85. Hyperides, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Fletcher (2012), Performing Oaths in Classical Greek Drama, 71 |
| 86. Straton Comicus, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan |
| 87. Lycurgus, Against Leocrates, 143, 147, 1 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 79 |
| 88. Aristotle, On Dreams, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle •oracles, delphi Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 481 |
| 89. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 3.1-3.3, 19.2, 19.4, 21.6, 30.2, 56.1, 57.1 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 120; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 579; Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 81; Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 112, 154, 272; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 35, 79, 256 |
| 90. Philochorus, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 247, 257 |
| 91. Aristotle, Respiration, 191.72 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 59, 110 |
| 92. Callimachus, Fragments, 229 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle •oracles, delphi Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 483 |
| 93. Aristotle, Fragments, 191.72 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 59, 110 |
| 94. Lycurgus, Fragments, 6.4 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo of delphi Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 125 |
| 95. Democritus Ephesius, Fragments, None (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle at Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 244 |
| 96. Herodas, Mimes, 2.97 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of apollo Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 178 |
97. Cicero, On Duties, 2.77 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 85| 2.77. Nullum igitur vitium taetrius est, ut eo, unde egressa est, referat se oratio, quam avaritia, praesertim in principibus et rem publicam gubertibus. Habere enim quaestui rem publicam non modo turpe est, sed sceleratum etiam et nefarium. Itaque, quod Apollo Pythius oraclum edidit, Spartam nulla re alia nisi avaritia esse perituram, id videtur non solum Lacedaemoniis, sed etiam omnibus opulentis populis praedixisse. Nulla autem re conciliare facilius benivolentiam multitudinis possunt ii, qui rei publicae praesunt, quam abstinentia et continentia. | 2.77. There is, then, to bring the discussion back to the point from which it digressed, no vice more offensive than avarice, especially in men who stand foremost and hold the helm of state. For to exploit the state for selfish profit is not only immoral; it is criminal, infamous. And so the oracle, which the Pythian Apollo uttered, that "Sparta should not fall from any other cause than avarice," seems to be a prophecy not to the Lacedaemonians alone, but to all wealthy nations as well. They who direct the affairs of state, then, can win the good-will of the masses by no other means more easily than by self-restraint and self-denial. |
|
98. Cicero, On Divination, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 668| 1.88. Amphilochus et Mopsus Argivorum reges fuerunt, sed iidem augures, iique urbis in ora marituma Ciliciae Graecas condiderunt; atque etiam ante hos Amphiaraus et Tiresias non humiles et obscuri neque eorum similes, ut apud Ennium est, Quí sui quaestus caúsa fictas súscitant senténtias, sed clari et praestantes viri, qui avibus et signis admoniti futura dicebant; quorum de altero etiam apud inferos Homerus ait solum sapere, ceteros umbrarum vagari modo ; Amphiaraum autem sic honoravit fama Graeciae, deus ut haberetur, atque ut ab eius solo, in quo est humatus, oracla peterentur. | 1.88. Amphilochus and Mopsus were kings of Argos, but they were augurs too, and they founded Greek cities on the coasts of Cilicia. And even before them were Amphiaraus and Tiresias. They were no lowly and unknown men, nor were they like the person described by Ennius,Who, for their own gain, uphold opinions that are false,but they were eminent men of the noblest type and foretold the future by means of augural signs. In speaking of Tiresias, even when in the infernal regions, Homer says that he alone was wise, that the rest were mere wandering shadows. As for Amphiaraus, his reputation in Greece was such that he was honoured as a god, and oracular responses were sought in the place where he was buried. |
|
99. Polybius, Histories, 6.10, 8.12.7-8.12.8, 10.2.11, 21.6.7, 21.37.5-21.37.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle •oracles, of apollo in delphi •delphi, oracle of Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 66; Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 77; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 59| 8.12.7. οὗτος μὲν οὖν καὶ διὰ τὸ πολλάκις τῆς ἀρχῆς τετευχέναι παρὰ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς, καὶ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν εἰς τὸ ἔθνος εὐεργεσιῶν, μεταλλάξας τὸν βίον ἔτυχε πρεπούσης τιμῆς καὶ παρὰ τῇ πατρίδι καὶ παρὰ τῷ κοινῷ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν· 8.12.8. καὶ γὰρ θυσίας αὐτῷ καὶ τιμὰς ἡρωικὰς ἐψηφίσαντο, καὶ συλλήβδην ὅσα πρὸς αἰώνιον ἀνήκει μνήμην, ὥστʼ εἴπερ καὶ περὶ τοὺς ἀποιχομένους ἔστι τις αἴσθησις, εἰκὸς εὐδοκεῖν αὐτὸν καὶ τῇ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν εὐχαριστίᾳ καὶ ταῖς ἐν τῷ ζῆν κακοπραγίαις καὶ κινδύνοις. [ ξοδ. υρβ. φολ. 106 εχτρ. εχξ. αντ. π. 198 ; Φίλιππος δὲ — 7 τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ηαβετ ξοδ. πειρ. αβ αντεξεδεντιβυς νον σειυνξτα. ] 10.2.11. Λυκοῦργος μὲν αἰεὶ προσλαμβανόμενος ταῖς ἰδίαις ἐπιβολαῖς τὴν ἐκ τῆς Πυθίας φήμην εὐπαραδεκτοτέρας καὶ πιστοτέρας ἐποίει τὰς ἰδίας ἐπινοίας, 21.6.7. ἐξελθόντες μὲν Γάλλοι δύο μετὰ τύπων καὶ προστηθιδίων ἐδέοντο μηδὲν ἀνήκεστον βουλεύεσθαι περὶ τῆς πόλεως. — 21.37.5. καὶ παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν ποταμὸν στρατοπεδευσαμένου παραγίνονται Γάλλοι παρʼ Ἄττιδος καὶ Βαττάκου τῶν ἐκ Πεσσινοῦντος ἱερέων τῆς Μητρὸς τῶν θεῶν, 21.37.6. ἔχοντες προστηθίδια καὶ τύπους, φάσκοντες προσαγγέλλειν τὴν θεὸν νίκην καὶ κράτος. 21.37.7. οὓς ὁ Γνάιος φιλανθρώπως ὑπεδέξατο. — | 6.10. 1. At present I will give a brief account of the legislation of Lycurgus, a matter not alien to my present purpose.,2. Lycurgus had perfectly well understood that all the above changes take place necessarily and naturally, and had taken into consideration that every variety of constitution which is simple and formed on principle is precarious, as it is soon perverted into the corrupt form which is proper to it and naturally follows on it.,3. For just as rust in the case of iron and wood-worms and ship-worms in the case of timber are inbred pests, and these substances, even though they escape all external injury, fall a prey to the evils engendered in them, so each constitution has a vice engendered in it and inseparable from it. In kingship it is despotism, in aristocracy oligarchy,,5. and in democracy the savage rule of violence; and it is impossible, as I said above, that each of these should not in course of time change into this vicious form.,6. Lycurgus, then, foreseeing this, did not make his constitution simple and uniform, but united in it all the good and distinctive features of the best governments, so that none of the principles should grow unduly and be perverted into its allied evil, but that, the force of each being neutralized by that of the others, neither of them should prevail and outbalance another, but that the constitution should remain for long in a state of equilibrium like a well-trimmed boat, kingship being guarded from arrogance by the fear of the commons, who were given a sufficient share in the government, and the commons on the other hand not venturing to treat the kings with contempt from fear of the elders, who being selected from the best citizens would be sure all of them to be always on the side of justice;,10. so that that part of the state which was weakest owing to its subservience to traditional custom, acquired power and weight by the support and influence of the elders.,11. The consequence was that by drawing up his constitution thus he preserved liberty at Sparta for a longer period than is recorded elsewhere.,12. Lycurgus then, foreseeing, by a process of reasoning, whence and how events naturally happen, constructed his constitution untaught by adversity,,13. but the Romans while they have arrived at the same final result as regards their form of government,,14. have not reached it by any process of reasoning, but by the discipline of many struggles and troubles, and always choosing the best by the light of the experience gained in disaster have thus reached the same result as Lycurgus, that is to say, the best of all existing constitutions. V. On the Roman Constitution at its Prime 8.12.7. This man then, because he had so often held the chief office in Achaea, and owing to the number and importance of the benefits he had conferred on the nation, had fitting honours paid him on his death both by his own city and by the Achaean League. 8.12.8. They voted him sacrifices and honours such as are paid to heroes, and everything in short which contributes to immortalize a man's memory, so that, if the dead have any feeling, he must take pleasure in the gratitude of the Achaeans and in the recollection of the hardships and perils he suffered in his life. . . . Philip's capture of Lissus in Illyria 21.6.7. Two Galli or priests of Cybele with images and pectorals came out of the town, and besought them not to resort to extreme measures against the city. Naval Matters (Suid.) 21.37.5. As he was encamped close to the river, two Galli, with pectorals and images, came on behalf of Attis and Battacus, the priests of the Mother of the Gods at Pessinus, 21.37.6. announcing that the goddess foretold his victory. 21.37.7. Manlius gave them a courteous reception. (Cp. Livy XXXVIII.18.10) |
|
| 100. Philodemus of Gadara, De Pietate \ , None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •oracle, oracular, oracle of delphi Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 207 |
| 101. Posidonius Apamensis Et Rhodius, Fragments, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo in delphi Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 76 |
| 102. Nicolaus of Damascus, Fragments, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 110 |
| 103. Livy, History, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 219 |
104. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.47.5-1.47.6, 2.61.2 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of •delphi, oracle Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 77; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 111 | 1.47.5. Aeneas, having accepted these conditions, which he looked upon as the best possible in the circumstances, sent away Ascanius, his eldest son, with some of the allies, chiefly Phrygians, to the country of Dascylitis, as it is called, in which lies the Ascanian lake, since he had been invited by the inhabitants to reign over them. But Ascanius did not tarry there for any great length of time; for when Scamandrius and the other descendants of Hector who had been permitted by Neoptolemus to return home from Greece, came to him, he went to Troy, in order to restore them to their ancestral kingdom. 1.47.6. Regarding Ascanius, then, this is all that is told. As for Aeneas, after his fleet was ready, he embarked with the rest of his sons and his father, taking with him the images of the gods, and crossing the Hellespont, sailed to the nearest peninsula, which lies in front of Europe and is called Pallenê. This country was occupied by a Thracian people called Crusaeans, who were allies of the Trojans and had assisted them during the war with greater zeal than any of the others. 2.61.2. They say that in this he followed the example of the Greeks, emulating the wisdom both of Minos the Cretan and of Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian. For the former of these claimed to hold converse with Zeus, and going frequently to the Dictaean mountain, in which the Cretan legends say that the new-born Zeus was brought up by the Curetes, he used to descend into the holy cave; and having composed his laws there, he would produce them, affirming that he had received them from Zeus. And Lycurgus, paying visits to Delphi, said he was forming his code of laws under the instruction of Apollo. |
|
105. Philo of Alexandria, That Every Good Person Is Free, 1, 106, 13, 19, 2, 29 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 23 | 29. Accordingly the lawgiver of the Jews represents the hands of the wise man as a heavy, intimating by this figurative expression the gravity of his actions, which are supported in no superficial but in a solid manner by his inflexible mind. |
|
106. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.28.6-1.28.7, 4.61-4.63, 4.68.1-4.68.2, 7.12, 7.12.1-7.12.2, 7.12.5, 7.12.8, 8.22, 8.29-8.30, 10.4.3, 11.29, 12.11.4, 13.102.2, 16.26.1-16.26.6, 16.27.1, 17.49, 17.51.1-17.51.2, 22.9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 584 | 17.51.2. He replied, "I accept, father; for the future I shall be called thy son. But tell me if thou givest me the rule of the whole earth." The priest now entered the sacred enclosure and as the bearers now lifted the god and were moved according to certain prescribed sounds of the voice, the prophet cried that of a certainty the god had granted him his request, and Alexander spoke again: "The last, O spirit, of my questions now answer; have I punished all those who were the murderers of my father or have some escaped me?" |
|
107. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 12.39-12.63 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Skempis and Ziogas (2014), Geography, Topography, Landscape: Configurations of Space in Greek and Roman Epic 338| 12.39. Orbe locus medio est inter terrasque fretumque 12.40. caelestesque plagas, triplicis confinia mundi, 12.41. unde quod est usquam, quamvis regionibus absit, 12.42. inspicitur, penetratque cavas vox omnis ad aures. 12.43. Fama tenet summaque domum sibi legit in arce, 12.44. innumerosque aditus ac mille foramina tectis 12.45. addidit et nullis inclusit limina portis: 12.46. nocte dieque patet. Tota est ex aere soti, 12.47. tota fremit vocesque refert iteratque quod audit. 12.48. Nulla quies intus nullaque silentia parte, 12.49. nec tamen est clamor, sed parvae murmura vocis, 12.50. qualia de pelagi, siquis procul audiat, undis 12.51. esse solent, qualemve sonum, cum Iuppiter atras 12.52. increpuit nubes, extrema tonitrua reddunt. 12.53. Atria turba tenet: veniunt, leve vulgus, euntque 12.54. mixtaque cum veris passim commenta vagantur 12.55. milia rumorum confusaque verba volutant. 12.56. E quibus hi vacuas inplent sermonibus aures, 12.57. hi narrata ferunt alio; mensuraque ficti 12.58. crescit, et auditis aliquid novus adicit auctor. 12.59. Illic Credulitas, illic temerarius Error 12.60. vanaque Laetitia est consternatique Timores 12.61. Seditioque recens dubioque auctore Susurri. 12.62. Ipsa, quid in caelo rerum pelagoque geratur 12.63. et tellure, videt totumque inquirit in orbem. | |
|
| 108. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 6.1.10-6.1.11 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Skempis and Ziogas (2014), Geography, Topography, Landscape: Configurations of Space in Greek and Roman Epic 336, 338 |
109. New Testament, Apocalypse, 1.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, sanctuary and oracle at, Found in books: Luck (2006), Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts, 37| 1.20. τὸ μυστήριον τῶν ἑπτὰ ἀστέρων οὓς εἶδες ἐπὶ τῆς δεξιᾶς μου, καὶ τὰς ἑπτὰ λυχνίας τὰς χρυσᾶς· οἱ ἑπτὰ ἀστέρες ἄγγελοι τῶν ἑπτὰ ἐκκλησιῶν εἰσίν, καὶ αἱ λυχνίαι αἱἑπτὰ ἑπτὰ ἐκκλησίαι εἰσίν. | 1.20. the mystery of the seven stars which you saw in my right hand, and the seven golden lampstands. The seven stars are the angels of the seven assemblies. The seven lampstands are seven assemblies. |
|
110. New Testament, Ephesians, 6.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •oracle, delphi Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun (2014), The History of Religions School Today : Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts 103| 6.16. ἐν πᾶσιν ἀναλαβόντες τὸν θυρεὸν τῆς πίστεως, ἐν ᾧ δυνήσεσθε πάντα τὰ βέλη τοῦ πονηροῦ [τὰ] πεπυρωμένα σβέσαι· | 6.16. above all, taking up the shield of faith, with which you will be able to quench all the fiery darts of the evil one. |
|
| 111. Plutarch, Oracles At Delphi No Longer Given In Verse, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013), Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians, 96 |
| 112. Appian, Civil Wars, 1.97 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 123 |
| 113. Philo of Byblos, Fragments, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 48 |
| 114. Plutarch, It Is Impossible To Live Pleasantly In The Manner of Epicurus, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 78 |
115. Plutarch, Nicias, 1.5, 3.5, 21.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle •delphi, oracle of Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 3; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 48, 211| 1.5. ἃς γοῦν Θουκυδίδης ἐξήνεγκε πράξεις καὶ Φίλιστος, ἐπεὶ παρελθεῖν οὐκ ἔστι, μάλιστά γε δὴ τὸν τρόπον καὶ τὴν διάθεσιν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ὑπὸ πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων παθῶν καλυπτομένην περιεχούσας, ἐπιδραμὼν βραχέως καὶ διὰ τῶν ἀναγκαίων, ἵνα μὴ παντάπασιν ἀμελὴς δοκῶ καὶ ἀργὸς εἶναι, τὰ διαφεύγοντα τοὺς πολλούς, ὑφʼ ἑτέρων δʼ εἰρημένα σποράδην ἢ πρὸς ἀναθήμασιν ἢ ψηφίσμασιν εὑρημένα παλαιοῖς πεπείραμαι συναγαγεῖν, οὐ τὴν ἄχρηστον ἀθροίζων ἱστορίαν, ἀλλὰ τὴν πρὸς κατανόησιν ἤθους καὶ τρόπου παραδιδούς. 3.5. ἐκεῖνος, ὅτε τὴν θεωρίαν ἦγεν, αὐτὸς μὲν εἰς Ῥήνειαν ἀπέβη τὸν χορὸν ἔχων καὶ τὰ ἱερεῖα καὶ τὴν ἄλλην παρασκευήν, ζεῦγμα δὲ πεποιημένον Ἀθήνησι πρὸς τὰ μέτρα καὶ κεκοσμημένον ἐκπρεπῶς χρυσώσεσι καὶ βαφαῖς καὶ στεφάνοις καὶ αὐλαίαις κομίξων, διὰ νυκτὸς ἐγεφύρωσε τὸν μεταξὺ Ῥηνείας καὶ Δήλου πόρον οὐκ ὄντα μέγαν· εἶθʼ ἅμα ἡμέρᾳ τήν τε πομπὴν τῷ θεῷ καὶ τὸν χορὸν ἄγων κεκοσμημένον πολυτελῶς καὶ ᾄδοντα διὰ τῆς γεφύρας ἀπεβίβαζε. 21.2. ἦν οὖν, ὡς εἰκός, αὖθις ἐν φόβῳ μεγάλῳ τὰ Συρακουσίων εἰς οὐδὲν πέρας οὐδὲ ἀπαλλαγήν, ἀλλὰ πονοῦντας ἄλλως καὶ φθειρομένους αὑτοὺς μάτην ὁρώντων. τὸν δὲ Νικίαν οὐ πολὺν χρόνον εὔφρανεν ἡ παρουσία τῆς δυνάμεως, ἀλλʼ ἅμα τῷ πρῶτον ἐν λόγοις γενέσθαι, τοῦ Δημοσθένους εὐθὺς ἐπιχειρεῖν τοῖς πολεμίοις κελεύοντος καὶ τῷ ταχίστῳ τῶν κινδύνων περὶ τοῦ παντὸς διαγωνισαμένους ἑλεῖν Συρακούσας ἢ ἀποπλεῖν οἴκαδε, δείσας καὶ θαυμάσας τὴν ὀξύτητα καὶ τόλμαν ἐδεῖτο μηδὲν ἀπεγνωσμένως πράττειν μηδὲ ἀνοήτως. | 1.5. 3.5. 21.2. |
|
| 116. Suetonius, Augustus, 94.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of apollo Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 603 |
117. New Testament, Acts, 1.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, sanctuary and oracle at, Found in books: Luck (2006), Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts, 182| 1.3. οἷς καὶ παρέστησεν ἑαυτὸν ζῶντα μετὰ τὸ παθεῖν αὐτὸν ἐν πολλοῖς τεκμηρίοις, διʼ ἡμερῶν τεσσεράκοντα ὀπτανόμενος αὐτοῖς καὶ λέγων τὰ περὶ τῆς βασιλείας τοῦ θεοῦ. | 1.3. To these he also showed himself alive after his suffering by many proofs, appearing to them over a period of forty days, and spoke about God's Kingdom. |
|
| 118. New Testament, 2 Timothy, 1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of apollo •delphi, speculation regarding early dream-oracle Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 523 |
| 119. Plutarch, Pelopidas, 21 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 88 |
120. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 4.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle and lycurgus Found in books: Westwood (2023), Moses among the Greek Lawgivers: Reading Josephus’ Antiquities through Plutarch’s Lives. 106| 4.1. ὁ δὲ Νομᾶς ἐκλείπων τὰς ἐν ἄστει διατριβὰς ἀγραυλεῖν τὰ πολλὰ καὶ πλανᾶσθαι μόνος ἤθελεν, ἐν ἄλσεσι θεῶν καὶ λειμῶσιν ἱεροῖς καὶ τόποις ἐρήμοις ποιούμενος τὴν δίαιταν. ὅθεν οὐχ ἥκιστα τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁ περὶ τῆς θεᾶς ἔλαβε λόγος, ὡς ἄρα Νομᾶς ἐκεῖνος οὐκ ἀδημονίᾳ τινὶ ψυχῆς καὶ πλάνῃ τὸν μετὰ ἀνθρώπων ἀπολέλοιπε βίον, | 4.1. Then Numa, forsaking the ways of city folk, determined to live for the most part in country places, and to wander there alone, passing his days in groves of the gods, sacred meadows, and solitudes. This, more than anything else, gave rise to the story about his goddess. It was not, so the story ran, from any distress or aberration of spirit that he forsook the ways of men, but he had tasted the joy of more august companionship 4.1. Then Numa, forsaking the ways of city folk, determined to live for the most part in country places, and to wander there alone, passing his days in groves of the gods, sacred meadows, and solitudes. This, more than anything else, gave rise to the story about his goddess. It was not, so the story ran, from any distress or aberration of spirit that he forsook the ways of men, but he had tasted the joy of more august companionship |
|
| 121. Plutarch, On Isis And Osiris, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 403 |
122. Plutarch, Pericles, 30.2, 32.1-32.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracles from •oracles, of apollo of delphi Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 129; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 247| 30.2. ὑπῆν μὲν οὖν τις, ὡς ἔοικεν, αὐτῷ καὶ ἰδία πρὸς τοὺς Μεγαρεῖς ἀπέχθεια· κοινὴν δὲ καὶ φανερὰν ποιησάμενος αἰτίαν κατʼ αὐτῶν ἀποτέμνεσθαι τὴν ἱερὰν ὀργάδα, γράφει ψήφισμα κήρυκα πεμφθῆναι πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους τὸν αὐτὸν κατηγοροῦντα τῶν Μεγαρέων. 32.1. περὶ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον Ἀσπασία δίκην ἔφευγεν ἀσεβείας, Ἑρμίππου τοῦ κωμῳδοποιοῦ διώκοντος καὶ προσκατηγοροῦντος ὡς Περικλεῖ γυναῖκας ἐλευθέρας εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ φοιτώσας ὑποδέχοιτο. καὶ ψήφισμα Διοπείθης ἔγραψεν εἰσαγγέλλεσθαι τοὺς τὰ θεῖα μὴ νομίζοντας ἢ λόγους περὶ τῶν μεταρσίων διδάσκοντας, ἀπερειδόμενος εἰς Περικλέα διʼ Ἀναξαγόρου τὴν ὑπόνοιαν. 32.2. δεχομένου δὲ τοῦ δήμου καὶ προσιεμένου τὰς διαβολάς, οὕτως ἤδη ψήφισμα κυροῦται, Δρακοντίδου γράψαντος, ὅπως οἱ λόγοι τῶν χρημάτων ὑπὸ Περικλέους εἰς τοὺς Πρυτάνεις ἀποτεθεῖεν, οἱ δὲ δικασταὶ τὴν ψῆφον ἀπὸ τοῦ βωμοῦ φέροντες ἐν τῇ πόλει κρίνοιεν. Ἅγνων δὲ· τοῦτο μὲν ἀφεῖλε τοῦ ψηφίσματος, κρίνεσθαι δὲ τὴν δίκην ἔγραψεν ἐν δικασταῖς χιλίοις καὶ πεντακοσίοις, εἴτε κλοπῆς καὶ δώρων εἴτʼ ἀδικίου βούλοιτό τις ὀνομάζειν τὴν δίωξιν. | 30.2. He must have secretly cherished, then, as it seems, some private grudge against the Megarians; but by way of public and open charge he accused them of appropriating to their own profane uses the sacred territory of Eleusis, and proposed a decree that a herald be sent to them, the same to go also to the Lacedaemonians with a denunciation of the Megarians. 32.1. About this time also Aspasia was put on trial for impiety, Hermippus the comic poet being her prosecutor, who alleged further against her that she received free-born women into a place of assignation for Pericles. And Diopeithes brought in a bill providing for the public impeachment of such as did not believe in gods, or who taught doctrines regarding the heavens, directing suspicion against Pericles by means of Anaxagoras. 32.2. The people accepted with delight these slanders, and so, while they were in this mood, a bill was passed, on motion of Dracontides, that Pericles should deposit his accounts of public moneys with the prytanes, and that the jurors should decide upon his case with ballots which had lain upon the altar of the goddess on the acropolis. But Hagnon amended this clause of the bill with the motion that the case be tried before fifteen hundred jurors in the ordinary way, whether one wanted to call it a prosecution for embezzlement and bribery, or malversation. |
|
123. Plutarch, Phocion, 28.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013), Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians, 83| 28.4. ἡ μὲν οὖν φρουρὰ διὰ Μένυλλον οὐδὲν ἠνίασε τοὺς ἀνθρώπους· τῶν δὲ ἀποψηφισθέντων τοῦ πολιτεύματος διὰ πενίαν ὑπὲρ μυρίους καὶ δισχιλίους γενομένων οἵ τε μένοντες ἐδόκουν σχέτλια καὶ ἄτιμα πάσχειν, οἵ τε διὰ τοῦτο τὴν πόλιν ἐκλιπόντες καὶ μεταστάντες εἰς Θρᾴκην, Ἀντιπάτρου γῆν καὶ πόλιν αὐτοῖς παρασχόντος, ἐκπεπολιορκημένοις ἐῴκεσαν. | 28.4. |
|
| 124. Plutarch, Placita Philosophorum (874D-911C), 13 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 840, 841 |
| 125. Herodotus Medicus, Fragments, 1.85, 3.131, 6.86 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle at Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 244, 374 |
| 126. Plutarch, How The Young Man Should Study Poetry, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 88 |
127. Plutarch, Romulus, 28.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 89| 28.7. ἥκει γὰρ ἐκεῖθεν, ἐκεῖ δʼ ἄνεισιν, οὐ μετὰ σώματος, ἀλλʼ ἐὰν ὅτι μάλιστα σώματος ἀπαλλαγῇ καὶ διακριθῇ καὶ γένηται καθαρὸν παντάπασι καὶ ἄσαρκον καὶ ἁγνόν. αὕη γὰρ ψυχὴ ἀρίστη, Αὔη γὰρ ψυχὴ ἀρίστη Bekker: αὕτη γὰρ ψυχὴ ξηρὴ καὶ ἀρίστη . καθʼ Ἡράκλειτον, ὥσπερ ἀστραπὴ νέφους διαπταμένη τοῦ σώματος. ἡ δὲ σώματι πεφυρμένη καὶ περίπλεως σώματος, οἷον ἀναθυμίασις ἐμβριθὴς καὶ ὁμιχλώδης, δυσέξαπτός ἐστι καὶ δυσανακόμιστος. | 28.7. Yes, it comes from them, and to them it returns, not with its body, but only when it is most completely separated and set free from the body, and becomes altogether pure, fleshless, and undefiled. For a dry soul is best, according to Heracleitus, Fragment 74 (Bywater, Heracliti Ephesii reliquiae , p. 30). and it flies from the body as lightning flashes from a cloud. But the soul which is contaminated with body, and surfeited with body, like a damp and heavy exhalation, is slow to release itself and slow to rise towards its source. |
|
128. Plutarch, Solon, 3.4, 12.1-12.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of •delphi, oracle •oracles, delphi •oracles, of apollo of delphi Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 480; Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 159; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 25| 3.4. ἔνιοι δέ φασιν ὅτι καὶ τοὺς νόμους ἐπεχείρησεν ἐντείνας εἰς ἔπος ἐξενεγκεῖν, καὶ διαμνημονεύουσι τὴν ἀρχὴν οὕτως ἔχουσαν· 12.1. τὸ δὲ Κυλώνειον ἄγος ἤδη μὲν ἐκ πολλοῦ διετάραττε τὴν πόλιν, ἐξ οὗ τοὺς συνωμότας τοῦ Κύλωνος ἱκετεύοντας τὴν θεὸν Μεγακλῆς ὁ ἄρχων ἐπὶ δίκῃ κατελθεῖν ἔπεισεν· ἐξάψαντας δὲ τοῦ ἕδους κρόκην κλωστὴν καὶ ταύτης ἐχομένους, ὡς ἐγένοντο περὶ τὰς σεμνὰς θεὰς καταβαίνοντες, αὐτομάτως τῆς κρόκης ῥαγείσης, ὥρμησε συλλαμβάνειν ὁ Μεγακλῆς καὶ οἱ συνάρχοντες, ὡς τῆς θεοῦ τὴν ἱκεσίαν ἀπολεγομένης· καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἔξω κατέλευσαν, οἱ δὲ τοῖς βωμοῖς προσφυγόντες ἀπεσφάγησαν· μόνοι δʼ ἀφείθησαν οἱ τὰς γυναῖκας αὐτῶν ἱκετεύσαντες. 12.2. ἐκ τούτου δὲ κληθέντες ἐναγεῖς ἐμισοῦντο· καὶ τῶν Κυλωνείων οἱ περιγενόμενοι πάλιν ἦσαν ἰσχυροί, καὶ στασιάζοντες ἀεὶ διετέλουν πρὸς τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ Μεγακλέους. ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε χρόνῳ τῆς στάσεως ἀκμὴν λαβούσης μάλιστα καὶ τοῦ δήμου διαστάντος, ἤδη δόξαν ἔχων ὁ Σόλων παρῆλθεν εἰς μέσον ἅμα τοῖς ἀρίστοις τῶν Ἀθηναίων, καὶ δεόμενος καὶ διδάσκων ἔπεισε τοὺς ἐναγεῖς λεγομένους δίκην ὑποσχεῖν καὶ κριθῆναι τριακοσίων ἀριστίνδην δικαζόντων. 12.3. Μύρωνος δὲ τοῦ Φλυέως κατηγοροῦντος ἑάλωσαν οἱ ἄνδρες, καὶ μετέστησαν οἱ ζῶντες· τῶν δʼ ἀποθανόντων τοὺς νεκροὺς ἀνορύξαντες ἐξέρριψαν ὑπὲρ τοὺς ὅρους. ταύταις δὲ ταῖς ταραχαῖς καὶ Μεγαρέων συνεπιθεμένων ἀπέβαλόν τε Νίσαιαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Σαλαμῖνος ἐξέπεσον αὖθις. καὶ φόβοι τινὲς ἐκ δεισιδαιμονίας ἅμα καὶ φάσματα κατεῖχε τὴν πόλιν, οἵ τε μάντεις ἄγη καὶ μιασμοὺς δεομένους καθαρμῶν προφαίνεσθαι διὰ τῶν ἱερῶν ἠγόρευον. 12.4. οὕτω δὴ μετάπεμπτος αὐτοῖς ἧκεν ἐκ Κρήτης Ἐπιμενίδης ὁ Φαίστιος, ὃν ἕβδομον ἐν τοῖς σοφοῖς καταριθμοῦσιν ἔνιοι τῶν οὐ προσιεμένων τὸν Περίανδρον. ἐδόκει δέ τις εἶναι θεοφιλὴς καὶ σοφὸς περὶ τὰ θεῖα τὴν ἐνθουσιαστικὴν καὶ τελεστικὴν σοφίαν, διὸ καὶ παῖδα νύμφης ὄνομα Βάλτης καὶ Κούρητα νέον αὐτὸν οἱ τότε ἄνθρωποι προσηγόρευον. ἐλθὼν δὲ καὶ τῷ Σόλωνι χρησάμενος φίλῳ πολλὰ προσυπειργάσατο καὶ προωδοποίησεν αὐτῷ τῆς νομοθεσίας. 12.5. καὶ γὰρ εὐσταλεῖς ἐποίησε τὰς ἱερουργίας καὶ περὶ τὰ πένθη πρᾳοτέρους, θυσίας τινὰς εὐθὺς ἀναμίξας πρὸς τὰ κήδη, καὶ τὸ σκληρὸν ἀφελὼν καὶ τὸ βαρβαρικὸν ᾧ συνείχοντο πρότερον αἱ πλεῖσται γυναῖκες. τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, ἱλασμοῖς τισι καὶ καθαρμοῖς καὶ ἱδρύσεσι κατοργιάσας καὶ καθοσιώσας τὴν πόλιν ὑπήκοον τοῦ δικαίου καὶ μᾶλλον εὐπειθῆ πρὸς ὁμόνοιαν κατέστησε. λέγεται δὲ τὴν Μουνυχίαν ἰδὼν καὶ καταμαθὼν πολὺν χρόνον, εἰπεῖν πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας ὡς τυφλόν ἐστι τοῦ μέλλοντος ἄνθρωπος· | 3.4. Some say, too, that he attempted to reduce his laws to heroic verse before he published them, and they give us this introduction to them:— First let us offer prayers to Zeus, the royal son of Cronus, That he may give these laws of ours success and fame. Solon, Fragm. 31 (Bergk) In philosophy, he cultivated chiefly the domain of political ethics, like most of the wise men of the time; and in physics, he is very simple and antiquated, as is clear from the following verses:— 12.1. Now the Cylonian pollution had for a long time agitated the city, ever since Megacles the archon had persuaded Cylon and his fellow conspirators, who had taken sanctuary in the temple of Athena, to come down and stand their trial. About 636 B.C. Cf. Hdt. 5.71 ; Thuc. 1.126 . They fastened a braided thread to the image of the goddess and kept hold of it, but when they reached the shrine of the Erinyes on their way down, the thread broke of its own accord, upon which Megacles and his fellow-archons rushed to seize them, on the plea that the goddess refused them the rights of suppliants. Those who were outside of sacred precincts were stoned to death, and those who took refuge at the altars were slaughtered there; only those were spared who made supplication to the wives of the archons. 12.2. Therefore the archons were called polluted men and were held in execration. The survivors of the followers of Cylon also recovered strength, and were forever at variance with the descendants of Megacles. At this particular time the quarrel was at its height and the people divided between the two factions. Solon, therefore, being now in high repute, interposed between them, along with the noblest of the Athenians, and by his entreaties and injunctions persuaded the men who were held to be polluted to submit to a trial, and to abide by the decision of three hundred jurors selected from the nobility. 12.3. Myron of Phlya conducted the prosecution, and the family of Megacles was found guilty. Those who were alive were banished, and the bodies of the dead were dug up and cast forth beyond the borders of the country. During these disturbances the Megarians also attacked the Athenians, who lost Nisaea, and were driven out of Salamis once more. The city was also visited with superstitious fears and strange appearances, and the seers declared that their sacrifices indicated pollutions and defilements which demanded expiation. 12.4. Under these circumstances they summoned to their aid from Crete Epimenides of Phaestus, who is reckoned as the seventh Wise Man by some of those who refuse Periander a place in the list. See note on Plut. Sol. 3.5 , and cf. Aristot. Const. Ath. 1 . He was reputed to be a man beloved of the gods, and endowed with a mystical and heaven-sent wisdom in religious matters. Therefore the men of his time said that he was the son of a nymph named Balte, and called him a new Cures. The Curetes were Cretan priests of Idaean Zeus, who took their name from the demi-gods to whose care Rhea was said to have committed the infant Zeus. On coming to Athens he made Solon his friend, assisted him in many ways, and paved the way for his legislation. 12.5. For he made the Athenians decorous and careful in their religious services, and milder in their rites of mourning, by attaching certain sacrifices immediately to their funeral ceremonies and by taking away the harsh and barbaric practices in which their women had usually indulged up to that time. Most important of all, by sundry rites of propitiation and purification, and by sacred foundations, he hallowed and consecrated the city, and brought it to be observant of justice and more easily inclined to uimity. It is said that when he had seen Munychia The acropolis of the Peiraeus, stategically commanding not only that peninsula, but also Athens itself. garrisoned by conquerors of Athens and considered it for some time, he remarked to the bystanders that man was indeed blind to the future; |
|
129. Plutarch, Sulla, 19.9, 29.10-29.12, 34.3-34.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 123| 34.3. ἔτι δὲ τῆς Μετέλλης παιδία τεκούσης δίδυμα τὸ μὲν ἄρρεν Φαῦστον, τὸ δὲ θῆλυ Φαῦσταν ὠνόμασε· τὸ γὰρ εὐτυχὲς καί ἱλαρὸν Ῥωμαῖοι φαῦστον καλοῦσιν. οὕτω δὲ ἄρα οὐ ταῖς πράξεσιν ὡς τοῖς εὐτυχήμασιν ἐπίστευεν, ὥστε, παμπόλλων μὲν ἀνῃρημένων ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, καινοτομίας δὲ γενομένης καί μεταβολῆς ἐν τῇ πόλει τοσαύτης, ἀποθέσθαι τὴν ἀρχὴν καί τὸν δῆμον ἀρχαιρεσιῶν ὑπατικῶν ποιῆσαι κύριον, αὐτὸς δὲ μὴ προσελθεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἐν ἀγορᾷ τὸ σῶμα παρέχων τοῖς βουλομένοις ὑπεύθυνον ὥσπερ ἰδιώτης ἀναστρέφεσθαι. 34.4. καί τις παρὰ γνώμην αὐτοῦ θρασὺς ἀνὴρ καὶ πολέμιος ἐπίδοξος ἦν ὕπατος αἱρεθήσεσθαι, Μάρκος Λέπιδος, οὐ διʼ ἑαυτόν, ἀλλὰ Πομπηΐῳ σπουδάζοντι καί δεομένῳ τοῦ δήμου χαριζομένου. 34.5. διὸ καί χαίροντα τῇ νίκῃ τὸν Πομπήϊον ὁ Σύλλας ἰδὼν ἀπιόντα καλέσας πρὸς ἑαυτόν, ὡς καλόν, ἔφη, σοῦ τὸ πολίτευμα, ὦ νεανία, τὸ Κάτλου πρότερον ἀναγορεῦσαι Λέπιδον, τοῦ πάντων ἀρίστου τὸν ἐμπληκτότατον. ὥρα μέντοι σοι μὴ καθεύδειν ὡς ἰσχυρότερον πεποιηκότι κατὰ σαυτοῦ τὸν ἀνταγωνιστήν. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν ὁ Σύλλας ὥσπερ ἀπεθέσπισε· ταχὺ γὰρ ἐξυβρίσας ὁ Λέπιδος εἰς πόλεμον κατέστη τοῖς περὶ τὸν Πομπήϊον. | 34.3. 34.4. 34.5. |
|
130. Plutarch, Theseus, 17.1-17.2, 36.1-36.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 21; Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 159| 17.1. ἐπεὶ δʼ οὖν καθῆκεν ὁ χρόνος τοῦ τρίτου δασμοῦ, καὶ παρέχειν ἔδει τοὺς πατέρας ἐπὶ τὸν κλῆρον οἷς ἦσαν ἠΐθεοι παῖδες, αὖθις ἀνεφύοντο τῷ Αἰγεῖ διαβολαὶ πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας, ὀδυρομένους καὶ ἀγανακτοῦντας ὅτι πάντων αἴτιος ὢν ἐκεῖνος, οὐδὲν μέρος ἔχει τῆς κολάσεως μόνος, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ νόθῳ καὶ ξένῳ παιδὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν πεποιημένος αὐτοὺς περιορᾷ γνησίων ἐρήμους καὶ ἄπαιδας ἀπολειπομένους. 17.2. ταῦτʼ ἠνία τὸν Θησέα, καὶ δικαιῶν μὴ ἀμελεῖν, ἀλλὰ κοινωνεῖν τῆς τύχης τοῖς πολίταις, ἐπέδωκεν ἑαυτὸν ἄνευ κλήρου προσελθών. καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις τό τε φρόνημα θαυμαστὸν ἐφάνη καὶ τὸ δημοτικὸν ἠγάπησαν, ὁ δὲ Αἰγεύς, ἐπεὶ δεόμενος καὶ καθικετεύων ἀμετάπειστον ἑώρα καὶ ἀμετάτρεπτον, ἀπεκλήρωσε τοὺς ἄλλους παῖδας. 36.1. μετὰ δὲ τὰ Μηδικὰ Φαίδωνος ἄρχοντος μαντευομένοις τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἀνεῖλεν ἡ Πυθία τὰ Θησέως ἀναλαβεῖν ὀστᾶ καὶ θεμένους ἐντίμως παρʼ αὑτοῖς φυλάττειν. ἦν δὲ καὶ λαβεῖν ἀπορία καὶ γνῶναι τὸν τάφον ἀμιξίᾳ καὶ χαλεπότητι τῶν ἐνοικούντων Δολόπων. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ Κίμων ἑλὼν τὴν νῆσον, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται, καὶ φιλοτιμούμενος ἐξανευρεῖν, ἀετοῦ τινα τόπον βουνοειδῆ κόπτοντος, ὥς φασι, τῷ στόματι καὶ διαστέλλοντος τοῖς ὄνυξι θείᾳ τινὶ τύχῃ συμφρονήσας ἀνέσκαψεν. 36.2. εὑρέθη δὲ θήκη τε μεγάλου σώματος αἰχμή τε παρακειμένη χαλκῆ καὶ ξίφος. κομισθέντων δὲ τούτων ὑπὸ Κίμωνος ἐπὶ τῆς τριήρους, ἡσθέντες οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι πομπαῖς τε λαμπραῖς ἐδέξαντο καὶ θυσίαις ὥσπερ αὐτὸν ἐπανερχόμενον εἰς τὸ ἄστυ. καὶ κεῖται μὲν ἐν μέσῃ τῇ πόλει παρὰ τὸ νῦν γυμνάσιον, ἔστι δὲ φύξιμον οἰκέταις καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς ταπεινοτέροις καὶ δεδιόσι κρείττονας, ὡς καὶ τοῦ Θησέως προστατικοῦ τινος καὶ βοηθητικοῦ γενομένου καὶ προσδεχομένου φιλανθρώπως τὰς τῶν ταπεινοτέρων δεήσεις. 36.3. θυσίαν δὲ ποιοῦσιν αὐτῷ τὴν μεγίστην ὀγδόῃ Πυανεψιῶνος, ἐν ᾗ μετὰ τῶν ἠϊθέων ἐκ Κρήτης ἐπανῆλθεν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ὀγδόαις τιμῶσιν αὐτόν, ἢ διὰ τὸ πρῶτον ἐκ Τροιζῆνος ἀφικέσθαι τῇ ὀγδόῃ τοῦ Ἑκατομβαιῶνος, ὡς ἱστόρηκε Διόδωρος ὁ περιηγητής, ἢ νομίζοντες ἑτέρου μᾶλλον ἐκείνῳ προσήκειν τὸν ἀριθμὸν τοῦτον ἐκ Ποσειδῶνος γεγονέναι λεγομένῳ. | |
|
| 131. Plutarch, Lives of The Ten Orators, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 161 |
| 132. Appian, The Mithridatic Wars, 75 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo in delphi Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 76 |
| 133. Plutarch, Coriolanus, 38.5-38.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 89 |
| 134. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013), Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians, 96 |
135. Plutarch, Marcellus, 8.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Grzesik (2022), Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. 100| 8.6. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν νίκην ἐκείνην καὶ τοῦ πολέμου τὴν κατάλυσιν οὕτως ὑπερηγάπησαν ὥστε καὶ τῷ Πυθίῳ χρυσοῦν κρατῆρα ἀπὸ λιτρῶν ἀπὸ λιτρῶν Sintenis 1 , Coraës and Bekker: ἀπὸ λύτρων . εἷς Δελφοὺς ἀποστεῖλαι χαριστήριον, καὶ τῶν λαφύρων ταῖς τε συμμαχίσι μεταδοῦναι πόλεσι λαμπρῶς, καὶ πρὸς Ἱέρωνα πολλὰ πέμψαι, τὸν Συρακουσίων βασιλέα, φίλον ὄντα καὶ σύμμαχον. | 8.6. The Romans were so overjoyed at this victory and the ending of the war that they sent to the Pythian Apollo at Delphi a golden bowl The indication of its source or value which follows in the Greek, is uncertain. . . . as a thank-offering, gave a splendid share of the spoils to their allied cities, and sent many to Hiero, the king of Syracuse, who was their friend and ally. |
|
| 136. Plutarch, On Hearing, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of •delphi, oracle of, and plutarch •delphi, oracle of, and philosophy Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013), Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians, 96 |
| 137. Plutarch, On The Malice of Herodotus, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 81 |
| 138. Plutarch, On The Fortune of The Romans, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 123 |
| 139. Plutarch, On The E At Delphi, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013), Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians, 81 |
140. Plutarch, On The Obsolescence of Oracles, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 480; Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 89 | 414e. Their presence and power wise men are ever telling us we must look for in Nature and in Matter, where it is manifested, the originating influence being reserved for the Deity, as is right. Certainly it is foolish and childish in the extreme to imagine that the god himself after the manner of ventriloquists (who used to be called 'Eurycleis,' but now 'Pythones') enters into the bodies of his prophets and prompts their utterances, employing their mouths and voices as instruments. For if he allows himself to become entangled in men's needs, he is prodigal with his majesty and he does not observe the dignity and greatness of his preeminence.""You are right," said Cleombrotus; "but since it is hard to apprehend |
|
| 141. Plutarch, On Superstition, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 88 |
142. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 2.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 3| 2.1. τῷ μέντοι σύνταξιν ὑποβεβλημένῳ καὶ ἱστορίαν ἐξ οὐ προχείρων οὐδʼ οἰκείων, ἀλλὰ ξένων τε τῶν πολλῶν καὶ διεσπαρμένων ἐν ἑτέροις συνιοῦσαν ἀναγνωσμάτων, τῷ ὄντι χρὴ πρῶτον ὑπάρχειν καὶ μάλιστα τὴν πόλιν εὐδόκιμον καὶ φιλόκαλον καὶ πολυάνθρωπον, ὡς βιβλίων τε παντοδαπῶν ἀφθονίαν ἔχων, καὶ ὅσα τοὺς γράφοντας διαφύγοντα σωτηρίᾳ μνήμης ἐπιφανεστέραν εἴληφε πίστιν ὑπολαμβάνων ἀκοῇ καὶ διαπυνθανόμενος, μὴ πολλῶν μηδʼ ἀναγκαίων ἐνδεὲς ἀποδιδοίη τὸ ἔργον. | 2.1. |
|
143. Plutarch, Consolation To His Wife, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of •delphi, oracle of, and plutarch •delphi, oracle of, and philosophy Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013), Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians, 96 | 611d. when they reach the point where the want is no longer felt; and your Timoxena has been deprived of little, for what she knew was little, and her pleasure was in little things; and as for those things of which she had acquired no perception, which she had never conceived, and to which she had never given thought, how could she be said to be deprived of them? Furthermore, Iknow that you are kept from believing the statements of that other set, who win many to their way of thinking when they say that nothing is in any way evil or painful to "what has undergone dissolution," by the teaching of our fathers and by the mystic formulas of Dionysiac rites, the knowledge of which we who are participants share with each other. Consider then that the soul, which is imperishable, |
|
144. Plutarch, Comparison of Crassus With Nicias, 5.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 89| 5.3. διανοηθεὶς δὲ ταῦτα πρῶτον μὲν ἀπεδήμησεν εἰς Δελφούς· καὶ τῷ θεῷ θύσας καὶ χρησάμενος ἐπανῆλθε τὸν διαβόητον ἐκεῖνον χρησμὸν κομίζων, ᾧ θεοφιλῆ μὲν αὐτὸν ἡ Πυθία προσεῖπε καὶ θεὸν μᾶλλον ἢ ἄνθρωπον, εὐνομίας δὲ χρῄζοντι διδόναι καὶ καταινεῖν ἔφη τὸν θεὸν ἣ πολὺ κρατίστη τῶν ἄλλων ἔσται πολιτειῶν. | 5.3. beloved of the gods, and rather god than man, and said that the god had granted his prayer for good laws, and promised him a constitution which should be the best in the world. |
|
145. Plutarch, Comparison of Lysander With Sulla, 4.3-4.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 81| 4.3. ἀλλʼ οὗτοι μὲν βασιλέων καὶ στρατηγῶν θάνατον ἀπέθνησκον, Λύσανδρος δὲ πελταστοῦ καὶ προδρόμου δίκην ἀκλεῶς παραναλώσας ἑαυτόν, ἐμαρτύρησε τοῖς παλαιοῖς Σπαρτιάταις ὅτι καλῶς ἐφυλάττοντο τὰς τειχομαχίας, ἐν αἷς οὐχ ὑπʼ ἀνδρὸς μόνον τοῦ τυχόντος, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὑπὸ παιδὸς καὶ γυναικὸς ἀποθανεῖν ἂν συντύχοι πληγέντα τὸν κράτιστον, ὥσπερ τὸν Ἀχιλλέα φασὶν ὑπὸ τοῦ Πάριδος ἐν ταῖς πύλαις ἀναιρεθῆναι. 4.4. Σύλλας μὲν οὖν ὅσας ἐκ παρατάξεως ἐνίκησε νίκας καὶ κατέβαλε μυριάδας πολεμίων οὐδὲ ἀριθμῆσαι ῥᾴδιόν ἐστιν αὐτὴν δὲ τὴν Ῥώμην δὶς εἷλε, καὶ τὸν Πειραιᾶ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν οὐ λιμῷ καθάπερ Λύσανδρος, ἀλλὰ πολλοῖς ἀγῶσι καὶ μεγάλοις, ἐκβαλὼν Ἀρχέλαον ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἐπὶ τὴν θάλατταν, κατέσχεν. ἔστι δὲ μέγα καὶ τὸ τῶν ἀντιστρατήγων, τρυφὴν γὰρ οἶμαι καὶ παιδιὰν πρὸς Ἀντίοχον διαναυμαχεῖν τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδου κυβερνήτην, καὶ Φιλοκλέα τὸν Ἀθηναίων ἐξαπατᾶν δημαγωγόν, ἄδοξον, ἄκραν γλῶσσαν ἠκονημένον οὓς οὐκ ἂν ἱπποκόμῳ Μιθριδάτης οὐδὲ ῥαβδούχῳ Μάριος ἠξίωσε παραβαλεῖν τῶν ἑαυτοῦ. 4.5. τῶν δὲ πρὸς Σύλλαν ἀνταραμένων δυναστῶν, ὑπάτων, στρατηγῶν, δημαγωγῶν, ἵνα τοὺς ἄλλους ἐάσω, τίς ἦν Ῥωμαίων Μαρίου φοβερώτερος ἢ Μιθριδάτου βασιλέων δυνατώτερος ἢ Λαμπωνίου καὶ Τελεσίνου τῶν Ἰταλικῶν μαχιμώτερος; ὧν ἐκεῖνος τὸν μὲν ἐξέβαλε, τὸν δὲ ὑπέταξε, τοὺς δὲ ἀπέκτεινε. | 4.3. 4.4. 4.5. |
|
146. Plutarch, Fabius, 4.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 89| 4.4. ἐκινήθησαν δὲ τότε πολλαὶ καὶ τῶν ἀπορρήτων καὶ χρησιμ́ων αὐτοῖς βίβλων, ἃς Σιβυλλείους καλοῦσι· καὶ λέγεται συνδραμεῖν ἔνια τῶν ἀποκειμένων ἐν αὐταῖς λογίων πρὸς τάς τύχας καὶ τάς πράξεις ἐκείνας. καὶ τὸ μὲν γνωσθὲν οὐκ ἦν ἑτέρῳ πυθέσθαι· προελθὼν δὲ ὁ δικτάτωρ εἰς τὸν ὄχλον εὔξατο τοῖς θεοῖς ἐνιαυτοῦ μὲν αἰγῶν καὶ σνῶν καὶ προβάτων καὶ βοῶν ἐπιγονήν, ὅσην Ἰταλίας ὄρη καὶ πεδία καὶ ποταμοὶ καὶ λειμῶνες εἰς ὥραν ἐσομένην θρέψουσι, καταθύσειν ἅπαντα, θέας δὲ μουσικὰς καὶ θυμελικὰς ἄξειν ἀπὸ σηστερτίων τριακοσίων τριάκοντα τριῶν καὶ δηναρίων τριακοσίων τριάκοντα τριῶν ἔτι τριτημορίου προσόντος. | 4.4. At this time, moreover, many of the so-called Sibylline books, containing secrets of service to the state, were consulted, and it is said that some of the oracular sayings therein preserved corresponded with the fortunes and events of the time. What was thus ascertained, however, could not be made public, but the dictator, in the presence of all the people, vowed to sacrifice to the gods an entire year’s increase in goats, swine, sheep, and cattle, that is, all that Italy’s mountains, plains, rivers, and meadows should breed in the coming spring. Ver sacrum ( Livy xxii. 10 ). He likewise vowed to celebrate a musical and dramatic festival in honour of the gods, which should cost three hundred and thirty-three sestertia, plus three hundred and thirty-three denarii, plus one third of a denarius. 4.4. At this time, moreover, many of the so-called Sibylline books, containing secrets of service to the state, were consulted, and it is said that some of the oracular sayings therein preserved corresponded with the fortunes and events of the time. What was thus ascertained, however, could not be made public, but the dictator, in the presence of all the people, vowed to sacrifice to the gods an entire year’s increase in goats, swine, sheep, and cattle, that is, all that Italy’s mountains, plains, rivers, and meadows should breed in the coming spring. Ver sacrum ( Livy xxii. 10 ). He likewise vowed to celebrate a musical and dramatic festival in honour of the gods, which should cost three hundred and thirty-three sestertia, plus three hundred and thirty-three denarii, plus one third of a denarius. |
|
147. Plutarch, Cimon, 8.6-8.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo of delphi Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 159| 8.6. καὶ γὰρ ἦν χρησμὸς Ἀθηναίοις τὰ Θησέως λείψανα κελεύων ἀνακομίζειν εἰς ἄστυ καὶ τιμᾶν ὡς ἥρωα πρεπόντως, ἀλλʼ ἠγνόουν ὅπου κεῖται, Σκυρίων οὐχ ὁμολογούντων οὐδʼ ἐώντων ἀναζητεῖν. τότε δὴ πολλῇ φιλοτιμίᾳ τοῦ σηκοῦ μόγις ἐξευρεθέντος, ἐνθέμενος ὁ Κίμων εἰς τὴν αὑτοῦ τριήρη τὰ ὀστᾶ καὶ τἆλλα κοσμήσας μεγαλοπρεπῶς κατήγαγεν εἰς τὴν αὐτοῦ διʼ ἐτῶν σχεδὸν τετρακοσίων. ἐφʼ ᾧ καὶ μάλιστα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡδέως ὁ δῆμος ἔσχεν. 8.7. ἔθεντο δʼ εἰς μνήμην αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν τῶν τραγῳδῶν κρίσιν ὀνομαστὴν γενομένην. πρώτην γὰρ διδασκαλίαν τοῦ Σοφοκλέους ἔτι νέου καθέντος, Ἀψεφίων ὁ ἄρχων, φιλονεικίας οὔσης καὶ παρατάξεως τῶν θεατῶν, κριτὰς μὲν οὐκ ἐκλήρωσε τοῦ ἀγῶνος, ὡς δὲ Κίμων μετὰ τῶν συστρατήγων προελθὼν εἰς τὸ θέατρον ἐποιήσατο τῷ θεῷ τὰς νενομισμένας σπονδάς, οὐκ ἀφῆκεν αὐτοὺς ἀπελθεῖν, ἀλλʼ ὁρκώσας ἠνάγκασε καθίσαι καὶ κρῖναι δέκα ὄντας, ἀπὸ φυλῆς μιᾶς ἕκαστον. | 8.6. 8.7. |
|
148. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 1.4.5 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo in delphi Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 88| 1.4.5. ἦν δὲ αὐτοῖς ἡ ὁρμὴ ὡς πορρωτάτω ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐς τὰ ἔρημα. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ τὴν τε πόλιν λαμβάνει καὶ τὴν λείαν πᾶσαν ὅσην οἱ Γέται ὑπελίποντο. καὶ τὴν μὲν λείαν Μελεάγρῳ καὶ Φιλίππῳ ἐπαναγαγεῖν δίδωσιν, αὐτὸς δὲ κατασκάψας τὴν πόλιν θύει τε ἐπὶ τῇ ὄχθῃ τοῦ Ἴστρου Διὶ Σωτῆρι καὶ Ἡρακλεῖ καὶ αὐτῶ τῷ Ἴστρῳ ὅτι οὐκ ἄπορος αὐτῷ ἐγένετο, καὶ ἐπανάγει αὐτῆς ἡμέρας σώους σύμπαντας ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον. | |
|
149. Plutarch, Brutus, 24.4-24.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, his oracle at delphi •delphi, oracle at Found in books: Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 164| 24.4. ἀρξάμενος δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων ἀναφανδὸν ἅπτεσθαι, καί πυθόμενος πλοῖα Ῥωμαϊκὰ μεστὰ χρημάτων ἐξ Ἀσίας προσφέρεσθαι καί στρατηγὸν ἐπιπλεῖν ἄνδρα χαρίεντα καί γνώριμον, ἀπήντησεν αὐτῷ περὶ Κάρυστον· 24.5. ἐντυχὼν δὲ καί πείσας καί παραλαβὼν τὰ πλοῖα λαμπροτέραν ὑποδοχὴν ἐποιεῖτο. καί γὰρ ἦν ἡμέρα καθʼ ἣν ἐγεγόνει πρῶτον ὁ Βροῦτος, 24.6. ὡς οὖν ἐλθόντες εἰς τὸ πίνειν ἐπιχύσεις ἐποιοῦντο νίκης τε Βρούτου καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἐλευθερίας, ἔτι μᾶλλον αὐτοὺς ῥῶσαι βουλόμενος ᾔτησε ποτήριον μεῖζον καί λαβὼν, ἀπʼ οὐδεμιᾶς προφάσεως ἀνεφώνησε τὸν στίχον τοῦτον· ἀλλά με μοῖρʼ ὀλοὴ καί Λητοῦς ἔκτανεν υἱός. 24.7. ἔτι δὲ καί πρὸς τούτοις ἱστοροῦσιν, ὅτε τὴν τελευταίαν ἐν Φιλίπποις μαχούμενος ἐξῄει μάχην, σύνθημα παρʼ αὐτοῦ τοῖς στρατιώταις Ἀπόλλωνα δοθῆναι. διὸ καί τῆς συμφορᾶς τίθενται σημεῖον ἐκείνην τὴν ἀναφώνησιν. | 24.4. 24.5. 24.6. 24.7. |
|
150. Plutarch, Camillus, 5.6, 6.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 89| 5.6. Ζεῦ μέγιστε καὶ θεοὶ χρηστῶν ἐπίσκοποι καὶ πονηρῶν ἔργων, αὐτοί που σύνιστε Ῥωμαίοις, ὡς οὐ παρὰ δίκην, ἀλλὰ κατʼ ἀνάγκην ἀμυνόμενοι μετερχόμεθα δυσμενῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ παρανόμων πόλιν. εἰ δʼ ἄρα τις, ἔφη, καὶ ἡμῖν ἀντίστροφος ὀφείλεται τῆς παρούσης νέμεσις εὐπραξίας, εὔχομαι ταύτην ὑπέρ τε πόλεως καὶ στρατοῦ Ῥωμαίων εἰς ἐμαυτὸν ἐλαχίστῳ κακῷτελευτῆσαι. | 5.6. O greatest Jupiter, and ye gods who see and judge men’s good and evil deeds, ye surely know that it is not unjustly, but of necessity and in self-defence that we Romans have visited its iniquity upon this city of hostile and lawless men. But if, as counterpoise to this our present success, some retribution is due to come upon us, spare, I beseech you, the city and the army of the Romans, and let it fall upon my own head, though with as little harm as may be. |
|
151. Plutarch, Aristides, 11.5-11.6, 19.6-19.7, 20.4-20.5, 21.1-21.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo in delphi Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 53| 11.5. τὸ δὲ τῆς Ἐλευσινίας Δήμητρος πεδίον, καὶ τὸ τὴν μάχην ἐν ἰδίᾳ χώρᾳ ποιουμένοις τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις νίκην δίδοσθαι, πάλιν εἰς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἀνεκαλεῖτο καὶ μεθίστη τὸν πόλεμον. ἔνθα τῶν Πλαταιέων ὁ στρατηγὸς Ἀρίμνηστος ἔδοξε κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ὑπὸ τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἐπερωτώμενον αὑτόν, ὅ τι δὴ πράττειν δέδοκται τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, εἰπεῖν, αὔριον εἰς Ἐλευσῖνα τὴν στρατιὰν ἀπάξομεν, ὦ δέσποτα, καὶ διαμαχούμεθα τοῖς βαρβάροις ἐκεῖ κατὰ τὸ πυθόχρηστον. 11.6. τὸν οὖν θεὸν φάναι διαμαρτάνειν αὐτοὺς τοῦ παντός· αὐτόθι γὰρ εἶναι περὶ τὴν Πλαταϊκὴν τὰ πυθόχρηστα καὶ ζητοῦντας ἀνευρήσειν. τούτων ἐναργῶς τῷ Ἀριμνήστῳ φανέντων ἐξεγρόμενος τάχιστα μετεπέμψατο τοὺς ἐμπειροτάτους καὶ πρεσβυτάτους τῶν πολιτῶν, μεθʼ ὧν διαλεγόμενος καὶ συνδιαπορῶν εὗρεν, ὅτι τῶν Ὑσιῶν πλησίον ὑπὸ τὸν Κιθαιρῶνα ναός ἐστιν ἀρχαῖος πάνυ πάνυ omitted by Bekker, now found in S. Δήμητρος Ἐλευσινίας καὶ Κόρης προσαγορευόμενος. 19.6. καὶ τὸν βωμὸν οὐκ ἂν ἐπέγραψαν οὕτως, εἰ μόναι τρεῖς πόλεις ἠγωνίσαντο, τῶν ἄλλων ἀτρέμα καθεζομένων· 19.7. ταύτην τὴν μάχην ἐμαχέσαντο τῇ τετράδι τοῦ Βοηδρομιῶνος ἱσταμένου κατʼ Ἀθηναίους, κατὰ δὲ Βοιωτοὺς τετράδι τοῦ Πανέμου φθίνοντος, ᾗ καὶ νῦν ἔτι τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν ἐν Πλαταιαῖς ἀθροίζεται συνέδριον καὶ θύουσι τῷ ἐλευθερίῳ Διῒ Πλαταιεῖς ὑπὲρ τῆς νίκης. τὴν δὲ τῶν ἡμερῶν ἀνωμαλίαν οὐ θαυμαστέον, ὅπου καὶ νῦν διηκριβωμένων τῶν ἐν ἀστρολογίᾳ μᾶλλον ἄλλην ἄλλοι μηνὸς ἀρχὴν καὶ τελευτὴν ἄγουσιν. 20.4. περὶ δὲ θυσίας ἐρομένοις αὐτοῖς ἀνεῖλεν ὁ Πύθιος Διὸς ἐλευθερίου βωμὸν ἱδρύσασθαι, θῦσαι δὲ μὴ πρότερον ἢ τὸ κατὰ τὴν χώραν πῦρ ἀποσβέσαντας ὡς ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων μεμιασμένον ἐναύσασθαι καθαρὸν ἐκ Δελφῶν ἀπὸ τῆς κοινῆς ἑστίας. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄρχοντες τῶν Ἑλλήνων περιιόντες εὐθὺς ἠνάγκαζον ἀποσβεννύναι τὰ πυρὰ πάντα τοὺς χρωμένους, ἐκ δὲ Πλαταιέων Εὐχίδας ὑποσχόμενος ὡς ἐνδέχεται τάχιστα κομιεῖν τὸ παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ πῦρ ἧκεν εἰς Δελφούς. 20.5. ἁγνίσας δὲ τὸ σῶμα καὶ περιρρανάμενος ἐστεφανώσατο δάφνῃ· καὶ λαβὼν ἀπὸ τοῦ βωμοῦ τὸ πῦρ δρόμῳ πάλιν εἰς τὰς Πλαταιὰς ἐχώρει καὶ πρὸ ἡλίου δυσμῶν ἐπανῆλθε, τῆς αὐτῆς ἡμέρας χιλίους σταδίους κατανύσας. ἀσπασάμενος δὲ τοὺς πολίτας καὶ τὸ πῦρ παραδοὺς εὐθὺς ἔπεσε καὶ μετὰ μικρὸν ἐξέπνευσεν. ἀγάμενοι δʼ αὐτὸν οἱ Πλαταιεῖς ἔθαψαν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τῆς Εὐκλείας Ἀρτέμιδος, ἐπιγράψαντες τόδε τὸ τετράμετρον· 21.1. ἐκ τούτου γενομένης ἐκκλησίας κοινῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἔγραψεν Ἀριστείδης ψήφισμα συνιέναι μὲν εἰς Πλαταιὰς καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος προβούλους καὶ θεωρούς, ἄγεσθαι δὲ πενταετηρικὸν ἀγῶνα τῶν Ἐλευθερίων. εἶναι δὲ σύνταξιν Ἑλληνικὴν μυρίας μὲν ἀσπίδας, χιλίους δὲ ἵππους, ναῦς δʼ ἑκατὸν ἐπὶ τὸν πρὸς βαρβάρους πόλεμον, Πλαταιεῖς δʼ ἀσύλους καὶ ἱεροὺς ἀφεῖσθαι τῷ θεῷ θύοντας ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἑλλάδος. 21.2. κυρωθέντων δὲ τούτων οἱ Πλαταιεῖς ὑπεδέξαντο τοῖς πεσοῦσι καὶ κειμένοις αὐτόθι τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐναγίζειν καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν. καὶ τοῦτο μέχρι νῦν δρῶσι τόνδε τόνδε Hercher and Blass with F a S: τοῦτον . τὸν τρόπον· τοῦ Μαιμακτηριῶνος μηνός, ὅς ἐστι παρὰ Βοιωτοῖς Ἀλαλκομένιος, τῇ ἕκτῃ ἐπὶ δέκα πέμπουσι πομπήν, ἧς προηγεῖται μὲν ἅμʼ ἡμέρᾳ σαλπιγκτὴς ἐγκελευόμενος τὸ πολεμικόν, ἕπονται δʼ ἅμαξαι μυρρίνης μεσταὶ καὶ στεφανωμάτων καὶ μέλας ταῦρος καὶ χοὰς οἴνου καὶ γάλακτος ἐν ἀμφορεῦσιν ἐλαίου τε καὶ μύρου κρωσσοὺς νεανίσκοι κομίζοντες ἐλεύθεροι· δούλῳ γὰρ οὐδενὸς ἔξεστι τῶν περὶ τὴν διακονίαν ἐκείνην προσάψασθαι διὰ τὸ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας· | 11.5. 11.6. 19.6. 19.7. 20.4. 20.5. 21.1. 21.2. |
|
152. Plutarch, Lysander, 5.7, 6.4, 6.8, 7.1, 8.3-8.5, 20.6, 22.3-22.6, 25.3, 26.6, 28.10, 29.7-29.9, 30.3-30.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 78, 81, 84; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 28, 38| 6.4. λοιπὸν οὖν ἦν ἐπὶ θύρας ἰόντα τῶν βασιλέως στρατηγῶν, ὥσπερ Λύσανδρος, αἰτεῖν· πρὸς ὃ πάντων ἀφυέστατος ἐτύγχανεν, ἀνὴρ ἐλευθέριος καὶ μεγαλόφρων, καὶ πᾶσαν ὑφʼ Ἑλλήνων ἧτταν Ἕλλησιν ἡγούμενος εὐπρεπεστέραν εἶναι τοῦ κολακεύειν καὶ φοιτᾶν ἐπὶ θύρας ἀνθρώπων βαρβάρων, πολὺ χρυσίον, ἄλλο δʼ οὐδὲν καλὸν ἐχόντων. 7.1. ἀλλὰ Καλλικρατίδας μὲν ἄξια τῆς Λακεδαίμονος διανοηθείς, καὶ γενόμενος τοῖς ἄκροις ἐνάμιλλος τῶν Ἑλλήνων διὰ δικαιοσύνην καὶ μεγαλοψυχίαν καὶ ἀνδρείαν, μετʼ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον ἐν Ἀργινούσαις καταναυμαχηθεὶς ἠφανίσθη. τῶν δὲ πραγμάτων ὑποφερομένων οἱ σύμμαχοι πρεσβείαν πέμποντες εἰς Σπάρτην ᾐτοῦντο Λύσανδρον ἐπὶ τὴν ναυαρχίαν, ὡς πολὺ προθυμότερον ἀντιληψόμενοι τῶν πραγμάτων ἐκείνου στρατηγοῦντος. 8.3. ὑπεκρίνετο δὲ ταῦτα καὶ διεποίκιλλε, τοὺς δημοτικωτάτους καὶ κρατίστους βουλόμενος μὴ φεύγειν, ἀλλʼ ἀποθανεῖν ἐν τῇ πόλει μείναντας. ὃ καὶ, συνέβη· πάντες γὰρ ἀπεσφάγησαν οἱ καταπιστεύσαντες. ἀπομνημονεύεται δὲ ὑπὸ Ἀνδροκλείδου λόγος πολλήν τινα κατηγορῶν τοῦ Λυσάνδρου περὶ τοὺς ὅρκους εὐχέρειαν. 8.4. ἐκέλευε γάρ, ὥς φησι, τοὺς μὲν παῖδας ἀστραγάλοις, τοὺς δὲ ἄνδρας ὅρκοις ἐξαπατᾶν, ἀπομιμούμενος Πολυκράτη τὸν Σάμιον, οὐκ ὀρθῶς τύραννον στρατηγός, οὐδὲ Λακωνικὸν τὸ χρῆσθαι τοῖς θεοῖς ὥσπερ τοῖς πολεμίοις, μᾶλλον δὲ ὑβριστικώτερον. ὁ γὰρ ὅρκῳ παρακρουόμενος τὸν μὲν ἐχθρὸν ὁμολογεῖ δεδιέναι, τοῦ δὲ θεοῦ καταφρονεῖν. 20.6. τοῖς δὲ πλείστοις ἐδόκει πρόσχημα ποιεῖσθαι τὸν θεόν, ἄλλως δὲ τοὺς ἐφόρους δεδοικὼς καὶ τὸν οἴκοι ζυγὸν οὐ φέρων οὐδʼ ὑπομένων ἄρχεσθαι πλάνης ὀρέγεσθαι καὶ περιφοιτήσεως τινός, ὥσπερ ἵππος ἐκ νομῆς ἀφέτου καὶ λειμῶνος αὖθις ἥκων ἐπὶ φάτνην καὶ πρὸς τὸ σύνηθες ἔργον αὖθις ἀγόμενος. ἣν μὲν γὰρ Ἔφορος τῆς ἀποδημίας ταύτης αἰτίαν ἀναγράφει, μετὰ μικρὸν ἀφηγήσομαι. 22.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἆγις ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐτελεύτησεν ἀδελφὸν μὲν Ἀγησίλαον καταλιπών, υἱὸν δὲ νομιζόμενον Λεωτυχίδαν, ἐραστὴς τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου γεγονὼς ὁ Λύσανδρος ἔπεισεν αὐτὸν ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι τῆς βασιλείας ὡς Ἡρακλείδην ὄντα γνήσιον. ὁ γὰρ Λεωτυχίδας διαβολὴν εἶχεν ἐξ Ἀλκιβιάδου γεγονέναι, συνόντος κρύφα τῇ Ἄγιδος γυναικὶ Τιμαίᾳ καθʼ ὃν χρόνον φεύγων ἐν Σπάρτῃ διέτριβεν. 22.4. ὁ δὲ Ἆγις, ὥς φασι, χρόνου λογισμῷ τὸ πρᾶγμα συνελών, ὡς οὐ κυήσειεν ἐξ αὐτοῦ, παρημέλει μέλει τοῦ Λεωτυχίδου καὶ φανερὸς ἦν ἀναινόμενος αὐτὸν παρά γε τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον. ἐπεὶ δὲ νοσῶν εἰς Ἡραίαν ἐκομίσθη καὶ τελευτᾶν ἔμελλε, τὰ μὲν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ τοῦ νεανίσκου, τὰ δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων ἐκλιπαρηθεὶς ἐναντίον πολλῶν ἀπέφηνεν υἱὸν αὑτοῦ τὸν Λεωτυχίδαν, καὶ δεηθεὶς τῶν παρόντων ἐπιμαρτυρῆσαι ταῦτα πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἀπέθανεν. 22.5. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἐμαρτύρουν ταῦτα τῷ Λεωτυχίδᾳ· τὸν δʼ Ἀγησίλαον λαμπρὸν ὄντα τἆλλα καὶ συναγωνιστῇ τῷ Λυσάνδρῳ χρώμενον ἔβλαπτε Διοπείθης, ἀνὴρ εὐδόκιμος ἐπὶ χρησμολογίᾳ, τοιόνδε μάντευμα προφέρων εἰς τὴν χωλότητα τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου· 22.6. πολλῶν οὖν ὑποκατακλινομένων πρὸς τὸ λόγιον καὶ τρεπομένων πρὸς τὸν Λεωτυχίδαν, ὁ Λύσανδρος οὐκ ὀρθῶς ἔφη τὸν Διοπείθη τὴν μαντείαν ὑπολαμβάνειν· οὐ γὰρ ἂν προσπταίσας τις ἄρχῃ Λακεδαιμονίων, δυσχεραίνειν τὸν θεόν, ἀλλὰ χωλὴν εἶναι τὴν βασιλείαν εἰ νόθοι καὶ κακῶς γεγονότες βασιλεύσουσι σὺν σὺν supplied by Sintenis alone. Ἡρακλείδαις. τοιαῦτα λέγων καὶ δυνάμενος πλεῖστον ἔπεισε, καὶ γίνεται βασιλεὺς Ἀγησίλαος. 25.3. ἔφορος μὲν οὖν φησιν αὐτόν, ὡς τήν τε Πυθίαν ἐπιχειρήσας διαφθεῖραι καὶ τὰς Δωδωνίδας αὖθις ἀναπείθων διὰ Φερεκλέους ἀπέτυχεν, εἰς Ἄμμωνος ἀναβῆναι καὶ διαλέγεσθαι τοῖς προφήταις πολὺ χρυσίον διδόντα, τοὺς δὲ δυσχεραίνοντας εἰς Σπάρτην τινὰς ἀποστεῖλαι τοῦ Λυσάνδρου κατηγορήσοντας, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀπελύθη, τοὺς Λίβυας ἀπιόντας εἰπεῖν· ἀλλʼ ἡμεῖς γε βέλτιον, ὦ Σπαρτιᾶται, κρινοῦμεν, ὅταν ἥκητε πρὸς ἡμᾶς εἰς Λιβύην οἰκήσοντες, ὡς δὴ χρησμοῦ τινος ὄντος παλαιοῦ Λακεδαιμονίους ἐν Λιβύῃ κατοικῆσαι. 29.7. ἦν δὲ τοιοῦτος· 30.3. χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον Ἔφορός φησιν ἀντιλογίας τινὸς συμμαχικῆς ἐν Σπάρτῃ γενομένης, καὶ τὰ γράμματα διασκέψασθαι δεῆσαν ἃ παρʼ ἑαυτῷ κατέσχεν ὁ Λύσανδρος, ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν τὸν Ἀγησίλαον. εὑρόντα δὲ τὸ βιβλίον ἐν ᾧ γεγραμμένος ἦν ὁ περὶ τῆς πολιτείας λόγος, ὡς χρὴ τῶν Εὐρυπωντιδῶν καὶ Ἀγιαδῶν τὴν βασιλείαν ἀφελομένους εἰς μέσον θεῖναι καὶ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν αἵρεσιν ἐκ τῶν ἀρίστων, 30.4. ὁρμῆσαι μὲν εἰς τοὺς πολίτας τὸν λόγον ἐξενεγκεῖν καὶ παραδεικνύναι τὸν Λύσανδρον, οἷος ὢν πολίτης διαλάθοι, Λακρατίδαν δέ, ἄνδρα φρόνιμον καὶ τότε προεστῶτα τῶν ἐφόρων, ἐπιλαβέσθαι τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου, καὶ εἰπεῖν ὡς δεῖ μὴ ἀνορύττειν τὸν Λύσανδρον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν λόγον αὐτῷ συγκατορύττειν οὕτω συντεταγμένον πιθανῶς καὶ πανούργως. 30.5. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τάς τε ἄλλας τιμὰς ἀπέδοσαν αὐτῷ τελευτήσαντι, καὶ τοὺς μνηστευσαμένους τὰς θυγατέρας, εἶτα μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν τοῦ Λυσάνδρου πένητος εὑρεθέντος ἀπειπαμένους ἐζημίωσαν, ὅτι πλούσιον μὲν νομίζοντες ἐθεράπευον, δίκαιον δὲ καὶ χρηστὸν ἐκ τῆς πενίας ἐπιγνόντες ἐγκατέλιπον. ἦν γάρ, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἐν Σπάρτῃ καὶ ἀγαμίου δίκη καὶ ὀψιγαμίου καὶ κακογαμίου· ταύτῃ δὲ ὑπῆγον μάλιστα τοὺς ἀντὶ τῶν ἀγαθῶν καὶ οἰκείων τοῖς πλουσίοις κηδεύοντας. τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ Λύσανδρον οὕτως ἱστορήσαμεν ἔχοντα. | 6.4. 7.1. 8.3. 8.4. 20.6. 22.3. 22.4. 22.5. 22.6. 25.3. 29.7. 30.3. 30.4. 30.5. |
|
| 153. Arrian, Indike, 36.3 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo in delphi Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 88 |
154. Plutarch, Lycurgus, 1.1, 3.1-3.5, 5.3, 6.1, 6.3-6.5, 6.9, 7.5, 23.2, 25.4, 28.1-28.4, 29.2-29.9, 30.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of •delphi, oracle and lycurgus •delphi, oracle •delphi, oracle of apollo at •oracles, delphi, oracle of apollo at Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 77, 78, 85; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 25, 28; Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 149; Westwood (2023), Moses among the Greek Lawgivers: Reading Josephus’ Antiquities through Plutarch’s Lives. 104, 106, 215| 1.1. περὶ Λυκούργου τοῦ νομοθέτου καθόλου μὲν οὐδὲν ἔστιν εἰπεῖν ἀναμφισβήτητον, οὗ γε καὶ γένος καὶ ἀποδημία καὶ τελευτὴ καὶ πρὸς ἅπασιν ἡ περὶ τοὺς νόμους αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν πολιτείαν πραγματεία διαφόρους ἔσχηκεν ἱστορίας, ἥκιστα δὲ οἱ χρόνοι καθʼ οὓς γέγονεν ὁ ἀνὴρ ὁμολογοῦνται, οἱ μὲν γάρ Ἰφίτῳ συνακμάσαι καὶ συνδιαθεῖναι τὴν Ὀλυμπιακὴν ἐκεχειρίαν λέγουσιν αὐτόν, ὧν ἐστι καὶ Ἀριστοτέλης ὁ φιλόσοφος, τεκμήριον προσφέρων τὸν Ὀλυμπίασι δίσκον ἐν ᾧ τοὔνομα τοῦ Λυκούργου διασώζεται καταγεγραμμένον· 3.1. ἀποθανόντος δὲ καὶ τούτου μετʼ ὀλίγον χρόνον ἔδει βασιλεύειν, ὡς πάντες ᾤοντο, τὸν Λυκοῦργον· καὶ πρίν γε τὴν γυναῖκα τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ φανερὰν γενέσθαι κύουσαν ἐβασίλευεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦτο τάχιστα ᾔσθετο, τὴν μὲν βασιλείαν ἀπέφηνε τοῦ παιδὸς οὖσαν, ἄνπερ ἄρρην γένηται, τὴν δὲ ἀρχὴν αὐτὸς ὡς ἐπίτροπος διεῖπε. τοὺς δὲ τῶν ὀρφανῶν βασιλέων ἐπιτρόπους Λακεδαιμόνιοι προδίκους προδίκους with most MSS. and edd.: προδίκως with A (corrected), the Doric form. ὠνόμαζον. 3.2. ὡς δὲ ἡ γυνὴ προσέπεμπε κρύφα καὶ λόγους ἐποιεῖτο, βουλομένη διαφθεῖραι τὸ βρέφος ἐπὶ τῷ συνοικεῖν ἐκείνῳ βασιλεύοντι τῆς Σπάρτης, τὸ μὲν ἦθος αὐτῆς ἐμίσησε, πρὸς δὲ τὸν λόγον αὐτὸν οὐκ ἀντεῖπεν, ἀλλʼ ἐπαινεῖν καὶ δέχεσθαι προσποιούμενος, οὐκ ἔφη δεῖν ἀμβλίσκουσαν αὐτὴν καὶ φαρμακευομένην διαλυμαίνεσθαι τὸ σῶμα καὶ κινδυνεύειν αὐτῷ γὰρ μελήσειν ὅπως εὐθὺς ἐκποδὼν ἔσται τὸ γεννηθέν. 3.3. οὕτω δὲ παραγαγὼν ἄχρι τοῦ τόκου τὴν ἄνθρωπον, ὡς ᾔσθετο τίκτουσαν, εἰσέπεμψε παρέδρους ταῖς ὠδῖσιν αὐτῆς καὶ φύλακας, οἷς ἦν προστεταγμένον, ἐὰν μὲν θῆλυ τεχθῇ, παραδοῦναι ταῖς γυναιξίν, ἐὰν δὲ ἄρρεν, κομίσαι πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ὅ τι ἂν τύχῃ πράττων. ἔτυχε δὲ δειπνοῦντος αὐτοῦ μετὰ τῶν ἀρχόντων ἀποκυηθὲν ἄρρεν καὶ παρῆσαν οἱ ὑπηρέται τὸ παιδάριον αὐτῷ κομίζοντες. 3.4. ὁ δὲ δεξάμενος, ὡς λέγεται, καὶ πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας εἰπών, βασιλεὺς ὑμῖν γέγονεν, ὦ Σπαρτιᾶται, κατέκλινεν ἐν τῇ βασιλικῇ χώρᾳ καὶ Χαρίλαον ὠνόμασε διὰ τὸ τοὺς πάντας εἶναι περιχαρεῖς, ἀγαμένους αὐτοῦ τὸ φρόνημα καὶ τὴν δικαιοσύνην. ἐβασίλευσε δὲ μῆνας ὀκτὼ τὸ σύμπαν, ἦν δὲ καὶ τἆλλα περίβλεπτος ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν, καὶ πλείονες ἐγένοντο τῶν ὡς ἐπιτρόπῳ βασιλέως καὶ βασιλικὴν ἐξουσίαν ἔχοντι πειθομένων οἱ διʼ ἀρετὴν προσέχοντες αὐτῷ καὶ ποιεῖν ἐθέλοντες ἑτοίμως τὸ προσταττόμενον. 3.5. ἦν δέ τι καὶ τὸ φθονοῦν καὶ πρὸς τὴν αὔξησιν ὄντι νέῳ πειρώμενον ἐνίστασθαι, μάλιστα μὲν οἱ συγγενεῖς καὶ οἰκεῖοι τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως μητρὸς ὑβρίσθαι δοκούσης, ὁ δὲ ἀδελφὸς αὐτῆς Λεωνίδας καὶ θρασύτερόν ποτε τῷ Λυκούργῳ λοιδορηθείς, ὑπεῖπεν ὡς εἰδείη σαφῶς μέλλοντα βασιλεύειν αὐτόν, ὑπόνοιαν διδοὺς καὶ προκαταλαμβάνων διαβολῇ τὸν Λυκοῦργον, εἴ τι συμβαίη τῷ βασιλεῖ παθεῖν, ὡς ἐπιβεβουλευκότα. τοιοῦτοι δὲ τινες λόγοι καὶ παρὰ τῆς γυναικὸς ἐξεφοίτων ἐφʼ οἷς βαρέως φέρων καὶ δεδοικὼς τὸ ἄδηλον, ἔγνω φυγεῖν ἀποδημίᾳ τὴν ὑπόνοιαν, καὶ πλανηθῆναι μέχρις ἂν ὁ ἀδελφιδοῦς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ γενόμενος τεκνώσῃ διάδοχον τῆς βασιλείας. 5.3. διανοηθεὶς δὲ ταῦτα πρῶτον μὲν ἀπεδήμησεν εἰς Δελφούς· καὶ τῷ θεῷ θύσας καὶ χρησάμενος ἐπανῆλθε τὸν διαβόητον ἐκεῖνον χρησμὸν κομίζων, ᾧ θεοφιλῆ μὲν αὐτὸν ἡ Πυθία προσεῖπε καὶ θεὸν μᾶλλον ἢ ἄνθρωπον, εὐνομίας δὲ χρῄζοντι διδόναι καὶ καταινεῖν ἔφη τὸν θεὸν ἣ πολὺ κρατίστη τῶν ἄλλων ἔσται πολιτειῶν. 6.1. οὕτω δὲ περὶ ταύτην ἐσπούδασε τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁ Λυκοῦργος ὥστε μαντείαν ἐκ Δελφῶν κομίσαι περὶ αὐτῆς, ἣν ῥήτραν καλοῦσιν. ἔχει δὲ οὕτως· Διὸς ΣυλλανίουΣυλλανίου, Συλλανίας Bekker adopts the corrections of Bryan to Ἑλλανίου and Ἑλλανίας . καὶ Ἀθανᾶς Συλλανίας Συλλανίου, Συλλανίας Bekker adopts the corrections of Bryan to Ἑλλανίου and Ἑλλανίας . ἱερὸν ἱδρυσάμενον, φυλὰς φυλάξαντα καὶ ὠβὰς ὠβάξαντα, τριάκοντα γερουσίαν σὺν ἀρχαγέταις καταστήσαντα, ὥρας ἐξ ὥρας ἀπελλάζειν μεταξὺ Βαβύκας τε καὶ Κνακιῶνος, οὕτως εἰσφέρειν τε καὶ ἀφίστασθαι δάμῳ δὲ τὰν κυρίαν ἦμεν καὶ 6.3. ἐν μέσῳ δὲ τούτων τὰς ἐκκλησίας ἦγον, οὔτε παστάδων οὐσῶν οὔτε ἄλλης τινὸς κατασκευῆς, οὐθὲν γάρ ᾤετο ταῦτα πρὸς εὐβουλίαν εἶναι, μᾶλλον δὲ βλάπτειν, φλυαρώδεις ἀπεργαζόμενα καὶ χαύνους φρονήματι κενῷ τὰς διανοίας τῶν συμπορευομένων, ὅταν εἰς ἀγάλματα καὶ γραφὰς ἢ προσκήνια θεάτρων ἢ στέγας βουλευτηρίων ἠσκημένας περιττῶς ἐκκλησιάζοντες ἀποβλέπωσι. τοῦ δὲ πλήθους ἀθροισθέντος εἰπεῖν μὲν οὐδενὶ γνώμην τῶν ἄλλων ἐφεῖτο, τὴν δ’ ὑπὸ τῶν γερόντων καὶ τῶν βασιλέων προτεθεῖσαν ἐπικρῖναι κύριος ἦν ὁ δῆμος. 6.4. ὕστερον μέντοι τῶν πολλῶν ἀφαιρέσει καὶ προσθέσει τὰς γνώμας διαστρεφόντων καὶ παραβιαζομένων, Πολύδωρος καὶ Θεόπομπος οἱ βασιλεῖς τάδε τῇ ῥήτρᾳ παρενέγραψαν· αἰ δὲ σκολιὰν ὁ δᾶμος ἕλοιτο, τοὺς πρεσβυγενέας καὶ ἀρχαγέτας ἀποστατῆρας ἦμεν, τοῦτʼ ἔστι μὴ κυροῦν, ἀλλʼ ὅλως ἀφίστασθαι καὶ διαλύειν τὸν δῆμον, ὡς ἐκτρέποντα καὶ μεταποιοῦντα τὴν γνώμην παρὰ τὸ βέλτιστον. ἔπεισαν δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ τὴν πόλιν ὡς τοῦ θεοῦ ταῦτα προστάσσοντος, ὥς που Τυρταῖος ἐπιμέμνηται διὰ τούτων Φοίβου ἀκούσαντες Πυθωνόθεν οἴκαδʼ ἔνεικαν μαντείας τε θεοῦ καὶ τελέεντʼ ἔπεα· ἄρχειν μὲν βουλῆς θεοτιμήτους βασιλῆας, οἷσι μέλει Σπάρτας ἱμερόεσσα πόλις, πρεσβύτας τε γέροντας, ἔπειτα δὲ δημότας ἄνδρας, εὐθείαις ῥήτραις ἀνταπαμειβομένους. 23.2. ἔοικε δὲ καὶ τῆς Ὀλυμπιακῆς ἐκεχειρίας ἡ ἐπίνοια πρᾴου καὶ πρὸς εἰρήνην οἰκείως ἔχοντος ἀνδρὸς εἶναι, καίτοι φασί τινες, ὡς Ἕρμιππος μνημονεύει, τὸν Λυκοῦργον οὐ προσέχειν οὐδὲ κοινωνεῖν ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἴφιτον, ἀλλὰ τυγχάνειν ἄλλως ἐπιδημοῦντα καὶ θεώμενον ἀκοῦσαι δὲ φωνὴν ὥσπερ ἀνθρώπου τινὸς ἐξόπισθεν ἐπιτιμῶντος αὐτῷ καὶ θαυμάζοντος ὅτι τοὺς πολίτας οὐ προτρέπεται κοινωνεῖν τῆς πανηγύρεως· ὡς δὲ μεταστραφέντος οὐδαμοῦ φανερὸς ὁ φθεγξάμενος ἦν, θεῖον ἡγησάμενον, οὕτω πρὸς τὸν Ἴφιτον τραπέσθαι καὶ συνδιακοσμήσαντα τὴν ἑορτὴν ἐνδοξοτέραν καὶ βεβαιοτέραν καταστῆσαι. 25.4. ὁ μέν γὰρ Παιδάρητος οὐκ ἐγκριθεὶς εἰς τοὺς τριακοσίους ἀπῄει μάλα φαιδρός, ὥσπερ χαίρων ὅτι βελτίονας αὐτοῦ τριακοσίους ἡ πόλις ἔχει· Πολυκρατίδας δὲ ὁ πρεσβεύων πρὸς τοὺς βασιλέως στρατηγοὺς μεθʼ ἑτέρων, ἐρομένων αὐτῶν πότερον ἰδίᾳ πάρεισιν ἢ δημοσίᾳ πεμφθέντες, εἶπεν, αἴκα τύχω μέν, δημοσίᾳ, Αἴκα ἀποτύχωμεν, ἰδίᾳ. 28.1. ἐν μὲν οὖν τούτοις οὐδέν ἐστιν ἀδικίας ἴχνος οὐδὲ πλεονεξίας, ἣν ἐγκαλοῦσιν ἔνιοι τοῖς Λυκούργου νόμοις, ὡς ἱκανῶς ἔχουσι πρὸς ἀνδρείαν, ἐνδεῶς δὲ πρὸς δικαιοσύνην. ἡ δὲ καλουμένη κρυπτεία παρʼ αὐτοῖς, εἴ γε δὴ τοῦτο τῶν Λυκούργου πολιτευμάτων ἕν ἐστιν, ὡς Ἀριστοτέλης ἱστόρηκε, ταύτην ἂν εἴη καὶ τῷ Πλάτωνι περὶ τῆς πολιτείας καὶ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐνειργασμένη δόξαν. ἦν δὲ τοιαύτη· 28.2. τῶν νέων οἱ ἄρχοντες διὰ χρόνου τοὺς μάλιστά νοῦν ἔχειν δοκοῦντας εἰς τὴν χώραν ἄλλως ἐξέπεμπον, ἔχοντας ἐγχειρίδια καὶ τροφὴν ἀναγκαίαν, ἄλλο δὲ οὐδέν· οἱ δὲ μεθʼ ἡμέραν μὲν εἰς ἀσυνδήλους διασπειρόμενοι τόπους, ἀπέκρυπτον ἑαυτοὺς καὶ ἀνεπαύοντο, νύκτωρ δὲ κατιόντες εἰς τὰς ὁδοὺς τῶν εἱλώτων τὸν ἁλισκόμενον ἀπέσφαττον. 28.3. πολλάκις δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἀγροῖς τοῖς ἀγροῖς MSS. (incl. S): τοὺς ἀγροὺς after Coraës. ἐπιπορευόμενοι τοὺς ῥωμαλεωτάτους καὶ κρατίστους αὐτῶν ἀνῄρουν. ὥσπερ καὶ Θουκυδίδης ἐν τοῖς Πελοποννησιακοῖς ἱστορεῖ τοὺς ἐπʼ ἀνδρείᾳ προκριθέντας ὑπὸ τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν στεφανώσασθαι μὲν ὡς ἐλευθέρους γεγονότας καὶ περιελθεῖν τὰ τῶν θεῶν ἱερά, μικρὸν δὲ ὕστερον ἅπαντας ἀφανεῖς γενέσθαι, πλείονας ἢ δισχιλίους ὄντας, ὡς μήτε παραχρῆμα μήτε ὕστερον ἔχειν τινὰ λέγειν ὅτῳ ὅτῳ Cobet, cf. Thuc. iv. 80, 4: τῷ . τρόπῳ διεφθάρησαν. 28.4. Ἀριστοτέλης δὲ μάλιστά φησι καὶ τοὺς ἐφόρους, ὅταν εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν καταστῶσι πρῶτον, τοῖς εἵλωσι καταγγέλλειν πόλεμον, ὅπως εὐαγὲς ᾖ τὸ ἀνελεῖν. καὶ τἆλλα δὲ τραχέως προσεφέροντο καὶ σκληρῶς αὐτοῖς, ὥστε καὶ πίνειν ἀναγκάζοντες πολὺν ἄκρατον εἰς τὰ συσσίτια παρεισῆγον, ἐπιδεικνύμενοι τὸ μεθύειν οἷόν ἐστι τοῖς νέοις. καὶ ᾠδὰς ἐκέλευον ᾄδειν καὶ χορείας χορεύειν ἀγεννεῖς καὶ καταγελάστους, ἀπέχεσθαι δὲ τῶν ἐλευθέρων. 29.2. συναγαγὼν οὖν ἅπαντας εἰς ἐκκλησίαν, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα μετρίως ἔχειν ἔφη καὶ ἱκανῶς πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν καὶ ἀρετὴν τῆς πόλεως, ὃ δὲ κυριώτατόν ἐστι καὶ μέγιστον οὐκ ἂν ἐξενεγκεῖν πρότερον πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἢ χρήσασθαι τῷ θεῷ. δεῖν οὖν ἐκείνους ἐμμένειν τοῖς καθεστῶσι νόμοις καὶ μηδὲν ἀλλάσσειν μηδὲ μετακινεῖν ἕως ἐπάνεισιν ἐκ Δελφῶν αὐτός· ἐπανελθὼν γάρ ὅ τι ἂν τῷ θεῷ δοκῇ ποιήσειν. 29.3. ὁμολογούντων δὲ πάντων καὶ κελευόντων βαδίζειν, ὅρκους λαβὼν παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων καὶ τῶν γερόντων, ἔπειτα παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν, ἐμμενεῖν καὶ χρήσεσθαι τῇ καθεστώσῃ πολιτείᾳ μέχρις ἂν ἐπανέλθῃ ὁ Λυκοῦργος, ἀπῆρεν εἰς Δελφούς. παραγενόμενος δὲ πρὸς τὸ μαντεῖον καὶ τῷ θεῷ θύσας, ἠρώτησεν εἰ καλῶς οἱ νόμοι καὶ ἱκανῶς πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν καὶ ἀρετὴν πόλεως κείμενοι τυγχάνουσιν. 29.4. ἀποκριναμένου δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τοὺς νόμους καλῶς κεῖσθαι καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐνδοξοτάτην διαμενεῖν τῇ Λυκούργου χρωμένην πολιτείᾳ, τὸ μάντευμα γραψάμενος εἰς Σπάρτην ἀπέστειλεν. αὐτὸς δὲ τῷ θεῷ πάλιν θύσας καὶ τοὺς φίλους ἀσπασάμενος καὶ τὸν υἱόν, ἔγνω μηκέτι τοῖς πολίταις ἀφεῖναι τὸν ὅρκον, αὐτοῦ δὲ καταλῦσαι τὸν βίον ἑκουσίως, ἡλικίας γεγονὼς ἐν ᾗ καὶ βιοῦν ἔτι καὶ πεπαῦσθαι βουλομένοις ὡραῖόν ἐστι, καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἱκανῶς πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν ἔχειν δοκούντων. 29.5. ἐτελεύτησεν οὖν ἀποκαρτερήσας, ἡγούμενος χρῆναι τῶν πολιτικῶν ἀνδρῶν μηδὲ τὸν θάνατον ἀπολίτευτον εἶναι μηδὲ ἀργὸν τὸ τοῦ βίου τέλος, ἀλλʼ ἐν ἀρετῆς μερίδι καὶ πράξεως γενόμενον. αὑτῷ τε γὰρ ἐξειργασμένῳ τὰ κάλλιστα τὴν τελευτὴν ὡς ἀληθῶς ἐπιτελείωσιν εἶναι τῆς εὐδαιμονίας, καὶ τοῖς πολίταις ὧν διὰ τοῦ βίου παρεσκεύασε καλῶν καὶ ἀγαθῶν φύλακα τὸν θάνατον ἀπολείψειν, ὀμωμοκόσι χρῆσθαι τῇ πολιτείᾳ μέχρις ἂν ἐκεῖνος ἐπανέλθῃ. 29.6. καὶ οὐ διεψεύσθη τῶν λογισμῶν τοσοῦτον ἐπρώτευσεν ἡ πόλις τῆς Ἑλλάδος εὐνομίᾳ, καὶ δόξῃ, χρόνον ἐτῶν πεντακοσίων τοῖς Λυκούργου χρησαμένη νόμοις, οὓς δεκατεσσάρων βασιλέων μετʼ ἐκεῖνον εἰς Ἆγιν τὸν Ἀρχιδάμου γενομένων οὐδεὶς ἐκίνησεν. ἡ γάρ τῶν ἐφόρων κατάστασις οὐκ ἄνεσις ἦν, ἀλλʼ ἐπίτασις τῆς πολιτείας, καὶ δοκοῦσα πρὸς τοῦ δήμου γεγονέναι σφοδροτέραν ἐποίησε τὴν ἀριστοκρατίαν. 30.1. Ἄγιδος δὲ βασιλεύοντος εἰσερρύη νόμισμα πρῶτον εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην, καὶ μετὰ τοῦ νομίσματος πλεονεξία καὶ πλούτου ζῆλος ἐπέβη διὰ Λύσανδρον, ὃς αὐτὸς ὢν ἀνάλωτος ὑπὸ χρημάτων, ἐνέπλησε τὴν πατρίδα φιλοπλουτίας καὶ τρυφῆς, χρυσὸν καὶ ἄργυρον ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου καταγαγὼν καὶ τοὺς Λυκούργου καταπολιτευσάμενος νόμους. | 1.1. Concerning Lycurgus the lawgiver, in general, nothing can be said which is not disputed, since indeed there are different accounts of his birth, his travels, his death, and above all, of his work as lawmaker and statesman; and there is least agreement among historians as to the times in which the man lived. Some say that he flourished at the same time with Iphitus, and in concert with him established the Olympic truce. Among these is Aristotle the philosopher, and he alleges as proof the discus at Olympia on which an inscription preserves the name of Lycurgus. As joining with Iphitus in founding, or reviving, the Olympic games, in 776 B.C., the date assigned to the first recorded victory. Cf. Pausanias, v. 4, 5 f. ; 20, 1. A stay of hostilities was observed all over Greece during the festival. 3.1. Polydectes also died soon afterwards, and then, as was generally thought, the kingdom devolved upon Lycurgus; and until his brother’s wife was known to be with child, he was king. But as soon as he learned of this, he declared that the kingdom belonged to her offspring, if it should be male, and himself administered the government only as guardian. Now the guardians of fatherless kings are called prodikoi by the Lacedaemonians. 3.2. Presently, however, the woman made secret overtures to him, proposing to destroy her unborn babe on condition that he would marry her when he was a king of Sparta; and although he detested her character, he did not reject her proposition, but pretended to approve and accept it. He told her, however, that she need not use drugs to produce a miscarriage, thereby injuring her health and endangering her life, for he would see to it himself that as soon as her child was born it should be put out of the way. 3.3. In this manner he managed to bring the woman to her full time, and when he learned that she was in labour, he sent attendants and watchers for her delivery, with orders, if a girl should be born, to hand it over to the women, but if a boy, to bring it to him, no matter what he was doing. And it came to pass that as he was at supper with the chief magistrates, a male child was born, and his servants brought the little boy to him. 3.4. He took it in his arms, as we are told, and said to those who were at table with him, A king is born unto you, O men of Sparta; then he laid it down in the royal seat and named it Charilaüs, or People’s Joy , because all present were filled with joy, admiring as they did his lofty spirit and his righteousness. And so he was king only eight months in all. But on other accounts also he was revered by his fellow-citizens, and more than those who obeyed him because he was guardian of the king and had royal power in his hands, were those who clave to him for his virtues and were ready and willing to do his bidding. 3.5. There was a party, however, which envied him and sought to impede the growing power of so young a man, especially the kinsmen and friends of the queen-mother, who thought she had been treated with insolence. Her brother, Leonidas, actually railed at Lycurgus once quite boldly, assuring him that he knew well that Lycurgus would one day be king, thereby promoting suspicion and paving the way for the accusation, in case any thing happened to the king, that he had plotted against his life. Some such talk was set in circulation by the queen-mother also, in consequence of which Lycurgus was sorely troubled and fearful of what might be in store for him. He therefore determined to avoid suspicion by travelling abroad, and to continue his wanderings until his nephew should come of age and beget a son to succeed him on the throne. 5.3. Full of this determination, he first made a journey to Delphi, and after sacrificing to the god and consulting the oracle, he returned with that famous response in which the Pythian priestess addressed him as beloved of the gods, and rather god than man, and said that the god had granted his prayer for good laws, and promised him a constitution which should be the best in the world. 6.1. So eager was Lycurgus for the establishment of this form of government, that he obtained an oracle from Delphi about it, which they call a rhetra. And this is the way it runs: When thou hast built a temple to Zeus Syllanius and Athena Syllania, divided the people into phylai and into obai, and established a senate of thirty members, including the archagetai, then from time to time appellazein between Babyca and Cnacion Probably names of small tributaries of the river Eurotas. and there introduce and rescind measures; but the people must have the deciding voice and the power. 6.3. Between these they held their assemblies, having neither halls nor any other kind of building for the purpose. For by such things Lycurgus thought good counsel was not promoted, but rather discouraged, since the serious purposes of an assembly were rendered foolish and futile by vain thoughts, as they gazed upon statues and paintings, or scenic embellishments, or extravagantly decorated roofs of council halls. When the multitude was thus assembled, no one of them was permitted to make a motion, but the motion laid before them by the senators and kings could be accepted or rejected by the people. 6.4. Afterwards, however, when the people by additions and subtractions perverted and distorted the sense of motions laid before them, Kings Polydorus and Theopompus inserted this clause into the rhetra: But if the people should adopt a distorted motion, the senators and kings shall have power of adjournment ; that is, should not ratify the vote, but dismiss outright and dissolve the session, on the ground that it was perverting and changing the motion contrary to the best interests of the state. And they were actually able to persuade the city that the god authorized this addition to the rhetra, as Tyrtaeus reminds us in these verses:— Phoebus Apollo’s the mandate was which they brought from Pytho, Voicing the will of the god, nor were his words unfulfilled: Sway in the council and honours divine belong to the princes Under whose care has been set Sparta’s city of charm; Second to them are the elders, and next come the men of the people Duly confirming by vote unperverted decrees. 23.2. And indeed the design of the Olympic truce would seem to bespeak a man of gentleness, and predisposed to peace. And yet there are some who say, as Hermippus reminds us, that at the outset Lycurgus had nothing whatever to do with Iphitus and his enterprise, but happened to come that way by chance, and be a spectator at the games; that he heard behind him, however, what seemed to be a human voice, chiding him and expressing amazement that he did not urge his fellow-citizens to take part in the great festival; and since, on turning round, he did not see the speaker anywhere, he concluded that the voice was from heaven, and therefore betook himself to Iphitus, and assisted him in giving the festival a more notable arrangement and a more enduring basis. 25.4. For instance, Paedaretus, when he failed to be chosen among the three hundred best men, went away with a very glad countece, as if rejoicing that the city had three hundred better men than himself. And again, Polycratidas, one of an embassy to the generals of the Persian king, on being asked by them whether the embassy was there in a private or a public capacity, replied: If we succeed, in a public capacity; if we fail, in a private. 28.1. Now in all this there is no trace of injustice or arrogance, which some attribute to the laws of Lycurgus, declaring them efficacious in producing valour, but defective in producing righteousness. The so-called krupteia, or secret service , of the Spartans, if this be really one of the institutions of Lycurgus, as Aristotle says it was, may have given Plato also Laws, p. 630 d. this opinion of the man and his civil polity. 28.2. This secret service was of the following nature. The magistrates from time to time sent out into the country at large the most discreet of the young warriors, equipped only with daggers and such supplies as were necessary. In the day time they scattered into obscure and out of the way places, where they hid themselves and lay quiet; but in the night they came down into the highways and killed every Helot whom they caught. 28.3. oftentimes, too, they actually traversed the fields where Helots were working and slew the sturdiest and best of them. So, too, Thucydides, in his history of the Peloponnesian war, iv. 80. tells us that the Helots who had been judged by the Spartans to be superior in bravery, set wreaths upon their heads in token of their emancipation, and visited the temples of the gods in procession, but a little while afterwards all disappeared, more than two thousand of them, in such a way that no man was able to say, either then or afterwards, how they came by their deaths. 28.4. And Aristotle in particular says also that the ephors, as soon as they came into office, made formal declaration of war upon the Helots, in order that there might be no impiety in slaying them.And in other ways also they were harsh and cruel to the Helots. For instance, they would force them to drink too much strong wine, and then introduce them into their public messes, to show the young men what a thing drunkenness was. They also ordered them to sing songs and dance dances that were low and ridiculous, but to let the nobler kind alone. 29.2. Accordingly, he assembled the whole people, and told them that the provisions already made were sufficiently adapted to promote the prosperity and virtue of the state, but that something of the greatest weight and importance remained, which he could not lay before them until he had consulted the god at Delphi. They must therefore abide by the established laws and make no change nor alteration in them until he came back from Delphi in person; then he would do whatsoever the god thought best. 29.3. When they all agreed to this and bade him set out on his journey, he exacted an oath from the kings and the senators, and afterwards from the rest of the citizens, that they would abide by the established polity and observe it until Lycurgus should come back; then he set out for Delphi. On reaching the oracle, he sacrificed to the god, and asked if the laws which he had established were good, and sufficient to promote a city’s prosperity and virtue. 29.4. Apollo answered that the laws which he had established were good, and that the city would continue to be held in highest honour while it kept to the polity of Lycurgus. This oracle Lycurgus wrote down, and sent it to Sparta. But for his own part, he sacrificed again to the god, took affectionate leave of his friends and of his son, and resolved never to release his fellow-citizens from their oath, but of his own accord to put an end to his life where he was. He had reached an age in which life was not yet a burden, and death no longer a terror; when he and his friends, moreover, appeared to be sufficiently prosperous and happy. 29.5. He therefore abstained from food till he died, considering that even the death of a statesman should be of service to the state, and the ending of his life not void of effect, but recognized as a virtuous deed. As for himself, since he had wrought out fully the noblest tasks, the end of life would actually be a consummation of his good fortune and happiness; and as for his fellow-citizens, he would make his death the guardian, as it were, of all the blessings he had secured for them during his life, since they had sworn to observe and maintain his polity until he should return. 29.6. And he was not deceived in his expectations, so long did his city have the first rank in Hellas for good government and reputation, observing as she did for five hundred years the laws of Lycurgus, in which no one of the fourteen kings who followed him made any change, down to Agis the son of Archidamus. For the institution of the ephors did not weaken, but rather strengthened the civil polity, and though it was thought to have been done in the interests of the people, it really made the aristocracy more powerful. 30.1. But in the reign or Agis, gold and silver money first flowed into Sparta, and with money, greed and a desire for wealth prevailed through the agency of Lysander, who, though incorruptible himself, filled his country with the love of riches and with luxury, by bringing home gold and silver from the war, and thus subverting the laws of Lycurgus. |
|
155. Apollodorus, Epitome, 3.35 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 111| 3.35. ἐκ Ζελίας Πάνδαρος Λυκάονος, ἐξ Ἀδραστείας Ἄδραστος 6 -- καὶ Ἄμφιος Μέροπος, 7 -- ἐκ δʼ Ἀρίσβης Ἄσιος Ὑρτάκου, ἐκ Λαρίσσης Ἱππόθοος Πελασγοῦ, 8 -- ἐκ Μυσίας Χρόμιος καὶ Ἔννομος 9 -- Ἀρσινόου, Ἀλιζώνων Ὀδίος 10 -- καὶ Ἐπίστροφος Μηκιστέως, 11 -- Φρυγῶν Φόρκυς καὶ Ἀσκάνιος Ἀρετάονος, Μαιόνων Μέσθλης καὶ Ἄντιφος Ταλαιμένους, Καρῶν 12 -- Νάστης καὶ Ἀμφίμαχος Νομίονος, 13 -- Λυκίων Σαρπηδὼν Διὸς καὶ Γλαῦκος 14 -- Ἱππολόχου. | 3.35. from Zelia, Pandarus, son of Lycaon; from Adrastia, Adrastus and Amphius, sons of Merops; from Arisbe, Asius, son of Hyrtacus; from Larissa, Hippothous, son of Pelasgus; Compare Hom. Il. 2.842ff. , where the poet describes Hippothous as the son of the Pelasgian Lethus. Apollodorus, misunderstanding the passage, has converted the adjective Pelasgian into a noun Pelasgus. from Mysia , Chromius Homer calls him Chromis ( Hom. Il. 2.858 ). and Ennomus, sons of Arsinous; of the Alizones, Odius and Epistrophus, sons of Mecisteus; of the Phrygians, Phorcys and Ascanius, sons of Aretaon; of the Maeonians, Mesthles and Antiphus, sons of Talaemenes; of the Carians, Nastes and Amphimachus, sons of Nomion; of the Lycians, Sarpedon, son of Zeus, and Glaucus, son of Hippolochus. |
|
156. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 1.4.1, 1.9.7, 1.9.11-1.9.12, 2.8.1-2.8.5, 3.4.4, 3.5.2, 3.7.4, 3.12.1-3.12.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of •delphi, oracle •oracles, delphi •oracle, oracular, oracle of delphi Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 213, 410; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 483; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 25, 28, 110, 211| 1.4.1. τῶν δὲ Κοίου θυγατέρων Ἀστερία μὲν ὁμοιωθεῖσα ὄρτυγι ἑαυτὴν εἰς θάλασσαν ἔρριψε, φεύγουσα τὴν πρὸς Δία συνουσίαν· καὶ πόλις ἀπʼ ἐκείνης Ἀστερία πρότερον κληθεῖσα, ὕστερον δὲ Δῆλος. Λητὼ δὲ συνελθοῦσα Διὶ κατὰ τὴν γῆν ἅπασαν ὑφʼ Ἥρας ἠλαύνετο, μέχρις εἰς Δῆλον ἐλθοῦσα γεννᾷ πρώτην Ἄρτεμιν, ὑφʼ ἧς μαιωθεῖσα ὕστερον Ἀπόλλωνα ἐγέννησεν. Ἄρτεμις μὲν οὖν τὰ περὶ θήραν ἀσκήσασα παρθένος ἔμεινεν, Ἀπόλλων δὲ τὴν μαντικὴν μαθὼν παρὰ Πανὸς τοῦ Διὸς καὶ Ὕβρεως 1 -- ἧκεν εἰς Δελφούς, χρησμῳδούσης τότε Θέμιδος· ὡς δὲ ὁ φρουρῶν τὸ μαντεῖον Πύθων ὄφις ἐκώλυεν αὐτὸν παρελθεῖν ἐπὶ τὸ χάσμα, τοῦτον ἀνελὼν τὸ μαντεῖον παραλαμβάνει. κτείνει δὲ μετʼ οὐ πολὺ καὶ Τιτυόν, ὃς ἦν Διὸς υἱὸς καὶ τῆς Ὀρχομενοῦ θυγατρὸς Ἐλάρης, 2 -- ἣν Ζεύς, ἐπειδὴ συνῆλθε, δείσας Ἥραν ὑπὸ γῆν ἔκρυψε, καὶ τὸν κυοφορηθέντα παῖδα Τιτυὸν ὑπερμεγέθη εἰς φῶς ἀνήγαγεν. οὗτος ἐρχομένην 1 -- εἰς Πυθὼ Λητὼ θεωρήσας, πόθῳ κατασχεθεὶς ἐπισπᾶται· ἡ δὲ τοὺς παῖδας ἐπικαλεῖται καὶ κατατοξεύουσιν αὐτόν. κολάζεται δὲ καὶ μετὰ θάνατον· γῦπες γὰρ αὐτοῦ τὴν καρδίαν ἐν Ἅιδου ἐσθίουσιν. 1.9.7. Σαλμωνεὺς δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον περὶ Θεσσαλίαν κατῴκει, παραγενόμενος δὲ αὖθις εἰς Ἦλιν ἐκεῖ πόλιν ἔκτισεν. ὑβριστὴς δὲ ὢν καὶ τῷ Διὶ ἐξισοῦσθαι θέλων διὰ τὴν ἀσέβειαν ἐκολάσθη· ἔλεγε γὰρ ἑαυτὸν εἶναι Δία, καὶ τὰς ἐκείνου θυσίας ἀφελόμενος ἑαυτῷ προσέτασσε θύειν, καὶ βύρσας μὲν ἐξηραμμένας ἐξ ἅρματος μετὰ λεβήτων χαλκῶν σύρων ἔλεγε βροντᾶν, βάλλων δὲ εἰς οὐρανὸν αἰθομένας λαμπάδας ἔλεγεν ἀστράπτειν. Ζεὺς δὲ αὐτὸν κεραυνώσας τὴν κτισθεῖσαν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ πόλιν καὶ τοὺς οἰκήτορας ἠφάνισε πάντας. 1.9.11. Κρηθεὺς δὲ κτίσας Ἰωλκὸν γαμεῖ Τυρὼ τὴν Σαλμωνέως, ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ γίνονται παῖδες Αἴσων Ἀμυθάων Φέρης. Ἀμυθάων μὲν οὖν οἰκῶν Πύλον 1 -- Εἰδομένην γαμεῖ τὴν Φέρητος, καὶ γίνονται παῖδες αὐτῷ Βίας καὶ Μελάμπους, ὃς ἐπὶ τῶν χωρίων διατελῶν, οὔσης πρὸ τῆς οἰκήσεως αὐτοῦ δρυὸς ἐν ᾗ φωλεὸς ὄφεων ὑπῆρχεν, ἀποκτεινάντων τῶν θεραπόντων τοὺς ὄφεις τὰ μὲν ἑρπετὰ ξύλα συμφορήσας ἔκαυσε, τοὺς δὲ τῶν ὄφεων νεοσσοὺς ἔθρεψεν. οἱ δὲ γενόμενοι τέλειοι παραστάντες 2 -- αὐτῷ κοιμωμένῳ τῶν ὤμων ἐξ ἑκατέρου τὰς ἀκοὰς ταῖς γλώσσαις ἐξεκάθαιρον. ὁ δὲ ἀναστὰς καὶ γενόμενος περιδεὴς τῶν ὑπερπετομένων ὀρνέων τὰς φωνὰς συνίει, καὶ παρʼ ἐκείνων μανθάνων προύλεγε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις τὰ μέλλοντα. προσέλαβε δὲ καὶ τὴν διὰ τῶν ἱερῶν μαντικήν, περὶ δὲ τὸν Ἀλφειὸν συντυχὼν Ἀπόλλωνι τὸ λοιπὸν ἄριστος ἦν μάντις. 1.9.12. Βίας δὲ 3 -- ἐμνηστεύετο Πηρὼ τὴν Νηλέως· ὁ δὲ πολλῶν αὐτῷ μνηστευομένων τὴν θυγατέρα δώσειν ἔφη τῷ τὰς Φυλάκου 1 -- βόας κομίσαντι αὐτῷ. αὗται δὲ ἦσαν ἐν Φυλάκῃ, καὶ κύων ἐφύλασσεν αὐτὰς οὗ οὔτε ἄνθρωπος οὔτε θηρίον πέλας ἐλθεῖν ἠδύνατο. ταύτας ἀδυνατῶν Βίας τὰς βόας κλέψαι παρεκάλει τὸν ἀδελφὸν συλλαβέσθαι. Μελάμπους δὲ ὑπέσχετο, καὶ προεῖπεν ὅτι φωραθήσεται κλέπτων καὶ δεθεὶς ἐνιαυτὸν οὕτω τὰς βόας λήψεται. μετὰ δὲ τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν εἰς Φυλάκην ἀπῄει καί, καθάπερ προεῖπε, φωραθεὶς ἐπὶ τῇ κλοπῇ δέσμιος 2 -- ἐν οἰκήματι ἐφυλάσσετο. λειπομένου δὲ τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ βραχέος χρόνου, τῶν κατὰ τὸ κρυφαῖον 3 -- τῆς στέγης σκωλήκων ἀκούει, τοῦ μὲν ἐρωτῶντος πόσον ἤδη μέρος τοῦ δοκοῦ διαβέβρωται, τῶν δὲ ἀποκρινομένων 4 -- λοιπὸν ἐλάχιστον εἶναι. καὶ ταχέως ἐκέλευσεν αὑτὸν εἰς ἕτερον οἴκημα μεταγαγεῖν, γενομένου δὲ τούτου μετʼ οὐ πολὺ συνέπεσε τὸ οἴκημα. θαυμάσας δὲ Φύλακος, καὶ μαθὼν ὅτι ἐστὶ μάντις ἄριστος, λύσας παρεκάλεσεν εἰπεῖν ὅπως αὐτοῦ τῷ παιδὶ Ἰφίκλῳ παῖδες γένωνται. ὁ δὲ ὑπέσχετο ἐφʼ ᾧ τὰς βόας λήψεται. καὶ καταθύσας ταύρους δύο καὶ μελίσας τοὺς οἰωνοὺς προσεκαλέσατο· παραγενομένου δὲ αἰγυπιοῦ, παρὰ τούτου μανθάνει δὴ ὅτι Φύλακός ποτε κριοὺς τέμνων ἐπὶ τῶν αἰδοίων 5 -- παρὰ τῷ Ἰφίκλῳ τὴν μάχαιραν ᾑμαγμένην ἔτι κατέθετο, δείσαντος δὲ τοῦ παιδὸς καὶ φυγόντος αὖθις κατὰ τῆς ἱερᾶς δρυὸς αὐτὴν ἔπηξε, καὶ ταύτην ἀμφιτροχάσας 1 -- ἐκάλυψεν ὁ φλοιός. ἔλεγεν οὖν, εὑρεθείσης τῆς μαχαίρας εἰ ξύων τὸν ἰὸν ἐπὶ ἡμέρας δέκα Ἰφίκλῳ δῷ πιεῖν, παῖδα γεννήσειν. ταῦτα μαθὼν παρʼ αἰγυπιοῦ Μελάμπους τὴν μὲν μάχαιραν εὗρε, τῷ δὲ Ἰφίκλῳ τὸν ἰὸν ξύσας ἐπὶ ἡμέρας δέκα δέδωκε πιεῖν, καὶ παῖς αὐτῷ Ποδάρκης ἐγένετο. τὰς δὲ βόας εἰς Πύλον ἤλασε, καὶ τῷ ἀδελφῷ τὴν Νηλέως θυγατέρα λαβὼν ἔδωκε. καὶ μέχρι μέν τινος ἐν Μεσσήνῃ κατῴκει, ὡς δὲ τὰς ἐν Ἄργει γυναῖκας ἐξέμηνε Διόνυσος, ἐπὶ 2 -- μέρει τῆς 3 -- βασιλείας ἰασάμενος αὐτὰς ἐκεῖ μετὰ Βίαντος κατῴκησε. 2.8.1. μεταστάντος δὲ Ἡρακλέους εἰς θεοὺς οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ φυγόντες Εὐρυσθέα πρὸς Κήυκα παρεγένοντο. ὡς δὲ ἐκείνους ἐκδιδόναι λέγοντος Εὐρυσθέως καὶ πόλεμον ἀπειλοῦντος ἐδεδοίκεσαν, Τραχῖνα καταλιπόντες διὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἔφυγον. διωκόμενοι δὲ ἦλθον εἰς Ἀθήνας, καὶ καθεσθέντες ἐπὶ τὸν ἐλέου βωμὸν ἠξίουν βοηθεῖσθαι. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ οὐκ ἐκδιδόντες αὐτοὺς πρὸς τὸν Εὐρυσθέα πόλεμον ὑπέστησαν, καὶ τοὺς μὲν παῖδας αὐτοῦ Ἀλέξανδρον Ἰφιμέδοντα Εὐρύβιον Μέντορα Περιμήδην ἀπέκτειναν· αὐτὸν δὲ Εὐρυσθέα φεύγοντα ἐφʼ ἅρματος καὶ πέτρας ἤδη παριππεύοντα Σκειρωνίδας 1 -- κτείνει διώξας Ὕλλος, καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποτεμὼν Ἀλκμήνῃ δίδωσιν· ἡ δὲ κερκίσι τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐξώρυξεν αὐτοῦ. 2.8.2. ἀπολομένου δὲ Εὐρυσθέως ἐπὶ Πελοπόννησον ἦλθον οἱ Ἡρακλεῖδαι, καὶ πάσας εἷλον τὰς πόλεις. ἐνιαυτοῦ δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐν τῇ καθόδῳ διαγενομένου φθορὰ 1 -- πᾶσαν Πελοπόννησον κατέσχε, καὶ ταύτην γενέσθαι χρησμὸς διὰ τοὺς Ἡρακλείδας ἐδήλου· πρὸ γὰρ τοῦ δέοντος αὐτοὺς κατελθεῖν. ὅθεν ἀπολιπόντες Πελοπόννησον ἀνεχώρησαν 2 -- εἰς Μαραθῶνα κἀκεῖ κατῴκουν. Τληπόλεμος οὖν κτείνας οὐχ ἑκὼν Λικύμνιον (τῇ βακτηρίᾳ γὰρ αὐτοῦ θεράποντα 3 -- πλήσσοντος ὑπέδραμε) πρὶν ἐξελθεῖν αὐτοὺς 4 -- ἐκ Πελοποννήσου, φεύγων μετʼ οὐκ ὀλίγων ἧκεν εἰς Ῥόδον, κἀκεῖ κατῴκει. Ὕλλος δὲ τὴν μὲν Ἰόλην κατὰ τὰς τοῦ πατρὸς ἐντολὰς 5 -- ἔγημε, τὴν δὲ κάθοδον ἐζήτει τοῖς Ἡρακλείδαις κατεργάσασθαι. διὸ παραγενόμενος εἰς Δελφοὺς ἐπυνθάνετο πῶς ἂν κατέλθοιεν. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἔφησε 6 -- περιμείναντας τὸν τρίτον καρπὸν κατέρχεσθαι. νομίσας δὲ Ὕλλος τρίτον καρπὸν λέγεσθαι τὴν τριετίαν, τοσοῦτον περιμείνας χρόνον σὺν τῷ στρατῷ κατῄει τοῦ Ἡρακλέους 7 -- ἐπὶ Πελοπόννησον, Τισαμενοῦ τοῦ Ὀρέστου βασιλεύοντος Πελοποννησίων. καὶ γενομένης πάλιν μάχης νικῶσι Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ Ἀριστόμαχος θνήσκει. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἠνδρώθησαν οἱ Κλεοδαίου 1 -- παῖδες, ἐχρῶντο περὶ καθόδου. τοῦ θεοῦ δὲ εἰπόντος ὅ τι καὶ τὸ πρότερον, Τήμενος ᾐτιᾶτο λέγων τούτῳ πεισθέντας 2 -- ἀτυχῆσαι. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἀνεῖλε τῶν ἀτυχημάτων αὐτοὺς αἰτίους εἶναι· τοὺς γὰρ χρησμοὺς οὐ συμβάλλειν. λέγειν γὰρ οὐ γῆς ἀλλὰ γενεᾶς καρπὸν τρίτον, καὶ στενυγρὰν τὴν εὐρυγάστορα, δεξιὰν κατὰ τὸν Ἰσθμὸν ἔχοντι τὴν θάλασσαν. 3 -- ταῦτα Τήμενος ἀκούσας ἡτοίμαζε τὸν στρατόν, καὶ ναῦς ἐπήξατο 1 -- τῆς Λοκρίδος ἔνθα νῦν ἀπʼ ἐκείνου ὁ τόπος Ναύπακτος λέγεται. ἐκεῖ δʼ ὄντος τοῦ στρατεύματος Ἀριστόδημος κεραυνωθεὶς ἀπέθανε, παῖδας καταλιπὼν ἐξ Ἀργείας τῆς Αὐτεσίωνος διδύμους, Εὐρυσθένη καὶ Προκλέα. 2.8.3. συνέβη δὲ καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἐν Ναυπάκτῳ συμφορᾷ περιπεσεῖν. ἐφάνη γὰρ αὐτοῖς μάντις χρησμοὺς λέγων καὶ ἐνθεάζων, ὃν ἐνόμισαν μάγον εἶναι ἐπὶ λύμῃ τοῦ στρατοῦ πρὸς Πελοποννησίων ἀπεσταλμένον. τοῦτον βαλὼν ἀκοντίῳ Ἱππότης ὁ Φύλαντος τοῦ Ἀντιόχου τοῦ Ἡρακλέους τυχὼν ἀπέκτεινεν. οὕτως δὲ γενομένου τούτου τὸ μὲν ναυτικὸν διαφθαρεισῶν τῶν νεῶν ἀπώλετο, τὸ δὲ πεζὸν ἠτύχησε λιμῷ, καὶ διελύθη τὸ στράτευμα. χρωμένου δὲ περὶ τῆς συμφορᾶς Τημένου, καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ διὰ τοῦ μάντεως γενέσθαι ταῦτα λέγοντος, καὶ κελεύοντος φυγαδεῦσαι δέκα ἔτη τὸν ἀνελόντα καὶ χρήσασθαι ἡγεμόνι τῷ τριοφθάλμῳ, τὸν μὲν Ἱππότην ἐφυγάδευσαν, τὸν δὲ τριόφθαλμον ἐζήτουν. καὶ περιτυγχάνουσιν Ὀξύλῳ τῷ Ἀνδραίμονος, ἐφʼ ἵππου καθημένῳ 1 -- μονοφθάλμου 2 -- (τὸν γὰρ ἕτερον τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἐκκέκοπτο 3 -- τόξῳ). ἐπὶ φόνῳ γὰρ οὗτος φυγὼν εἰς Ἦλιν, ἐκεῖθεν εἰς Αἰτωλίαν ἐνιαυτοῦ διελθόντος ἐπανήρχετο. συμβαλόντες οὖν τὸν χρησμόν, τοῦτον ἡγεμόνα ποιοῦνται. καὶ συμβαλόντες τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ τῷ πεζῷ καὶ τῷ ναυτικῷ προτεροῦσι στρατῷ, καὶ Τισαμενὸν κτείνουσι τὸν Ὀρέστου. θνήσκουσι δὲ συμμαχοῦντες αὐτοῖς οἱ Αἰγιμίου παῖδες, Πάμφυλος καὶ Δύμας. 2.8.4. ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἐκράτησαν Πελοποννήσου, τρεῖς ἱδρύσαντο βωμοὺς πατρῴου Διός, καὶ ἐπὶ τούτων ἔθυσαν, καὶ ἐκληροῦντο τὰς πόλεις. πρώτη μὲν οὖν λῆξις Ἄργος, δευτέρα δὲ Λακεδαίμων, τρίτη δὲ Μεσσήνη. κομισάντων δὲ ὑδρίαν ὕδατος, ἔδοξε ψῆφον βαλεῖν ἕκαστον. Τήμενος οὖν καὶ οἱ Ἀριστοδήμου παῖδες Προκλῆς καὶ Εὐρυσθένης ἔβαλον λίθους, Κρεσφόντης δὲ βουλόμενος Μεσσήνην λαχεῖν γῆς ἐνέβαλε βῶλον. ταύτης δὲ διαλυθείσης ἔδει τοὺς δύο κλήρους ἀναφανῆναι. ἑλκυσθείσης δὲ πρώτης 4 -- μὲν τῆς Τημένου, δευτέρας δὲ τῆς τῶν Ἀριστοδήμου παίδων, Μεσσήνην ἔλαβε 1 -- Κρεσφόντης. 2.8.5. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς βωμοῖς οἷς ἔθυσαν εὗρον σημεῖα κείμενα οἱ μὲν λαχόντες Ἄργος φρῦνον, οἱ δὲ Λακεδαίμονα 2 -- δράκοντα, οἱ δὲ Μεσσήνην ἀλώπεκα. περὶ δὲ τῶν σημείων ἔλεγον οἱ μάντεις, τοῖς μὲν τὸν φρῦνον καταλαβοῦσιν 3 -- ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως μένειν ἄμεινον (μὴ γὰρ ἔχειν ἀλκὴν πορευόμενον τὸ θηρίον), τοὺς δὲ δράκοντα καταλαβόντας δεινοὺς ἐπιόντας ἔλεγον ἔσεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ τὴν ἀλώπεκα δολίους. Τήμενος μὲν οὖν παραπεμπόμενος τοὺς παῖδας Ἀγέλαον καὶ Εὐρύπυλον καὶ Καλλίαν, τῇ θυγατρὶ προσανεῖχεν Ὑρνηθοῖ καὶ τῷ ταύτης ἀνδρὶ Δηιφόντῃ. ὅθεν οἱ παῖδες πείθουσί τινας 4 -- ἐπὶ μισθῷ τὸν πατέρα αὐτῶν φονεῦσαι. γενομένου δὲ τοῦ φόνου τὴν βασιλείαν ὁ στρατὸς ἔχειν ἐδικαίωσεν Ὑρνηθὼ καὶ Δηιφόντην. 5 -- Κρεσφόντης δὲ οὐ πολὺν Μεσσήνης βασιλεύσας χρόνον μετὰ δύο παίδων φονευθεὶς ἀπέθανε. Πολυφόντης δὲ ἐβασίλευσεν, αὐτῶν 6 -- τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν ὑπάρχων, καὶ τὴν τοῦ φονευθέντος γυναῖκα Μερόπην ἄκουσαν ἔλαβεν. ἀνῃρέθη δὲ καὶ οὗτος. τρίτον γὰρ ἔχουσα παῖδα Μερόπη καλούμενον Αἴπυτον 1 -- ἔδωκε τῷ ἑαυτῆς πατρὶ τρέφειν. οὗτος ἀνδρωθεὶς καὶ κρύφα κατελθὼν ἔκτεινε Πολυφόντην καὶ τὴν πατρῴαν βασιλείαν ἀπέλαβεν. 3.4.4. Αὐτονόης δὲ καὶ Ἀρισταίου παῖς Ἀκταίων ἐγένετο, ὃς τραφεὶς παρὰ Χείρωνι κυνηγὸς ἐδιδάχθη, καὶ ἔπειτα ὕστερον 1 -- ἐν τῷ Κιθαιρῶνι κατεβρώθη ὑπὸ τῶν ἰδίων κυνῶν. καὶ τοῦτον ἐτελεύτησε τὸν τρόπον, ὡς μὲν Ἀκουσίλαος λέγει, μηνίσαντος τοῦ Διὸς ὅτι ἐμνηστεύσατο Σεμέλην, ὡς δὲ οἱ πλείονες, ὅτι τὴν Ἄρτεμιν λουομένην εἶδε. καί φασι τὴν θεὸν παραχρῆμα αὐτοῦ τὴν μορφὴν εἰς ἔλαφον ἀλλάξαι, καὶ τοῖς ἑπομένοις αὐτῷ πεντήκοντα κυσὶν ἐμβαλεῖν λύσσαν, ὑφʼ ὧν κατὰ ἄγνοιαν ἐβρώθη. ἀπολομένου 2 -- δὲ Ἀκταίωνος 3 -- οἱ κύνες ἐπιζητοῦντες τὸν δεσπότην κατωρύοντο, καὶ ζήτησιν ποιούμενοι παρεγένοντο ἐπὶ τὸ τοῦ Χείρωνος ἄντρον, ὃς εἴδωλον κατεσκεύασεν Ἀκταίωνος, ὃ καὶ τὴν λύπην αὐτῶν ἔπαυσε. τὰ 4 -- ὀνόματα τῶν Ἀκταίωνος κυνῶν ἐκ τῶν οὕτω δὴ νῦν καλὸν σῶμα περισταδόν, ἠύτε θῆρος, τοῦδε δάσαντο κύνες κρατεροί. πέλας † Ἄρκενα 5 -- πρώτη. μετὰ ταύτην ἄλκιμα τέκνα, Λυγκεὺς καὶ Βαλίος 1 -- πόδας αἰνετός, ἠδʼ Ἀμάρυνθος.— καὶ τούτους ὀνομαστὶ διηνεκέως κατέλεξε· 2 -- καὶ τότε Ἀκταίων ἔθανεν Διὸς ἐννεσίῃσι. 3 -- πρῶτοι γὰρ μέλαν αἷμα πίον 4 -- σφετέροιο ἄνακτος Σπαρτός τʼ Ὤμαργός 5 -- τε Βορῆς τʼ αἰψηροκέλευθος. οὗτοι δʼ 6 --Ἀκταίου πρῶτοι φάγον αἷμα τʼ ἔλαψαν. 7 -- τοὺς δὲ μέτʼ ἄλλοι πάντες ἐπέσσυθεν 8 -- ἐμμεμαῶτες.— ἀργαλέων ὀδυνῶν ἄκος ἔμμεναι ἀνθρώποισιν . 3.5.2. διελθὼν δὲ Θρᾴκην καὶ τὴν Ἰνδικὴν ἅπασαν, στήλας ἐκεῖ στήσας 1 -- ἧκεν εἰς Θήβας, καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ἠνάγκασε καταλιπούσας τὰς οἰκίας βακχεύειν ἐν τῷ Κιθαιρῶνι. Πενθεὺς δὲ γεννηθεὶς ἐξ Ἀγαυῆς Ἐχίονι, παρὰ Κάδμου εἰληφὼς τὴν βασιλείαν, διεκώλυε ταῦτα γίνεσθαι, καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς Κιθαιρῶνα τῶν Βακχῶν κατάσκοπος ὑπὸ τῆς μητρὸς Ἀγαυῆς κατὰ μανίαν ἐμελίσθη· ἐνόμισε γὰρ αὐτὸν θηρίον εἶναι. δείξας δὲ Θηβαίοις ὅτι θεός ἐστιν, ἧκεν εἰς Ἄργος, κἀκεῖ 2 -- πάλιν οὐ τιμώντων αὐτὸν ἐξέμηνε τὰς γυναῖκας. αἱ δὲ ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσι τοὺς ἐπιμαστιδίους ἔχουσαι 3 -- παῖδας τὰς σάρκας αὐτῶν ἐσιτοῦντο. 3.7.4. Ἀργεῖοι δὲ ὕστερον τὸν δρασμὸν τῶν Θηβαίων μαθόντες εἰσίασιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, καὶ συναθροίζουσι τὴν λείαν, καὶ καθαιροῦσι τὰ τείχη. τῆς δὲ λείας μέρος εἰς Δελφοὺς πέμπουσιν Ἀπόλλωνι καὶ τὴν Τειρεσίου θυγατέρα Μαντώ· ηὔξαντο γὰρ αὐτῷ Θήβας ἑλόντες τὸ κάλλιστον τῶν λαφύρων ἀναθήσειν. 3.12.1. Ἠλέκτρας δὲ τῆς Ἄτλαντος καὶ Διὸς Ἰασίων καὶ Δάρδανος ἐγένοντο. Ἰασίων μὲν οὖν ἐρασθεὶς Δήμητρος καὶ θέλων καταισχῦναι τὴν θεὸν κεραυνοῦται, Δάρδανος δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ θανάτῳ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ λυπούμενος, Σαμοθρᾴκην ἀπολιπὼν εἰς τὴν ἀντίπερα ἤπειρον ἦλθε. ταύτης δὲ ἐβασίλευε Τεῦκρος ποταμοῦ Σκαμάνδρου καὶ νύμφης Ἰδαίας· ἀφʼ οὗ καὶ οἱ τὴν χώραν νεμόμενοι Τεῦκροι προσηγορεύοντο. ὑποδεχθεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ λαβὼν μέρος τῆς γῆς καὶ τὴν ἐκείνου θυγατέρα Βάτειαν, Δάρδανον ἔκτισε πόλιν· τελευτήσαντος δὲ Τεύκρου 1 -- τὴν χώραν ἅπασαν Δαρδανίαν ἐκάλεσε. 3.12.2. γενομένων δὲ αὐτῷ παίδων Ἴλου καὶ Ἐριχθονίου, Ἶλος μὲν ἄπαις ἀπέθανεν, Ἐριχθόνιος δὲ διαδεξάμενος τὴν βασιλείαν, γήμας Ἀστυόχην 1 -- τὴν Σιμόεντος, τεκνοῖ Τρῶα. οὗτος παραλαβὼν τὴν βασιλείαν τὴν μὲν χώραν ἀφʼ ἑαυτοῦ Τροίαν ἐκάλεσε, καὶ γήμας Καλλιρρόην τὴν Σκαμάνδρου γεννᾷ θυγατέρα μὲν Κλεοπάτραν, παῖδας δὲ Ἶλον καὶ Ἀσσάρακον καὶ Γανυμήδην. τοῦτον μὲν οὖν διὰ κάλλος ἀναρπάσας Ζεὺς διʼ ἀετοῦ θεῶν οἰνοχόον ἐν οὐρανῷ κατέστησεν· Ἀσσαράκου δὲ καὶ Ἱερομνήμης τῆς Σιμόεντος Κάπυς, τοῦ δὲ καὶ Θεμίστης τῆς Ἴλου Ἀγχίσης, ᾧ διʼ ἐρωτικὴν ἐπιθυμίαν Ἀφροδίτη συνελθοῦσα Αἰνείαν ἐγέννησε καὶ Λύρον, ὃς ἄπαις ἀπέθανεν. 3.12.3. Ἶλος δὲ εἰς Φρυγίαν ἀφικόμενος καὶ καταλαβὼν ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτόθι τεθειμένον ἀγῶνα νικᾷ πάλην· καὶ λαβὼν ἆθλον πεντήκοντα κόρους 2 -- καὶ κόρας τὰς ἴσας, δόντος αὐτῷ τοῦ βασιλέως κατὰ χρησμὸν καὶ βοῦν ποικίλην, καὶ φράσαντος ἐν ᾧπερ ἂν αὐτὴ κλιθῇ τόπῳ πόλιν κτίζειν, εἵπετο τῇ βοΐ. ἡ δὲ ἀφικομένη ἐπὶ τὸν λεγόμενον τῆς Φρυγίας Ἄτης λόφον κλίνεται· ἔνθα πόλιν κτίσας Ἶλος ταύτην μὲν Ἴλιον ἐκάλεσε, τῷ δὲ Διὶ σημεῖον εὐξάμενος αὐτῷ τι φανῆναι, μεθʼ ἡμέραν τὸ διιπετὲς παλλάδιον πρὸ τῆς σκηνῆς κείμενον ἐθεάσατο. ἦν δὲ τῷ μεγέθει τρίπηχυ, τοῖς δὲ ποσὶ συμβεβηκός, καὶ τῇ μὲν δεξιᾷ δόρυ διηρμένον 1 -- ἔχον τῇ δὲ ἑτέρᾳ ἠλακάτην καὶ ἄτρακτον. ἱστορία δὲ 1 -- ἡ περὶ τοῦ παλλαδίου τοιάδε φέρεται· φασὶ γεννηθεῖσαν τὴν Ἀθηνᾶν παρὰ Τρίτωνι τρέφεσθαι, ᾧ θυγάτηρ ἦν Παλλάς· ἀμφοτέρας δὲ ἀσκούσας τὰ κατὰ πόλεμον εἰς φιλονεικίαν ποτὲ προελθεῖν. μελλούσης δὲ πλήττειν τῆς Παλλάδος τὸν Δία φοβηθέντα τὴν αἰγίδα προτεῖναι, 2 -- τὴν δὲ εὐλαβηθεῖσαν ἀναβλέψαι, καὶ οὕτως ὑπὸ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς τρωθεῖσαν πεσεῖν. Ἀθηνᾶν δὲ περίλυπον ἐπʼ αὐτῇ γενομένην, ξόανον ἐκείνης ὅμοιον κατασκευάσαι, 3 -- καὶ περιθεῖναι τοῖς στέρνοις ἣν ἔδεισεν αἰγίδα, καὶ τιμᾶν ἱδρυσαμένην παρὰ τῷ Διί. ὕστερον δὲ Ἠλέκτρας κατὰ 4 -- τὴν φθορὰν τούτῳ προσφυγούσης, Δία ῥῖψαι 5 -- μετʼ Ἄτης καὶ 1 -- τὸ παλλάδιον εἰς τὴν Ἰλιάδα χώραν, Ἶλον δὲ τούτῳ 2 -- ναὸν κατασκευάσαντα τιμᾶν. καὶ περὶ μὲν τοῦ παλλαδίου ταῦτα λέγεται. Ἶλος δὲ γήμας Εὐρυδίκην τὴν Ἀδράστου Λαομέδοντα ἐγέννησεν, ὃς γαμεῖ Στρυμὼ τὴν Σκαμάνδρου, κατὰ δέ τινας Πλακίαν τὴν Ὀτρέως, 3 -- κατʼ ἐνίους δὲ Λευκίππην, 4 -- καὶ τεκνοῖ παῖδας μὲν Τιθωνὸν Λάμπον 5 -- Κλυτίον Ἱκετάονα Ποδάρκην, θυγατέρας δὲ Ἡσιόνην καὶ Κίλλαν καὶ Ἀστυόχην, ἐκ δὲ νύμφης Καλύβης Βουκολίωνα. | |
|
| 157. Plutarch, Beasts Are Rational, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 21 |
158. Plutarch, Agesilaus, 3.1-3.5, 6.6-6.8, 20.3-20.5, 29.3-29.4, 30.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of •delphi, oracle Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 76, 84, 88; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 28| 3.1. βασιλεύοντος δὲ Ἄγιδος ἧκεν Ἀλκιβιάδης ἐκ Σικελίας φυγὰς εἰς Λακεδαίμονα· καὶ χρόνον οὔπω πολὺν ἐν τῇ πόλει διάγων, αἰ,τίαν ἔσχε τῇ γυναικὶ τὸν βασιλέως, Τιμαίᾳ, συνεῖναι. καὶ τὸ γεννηθὲν ἐξ αὐτῆς παιδάριον οὐκ ἔφη γινώσκειν ὁ Ἆγις, ἀλλʼ ἐξ Ἀλκιβιάδου γεγονέναι. τοῦτο δὲ οὐ πάνυ δυσκόλως τὴν Τιμαίαν ἐνεγκεῖν φησι Δοῦρις, ἀλλὰ καὶ ψιθυρίζουσαν οἴκοι πρὸς τὰς εἱλωτίδας Ἀλκιβιάδην τὸ παιδίον, οὐ Λεωτυχίδην, καλεῖν· 3.2. καὶ μέντοι καὶ τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην αὐτὸν οὐ πρὸς ὕβριν τῇ Τιμαίᾳ φάναι πλησιάζειν, ἀλλὰ φιλοτιμούμενον βασιλεύεσθαι Σπαρτιάτας ὑπὸ τῶν ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ γεγονότων. διὰ ταῦτα μὲν τῆς Λακεδαίμονος Ἀλκιβιάδης ὑπεξῆλθε, φοβηθεὶς τὸν Ἆγιν ὁ δὲ παῖς τὸν μὲν ἄλλον χρόνον ὕποπτος ἦν τῷ Ἄγιδι, καὶ γνησίου τιμὴν οὐκ εἶχε παρʼ αὐτῷ, νοσοῦντι δὲ προσπεσὼν καὶ δακρύων ἔπεισεν υἱὸν ἀποφῆναι πολλῶν ἐναντίον. 3.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τελευτήσαντος τοῦ Ἄγιδος ὁ Λύσανδρος, ἤδη κατανεναυμαχηκὼς Ἀθηναίους καὶ μέγιστον ἐν Σπάρτῃ δυνάμενος, τὸν Ἀγησίλαον ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν προῆγεν, ὡς οὐ προσήκουσαν ὄντι νόθῳ τῷ Λεωτυχίδῃ. πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν, διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν Coraës and Bekker, after Bryan. τὴν ἀρετὴν. τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου καὶ τὸ συντετράφθαι καὶ μετεσχηκέναι τῆς ἀγωγῆς, ἐφιλοτιμοῦντο καὶ συνέπραττον αὐτῷ προθύμως. ἦν δὲ Διοπείθης ἀνὴρ χρησμολόγος ἐν Σπάρτῃ, μαντειῶν τε παλαιῶν ὑπόπλεως καὶ δοκῶν περὶ τὰ θεῖα σοφὸς εἶναι καὶ περιττός. 3.4. οὗτος οὐκ ἔφη θεμιτὸν εἶναι χωλὸν γενέσθαι τῆς Λακεδαίμονος βασιλέα, καὶ χρησμὸν ἐν τῇ δίκῃ; τοιοῦτον ἀνεγίνωσκε· φράζεο δή, Σπάρτη, καίπερ μεγάλαυχος ἐοῦσα, μὴ σέθεν ἀρτίποδος βλάστῃ χωλὴ βασιλεία δηρὸν γὰρ νοῦσοί σε κατασχήσουσιν ἄελπτοι φθισιβρότου τʼ ἐπὶ κῦμα κυλινδόμενον πολέμοιο. 3.5. πρὸς ταῦτα Λύσανδρος ἔλεγεν ὡς, εἰ πάνυ φοβοῖντο τὸν χρησμὸν οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται, φυλακτέον αὐτοῖς εἴη τὸν Λεωτυχίδην οὐ γὰρ εἰ προσπταίσας τις τὸν πόδα βασιλεύοι, τῷ θεῷ διαφέρειν, ἀλλʼ εἰ μὴ γνήσιος ὢν μηδὲ Ἡρακλείδης, τοῦτο τὴν χωλὴν εἶναι βασιλείαν. ὁ δὲ Ἀγησίλαος ἔφη καὶ τὸν Ποσειδῶ καταμαρτυρεῖν τοῦ Λεωτυχίδου τὴν νοθείαν, ἐκβαλόντα σεισμῷ τοῦ θαλάμου τὸν Ἆγιν ἀπʼ ἐκείνου δὲ πλέον ἢ δέκα μηνῶν διελθόντων γενέσθαι τὸν Λεωτυχίδην. 6.6. ἀκούσαντες οὖν οἱ βοιωτάρχαι πρὸς ὀργὴν κινηθέντες ἔπεμψαν ὑπηρέτας, ἀπαγορεύοντες τῷ Ἀγησιλάῳ μὴ θύειν παρὰ τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὰ πάτρια Βοιωτῶν, οἱ δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ἀπήγγειλαν καὶ τὰ μηρία διέρριψαν ἀπὸ τοῦ βωμοῦ, χαλεπῶς οὖν ἔχων ὁ Ἀγησίλαος ἀπέπλει, τοῖς τε Θηβαίοις διωργισμένος καὶ γεγονὼς δύσελπις διὰ τὸν οἰωνόν, ὡς ἀτελῶν αὐτῷ τῶν πράξεων γενησομένων καὶ τῆς στρατείας ἐπὶ τὸ προσῆκον οὐκ ἀφιξομένης. 20.3. καὶ λόγον ἀναγνοὺς ἐν βιβλίῳ ἀπολελειμμένον, ὃν ἔγραψε μὲν Κλέων ὁ Ἁλικαρνασσεύς, ἔμελλε δὲ λέγειν ἀναλαβὼν ὁ Λύσανδρος ἐν τῷ δήμῳ περὶ πραγμάτων καινῶν καὶ μεταστάσεως τοῦ πολιτεύματος, ἠθέλησεν εἰς μέσον ἐξενεγκεῖν. ἐπεὶ δέ τις τῶν γερόντων τὸν λόγον ἀναγνοὺς καὶ φοβηθεὶς τὴν δεινότητα συνεβούλευσε μὴ τὸν Λύσανδρον ἀνορύττειν, ἀλλὰ τὸν λόγον μᾶλλον αὐτῷ συγκατορύττειν, ἐπείσθη καὶ καθησύχαζε. 20.4. τοὺς δὲ ὑπεναντιουμένους αὐτῷ φανερῶς μὲν οὐκ ἔβλαπτε, διαπραττόμενος δὲ πέμπεσθαί τινας ἀεί στρατηγοὺς καὶ ἄρχοντας ἐξ αὐτῶν, ἐπεδείκνυε γενομένους ἐν ταῖς ἐξουσίαις πονηροὺς καὶ πλεονέκτας, εἶτα κρινομένοις πάλιν αὖ βοηθῶν καὶ συναγωνιζόμενος, οἰκείους ἐκ διαφόρων ἐποιεῖτο καὶ μεθίστη πρὸς αὑτόν, ὥστε μηθένα ἀντίπαλον εἶναι. 20.5. ὁ γὰρ ἕτερος βασιλεὺς Ἀγησίπολις, ἅτε δὴ πατρὸς μὲν ὢν φυγάδος, ἡλικίᾳ δὲ παντάπασι μειράκιον, φύσει. δὲ πρᾷος καὶ κόσμιος, οὐ πολλὰ τῶν πολιτικῶν ἔπραττεν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτον ἐποιεῖτο χειροήθη. συσσιτοῦσι γὰρ οἱ βασιλεῖς εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ φοιτῶντες φιδίτιον, ὅταν ἐπιδημῶσιν. 29.3. οἱ δὲ ἔφοροι, καίπερ εὐθὺς ὄντος καταφανοῦς ὅτι διέφθαρται τὰ πράγματα καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπολωλέκασιν, οὔτε χορὸν ἐξελθεῖν εἴασαν οὔτε τὸ σχῆμα τῆς ἑορτῆς μεταβαλεῖν τὴν πόλιν, ἀλλὰ κατʼ οἰκίαν τῶν τεθνεώτων τοῖς προσήκουσι τὰ ὀνόματα πέμψαντες, αὐτοὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν θέαν καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα τῶν χορῶν ἔπραττον. 29.4. ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ φανερῶν ἤδη γεγονότων πᾶσι τῶν σωζομένων καὶ τῶν τεθνεώτων, οἱ μὲν τῶν τεθνεώτων πατέρες καὶ κηδεσταὶ καὶ οἰκεῖοι καταβαίνοντες εἰς ἀγορὰν ἀλλήλους ἐδεξιοῦντο λιπαροὶ τὰ πρόσωπα, φρονήματος μεστοὶ καὶ γήθους, οἱ δὲ τῶν σωζομένων, ὥσπερ ἐπὶ πένθει, μετὰ τῶν γυναικῶν οἴκοι διέτριβον, εἰ δέ τις ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης προέλθοι, καὶ σχήματι καὶ φωνῇ καὶ βλέμματι ταπεινὸς ἐφαίνετο καὶ συνεσταλμένος. 30.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τοῖς πολλοῖς, ὡς ἀφίσταντο μὲν οἱ σύμμαχοι, προσεδοκᾶτο δὲ νενικηκὼς Ἐπαμεινώνδας καὶ μεγαλοφρονῶν ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς Πελοπόννησον, ἔννοια τῶν χρησμῶν ἐνέπεσε τότε, πρὸς τὴν χωλότητα τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου, καὶ δυσθυμία πολλὴ καὶ πτοία πρὸς τὸ θεῖον, ὡς διὰ τοῦτο πραττούσης κακῶς τῆς πόλεως, ὅτι τὸν ἀρτίποδα τῆς βασιλείας ἐκβαλόντες εἵλοντο χωλὸν καὶ πεπηρωμένον· ὃ παντὸς μᾶλλον αὐτοὺς ἐδίδασκε φράζεσθαι καὶ φυλάττεσθαι τὸ δαιμόνιον. | 3.1. 3.2. 3.3. 3.4. 3.5. 6.6. 20.3. 20.4. 20.5. 29.3. 29.4. 30.1. |
|
| 159. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 14.90.5-14.90.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle and lycurgus Found in books: Westwood (2023), Moses among the Greek Lawgivers: Reading Josephus’ Antiquities through Plutarch’s Lives. 44 |
| 160. Plutarch, Agis And Cleomenes, 10.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 48 |
161. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 1.1-1.2, 27.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle •oracles, of apollo in delphi Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 68; Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 3| 1.1. τὸν Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ βασιλέως βίον καὶ τοῦ Καίσαρος, ὑφʼ οὗ κατελύθη Πομπήϊος, ἐν τούτῳ τῷ βιβλίῳ γράφοντες, διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ὑποκειμένων πράξεων οὐδὲν ἄλλο προεροῦμεν ἢ παραιτησόμεθα τοὺς ἀναγινώσκοντας, ἐὰν μὴ πάντα μηδὲ καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐξειργασμένως τι τῶν περιβοήτων ἀπαγγέλλωμεν, ἀλλὰ ἐπιτέμνοντες τὰ πλεῖστα, μὴ συκοφαντεῖν. 1.2. οὔτε γὰρ ἱστορίας γράφομεν, ἀλλὰ βίους, οὔτε ταῖς ἐπιφανεστάταις πράξεσι πάντως ἔνεστι δήλωσις ἀρετῆς ἢ κακίας, ἀλλὰ πρᾶγμα βραχὺ πολλάκις καὶ ῥῆμα καὶ παιδιά τις ἔμφασιν ἤθους ἐποίησε μᾶλλον ἢ μάχαι μυριόνεκροι καὶ παρατάξεις αἱ μέγισται καὶ πολιορκίαι πόλεων. 27.1. ἐν γοῦν τῇ τότε πορείᾳ τὰ συντυχόντα ταῖς ἀπορίαις παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ βοηθήματα τῶν ὑστέρων χρησμῶν ἐπιστεύθη μᾶλλον τρόπον δέ τινα καὶ τοῖς χρησμοῖς ἡ πίστις ἐκ τούτων ὑπῆρξε, πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἐκ Διὸς ὕδωρ πολὺ καὶ διαρκεῖς ὑετοὶ γενόμενοι τόν τε τῆς δίψης φόβον ἔλυσαν, καὶ τὴν ξηρότητα κατασβέσαντες τῆς ἄμμου, νοτερᾶς γενομένης καὶ πρὸς αὑτὴν ξυμπεσούσης, εὔπνουν τόν ἀέρα καὶ καθαρώτερον παρέσχον. | 1.1. It is the life of Alexander the king, and of Caesar, who overthrew Pompey, that I am writing in this book, and the multitude of the deeds to be treated is so great that I shall make no other preface than to entreat my readers, in case I do not tell of all the famous actions of these men, nor even speak exhaustively at all in each particular case, but in epitome for the most part, not to complain. 1.2. For it is not Histories that I am writing, but Lives; and in the most illustrious deeds there is not always a manifestation of virtue or vice, nay, a slight thing like a phrase or a jest often makes a greater revelation of character than battles where thousands fall, or the greatest armaments, or sieges of cities. 27.1. At all events, during the journey which he made at this time, the assistance rendered him by Heaven in his perplexities met with more credence than the oracles which he afterwards received, nay, in a way, the oracles obtained credence in consequence of such assistance. For, to begin with, much rain from heaven and persistent showers removed all fear of thirst, quenched the dryness of the sand, so that it became moist and compact, and made the air purer and good to breathe. |
|
| 162. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 53 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo in delphi Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 66 |
163. Plutarch, Sayings of The Spartans, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 53| 19.6. δύο δέ τινων διαιτητὴν αὐτὸν λαβόντων, ἀγαγὼν εἰς τὸ τῆς Χαλκιοίκου τέμενος ἐξώρκισεν ἐμμεῖναι τοῖς· κριθεῖσιν αὐτούς· ὀμοσάντων δὲ ἐκείνων κρίνω τοίνυν ἔφη μὴ πρότερον ἀπελθεῖν ὑμᾶς ἐκ τοῦ τεμένους, πρὶν ἂν τὰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους διαλύσησθε. 19.7. ταῖς δὲ θυγατράσιν αὐτοῦ ἱματισμὸν πολυτελῆ Διονυσίου τοῦ Σικελίας τυράννου πέμψαντος, οὐκ ἐδέξατο εἰπών φοβοῦμαι μὴ περιθέμεναι αἱ κόραι φανῶσί μοι αἰσχραί. 20.4. ἐν δὲ τῷ πρὸς Φίλιππον πολέμῳ συμβουλευόντων τινῶν ὅτι πόρρω τῆς οἰκείας τὴν μάχην συνάπτειν δεῖ, ἀλλʼ οὐ τοῦτο ἔφη ὁρᾶν δεῖ, ἀλλʼ οἷ μαχούμενοι κρείσσονες τῶν πολεμίων ἐσόμεθα. 20.5. πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἐπαινοῦντας αὐτόν, ὅτε τὴν πρὸς Ἀρκάδας μάχην ἐνίκησε, βέλτιον ἂν ἦν, εἰ τῇ φρονήσει ἔφη αὐτοὺς ἐνικῶμεν μᾶλλον ἢ τῇ ἰσχύι. 21.1. Ἀστυκρατίδας, εἰπόντος τινὸς αὐτῷ μετὰ τὸ ἡττηθῆναι Ἆγιν τὸν βασιλέα ἐν τῇ πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον Ἀντίπατρον W: ἀντίγονον μάχῃ περὶ Μεγάλην πόλιν τί ποιήσετε, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι; ἦ δουλεύσετε Μακεδόσιν; εἶπε τί δέ; κωλῦσαι ἂν δύναιτο Ἀντίπατρος μαχομένους ἡμᾶς ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὲρ τῆς Σπάρτης; | 19.6. When two persons accepted him as arbiter, he took them to the sacred precinct of Athena of the Brazen House, and made them swear to abide by his decision; and when they had given their oaths, he said, My decision, then, is that you are not to leave this sacred precinct before you compose your differences. 19.7. When Dionysius, the despot of Sicily, sent costly raiment to Archidamus’s daughters, he would not accept it, saying, I am afraid that, if the girls should put it on, they would appear ugly to me. Cf. the note on Moralia , 190 D (1), supra . 20.4. In the war against Philip, when some proffered the advice that they ought to engage him in battle at a good distance from their own land, The policy of Demosthenes ( e.g. Olynthiac i. ad fin .). Archidamus said, No, that is not what we ought to look to, but where, in fighting, we shall be superior to the enemy. 20.5. In answer to those who commended him when he had been victorious in battle The tearless battle in 368 B.C. described by Xenophon, Hellenica , vii. 1. 28-32. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus against the Arcadians, he said, It would have been better if we had vanquished them by intelligence rather than by strength. 21.1. When someone said to Astycratidas, after the defeat of Agis their king in the battle against Antipater in the vicinity of Megalopolis, What will you do, men of Sparta? Will you be subject to the Macedonians? he said, What! Is there any way in which Antipater can forbid us to die fighting for Sparta? |
|
| 164. Plutarch, Aratus, 53 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo in delphi Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 66 |
165. Plutarch, Comparison of Numa With Lycurgus, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle and lycurgus Found in books: Westwood (2023), Moses among the Greek Lawgivers: Reading Josephus’ Antiquities through Plutarch’s Lives. 103| 1.1. ἀλλʼ ἐπεὶ τὸν Νομᾶ καὶ Λυκούργου διεληλύθαμεν βίον, ἐκκειμένων ἀμφοῖν, εἰ καὶ χαλεπὸν ἔργον, οὐκ ἀποκνητέον συναγαγεῖν τὰς διαφοράς,αἱ μὲν γὰρ κοινότητες ἐπιφαίνονται ταῖς πράξεσιν, οἷον ἡ σωφροσύνη τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ἡ εὐσέβεια, τὸ πολιτικόν, τὸ παιδευτικόν, τὸ μίαν ἀρχὴν παρὰ τῶν θεῶν ἀμφοτέρους λαβεῖν τῆς νομοθεσίας· τῶν δὲ ἰδίᾳ ἑκατέρου καλῶν πρῶτόν ἐστι Νομᾷ μὲν ἡ παράληψις τῆς βασιλείας, Λυκούργῳ δὲ ἡ παράδοσις. | 1.1. |
|
| 166. Hermogenes, On Types of Style, 4.14-4.15, 4.162 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 180, 181 |
| 167. Lucian, Alexander The False Prophet, 23-24, 26 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 566 |
| 168. Pollux, Onomasticon, 1.12, 8.101 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracles from Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 33, 79 |
| 169. Polyaenus, Stratagems, 2.32 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 840, 841 |
170. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.2.5, 1.3.5, 1.4.4-1.4.5, 1.20.3, 1.29.2, 1.31.6, 1.32.3-1.32.5, 1.34.4, 1.38.8, 1.41.3, 2.2.6-2.2.7, 2.7.5-2.7.7, 2.9.4, 2.20.4, 2.23.1, 2.26.8-2.26.9, 2.29.7-2.29.8, 2.30.4, 3.2.1, 3.4.6, 3.8.8-3.8.10, 3.12.7, 3.13.7, 3.18.1, 4.4.2-4.4.3, 4.27.10, 4.31.4, 4.31.7-4.31.8, 5.4.5, 6.1-6.2, 6.6.7-6.6.11, 6.21.1, 6.25.2, 6.26.1-6.26.2, 7.1.1-7.1.5, 7.1.13, 7.2.1, 7.3.1-7.3.2, 7.17.10, 7.18.5, 7.18.8-7.18.13, 7.19.1-7.19.10, 7.20.5, 7.20.9, 7.21.1-7.21.7, 8.26.1-8.26.2, 9.1.8, 9.8.3, 9.24.3, 10.4.3, 10.6.4, 10.7.2-10.7.5, 10.19.4, 10.22.12, 10.23.7, 10.32.7, 10.33.11, 18.2-18.7, 20.10-20.11 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 523| 9.24.3. Κωπῶν δὲ ἐν ἀριστερᾷ σταδίους προελθόντι ὡς δώδεκα εἰσὶν Ὄλμωνες, Ὀλμωνέων δὲ ἑπτά που στάδια Ὕηττος ἀφέστηκε κῶμαι νῦν τε οὖσαι καὶ εὐθὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆς· μοίρας δὲ ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν τῆς Ὀρχομενίας εἰσὶ καὶ αὗται καὶ πεδίον τὸ Ἀθαμάντιον. καὶ ὅσα μὲν ἐς Ὕηττον ἄνδρα Ἀργεῖον καὶ Ὄλμον τὸν Σισύφου λεγόμενα ἤκουον, προσέσται καὶ αὐτὰ τῇ Ὀρχομενίᾳ συγγραφῇ· θέας δὲ ἄξιον ἐν μὲν Ὄλμωσιν οὐδʼ ἐπὶ βραχύτατον παρεῖχον οὐδέν, ἐν Ὑήττῳ δὲ ναός ἐστιν Ἡρακλέους καὶ ἰάματα εὕρασθαι παρὰ τούτου τοῖς κάμνουσιν ἔστιν, ὄντος οὐχὶ ἀγάλματος σὺν τέχνῃ, λίθου δὲ ἀργοῦ κατὰ τὸ ἀρχαῖον. | 9.24.3. On the left of Copae about twelve stades from it is Olmones, and some seven stades distant from Olmones is Hyettus both right from their foundation to the present day have been villages. In my view Hyettus , as well as the Athamantian plain, belongs to the district of Orchomenus . All the stories I heard about Hyettus the Argive and Olmus, the son of Sisyphus, I shall include in my history of Orchomenus . Paus. 9.34.10 and Paus. 9.36.6 . In Olmones they did not show me anything that was in the least worth seeing, but in Hyettus is a temple of Heracles, from whom the sick may get cures. There is an image not carefully carved, but of unwrought stone after the ancient fashion. |
|
| 171. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 49.12 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of apollo Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 22 |
| 172. Agathemerus, Geographiae Informatio, 1.1.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 193 |
| 173. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 207; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 48; Westwood (2023), Moses among the Greek Lawgivers: Reading Josephus’ Antiquities through Plutarch’s Lives. 44 |
| 174. Aelian, Varia Historia, 2.25, 3.46 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo of delphi •delphi, oracle at Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 125; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 244 |
175. Origen, Against Celsus, 4.98, 7.3-7.4 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford (2023), The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions. 141, 142 | 4.98. I do not know, moreover, how Celsus could hear of the elephants' (fidelity to) oaths, and of their great devotedness to our God, and of the knowledge which they possess of Him. For I know many wonderful things which are related of the nature of this animal, and of its gentle disposition. But I am not aware that any one has spoken of its observance of oaths; unless indeed to its gentle disposition, and its observance of compacts, so to speak, when once concluded between it and man, he give the name of keeping its oath, which statement also in itself is false. For although rarely, yet sometimes it has been recorded that, after their apparent tameness, they have broken out against men in the most savage manner, and have committed murder, and have been on that account condemned to death, because no longer of any use. And seeing that after this, in order to establish (as he thinks he does) that the stork is more pious than any human being, he adduces the accounts which are narrated regarding that creature's display of filial affection in bringing food to its parents for their support, we have to say in reply, that this is done by the storks, not from a regard to what is proper, nor from reflection, but from a natural instinct; the nature which formed them being desirous to show an instance among the irrational animals which might put men to shame, in the matter of exhibiting their gratitude to their parents. And if Celsus had known how great the difference is between acting in this way from reason, and from an irrational natural impulse, he would not have said that storks are more pious than human beings. But further, Celsus, as still contending for the piety of the irrational creation, quotes the instance of the Arabian bird the phœnix, which after many years repairs to Egypt, and bears there its parent, when dead and buried in a ball of myrrh, and deposits its body in the Temple of the Sun. Now this story is indeed recorded, and, if it be true, it is possible that it may occur in consequence of some provision of nature; divine providence freely displaying to human beings, by the differences which exist among living things, the variety of constitution which prevails in the world, and which extends even to birds, and in harmony with which He has brought into existence one creature, the only one of its kind, in order that by it men may be led to admire, not the creature, but Him who created it. 7.3. Celsus goes on to say of us: They set no value on the oracles of the Pythian priestess, of the priests of Dodona, of Clarus, of Branchid , of Jupiter Ammon, and of a multitude of others; although under their guidance we may say that colonies were sent forth, and the whole world peopled. But those sayings which were uttered or not uttered in Judea, after the manner of that country, as indeed they are still delivered among the people of Phœnicia and Palestine - these they look upon as marvellous sayings, and unchangeably true. In regard to the oracles here enumerated, we reply that it would be possible for us to gather from the writings of Aristotle and the Peripatetic school not a few things to overthrow the authority of the Pythian and the other oracles. From Epicurus also, and his followers, we could quote passages to show that even among the Greeks themselves there were some who utterly discredited the oracles which were recognised and admired throughout the whole of Greece. But let it be granted that the responses delivered by the Pythian and other oracles were not the utterances of false men who pretended to a divine inspiration; and let us see if, after all, we cannot convince any sincere inquirers that there is no necessity to attribute these oracular responses to any divinities, but that, on the other hand, they may be traced to wicked demons- to spirits which are at enmity with the human race, and which in this way wish to hinder the soul from rising upwards, from following the path of virtue, and from returning to God in sincere piety. It is said of the Pythian priestess, whose oracle seems to have been the most celebrated, that when she sat down at the mouth of the Castalian cave, the prophetic Spirit of Apollo entered her private parts; and when she was filled with it, she gave utterance to responses which are regarded with awe as divine truths. Judge by this whether that spirit does not show its profane and impure nature, by choosing to enter the soul of the prophetess not through the more becoming medium of the bodily pores which are both open and invisible, but by means of what no modest man would ever see or speak of. And this occurs not once or twice, which would be more permissible, but as often as she was believed to receive inspiration from Apollo. Moreover, it is not the part of a divine spirit to drive the prophetess into such a state of ecstasy and madness that she loses control of herself. For he who is under the influence of the Divine Spirit ought to be the first to receive the beneficial effects; and these ought not to be first enjoyed by the persons who consult the oracle about the concerns of natural or civil life, or for purposes of temporal gain or interest; and, moreover, that should be the time of clearest perception, when a person is in close intercourse with the Deity. 7.4. Accordingly, we can show from an examination of the sacred Scriptures, that the Jewish prophets, who were enlightened as far as was necessary for their prophetic work by the Spirit of God, were the first to enjoy the benefit of the inspiration; and by the contact - if I may so say - of the Holy Spirit they became clearer in mind, and their souls were filled with a brighter light. And the body no longer served as a hindrance to a virtuous life; for to that which we call the lust of the flesh it was deadened. For we are persuaded that the Divine Spirit mortifies the deeds of the body, and destroys that enmity against God which the carnal passions serve to excite. If, then, the Pythian priestess is beside herself when she prophesies, what spirit must that be which fills her mind and clouds her judgment with darkness, unless it be of the same order with those demons which many Christians cast out of persons possessed with them? And this, we may observe, they do without the use of any curious arts of magic, or incantations, but merely by prayer and simple adjurations which the plainest person can use. Because for the most part it is unlettered persons who perform this work; thus making manifest the grace which is in the word of Christ, and the despicable weakness of demons, which, in order to be overcome and driven out of the bodies and souls of men, do not require the power and wisdom of those who are mighty in argument, and most learned in matters of faith. |
|
176. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.101-1.102, 1.110, 1.112-1.113, 1.115-1.121 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle and lycurgus •oracles, of apollo of delphi •delphi, oracle of Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 158, 159; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 48; Westwood (2023), Moses among the Greek Lawgivers: Reading Josephus’ Antiquities through Plutarch’s Lives. 43 | 1.101. 8. ANACHARSISAnacharsis the Scythian was the son of Gnurus and brother of Caduidas, king of Scythia. His mother was a Greek, and for that reason he spoke both languages. He wrote on the institutions of the Greeks and the Scythians, dealing with simplicity of life and military matters, a poem of 800 lines. So outspoken was he that he furnished occasion for a proverb, To talk like a Scythian.Sosicrates makes him come to Athens about the 47th Olympiad in the archonship of Eucrates. Hermippus relates that on his arrival at the house of Solon he told one of the servants to announce that Anacharsis had come and was desirous of seeing him and, if possible, of becoming his guest. 1.102. The servant delivered his message and was ordered by Solon to tell him that men as a rule choose their guests from among their own countrymen. Then Anacharsis took him up and said that he was now in his own country and had a right to be entertained as a guest. And Solon, struck with his ready wit, admitted him into his house and made him his greatest friend. 1.110. So he became famous throughout Greece, and was believed to be a special favourite of heaven.Hence, when the Athenians were attacked by pestilence, and the Pythian priestess bade them purify the city, they sent a ship commanded by Nicias, son of Niceratus, to Crete to ask the help of Epimenides. And he came in the 46th Olympiad, purified their city, and stopped the pestilence in the following way. He took sheep, some black and others white, and brought them to the Areopagus; and there he let them go whither they pleased, instructing those who followed them to mark the spot where each sheep lay down and offer a sacrifice to the local divinity. And thus, it is said, the plague was stayed. Hence even to this day altars may be found in different parts of Attica with no name inscribed upon them, which are memorials of this atonement. According to some writers he declared the plague to have been caused by the pollution which Cylon brought on the city and showed them how to remove it. In consequence two young men, Cratinus and Ctesibius, were put to death and the city was delivered from the scourge. 1.112. He also compiled prose works On Sacrifices and the Cretan Constitution, also On Minos and Rhadamanthus, running to about 4000 lines. At Athens again he founded the sanctuary of the Solemn Gods (Semnai Theai), as Lobon of Argos tells us in his work On Poets. He is stated to have been the first who purified houses and fields, and the first who founded sanctuaries. Some are found to maintain that he did not go to sleep but withdrew himself for a while, engaged in gathering simples.There is extant a letter of his to Solon the lawgiver, containing a scheme of government which Minos drew up for the Cretans. But Demetrius of Magnesia, in his work on poets and writers of the same name, endeavours to discredit the letter on the ground that it is late and not written in the Cretan dialect but in Attic, and New Attic too. However, I have found another letter by him which runs as follows:Epimenides to Solon 1.113. Courage, my friend. For if Pisistratus had attacked the Athenians while they were still serfs and before they had good laws, he would have secured power in perpetuity by the enslavement of the citizens. But, as it is, he is reducing to subjection men who are no cowards, men who with pain and shame remember Solon's warning and will never endure to be under a tyrant. But even should Pisistratus himself hold down the city, I do not expect that his power will be continued to his children; for it is hard to contrive that men brought up as free men under the best laws should be slaves. But, instead of going on your travels, come quietly to Crete to me; for here you will have no monarch to fear, whereas, if some of his friends should fall in with you while you are travelling about, I fear you may come to some harm.' 1.115. Theopompus relates in his Mirabilia that, as he was building a shrine to the Nymphs, a voice came from heaven: Epimenides, not to the Nymphs but to Zeus, and that he foretold to the Cretans the defeat of the Lacedaemonians by the Arcadians, as already stated; and in very truth they were crushed at Orchomenus.And he became old in as many days as he had slept years; for this too is stated by Theopompus. Myronianus in his Parallels declares that the Cretans called him one of the Curetes. The Lacedaemonians guard his body in their own keeping in obedience to a certain oracle; this is stated by Sosibius the Laconian.There have been two other men named Epimenides, namely, the genealogist and another who wrote in Doric Greek about Rhodes. 1.116. 11. PHERECYDESPherecydes, the son of Babys, and a native of Syros according to Alexander in his Successions of Philosophers, was a pupil of Pittacus. Theopompus tells us that he was the first who wrote in Greek on nature and the gods.Many wonderful stories are told about him. He was walking along the beach in Samos and saw a ship running before the wind; he exclaimed that in no long time she would go down, and, even as he watched her, down she went. And as he was drinking water which had been drawn up from a well he predicted that on the third day there would be an earthquake; which came to pass. And on his way from Olympia he advised Perilaus, his host in Messene, to move thence with all belonging to him; but Perilaus could not be persuaded, and Messene was afterwards taken. 1.117. He bade the Lacedaemonians set no store by gold or silver, as Theopompus says in his Mirabilia. He told them he had received this command from Heracles in a dream; and the same night Heracles enjoined upon the kings to obey Pherecydes. But some fasten this story upon Pythagoras.Hermippus relates that on the eve of war between Ephesus and Magnesia he favoured the cause of the Ephesians, and inquired of some one passing by where he came from, and on receiving the reply From Ephesus, he said, Drag me by the legs and place me in the territory of Magnesia; and take a message to your countrymen that after their victory they must bury me there, and that this is the last injunction of Pherecydes. 1.118. The man gave the message; a day later the Ephesians attacked and defeated the Magnesians; they found Pherecydes dead and buried him on the spot with great honours. Another version is that he came to Delphi and hurled himself down from Mount Corycus. But Aristoxenus in his work On Pythagoras and his School affirms that he died a natural death and was buried by Pythagoras in Delos; another account again is that he died of a verminous disease, that Pythagoras was also present and inquired how he was, that he thrust his finger through the doorway and exclaimed, My skin tells its own tale, a phrase subsequently applied by the grammarians as equivalent to getting worse, although some wrongly understand it to mean all is going well. 1.119. He maintained that the divine name for table is θυωρός, or that which takes care of offerings.Andron of Ephesus says that there were two natives of Syros who bore the name of Pherecydes: the one was an astronomer, the other was the son of Babys and a theologian, teacher of Pythagoras. Eratosthenes, however, says that there was only one Pherecydes of Syros, the other Pherecydes being an Athenian and a genealogist.There is preserved a work by Pherecydes of Syros, a work which begins thus: Zeus and Time and Earth were from all eternity, and Earth was called Γῆ because Zeus gave her earth (γῆ) as guerdon (γέρας). His sun-dial is also preserved in the island of Syros.Duris in the second book of his Horae gives the inscription on his tomb as follows: 1.120. All knowledge that a man may have had I;Yet tell Pythagoras, were more thereby,That first of all Greeks is he; I speak no lie.Ion of Chios says of him:With manly worth endowed and modesty,Though he be dead, his soul lives happily,If wise Pythagoras indeed saw lightAnd read the destinies of men aright.There is also an epigram of my own in the Pherecratean metre:The famous Pherecydes, to whom Syros gave birth, 1.121. when his former beauty was consumed by vermin, gave orders that he should be taken straight to the Magnesian land in order that he might give victory to the noble Ephesians. There was an oracle, which he alone knew, enjoining this; and there he died among them. It seems then it is a true tale; if anyone is truly wise, he brings blessings both in his lifetime and when he is no more.He lived in the 59th Olympiad. He wrote the following letter:Pherecydes to Thale |
|
| 177. Iamblichus, Concerning The Mysteries, 3.4-3.6, 3.11 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Luck (2006), Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts, 363; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 519 |
| 178. Eusebius of Caesarea, Commentary On Isaiah, 2.55 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of apollo Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 32 |
| 179. Ephrem, Hymns On The Church, 299 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo of delphi Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 206 |
| 180. Pausanias Damascenus, Fragments, 1.3.4, 1.32.5, 3.3.7, 5.21.5-5.21.6 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo of delphi Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 155, 159, 160, 163 |
| 181. Himerius, Orations, 47.12 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •oracle, delphi Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 148 |
| 182. Julian (Emperor), , None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •oracle, delphi Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 191 |
| 183. Philostorgius, Historia Ecclesiastica, 7.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •oracle, delphi Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 140 |
| 184. Julian (Emperor), Ad Heraclium Cynicum, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •oracle, delphi Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 191 |
| 185. Marinus, Vita Proclus, 15, 29, 10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 148 |
| 186. Libanius, Orations, 9.18 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •oracle, delphi Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 148 |
| 187. Julian (Emperor), Letters, 51 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •oracle, delphi Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 140 |
| 188. Zosimus, New History, 4.18 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •oracle, delphi Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 148 |
| 189. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 15.5, 16.10.3, 16.10.8 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 140, 148 |
| 190. Anon., Scholia On Aristophanes Ach., 243 Tagged with subjects: •oracle, oracular, oracle of delphi Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 409 |
| 191. Epigraphy, Cirb, 30 Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo in delphi Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 88 |
| 192. Epigraphy, Audollent, Defix. Tab., 73, 49 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 32 |
| 193. Anon., 4 Ezra, 11-12 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke and Woolf (2013), Religious Dimensions of the Self in the Second Century CE. 56 |
| 194. Epigraphy, Agora Xv, 14 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, oracle at delphi Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 294 |
| 195. Epigraphy, Lss, 10 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle •oracles, delphi Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 32 |
| 196. Epigraphy, Cid, 4.7, 4.38, 4.76-4.77, 4.97, 4.99, 4.103, 4.107, 4.130 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle •delphi, oracle at Found in books: Grzesik (2022), Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. 44, 46, 100; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 380 |
| 197. Epigraphy, Bch, 70.1946.254.8 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Grzesik (2022), Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. 106 |
| 198. Epigraphy, I.Cret., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 179 |
| 199. Epigraphy, Didyma, 127, 150, 159, 277, 285, 310, 83, 82 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013), Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians, 83 |
| 200. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,5, 913 Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo in delphi Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 88 |
| 201. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,4, 68 Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo in delphi Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 11 |
| 202. Suidas Thessalius, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 56 |
| 203. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,3, 444 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracles from Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 280 |
| 204. Epigraphy, Ig Xii Suppl., 414 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle •oracles, delphi Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 17 |
| 205. Epigraphy, Ig Vii, 2483 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of apollo •delphi, speculation regarding early dream-oracle Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 523 |
| 206. Epigraphy, Ig Ix,2, 1109 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of apollo •delphi, speculation regarding early dream-oracle Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 523 |
| 207. Epigraphy, Ig Iv ,1, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 178 |
| 208. Epigraphy, Ig Iv, 1.1431 Tagged with subjects: •oracle, oracular, oracle of delphi Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 402 |
209. Strabo, Geography, 2.3.4, 6.1.8, 6.3.9, 8.3.31-8.3.33, 8.4.4, 8.4.9, 8.6.16, 9.1.22, 9.3.5, 10.4.17-10.4.19, 12.4.5-12.4.8, 12.5.1-12.5.3, 12.8.10, 13.1.3, 13.1.22, 14.1.6, 14.5.29, 16.2.38, 17.1.43 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 402; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 125; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 479; Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 68, 76; Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 77; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 25, 59, 110, 111; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 178, 584, 668; Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 139; Westwood (2023), Moses among the Greek Lawgivers: Reading Josephus’ Antiquities through Plutarch’s Lives. 43, 44, 56 | 2.3.4. Posidonius, in speaking of those who have sailed round Africa, tells us that Herodotus was of opinion that some of those sent out by Darius actually performed this enterprise; and that Heraclides of Pontus, in a certain dialogue, introduces one of the Magi presenting himself to Gelon, and declaring that he had performed this voyage; but he remarks that this wants proof. He also narrates how a certain Eudoxus of Cyzicus, sent with sacrifices and oblations to the Corean games, travelled into Egypt in the reign of Euergetes II.; and being a learned man, and much interested in the peculiarities of different countries, he made interest with the king and his ministers on the subject, but especially for exploring the Nile. It chanced that a certain Indian was brought to the king by the [coast]-guard of the Arabian Gulf. They reported that they had found him in a ship, alone, and half dead: but that they neither knew who he was, nor where he came from, as he spoke a language they could not understand. He was placed in the hands of preceptors appointed to teach him the Greek language. On acquiring which, he related how he had started from the coasts of India, but lost his course, and reached Egypt alone, all his companions having perished with hunger; but that if he were restored to his country he would point out to those sent with him by the king, the route by sea to India. Eudoxus was of the number thus sent. He set sail with a good supply of presents, and brought back with him in exchange aromatics and precious stones, some of which the Indians collect from amongst the pebbles of the rivers, others they dig out of the earth, where they have been formed by the moisture, as crystals are formed with us. [He fancied that he had made his fortune], however, he was greatly deceived, for Euergetes took possession of the whole treasure. On the death of that prince, his widow, Cleopatra, assumed the reins of government, and Eudoxus was again despatched with a richer cargo than before. On his journey back, he was carried by the winds above Ethiopia, and being thrown on certain [unknown] regions, he conciliated the inhabitants by presents of grain, wine, and cakes of pressed figs, articles which they were without; receiving in exchange a supply of water, and guides for the journey. He also wrote down several words of their language, and having found the end of a prow, with a horse carved on it, which he was told formed part of the wreck of a vessel coming from the west, he took it with him, and proceeded on his homeward course. He arrived safely in Egypt, where no longer Cleopatra, but her son, ruled; but he was again stripped of every thing on the accusation of having appropriated to his own uses a large portion of the merchandise sent out. However, he carried the prow into the market-place, and exhibited it to the pilots, who recognised it as being come from Gades. The merchants [of that place] employing large vessels, but the lesser traders small ships, which they style horses, from the figures of that animal borne on the prow, and in which they go out fishing around Maurusia, as far as the Lixus. Some of the pilots professed to recognise the prow as that of a vessel which had sailed beyond the river Lixus, but had not returned. From this Eudoxus drew the conclusion, that it was possible to circumnavigate Libya; he therefore returned home, and having collected together the whole of his substance, set out on his travels. First he visited Dicaearchia, and then Marseilles, and afterwards traversed the whole coast as far as Gades. Declaring his enterprise everywhere as he journeyed, he gathered money sufficient to equip a great ship, and two boats, resembling those used by pirates. On board these he placed singing girls, physicians, and artisans of various kinds, and launching into open sea, was carried towards India by steady westerly winds. However, they who accompanied him becoming wearied with the voyage, steered their course towards land, but much against his will, as he dreaded the force of the ebb and flow. What he feared actually occurred. The ship grounded, but gently, so that it did not break up at once, but fell to pieces gradually, the goods and much of the timber of the ship being saved. With these he built a third vessel, closely resembling a ship of fifty oars, and continuing his voyage, came amongst a people who spoke the same language as that some words of which he had on a former occasion committed to writing. He further discovered, that they were men of the same stock as those other Ethiopians, and also resembled those of the kingdom of Bogus. However, he abandoned his [intended] voyage to India, and returned home. On his voyage back he observed an uninhabited island. well watered and wooded, and carefully noted its position. Having reached Maurusia in safety, he disposed of his vessels, and travelled by land to the court of Bogus. He recommended that sovereign to undertake an expedition thither. This, however, was prevented on account of the fear of the [king's] advisers, lest the district should chance to expose then to treachery, by making known a route by which foreigners might come to attack them. Eudoxus, however, became aware, that although it was given out that he was himself to be sent on this proposed expedition, the real intent was to abandon him on some desert island. He therefore fled to the Roman territory, and passed thence into Iberia. Again, he equipped two vessels, one round and the other long, furnished with fifty oars, the latter framed for voyaging in the high seas. the other for coasting along the shores. He placed on board agricultural implements, seed, and builders, and hastened on the same voyage, determined, if it should prove too long, to winter on the island he had before observed, sow his seed. and leaving reaped the harvest, complete the expedition he had intended from the beginning. 6.1.8. The Locri Epizephyrii are believed to have been the first people to use written laws. After they had lived under good laws for a very long time, Dionysius, on being banished from the country of the Syracusans, abused them most lawlessly of all men. For he would sneak into the bed-chambers of the girls after they had been dressed up for their wedding, and lie with them before their marriage; and he would gather together the girls who were ripe for marriage, let loose doves with cropped wings upon them in the midst of the banquets, and then bid the girls waltz around unclad, and also bid some of them, shod with sandals that were not mates (one high and the other low), chase the doves around — all for the sheer indecency of it. However, he paid the penalty after he went back to Sicily again to resume his government; for the Locri broke up his garrison, set themselves free, and thus became masters of his wife and children. These children were his two daughters, and the younger of his two sons (who was already a lad), for the other, Apollocrates, was helping his father to effect his return to Sicily by force of arms. And although Dionysius — both himself and the Tarantini on his behalf — earnestly begged the Locri to release the prisoners on any terms they wished, they would not give them up; instead, they endured a siege and a devastation of their country. But they poured out most of their wrath upon his daughters, for they first made them prostitutes and then strangled them, and then, after burning their bodies, ground up the bones and sank them in the sea. Now Ephorus, in his mention of the written legislation of the Locri which was drawn up by Zaleucus from the Cretan, the Laconian, and the Areopagite usages, says that Zaleucus was among the first to make the following innovation — that whereas before his time it had been left to the judges to determine the penalties for the several crimes, he defined them in the laws, because he held that the opinions of the judges about the same crimes would not be the same, although they ought to be the same. And Ephorus goes on to commend Zaleucus for drawing up the laws on contracts in simpler language. And he says that the Thurii, who later on wished to excel the Locri in precision, became more famous, to be sure, but morally inferior; for, he adds, it is not those who in their laws guard against all the wiles of false accusers that have good laws, but those who abide by laws that are laid down in simple language. And Plato has said as much — that where there are very many laws, there are also very many lawsuits and corrupt practices, just as where there are many physicians, there are also likely to be many diseases. 6.3.9. From Barium to the Aufidus River, on which is the Emporium of the Canusitae is four hundred stadia and the voyage inland to Emporium is ninety. Near by is also Salapia, the seaport of the Argyrippini. For not far above the sea (in the plain, at all events) are situated two cities, Canusium and Argyrippa, which in earlier times were the largest of the Italiote cities, as is clear from the circuits of their walls. Now, however, Argyrippa is smaller; it was called Argos Hippium at first, then Argyrippa, and then by the present name Arpi. Both are said to have been founded by Diomedes. And as signs of the dominion of Diomedes in these regions are to be seen the Plain of Diomedes and many other things, among which are the old votive offerings in the sanctuary of Athene at Luceria — a place which likewise was in ancient times a city of the Daunii, but is now reduced — and, in the sea near by, two islands that are called the Islands of Diomedes, of which one is inhabited, while the other, it is said, is desert; on the latter, according to certain narrators of myths, Diomedes was caused to disappear, and his companions were changed to birds, and to this day, in fact, remain tame and live a sort of human life, not only in their orderly ways but also in their tameness towards honorable men and in their flight from wicked and knavish men. But I have already mentioned the stories constantly told among the Heneti about this hero and the rites which are observed in his honor. It is thought that Sipus also was founded by Diomedes, which is about one hundred and forty stadia distant from Salapia; at any rate it was named Sepius in Greek after the sepia that are cast ashore by the waves. Between Salapia and Sipus is a navigable river, and also a large lake that opens into the sea; and the merchandise from Sipus, particularly grain, is brought down on both. In Daunia, on a hill by the name of Drium, are to be seen two hero-temples: one, to Calchas, on the very summit, where those who consult the oracle sacrifice to his shade a black ram and sleep in the hide, and the other, to Podaleirius, down near the base of the hill, this sanctuary being about one hundred stadia distant from the sea; and from it flows a stream which is a cure-all for diseases of animals. In front of this gulf is a promontory, Garganum, which extends towards the east for a distance of three hundred stadia into the high sea; doubling the headland, one comes to a small town, Urium, and off the headland are to be seen the Islands of Diomedes. This whole country produces everything in great quantity, and is excellent for horses and sheep; but though the wool is softer than the Tarantine, it is not so glossy. And the country is well sheltered, because the plains lie in hollows. According to some, Diomedes even tried to cut a canal as far as the sea, but left behind both this and the rest of his undertakings only half-finished, because he was summoned home and there ended his life. This is one account of him; but there is also a second, that he stayed here till the end of his life; and a third, the aforesaid mythical account, which tells of his disappearance in the island; and as a fourth one might set down the account of the Heneti, for they too tell a mythical story of how he in some way came to his end in their country, and they call it his apotheosis. 8.3.31. Pisatis first became widely famous on account of its rulers, who were most powerful: they were Oinomaus, and Pelops who succeeded him, and the numerous sons of the latter. And Salmoneus, too, is said to have reigned there; at any rate, one of the eight cities into which Pisatis is divided is called Salmone. So for these reasons, as well as on account of the sanctuary at Olympia, the country has gained wide repute. But one should listen to the old accounts with reserve, knowing that they are not very commonly accepted; for the later writers hold new views about many things and even tell the opposite of the old accounts, as when they say that Augeas ruled over Pisatis, but Oinomaus and Salmoneus over Eleia; and some writers combine the two tribes into one. But in general one should follow only what is commonly accepted. Indeed, the writers do not even agree as to the derivation of the name Pisatis; for some derive it from a city Pisa, which bears the same name as the spring; the spring, they say, was called Pisa, the equivalent of pistra, that is potistra; and they point out the site of the city on a lofty place between Ossa and Olympus, two mountains that bear the same name as those in Thessaly. But some say that there was no city by the name of Pisa (for if there had been, it would have been one of the eight cities), but only a spring, now called Pisa, near Cicysium, the largest of the eight cities; and Stesichorus, they explain, uses the term city for the territory called Pisa, just as Homer calls Lesbos the city of Macar; so Euripides in his Ion, there is Euboea, a neighboring city to Athens; and in his Rhadamanthys, who hold the Euboean land, a neighboring city; and Sophocles in his Mysians, The whole country, stranger, is called Asia, but the city of the Mysians is called Mysia. 8.3.32. Salmone is situated near the spring of that name from which flows the Enipeus River. The river empties into the Alpheius, and is now called the Barnichius. It is said that Tyro fell in love with Enipeus: She loved a river, the divine Enipeus. For there, it is said, her father Salmoneus reigned, just as Euripides also says in his Aeolus. Some write the name of the river in Thessaly Eniseus; it flows from Mount Othrys, and receives the Apidanus, which flows down out of Pharsalus. Near Salmone is Heracleia, which is also one of the eight cities; it is about forty stadia distant from Olympia and is situated on the Cytherius River, where is the sanctuary of the Ioniades Nymphs, who have been believed to cure diseases with their waters. Near Olympia is Arpina, also one of the eight cities, through which flows the River Parthenias, on the road that leads up to Pheraea. Pheraea is in Arcadia, and it is situated above Dymaea and Buprasium and Elis, that is, to the north of Pisatis Here, too, is Cicysium, one of the eight cities; and also Dyspontium, which is situated in a plain and on the road that leads from Elis to Olympia; but it was destroyed, and most of its inhabitants emigrated to Epidamnus and Apollonia. Pholoe, an Arcadian mountain, is also situated above Olympia, and very close to it, so that its foothills are in Pisatis. Both the whole of Pisatis and most parts of Triphylia border on Arcadia; and on this account most of the Pylian districts mentioned in the Catalogue are thought to be Arcadian; the well-informed, however, deny this, for they say that the Erymanthus, one of the rivers that empty into the Alpheius, forms a boundary of Arcadia and that the districts in question are situated outside that river. 8.3.33. Ephorus says that Aetolus, after he had been driven by Salmoneus, the king of the Epeians and the Pisatans, out of Eleia into Aitolia, named the country after himself and also united the cities there under one metropolis; and Oxylus, a descendant of Aetolus and a friend of Temenus and the Heracleidae who accompanied him, acted as their guide on their way back to the Peloponnesus, and apportioned among them that part of the country which was hostile to them, and in general made suggestions regarding the conquest of the country; and in return for all this he received as a favor the permission to return to Eleia, his ancestral land; and he collected an army and returned from Aitolia to attack the Epeians who were in possession of Elis; but when the Epeians met them with arms, and it was found that the two forces were evenly matched, Pyraechmes the Aitolian and Degmenus the Epeian, in accordance with an ancient custom of the Greeks, advanced to single combat. Degmenus was lightly armed with a bow, thinking that he would easily overcome a heavy-armed opponent at long range, but Pyraechmes armed himself with a sling and a bag of stones, after he had noticed his opponent's ruse (as it happened, the sling had only recently been invented by the Aitolians); and since the sling had longer range, Degmenus fell, and the Aitolians drove out the Epeians and took possession of the land; and they also assumed the superintendence, then in the hands of the Achaeans, of the sanctuary at Olympia; and because of the friendship of Oxylus with the Heracleidae, a sworn agreement was promptly made by all that Eleia should be sacred to Zeus, and that whoever invaded that country with arms should he under a curse, and that whoever did not defend it to the extent of his power should be likewise under a curse; consequently those who later founded the city of the Eleians left it without a wall, and those who go through the country itself with an army give up their arms and then get them back again after they have passed out of its borders; and Iphitus celebrated the Olympian Games, the Eleians now being a sacred people; for these reasons the people flourished, for whereas the other peoples were always at war with one another, the Eleians alone had profound peace, not only they, but their alien residents as well, and so for this reason their country became the most populous of all; but Pheidon the Argive, who was the tenth in descent from Temenus and surpassed all men of his time in ability (whereby he not only recovered the whole inheritance of Temenus, which had been broken up into several parts, but also invented the measures called Pheidonian, and weights, and coinage struck from silver and other metals) — Pheidon, I say, in addition to all this, also attacked the cities that had been captured previously by Heracles, and claimed for himself the right to celebrate all the games that Heracles had instituted. And he said that the Olympian Games were among these; and so he invaded Eleia and celebrated the games himself, the Eleians, because of the Peace, having no arms wherewith to resist him, and all the others being under his domination; however, the Eleians did not record this celebration in their public register, but because of his action they also procured arms and began to defend themselves; and the Lacedemonians cooperated with them, either because they envied them the prosperity which they had enjoyed on account of the peace, or because they thought that they would have them as allies in destroying the power of Pheidon, for he had deprived them of the hegemony over the Peloponnesus which they had formerly held; and the Eleians did help them to destroy the power of Pheidon, and the Lacedemonians helped the Eleians to bring both Pisatis and Triphylia under their sway. The length of the voyage along the coast of the Eleia of today, not counting the sinuosities of the gulfs, is, all told, twelve hundred stadia. So much for Eleia. 8.4.4. Adjacent to Methone is Acritas, which is the beginning of the Messenian Gulf. But this is also called the Asinaean Gulf, from Asine, which is the first town on the gulf and bears the same name as the Hermionic town. Asine, then, is the beginning of the gulf on the west, while the beginning on the east is formed by a place called Thyrides, which borders on that part of the Laconia of today which is near Cynaethius and Taenarum. Between Asine and Thyrides, beginning at Thyrides, one comes to Oitylus (by some called Baetylus); then to Leuctrum, a colony of the Leuctri in Boeotia; then to Cardamyle, which is situated on a rock fortified by nature; then to Pharae, which borders on Thuria and Gerenia, the place from which Nestor got his epithet Gerenian, it is said, because his life was saved there, as I have said before. In Gerenia is to be seen a sanctuary of Triccaean Asclepius, a reproduction of the one in the Thessalian Tricca. It is said that Pelops, after he had given his sister Niobe in marriage to Amphion, founded Leuctrum, Charadra, and Thalami (now called Boeoti), bringing with him certain colonists from Boeotia. Near Pharae is the mouth of the Nedon River; it flows through Laconia and is a different river from the Neda. It has a notable sanctuary of Athena Nedusia. In Poeaessa, also, there is a sanctuary of Athena Nedusia, named after some place called Nedon, from which Teleclus is said to have colonized Poeaessa and Echeiae and Tragium. 8.4.9. The sanctuary of Artemis at Limnae, at which the Messenians are reputed to have outraged the maidens who had come to the sacrifice, is on the boundaries between Laconia and Messenia, where both peoples held assemblies and offered sacrifice in common; and they say that it was after the outraging of the maidens, when the Messenians refused to give satisfaction for the act, that the war took place. And it is after this Limnae, also, that the Limnaion, the sanctuary of Artemis in Sparta, has been named. 8.6.16. Aigina is the name of a place in Epidauria; and it is also the name of an island lying off this part of the mainland — the Aigina of which the poet means to speak in the verses just cited; and it is on this account that some write the island Aigina instead of who held Aigina, thus distinguishing between places of the same name. Now what need have I to say that the island is one of the most famous? for it is said that both Aeacus and his subjects were from there. And this is the island that was once actually mistress of the sea and disputed with the Athenians for the prize of valor in the sea fight at Salamis at the time of the Persian War. The island is said to be one hundred and eighty stadia in circuit; and it has a city of the same name that faces southwest; and it is surrounded by Attica, Megaris, and the Peloponnesus as far is Epidaurus, being distant about one hundred stadia from each; and its eastern and southern sides are washed by the Myrtoan and Cretan Seas; and around it lie small islands, many of them near the mainland, though Belbina extends to the high sea. The country of Aigina is fertile at a depth below the surface, but rocky on the surface, and particularly the level part; and therefore the whole country is bare, although it is fairly productive of barley. It is said that the Aiginetans were called Myrmidons, — not as the myth has it, because, when a great famine occurred, the ants became human beings in answer to a prayer of Aeacus, but because they excavated the earth after the manner of ants and spread the soil over the rocks, so as to have ground to till, and because they lived in the dugouts, refraining from the use of soil for bricks. Long ago Aigina was called Oinone, the same name as that of two demes in Attica, one near Eleutherae, to inhabit the plains that border on Oinone and Eleutherae; and another, one of the demes of the Marathonian Tetrapolis, to which is applied the proverb, To Oinone — the torrent. Aigina was colonized successively by the Argives, the Cretans, the Epidaurians, and the Dorians; but later the Athenians divided it by lot among settlers of their own; [...] settling with the Mendaians at Damastion in Illyria around the silver mines, which I discussed in the Illyrian section. The Lacedemonians took the island away from the Athenians and gave it back to its ancient settlers. And colonists were sent forth by the Aiginetans both to Cydonia in Crete and to the country of the Ombrici. Ephorus says that silver was first coined in Aigina, by Pheidon; for the island, he adds, became a merchant center, since, on account of the poverty of the soil, the people employed themselves at sea as merchants, and hence, he adds, petty wares were called Aiginetan merchandise. 9.1.22. On doubling the cape of Sounion one comes to Sounion, a noteworthy deme; then to Thoricus; then to a deme called Potamus, whose inhabitants are called Potamii; then to Prasia, to Steiria, to Brauron, where is the sanctuary of the Artemis Brauronia, to Halae Araphenides, where is the sanctuary of Artemis Tauropolos, to Myrrinus, to Probalinthus, and to Marathon, where Miltiades utterly destroyed the forces under Datis the Persian, without waiting for the Lacedemonians, who came too late because they wanted the full moon. Here, too, is the scene of the myth of the Marathonian bull, which was slain by Theseus. After Marathon one comes to Tricorynthus; then to Rhamnus, the sanctuary of Nemesis; then to Psaphis, the land of the Oropians. In the neighborhood of Psaphis is the Amphiaraeium, an oracle once held in honor, where in his flight Amphiaraus, as Sophocles says, with four-horse chariot, armour and all, was received by a cleft that was made in the Theban dust. Oropus has often been disputed territory; for it is situated on the common boundary of Attica and Boeotia. off this coast are islands: off Thoricus and Sounion lies the island Helene; it is rugged and deserted, and in its length of about sixty stadia extends parallel to the coast. This island, they say, is mentioned by the poet where Alexander says to Helen: Not even when first I snatched thee from lovely Lacedemon and sailed with thee on the seafaring ships, and in the island Cranae joined with thee in love and couch; for he calls Cranae the island now called Helene from the fact that the intercourse took place there. And after Helene comes Euboea, which lies off the next stretch of coast; it likewise is narrow and long and in length lies parallel to the mainland, like Helene. The voyage from Sounion to the southerly promontory of Euboea, which is called Leuce Acte, is three hundred stadia. However, I shall discuss Euboea later; but as for the demes in the interior of Attica, it would be tedious to recount them because of their great number. 9.3.5. They say that the seat of the oracle is a cave that is hollowed out deep down in the earth, with a rather narrow mouth, from which arises breath that inspires a divine frenzy; and that over the mouth is placed a high tripod, mounting which the Pythian priestess receives the breath and then utters oracles in both verse and prose, though the latter too are put into verse by poets who are in the service of the sanctuary. They say that the first to become Pythian priestess was Phemonoe; and that both the prophetess and the city were so called from the word pythesthai, though the first syllable was lengthened, as in athanatos, akamatos, and diakonos. Now the following is the idea which leads to the founding of cities and to the holding of common sanctuaries in high esteem: men came together by cities and by tribes, because they naturally tend to hold things in common, and at the same time because of their need of one another; and they met at the sacred places that were common to them for the same reasons, holding festivals and general assemblies; for everything of this kind tends to friendship, beginning with eating at the same table, drinking libations together, and lodging under the same roof; and the greater the number of the sojourners and the greater the number of the places whence they came, the greater was thought to be the use of their coming together. 10.4.17. It is said by some writers, Ephorus continues, that most of the Cretan institutions are Laconian, but the truth is that they were invented by the Cretans and only perfected by the Spartans; and the Cretans, when their cities, and particularly that of the Cnossians, were devastated, neglected military affairs; but some of the institutions continued in use among the Lyctians, Gortynians, and certain other small cities to a greater extent than among the Cnossians; in fact, the institutions of the Lyctians are cited as evidence by those who represent the Laconian as older; for, they argue, being colonists, they preserve the customs of the mother city, since even on general grounds it is absurd to represent those who are better organized and governed as emulators of their inferiors; but this is not correct, Ephorus says, for, in the first place, one should not draw evidence as to antiquity from the present state of things, for both peoples have undergone a complete reversal; for instance, the Cretans in earlier times were masters of the sea, and hence the proverb, The Cretan does not know the sea, is applied to those who pretend not to know what they do know, although now the Cretans have lost their fleet; and, in the second place, it does not follow that, because some of the cities in Crete were Spartan colonies, they were under compulsion to keep to the Spartan institutions; at any rate, many colonial cities do not observe their ancestral customs, and many, also, of those in Crete that are not colonial have the same customs as the colonists. 10.4.18. Lycurgus the Spartan law-giver, Ephorus continues, was five generations later than the Althaemenes who conducted the colony to Crete; for historians say that Althaemenes was son of the Cissus who founded Argos about the same time when Procles was establishing Sparta as metropolis; and Lycurgus, as is agreed by all, was sixth in descent from Procles; and copies are not earlier than their models, nor more recent things earlier than older things; not only the dancing which is customary among the Lacedemonians, but also the rhythms and paeans that are sung according to law, and many other Spartan institutions, are called Cretan among the Lacedemonians, as though they originated in Crete; and some of the public offices are not only administered in the same way as in Crete, but also have the same names, as, for instance, the office of the Gerontes, and that of the Hippeis (except that the Hippeis in Crete actually possessed horses, and from this fact it is inferred that the office of the Hippeis in Crete is older, for they preserve the true meaning of the appellation, whereas the Lacedemonian Hippeis do not keep horses); but though the Ephors have the same functions as the Cretan Cosmi, they have been named differently; and the public messes are, even today, still called Andreia among the Cretans, but among the Spartans they ceased to be called by the same name as in earlier times; at any rate, the following is found in Alcman: In feasts and festive gatherings, amongst the guests who partake of the Andreia, 'tis meet to begin the paean 10.4.19. It is said by the Cretans, Ephorus continues, that Lycurgus came to them for the following reason: Polydectes was the elder brother of Lycurgus; when he died he left his wife pregt; now for a time Lycurgus reigned in his brother's place, but when a child was born he became the child's guardian, since the office of king descended to the child, but some man, railing at Lycurgus, said that he knew for sure that Lycurgus would be king; and Lycurgus, suspecting that in consequence of such talk he himself might be falsely accused of plotting against the child, and fearing that, if by any chance the child should die, he himself might be blamed for it by his enemies, sailed away to Crete; this, then, is said to be the cause of his sojourn in Crete; and when he arrived he associated with Thales, a melic poet and an expert in lawgiving; and after learning from him the manner in which both Rhadamanthys in earlier times and Minos in later times published their laws to men as from Zeus, and after sojourning in Egypt also and learning among other things their institutions, and, according to some writers, after meeting Homer, who was living in Chios, he sailed back to his homeland, and found his brother's son, Charilaus the son of Polydectes, reigning as king; and then he set out to frame the laws, making visits to the god at Delphi, and bringing thence the god's decrees, just as Minos and his house had brought their ordices from the cave of Zeus, most of his being similar to theirs. 12.4.5. But still, as far as one is able to conjecture, one might put down Mysia as situated between Bithynia and the outlet of the Aesepus River, as touching upon the sea, and as extending as far as Olympus, along almost the whole of it; and Epictetus as lying in the interior round Mysia, but nowhere touching upon the sea, and as extending to the eastern parts of the Ascanian Lake and territory; for the territory was called by the same name as the lake. And a part of this territory was Phrygian and a part Mysian, but the Phrygian part was farther away from Troy. And in fact one should thus interpret the words of the poet when he says,And Phorcys and godlike Ascanius led the Phrygians from afar, from Ascania, that is, the Phrygian Ascania, since his words imply that another Ascania, the Mysian, near the present Nicaea, is nearer Troy, that is, the Ascania to which the poet refers when he says,and Palmys, and Ascanius, and Morys, son of Hippotion, who had come from deep-soiled Ascania to relieve their fellows. And it is not remarkable if he speaks of one Ascanius as a leader of the Phrygians and as having come from Ascania and also of another Ascanius as a leader of the Mysians and as having come from Ascania, for in Homer identity of names is of frequent occurrence, as also the surnaming of people after rivers and lakes and places. 12.4.6. And the poet himself gives the Aesepus as a boundary of the Mysians, for after naming the foothills of Troy above Ilium that were subject to Aeneas, which he calls Dardania, he puts down Lycia as next towards the north, the country that was subject to Pandarus, in which Zeleia was situated; and he says,and they that dwelt in Zeleia 'neath the nethermost foot of Mt. Ida, wealthy men, Trojans, who drink the dark water of the Aesepus. Below Zeleia, near the sea, and on this side of the Aesepus, are the plain of Adrasteia, Mt. Tereia, and Pitya (that is, speaking generally, the present Cyzicene near Priapus), which the poet names next after Zeleia; and then he returns to the parts towards the east and those on the far side of the Aesepus, by which he indicates that he regards the country as far as the Aesepus as the northerly and easterly limit of the Troad. Assuredly, however, Mysia and Olympus come after the Troad. Now ancient tradition suggests some such position of the tribes as this, but the present differences are the result of numerous changes, since different rulers have been in control at different times, and have confounded together some tribes and sundered others. For both the Phrygians and the Mysians had the mastery after the capture of Troy; and then later the Lydians; and after them the Aeolians and the Ionians; and then the Persians and the Macedonians; and lastly the Romans, under whose reign most of the peoples have already lost both their dialects and their names, since a different partition of the country has been made. But it is better for me to consider this matter when I describe the conditions as they now are, at the same time giving proper attention to conditions as they were in antiquity. 12.4.7. In the interior of Bithynia are, not only Bithynium, which is situated above Tieium and holds the territory round Salon, where is the best pasturage for cattle and whence comes the Salonian cheese, but also Nicaea, the metropolis of Bithynia, situated on the Ascanian Lake, which is surrounded by a plain that is large and very fertile but not at all healthful in summer. Nicaea was first founded by Antigonus the son of Philip, who called it Antigonia, and then by Lysimachus, who changed its name to that of Nicaea his wife. She was the daughter of Antipater. The city is sixteen stadia in circuit and is quadrangular in shape; it is situated in a plain, and has four gates; and its streets are cut at right angles, so that the four gates can be seen from one stone which is set up in the middle of the gymnasium. Slightly above the Ascanian Lake is the town Otroea, situated just on the borders of Bithynia towards the east. It is surmised that Otroea was so named after Otreus. 12.4.8. That Bithynia was a settlement of the Mysians will first be testified by Scylax the Caryandian, who says that Phrygians and Mysians lived round the Ascanian Lake; and next by the Dionysius who wrote on The Foundings of cities, who says that the strait at Chalcedon and Byzantium, now called the Thracian Bosporus, was in earlier times called the Mysian Bosporus. And this might also be set down as an evidence that the Mysians were Thracians. Further, when Euphorion says,beside the waters of the Mysian Ascanius, and when Alexander the Aitolian says,who have their homes on the Ascanian streams, on the lips of the Ascanian Lake, where dwelt Dolion the son of Silenus and Melia, they bear witness to the same thing, since the Ascanian Lake is nowhere to be found but here alone. 12.5.1. GALATIAThe Galatians, then, are to the south of the Paphlagonians. And of these there are three tribes; two of them, the Trocmi and the Tolistobogii, are named after their leaders, whereas the third, the Tectosages, is named after the tribe in Celtica. This country was occupied by the Galatae after they had wandered about for a long time, and after they had overrun the country that was subject to the Attalid and the Bithynian kings, until by voluntary cession they received the present Galatia, or Gallo-Graecia, as it is called. Leonnorius is generally reputed to have been the chief leader of their expedition across to Asia. The three tribes spoke the same language and differed from each other in no respect; and each was divided into four portions which were called tetrarchies, each tetrarchy having its own tetrarch, and also one judge and one military commander, both subject to the tetrarch, and two subordinate commanders. The Council of the twelve tetrarchs consisted of three hundred men, who assembled at Drynemetum, as it was called. Now the Council passed judgment upon murder cases, but the tetrarchs and the judges upon all others. Such, then, was the organization of Galatia long ago, but in my time the power has passed to three rulers, then to two; and then to one, Deiotarus, and then to Amyntas, who succeeded him. But at the present time the Romans possess both this country and the whole of the country that became subject to Amyntas, having united them into one province. 12.5.2. The Trocmi possess the parts near Pontus and Cappadocia. These are the most powerful of the parts occupied by the Galatians. They have three walled garrisons: Tavium, the emporium of the people in that part of the country, where are the colossal statue of Zeus in bronze and his sacred precinct, a place of refuge; and Mithridatium, which Pompey gave to Bogodiatarus, having separated it from the kingdom of Pontus; and third, Danala, where Pompey and Lucullus had their conference, Pompey coming there as successor of Lucullus in the command of the war, and Lucullus giving over to Pompey his authority and leaving the country to celebrate his triumph. The Trocmi, then, possess these parts, but the Tectosages the parts near Greater Phrygia in the neighborhood of Pessinus and Orcaorci. To the Tectosages belonged the fortress Ancyra, which bore the same name as the Phrygian town situated toward Lydia in the neighborhood of Blaudus. And the Tolistobogii border on the Bithynians and Phrygia Epictetus as it is called. Their fortresses are Blucium and Peium, the former of which was the royal residence of Deiotarus and the latter the place where he kept his treasures. 12.5.3. Pessinus is the greatest of the emporiums in that part of the world, containing a sanctuary of the Mother of the Gods, which is an object of great veneration. They call her Agdistis. The priests were in ancient times potentates, I might call them, who reaped the fruits of a great priesthood, but at present the prerogatives of these have been much reduced, although the emporium still endures. The sacred precinct has been built up by the Attalic kings in a manner befitting a holy place, with a sanctuary and also with porticos of white marble. The Romans made the sanctuary famous when, in accordance with oracles of the Sibyl, they sent for the statue of the goddess there, just as they did in the case of that of Asclepius at Epidaurus. There is also a mountain situated above the city, Dindymum, after which the country Dindymene was named, just as Cybele was named after Cybela. Near by, also, flows the Sangarius River; and on this river are the ancient habitations of the Phrygians, of Midas, and of Gordius, who lived even before his time, and of certain others, — habitations which preserve not even traces of cities, but are only villages slightly larger than the others, for instance, Gordium and Gorbeus, the royal residence of Castor the son of Saocondarius, where Deiotarus, Castor's father-in-law, slew him and his own daughter. And he pulled down the fortress and ruined most of the settlement. 12.8.10. Such, then, is Mt. Olympus; and towards the north it is inhabited all round by the Bithynians and Mygdonians and Doliones, whereas the rest of it is occupied by Mysians and Epicteti. Now the peoples round Cyzicus, from the Aesepus River to the Rhyndacus River and lake Dascylitis, are for the most part called Doliones, whereas the peoples who live next after these as far as the country of the Myrleians are called Mygdonians. Above lake Dascylitis lie two other lakes, large ones, I mean Lake Apolloniatis and Lake Miletopolitis. Near Lake Dascylitis is the city Dascylium, and near Lake Miletopolitis Miletopolis, and near the third lake Apollonia on Rhyndacus, as it is called. But at the present time most of these places belong to the Cyziceni. 13.1.3. But the later authors do not give the same boundaries, and they use their terms differently, thus allowing us several choices. The main cause of this difference has been the colonizations of the Greeks; less so, indeed, the Ionian colonization, for it was farther distant from the Troad; but most of all that of the Aeolians, for their colonies were scattered throughout the whole of the country from Cyzicene to the Caicus River, and they went on still farther to occupy the country between the Caicus and Hermus Rivers. In fact, the Aeolian colonization, they say, preceded the Ionian colonization by four generations, but suffered delays and took a longer time; for Orestes, they say, was the first leader of the expedition, but he died in Arcadia, and his son Penthilus succeeded him and advanced as far as Thrace sixty years after the Trojan War, about the time of the return of the Heracleidae to the Peloponnesus; and then Archelaus the son of Penthilus led the Aeolian expedition across to the present Cyzicene near Dascylium; and Gras, the youngest son of Archelaus, advanced to the Granicus River, and, being better equipped, led the greater part of his army across to Lesbos and occupied it. And they add that Cleues, son of Dorus, and Malaus, also descendants of Agamemnon, had collected their army at about the same time as Penthilus, but that, whereas the fleet of Penthilus had already crossed over from Thrace to Asia, Cleues and Malaus tarried a long time round Locris and Mt. Phricius, and only later crossed over and founded the Phryconian Cyme, so named after the Locrian mountain. 13.1.22. Abydus was founded by Milesians, being founded by permission of Gyges, king of the Lydians; for this district and the whole of the Troad were under his sway; and there is a promontory named Gygas near Dardanus. Abydus lies at the mouth of the Propontis and the Hellespont; and it is equidistant from Lampsacus and Ilium, about one hundred and seventy stadia. Here, separating Europe and Asia, is the Heptastadium, which was bridged by Xerxes. The European promontory that forms the narrows at the place of the bridge is called the Chersonesus because of its shape. And the place of the bridge lies opposite Abydus. Sestus is the best of the cities in the Chersonesus; and, on account of its proximity to Abydus, it was assigned to the same governor as Abydus in the times when governorships had not yet been delimited by continents. Now although Abydus and Sestus are about thirty stadia distant from one another from harbor to harbor, yet the line of the bridge across the strait is short, being drawn at an angle to that between the two cities, that is, from a point nearer than Abydus to the Propontis on the Abydus side to a point farther away from the Propontis on the Sestus side. Near Sestus is a place named Apobathra, where the pontoon-bridge was attached to the shore. Sestus lies farther in towards the Propontis, farther up the stream that flows out of the Propontis. It is therefore easier to cross over from Sestus, first coasting a short distance to the Tower of Hero and then letting the ships make the passage across by the help of the current. But those who cross over from Abydus must first follow the coast in the opposite direction about eight stadia to a tower opposite Sestus, and then sail across obliquely and thus not have to meet the full force of the current. After the Trojan War Abydus was the home of Thracians, and then of Milesians. But when the cities were burned by Dareius, father of Xerxes, I mean the cities on the Propontis, Abydus shared in the same misfortune. He burned them because he had learned after his return from his attack upon the Scythians that the nomads were making preparations to cross the strait and attack him to avenge their sufferings, and was afraid that the cities would provide means for the passage of their army. And this too, in addition to the other changes and to the lapse of time, is a cause of the confusion into which the topography of the country has fallen. As for Sestus and the Chersonesus in general, I have already spoken of them in my description of the region of Thrace. Theopompus says that Sestus is small but well fortified, and that it is connected with its harbor by a double wall of two plethra, and that for this reason, as also on account of the current, it is mistress of the passage. 14.1.6. Ephorus says: Miletus was first founded and fortified above the sea by the Cretans, where the Milatos of olden times is now situated, being settled by Sarpedon, who brought colonists from the Cretan Milatos and named the city after that Miletus, the place formerly being in the possession of the Leleges; but later Neleus and his followers fortified the present city. The present city has four harbors, one of which is large enough for a fleet. Many are the achievements of this city, but the greatest is the number of its colonizations; for the Euxine Pontus has been colonized everywhere by these people, as also the Propontis and several other regions. At any rate, Anaximenes of Lampsacus says that the Milesians colonized the islands Icaros and Leros; and, near the Hellespont, Limnae in the Chersonesus, as also Abydus and Arisba and Paesus in Asia; and Artace and Cyzicus in the island of the Cyziceni; and Scepsis in the interior of the Troad. I, however, in my detailed description speak of the other cities, which have been omitted by him. Both Milesians and Delians invoke an Apollo Ulius, that is, as god of health and healing, for the verb ulein means to be healthy; whence the noun ule and the salutation, Both health and great joy to thee; for Apollo is the god of healing. And Artemis has her name from the fact that she makes people Artemeas. And both Helius and Selene are closely associated with these, since they are the causes of the temperature of the air. And both pestilential diseases and sudden deaths are imputed to these gods. 14.5.29. Still further one might find fault with Apollodorus, because, when the more recent writers make numerous innovations contrary to the statements of Homer, he is wont frequently to put these innovations to the test, but in the present case he not only has made small account of them, but also, on the contrary, identifies things that are not meant alike; for instance, Xanthus the Lydian says that it was after the Trojan War that the Phrygians came from Europe and the left-hand side of the Pontus, and that Scamandrius led them from the Berecyntes and Ascania, but Apollodorus adds to this the statement that Homer refers to this Ascania that is mentioned by Xanthus: And Phorcys and godlike Ascanius led the Phrygians from afar, from Ascania. However, if this is so, the migration must have taken place later than the Trojan War, whereas the allied force mentioned by the poet came from the opposite mainland, from the Berecyntes and Ascania. Who, then, were the Phrygians,who were then encamped along the banks of the Sangarius, when Priam says,for I too, being an ally, was numbered among these? And how could Priam have sent for Phrygians from the Berecyntes, with whom he had no compact, and yet leave uninvited those who lived on his borders and to whom he had formerly been ally? And after speaking in this way about the Phrygians he adds also an account of the Mysians that is not in agreement with this; for he says that there is also a village in Mysia which is called Ascania, near a lake of the same name, whence flows the Ascanius River, which is mentioned by Euphorion,beside the waters of the Mysian Ascanius, and by Alexander the Aitolian,who have their homes on the Ascanian streams, on the lips of the Ascanian Lake, where dwelt Dolion, the son of Silenus and Melia. And he says that the country round Cyzicus, as one goes to Miletupolis, is called Dolionis and Mysia. If this is so, then, and if witness thereto is borne both by the places now pointed out and by the poets, what could have prevented Homer from mentioning this Ascania, and not the Ascania spoken of by Xanthus? I have discussed this before, in my account of the Mysians and Phrygians; and therefore let this be the end of that subject. 16.2.38. This is according to nature, and common both to Greeks and barbarians. For, as members of a civil community, they live according to a common law; otherwise it would be impossible for the mass to execute any one thing in concert (in which consists a civil state), or to live in a social state at all. Law is twofold, divine and human. The ancients regarded and respected divine, in preference to human, law; in those times, therefore, the number of persons was very great who consulted oracles, and, being desirous of obtaining the advice of Jupiter, hurried to Dodona, to hear the answer of Jove from the lofty oak.The parent went to Delphi, anxious to learn whether the child which had been exposed (to die) was still living;while the child itself was gone to the temple of Apollo, with the hope of discovering its parents.And Minos among the Cretans, the king who in the ninth year enjoyed converse with Great Jupiter, every nine years, as Plato says, ascended to the cave of Jupiter, received ordices from him, and conveyed them to men. Lycurgus, his imitator, acted in a similar manner; for he was often accustomed, as it seemed, to leave his own country to inquire of the Pythian goddess what ordices he was to promulgate to the Lacedaemonians. 17.1.43. Having before spoken at length of the temple of Ammon, we wish to add this only, that in ancient times divination in general and oracles were held in greater esteem than at present. Now they are greatly neglected ; for the Romans are satisfied with the oracles of the Sibyl, and with Tyrrhenian divination by the entrails of animals, the flight of birds, and portentous appearances. Hence the oracle of Ammon, which was formerly held in great esteem, is now nearly deserted. This appears chiefly from the historians who have recorded the actions of Alexander, adding, indeed, much that has the appearance of flattery, but yet relating what is worthy of credit. Callisthenes, for instance, says that Alexander was ambitious of the glory of visiting the oracle, because he knew that Perseus and Hercules had before performed the journey thither. He set out from Paraetonium, although the south winds were blowing, and succeeded in his undertaking by vigour and perseverance. When out of his way on the road, he escaped being overwhelmed in a sand-storm by a fall of rain, and by the guidance of two crows, which directed his course. These things are stated by way of flattery, as also what follows: that the priest permitted the king alone to pass into the temple in his usual dress, whereas the others changed theirs; that all heard the oracles on the outside of the temple, except Alexander, who was in the interior of the building; that the answers were not given, as at Delphi and at Branchidae, in words, but chiefly by nods and signs, as in Homer; the son of Saturn nodded with his sable brows, the prophet imitating Jupiter. This, however, the man told the king, in express terms, that he was the son of Jupiter. Callisthenes adds, (after the exaggerating style of tragedy,) that when Apollo had deserted the oracle among the Branchidae, on the temple being plundered by the Branchidae (who espoused the party of the Persians in the time of Xerxes,) and the spring had failed, it then re-appeared (on the arrival of Alexander); that the ambassadors also of the Milesians carried back to Memphis numerous answers of the oracle respecting the descent of Alexander from Jupiter, and the future victory which he should obtain at Arbela, the death of Darius, and the political changes at Lacedaemon. He says also that the Erythraean Athenais, who resembled the ancient Erythraean Sibyl, had declared the high descent of Alexander. Such are the accounts of historians. |
|
| 210. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 1006.69, 1612.370, 1631.448, 1631.586, 1631.652 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 386; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 841; Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 161 |
| 211. Epigraphy, Ig Ii, 1209, 13281, 13287, 1300 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 88 |
| 212. Epigraphy, Ig I , 1015, 1032, 130, 136-137, 232, 256, 258, 35-36, 395, 40, 515, 7, 84, 993, 1476 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 668 |
| 213. Epigraphy, Ig I , 1015, 130, 136-137, 256, 35-36, 40, 993, 7 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 115, 125, 155 |
| 214. Epigraphy, I.Ephesos, #44, #52, #73 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 129 |
| 215. Epigraphy, I.Eleusis, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 133 |
| 216. Epigraphy, Hesperia, None Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 841 |
| 217. Epigraphy, Demos Rhamnountos Ii, 20 Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo in delphi Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 88 |
| 218. Epigraphy, Lscg, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 278 |
| 219. Dieuchidas Megarensis 4. Jh. V. Chr., Fragments, 242 Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo of delphi Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 206 |
| 221. Epigraphy, Ml, 52, 73 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 253, 256 |
| 222. Andocides, Orations, 1.84 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracles from Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 247 |
| 223. Stobaeus, Eclogues, 4.9.16 Tagged with subjects: •oracle, delphi Found in books: Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun (2014), The History of Religions School Today : Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts 103 |
| 224. Callimachus, Hymns, 4.36-4.38, 4.51-4.54, 4.171 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of •oracles, of apollo in delphi Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 11, 56; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 211 |
| 225. Epigraphy, Ricis, 105/0302, 101/0206 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 349 |
| 226. Anon., Scholia Aristophanes Eq., None Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo in delphi Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 68 |
| 227. Ambrosian Missal 119, Homily On Lazarus, Mary And Martha, 1.27, 1.71-1.77 Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo of delphi Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 129 |
| 228. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, Cth, 434.6 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of apollo Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 32 |
| 229. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, Saa Iii, None Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of apollo Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 32 |
| 230. Hypereides, Orations, 13, 32, 12 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 80 |
| 231. Andocides, Orations, 1.84 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracles from Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 247 |
| 232. Artifact, Louvre, None Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of apollo •delphi, speculation regarding early dream-oracle Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 523 |
| 233. Aeschines, Or., 1.125, 3.116 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, oracle at delphi •delphi, oracles from •oracle, delphi Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 43; Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 278 |
| 234. Hildegarde of Bingen, Sciv., 4.31, 8.82 Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo of delphi Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 126, 129 |
| 235. Epigraphy, Fouilles De Delphes, 1.96, 1.164, 1.365, 1.401, 1.416, 1.451, 1.453, 1.466, 1.533, 1.4662, 3.4, 3.71, 3.92, 3.95-3.96, 3.102, 3.230-3.237, 3.239-3.243, 3.249, 3.378, 3.385-3.396, 4.36, 4.48, 4.77, 4.79, 4.84, 4.175, 4.242, 4.245, 4.250, 4.375, 4.378, 4.391, 4.394, 4.405 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Grzesik (2022), Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. 46, 60, 72, 100, 106, 143; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 140 |
| 238. Epigraphy, Agora 16, 181 Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo of delphi Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 112 |
| 239. Paulus Julius, Digesta, 1, 102, 2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 176 |
| 240. Demosthenes, Orations, a b c d\n0 59.1 59.1 59 1 \n1 32 32 32 None\n2 35 35 35 None\n3 43.67 43.67 43 67 \n4 21.54 21.54 21 54 \n5 21.51 21.51 21 51 \n6 21.56 21.56 21 56 \n7 21.53 21.53 21 53 \n8 21.175 21.175 21 175 \n9 43.66 43.66 43 66 \n10 [59.] [59.] [59 ] \n11 [24].28 [24].28 [24] 28 \n12 43.63 43.63 43 63 \n13 21.199 21.199 21 199 \n14 21.55 21.55 21 55 \n15 43.64 43.64 43 64 \n16 21.115 21.115 21 115 \n17 43.65 43.65 43 65 \n18 [24].27 [24].27 [24] 27 \n19 21.8 21.8 21 8 \n20 21.180 21.180 21 180 \n21 21.52 21.52 21 52 \n22 43.62 43.62 43 62 \n23 21.9 21.9 21 9 \n24 [24].29 [24].29 [24] 29 \n25 21.10 21.10 21 10 \n26 21.178 21.178 21 178 \n27 21.179 21.179 21 179 \n28 21.11 21.11 21 11 \n29 22.76 22.76 22 76 \n30 21.57 21.57 21 57 \n31 [59].116 [59].116 [59] 116 \n32 [24].184 [24].184 [24] 184 \n33 21.13 21.13 21 13 \n34 21.176 21.176 21 176 \n35 21.181 21.181 21 181 \n36 21.177 21.177 21 177 \n37 51 51 51 None\n38 24.137 24.137 24 137 \n39 24.112 24.112 24 112 \n40 24.82 24.82 24 82 \n41 13.32 13.32 13 32 \n42 57.63 57.63 57 63 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 312 |
| 241. Epigraphy, Fasti Verulani,, #46, #37 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 115 |
243. Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni, 4.7.14 Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo in delphi Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 68| 4.7.14. auxilium. Idem vero, ut largum quoque imbrem excusserunt procellae, pro se quisque excipere eum, | |
|
| 244. Epigraphy, Lsam, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 546 |
| 245. Epigraphy, Fasti Gabini, None Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo of delphi Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 112, 157 |
| 246. Dorotheus, Doxographi Graeci, 3.2.27, 3.2.48, 3.2.50 Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo of delphi Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 157, 194 |
| 247. Epigraphy, I.Metreg, 166, 168 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 558 |
| 248. Epigraphy, D. Jordan, "A Survey of Greek Defixiones Not Included In The Special Corpora", Grbs 26, 151ג€“97, 124, 43 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 36 |
| 252. Ennius, Thy., #1, #2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 31 |
| 253. Papyri, P.Oxy., 2509, 3698 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 213 |
| 256. Epigraphy, Rigsby, Asylia, 165, 167-170 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 76 |
| 257. Epigraphy, Agora Xix, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 33 |
| 258. Epigraphy, Seg, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stavrianopoulou (2006), Ritual and Communication in the Graeco-Roman World, 278 |
| 259. Justinus, Epitome Historiarum Philippicarum, 24.4-24.8 Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo in delphi Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 11, 56 |
| 260. Papyri, Prakt (1989), None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 88 |
| 261. Callim., Fr., 378-379 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 11, 56 |
| 262. Epigraphy, Syll. , None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 523 |
| 263. Etymologicum Magnum Auctum, Etymologicum Magnum, 590.42-590.50 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracles from Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 280 |
| 264. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.5.7 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, his oracle at delphi •delphi, oracle at Found in books: Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 164 |
265. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.284-1.285, 2.685-2.703, 3.94-3.100, 3.274-3.288, 3.712-3.713, 5.47, 6.760-6.766, 8.681, 8.704-8.706, 9.641-9.644 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, his oracle at delphi •delphi, oracle at Found in books: Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 163, 164 | 1.284. and bare the flesh below; some slice with knives, 1.285. and on keen prongs the quivering strips impale, 2.685. he girded on; then charged, resolved to die 2.686. encircled by the foe. Within his walls 2.687. there stood, beneath the wide and open sky, 2.688. a lofty altar; an old laurel-tree 2.689. leaned o'er it, and enclasped in holy shade 2.690. the statues of the tutelary powers. 2.691. Here Hecuba and all the princesses 2.692. took refuge vain within the place of prayer. 2.693. Like panic-stricken doves in some dark storm, 2.694. close-gathering they sate, and in despair 2.695. embraced their graven gods. But when the Queen 2.696. aw Priam with his youthful harness on, 2.697. “What frenzy, O my wretched lord,” she cried, 2.698. “Arrayed thee in such arms? O, whither now? 2.699. Not such defences, nor such arm as thine, 2.700. the time requires, though thy companion were 2.701. our Hector's self. O, yield thee, I implore! 2.702. This altar now shall save us one and all, 2.703. or we must die together.” With these words 3.94. in cypress dark and purple pall of woe. 3.95. Our Ilian women wailed with loosened hair; 3.96. new milk was sprinkled from a foaming cup, 3.97. and from the shallow bowl fresh blood out-poured 3.98. upon the sacred ground. So in its tomb 3.99. we laid his ghost to rest, and loudly sang, 3.274. Now Phoebus speaks. Obedient let us be, 3.275. and, warned by him, our happier Iot pursue!” 3.276. He spoke: with heart of hope we all obeyed; 3.277. again we changed abode; and, leaving there 3.278. a feeble few, again with spreading sails 3.280. When from the deep the shores had faded far, 3.281. and only sky and sea were round our way, 3.282. full in the zenith hung a purple cloud, 3.283. torm-laden, dark as night, and every wave 3.284. grew black and angry, while perpetual gales 3.285. came rolling o'er the main, and mountain-high 3.286. the wreckful surges rose; our ships were hurled 3.287. wide o'er the whirling waters; thunder-clouds 3.288. and misty murk of night made end of all 3.712. in order due; the tides of slumber dark 3.713. o'erflowed our lives. But scarce the chariot 5.47. Garbed in rough pelt of Libyan bear was he, 6.760. To mock the storm's inimitable flash— 6.761. With crash of hoofs and roll of brazen wheel! 6.762. But mightiest Jove from rampart of thick cloud 6.763. Hurled his own shaft, no flickering, mortal flame, 6.764. And in vast whirl of tempest laid him low. 6.765. Next unto these, on Tityos I looked, 6.766. Child of old Earth, whose womb all creatures bears: 8.681. my son, who by his Sabine mother's line 8.704. and bellowing Tuscan trumpets shook the air. 8.705. All eyes look up. Again and yet again 8.706. crashed the terrible din, and where the sky 9.641. Tumultuously shouting, they impaled 9.642. on lifted spears—O pitiable sight! — 9.643. the heads of Nisus and Euryalus. 9.644. Th' undaunted Trojans stood in battle-line |
|
267. Vergil, Georgics, 3.10-3.11 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Skempis and Ziogas (2014), Geography, Topography, Landscape: Configurations of Space in Greek and Roman Epic 337| 3.10. Primus ego in patriam mecum, modo vita supersit, 3.11. Aonio rediens deducam vertice Musas; | |
|
| 268. Eustathius, Commentarii Ad Homeri Iliadem, 16.235 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, speculation regarding early dream-oracle Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 101 |
| 269. Epigraphyoracle Catalogue Numbers, Oracle Catalogue Numbers, 80 Tagged with subjects: •athenians, consultations of oracle at delphi Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 120 |
| 270. Suda, S.V. Aneilen (Α, None Tagged with subjects: •athenians, consultations of oracle at delphi Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 122 |
| 271. Didymuson Dem., On Dem., None Tagged with subjects: •athenians, consultations of oracle at delphi Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 121 |
| 273. Epigraphy, J.-M. Carbon, S. Peels And V. Pirenne-Delforge, A Collection of Greek Ritual Norms (Cgrn), 141 Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo in delphi Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 76 |
| 275. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah (Septuagint), 65.4 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of apollo Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 32 |
| 276. Epigraphy, Fd, 2.1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 277. Epigraphy, I.Iasos Ii, 227 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of apollo Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 178 |
| 279. Hesychius, Histories, None Tagged with subjects: •apollo, oracle at delphi Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 294 |
| 280. Epigraphy, Inscr. De Delos, 503, 66-67, 95, 1416 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 294 |
| 282. Epigraphy, Ig, 9.12 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Grzesik (2022), Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. 100 |
| 283. Heraclitus Lesbius, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •oracles, delphi Found in books: de Jáuregui (2010), Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity, 9, 397 |
| 284. Thucydides, Characters, 1.118.3 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle at Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 312 |
| 285. Anon., Hippocratic Oath, 0 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle at Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 374, 380 |
| 286. Epigraphy, Ig Ii3, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 112 |
| 287. Various, Fgrh, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 276 |
| 288. Didymus, Or., 13.44-13.56, 14.44-14.47 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracles from •apollo, oracle at delphi Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 43, 247, 251, 253 |
| 289. Harpocration, Lex., None Tagged with subjects: •apollo, oracle at delphi •delphi, oracles from Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 256 |
| 290. Targum, Targum Zech, 3.104.1-3.104.2, 5.1.1, 5.32.1 Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo of delphi Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 161, 162 |
| 291. Epigraphy, Ig Xiv, 645 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracles from Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 253 |
| 297. Epicurus, Ls, 1.148-1.149 Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo of delphi Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 272 |
| 299. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,6, 255 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, oracle at delphi •delphi, oracles from Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 43 |
| 307. Epigraphy, Ik Anazarbos, 49 Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo in delphi Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 11 |
| 308. Epigraphy, Lbw, 17 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle of Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 191 |
| 309. Lysias, Orations, 6.4, 19.46 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, oracle at delphi •delphi, oracles from •delphi, oracle Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 840, 841; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 35, 256 |
| 310. Augustus, Stv, 536, 543 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 219 |
| 311. Epigraphy, Lindos Ii, None Tagged with subjects: •oracles, of apollo in delphi Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 68 |
| 312. Damaskios, Fr., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 148 |
| 313. Julian (Emperor), In Constantium Imperatorem 1, None Tagged with subjects: •oracle, delphi Found in books: Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 191 |
| 314. Epigraphy, Agora Xix, None Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 579 |
| 315. Epigraphy, Lamelles Oraculaires, 66-73, 65 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 22 |
| 316. Epigraphy, Sema, 174 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 677 |
| 317. Epigraphy, Wünsch 1897, 103, 42 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 840, 841 |
| 318. Various, Fgh 323A, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 579 |
| 319. Aelian, N.H., 8.5 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 579 |
| 320. Epigraphy, Ls, 15 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 677 |
| 321. Epigraphy, Malouchou 2013A, 0 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 840, 841 |
| 322. Various, Fgh 90, None Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 579 |
| 323. Epigraphy, Irh, 6 Tagged with subjects: •delphi, oracle Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 841 |
| 324. Epigraphy, Rhodes & Osborne Ghi, 114, 25, 3, 58, 88, 97 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 17 |
