1. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 49.16-49.17 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 162 49.16. "אַךְ־אֱלֹהִים יִפְדֶּה נַפְשִׁי מִיַּד־שְׁאוֹל כִּי יִקָּחֵנִי סֶלָה׃", 49.17. "אַל־תִּירָא כִּי־יַעֲשִׁר אִישׁ כִּי־יִרְבֶּה כְּבוֹד בֵּיתוֹ׃", | 49.16. "But God will redeem my soul from the power of the nether-world; For He shall receive me. Selah", 49.17. "Be not thou afraid when one waxeth rich, When the wealth of his house is increased;", |
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2. Socrates, Letters, 7 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 195 |
3. Hermippus Comicus, Fragments, 72 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 188 |
4. Xenophon, Apology, 26 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 180, 181 |
5. Xenophon, On Hunting, 1.11 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 180 |
6. Plato, Letters, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 188 361c. τε ἐχρησάμην καὶ ὑμῖν ταῦτα ἀπέπεμψα. τὸ δὴ μετὰ τοῦτο περὶ χρημάτων ἄκουε ὥς σοι ἔχει, περί τε τὰ σὰ τὰ Ἀθήνησιν καὶ περὶ τὰ ἐμά. ἐγὼ τοῖς σοῖς χρήμασιν, ὥσπερ τότε σοι ἔλεγον, χρήσομαι καθάπερ τοῖς τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιτηδείων, χρῶμαι δὲ ὡς ἂν δύνωμαι ὀλιγίστοις, ὅσα ἀναγκαῖα ἢ δίκαια ἢ εὐσχήμονα ἐμοί τε δοκεῖ καὶ παρʼ οὗ ἂν λαμβάνω. ἐμοὶ δὴ τοιοῦτον νῦν συμβέβηκεν. εἰσί μοι ἀδελφιδῶν | 361c. this, then, was the sum I obtained, and on obtaining it I used it myself and sent off these purchases to you. |
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7. Plato, Gorgias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 187 |
8. Plato, Apology of Socrates, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 187 |
9. Plato, Phaedo, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 184 |
10. Aristotle, History of Animals, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 189 |
11. Philochorus, Fragments, 223 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 185 |
12. Hermippus of Smyrna, Fragments, 72 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 188 |
13. Septuagint, Ecclesiasticus (Siracides), 2.6, 4.28, 5.1-5.3, 11.17-11.19, 31.8-31.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 161, 162, 164 | 2.6. Trust in him, and he will help you;make your ways straight, and hope in him. 4.28. Strive even to death for the truth and the Lord God will fight for you. 5.1. Do not set your heart on your wealth,nor say, "I have enough." 5.1. Be steadfast in your understanding,and let your speech be consistent. 5.1. and do not become an enemy instead of a friend;for a bad name incurs shame and reproach:so fares the double-tongued sinner. 5.1. And there is a friend who is a table companion,but will not stand by you in your day of trouble. 5.2. Do not follow your inclination and strength,walking according to the desires of your heart. 5.2. Do not exalt yourself through your souls counsel,lest your soul be torn in pieces like a bull. 5.2. She seems very harsh to the uninstructed;a weakling will not remain with her. 5.3. Do not say, "Who will have power over me?" for the Lord will surely punish you. 5.3. You will devour your leaves and destroy your fruit,and will be left like a withered tree. 5.3. Her yoke is a golden ornament,and her bonds are a cord of blue. 31.8. Blessed is the rich man who is found blameless,and who does not go after gold. 31.9. Who is he? And we will call him blessed,for he has done wonderful things among his people. 31.11. His prosperity will be established,and the assembly will relate his acts of charity. |
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14. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 3.1-3.13, 3.76 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 193, 198 3.1. Quidnam esse, Brute, Quidnam-Brute om. RK cf. praef. cur om. K causae putem, cur, cum constemus ex animo et corpore, corporis curandi tuendique causa quaesita sit ars atque eius ars eius atque X (areius atque K 1, cf. praef. ) corr. Man. utilitas deorum inmortalium de eorum inm. R 1 V 1 inventioni consecrata, animi autem medicina nec tam desiderata desidera GRV ( add. V 1? ) sit, ante quam inventa, nec tam culta, posteaquam cognita est, nec tam multis grata et probata, pluribus etiam suspecta et invisa? an quod corporis gravitatem et dolorem animo iudicamus, animi morbum corpore non sentimus? ita fit ut animus de se ipse tum tum ex cum corr. K 2 iudicet, cum id ipsum, quo iudicatur, aegrotet. 3.2. Quodsi talis nos natura genuisset, ut eam ipsam intueri et perspicere eademque optima duce cursum vitae conficere possemus, haut haut V 2 aut GK 1 RV 1 haud K 2 B s erat sane quod quisquam rationem ac doctrinam rationem ac doctrinam s ratione ac doctrina X rationedẽ V 2 hac pro ac G 1 et Gr.?) requireret. requiret G 1 nunc parvulos nobis dedit igniculos, quos celeriter malis moribus opinionibusque depravati depravati V 1? e corr. B s depravatis X sic restinguimus, ut nusquam naturae lumen appareat. sunt enim ingeniis nostris semina semita G innata virtutum, quae si adolescere adholescere G 1 adol. sed o in r. V 1 liceret, licet in liceret corr. R c licetret G 1 ipsa nos ad beatam vitam natura perduceret. nunc autem, simul atque editi in lucem et suscepti sumus, in omni continuo pravitate et in summa opinionum perversitate versamur, ut paene cum lacte nutricis errorem suxisse videamur. cum vero parentibus redditi, dein reddit idem G reddit idemr R ( et r = require al.m. ) redditidē V 1 (redditi dein V 2 sec. Str. ) redditi idem HK ( demŭ ss. 2 ) redditi demum Gr.(?)B magistris traditi sumus, tum tum ... 9 cedat Non. 416, 32 ita variis imbuimur inb. KR erroribus, ut vanitati veritas et opinioni opinio G 1 confirmatae confirmatae s Non. confirmata X natura naturae K ipsa cedat. 3.3. accedunt etiam poëtae, qui cum magnam speciem doctrinae sapientiaeque prae se tulerunt, audiuntur leguntur ediscuntur et inhaerescunt penitus in mentibus. cum vero eodem quasi maxumus quidam quidem K 1 R 1 H magister populus accessit accessit V c ( cf. rep. 4,9 ) om. X (accedit ante eodem add. multi s ) atque omnis undique ad vitia consentiens multitudo, tum plane inficimur opinionum pravitate a naturaque desciscimus, dessciscimus KR 1 ut nobis optime naturae vim vidisse naturae vim vidisse Mdv. ad fin. 3,62 naturam invidisse videantur, qui nihil melius homini, nihil magis expetendum, nihil praestantius honoribus, imperiis, populari gloria iudicaverunt. ad ad at K quam fertur optumus quisque veramque illam honestatem expetens, expe tens V quam unam natura maxime anquirit, unam s una anquirit Mos. inquirit in summa iitate versatur consectaturque nullam eminentem effigiem virtutis, virtutis del. Bentl. gloriae ( ex gloria V 2 ) del. Bai. sed adumbratam imaginem gloriae. est enim gloria solida quaedam res et expressa, non adumbrata; ea est consentiens laus bonorum, incorrupta et ante incorrupta add. V c vox bene iudicantium de excellenti excellenti ex -te V 1 excellente rell. ( ft. recte cf. de orat. 2, 85 fr. ap. Char. GL. I p. 138, 13 ) virtute, ea virtuti resonat tamquam imago; gloriae post imago add. X exp. V 1 quae quia recte factorum plerumque comes est, non est non est ea H est in r. V c bonis viris repudianda. repudienda in -anda corr. K 1 V 1 3.4. illa autem, quae se eius imitatricem esse volt, uult R e corr. H temeraria atque inconsiderata et plerumque peccatorum vitiorumque laudatrix, fama popularis, simulatione honestatis formam forme G 1 eius pulchritudinemque corrumpit. qua caecitate homines, cum quaedam etiam praeclara cuperent eaque que om. H nescirent nec ubi nec qualia essent, funditus alii everterunt everterent X corr. K 2 R c V 1? suas civitates, alii ipsi occiderunt. atque hi quidem optuma petentes non tam voluntate quam cursus errore falluntur. quid? qui quid qui K c R 2 V 1? e corr. quid- que GR 1 V 1 quiqui K 1 pecuniae cupiditate, qui voluptatum libidine feruntur, quid...12 feruntur om. H quorumque ita perturbantur animi, ut non multum absint ab insania, quod insipientibus contingit contigit G 1 omnibus, quod 14 omnibus del. Ba. is is H his rell. nullane ne om. G 1 est adhibenda curatio? utrum quod minus noceant animi aegrotationes quam corporis, an quod corpora curari possint, animorum medicina nulla sit? 3.5. at et morbi morbi ex moribus K 1 perniciosiores pluresque sunt animi quam corporis; an ... 18 corporis add. G 2 in mg. hi enim ipsi hi...19 ipsi hoc. . ipso Ba. male: 'ipsi corporis morbi animi morbos efficere possunt eorumque numerum augent' (plures!) cf. p. 405,14 odiosi sunt, quod ad animum pertinent pertine t V eumque sollicitant, solicitant G 1 R 1 V 1 animusque aeger, ut ait Ennius, Enn. sc. 392 semper errat neque pati pati poti Ribb. sed cf. Va. neque perpeti potest, cupere numquam desinit. quibus duobus morbis, ut omittam alios, aegritudine et cupiditate, cupidldatẽ R 1 qui tandem possunt in corpore esse graviores? qui vero probari potest ut sibi mederi animus non possit, cum ipsam medicinam corporis animus invenerit, cumque ad corporum sanationem multum ipsa corpora et natura valeat nec omnes, omnis X corr. V 2 sint Tregd. sunt qui curari se passi sint, continuo etiam convalescant, convalescunt G animi autem, qui se sanari voluerint praeceptisque sapientium paruerint, sine ulla dubitatione sanentur? 3.6. est profecto animi medicina, philosophia; Cur igitur cum constemus ... 319,4 philosophia H cuius auxilium non ut in corporis morbis petendum est foris, omnibusque opibus viribus, et ante viribus add. V c s viribus om. Gr. ut nosmet ipsi nobis mederi possimus, elaborandum est. Quamquam de universa philosophia, quanto opere et expetenda esset et colenda, satis, ut arbitror, dictum est in Hortensio. ortensio G de maxumis autem rebus nihil fere intermisimus postea nec disputare nec scribere. his autem libris exposita sunt ea quae eaque G 1 a a om. K 1 nobis cum familiaribus nostris in Tusculano erant disputata. sed quo niam duobus superioribus de morte et de dolore dictum est, tertius dies disputationis hoc tertium volumen efficiet. 3.7. ut enim in Academiam nostram descendimus inclinato iam in postmeridianum tempus die, poposci eorum aliquem, qui aderant, aliquid quid adherant G 1 causam disserendi. tum res acta sic est: Videtur mihi cadere in sapientem aegritudo. Num reliquae quoque perturbationes animi, formidines libidines libidines add. G 2 iracundiae? haec enim fere sunt eius modi, eiusmodi V ( ss. c ) quae Graeci pa/qh pathe X appellant; ego poteram morbos, et id verbum esset e verbo, sed in consuetudinem nostram non caderet. nam misereri, invidere, gestire, laetari, haec omnia morbos Graeci appellant, motus animi rationi non obtemperantis, nos autem hos eosdem motus concitati animi recte, ut opinor, perturbationes dixerimus, morbos autem non satis usitate, relique ... 29 usitate ( libere ) H uisit. G 1 ( sic etiam 322, 10; 325,16 ) nisi quid aliud tibi videtur. Mihi vero isto modo. 3.8. Haecine haeccine R 2 igitur cadere in sapientem putas? Prorsus existimo. Ne ista gloriosa sapientia non magno aestimanda est, siquidem non multum differt ab insania. Quid? tibi quid tibi in r. V 2 tibine G ( exp. 2 ) omnisne animi commotio videtur insania? Non mihi quidem soli, sed, id quod admirari amirari G 1 (āmirari 2 ) R 1 V saepe soleo, maioribus quoque nostris hoc ita visum intellego multis saeculis ante Socratem, socrantĕ G 1 (n del. 2 ) socraten KR a quo haec omnis, quae est de vita et de moribus, philosophia manavit. Quonam quoniam G (i del. 1? ) tandem modo? Quia nomen insaniae significat mentis aegrotationem et morbum, id est insanitatem et aegrotum animum, quam appellarunt insaniam. id est . . 14 insaniam ( quae C. addidit quia eius aequalibus nomen insaniae non insanum animi habitum sed furorem significabat) del. Bentl. 3.9. (omnis autem perturbationes animi morbos philosophi appellant negantque stultum quemquam his morbis vacare. qui autem in morbo sunt, sani non sunt; et omnium insipientium animi in morbo sunt: omnes insipientes igitur insaniunt omnis ... 18 insaniunt del. Ba. ( post sanos 321, 2 ponit Margrander Trans. and proc. of the American phil. ass. XXX p. 34 ). verum non mirus nescio qui glossator sed Cicero ipse haec postea addidisse videtur, cum intellegeret se illud 'omnisne animi commotio videtur insania?' in argumentatione neglexisse. ). sanitatem enim enim om. H s animorum positam in tranquillitate quadam constantiaque censebant; his rebus mentem vacuam appellarunt insaniam, propterea quod in perturbato animo sicut in corpore sanitas esse non posset. posset Ern. possit ille G 1 3.10. nec minus illud acute, quod animi adfectionem lumine mentis carentem nominaverunt amentiam eandemque dementiam. omnis... 25 dementiam H ex quo intellegendum est eos qui haec rebus nomina posuerunt sensisse senisse GR 1 V 1 hoc idem, quod a Socrate acceptum diligenter Stoici retinuerunt, omnis insipientes esse non sanos. qui est quis X (qus G 1 ) sed s in R fort. postea additum enim animus in aliquo morbo—morbos autem hos perturbatos motus, morbos ... 4 motus ( sine hos) ut modo dixi, philosophi appellant—, non magis est sanus quam id corpus quod corpus quod punctis not. G 2 in morbo est. ita fit ut sapientia sanitas sit animi, insipientia autem quasi insanitas quaedam, quae est insania eademque dementia; insipientia... 7 dementia ( sine quaedam) Non. 122,24 multoque melius haec notata sunt verbis Latinis quam Graecis. 3.11. quod aliis quoque multis locis reperietur; reperitur G 1 sed id alias, nunc, quod instat. totum igitur id alt. id om. H s quod quaerimus quid et quale sit, sit fit V verbi vis ipsa declarat. eos enim sanos quoniam intellegi necesse est, quorum mens motu quasi morbo perturbata nullo nulla X corr. V 1? sit, qui quia K 1 contra adfecti affecti GR 2 insani G 1 sint, hos insanos appellari necesse est. itaque nihil melius, quam quod est in consuetudine sermonis Latini, cum exisse ex potestate dicimus eos, qui ecfrenati hecfrenati G (h del. 2 ) hęc fr. V effr. R rec V rec feruntur aut libidine aut iracundia— quamquam ipsa iracundia libidinis est pars; sic enim definitur: iracundia ulciscendi libido ulciscendi libido cf. Aug. civ. 14,15 quis V 1 —; qui igitur exisse ex potestate dicimus ... 20 ex potestate om. H dicuntur, idcirco dicuntur, quia non sint in potestate mentis, cui regnum totius animi a natura tributum est. Graeci autem mani/an manian X (man in r. V 1 ) appellant X unde appellent, non facile dixerim; eam tamen ipsam ipsa KGH (ipsāR, sed vix m. 1 ) distinguimus nos melius quam illi. hanc enim insaniam, quae iuncta stultitiae stultitiae K 2 V c BGr.(?) stultitia X patet latius, nos post latius add. V c a furore disiungimus. distinguimus R Graeci volunt illi quidem, sed parum valent verbo: quem nos furorem, melagxoli/an melancholian GV -iam KRH illi vocant; quasi vero atra bili atribili V 1 K (-bi li) atra- bili GR solum mens ac non non add. R c saepe vel iracundia graviore vel timore vel timore add. G 2 vel dolore moveatur; totum . . 322, 3 moveatur H quo genere Athamantem Alcmaeonem alomeonem K 1 alc meonem V (on in r. V c ) Aiacem Orestem furere dicimus. qui ita sit adfectus, eum dominum esse rerum suarum vetant duodecim duodecem R 1 V tab. 5, 7. Ciceronis locus obversatur Horatio s. 2, 3, 217 tabulae; itaque non est scriptum si insanus, sed si furiosus insanus et fur. Non. escit Bouhier esse incipit W esset Non. escit . stultitiam stultiam V ( ss rec ) stultia K (- 2 ) stultitia GR 1 (-ă 2 ) H enim censuerunt constantia, inconstantiam KR ( etiam m a m. 1 ut. v. ) V 1 ( sed in et m exp. 1 ) H inconstantia G insaniam enim censuerunt constantiam, id est sanitatem, tamen posse tueri Non. id est sanitate, vacantem posse tamen tueri mediocritatem officiorum et vitae communem cultum atque usitatum; furorem autem autem om. Non. esse rati sunt mentis ad omnia caecitatem. quod cum maius magis R 1 esse videatur quam insania, tamen eius modi est, ut furor in sapientem cadere possit, non possit insania. itaque stultitia censuerunt ... 13 insania itaque ... 13 cadere possit, insania non Non. 443, 2 sed haec alia quaestio est; nos ad propositum revertamur. 3.12. Cadere, opinor, in sapientem aegritudinem tibi dixisti videri. Et vero ita existimo. Humanum id quidem, quod ita existumas. non enim silice nati sumus, sed est naturale in animis tenerum e ante silice add. V c non male naturabile X sed bi exp. V 1 ( cf. animabili codd. nat. deor. 2,91 ) natura Lb. quiddam quidam R 1 V 1 ( corr. 1 ) -ddā in r. G 2 atque molle, quod quod quā G 1 aegritudine quasi tempestate quatiatur, sed humanum... 22 quatiatur H nec absurde Crantor ille, qui in in om. X add. s V rec nostra Academia vel in primis fuit nobilis, minime inquit inquid G 1 adsentior is qui istam nescio quam indolentiam magno opere laudant, quae quae V 2 B qui X nec potest ulla ulle G 1 esse nec debet. ne aegrotus sim; sim s si inquit (inquid G 1 P cf. 2 ) fuerat X ( fuat V 2 si exp. et ss. V rec ) corr. Sey. cf. Ps. Plut. Cons. ad Ap. 102c, qui primum ou) ga\r sumfe/romai — e)/cw kai\ tou= dunatou= kai\ tou= sumfe/rontos ou)=san ut sua profert, paulo post addit : ' mh\ ga\r nosoi=men ', fhsi\n o( a)kadhmaiko\s Kra/ntwr, ' nosh/sasi de\ parei/h tis ai)/sqhsis ' ktl . inquit ut 303, 21 ergo, inquit al. si debet nec aegrotassem. Si X (a apertum post t in V) c exp. V 2? ne aegrotus inquit fuero, sin quid fuerit Vict. sensus adsit, adsit d in r. G 2 absit V c sive secetur quid sive avellatur a corpore. nam istuc nihil dolere dolere ex dolore K 1 R 1 ex dobere (b= lo) V 1 contigit G 1 non sine magna mercede contingit inmanitatis in animo, stuporis in corpore. non sine... 7 corpore Aug. civ. 14, 9 3.13. sed videamus ne haec oratio sit hominum adsentantium nostrae inbecillitati et indulgentium mollitudini; nos autem audeamus non solum ramos amputare miseriarum, sed omnis radicum fibras fybras X evellere. tamen aliquid relinquetur fortasse; ita sunt altae alta GKV ( corr. 2? ) H stirpes stultitiae; sed relinquetur id solum quod erit necessarium. Illud quidem sic habeto, nisi sanatus animus sit, quod sine philosophia fieri non potest, finem miseriarum nullum fore. sed... 15 fore quam ob rem, quoniam coepimus, tradamus nos ei curandos: sanabimur, si volemus. et progrediar quidem longius: non enim de aegritudine solum, quamquam id quidem quidem in mg. add. R c primum, sed de omni animi, ut ego posui, perturbatione, morbo, ut Graeci volunt, explicabo. et primo, si placet, Stoicorum more agamus, qui breviter astringere solent argumenta; deinde nostro instituto vagabimur. 3.76. sunt qui unum officium consolantis cons olantis R 1 consulantis GK 1 V 1 putent putent docere Lb. Cleanthes fr. 576 malum illud omnino non esse, ut Cleanthi placet; sunt qui non magnum malum, ut Peripatetici; sunt qui abducant a malis ad bona, ut Epicurus; sunt qui satis satis om. G 1 putent ostendere nihil inopinati inopiti GRV 1 (n exp. c ) opiti K accidisse, ut Cyrenaici lac. stat. Po. ut Cyrenaici pro nihil mali (nihil a mali V 1 ) Dav. cogitari potest: ut Cyr. atque hi quoque, si verum quaeris, efficere student ut non multum adesse videatur aut nihil mall. Chr. cf. § 52–59. 61 extr. Chrys. fr. eth. 486 nihil mali. Chrysippus autem caput esse censet in consolando detrahere detra in r. V c illam opinionem maerentis, qua se maerentis se X (mer. KR) qd add. V 2 maerentis si vel maerentl si s ( sed sec. Chr. omnes qui maerent in illa opinione sunt; non recte p. 275, 19 confert Va. Op. 1, 70 ) qua Po. officio fungi putet iusto atque debito. sunt etiam qui haec omnia genera consolandi colligant abducunt... 21 putant... 356, 2 colligunt X 356, 2 colligant V 2 abducant et putent Ern. ( obloq. Küh. Sey. cf. tamen nat. deor. 2, 82 al. ). inconcinnitatem modorum def. Gaffiot cf. ad p. 226, 23 —alius enim alio modo movetur—, ut fere nos in Consolatione omnia omnia bis scripsit, prius erasit G omnia exp. et in mg. scr. fecimus. omne genus consolandi V c in consolationem unam coniecimus; erat enim in tumore animus, et omnis in eo temptabatur curatio. sed sumendum tempus est non minus in animorum morbis quam in corporum; ut Prometheus ille Aeschyli, cui cum dictum esset: Atqui/, Prometheu, te ho/c tenere exi/stimo, Mede/ri posse ra/tionem ratione ratione G 1 RV 1 ( alterum exp. G 2 V 1 ratione rationem K 1 (ratione del. K 2 ) orationem Stephanus ( ft. recte cf. lo/goi ) iracu/ndiae, v. 377 respondit: Siquide/m qui qui et ss. V c tempesti/vam medicinam a/dmovens Non a/dgravescens adgr. ss. V c vo/lnus inlida/t manu. manus X s exp. V | |
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15. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 4.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 194 |
16. Cicero, De Finibus, 5.1.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 192 |
17. Cicero, Cato, 5.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 185 |
18. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 5.1.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 192 |
19. New Testament, John, 12.24, 19.19-19.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, of jesus Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 138, 230 12.24. ἀμὴν ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν, ἐὰν μὴ ὁ κόκκος τοῦ σίτου πεσὼν εἰς τὴν γῆν ἀποθάνῃ, αὐτὸς μόνος μένει· ἐὰν δὲ ἀποθάνῃ, πολὺν καρπὸν φέρει. 19.19. ἔγραψεν δὲ καὶ τίτλον ὁ Πειλᾶτος καὶ ἔθηκεν ἐπὶ τοῦ σταυροῦ· ἦν δὲ γεγραμμένον ΙΗΣΟΥΣ Ο ΝΑΖΩΡΑΙΟΣ Ο ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ ΤΩΝ ΙΟΥΔΛΙΩΝ. 19.20. τοῦτον οὖν τὸν τίτλον πολλοὶ ἀνέγνωσαν τῶν Ἰουδαίων, ὅτι ἐγγὺς ἦν ὁ τόπος τῆς πόλεως ὅπου ἐσταυρώθη ὁ Ἰησοῦς· καὶ ἦν γεγραμμένον Ἐβραϊστί, Ῥωμαϊστί, Ἑλληνιστί. 19.21. ἔλεγον οὖν τῷ Πειλάτῳ οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς τῶν Ἰουδαίων Μὴ γράφε Ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν Ἰουδαίων, ἀλλʼ ὅτι ἐκεῖνος εἶπεν Βασιλεὺς τῶν Ἰουδαίων εἰμί. | 12.24. Most assuredly I tell you, unless a grain of wheat falls into the earth and dies, it remains by itself alone. But if it dies, it bears much fruit. 19.19. Pilate wrote a title also, and put it on the cross. There was written, "JESUS OF NAZARETH, THE KING OF THE JEWS." 19.20. Therefore many of the Jews read this title, for the place where Jesus was crucified was near the city; and it was written in Hebrew, in Latin, and in Greek. 19.21. The chief priests of the Jews therefore said to Pilate, "Don't write, 'The King of the Jews,' but, 'he said, I am King of the Jews.'" |
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20. New Testament, Luke, 23.38 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, of jesus Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 230 23.38. ἦν δὲ καὶ ἐπιγραφὴ ἐπʼ αὐτῷ Ο ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ ΤΩΝ ΙΟΥΔΑΙΩΝ ΟΥΤΟΣ. | 23.38. An inscription was also written over him in letters of Greek, Latin, and Hebrew: "THIS IS THE KING OF THE JEWS." |
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21. New Testament, Mark, 5.23, 15.26 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature •death of philosophers, of jesus Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 224, 230 5.23. καὶ ἰδὼν αὐτὸν πίπτει πρὸς τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ καὶ παρακαλεῖ αὐτὸν πολλὰ λέγων ὅτι Τὸ θυγάτριόν μου ἐσχάτως ἔχει, ἵνα ἐλθὼν ἐπιθῇς τὰς χεῖρας αὐτῇ ἵνα σωθῇ καὶ ζήσῃ. 15.26. καὶ ἦν ἡ ἐπιγραφὴ τῆς αἰτίας αὐτοῦ ἐπιγεγραμμένη Ο ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ ΤΩΝ ΙΟΥΔΑΙΩΝ. | 5.23. and begged him much, saying, "My little daughter is at the point of death. Please come and lay your hands on her, that she may be made healthy, and live." 15.26. The superscription of his accusation was written over him, "THE KING OF THE JEWS." |
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22. New Testament, Matthew, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 230 27.37. καὶ ἐπέθηκαν ἐπάνω τῆς κεφαλῆς αὐτοῦ τὴν αἰτίαν αὐτοῦ γεγραμμένην ΟΥΤΟΣ ΕΣΤΙΝ ΙΗΣΟΥΣ Ο ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ ΤΩΝ ΙΟΥΔΑΙΩΝ. | 27.37. They set up over his head the accusation against him written, "THIS IS JESUS, THE KING OF THE JEWS." |
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23. New Testament, Romans, 5.5, 13.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, of jesus Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 137 5.5. ἡ δὲἐλπὶς οὐ καταισχύνει.ὅτι ἡ ἀγάπη τοῦ θεοῦ ἐκκέχυται ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις ἡμῶν διὰ πνεύματος ἁγίου τοῦ δοθέντος ἡμῖν· 13.9. τὸ γάρΟὐ μοιχεύσεις, Οὐ φονεύσεις, Οὐ κλέψεις, Οὐκ ἐπιθυμήσεις,καὶ εἴ τις ἑτέρα ἐντολή, ἐν τῷ λόγῳ τούτῳ ἀνακεφαλαιοῦται, [ἐν τῷ]Ἀγαπήσεις τὸν πλησίον σου ὡς σεαυτόν. | 5.5. and hope doesn't disappoint us, because God's love has been poured out into our hearts through the Holy Spirit who was given to us. 13.9. For the commandments, "You shall not commit adultery," "You shall not murder," "You shall not steal," "You shall not give false testimony," "You shall not covet," and whatever other commandments there are, are all summed up in this saying, namely, "You shall love your neighbor as yourself." |
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24. New Testament, Galatians, 1.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 130 1.19. ἕτερον δὲ τῶν ἀποστόλων οὐκ εἶδον, εἰ μὴ Ἰάκωβον τὸν ἀδελφὸν τοῦ κυρίου. | 1.19. But of the otherapostles I saw no one, except James, the Lord's brother. |
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25. New Testament, Ephesians, 6.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 132 6.20. ἵνα ἐν αὐτῷ παρρησιάσωμαι ὡς δεῖ με λαλῆσαι. | 6.20. for which I am an ambassador in chains; that in it I may speak boldly, as I ought to speak. |
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26. New Testament, 2 Timothy, 1.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 132 1.16. δῴη ἔλεος ὁ κύριος τῷ Ὀνησιφόρου οἴκῳ, ὅτι πολλάκις με ἀνέψυξεν, καὶ τὴν ἅλυσίν μου οὐκ ἐπαισχύνθη· | 1.16. May the Lord grant mercy to the house of Onesiphorus, for he often refreshed me, and was not ashamed of my chain, |
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27. New Testament, 1 Timothy, 5.1-5.2, 6.10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 171, 229 5.1. Πρεσβυτέρῳ μὴ ἐπιπλήξῃς, ἀλλὰ παρακάλει ὡς πατέρα, νεωτέρους ὡς ἀδελφούς, 5.2. πρεσβυτέρας ὡς μητέρας, νεωτέρας ὡς ἀδελφὰς ἐν πάσῃ ἁγνίᾳ. 6.10. ῥίζα γὰρ πάντων τῶν κακῶν ἐστὶν ἡ φιλαργυρία, ἧς τινὲς ὀρεγόμενοι ἀπεπλανήθησαν ἀπὸ τῆς πίστεως καὶ ἑαυτοὺς περιέπειραν ὀδύναις πολλαῖς. | 5.1. Don't rebuke an older man, but exhort him as a father; the younger men as brothers; 5.2. the elder women as mothers; the younger as sisters, in all purity. 6.10. For the love of money is a root of all kinds of evil. Some have been led astray from the faith in their greed, and have pierced themselves through with many sorrows. |
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28. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 15.36 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, of jesus Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 138 15.36. ἄφρων, σὺ ὃ σπείρεις οὐ ζωοποιεῖται ἐὰν μὴ ἀποθάνῃ· | 15.36. You foolish one, that which you yourself sow is not made aliveunless it dies. |
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29. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 18.3.3, 20.9.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, of jesus Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 135 |
30. Plutarch, On Stoic Self-Contradictions, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 229 |
31. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 5.7.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 190 |
32. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.33.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 189 |
33. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 107, 11, 13, 63, 93, 99, 58 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 185 58. de me triumphat et superbifica manu | |
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34. Epictetus, Discourses, 4.7.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 171 |
35. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 43.8-43.9, 47.2-47.7, 51.7-51.8, 64.17 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 190, 230 | 43.8. And now I must leave my country, not, as on that other occasion, without repining, attended as I then was by the affection and admiration of all, but rather attended by the enmity of some; since I myself have suffered no harm, For never did they lift my cows or mares. However, I am not surprised at my present troubles; since even the famous Socrates, whom I have often mentioned, during the tyranny of the Thirty did everything in behalf of the people and took no part in the crimes of that régime, but, when ordered by the Thirty to fetch Leon of Salamis, he refused to obey, and he openly reviled the tyrants, saying they were like wicked herdsmen, who, having received the cows when strong and numerous, make them few and weaker; 43.9. but nevertheless it was by the government of the people, on whose account he then risked his life, that later on when that government was flourishing, because he had been slandered by certain informers, he was put to death. Now his accuser was Meletus, a loathsome fellow, and a liar too. Said he, "Socrates is guilty of corrupting young men and of not honouring the deities whom the city honours but of introducing other new divinities" â virtually the opposite to what Socrates was wont to do. 47.2. Now perhaps this experience of mine is a matter of necessity, for previously I used to be surprised at those philosophers who abandoned their own countries under no compulsion and chose to dwell among other peoples, and what is more, despite their own claim that a man should honour his fatherland and regard it as of supreme importance, and that activity in public affairs and playing one's part as a citizen is the natural duty of a human being. I am referring to Zeno, Chrysippus, and Cleanthes, not one of whom stayed at home, despite these brave words. Did they not, then, mean what they said? They above all others did, to my way of thinking. 47.3. Why, they regarded concern for a man's own city as a noble and truly blessed and appropriate function for men of wisdom; on the other hand, they used to view with distrust the difficulties and vexations it involved â not only ignorance on the part of some, but malice on the part of others, and sheer heedlessness on the part of still others â unless a man of wisdom could at the same time possess the strength and power of a Heracles; however, they considered this impossible. 47.4. And yet we hear of Heracles himself that, though he made himself master of Egypt and Libya, and also of the people who dwelt about the Euxine Sea, both Thracians and Scythians, and though he captured Ilium, having crossed over with a small army, and though, after gaining control over all these peoples, he actually set himself up as king; still when he arrived in Argos he busied himself with removing the dung from the stables of Augeas or hunting serpents or chasing birds, to keep them from troubling the farmers in Stymphalus, or with performing other such menial and humble tasks at the bidding of another; and finally, they say, he was sent to Hades, with such exceeding fairness did his fellow townsman treat him! But we hear that, though the Argives and Thebans praised and admired Heracles, still they shut their eyes to his mistreatment. 47.5. It was the thought of this, it seems to me, which made Homer, who was not only a fine poet but also in his way a philosopher, spend all his time abroad â so much so that no one could determine his country â and prefer to get twenty-five drachmas by begging, and that too in the rôle of a madman, rather than live at home. And so it was that in later days all men claimed him as their countryman. Again, while Homer's name is well known among all Greeks and barbarians, most men, it is safe to day, have not even heard of Ios â if he really was born there â and there is not much talk of Chios or of Colophon either; and yet Colophon can show a poet not inferior to Homer, namely Apollo. Again, Pythagoras of his own volition fled from Samos when it was under the tyrant, and yet among all other peoples, and especially, I believe, about the shores of Italy, he was honoured as a god. 47.6. "What of it," some one in this audience has been saying long since, "are you comparing yourself with Homer and Pythagoras and Zeno?" Nay, by Heaven, not I, except that it was the opinion of all the philosophers that life in their own native land was hard. For what think you? That they did not love their home-lands, but that Homer, while he lamented over Odysseus and declared that Odysseus was willing to die forthwith if only he could see the smoke rising from Ithaca, did not himself cherish his own city, but, on the contrary, that he was not confessing under the name of Odysseus his own love and longing for his native heath? 47.7. On the other hand, while I cannot say whether the man who always remained in his father land, doing whatever seemed best to his fellow citizens and the laws, benefited the Athenians to any great extent, I do know the loss which they sustained in his death. For even now they still are reproached concerning Socrates for not having behaved toward him either justly or piously, and it is said that this conduct of theirs occasioned all the evils which befell them later. 64.17. Now let no one be vexed that I speak thus of his forebears. We could not attain first rank in any other way than by competing with those who are first. Why, not only did a certain warrior of old take pride in having proved superior to his sire, but even for the Athenians it is no disgrace, ancestors of ours though they be, to be outstript by their sons. For they will share your merit while being surpassed in their own. How, then, could you help being grateful to Fortune for all this â both for parentage, in that you are Greek, and for your changed condition, in that, though once poor, you now are prosperous? Socrates, at any rate, counted himself fortunate for many reasons â not only because he was a rational being, but also because he was an Athenian. |
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36. Plutarch, Sulla, 36.2-36.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 189, 190 36.2. ὅθεν καὶ τὴν νόσον ἀπʼ αἰτίας ἐλαφρᾶς ἀρξαμένην ἐξέθρεψε, καὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἠγνόει περὶ τὰ σπλάγχνα γεγονὼς ἔμπυος, ὑφʼ ἧς καὶ τὴν σάρκα διαφθαρεῖσαν εἰς φθεῖρας μετέβαλε πᾶσαν, ὥστε πολλῶν διʼ ἡμέρας ἅμα καὶ νυκτὸς ἀφαιρούντων μηδὲν εἶναι μέρος τοῦ ἐπιγινομένου τὸ ἀποκρινόμενον, ἀλλὰ πᾶσαν ἐσθῆτα καὶ λουτρὸν καὶ ἀπόνιμμα καὶ σιτίον ἀναπίμπλασθαι τοῦ ῥεύματος ἐκείνου καὶ τῆς φθορᾶς· τοσοῦτον ἐξήνθει. 36.3. διὸ πολλάκις τῆς ἡμέρας εἰς ὕδωρ ἐνέβαινεν ἐκκλύζων τὸ σῶμα καὶ ἀπορρυπτόμενος. ἦν δὲ οὐδὲν ὄφελος· ἐκράτει γὰρ ἡ μεταβολὴ τῷ τάχει, καὶ περιεγίνετο παντὸς καθαρμοῦ τὸ πλῆθος. λέγεται δὲ τῶν μὲν πάνυ παλαιῶν Ἄκαστον φθειριάσαντα τὸν Πελίου τελευτῆσαι, τῶν δὲ ὑστέρων Ἀλκμᾶνα τὸν μελοποιὸν καὶ Φερεκύδην τὸν θεολόγον καὶ Καλλισθένη τὸν Ὀλύνθιον ἐν εἱρκτῇ φρουρούμενον, ἔτι δὲ Μούκιον τὸν νομικόν. 36.4. εἰ δὲ δεῖ καὶ τῶν ἀπʼ οὐδενὸς μὲν χρηστοῦ γνωρίμων δὲ ἄλλως ἐπιμνησθῆναι, λέγεται τὸν ἄρξαντα τοῦ δουλικοῦ πολέμου περὶ Σικελίαν δραπέτην, Εὔνουν ὄνομα, μετὰ τὴν ἅλωσιν εἰς Ῥώμην ἀγόμενον ὑπὸ φθειριάσεως ἀποθανεῖν. | 36.2. 36.3. 36.4. |
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37. Plutarch, Marius, 46.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 190 46.1. Πλάτων μὲν οὖν ἤδη πρὸς τῷ τελευτᾶν γενόμενος ὕμνει τὸν αὐτοῦ δαίμονα καὶ τὴν τύχην, ὅτι πρῶτον μὲν ἄνθρωπος, εἶτα Ἕλλην, οὐ βάρβαρος οὐδὲ ἄλογον τῇ φύσει θηρίον γένοιτο, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις, ὅτι τοῖς Σωκράτους χρόνοις ἀπήντησεν ἡ γένεσις αὐτοῦ. | 46.1. |
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38. Lucian, Octogenerians, 21 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 185 |
39. Maximus of Tyre, Dialexeis, 3, 8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 230 |
40. Tertullian, On The Soul, 46.9, 52.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 187, 189 |
41. Apuleius, On Plato, 1.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 187 |
42. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, 15.57.2-15.57.10 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 185 |
43. Censorinus, De Die Natali, 15.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 185 |
44. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 5.3.17, 5.4.110 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 181 |
45. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.30, 1.30.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 187, 192 1.30.3. Ἀκαδημίας δὲ οὐ πόρρω Πλάτωνος μνῆμά ἐστιν, ᾧ προεσήμαινεν ὁ θεὸς ἄριστον τὰ ἐς φιλοσοφίαν ἔσεσθαι· προεσήμαινε δὲ οὕτω. Σωκράτης τῇ προτέρᾳ νυκτὶ ἢ Πλάτων ἔμελλεν ἔσεσθαί οἱ μαθητὴς ἐσπτῆναί οἱ κύκνον ἐς τὸν κόλπον εἶδεν ὄνειρον· ἔστι δὲ κύκνῳ τῷ ὄρνιθι μουσικῆς δόξα, ὅτι Λιγύων τῶν Ἠριδανοῦ πέραν ὑπὲρ γῆς τῆς Κελτικῆς Κύκνον ἄνδρα μουσικὸν γενέσθαι βασιλέα φασί, τελευτήσαντα δὲ Ἀπόλλωνος γνώμῃ μεταβαλεῖν λέγουσιν αὐτὸν ἐς τὸν ὄρνιθα. ἐγὼ δὲ βασιλεῦσαι μὲν πείθομαι Λίγυσιν ἄνδρα μουσικόν, γενέσθαι δέ μοι ἄπιστον ὄρνιθα ἀπʼ ἀνδρός. | 1.30.3. Not far from the Academy is the monument of Plato, to whom heaven foretold that he would be the prince of philosophers. The manner of the foretelling was this. On the night before Plato was to become his pupil Socrates in a dream saw a swan fly into his bosom. Now the swan is a bird with a reputation for music, because, they say, a musician of the name of Swan became king of the Ligyes on the other side of the Eridanus beyond the Celtic territory, and after his death by the will of Apollo he was changed into the bird. I am ready to believe that a musician became king of the Ligyes, but I cannot believe that a bird grew out of a man. |
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46. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 13, 1 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 188 |
47. Aelian, Varia Historia, 4.19 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 185 |
48. Porphyry, On Abstinence, 1.36 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 192 | 1.36. 36.For we learn, that this conduct was adopted by some of the celebrated ancient Pythagoreans and wise men; some of whom dwelt in the most solitary places; but others in temples and sacred groves, from which, though they were in cities, all tumult and the multitude were expelled. But Plato chose to reside in the Academy, a place not only solitary and remote from the city, but which was also said to be insalubrious. Others have not spared even their eyes, through a desire of not being divulsed from the inward contemplation [of reality]. If some one, however, at the same time that he is conversant with men, and while he is filling his senses with the passions pertaining to them, should fancy that he can remain impassive, he is ignorant that he both deceives himself and those who are persuaded by him, nor does he see that we are enslaved to many passions, through not alienating ourselves from the multitude. For he did not speak vainly, and in such a way as to falsify the nature of [the Coryphaean] philosophers, who said of them, "These, therefore, from their youth, neither know the way to the forum, nor where the court of justice or senate-house is situated, or any common place of assembly belonging to the city. They likewise neither hear nor see laws, or decrees, whether orally promulgated or written. And as to the ardent endeavours of their companions to obtain magistracies, the associations of these, their banquets and wanton feastings, accompanied by pipers, these they do not even dream of accomplishing. But whether any thing in the city has happened well or ill, or what evil has befallen any one from his progenitors, whether male or female, these are more concealed from such a one, than, as it is said, how many |31 measures called choes the sea contains. And besides this, he is even ignorant that he is ignorant 15 of all these particulars. For he does not abstain from them for the sake of renown, but, in reality, his body only dwells, and is conversant in the city; but his reasoning power considering all these as trifling and of no value, "he is borne away", according to Pindar, "on all sides, and does not apply himself to anything which is near." SPAN |
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49. Nag Hammadi, The Gospel of Thomas, None (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 138 |
50. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.33, 1.72, 1.118, 2.120, 3.2, 3.5, 3.40-3.44, 4.4, 4.44, 5.5, 5.11-5.16, 5.51-5.57, 5.78, 5.91, 6.99, 7.184, 8.36-8.38, 9.43, 10.15 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 185, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192 | 1.33. The oracle which the Coans received was on this wise:Hephaestus cast the tripod in the sea;Until it quit the city there will beNo end to strife, until it reach the seerWhose wisdom makes past, present, future clear.That of the Milesians beginning Who shall possess the tripod? has been quoted above. So much for this version of the story.Hermippus in his Lives refers to Thales the story which is told by some of Socrates, namely, that he used to say there were three blessings for which he was grateful to Fortune: first, that I was born a human being and not one of the brutes; next, that I was born a man and not a woman; thirdly, a Greek and not a barbarian. 1.72. And this was a wise warning; for Demaratus, when an exile from Sparta, advised Xerxes to anchor his fleet off the island; and if Xerxes had taken the advice Greece would have been conquered. Later, in the Peloponnesian war, Nicias reduced the island and placed an Athenian garrison there, and did the Lacedaemonians much mischief.He was a man of few words; hence Aristagoras of Miletus calls this style of speaking Chilonean. . . . is of Branchus, founder of the temple at Branchidae. Chilon was an old man about the 52nd Olympiad, when Aesop the fabulist was flourishing. According to Hermippus, his death took place at Pisa, just after he had congratulated his son on an Olympic victory in boxing. It was due to excess of joy coupled with the weakness of a man stricken in years. And all present joined in the funeral procession.I have written an epitaph on him also, which runs as follows: 1.118. The man gave the message; a day later the Ephesians attacked and defeated the Magnesians; they found Pherecydes dead and buried him on the spot with great honours. Another version is that he came to Delphi and hurled himself down from Mount Corycus. But Aristoxenus in his work On Pythagoras and his School affirms that he died a natural death and was buried by Pythagoras in Delos; another account again is that he died of a verminous disease, that Pythagoras was also present and inquired how he was, that he thrust his finger through the doorway and exclaimed, My skin tells its own tale, a phrase subsequently applied by the grammarians as equivalent to getting worse, although some wrongly understand it to mean all is going well. 2.120. Nine dialogues of his are extant written in frigid style, Moschus, Aristippus or Callias, Ptolemy, Chaerecrates, Metrocles, Anaximenes, Epigenes, To his Daughter, Aristotle. Heraclides relates that Zeno, the founder of the Stoic school, was one of Stilpo's pupils; Hermippus that Stilpo died at a great age after taking wine to hasten his end.I have written an epitaph on him also:Surely you know Stilpo the Megarian; old age and then disease laid him low, a formidable pair. But he found in wine a charioteer too strong for that evil team; he quaffed it eagerly and was borne along.He was also ridiculed by Sophilus the Comic poet in his drama The Wedding:What Charinus says is just Stilpo's stoppers. 3.2. Speusippus in the work entitled Plato's Funeral Feast, Clearchus in his Encomium on Plato, and Anaxilaides in his second book On Philosophers, tell us that there was a story at Athens that Ariston made violent love to Perictione, then in her bloom, and failed to win her; and that, when he ceased to offer violence, Apollo appeared to him in a dream, whereupon he left her unmolested until her child was born.Apollodorus in his Chronology fixes the date of Plato's birth in the 88th Olympiad, on the seventh day of the month Thargelion, the same day on which the Delians say that Apollo himself was born. He died, according to Hermippus, at a wedding feast, in the first year of the 108th Olympiad, in his eightyfirst year. 3.5. and that he applied himself to painting and wrote poems, first dithyrambs, afterwards lyric poems and tragedies. He had, they say, a weak voice; this is confirmed by Timotheus the Athenian in his book On Lives. It is stated that Socrates in a dream saw a cygnet on his knees, which all at once put forth plumage, and flew away after uttering a loud sweet note. And the next day Plato was introduced as a pupil, and thereupon he recognized in him the swan of his dream.At first he used to study philosophy in the Academy, and afterwards in the garden at Colonus (as Alexander states in his Successions of Philosophers), as a follower of Heraclitus. Afterwards, when he was about to compete for the prize with a tragedy, he listened to Socrates in front of the theatre of Dionysus, and then consigned his poems to the flames, with the words:Come hither, O fire-god, Plato now has need of thee. 3.40. no one when asleep is good for anything. He also said that the truth is the pleasantest of sounds. Another version of this saying is that the pleasantest of all things is to speak the truth. Again, of truth he speaks thus in the Laws: Truth, O stranger, is a fair and durable thing. But it is a thing of which it is hard to persuade men. His wish always was to leave a memorial of himself behind, either in the hearts of his friends or in his books. He was himself fond of seclusion according to some authorities.His death, the circumstances of which have already been related, took place in the thirteenth year of the reign of King Philip, as stated by Favorinus in the third book of his Memorabilia, and according to Theopompus honours were paid to him at his death by Philip. But Myronianus in his Parallels says that Philo mentions some proverbs that were in circulation about Plato's lice, implying that this was the mode of his death. 3.41. He was buried in the Academy, where he spent the greatest part of his life in philosophical study. And hence the school which he founded was called the Academic school. And all the students there joined in the funeral procession. The terms of his will were as follows:These things have been left and devised by Plato: the estate in Iphistiadae, bounded on the north by the road from the sanctuary at Cephisia, on the south by the Heracleum in Iphistiadae, on the east by the property of Archestratus of Phrearrhi, on the west by that of Philippus of Chollidae: this it shall be unlawful for anyone to sell or alienate, but it shall be the property of the boy Adeimantus to all intents and purposes: 3.42. the estate in Eiresidae which I bought of Callimachus, bounded on the north by the property of Eurymedon of Myrrhinus, on the south by the property of Demostratus of Xypete, on the east by that of Eurymedon of Myrrhinus, and on the west by the Cephisus; three minae of silver; a silver vessel weighing 165 drachmas; a cup weighing 45 drachmas; a gold signet-ring and earring together weighing four drachmas and three obols. Euclides the lapidary owes me three minae. I enfranchise Artemis. I leave four household servants, Tychon, Bictas, Apollonides and Dionysius. 3.43. Household furniture, as set down in the inventory of which Demetrius has the duplicate. I owe no one anything. My executors are Leosthenes, Speusippus, Demetrius, Hegias, Eurymedon, Callimachus and Thrasippus.Such were the terms of his will. The following epitaphs were inscribed upon his tomb:Here lies the god-like man Aristocles, eminent among men for temperance and the justice of his character. And he, if ever anyone, had the fullest meed of praise for wisdom, and was too great for envy.Next: 3.44. Earth in her bosom here hides Plato's body, but his soul hath its immortal station with the blest, Ariston's son, whom every good man, even if he dwell afar off, honours because he discerned the divine life.And a third of later date:a. Eagle, why fly you o'er this tomb? Say, is your gaze fixed upon the starry house of one of the immortals?b. I am the image of the soul of Plato, which has soared to Olympus, while his earth-born body rests in Attic soil. 4.4. Plutarch in the Lives of Lysander and Sulla makes his malady to have been morbus pedicularis. That his body wasted away is affirmed by Timotheus in his book On Lives. Speusippus, he says, meeting a rich man who was in love with one who was no beauty, said to him, Why, pray, are you in such sore need of him? For ten talents I will find you a more handsome bride.He has left behind a vast store of memoirs and numerous dialogues, among them:Aristippus the Cyrenaic.On Wealth, one book.On Pleasure, one book.On Justice,On Philosophy,On Friendship,On the Gods,The Philosopher,A Reply to Cephalus,Cephalus,Clinomachus or Lysias,The Citizen,of the Soul,A Reply to Gryllus, 4.44. I have given Diogenes my will to be conveyed to you. For, owing to my frequent illnesses and the weak state of my body, I decided to make a will, in order that, if anything untoward should happen, you, who have been so devotedly attached to me, should not suffer by my decease. You are the most deserving of all those in this place to be entrusted with the will, on the score both of age and of relationship to me. Remember then that I have reposed the most absolute confidence in you, and strive to deal justly by me, in order that, so far as you are concerned, the provisions I have made may be carried out with fitting dignity. A copy is deposited at Athens with some of my acquaintance, and another in Eretria with Amphicritus.He died, according to Hermippus, through drinking too freely of unmixed wine which affected his reason; he was already seventy-five and regarded by the Athenians with unparalleled good-will. 5.5. But when Callisthenes talked with too much freedom to the king and disregarded his own advice, Aristotle is said to have rebuked him by citing the line:Short-lived, I ween, wilt thou be, my child, by what thou sayest.And so indeed it fell out. For he, being suspected of complicity in the plot of Hermolaus against the life of Alexander, was confined in an iron cage and carried about until he became infested with vermin through lack of proper attention; and finally he was thrown to a lion and so met his end.To return to Aristotle: he came to Athens, was head of his school for thirteen years, and then withdrew to Chalcis because he was indicted for impiety by Eurymedon the hierophant, or, according to Favorinus in his Miscellaneous History, by Demophilus, the ground of the charge being the hymn he composed to the aforesaid Hermias, 5.11. Theocritus of Chios, according to Ambryon in his book On Theocritus, ridiculed him in an epigram which runs as follows:To Hermias the eunuch, the slave withal of Eubulus, an empty monument was raised by empty-witted Aristotle, who by constraint of a lawless appetite chose to dwell at the mouth of the Borborus [muddy stream] rather than in the Academy.Timon again attacked him in the line:No, nor yet Aristotle's painful futility.Such then was the life of the philosopher. I have also come across his will, which is worded thus:All will be well; but, in case anything should happen, Aristotle has made these dispositions. Antipater is to be executor in all matters and in general; 5.12. but, until Nicanor shall arrive, Aristomenes, Timarchus, Hipparchus, Dioteles and (if he consent and if circumstances permit him) Theophrastus shall take charge as well of Herpyllis and the children as of the property. And when the girl shall be grown up she shall be given in marriage to Nicanor; but if anything happen to the girl (which heaven forbid and no such thing will happen) before her marriage, or when she is married but before there are children, Nicanor shall have full powers, both with regard to the child and with regard to everything else, to administer in a manner worthy both of himself and of us. Nicanor shall take charge of the girl and of the boy Nicomachus as he shall think fit in all that concerns them as if he were father and brother. And if anything should happen to Nicanor (which heaven forbid!) either before he marries the girl, or when he has married her but before there are children, any arrangements that he may make shall be valid. 5.13. And if Theophrastus is willing to live with her, he shall have the same rights as Nicanor. Otherwise the executors in consultation with Antipater shall administer as regards the daughter and the boy as seems to them to be best. The executors and Nicanor, in memory of me and of the steady affection which Herpyllis has borne towards me, shall take care of her in every other respect and, if she desires to be married, shall see that she be given to one not unworthy; and besides what she has already received they shall give her a talent of silver out of the estate and three handmaids whomsoever she shall choose besides the maid she has at present and the man-servant Pyrrhaeus; 5.14. and if she chooses to remain at Chalcis, the lodge by the garden, if in Stagira, my father's house. Whichever of these two houses she chooses, the executors shall furnish with such furniture as they think proper and as Herpyllis herself may approve. Nicanor shall take charge of the boy Myrmex, that he be taken to his own friends in a manner worthy of me with the property of his which we received. Ambracis shall be given her freedom, and on my daughter's marriage shall receive 500 drachmas and the maid whom she now has. And to Thale shall be given, in addition to the maid whom she has and who was bought, a thousand drachmas and a maid. 5.15. And Simon, in addition to the money before paid to him towards another servant, shall either have a servant purchased for him or receive a further sum of money. And Tycho, Philo, Olympius and his child shall have their freedom when my daughter is married. None of the servants who waited upon me shall be sold but they shall continue to be employed; and when they arrive at the proper age they shall have their freedom if they deserve it. My executors shall see to it, when the images which Gryllion has been commissioned to execute are finished, that they be set up, namely that of Nicanor, that of Proxenus, which it was my intention to have executed, and that of Nicanor's mother; also they shall set up the bust which has been executed of Arimnestus, to be a memorial of him seeing that he died childless, 5.16. and shall dedicate my mother's statue to Demeter at Nemea or wherever they think best. And wherever they bury me, there the bones of Pythias shall be laid, in accordance with her own instructions. And to commemorate Nicanor's safe return, as I vowed on his behalf, they shall set up in Stagira stone statues of life size to Zeus and Athena the Saviours.Such is the tenor of Aristotle's will. It is said that a very large number of dishes belonging to him were found, and that Lyco mentioned his bathing in a bath of warm oil and then selling the oil. Some relate that he placed a skin of warm oil on his stomach, and that, when he went to sleep, a bronze ball was placed in his hand with a vessel under it, in order that, when the ball dropped from his hand into the vessel, he might be waked up by the sound. 5.51. I have also come across his will, couched in the following terms:All will be well; but in case anything should happen, I make these dispositions. I give and bequeath all my property at home to Melantes and Pancreon, the sons of Leon. It is my wish that out of the trust funds at the disposal of Hipparchus the following appropriations should be made. First, they should be applied to finish the rebuilding of the Museum with the statues of the goddesses, and to add any improvements which seem practicable to beautify them. Secondly, to replace in the sanctuary the bust of Aristotle with the rest of the dedicated offerings which formerly were in the sanctuary. Next, to rebuild the small stoa adjoining the Museum at least as handsomely as before, and to replace in the lower stoa the tablets containing maps of the countries traversed by explorers. 5.52. Further, to repair the altar so that it may be perfect and elegant. It is also my wish that the statue of Nicomachus should be completed of life size. The price agreed upon for the making of the statue itself has been paid to Praxiteles, but the rest of the cost should be defrayed from the source above mentioned. The statue should be set up in whatever place seems desirable to the executors entrusted with carrying out my other testamentary dispositions. Let all that concerns the sanctuary and the offerings set up be arranged in this manner. The estate at Stagira belonging to me I give and bequeath to Callinus. All the books I give to Neleus. The garden and the walk and the houses adjoining the garden, all and sundry, I give and bequeath to such of my friends hereinafter named as may wish to study literature and philosophy there in common, 5.53. ince it is not possible for all men to be always in residence, on condition that no one alienates the property or devotes it to his private use, but so that they hold it like a sanctuary in joint possession and live, as is right and proper, on terms of familiarity and friendship. Let the community consist of Hipparchus, Neleus, Strato, Callinus, Demotimus, Demaratus, Callisthenes, Melantes, Pancreon, Nicippus. Aristotle, the son of Metrodorus and Pythias, shall also have the right to study and associate with them if he so desire. And the oldest of them shall pay every attention to him, in order to ensure for him the utmost proficiency in philosophy. Let me be buried in any spot in the garden which seems most suitable, without unnecessary outlay upon my funeral or upon my monument. 5.54. And according to previous agreement let the charge of attending, after my decease, to the sanctuary and the monument and the garden and the walk be shared by Pompylus in person, living close by as he does, and exercising the same supervision over all other matters as before; and those who hold the property shall watch over his interests. Pompylus and Threpta have long been emancipated and have done me much service; and I think that 2000 drachmas certainly ought to belong to them from previous payments made to them by me, from their own earnings, and my present bequest to them to be paid by Hipparchus, as I stated many times in conversation with Melantes and Pancreon themselves, who agreed with me. I give and bequeath to them the maidservant Somatale. 5.55. And of my slaves I at once emancipate Molon and Timon and Parmeno; to Manes and Callias I give their freedom on condition that they stay four years in the garden and work there together and that their conduct is free from blame. of my household furniture let so much as the executors think right be given to Pompylus and let the rest be sold. I also devise Carion to Demotimus, and Donax to Neleus. But Euboeus must be sold. Let Hipparchus pay to Callinus 3000 drachmas. And if I had not seen that Hipparchus had done great service to Melantes and Pancreon and formerly to me, and that now in his private affairs he has made shipwreck, I would have appointed him jointly with Melantes and Pancreon to carry out my wishes. 5.56. But, since I saw that it was not easy for them to share the management with him, and I thought it more advantageous for them to receive a fixed sum from Hipparchus, let Hipparchus pay Melantes and Pancreon one talent each and let Hipparchus provide funds for the executors to defray the expenses set down in the will, as each disbursement falls due. And when Hipparchus shall have carried out all these injunctions, he shall be released in full from his liabilities to me. And any advance that he has made in Chalcis in my name belongs to him alone. Let Hipparchus, Neleus, Strato, Callinus, Demotimus, Callisthenes and Ctesarchus be executors to carry out the terms of the will. 5.57. One copy of the will, sealed with the signet-ring of Theophrastus, is deposited with Hegesias, the son of Hipparchus, the witnesses being Callippus of Pallene, Philomelus of Euonymaea, Lysander of Hyba, and Philo of Alopece. Olympiodorus has another copy, the witnesses being the same. The third copy was received by Adeimantus, the bearer being Androsthenes junior; and the witnesses are Arimnestus the son of Cleobulus, Lysistratus the son of Pheidon of Thasos, Strato the son of Arcesilaus of Lampsacus, Thesippus the son of Thesippus of Cerameis, and Dioscurides the son of Dionysius of Epicephisia.Such is the tenor of his will.There are some who say that Erasistratus the physician was also a pupil of his, and it is not improbable. 5.78. And in the official list the year in which he was archon was styled the year of lawlessness, according to this same Favorinus.Hermippus tells us that upon the death of Casander, being in fear of Antigonus, he fled to Ptolemy Soter. There he spent a considerable time and advised Ptolemy, among other things, to invest with sovereign power his children by Eurydice. To this Ptolemy would not agree, but bestowed the diadem on his son by Berenice, who, after Ptolemy's death, thought fit to detain Demetrius as a prisoner in the country until some decision should be taken concerning him. There he lived in great dejection, and somehow, in his sleep, received an asp-bite on the hand which proved fatal. He is buried in the district of Busiris near Diospolis. 5.91. Hermippus relates that, when their territory was visited by famine, the people of Heraclea besought the Pythian priestess for relief, but Heraclides bribed the sacred envoys as well as the aforesaid priestess to reply that they would be rid of the calamity if Heraclides, the son of Euthyphro, were crowned with a crown of gold in his lifetime and after his death received heroic honours. The pretended oracle was brought home, but its forgers got nothing by it. For directly Heraclides was crowned in the theatre, he was seized with apoplexy, whereupon the envoys to the oracle were stoned to death. Moreover, at the very same time the Pythian priestess, after she had gone down to the shrine and taken her seat, was bitten by one of the snakes and died instantly. Such are the tales told about his death. 6.99. 8. MENIPPUSMenippus, also a Cynic, was by descent a Phoenician – a slave, as Achacus in his treatise on Ethics says. Diocles further informs us that his master was a citizen of Pontus and was named Baton. But as avarice made him very resolute in begging, he succeeded in becoming a Theban.There is no seriousness in him; but his books overflow with laughter, much the same as those of his contemporary Meleager.Hermippus says that he lent out money by the day and got a nickname from doing so. For he used to make loans on bottomry and take security, thus accumulating a large fortune. 7.184. At last, however, – so we are told by Sotion in his eighth book, – he joined Arcesilaus and Lacydes and studied philosophy under them in the Academy. And this explains his arguing at one time against, and at another in support of, ordinary experience, and his use of the method of the Academy when treating of magnitudes and numbers.On one occasion, as Hermippus relates, when he had his school in the Odeum, he was invited by his pupils to a sacrificial feast. There after he had taken a draught of sweet wine unmixed with water, he was seized with di7iness and departed this life five days afterwards, having reached the age of seventy-three years, in the 143rd Olympiad. This is the date given by Apollodorus in his Chronology. I have toyed with the subject in the following verses:Chrysippus turned giddy after gulping down a draught of Bacchus; he spared not the Stoa nor his country nor his own life, but fared straight to the house of Hades. 8.36. This is what Alexander says that he found in the Pythagorean memoirs. What follows is Aristotle's.But Pythagoras's great dignity not even Timon overlooked, who, although he digs at him in his Silli, speaks ofPythagoras, inclined to witching works and ways,Man-snarer, fond of noble periphrase.Xenophanes confirms the statement about his having been different people at different times in the elegiacs beginning:Now other thoughts, another path, I show.What he says of him is as follows:They say that, passing a belaboured whelp,He, full of pity, spake these words of dole:Stay, smite not ! 'Tis a friend, a human soul;I knew him straight whenas I heard him yelp ! 8.37. Thus Xenophanes. But Cratinus also lampooned him both in the Pythagorizing Woman and also in The Tarentines, where we read:They are wont,If haply they a foreigner do find,To hold a cross-examinationof doctrines' worth, to trouble and confound himWith terms, equations, and antithesesBrain-bung'd with magnitudes and periphrases.Again, Mnesimachus in the Alcmaeon:To Loxias we sacrifice: Pythagoras his rite,of nothing that is animate we ever take a bite. 8.38. And Aristophon in the Pythagorist:a. He told how he travelled in Hades and looked on the dwellers below,How each of them lives, but how different by far from the lives of the deadWere the lives of the Pythagoreans, for these alone, so he said,Were suffered to dine with King Pluto, which was for their piety's sake.b. What an ill-tempered god for whom such swine, such creatures good company make;and in the same later:Their food is just greens, and to wet it pure water is all that they drink;And the want of a bath, and the vermin, and their old threadbare coats so do stinkThat none of the rest will come near them. 9.43. of the death of Democritus the account given by Hermippus is as follows. When he was now very old and near his end, his sister was vexed that he seemed likely to die during the festival of Thesmophoria and she would be prevented from paying the fitting worship to the goddess. He bade her be of good cheer and ordered hot loaves to be brought to him every day. By applying these to his nostrils he contrived to outlive the festival; and as soon as the three festival days were passed he let his life go from him without pain, having then, according to Hipparchus, attained his one hundred and ninth year.In my Pammetros I have a piece on him as follows:Pray who was so wise, who wrought so vast a work as the omniscient Democritus achieved? When Death was near, for three days he kept him in his house and regaled him with the steam of hot loaves.Such was the life of our philosopher. 10.15. When he was thirty-two he founded a school of philosophy, first in Mitylene and Lampsacus, and then five years later removed to Athens, where he died in the second year of the 127th Olympiad, in the archonship of Pytharatus, at the age of seventy-two; and Hermarchus the son of Agemortus, a Mitylenaean, took over the School. Epicurus died of renal calculus after an illness which lasted a fortnight: so Hermarchus tells us in his letters. Hermippus relates that he entered a bronze bath of lukewarm water and asked for unmixed wine, which he swallowed, |
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51. Iamblichus, Life of Pythagoras, 2.7 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 186 |
52. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 3.19.17 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 190 |
53. Damaskios, Vita Isidori, 274 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 188 |
54. Boethius, De Consolatione, 4.6 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 198 |
55. Damaskios, Vita Isidori (Ap. Photium, Bibl. Codd. 181, 242), 274 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 188 |
56. Olympiodorus The Younger of Alexandria, In Platonis Alcibiadem Commentarii, 2.30-2.31, 2.83, 2.156-2.162, 2.165 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 187, 192 |
57. Anon., Gospel of Thomas, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 138 |
58. Euripides, Palamedes, 578, 580, 588, 584 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 181 |
59. Papyrus Insinger, Papyrus Insinger, 29.11, 33.2, 33.6 Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 164 |
60. Stoic School, Stoicor. Veter. Fragm., 1.560, 3.698 Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 181 |
61. Various, Anthologia Latina, 7.60-7.61 Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 192 |
62. Ephiphanius, Panarion, 56 Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 92 |
63. Mara Bar Sarapion, Letter, 10, 12-17, 20, 26-29, 3, 30, 5-9, 18 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 92, 133, 135, 137, 138, 164, 171, 180, 183, 192, 203, 207, 208, 229 |
65. Aelius Aristides, Contra Platonem, 260 Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 180 |
66. Bardaisan, Ed. Patrologia Syriaca, 2.536 Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 224 |
67. Various, Fgrh, 84, 244 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 186 |
68. Anon., Prolegomena, 1.22-1.32, 1.42-1.44, 2.5-2.8, 6.1-6.7 Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 185, 186, 187 |
69. Philodemus, Col., 2.35-2.36, 15.1-15.19 Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 185, 187 |
70. Aristoxenus of Tarentum, Fr., 51-68 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 189 |
72. Hebrew Bible, Qoh., 7.11-7.12, 9.1 Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 161, 164 |
73. Stobaeus, Johannes, None Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 188 |
74. Anon., Euphemia And The Goth, 68.12 Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 224 |
75. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, De Compositione Verborum, 25.211 Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 185 |
76. Hermippus, Fr, 41 Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 185 |
77. Valerimus Maximus, Deeds And Sayings, 8.7 Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 185 |
78. Favorinus of Arelate, De Fortuna, 17 Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 191 |
80. Anon., Sibylline Books, 3.364, 4.91 Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 133 |
81. Pseudo-Menander, Pseudo-Menander, 66 Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 162 |
82. Ancient Near Eastern Texts, Instruction of Ankhsheshonqy, 11.23, 20.6, 26.11 Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 164 |
83. Ignatius of Antioch, Vita Pythagorica, 31 Tagged with subjects: •death of philosophers, in mara’s letter and other literature Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 195 |
84. Pseudo-Phocylides, The Sentences of Pseudo-Phocylides, 109-110 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Merz and Tieleman (2012), Ambrosiaster's Political Theology, 162 |