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Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

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111 results for "death"
1. Hesiod, Works And Days, 565-570, 564 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 105
564. The house, when in his cold and dreadful place
2. Hesiod, Theogony, 277, 792-805, 948-949, 947 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 17
947. For they are sent by the gods and are to all
3. Homeric Hymns, To Demeter, 197-201, 345-356 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 309
356. What she had done. He sent immediately
4. Homer, Odyssey, 5.334-5.335, 11.321-11.325, 17.485-17.487 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 17, 136, 309
5. Homer, Iliad, 1.590-1.594, 6.132, 11.454, 18.102, 18.394-18.398, 18.405, 18.570-18.572, 24.82 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 11, 102, 106, 133, 137, 343
1.590. / he caught me by the foot and hurled me from the heavenly threshold; the whole day long I was carried headlong, and at sunset I fell in Lemnos, and but little life was in me. There the Sintian folk quickly tended me for my fall. So he spoke, and the goddess, white-armed Hera, smiled, 1.591. / he caught me by the foot and hurled me from the heavenly threshold; the whole day long I was carried headlong, and at sunset I fell in Lemnos, and but little life was in me. There the Sintian folk quickly tended me for my fall. So he spoke, and the goddess, white-armed Hera, smiled, 1.592. / he caught me by the foot and hurled me from the heavenly threshold; the whole day long I was carried headlong, and at sunset I fell in Lemnos, and but little life was in me. There the Sintian folk quickly tended me for my fall. So he spoke, and the goddess, white-armed Hera, smiled, 1.593. / he caught me by the foot and hurled me from the heavenly threshold; the whole day long I was carried headlong, and at sunset I fell in Lemnos, and but little life was in me. There the Sintian folk quickly tended me for my fall. So he spoke, and the goddess, white-armed Hera, smiled, 1.594. / he caught me by the foot and hurled me from the heavenly threshold; the whole day long I was carried headlong, and at sunset I fell in Lemnos, and but little life was in me. There the Sintian folk quickly tended me for my fall. So he spoke, and the goddess, white-armed Hera, smiled, 6.132. / Nay, for even the son of Dryas, mighty Lycurgus, lived not long, seeing that he strove with heavenly gods—he that on a time drave down over the sacred mount of Nysa the nursing mothers of mad Dionysus; and they all let fall to the ground their wands, smitten with an ox-goad by man-slaying Lycurgus. 11.454. / Ah Socus, son of wise-hearted Hippasus, tamer of horses, the end of death has been too quick in coming upon thee; thou hast not escaped it. Ah poor wretch, thy father and queenly mother shall not close thine eyes in death, but the birds that eat raw flesh shall rend thee, beating their wings thick and fast about thee; 18.102. / hath he fallen, and had need of me to be a warder off of ruin. Now therefore, seeing I return not to my dear native land, neither proved anywise a light of deliverance to Patroclus nor to my other comrades, those many that have been slain by goodly Hector, but abide here by the ships. Profitless burden upon the earth— 18.394. / a beautiful chair, richly-wrought, and beneath was a footstool for the feet; and she called to Hephaestus, the famed craftsman, and spake to him, saying:Hephaestus, come forth hither; Thetis hath need of thee. And the famous god of the two strong arms answered her:Verily then a dread and honoured goddess is within my halls, 18.395. / even she that saved me when pain was come upon me after I had fallen afar through the will of my shameless mother, that was fain to hide me away by reason of my lameness. Then had I suffered woes in heart, had not Eurynome and Thetis received me into their bosom—Eurynome, daughter of backward-flowing Oceanus. 18.396. / even she that saved me when pain was come upon me after I had fallen afar through the will of my shameless mother, that was fain to hide me away by reason of my lameness. Then had I suffered woes in heart, had not Eurynome and Thetis received me into their bosom—Eurynome, daughter of backward-flowing Oceanus. 18.397. / even she that saved me when pain was come upon me after I had fallen afar through the will of my shameless mother, that was fain to hide me away by reason of my lameness. Then had I suffered woes in heart, had not Eurynome and Thetis received me into their bosom—Eurynome, daughter of backward-flowing Oceanus. 18.398. / even she that saved me when pain was come upon me after I had fallen afar through the will of my shameless mother, that was fain to hide me away by reason of my lameness. Then had I suffered woes in heart, had not Eurynome and Thetis received me into their bosom—Eurynome, daughter of backward-flowing Oceanus. 18.405. / but Thetis knew and Eurynome, even they that saved me. And now is Thetis come to my house; wherefore it verily behoveth me to pay unto fair-tressed Thetis the full price for the saving of my life. But do thou set before her fair entertainment, while I put aside my bellows and all my tools. 18.570. / and thereto sang sweetly the Linos-song with his delicate voice; and his fellows beating the earth in unison therewith followed on with bounding feet mid dance and shoutings.And therein he wrought a herd of straight-horned kine: the kine were fashioned of gold and tin, 18.571. / and thereto sang sweetly the Linos-song with his delicate voice; and his fellows beating the earth in unison therewith followed on with bounding feet mid dance and shoutings.And therein he wrought a herd of straight-horned kine: the kine were fashioned of gold and tin, 18.572. / and thereto sang sweetly the Linos-song with his delicate voice; and his fellows beating the earth in unison therewith followed on with bounding feet mid dance and shoutings.And therein he wrought a herd of straight-horned kine: the kine were fashioned of gold and tin, 24.82. / Down sped she to the depths hike a plummet of lead, the which, set upon the horn of an ox of the field, goeth down bearing death to the ravenous fishes. And she found Thetis in the hollow cave, and round about her other goddesses of the sea sat in a throng, and she in their midst
6. Alcaeus, Fragments, None (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 146
7. Alcaeus, Fragments, None (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 146
8. Pindar, Olympian Odes, 1.26-1.27, 1.47-1.53 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 114
9. Aeschylus, Seven Against Thebes, 699 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 12
699. σῃ βίον εὖ κυρήσας· μελάναιγις δʼ· οὐκ
10. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 827 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 12
827. ὑπερθορὼν δὲ πύργον ὠμηστὴς λέων 827. And, vaulting o’er the tower, the raw-flesh-feeding
11. Heraclitus of Ephesus, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 175
12. Theopompus of Chios, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 40
13. Plato, Phaedo, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 146
69c. κάθαρσίς τις τῶν τοιούτων πάντων καὶ ἡ σωφροσύνη καὶ ἡ δικαιοσύνη καὶ ἀνδρεία, καὶ αὐτὴ ἡ φρόνησις μὴ καθαρμός τις ᾖ. καὶ κινδυνεύουσι καὶ οἱ τὰς τελετὰς ἡμῖν οὗτοι καταστήσαντες οὐ φαῦλοί τινες εἶναι, ἀλλὰ τῷ ὄντι πάλαι αἰνίττεσθαι ὅτι ὃς ἂν ἀμύητος καὶ ἀτέλεστος εἰς Ἅιδου ἀφίκηται ἐν βορβόρῳ κείσεται, ὁ δὲ κεκαθαρμένος τε καὶ τετελεσμένος ἐκεῖσε ἀφικόμενος μετὰ θεῶν οἰκήσει. εἰσὶν γὰρ δή, ὥς φασιν οἱ περὶ τὰς τελετάς, ναρθηκοφόροι 69c. from all these things, and self-restraint and justice and courage and wisdom itself are a kind of purification. And I fancy that those men who established the mysteries were not unenlightened, but in reality had a hidden meaning when they said long ago that whoever goes uninitiated and unsanctified to the other world will lie in the mire, but he who arrives there initiated and purified will dwell with the gods. For as they say in the mysteries, the thyrsus-bearers are many, but the mystics few ;
14. Euripides, Alcestis, 358-362, 962-972, 357 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 153
15. Euripides, Bacchae, 10, 101-104, 1079, 1089, 109, 11, 110, 1124, 1139-1143, 1145, 1194-1196, 12, 120-129, 13, 130-134, 1349, 1389-1390, 14, 142-143, 15-17, 176-177, 18-19, 195, 20-22, 225-232, 278-284, 286-299, 305, 308, 312-314, 366, 41-42, 471-475, 478, 48, 486, 49, 493, 498, 50, 500, 511-514, 516, 53-54, 541, 543-545, 55-59, 6, 608-609, 616-631, 697-698, 7, 704-711, 726, 757-758, 767-768, 794-797, 8, 82, 827-838, 850-854, 861, 9, 912-913, 725 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 282
725. Ἴακχον ἀθρόῳ στόματι τὸν Διὸς γόνον
16. Euripides, Cyclops, 68-69, 71, 70 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 282
70. δὰν μέλπω πρὸς τὰν ̓Αφροδί-
17. Euripides, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 282
18. Euripides, Hecuba, 841, 1119 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 12
1119. παῖδάς τε τούσδ' ἔκτεινεν; ἦ μέγαν χόλον
19. Euripides, Hercules Furens, 613, 531 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 343
20. Herodotus, Histories, 2.29, 2.38, 2.42, 2.47-2.49, 2.48.2, 2.52, 2.61.1, 2.73, 2.81, 2.81.2, 2.123, 2.144-2.146, 2.153, 2.156, 2.171, 3.27-3.28, 4.70-4.80 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 134, 148, 253, 422, 423, 426, 478
2.29. I was unable to learn anything from anyone else, but this much further I did learn by the most extensive investigation that I could make, going as far as the city of Elephantine to look myself, and beyond that by question and hearsay. ,Beyond Elephantine, as one travels inland, the land rises. Here one must pass with the boat roped on both sides as men harness an ox; and if the rope breaks, the boat will be carried away by the strength of the current. ,This part of the river is a four days' journey by boat, and the Nile here is twisty just as the Maeander ; a distance of twelve schoeni must be passed in the foregoing manner. After that, you come to a level plain, where there is an island in the Nile , called Takhompso. ,The country above Elephantine now begins to be inhabited by Ethiopians: half the people of the island are Ethiopians, and half Egyptians. Near the island is a great lake, on whose shores live nomadic Ethiopians. After crossing this, you come to the stream of the Nile , which empties into this lake. ,Then you disembark and journey along the river bank for forty days; for there are sharp projecting rocks in the Nile and many reefs, through which no boat can pass. ,Having traversed this part in forty days as I have said, you take boat again and so travel for twelve days until you come to a great city called Meroe , which is said to be the capital of all Ethiopia . ,The people of the place worship no other gods but Zeus and Dionysus; these they greatly honor, and they have a place of divination sacred to Zeus; they send out armies whenever and wherever this god through his oracle commands them. 2.38. They believe that bulls belong to Epaphus, and for this reason scrutinize them as follows; if they see even one black hair on them, the bull is considered impure. ,One of the priests, appointed to the task, examines the beast, making it stand and lie, and drawing out its tongue, to determine whether it is clean of the stated signs which I shall indicate hereafter. He looks also to the hairs of the tail, to see if they grow naturally. ,If it is clean in all these respects, the priest marks it by wrapping papyrus around the horns, then smears it with sealing-earth and stamps it with his ring; and after this they lead the bull away. But the penalty is death for sacrificing a bull that the priest has not marked. Such is the manner of approving the beast; I will now describe how it is sacrificed. 2.42. All that have a temple of Zeus of Thebes or are of the Theban district sacrifice goats, but will not touch sheep. ,For no gods are worshipped by all Egyptians in common except Isis and Osiris, who they say is Dionysus; these are worshipped by all alike. Those who have a temple of Mendes or are of the Mendesian district sacrifice sheep, but will not touch goats. ,The Thebans, and those who by the Theban example will not touch sheep, give the following reason for their ordice: they say that Heracles wanted very much to see Zeus and that Zeus did not want to be seen by him, but that finally, when Heracles prayed, Zeus contrived ,to show himself displaying the head and wearing the fleece of a ram which he had flayed and beheaded. It is from this that the Egyptian images of Zeus have a ram's head; and in this, the Egyptians are imitated by the Ammonians, who are colonists from Egypt and Ethiopia and speak a language compounded of the tongues of both countries. ,It was from this, I think, that the Ammonians got their name, too; for the Egyptians call Zeus “Amon”. The Thebans, then, consider rams sacred for this reason, and do not sacrifice them. ,But one day a year, at the festival of Zeus, they cut in pieces and flay a single ram and put the fleece on the image of Zeus, as in the story; then they bring an image of Heracles near it. Having done this, all that are at the temple mourn for the ram, and then bury it in a sacred coffin. 2.47. Swine are held by the Egyptians to be unclean beasts. In the first place, if an Egyptian touches a hog in passing, he goes to the river and dips himself in it, clothed as he is; and in the second place, swineherds, though native born Egyptians, are alone of all men forbidden to enter any Egyptian temple; nor will any give a swineherd his daughter in marriage, nor take a wife from their women; but swineherds intermarry among themselves. ,Nor do the Egyptians think it right to sacrifice swine to any god except the Moon and Dionysus; to these, they sacrifice their swine at the same time, in the same season of full moon; then they eat the meat. The Egyptians have an explanation of why they sacrifice swine at this festival, yet abominate them at others; I know it, but it is not fitting that I relate it. ,But this is how they sacrifice swine to the Moon: the sacrificer lays the end of the tail and the spleen and the caul together and covers them up with all the fat that he finds around the belly, then consigns it all to the fire; as for the rest of the flesh, they eat it at the time of full moon when they sacrifice the victim; but they will not taste it on any other day. Poor men, with but slender means, mold swine out of dough, which they then take and sacrifice. 2.48. To Dionysus, on the evening of his festival, everyone offers a piglet which he kills before his door and then gives to the swineherd who has sold it, for him to take away. ,The rest of the festival of Dionysus is observed by the Egyptians much as it is by the Greeks, except for the dances; but in place of the phallus, they have invented the use of puppets two feet high moved by strings, the male member nodding and nearly as big as the rest of the body, which are carried about the villages by women; a flute-player goes ahead, the women follow behind singing of Dionysus. ,Why the male member is so large and is the only part of the body that moves, there is a sacred legend that explains. 2.48.2. The rest of the festival of Dionysus is observed by the Egyptians much as it is by the Greeks, except for the dances; but in place of the phallus, they have invented the use of puppets two feet high moved by strings, the male member nodding and nearly as big as the rest of the body, which are carried about the villages by women; a flute-player goes ahead, the women follow behind singing of Dionysus. 2.49. Now then, it seems to me that Melampus son of Amytheon was not ignorant of but was familiar with this sacrifice. For Melampus was the one who taught the Greeks the name of Dionysus and the way of sacrificing to him and the phallic procession; he did not exactly unveil the subject taking all its details into consideration, for the teachers who came after him made a fuller revelation; but it was from him that the Greeks learned to bear the phallus along in honor of Dionysus, and they got their present practice from his teaching. ,I say, then, that Melampus acquired the prophetic art, being a discerning man, and that, besides many other things which he learned from Egypt , he also taught the Greeks things concerning Dionysus, altering few of them; for I will not say that what is done in Egypt in connection with the god and what is done among the Greeks originated independently: for they would then be of an Hellenic character and not recently introduced. ,Nor again will I say that the Egyptians took either this or any other custom from the Greeks. But I believe that Melampus learned the worship of Dionysus chiefly from Cadmus of Tyre and those who came with Cadmus from Phoenicia to the land now called Boeotia . 2.52. Formerly, in all their sacrifices, the Pelasgians called upon gods without giving name or appellation to any (I know this, because I was told at Dodona ); for as yet they had not heard of such. They called them gods from the fact that, besides setting everything in order, they maintained all the dispositions. ,Then, after a long while, first they learned the names of the rest of the gods, which came to them from Egypt , and, much later, the name of Dionysus; and presently they asked the oracle at Dodona about the names; for this place of divination, held to be the most ancient in Hellas , was at that time the only one. ,When the Pelasgians, then, asked at Dodona whether they should adopt the names that had come from foreign parts, the oracle told them to use the names. From that time onwards they used the names of the gods in their sacrifices; and the Greeks received these later from the Pelasgians. 2.61.1. This is what they do there; I have already described how they keep the feast of Isis at Busiris. There, after the sacrifice, all the men and women lament, in countless numbers; but it is not pious for me to say who it is for whom they lament. 2.73. There is another sacred bird, too, whose name is phoenix. I myself have never seen it, only pictures of it; for the bird seldom comes into Egypt : once in five hundred years, as the people of Heliopolis say. ,It is said that the phoenix comes when his father dies. If the picture truly shows his size and appearance, his plumage is partly golden and partly red. He is most like an eagle in shape and size. ,What they say this bird manages to do is incredible to me. Flying from Arabia to the temple of the sun, they say, he conveys his father encased in myrrh and buries him at the temple of the Sun. ,This is how he conveys him: he first molds an egg of myrrh as heavy as he can carry, then tries lifting it, and when he has tried it, he then hollows out the egg and puts his father into it, and plasters over with more myrrh the hollow of the egg into which he has put his father, which is the same in weight with his father lying in it, and he conveys him encased to the temple of the Sun in Egypt . This is what they say this bird does. 2.81. They wear linen tunics with fringes hanging about the legs, called “calasiris,” and loose white woolen mantles over these. But nothing woolen is brought into temples, or buried with them: that is impious. ,They agree in this with practices called Orphic and Bacchic, but in fact Egyptian and Pythagorean: for it is impious, too, for one partaking of these rites to be buried in woolen wrappings. There is a sacred legend about this. 2.81.2. They agree in this with practices called Orphic and Bacchic, but in fact Egyptian and Pythagorean: for it is impious, too, for one partaking of these rites to be buried in woolen wrappings. There is a sacred legend about this. 2.123. These Egyptian stories are for the benefit of whoever believes such tales: my rule in this history is that I record what is said by all as I have heard it. The Egyptians say that Demeter and Dionysus are the rulers of the lower world. ,The Egyptians were the first who maintained the following doctrine, too, that the human soul is immortal, and at the death of the body enters into some other living thing then coming to birth; and after passing through all creatures of land, sea, and air, it enters once more into a human body at birth, a cycle which it completes in three thousand years. ,There are Greeks who have used this doctrine, some earlier and some later, as if it were their own; I know their names, but do not record them. 2.144. Thus they showed that all those whose statues stood there had been good men, but quite unlike gods. ,Before these men, they said, the rulers of Egypt were gods, but none had been contemporary with the human priests. of these gods one or another had in succession been supreme; the last of them to rule the country was Osiris' son Horus, whom the Greeks call Apollo; he deposed Typhon, and was the last divine king of Egypt . Osiris is, in the Greek language, Dionysus. 2.145. Among the Greeks, Heracles, Dionysus, and Pan are held to be the youngest of the gods. But in Egypt , Pan is the most ancient of these and is one of the eight gods who are said to be the earliest of all; Heracles belongs to the second dynasty (that of the so-called twelve gods); and Dionysus to the third, which came after the twelve. ,How many years there were between Heracles and the reign of Amasis, I have already shown; Pan is said to be earlier still; the years between Dionysus and Amasis are the fewest, and they are reckoned by the Egyptians at fifteen thousand. ,The Egyptians claim to be sure of all this, since they have reckoned the years and chronicled them in writing. ,Now the Dionysus who was called the son of Semele, daughter of Cadmus, was about sixteen hundred years before my time, and Heracles son of Alcmene about nine hundred years; and Pan the son of Penelope (for according to the Greeks Penelope and Hermes were the parents of Pan) was about eight hundred years before me, and thus of a later date than the Trojan war. 2.146. With regard to these two, Pan and Dionysus, one may follow whatever story one thinks most credible; but I give my own opinion concerning them here. Had Dionysus son of Semele and Pan son of Penelope appeared in Hellas and lived there to old age, like Heracles the son of Amphitryon, it might have been said that they too (like Heracles) were but men, named after the older Pan and Dionysus, the gods of antiquity; ,but as it is, the Greek story has it that no sooner was Dionysus born than Zeus sewed him up in his thigh and carried him away to Nysa in Ethiopia beyond Egypt ; and as for Pan, the Greeks do not know what became of him after his birth. It is therefore plain to me that the Greeks learned the names of these two gods later than the names of all the others, and trace the birth of both to the time when they gained the knowledge. 2.153. Having made himself master of all Egypt , he made the southern outer court of Hephaestus' temple at Memphis , and built facing this a court for Apis, where Apis is kept and fed whenever he appears; this court has an inner colonnade all around it and many cut figures; the roof is held up by great statues twenty feet high for pillars. Apis in Greek is Epaphus. 2.156. Thus, then, the shrine is the most marvellous of all the things that I saw in this temple; but of things of second rank, the most wondrous is the island called Khemmis . ,This lies in a deep and wide lake near the temple at Buto , and the Egyptians say that it floats. I never saw it float, or move at all, and I thought it a marvellous tale, that an island should truly float. ,However that may be, there is a great shrine of Apollo on it, and three altars stand there; many palm trees grow on the island, and other trees too, some yielding fruit and some not. ,This is the story that the Egyptians tell to explain why the island moves: that on this island that did not move before, Leto, one of the eight gods who first came to be, who was living at Buto where this oracle of hers is, taking charge of Apollo from Isis, hid him for safety in this island which is now said to float, when Typhon came hunting through the world, keen to find the son of Osiris. ,Apollo and Artemis were (they say) children of Dionysus and Isis, and Leto was made their nurse and preserver; in Egyptian, Apollo is Horus, Demeter Isis, Artemis Bubastis. ,It was from this legend and no other that Aeschylus son of Euphorion took a notion which is in no poet before him: that Artemis was the daughter of Demeter. For this reason the island was made to float. So they say. 2.171. On this lake they enact by night the story of the god's sufferings, a rite which the Egyptians call the Mysteries. I could say more about this, for I know the truth, but let me preserve a discreet silence. ,Let me preserve a discreet silence, too, concerning that rite of Demeter which the Greeks call date Thesmophoria /date , except as much of it as I am not forbidden to mention. ,The daughters of Danaus were those who brought this rite out of Egypt and taught it to the Pelasgian women; afterwards, when the people of the Peloponnese were driven out by the Dorians, it was lost, except in so far as it was preserved by the Arcadians, the Peloponnesian people which was not driven out but left in its home. 3.27. When Cambyses was back at Memphis , there appeared in Egypt that Apis whom the Greeks call Epaphus; at whose epiphany the Egyptians put on their best clothing and held a festival. ,Seeing the Egyptians so doing, Cambyses was fully persuaded that these signs of joy were for his misfortunes, and summoned the rulers of Memphis ; when they came before him, he asked them why the Egyptians behaved so at the moment he returned with so many of his army lost, though they had done nothing like it when he was before at Memphis . ,The rulers told him that a god, wont to appear after long intervals of time, had now appeared to them; and that all Egypt rejoiced and made holiday whenever he so appeared. At this Cambyses said that they lied, and he punished them with death for their lie. 3.28. Having put them to death, he next summoned the priests before him. When they gave him the same account, he said that if a tame god had come to the Egyptians he would know it; and with no more words he bade the priests bring Apis. So they went to fetch and bring him. ,This Apis, or Epaphus, is a calf born of a cow that can never conceive again. By what the Egyptians say, the cow is made pregt by a light from heaven, and thereafter gives birth to Apis. ,The marks of this calf called Apis are these: he is black, and has on his forehead a three-cornered white spot, and the likeness of an eagle on his back; the hairs of the tail are double, and there is a knot under the tongue. 4.70. As for giving sworn pledges to those who are to receive them, this is the Scythian way: they take blood from the parties to the agreement by making a little cut in the body with an awl or a knife, and pour it mixed with wine into a big earthenware bowl, into which they then dip a scimitar and arrows and an axe and a javelin; and when this is done those swearing the agreement, and the most honorable of their followers, drink the blood after solemn curses. 4.71. The burial-places of the kings are in the land of the Gerrhi, which is the end of the navigation of the Borysthenes. Whenever their king has died, the Scythians dig a great four-cornered pit in the ground there; when this is ready, they take up the dead man—his body enclosed in wax, his belly cut open and cleaned and filled with cut marsh-plants and frankincense, and parsley and anise seed, and sewn up again—and transport him on a wagon to another tribe. ,Then those who receive the dead man on his arrival do the same as do the Royal Scythians: that is, they cut off a part of their ears, shave their heads, make cuts around their arms, tear their foreheads and noses, and pierce their left hands with arrows. ,From there, the escorts transport the king's body on the wagon to another of the tribes that they rule, and those to whom they have already come follow them; and having carried the dead man to all in turn, they are at the place of burial, in the country of the Gerrhi, the farthest distant tribe of all under their rule. ,Then, having laid the body on a couch in the tomb, they plant spears on each side of the body and lay wooden planks across them, which they then roof over with braided osiers; in the open space which is left in the tomb they bury one of the king's concubines, his cupbearer, his cook, his groom, his squire, and his messenger, after strangling them, besides horses, and first-fruits of everything else, and golden cups; for the Scythians do not use silver or bronze. ,Having done this, they all build a great barrow of earth, vying eagerly with one another to make this as great as possible. 4.72. After a year has past, they next do as follows. They take the most trusted of the rest of the king's servants (and these are native-born Scythians, for only those whom he tells to do so serve the king, and none of the Scythians have servants bought by money) ,and strangle fifty of these and fifty of their best horses and empty and clean the bellies of them all, fill them with chaff, and sew them up again. ,Then they fasten half of a wheel to two posts, the hollow upward, and the other half to another pair of posts, until many posts thus prepared are planted in the ground, and, after driving thick stakes lengthways through the horses' bodies to their necks, they place the horses up on the wheels ,so that the wheel in front supports the horse's forequarters and the wheel behind takes the weight of the belly by the hindquarters, and the forelegs and hindlegs hang free; and putting bridles and bits in the horses' mouths, they stretch the bridles to the front and fasten them with pegs. ,Then they take each one of the fifty strangled young men and mount him on the horse; their way of doing it is to drive an upright stake through each body passing up alongside the spine to the neck leaving enough of the stake projecting below to be fixed in a hole made in the other stake, which passes through the horse. So having set horsemen of this fashion around the tomb, they ride away. 4.73. This is the way they bury their kings. All other Scythians, when they die, are laid in wagons and carried about among their friends by their nearest of kin; each receives them and entertains the retinue hospitably, setting before the dead man about as much of the fare as he serves to the rest. All but the kings are carried about like this for forty days and then buried. ,After the burial the Scythians cleanse themselves as follows: they anoint and wash their heads and, for their bodies, set up three poles leaning together to a point and cover these over with wool mats; then, in the space so enclosed to the best of their ability, they make a pit in the center beneath the poles and the mats and throw red-hot stones into it. 4.74. They have hemp growing in their country, very like flax, except that the hemp is much thicker and taller. This grows both of itself and also by their cultivation, and the Thracians even make garments of it which are very like linen; no one, unless he were an expert in hemp, could determine whether they were hempen or linen; whoever has never seen hemp before will think the garment linen. 4.75. The Scythians then take the seed of this hemp and, crawling in under the mats, throw it on the red-hot stones, where it smoulders and sends forth such fumes that no Greek vapor-bath could surpass it. ,The Scythians howl in their joy at the vapor-bath. This serves them instead of bathing, for they never wash their bodies with water. ,But their women pound cypress and cedar and frankincense wood on a rough stone, adding water also, and with the thick stuff thus pounded they anoint their bodies and faces, as a result of which not only does a fragrant scent come from them, but when on the second day they take off the ointment, their skin becomes clear and shining. 4.76. But as regards foreign customs, the Scythians (like others) very much shun practising those of any other country, and particularly of Hellas, as was proved in the case of Anacharsis and also of Scyles. ,For when Anacharsis was coming back to the Scythian country after having seen much of the world in his travels and given many examples of his wisdom, he sailed through the Hellespont and put in at Cyzicus; ,where, finding the Cyzicenes celebrating the feast of the Mother of the Gods with great ceremony, he vowed to this same Mother that if he returned to his own country safe and sound he would sacrifice to her as he saw the Cyzicenes doing, and establish a nightly rite of worship. ,So when he came to Scythia, he hid himself in the country called Woodland (which is beside the Race of Achilles, and is all overgrown with every kind of timber); hidden there, Anacharsis celebrated the goddess' ritual with exactness, carrying a small drum and hanging images about himself. ,Then some Scythian saw him doing this and told the king, Saulius; who, coming to the place himself and seeing Anacharsis performing these rites, shot an arrow at him and killed him. And now the Scythians, if they are asked about Anacharsis, say they have no knowledge of him; this is because he left his country for Hellas and followed the customs of strangers. ,But according to what I heard from Tymnes, the deputy for Ariapithes, Anacharsis was an uncle of Idanthyrsus king of Scythia, and he was the son of Gnurus, son of Lycus, son of Spargapithes. Now if Anacharsis was truly of this family, then let him know he was slain by his own brother; for Idanthyrsus was the son of Saulius, and it was Saulius who killed Anacharsis. 4.77. It is true that I have heard another story told by the Peloponnesians; namely, that Anacharsis had been sent by the king of Scythia and had been a student of the ways of Hellas, and after his return told the king who sent him that all Greeks were keen for every kind of learning, except the Lacedaemonians; but that these were the only Greeks who spoke and listened with discretion. ,But this is a tale pointlessly invented by the Greeks themselves; and be this as it may, the man was put to death as I have said. 4.78. This, then, was how Anacharsis fared, owing to his foreign ways and consorting with Greeks; and a great many years afterward, Scyles, son of Ariapithes, suffered a like fate. Scyles was one of the sons born to Ariapithes, king of Scythia; but his mother was of Istria, and not native-born; and she taught him to speak and read Greek. ,As time passed, Ariapithes was treacherously killed by Spargapithes, king of the Agathyrsi, and Scyles inherited the kingship and his father's wife, a Scythian woman whose name was Opoea, and she bore Scyles a son, Oricus. ,So Scyles was king of Scythia; but he was in no way content with the Scythian way of life, and was much more inclined to Greek ways, from the upbringing that he had received. So this is what he would do: he would lead the Scythian army to the city of the Borysthenites (who say that they are Milesians), and when he arrived there would leave his army in the suburb of the city, ,while he himself, entering within the walls and shutting the gates, would take off his Scythian apparel and put on Greek dress; and in it he would go among the townsfolk unattended by spearmen or any others (who would guard the gates, lest any Scythian see him wearing this apparel), and in every way follow the Greek manner of life, and worship the gods according to Greek usage. ,When he had spent a month or more like this, he would put on Scythian dress and leave the city. He did this often; and he built a house in Borysthenes, and married a wife of the people of the country and brought her there. 4.79. But when things had to turn out badly for him, they did so for this reason: he conceived a desire to be initiated into the rites of the Bacchic Dionysus; and when he was about to begin the sacred mysteries, he saw the greatest vision. ,He had in the city of the Borysthenites a spacious house, grand and costly (the same house I just mentioned), all surrounded by sphinxes and griffins worked in white marble; this house was struck by a thunderbolt. And though the house burnt to the ground, Scyles none the less performed the rite to the end. ,Now the Scythians reproach the Greeks for this Bacchic revelling, saying that it is not reasonable to set up a god who leads men to madness. ,So when Scyles had been initiated into the Bacchic rite, some one of the Borysthenites scoffed at the Scythians: “You laugh at us, Scythians, because we play the Bacchant and the god possesses us; but now this deity has possessed your own king, so that he plays the Bacchant and is maddened by the god. If you will not believe me, follow me now and I will show him to you.” ,The leading men among the Scythians followed him, and the Borysthenite brought them up secretly onto a tower; from which, when Scyles passed by with his company of worshippers, they saw him playing the Bacchant; thinking it a great misfortune, they left the city and told the whole army what they had seen. 4.80. After this Scyles rode off to his own place; but the Scythians rebelled against him, setting up his brother Octamasades, son of the daughter of Teres, for their king. ,Scyles, learning what had happened concerning him and the reason why it had happened, fled into Thrace; and when Octamasades heard this he led his army there. But when he was beside the Ister, the Thracians barred his way; and when the armies were about to engage, Sitalces sent this message to Octamasades: ,“Why should we try each other's strength? You are my sister's son, and you have my brother with you; give him back to me, and I will give up your Scyles to you; and let us not endanger our armies.” ,Such was the offer Sitalces sent to him; for Sitalces' brother had fled from him and was with Octamasades. The Scythian agreed to this, and took his brother Scyles, giving up his own uncle to Sitalces. ,Sitalces then took his brother and carried him away, but Octamasades beheaded Scyles on the spot. This is how closely the Scythians guard their customs, and these are the penalties they inflict on those who add foreign customs to their own.
21. Euripides, Hippolytus, 712 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 309
22. Euripides, Iphigenia At Aulis, 1211, 1213-1214, 1212 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 153
23. Euripides, Iphigenia Among The Taurians, 387-388, 386 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 114
24. Euripides, Phoenician Women, 676-689, 785-800, 784 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 376
25. Euripides, Trojan Women, 1230 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 282
26. Plato, Menexenus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 254
238b. ἐκγόνοις· θρεψαμένη δὲ καὶ αὐξήσασα πρὸς ἥβην ἄρχοντας καὶ διδασκάλους αὐτῶν θεοὺς ἐπηγάγετο· ὧν τὰ μὲν ὀνόματα πρέπει ἐν τῷ τοιῷδε ἐᾶν—ἴσμεν γάρ—οἳ τὸν βίον ἡμῶν κατεσκεύασαν πρός τε τὴν καθʼ ἡμέραν δίαιταν, τέχνας πρώτους παιδευσάμενοι, καὶ πρὸς τὴν ὑπὲρ τῆς χώρας φυλακὴν ὅπλων κτῆσίν τε καὶ χρῆσιν διδαξάμενοι. 238b. he introduced gods to be their governors and tutors; the names of whom it behoves us to pass over in this discourse, since we know them; and they set in order our mode of life, not only in respect of daily business, by instructing us before all others in the arts, but also in respect of the guardianship of our country, by teaching us how to acquire and handle arms.
27. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 175
815c. ἀναμφισβητήτου διατεμεῖν. τίς οὖν αὕτη, καὶ πῇ δεῖ χωρὶς τέμνειν ἑκατέραν; ὅση μὲν βακχεία τʼ ἐστὶν καὶ τῶν ταύταις ἑπομένων, ἃς Νύμφας τε καὶ Πᾶνας καὶ Σειληνοὺς καὶ Σατύρους ἐπονομάζοντες, ὥς φασιν, μιμοῦνται κατῳνωμένους, περὶ καθαρμούς τε καὶ τελετάς τινας ἀποτελούντων, σύμπαν τοῦτο τῆς ὀρχήσεως τὸ γένος οὔθʼ ὡς εἰρηνικὸν οὔθʼ ὡς πολεμικὸν οὔθʼ ὅτι ποτὲ βούλεται ῥᾴδιον ἀφορίσασθαι· διορίσασθαι μήν μοι ταύτῃ δοκεῖ σχεδὸν ὀρθότατον αὐτὸ εἶναι, 815c. All the dancing that is of a Bacchic kind and cultivated by those who indulge in drunken imitations of Pans, Sileni and Satyrs (as they call them), when performing certain rites of expiation and initiation,—all this class of dancing cannot easily be defined either as pacific or as warlike, or as of any one distinct kind. The most correct way of defining it seems to me to be this—
28. Sophocles, Antigone, 1115-1154, 134-137, 955-956, 959-960 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 284
29. Euripides, Ion, 1074-1082, 1084-1086, 716-717, 1083 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 281
30. Empedocles, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 309
31. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 153
364a. καὶ ὑπὸ ποιητῶν. πάντες γὰρ ἐξ ἑνὸς στόματος ὑμνοῦσιν ὡς καλὸν μὲν ἡ σωφροσύνη τε καὶ δικαιοσύνη, χαλεπὸν μέντοι καὶ ἐπίπονον, ἀκολασία δὲ καὶ ἀδικία ἡδὺ μὲν καὶ εὐπετὲς κτήσασθαι, δόξῃ δὲ μόνον καὶ νόμῳ αἰσχρόν· λυσιτελέστερα δὲ τῶν δικαίων τὰ ἄδικα ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πλῆθος λέγουσι, καὶ πονηροὺς πλουσίους καὶ ἄλλας δυνάμεις ἔχοντας εὐδαιμονίζειν καὶ τιμᾶν εὐχερῶς ἐθέλουσιν δημοσίᾳ τε καὶ ἰδίᾳ, τοὺς δὲ ἀτιμάζειν καὶ ὑπερορᾶν, οἳ ἄν πῃ ἀσθενεῖς τε 364a. employed by both laymen and poets. All with one accord reiterate that soberness and righteousness are fair and honorable, to be sure, but unpleasant and laborious, while licentiousness and injustice are pleasant and easy to win and are only in opinion and by convention disgraceful. They say that injustice pays better than justice, for the most part, and they do not scruple to felicitate bad men who are rich or have other kinds of power to do them honor in public and private, and to dishonor
32. Plato, Symposium, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 153
179d. τῷ ἔργῳ· οὕτω καὶ θεοὶ τὴν περὶ τὸν ἔρωτα σπουδήν τε καὶ ἀρετὴν μάλιστα τιμῶσιν. Ὀρφέα δὲ τὸν Οἰάγρου ἀτελῆ ἀπέπεμψαν ἐξ Ἅιδου, φάσμα δείξαντες τῆς γυναικὸς ἐφʼ ἣν ἧκεν, αὐτὴν δὲ οὐ δόντες, ὅτι μαλθακίζεσθαι ἐδόκει, ἅτε ὢν κιθαρῳδός, καὶ οὐ τολμᾶν ἕνεκα τοῦ ἔρωτος ἀποθνῄσκειν ὥσπερ Ἄλκηστις, ἀλλὰ διαμηχανᾶσθαι ζῶν εἰσιέναι εἰς Ἅιδου. τοιγάρτοι διὰ ταῦτα δίκην αὐτῷ ἐπέθεσαν, καὶ ἐποίησαν τὸν θάνατον αὐτοῦ ὑπὸ γυναικῶν 179d. In this manner even the gods give special honor to zeal and courage in concerns of love. But Orpheus, son of Oeagrus, they sent back with failure from Hades, showing him only a wraith of the woman for whom he came; her real self they would not bestow, for he was accounted to have gone upon a coward’s quest, too like the minstrel that he was, and to have lacked the spirit to die as Alcestis did for the sake of love, when he contrived the means of entering Hades alive. Wherefore they laid upon him the penalty he deserved, and caused him to meet his death
33. Theopompus Comicus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 40
34. Theopompus Comicus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 40
35. Aristophanes, Acharnians, 325-330, 332-334, 331 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 376
331. βάλλετ' εἰ βούλεσθ'. ἐγὼ γὰρ τουτονὶ διαφθερῶ.
36. Aristophanes, The Rich Man, 729, 88-92, 87 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 379
87. ὁ Ζεύς με ταῦτ' ἔδρασεν ἀνθρώποις φθονῶν.
37. Aristophanes, Frogs, 103, 209-267, 285-305, 335, 340-342, 344-352, 343 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 175, 281
343. φλογὶ φέγγεται δὲ λειμών:
38. Sophocles, Oedipus The King, 163, 209-214, 438, 215 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 290
39. Pherecrates, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 17
40. Pherecrates, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 17
41. Sophocles, Electra, 1354 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 343
42. Alcaeus Comicus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 146
43. Alcaeus Comicus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 146
44. Theocritus, Idylls, 26 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 102
45. Callimachus, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 146
46. Nicander of Colophon, Fragments, None (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 40
47. Polybius, Histories, 5.58-5.107 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 453
5.58. 1.  The king, who was perfectly well informed about all these matters, continued, as I above stated, to remonstrate with Achaeus and at the same time devoted his whole attention to preparing for the war against Ptolemy.,2.  Accordingly, collecting his forces at Apamea in early spring, he summoned a council of his friends to advise as to the invasion of Coele-Syria.,3.  Many suggestions having been made in this respect about the nature of the country, about the preparations requisite and about the collaboration of the fleet, Apollophanes, a native of Seleucia, of whom I have already spoken, cut short all these expressions of opinion.,4.  For, as he said, it was foolish to covet Coele-Syria and invade that country while permitting the occupation by Ptolemy of Seleucia which was the capital seat and, one might almost say, the sacred hearth of their empire.,5.  Apart from the disgrace inflicted on the kingdom by this city being garrisoned by the kings of Egypt, it was of first-class importance.,6.  "While held by the enemy" he said, "it is the greatest possible hindrance to all our enterprises;,7.  for in whatever direction we decide to advance, the precautions we have to take to protect our own country from the menace of this place give us just as much trouble as our preparations for attacking the enemy.,8.  Once, however, it is in our hands, not only will it securely protect our own country, but owing to its advantageous situation it will be of the greatest possible service for all our projects and undertakings by land and sea alike.",9.  All were convinced by these arguments, and it was decided to capture this city in the first place.,10.  For Seleucia had been garrisoned by the kings of Egypt ever since the time of Ptolemy Euergetes,,11.  when that prince, owing to his indignation at the murder of Berenice, invaded Syria and seized on this town. 5.59. 1.  As soon as this decision had been taken, Antiochus ordered his admiral Diognetus to sail to Seleucia, while he himself, leaving Apamea with his army, came and encamped at the hippodrome about five stades from the town.,2.  He sent off Theodotus Hemiolius with a sufficient force to Coele-Syria to occupy the narrow passage and protect him on that side.,3.  The situation of Seleucia and the nature of its surroundings are as follows.,4.  It lies on the sea between Cilicia and Phoenicia, and above it rises a very high mountain called Coryphaeum,,5.  washed on its western side by the extreme waters of the sea separating Cyprus from Phoenicia, but overlooking with its eastern slopes the territories of Antioch and Seleucia.,6.  Seleucia lies on its southern slope, separated from it by a deep and difficult ravine. The town descends in a series of broken terraces to the sea, and is surrounded on most sides by cliffs and precipitous rocks.,7.  On the level ground at the foot of the slope which descends towards the sea lies the business quarter and a suburb defended by very strong walls.,8.  The whole of the main city is similarly fortified by walls of very costly construction and is splendidly adorned with temples and other fine buildings.,9.  On the side looking to the sea it can only be approached by a flight of steps cut in the rock with frequent turns and twists all the way up.,10.  Not far from the town is the mouth of the river Orontes, which rising in the neighbourhood of Libanus and Antilibanus and traversing what is known as the plain of Amyce, passes through Antioch,11.  carrying off all the sewage of that town by the force of its current and finally falling into the Cyprian Sea near Seleucia. 5.60. 1.  Antiochus first of all sent messages to those in charge of the town, offering them money and promising all kinds of rewards if he were put in possession of the place without fighting.,2.  But being unable to persuade the officers in command, he corrupted some of their subordinates, and relying on their assistance he got his forces ready, intending to deliver the attack on the seaward side with the men of his fleet and on the land side with his army.,3.  He divided his forces into three parts, and after addressing them in terms suitable to the occasion, and promising both the private soldiers and officers great rewards and crowns for valour,,4.  he stationed Zeuxis and his division outside the gate leading to Antioch, Hermogenes was posted near the Dioscurium, and the task of attacking the port and suburb was entrusted to Ardys and Diognetus, since an agreement had been come to with the king's partisans within, that if he could take the suburb by storm, the town would be delivered up to him.,6.  On the signal being given, a vigorous and powerful assault was simultaneously delivered from all sides, but the men under Ardys and Diognetus attacked with the greatest dash,,7.  because, while at the other points an assault by scaling-ladders was altogether out of the question, unless the men could scramble up clinging more or less on all fours to the face of the cliff, yet ladders could safely be brought up and erected against the walls of the port and suburb.,8.  So when the men from the fleet set up their ladders and made a determined attack on the port, and the force under Ardys in like manner assaulted the suburb, and no help could come from the city, as all points were threatened at once, the suburb very soon fell into the hands of Ardys.,9.  Once it was taken, the subordinate officers who had been corrupted rushed to the commander Leontius advising him to come to terms with Antiochus before the town had been stormed.,10.  Leontius, ignorant as he was of the treachery of his officers, but much alarmed by their loss of heart, sent out commissioners to Antiochus to treat for the safety of all in the city. 5.61. 1.  The king received them and agreed to spare the lives of all the free population, numbering about six thousand.,2.  When put in possession of the city he not only spared the free inhabitants, but brought home the Seleucian exiles and restored to them their civic rights and their property. He placed garrisons in the port and citadel.,3. On a letter reaching him while thus occupied from Theodotus, inviting him to come at once to Coele-Syria, which he was ready to put in his hands, he was much embarrassed and much at a loss to know what to do and how to treat the communication.,4.  Theodotus, an Aetolian by birth, had, as I previously mentioned, rendered great services to Ptolemy's kingdom, but in return for them had not only received no thanks, but had been in danger of his life at the time of Antiochus' campaign against Molon. ,5.  He now, being disgusted with the king and mistrusting the courtiers, had himself seized on Ptolemais and sent Panaetolus to seize on Tyre, and he urgently invited Antiochus to come.,6.  The king, putting off his expedition against Achaeus and treating all other matters as of secondary importance, advanced with his army, marching by the same route as on the former occasion.,7.  Passing through the defile called Marsyas, he encamped at the narrow passage near Gerra by the lake that lies in the middle.,8.  Learning that Ptolemy's general Nicolaus was before Ptolemais besieging Theodotus there, he left his heavy-armed troops behind, giving the commanders orders to besiege Vrochi, the place that lies on the lake and commands the passage, while he himself advanced accompanied by the light-armed troops, with the object of raising the siege of Ptolemais.,9.  But Nicolaus, who had heard of the king's arrival, left the neighbourhood himself, but sent Lagoras the Cretan and Dorymenes the Aetolian to occupy the pass near Berytus.,10.  The king assaulted their position, put them to flight and encamped himself close to the pass. 5.62. 1.  There he waited until the arrival of the rest of his forces, and then after addressing his men in such terms as his designs required, advanced with the whole army, being now confident of success and eagerly anticipating the realization of his hopes.,2.  On Theodotus, Panaetolus, and their friends meeting him, he received them courteously and took possession of Tyre, Ptolemais, and the material of war in these places, including forty ships,,3.  twenty of them decked vessels admirably equipped, none with less than four banks of oars, and the remainder triremes, biremes, and pinnaces.,4.  These he handed over to his admiral Diognetus, and on news reaching him that Ptolemy had come out to Memphis and that all his forces were collected at Pelusium, where they were opening the sluices and filling up the wells of drinking water,,5.  he abandoned his project of attacking Pelusium, and visiting one city after another attempted to gain them either by force or by persuasion.,6.  The minor cities were alarmed by his approach and went over to him, but those which relied on their defensive resources and natural strength held out, and he was compelled to waste his time in sitting down before them and besieging them.,7. Ptolemy whose obvious duty it was to march to the help of his dominions, attacked as they had been in such flagrant defiance of treaties, was too weak to entertain any such project,,8.  so completely had all military preparations been neglected. 5.63. 1.  At length, however, Agathocles and Sosibius, who were then the king's chief ministers, took counsel together and decided on the only course possible under present circumstances.,2.  For they resolved to occupy themselves with preparations for war, but in the meanwhile by negotiations to make Antiochus relax his activity, pretending to fortify him in the opinion of Ptolemy he had all along entertained,,3.  which was that he would not venture to fight, but would by overtures and through his friends attempt to reason with him and persuade him to evacuate Coele-Syria.,4.  On arriving at this decision Agathocles and Sosibius, who were charged with the conduct of the matter, began to communicate with Antiochus, and dispatching embassies at the same time to Rhodes, Byzantium, Cyzicus, and Aetolia invited these states to send missions to further the negotiations.,6.  The arrival of these missions, which went backwards and forwards between the two kings, gave them ample facilities for gaining time to prosecute at leisure their warlike preparations.,7.  Establishing themselves at Memphis they continued to receive these missions as well as Antiochus' own envoys, replying to all in conciliatory terms.,8.  Meanwhile they recalled and assembled at Alexandria the mercenaries in their employment in foreign parts,,9.  sending out recruiting officers also and getting ready provisions for the troops they already had and for those they were raising.,10.  They also attended to all other preparations, paying constant visit to Alexandria by turns to see that none of the supplies required for their purpose were wanting.,11.  The task of providing arms, selecting the men and organizing them they entrusted to Echecrates the Thessalian and Phoxidas of Melita,,12.  assisted by Eurylochus the Magnesian, Socrates the Boeotian, and Cnopias of Allaria.,13.  They were most well advised in availing themselves of the services of these men, who having served under Demetrius and Antigonus had some notion of the reality of war and of campaigning in general.,14.  Taking the troops in hand they got them into shape by correct military methods. 5.64. 1.  First of all they divided them according to their ages and nationalities, and provided them in each case with suitable arms and accoutrements, paying no attention to the manner in which they had previously been armed;,2.  in the next place they organized them as the necessities of the present situation required, breaking up the old regiments and abolishing the existing paymasters' lists, and having effected this, they drilled them, accustoming them not only to the word of command, but to the correct manipulation of their weapons.,4.  They also held frequent reviews and addressed the men, great services in this respect being rendered by Andromachus of Aspendus and Polycrates of Argos,,5.  who had recently arrived from Greece and in whom the spirit of Hellenic martial ardour and fertility of resource was still fresh, while at the same time they were distinguished by their origin and by their wealth,,6.  and Polycrates more especially by the antiquity of his family and the reputation as an athlete of his father Mnesiades.,7.  These with officers, by addressing the men both in public and in private, inspired them with enthusiasm and eagerness for the coming battle. 5.65. 1.  All the men I have mentioned held commands suited to their particular attainments.,2.  Eurylochus of Magnesia commanded a body of about three thousand men known as the Royal Guard, Socrates the Boeotian had under him two thousand peltasts,,3.  Phoxidas the Achaean, Ptolemy the son of Thraseas, and Andromachus of Aspendus exercised together in one body the phalanx and the Greek mercenaries,,4.  the phalanx twenty-five thousand strong being under the command of Andromachus and Ptolemy and the mercenaries, numbering eight thousand, under that of Phoxidas.,5.  Polycrates undertook the training of the cavalry of the guard, about seven hundred strong, and the Libyan and native Egyptian horse; all of whom, numbering about three thousand, were under his command.,6.  It was Echecrates the Thessalian who trained most admirably the cavalry from Greece and all the mercenary cavalry, and thus rendered most signal service in the battle itself,,7.  and Cnopias of Allaria too was second to none in the attention he paid to the force under him composed of three thousand Cretans, one thousand being Neocretans whom he placed under the command of Philo of Cnossus.,8.  They also armed in the Macedonian fashion three thousand Libyans under the command of Ammonius of Barce.,9.  The total native Egyptian force consisted of about twenty thousand heavy-armed men, and was commanded by Sosibius,,10.  and they had also collected a force of Thracians and Gauls, about four thousand of them from among settlers in Egypt and their descendants, and two thousand lately raised elsewhere. These were commanded by Dionysius the Thracian.,11. Such were the numbers and nature of the army that Ptolemy was preparing. 5.66. 1.  Antiochus, who in the meanwhile had opened the siege of a town called Dura, but made no progress with it owing to the strength of the tribes and the support given it by Nicolaus,,2.  now as winter was approaching agreed with Ptolemy's envoys to an armistice of four months, engaging to consent to a settlement of the whole dispute on the most lenient terms.,3.  This was however very far from being the truth, but he was anxious not to be kept long away from his own dominions, but to winter with his army in Seleucia, as Achaeus was evidently plotting against him and undisguisedly acting in concert with Ptolemy.,4.  This agreement having been made he dismissed the envoys, instructing them to meet him as soon as possible at Seleucia and communicate Ptolemy's decision to him.,5.  Leaving adequate garrisons in the district, and placing Theodotus in general charge of it, he took his departure, and on reaching Seleucia dismissed his forces to their winter quarters and henceforward neglected to exercise his troops, feeling sure he would have no need to fight a battle, since he was already master of some portions of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia and expected to obtain possession of the rest by diplomacy,7.  and with the consent of Ptolemy, who would never dare to risk a general battle.,8.  This was the opinion held also by his envoys, as Sosibius, who was established at Memphis, always received them in a friendly manner,,9.  and never allowed the envoys he himself kept sending to Antiochus to be eyewitnesses of the preparations in Alexandria. 5.67. 1.  But, to resume, when on this occasion the ambassadors returned to Sosibius they found him prepared for any emergency,,2.  while the chief object of Antiochus was to prove himself in his interviews with embassies coming from Alexandria decidedly superior both in military strength and in the justice of his cause.,3.  So that when the envoys arrived at Seleucia, and as they had been instructed by Sosibius, consented to discuss in detail the terms of the proposed arrangement,,4.  the king in his arguments did not pretend to regard as a serious grievance the recent loss they had suffered by his obviously unjust occupation of Coele-Syria, and in fact did not on the whole reckon this act to have been an offence at all, since, as he maintained, he had only tried to recover possession of what was his own property, the soundest and justest title to the possession of Coele-Syria, according to which it was not Ptolemy's but his own, being its original occupation by Antigonus Monophtalmus and the rule of Seleucus over the district. For Ptolemy, he said, had waged war on Antigonus in order to establish the sovereignty of Seleucus over Coele-Syria and not his own.,8.  But above all he urged the convention entered into by the kings after their victory over Antigonus, when all three of them, Cassander, Lysimachus, and Seleucus, after deliberating in common, decided that the whole of Syria should belong to Seleucus.,9.  Ptolemy's envoys attempted to maintain the opposite case. They magnified the wrong they were suffering and represented the grievance as most serious, treating the treachery of Theodotus and Antiochus' invasion as a distinct violation of their rights,,10.  adducing as evidence the occupation by Ptolemy, son of Lagus, and alleging that Ptolemy had aided Seleucus in the war under the stipulation, that while investing Seleucus with the sovereignty of the whole of Asia, he was to obtain Coele-Syria and Phoenicia for himself.,11.  These and similar arguments were repeated again and again by both parties in the course of the negotiations and conferences, but absolutely no result was arrived at, since the controversy was conducted by the common friends of both monarchs, and there was no one to interpose between them with the power of preventing and restraining any disposition that displayed itself to transgress the bounds of justice.,12.  The chief difficulty on both sides was the matter of Achaeus; for Ptolemy wished him to be included in the treaty,,13.  but Antiochus absolutely refused to listen to this, thinking it a scandalous thing that Ptolemy should venture to take rebels under his protection or even allude to such persons. 5.68. 1.  The consequence was that both sides grew weary of negotiating, and there was no prospect yet of a conclusion being reached, when, on the approach of spring, Antiochus collected his forces with the object of invading Coele-Syria both by land and sea and reducing the remainder of it.,2.  Ptolemy, entrusting the direction of the war entirely to Nicolaus, sent him abundant supplies to the neighbourhood of Gaza, and dispatched fresh military and naval forces.,3.  Thus reinforced Nicolaus entered on the war in a spirit of confidence, all his requests being readily attended to by Perigenes, the admiral,,4.  whom Ptolemy had placed in command of the fleet, which consisted of thirty decked ships and more than four hundred transports. Nicolaus was by birth an Aetolian,,5.  and in military experience and martial courage was excelled by none of the officers in Ptolemy's service.,6.  He had occupied with part of his forces the pass of Platanus, and with the rest, which he commanded in person, that near the town of Porphyrion, and here he awaited the king's attack, the fleet being anchored along shore to support him.,7.  Antiochus reaching Marathus, the people of Aradus came to him asking for an alliance, and he not only granted this request, but put an end to their existing civil dissensions, by reconciling those on the island with those on the mainland.,8.  After this, he advanced by the promontory called Theoprosopon and reached Berytus, having occupied Botrys on his way and burnt Trieres and Calamus.,9.  From hence he sent on Nicarchus and Theodotus with orders to occupy the difficult passes near the river Lycus, and after resting his army advanced himself and encamped near the river Damuras, his admiral Diognetus coasting along parallel to him.,10.  Thence once more taking with him the light-armed troops of his army which were under Theodotus and Nicarchus, he set out to reconnoitre the passes which Nicolaus had occupied.,11.  After noting the features of the ground he returned himself to the camp and next day, leaving behind under command of Nicarchus his heavy-armed troops, moved on with the rest of his army to attempt the passage. 5.69. 1.  At this part of the coast it is reduced by the slopes of Libanus to a small and narrow zone, and across this itself runs a steep and rocky ridge, leaving only a very narrow and difficult passage along the sea-shore.,2.  It was here that Nicolaus had posted himself, occupying some of the ground with a numerous force and securing other portions by artificial defenses, so that he felt sure of being able to prevent Antiochus from passing.,3.  The king, dividing his force into three parts, entrusted the one to Theodotus, ordering him to attack and force the line under the actual foot of Libanus; the second he placed under the command of Menedemus, giving him detailed orders to attempt the passage of the spur in the centre, while he assigned to the third body under the command of Diocles, the military governor of Parapotamia, the task of attacking along the sea-shore.,6.  He himself with his bodyguard took up a central position, wishing to command a view of the whole field and render assistance where required.,7.  At the same time the fleets under Diognetus and Perigenes prepared for a naval engagement approach as near as possible to the shore, and attempting to make the battle at sea and on land present as it were a continuous front.,8.  Upon the word of command for the attack being given simultaneously all along the line, the battle by sea remained undecided, as the two fleets were equally matched in number and efficiency,,9.  while on land Nicolaus' forces at first had the upper hand, favoured as they were by the strength of their position; but when Theodotus forced back the enemy at the foot of the mountain and then charged from higher ground, Nicolaus and his whole force turned and fled precipitately.,10.  About two thousand of them perished in the rout, and an equal number were taken prisoners, the rest retreating to Sidon.,11.  Perigenes, who had high hope of success in the sea battle, when he saw the defeat of the army, lost confidence and retired in safety to the same place. 5.70. 1.  Antiochus, with his army, came and encamped before Sidon.,2.  He refrained from making any attempt on the town, owing to the abundance of supplies with which it was furnished and the numbers of its inhabitants and of the forces which had taken refuge in it, but taking his army, marched himself on Philoteria, ordering the admiral Diognetus to sail back to Tyre with the fleet.,4.  Philoteria lies off the shore of the lake into which the river Jordan falls, and from which it issues again to traverse the plains round Scythopolis.,5.  Having obtained possession of both the above cities, which came to terms with him, he felt confident in the success of his future operations, as the territory subject to them was easily capable of supplying his whole army with food, and of furnishing everything necessary for the expedition in abundance.,6.  Having secured both by garrisons, he crossed the mountainous country and reached Atabyrium, which lies on a conical hill, the ascent of which is more than fifteen stades.,7.  By an ambuscade and a stratagem employed during the ascent he managed to take this city too:,8.  for having provoked the garrison to sally out and skirmish, he enticed those of them who were in advance to follow his own retreating troops for a considerable distance down hill, and then turning the latter round and advancing, he attacked the enemy and killed many of them;,9.  and finally following close on them and throwing them into panic took this city also by assault.,10.  At this time Ceraeas, one of Ptolemy's officers, deserted to him, and by his distinguished treatment of him he turned the head of many of the enemy's commanders.,11.  It was not long indeed before Hippolochus the Thessalian came to join him with four hundred horse who were in Ptolemy's service.,12.  After garrisoning Atabyrium also, he advanced and took Pella, Camus, and Gephrus. 5.71. 1.  The consequence of this series of successes was that the Arab tribes in the neighbourhood, inciting each other to this step, uimously adhered to him.,2.  Strengthened by the prospect of their help and by the supplies with which they furnished him, he advanced and occupying Galatis, made himself master also of Abila and the force which had come to assist in its defence under the command of Nicias, a close friend and relative of Menneas.,3.  Gadara still remained, a town considered to be the strongest in that district, and sitting down before it and bringing siege batteries to bear on it he very soon terrified it into submission.,4.  In the next place, hearing that a considerable force of the enemy was collected at Rabbatama in Arabia and was occupied in overrunning and pillaging the country of the Arabs who had joined him, he dismissed all other projects and starting off at once encamped under the hill on which the town lies.,5.  After making a circuit of the hill and observing that it was only accessible at two spots, he approached it there and chose those places for setting up his battering engines.,6.  Placing some of them in charge of Nicarchus and others under Theodotus, he devoted himself henceforth to directing and superintending their respective activities.,7.  Both Theodotus and Nicarchus displayed the greatest zeal, and there was continuous rivalry as to which would first cast down the wall in front of his machines; so that very shortly and before it was expected, the wall gave way in both places. After this they kept delivering assaults both by night and day, neglecting no opportunity and employing all their force.,8.  Notwithstanding these frequent attempts they met with no success owing to the strength of the force collected in the town, until a prisoner revealed to them the position of the underground passage by which the besieged went down to draw water. This they burst into and filled it up with wood, stones, and all such kinds of things,,10.  upon which those in the city yielded owing to the want of water and surrendered.,11.  Having thus got possession of Rabbatama, Antiochus left Nicarchus in it with an adequate garrison, and now sending the revolted leaders Hippolochus and Ceraeas with a force of five thousand foot to the district of Samaria, with orders to protect the conquered territory and assure the safety of all the troops he had left in it,,12.  he returned with his army to Ptolemais, where he had decided to pass the winter. 5.72. 1.  During the same summer the people of Pednelissus, being besieged by those of Selge and in danger of capture, sent a message to Achaeus asking for help.,2.  Upon his readily agreeing, the Pednelissians henceforth sustained the siege with constancy, buoyed up by their hopes of succour, and Achaeus, appointing Garsyeris to command the expedition, dispatched him with six thousand foot and five hundred horse to their assistance.,4.  The Selgians, hearing of the approach of the force, occupied with the greater part of their own troops the pass at the place called the Ladder: holding the entrance to Saporda and destroying all the passages and approaches.,5.  Garsyeris, when he heard that the pass had been occupied and that progress was therefore impossible, bethought himself of the following ruse.,6.  He broke up his camp, and began to march back, as if he despaired of being able to relieve Pednelissus owing to the occupation of the pass;,7.  upon which the Selgians, readily believing that Garsyeris had abandoned his attempt, retired some of them to their camp and others to their own city, as the harvest was near at hand.,8.  Garsyeris now faced round again, and by a forced march reached the pass, which he found abandoned; and having placed a garrison at it under the command of Phayllus,,9.  descended with his army to Perge, and thence sent embassies to the other Pisidian cities and to Pamphylia,,10.  calling attention to the growing power of Selge and inviting them all to ally themselves with Achaeus and assist Pednelissus. 5.73. 1.  Meanwhile the Selgians had sent out a general with an army, and were in hopes of surprising Phayllus owing to their knowledge of the ground and driving him out of his entrenchments.,2.  But on meeting with no success and losing many of their men in the attack, they abandoned this design, continuing, however, to pursue their siege operations more obstinately even than before.,3.  The Etennes, who inhabit the highlands of Pisidia above Side, sent Garsyeris eight thousand hoplites, and the people of Aspendus half that number;,4.  but the people of Side, partly from a wish to ingratiate themselves with Antiochus and partly owing to their hatred of the Aspendians, did not contribute to the relieving force.,5.  Garsyeris now, taking with him the reinforcements and his own army, came to Pednelissus, flattering himself that he would raise the siege at the first attack, but as the Selgians showed no signs of dismay he encamped at a certain distance away.,6.  As the Pednelissians were hard pressed by famine, Garsyeris, who was anxious to do all in his power to relieve them, got ready two thousand men, and giving each of them a medimnus of wheat, tried to send them in to Pednelissus by night.,7.  But the Selgians, getting intelligence of this, fell upon them, and most of the men carrying the corn were cut to pieces, the whole of the grain falling into the hands of the Selgians.,8.  Elated by this success they now undertook to storm not only the city, but the camp of Garsyeris; for the Selgians always show a bold and dare-devil spirit in war.,9.  Leaving, therefore, behind only the forces that were necessary to guard their camp, with the rest they surrounded and attacked with great courage that of the enemy in several places simultaneously.,10.  Attacked unexpectedly on every side, and the stockade having been already forced in some places, Garsyeris, seeing the state of matters and with but slender hopes of victory, sent out his cavalry at a spot which had been left unguarded.,11.  The Selgians, thinking that these horsemen were panic-struck and that they meant to retire for fear of the fate that threatened them, paid no attention to this move, but simply ignored them.,12.  But this body of cavalry, riding round the enemy and getting to his rear, delivered a vigorous onslaught, upon which Garsyeris' infantry, although already retreating, plucked up courage again and facing round defended themselves against their aggressors.,14.  The Selgians were thus surrounded on all sides, and finally took to flight,,15.  the Pednelissians at the same time attacking the camp and driving out the garrison that had been left in it.,16.  The pursuit continued for a great distance, and not less than ten thousand were killed, while of the rest the allies fled to their respective homes, and the Selgians across the hills to their own city. 5.74. 1.  Garsyeris at once broke up his camp and followed closely on the runaways, hoping to traverse the passes and approach the city before the fugitives could rally and resolve on any measures for meeting his approach.,2.  Upon his arriving with his army before the city,,3.  the Selgians, placing no reliance on their allies, who had suffered equally with themselves, and thoroughly dispirited by the disaster they had met with, fell into complete dismay for themselves and their country.,4.  Calling a public assembly, therefore, they decided to send out as commissioner one of their citizens named Logbasis, who had often entertained and had been for long on terms of intimacy with that Antiochus who lost his life in Thrace,,5.  and who, when Laodice, who afterwards became the wife of Achaeus, was placed under his charge, had brought up the young lady as his own daughter and treated her with especial kindness.,6.  The Selgians sent him therefore, thinking that he was especially suited to undertake such a mission;,7.  but in a private interview with Garsyeris he was so far from showing a disposition to be helpful to his country, as was his duty, that on the other hand he begged Garsyeris to send for Achaeus at once, engaging to betray the city to them.,8.  Garsyeris, eagerly catching at the proposal, sent messengers to Achaeus inviting him to come and informing him of what was doing,,9.  while he made a truce with the Selgians and dragged on the negotiations, raising perpetual disputes and scruples on points of detail, so that Achaeus might have time to arrive and Logbasis full leisure to communicate with his friends and make preparations for the design. 5.75. 1.  During this time, as the two parties frequently met for discussion, it became a constant practice for those in the camp to enter the city for the purpose of purchasing provisions.,2.  This is a practice which has proved fatal to many on many occasions. And indeed it seems to me that man, who is supposed to be the most cunning of all animals, is in fact the most easily duped.,3.  For how many camps and fortresses, how many great cities have not been betrayed by this means?,4.  And though this has constantly happened in the sight of all men, yet somehow or other we always remain novices and display all the candour of youth with regard to such tricks.,5.  The reason of this is that we have not ready to hand in our memories the various disasters that have overtaken others, but while we spare no pains and expense in laying in supplies of corn and money and in constructing walls and providing missiles to guard against surprises,,6.  we all completely neglect the very easiest precaution and that which is of the greatest service at a critical moment, although we can gain this experience from study of history and inquiry while enjoying honourable repose and procuring entertainment for our minds.,7. Achaeus, then, arrived at the time he was expected, and the Selgians on meeting him had great hopes of receiving the kindest treatment in every respect from him.,8.  Meanwhile Logbasis, who had gradually collected in his own house some of the soldiers from the camp who had entered the town, continued to advise the citizens, in view of the kindly feelings that Achaeus displayed, not to lose the opportunity,,9.  but to take action and put a finish to the negotiations, holding a general assembly to discuss the situation.,10.  The meeting soon assembled and the discussion was proceeding, all those serving on guard having been summoned, so that matter might be decided for good and all. 5.76. 1.  Meanwhile Logbasis had given the signal to the enemy that the moment had come, and was getting ready the soldiers collected in his house and arming himself and his sons for the coming fight.,2.  Achaeus with half of his forces was advancing on the city itself, and Garsyeris with the rest was approaching the so‑called Cesbedium, which is a temple of Zeus and commands the city, being in the nature of a citadel.,3.  A certain goat-herd happened to notice the movement and brought the news to the assembly, upon which some of the citizens hastened to occupy the Cesbedium and others repaired to their posts, while the larger number in their anger made for Logbasis' house.,4.  The evidence of his treachery being now clear, some mounted the roof, and others, breaking through the front gate, massacred Logbasis, his sons, and all the rest whom they found there.,5.  After this they proclaimed the freedom of their slaves, and dividing into separate parties, went to defend the exposed spots.,6.  Garsyeris, now, seeing that the Cesbedium was already occupied, abandoned his attempt,,7.  and on Achaeus trying to force an entrance through the gates, the Selgians made a sally, and after killing seven hundred of the Mysians, forced the remainder to give up the attack.,8.  After the action Achaeus and Garsyeris withdrew to their camp, and the Selgians, afraid of civil discord among themselves and also of a siege by the enemy, sent their elders out in the guise of suppliants, and making a truce, put an end to the war on the following terms.,10.  They were to pay at once 400 talents and to give up the Pednelissian prisoners, and they engaged to pay a further sum of 300 talents after a certain interval.,11. Thus the Selgians, after nearly losing their country owing to the impious treachery of Logbasis, preserved it by their own valour and disgraced neither their liberty nor their kinship with the Lacedaemonians. 5.77. 1.  Achaeus, now, after subjecting Milyas and the greater part of Pamphylia, departed, and on reaching Sardis continued to make war on Attalus, began to menace Prusias, and made himself a serious object of dread to all the inhabitants on this side of the Taurus.,2. At the time when Achaeus was engaged in his expedition against Selge, Attalus with the Gaulish tribe of the Aegosagae visited the cities in Aeolis and on its borders, which had formerly adhered to Achaeus out of fear.,3.  Most of them joined him willingly and gladly, but in some cases force was necessary.,4.  The ones which went over to his side on this occasion were firstly Cyme, Smyrna, and Phocaea, Aegae and Temnus subsequently adhering to him in fear of his attack.,5.  The Teians and Colophonians also sent embassies delivering up themselves and their cities.,6.  Accepting their adhesion on the same terms as formerly and taking hostages, he showed especial consideration to the envoys from Smyrna, as this city had been most constant in its loyalty to him.,7.  Continuing his progress and crossing the river Lycus he advanced on the Mysian communities, and after having dealt with them reached Carseae.,8.  Overawing the people of this city and also the garrison of Didymateiche he took possession of these places likewise, when Themistocles, the general left in charge of the district by Achaeus, surrendered them to him.,9.  Starting thence and laying waste the plain of Apia he crossed Mount Pelecas and encamped near the river Megistus. 5.78. 1.  While he was here, an eclipse of the moon took place, and the Gauls, who had all along been aggrieved by the hardships of the march — since they made the campaign accompanied by their wives and children, who followed them in wagons —,2.  considering this a bad omen, refused to advance further.,3.  King Attalus, to whom they rendered no service of vital importance, and who noticed that they detached themselves from the column on the march and encamped by themselves and were altogether most insubordinate and self-assertive, found himself in no little perplexity.,4.  On the one hand he feared lest they should desert to Achaeus and join him in attacking himself, and on the other he was apprehensive of the reputation he would gain if he ordered his soldiers to surround and destroy all these men who were thought to have crossed to Asia relying on pledges he had given them.,5.  Accordingly, availing himself of the pretext of this refusal, he promised for the present to take them back to the place where they had crossed and give them suitable land in which to settle and afterwards to attend as far as lay in his power to all reasonable requests they made.,6. Attalus, then, after taking the Aegosagae back to the Hellespont and entering into friendly negotiations with the people of Lampsacus, Alexander Troas, and Ilium, who had all remained loyal to him, returned with his army to Pergamum. 5.79. 1.  By the beginning of spring Antiochus and Ptolemy had completed their preparations and were determined on deciding the fate of the Syrian expedition by a battle.,2.  Now Ptolemy started from Alexandria with an army of seventy thousand foot, five thousand horse, and seventy-three elephants,,3.  and Antiochus, on learning of his advance, concentrated his forces. These consisted first of Daae, Carmanians, and Cilicians, light-armed troops about five thousand in number organized and commanded by Byttacus the Macedonian.,4.  Under Theodotus the Aetolian, who had played the traitor to Ptolemy, was a force of ten thousand selected from every part of the kingdom and armed in the Macedonian manner, most of them with silver shields.,5.  The phalanx was about twenty thousand strong and was under the command of Nicarchus and Theodotus surnamed Hemiolius.,6.  There were Agrianian and Persian bowmen and slingers to the number of two thousand, and with them two thousand Thracians, all under the command of Menedemus of Alabanda.,7.  Aspasianus the Mede had under him a force of about five thousand Medes, Cissians, Cadusians, and Carmanians.,8.  The Arabs and neighbouring tribes numbered about ten thousand and were commanded by Zabdibelus.,9.  Hippolochus the Thessalian commanded the mercenaries from Greece, five thousand in number.,10.  Antiochus had also fifteen hundred Cretans under Eurylochus and a thousand Neocretans under Zelys of Gortyna.,11.  With these were five hundred Lydian javelineers and a thousand Cardaces under Lysimachus the Gaul.,12.  The cavalry numbered six thousand in all, four thousand of them being commanded by Antipater the king's nephew and the rest by Themison.,13.  The whole army of Antiochus consisted of sixty-two thousand foot, six thousand horse, and a hundred and two elephants. 5.80. 1.  Ptolemy, marching on Pelusium, made his first halt at that city,,2.  and after picking up stragglers and serving out rations to his men moved on marching through the desert and skirting Mount Casius and the marshes called Barathra.,3.  Reaching the spot he was bound for on the fifth day he encamped at a distance of fifty stades from Raphia, which is the first city of Coele-Syria on the Egyptian side after Rhinocolura.,4.  Antiochus was approaching at the same time with his army, and after reaching Gaza and resting his forces there, continued to advance slowly. Passing Raphia he encamped by night at a distance of ten stades from the enemy.,5.  At first the two armies continued to remain at this distance from each other,,6.  but after a few days Antiochus, with the object of finding a more suitable position for his camp and at the same time wishing to encourage his troops, encamped so near Ptolemy that the distance between the two camps was not more than five stades.,7.  Skirmishes were now frequent between the watering and foraging parties, and there was occasional interchange of missiles between the cavalry and even the infantry. 5.81. 1.  During this time Theodotus made a daring attempt, which, though characteristic of an Aetolian, showed no lack of courage.,2.  As from his former intimacy with Ptolemy he was familiar with his tastes and habits, he entered the camp at early dawn with two others.,3.  It was too dark for his face to be recognized, and there was nothing to attract attention in his dress and general appearance, as their army also was mixed.,4.  He had noticed on previous days the position of the king's tent, as the skirmishes had come up quite near to the camp, and making boldly for it, he passed all the first guards without being noticed and,,5.  bursting into the tent in which the king used to dine and transact business, searched everywhere. He failed indeed to find the king, who was in the habit of retiring to rest outside the principal and official tent,,6.  but after wounding two of those who slept there and killing the king's physician Andreas, he returned in safety to his own camp, although slightly molested as he was leaving that of the enemy,,7.  and thus as far as daring went accomplished his enterprise, but was foiled only by his lack of foresight in omitting to ascertain exactly where the king was in the habit of sleeping. 5.82. 1.  The kings after remaining encamped opposite each other for five days both resolved to decide matters by a battle.,2.  The moment that Ptolemy began to move his army out of camp, Antiochus followed his example. Both of them placed the phalanxes of the picked troops armed in the Macedonian fashion confronting each other in the centre.,3.  Ptolemy's two wings were formed as follows. Polycrates with his cavalry held the extreme left wing,,4.  and between him and the phalanx stood first the Cretans, next the cavalry, then the royal guard, then the peltasts under Socrates, these latter being next those Lybians who were armed in the Macedonian manner.,5.  On the extreme right wing was Echecrates with his cavalry, and on his left stood Gauls and Thracians,,6.  and next them was Phoxidas with his Greek mercenaries in immediate contact with the Egyptian phalanx.,7.  of the elephants forty were posted on the left where Ptolemy himself was about to fight, and the remaining thirty-three in front of the mercenary cavalry on the right wing.,8.  Antiochus placed sixty of his elephants under the command of his foster-brother Philip in front of his right wing, where he was to fight in person against Ptolemy.,9.  Behind the elephants he posted two thousand horse under Antipater and two thousand more at an angle with them.,10.  Next the cavalry facing the front, he placed the Cretans, then the mercenaries from Greece and next these the five thousand armed in the Macedonian fashion under the command of Byttacus the Macedonian.,11.  On his extreme left wing he posted two thousand horse under the command of Themison, next these the Cardacian and Lydian javelineers, then three thousand light-armed troops under Menedemus,,12.  after these the Cissians, Medes, and Carmanians, and finally, in contact with the phalanx, the Arabs and neighbouring tribes.,13.  His remaining elephants he placed in front of his left wing under the command of Myïcus, one of the young men who had been brought up at court. 5.83. 1.  The armies having been drawn up in this fashion, both the kings rode along the line accompanied by their officers and friends, and addressed their soldiers.,2.  As they relied chiefly on the phalanx, it was to these troops that they made the most earnest appeal,,3.  Ptolemy being supported by Andromachus, Sosibius and his sister Arsinoë and Antiochus by Theodotus and Nicarchus, these being the commanders of the phalanx on either side.,4.  The substance of the addresses was on both sides very similar. For neither king could cite any glorious and generally recognized achievement of his own,,5.  so that it was by reminding the troops of the glorious deeds of their ancestors that they attempted to inspire them with spirit and courage.,6.  They laid the greatest stress, however, on the rewards which they might be expected to bestow in the future, and urged and exhorted both the leaders in particular and all those who were about to be engaged in general to bear themselves therefore like gallant men in the coming battle.,7.  So with these or similar words spoken either by themselves or by their interpreters they rode along the line. 5.84. 1.  When Ptolemy and his sister after their progress had reached the extremity of his left wing and Antiochus with his horse-guards had reached his extreme right, they gave the signal for battle and brought the elephants first into action.,2.  A few only of Ptolemy's elephants ventured to close with those of the enemy, and now the men in the towers on the back of these beasts made a gallant fight of it, striking with their pikes at close quarters and wounding each other, while the elephants themselves fought still better, putting forth their whole strength and meeting forehead to forehead.,4.  The way in which these animals fight is as follows. With their tusks firmly interlocked they shove with all their might, each trying to force the other to give ground, until the one who proves strongest pushes aside the other's trunk,,4.  and then, when he has once made him turn and has him in the flank, he gores him with his tusks as a bull does with his horns.,5.  Most of Ptolemy's elephants, however, declined the combat, as is the habit of African elephants;,6.  for unable to stand the smell and the trumpeting of the Indian elephants, and terrified, I suppose, also by their great size and strength, they at once turn tail and take to flight before they get near them.,7.  This is what happened on the present occasion; and when Ptolemy's elephants were thus thrown into confusion and driven back on their own lines, Ptolemy's guard gave way under the pressure of the animals.,8.  Meanwhile Antiochus and his cavalry riding past the flank of the elephants on the outside attacked Polycrates and the cavalry under his command,,9.  while at the same time on the other side of the elephants the Greek mercenaries next the phalanx fell upon Ptolemy's peltasts and drove them back, their ranks having been already thrown into confusion by the elephants.,10.  Thus the whole of Ptolemy's left wing was hard pressed and in retreat. 5.85. 1.  Echecrates who commanded the right wing at first waited for the result of the engagement between the other wings, but when he saw the cloud of dust being carried in his direction, and their own elephants not even daring to approach those of the enemy,,2.  he ordered Phoxidas with the mercenaries from Greece to attack the hostile force in his front,,3.  while he himself with his cavalry and the division immediately behind the elephants moving off the field and round the enemy's flank, avoided the onset of the animals and speedily put to flight the cavalry of the enemy, charging them both in flank and rear.,4.  Phoxidas and his men met with the same success; for charging the Arabs and Medes they forced them to headlong flight.,5.  Antiochus' right wing then was victorious, while his left wing was being worsted in the manner I have described.,6.  Meanwhile the phalanxes stripped of both their wings remained intact in the middle of the plain, swayed alternately by hope and fear. ,7.  Antiochus was still occupied in pursuing his advantage on the right wing,,8.  but Ptolemy having retired under shelter of the phalanx suddenly came forward and showing himself to his troops caused consternation among the enemy and inspired his own men with increased alacrity and spirit.,9.  Lowering their pikes, therefore, the phalanx under Andromachus and Sosibius advanced to the charge.,10.  For a short time the picked Syrian troops resisted, but those under Nicarchus quickly turned and fled.,11.  Antiochus all this time, being still young and inexperienced and supposing from his own success that his army was victorious in other parts of the field too, was following up the fugitives.,12.  But at length on one of his elder officers calling his attention to the fact that the cloud of dust was moving from the phalanx towards his own camp he realized what had happened, and attempted to return to the battle-field with his horse-guards.,13.  But finding that his whole army had taken to flight, he retired to Raphia, in the confident belief that as far as it depended on himself he had won the battle, but had suffered this disaster owing to the base cowardice of the rest. 5.86. 1.  Ptolemy having thus obtained a decisive victory by his phalanx, and having killed many of the enemy in the pursuit by the hands of the cavalry and mercenaries of his right wing, retired and spent the night in his former camp.,2.  Next day, after picking up and burying his own dead and despoiling those of the enemy, he broke up his camp and advanced on Raphia.,3.  Antiochus after his flight had wished to take up at once a position outside the town collecting the scattered groups of fugitives; but as most of them had taken refuge in the city, he was compelled to enter it himself also.,4.  At daybreak he left for Gaza at the head of the surviving portion of his army, and encamping there sent a message asking for leave to collect his dead whom he buried under cover of this truce.,5.  His losses in killed alone had amounted to nearly ten thousand footmen and more than three hundred horsemen, while more than four thousand had been taken prisoners.,6.  Three of his elephants perished in the battle and two died of their wounds. Ptolemy had lost about fifteen hundred foot and seven hundred horse, killed; sixteen of his elephants were killed and most of them captured.,7. Such was the result of the battle of Raphia fought by the kings for the possession of Coele-Syria.,8.  After paying the last honours to the dead Antiochus returned to his own kingdom with his army, and Ptolemy took without resistance Raphia and the other towns, each community endeavouring to anticipate its neighbours in going over to him and resuming its allegiance.,9.  Possibly all men at such times are more or less disposed to adapt themselves to the needs of the hour, and the natives of these parts are naturally more prone than others to bestow their affections at the bidding of circumstances.,10.  But at this juncture it was only to be expected that they should act so, as their affection for the Egyptian kings was of no recent growth; for the peoples of Coele-Syria have always been more attached to that house than to the Seleucidae.,11.  So now there was no extravagance of adulation to which they did not proceed, honouring Ptolemy with crowns, sacrifices, altars dedicated to him and every distinction of the kind. 5.87. 1.  Antiochus, on reaching the town which bears his name, at once dispatched his nephew Antipater and Theodotus Hemiolius to treat with Ptolemy for peace, as he was seriously afraid of an invasion by the enemy.,2.  For he had no confidence in his own soldiers owing to his recent reverse, and he feared lest Achaeus should avail himself of the opportunity to attack him.,3.  Ptolemy took none of these matters into consideration, but delighted as he was at his recent unexpected success and generally at having surpassed his expectations by regaining possession of Coele-Syria, was not averse to peace, in fact rather too much inclined to it, being drawn towards it by his indolent and depraved habit of life.,4.  When, therefore, Antipater and his fellow ambassador arrived, after a little bluster and some show of expostulation with Antiochus for his conduct, he granted a truce for a year.,6.  Sending back Sosibius with the ambassadors to ratify the treaty, he remained himself for three months in Syria and Phoenicia establishing order in the towns, and then, leaving Andromachus behind as military governor of the whole district, he returned with his sister and his friends to Alexandria,,7.  having brought the war to an end in a manner that astonished his subjects in view of his character in general.,8.  Antiochus after concluding the treaty with Sosibius occupied himself with his original project of operations against Achaeus. 5.88. 1.  Such was the state of matters in Asia. At about the same time I have been speaking of the Rhodians, availing themselves of the pretext of the earthquake which had occurred a short time previously and which had cast down their great Colossus and most of the walls and arsenals,,2.  made such practical use of the incident that disaster was a cause of improvement to them rather than of damage.,3.  So great is the difference both to individuals and to states between carefulness and wisdom on the one hand, and folly with negligence on the other, that in the latter case good fortune actually inflicts damage, while in the former disaster is the cause of profit.,4.  The Rhodians at least so dealt with the matter, that by laying stress on the greatness of the calamity and its dreadful character and by conducting themselves at public audiences and in private intercourse with the greatest seriousness and dignity, they had such an effect on cities and especially on kings that not only did they receive most lavish gifts, but that the donors themselves felt that a favour was being conferred on them.,5.  For Hiero and Gelo not only gave seventy-five silver talents, partly at once and the rest very shortly afterwards, to supply oil in the gymnasium, but dedicated silver cauldrons with their bases and a certain number of water-pitchers,,6.  and in addition to this granted ten talents for sacrifices and ten more to qualify new men for citizenship, so as to bring the whole gift up to a hundred talents.,7.  They also relieved Rhodian ships trading to their ports from the payment of customs, and presented the city with fifty catapults three cubits long.,8.  And finally, after bestowing so many gifts, they erected, just as if they were still under an obligation, in the Deigma or Mart at Rhodes a group representing the People of Rhodes being crowned by the People of Syracuse. 5.89. 1.  Ptolemy also promised them three hundred talents of silver, a million artabae of corn, timber for the construction of ten quinqueremes and ten triremes, forty thousand cubits (good measure) of squared deal planking, a thousand talents of coined bronze, three thousand talents of tow, three thousand pieces of sail-cloth, three thousand talents (of bronze?) for the restoration of the Colossus, a hundred master builders and three hundred and fifty masons, and fourteen talents per annum for their pay, and besides all this, twelve thousand artabae of corn for the games and sacrifices and twenty thousand artabae to feed the crews of ten triremes.,5.  Most of these things and the third part of the money he gave them at once.,6.  Antigonus in like manner gave them ten thousand pieces of timber ranging from eight to sixteen cubits in length to be used as rafters, five thousand beams of seven cubits long, three thousand talents of iron, a thousand talents of pitch, a thousand amphorae of raw pitch and a hundred talents of silver,,7.  while Chryseis his wife gave them a hundred thousand medimni of corn and three thousand talents of lead.,8.  Seleucus, the father of Antiochus, besides exempting Rhodians trading to his dominions from custom duties, presented them with ten quinqueremes fully equipped, two hundred thousand medimni of corn, ten thousand cubits of timber and a thousand talents of hair and resin. 5.90. 1.  Similar gifts were made by Prusias and Mithridates as well as by the other Asiatic princelets of the time, Lysanias, Olympichus, and Limnaeus.,2.  As for towns which contributed, each according to its means, it would be difficult to enumerate them.,3.  So that when one looks at the comparatively recent date of the foundation of the city of Rhodes and its small beginnings one is very much surprised at the rapid increase of public and private wealth which has taken place in so short a time;,4.  but when one considers its advantageous position and the large influx from abroad of all required to supplement its own resources, one is no longer surprised, but thinks that the wealth of Rhodes fall short rather of what it should be.,5. I have said so much on this subject to illustrate in the first place the dignity with which the Rhodians conduct their public affairs — for in this respect they are worthy of all praise and imitation — and secondly the stinginess of the kings of the present day and the meanness of our states and cities, so that a king who gives away four or five talents may not fancy he has done anything very great and expect the same honour and the same affection from the Greeks that former kings enjoyed;,7.  and secondly in order that cities, taking into consideration the value of the gifts formerly bestowed on them, may not now forget themselves so far as to lavish their greatest and most splendid distinctions for the sake of a few mean and paltry benefits,,8.  but may endeavour to maintain the principle of estimating everything at its true value — a principle peculiarly distinctive of the Greek nation. 5.91. 1.  In the early summer of the year in which Agetas was strategus of the Aetolians and shortly after Aratus had entered on the same office in Achaea — that being the date at which I interrupted my narrative of the Social War — Lycurgus of Sparta came back from Aetolia;,2.  for the ephors, who had discovered that the charge of which he had been condemned to exile was false, sent to him and invited him to return.,3.  He began to make arrangements with Pyrrhias the Aetolian, who was then the strategus of the Eleans, for an invasion of Messenia.,4.  Aratus had found the mercenary forces of the Achaeans disaffected and the cities not at all disposed to tax themselves for the purpose of maintaining them, a state of matters due to the incompetent and careless manner in which his predecessor Eperatus had, as I mentioned above, conducted the affairs of the League.,5.  However, he made an appeal to the Achaeans, and obtaining a decree on the subject, occupied himself actively with preparations for war.,6.  The substance of the decree was as follows. They were to keep up a mercenary force of eight thousand foot and five hundred horse and a picked Achaean force of three thousand foot and three hundred horse,,7.  including five hundred foot and fifty horse from Megalopolis, all brazen-shielded, and an equal number of Argives.,8.  They also decided to have three ships cruising off the Acte and in the Gulf of Argolis and three more in the neighbourhood of Patrae and Dyme and in those seas. 5.92. 1.  Aratus, being thus occupied and engaged in these preparations,,2.  Lycurgus and Pyrrhias, after communicating with each other and arranging to start at the same time, advanced towards Messenia.,3.  The Achaean strategus, on getting word of their project, came to Megalopolis with the mercenaries and some of the picked Achaean force to help the Messenians.,4.  Lycurgus, moving out of Laconia, took by treachery Calamae, a strong place in Messenia, and then advanced with the object of joining the Aetolians.,5.  But Pyrrhias, who had left Elis with quite a slight force and who had at once met with a check at the hands of the people of Cyparissia as he was entering Messenia, returned.,6.  Lycurgus, therefore, as he neither could manage to join Pyrrhias nor was strong enough by himself, after delivering some feeble assaults on Andania, returned to Sparta without having effected anything.,7.  Aratus, after the failure of the enemy's project, took a very proper step in view of future contingencies by arranging with Taurion and the Messenians respectively to get ready and dispatch fifty horse and five hundred foot,,8.  designing to use these troops for protecting Messenia and the territories of Megalopolis, Tegea,,9.  and Argos — these being the districts which border of Laconia and are more exposed than the rest of the Peloponnese to an inroad from thence —,10.  and to guard the parts of Achaea turned towards Aetolia and Elis with his picked Achaean force and his mercenaries. 5.93. 1.   After having arranged this, he put an end to the intestine disputes of the Megalopolitans by a decree of the Achaeans.,2.  They had only recently been ejected from their city by Cleomenes, and as the saying is, utterly uprooted, and consequently they were in absolute want of many things and were ill provided with everything.,3.  It is true that they retained their high spirit; but in every respect the shortage of their supplies both in public and private was a source of weakness to them.,4.  In consequence disputes, jealousies, and mutual hatred were rife among them, as usually happens both in public and private life when men have not sufficient means to give effect to their projects.,5.  The first matter of dispute was the fortification of the city, some saying that it ought to be reduced to a size which would enable them to complete the wall if they undertook to build one and to defend it in time of danger. It was just its size, they said, and the sparseness of the inhabitants which had proved fatal to the town.,6.  The same party proposed that landowners should contribute the third part of their estates, for making up the number of additional citizens required.,7.  Their opponents neither approved of reducing the size of the city nor were disposed to contribute the third part of their property.,8.  The most serious controversy of all, however, was in regard to the laws framed for them by Prytanis, an eminent member of the Peripatetic school, whom Antigonus had sent to them to draw up a code.,9.  Such being the matters in dispute, Aratus exerted himself by every means in his power to reconcile the rival factions,,10.  and the terms on which they finally composed their difference were engraved on a stone and set up beside the altar of Hestia in the Homarium. 5.94. 1.  After this settlement he left Megalopolis and went to take part in the Achaean Assembly, leaving the mercenaries under the command of Lycus of Pharae, who was then sub-strategus of the League.,2.  The Eleans, who were dissatisfied with Pyrrhias, now procured from the Aetolians the services of Euripidas,,3.  and he, waiting for the time when the Achaean Assembly met, took sixty horse and two thousand foot, and leaving Elis passed through the territory of Pharae and overran Achaea as far as that of Aegium.,4.  Having collected a considerable amount of booty, he was retreating towards Leontium,,5.  when Lycus, learning of the inroad, hastened to the rescue and encountering the enemy at once charged them and killed about four hundred, taking about two thousand prisoners,,6.  among whom were the following men of rank: Physsias, Antanor, Clearchus, Androlochus, Euanorides, Aristogeiton, Nicasippus, and Aspasius. He also captured all their arms and baggage.,7.  Just about the same time the Achaean naval commander made a landing at Molycria and came back with nearly a hundred captured slaves.,8.  Starting again he sailed to Chalceia, and on the enemy coming to the assistance of that town he captured two warships with their crews and afterwards took with its crew an Aetolian galley near Rhium.,9.  So that all this booty coming in from land and sea at the same time, with considerable benefit both to the exchequer and the commissariat, the soldiers felt confident that they would receive their pay and the cities that they would not be unduly burdened by war contributions. 5.95. 1.  Simultaneously with these events Scerdilaïdas, considering himself wronged by the king, as the sum due to him by the terms of their agreement had not been paid in full, sent out fifteen galleys with the design of securing payment by trickery.,2.  They sailed to Leucas where they were received as friends by everyone, owing to their previous co-operation in the war.,3.  The only damage, however, that they managed to do here, was that when the Corinthians Agathinus and Cassander who were in command of Taurion's squadron anchored with four sail in the same harbour, regarding them as friends, they made a treacherous attack upon them, and capturing them together with the ships, sent them to Scerdilaïdas.,4.  After this they left Leucas, and sailing to Malea began to plunder and capture merchantmen.,5. It was now nearly harvest time, and as Taurion had neglected the task of protecting the cities I mentioned, Aratus with his picked Achaean force remained to cover harvesting operations in Argolis,,6.  and in consequence Euripidas with his Aetolians crossed the frontier with the view of pillaging the territory of Tritaea.,7.  Lycus and Demodocus, the commander of the Aetolians from Elis, collected the levies of Dyme, Patrae, and Pharae and with these troops and the mercenaries invaded Elis.,8.  Reaching the place called Phyxium, they sent out their light-armed infantry and their cavalry to overrun the country, placing their heavy-armed troops in ambush near this place.,9.  When the Eleans with their whole force arrived to defend the country from pillage and followed up the retreating marauders, Lycus issued from his ambuscade and fell upon the foremost of them.,10.  The Eleans did not await the charge, but turned and ran at once on the appearance of the enemy, who killed about two hundred of them and captured eighty, bringing in all the booty they had collected in safety.,11.  At about the same time the Achaean naval commander made repeated descents on the coast of Calydon and Naupactus, ravaging the country and twice routing the force sent to protect it.,12.  He also captured Cleonicus of Naupactus, who since he was proxenus of the Achaeans, was not sold as a slave on the spot and was shortly afterwards set at liberty without ransom. 5.96. 1.  At the same period Agetas, the Aetolian strategus, with the whole Aetolian citizen force plundered Acaria and overran the whole of Epirus, pillaging the country with impunity.,2.  After this performance he returned and dismissed the Aetolians to their several cities.,3.  The Acarians now made a counter-attack on the territory of Stratus and being overtaken by panic, effected a retreat, which if not honourable was at least unaccompanied by loss, as the garrison of Stratus were afraid of pursuing them since they suspected their retreat was a ruse to lead them into an ambush.,4. The following instance of treachery countered by treachery also took place at Phanoteus. Alexander, who had been appointed to the command in Phocis by Philip, made a plan for outwitting the Aetolians by the agency of a certain Jason whom he had placed in charge of Phanoteus.,5.  This Jason sent a message to Agetas the Aetolian strategus offering to betray the citadel of that town to him, and entered into an agreement to do so confirmed by oath.,6.  On the appointed day Agetas with his Aetolians came to Phanoteus under cover of night, and concealing the rest of his force at a certain distance sent on a picked body of a hundred to the citadel.,7.  Jason had Alexander ready in the city with some troops, and receiving these Aetolian soldiers he introduced them all into the citadel as he had sworn.,8.  Alexander now burst in at once with his men, and the hundred picked Aetolians were captured. Agetas, when day broke, perceived what had happened and withdrew his forces, having thus been the victim of a trick not dissimilar to many he had played on others. 5.97. 1.  At about the same time Philip occupied Bylazora, the largest town in Paeonia and very favourably situated as regards the pass from Dardania to Macedonia. So that by his conquest he very nearly freed himself from the fear of the Dardai,,2.  it being no longer easy for them to invade Macedonia, now that Philip commanded the passes by holding this city.,3.  After securing the place, he dispatched Chrysogonus with all speed to collect the levies of upper Macedonia,4.  and he himself with those of Boeotia and Amphaxites arrived at Edessa. Here he was joined by the Macedonians under Chrysogonus, and setting forth with his whole army reached Larisa on the sixth day.,5.  Pushing on vigorously all night without stopping, he arrived before Melitea at daybreak, and setting up his scaling-ladders, attempted to storm the town.,6.  He terrified the Meliteans so much by the suddenness and unexpectedness of the attack that he could easily have taken the town; but the attempt was foiled by the ladders being far too short for the purpose. 5.98. 1.  This is the sort of thing for which commanders deserve the severest censure.,2.  Who could indeed help blaming those who come up to a town with the expectation of taking it on the spur of the moment and without having given the matter the slightest thought, having made no preliminary examination, and no measurements of the walls, precipices, and suchlike approaches by which they hope to gain entrance to it?,4.  And they are equally blameworthy if, after getting as accurate measurements as possible, they entrust at random to unskilled hands the construction of ladders and similar engines which require only a little pains in the making, but on their efficiency so much depends.,4.  For in such enterprises it is not a question of either succeeding or getting off without disaster, but failure here involves damage of various kinds; firstly in the action itself, where the bravest men are those most exposed to danger, and more especially in the retreat, when once they have incurred the contempt of the enemy.,6.  There are only too many examples of such consequences; for we find that there are many more instances of those who have failed in such attempts either perishing or being in extreme danger than of their getting away unhurt.,7.  Not only this, but by common consent they create distrust and hatred of themselves ever afterwards and bid all men be on their guard against them,,8.  for it is as though a warning is thus issued not only to the victims but to all who hear of the attempt to look well to themselves and be on the alert. Commanders therefore should never enter upon such projects without due consideration and care. The method of taking measurements and constructing ladders and so forth is quite easy and infallible, if we proceed scientifically.,11.  I must now resume my narrative, but when I find a suitable occasion and place in the course of this work for dealing with the subject again, I shall attempt to indicate the best means of avoiding mistakes in such undertakings. 5.99. 1.  Philip, foiled in this attempt, encamped near the river Enipeus, and brought up from Larisa and the other towns the siege material he had constructed during the winter,,2.  the chief objective of his whole campaign being the capture of Thebes in Phthiotis.,3.  This city is situated at no great distance from the sea, about three hundred stades away from Larisa, and commands both Magnesia and Thessaly, especially the territories of Demetrias in Magnesia and of Pharsalus and Pherae in Thessaly.,4.  It was now held by the Aetolians who made constant incursions from it, inflicting serious damage on the people of Demetrias, Pharsalus, and Larisa;,5.  for they frequently extended their inroads as far as the plain of the Amyrys.,6.  For this reason Philip regarded the matter as of no slight importance, and was most anxious to capture this city.,7.  Having got together a hundred and fifty catapults and twenty-five engines for throwing stones, he approached Thebes, and dividing his army into three parts, occupied the environs of the city,,8.  stationing one division at the Scopium, another at the place called the Heliotropium, and the third on the hill which overlooks the town.,9.  He fortified the intervals between the three camps by a trench and a double palisade, as well as by wooden towers, adequately manned at intervals of a hundred feet.,10.  After completing these lines, he collected all his material and began to bring his engines up to the citadel. 5.100. 1.  For the first three days he could not make any progress at all with his works owing to the reckless gallantry of the garrison's resistance.,2.  But when owing to the constant skirmishing and showers of missiles, some of them had fallen and others were wounded, the resistance was slightly relaxed, and the Macedonians began their mines.,3.  By unremitting exertion, notwithstanding the difficulties of the ground, they managed in nine days to reach the wall.,4.  After this they worked in relays without any interruption by night and day and in three days had undermined and underpinned two hundred feet of the wall.,5.  The props, however, could not support the weight, but gave way, so that the wall fell before the Macedonians had set fire to them.,6.  They rapidly cleared away the ruins and were ready to enter the city, in fact just on the point of delivering the assault, when the Thebans in terror surrendered the town.,7.  Philip, having by this achievement ensured the security of Magnesia and Thessaly, deprived the Aetolians of their chief source of plunder, and at the same time made it clear to his own forces that he was quite right in putting Leontius to death, the failure of the siege of Palae having been due to his treachery.,8.  Having thus gained possession of Thebes, he sold into slavery the existing inhabitants, and planting a Macedonian colony in the town, changed its name to Philippi.,9. Just as he had settled affairs at Thebes further ambassadors arrived from Chios, Rhodes, and Byzantium and from King Ptolemy to mediate a peace.,10.  Giving them the same answer as on the previous occasion and telling them that he was by no means averse to peace, he sent them off enjoining them to approach the Aetolians also.,11.  He himself, however, paid no attention to the question of peace, but continued to prosecute operations. 5.101. 1.  Hearing, therefore, that the galleys of Scerdilaïdas were committing acts of piracy off Cape Malea and treating all merchants as enemies, and that he had treacherously seized some Macedonian ships which were anchored near him at Leucas,,2.  he manned twelve decked ships, eight undecked ones, and thirty hemiolii, and sailed through the Euripus, being anxious to capture the Illyrians also, and altogether in high hopes of success in the war with the Aetolians, as he had hitherto had no news of what was going on in Italy.,3.  It was while Philip was besieging Thebes that the Romans were defeated by Hannibal in Etruria, but the report of this event had not yet reached Greece.,4.  Philip missed the Illyrian galleys, and, anchoring off Cenchreae, sent off his decked ships with orders to sail round Cape Malea towards Aegium and Patrae: the rest of his vessels he dragged over the Isthmus, ordering them all to anchor at Lechaeum;,5.  and himself with his friends hastened to Argos to be present at the celebration of the Nemean festival.,6.  A little after he had taken his place to witness the games a courier arrived from Macedonia bringing the intelligence that the Romans had been defeated in a great battle, and that Hannibal was master of the open country.,7.  The only man to whom he showed the letter at first, enjoining him to keep it to himself, was Demetrius of Pharos.,8.  Demetrius seized on this opportunity to advise him to get the Aetolian war off his shoulders as soon as possible, and to devote himself to the reduction of Illyria and a subsequent expedition to Italy.,9.  The whole of Greece, he said, was even now and would be in the future subservient to him, the Achaeans being his partisans by inclination and the spirit of the Aetolians being cowed by what had happened during the war.,10.  An expedition, however, to Italy was the first step towards the conquest of the world, an enterprise which belonged to none more properly than to himself. And now was the time, after this disaster to the Roman arms. 5.102. 1.  By such words as these he soon aroused Philip's ambition, as I think was to be expected in the case of a king so young, who had achieved some much success, who had such a reputation for daring, and above all who came of a house which we may say had always been inclined more than any other to covet universal dominion.,2. Philip, then, as I said, communicated the news that reached him in the letter to Demetrius alone, and afterwards summoned a council of his friends to discuss the question of peace with the Aetolians.,3.  Aratus also was not disinclined to negotiate, as he thought it an advantage to come to terms now the war was going in their favour;,4.  and so the king, without even waiting for the joint embassies which were acting in favour of peace, at once sent Cleonicus of Naupactus to the Aetolians — he had found him still awaiting the meeting of the Achaean Assembly after his captivity — and taking his ships and his land forces from Corinth, came with them to Aegium.,6.  Advancing to Lasion and seizing on the castle in Perippia he made a feint of invading Elis, so as not to seem too ready to put an end to the war, and afterwards when Cleonicus had been backwards and forwards two or three times and the Aetolians begged him to meet them personally in conference,,8.  he consented to do so, and putting a stop to all hostilities sent couriers to the allied cities begging them to send representatives to the council to take part in the negotiations.,9.  Crossing himself with his army and encamping at Panormus, which is a harbour in the Peloponnese lying exactly opposite Naupactus, he awaited the delegates of the allies.,10.  During the time when they were assembling he sailed across to Zacynthus and personally set the affairs of that island in order, returning afterwards to Panormus. 5.103. 1.  The delegates having now assembled, he sent to the Aetolians, Aratus, Taurion and some of those who had accompanied them.,2.  Meeting the Aetolians, who had assembled in full force at Naupactus, and after a short discussion observing how eager they were for peace, they sailed back to inform Philip of this.,3.  The Aetolians, who were most anxious to bring the war to an end, sent with them on their own part envoys to Philip, begging him to come and meet them with his army, so that they might be in close conference and arrive at a satisfactory solution of the questions at issue.,4.  The king deferred to their request, and sailed across with his army to the so‑called "Hollows" of Naupactus, distant about twenty stades from the town.,5.  Encamping there he surrounded his ships and camp with a palisade, and waited there till the conferences should begin.,6.  The Aetolians arrived in full force without their arms and establishing themselves at a distance of about two stades from Philip's camp, began to send messages and discuss matters.,7.  The king in the first instance sent all the delegates from the allies, enjoining them to propose to the Aetolians to make peace on the condition of both parties retaining what they then possessed.,8.  The Aetolians readily consented to these terms, and henceforth there was a constant interchange of communications on points of detail. Most of these I shall pass over as they had nothing worthy of mention in them,,9.  but I shall report the speech that Agelaus of Naupactus made before the king and the allies at the first conference. It was as follows: 5.104. 1.  "It would be best of all if the Greeks never made war on each other, but regarded it as the highest favour in the gift of the gods could they speak ever with one heart and voice, and marching arm in arm like men fording a river, repel barbarian invaders and unite in preserving themselves and their cities.,2.  And if such a union is indeed unattainable as a whole, I would counsel you at the present moment at least to agree together and to take due precautions for your safety, in view of the vast armaments now in the field and the greatness of this war in the west.,3.  For it is evident even to those of us who give but scanty attention to affairs of state, that whether the Carthaginians beat the Romans or the Romans the Carthaginians in this war, it is not in the least likely that the victors will be content with the sovereignty of Italy and Sicily, but they are sure to come here and extend their ambitions beyond the bounds of justice.,4.  Therefore I implore you all to secure yourselves against this danger, and I address myself especially to King Philip.,5.  For you, Sire, the best security is, instead of exhausting the Greeks and making them an easy prey to the invader, on the contrary to take thought for them as for your own body, and to attend to the safety of every province of Greece as if it were part and parcel of your own dominions.,6.  For if such be your policy the Greeks will bear you affection and render sure help to you in case of attack, while foreigners will be less disposed to plot against your throne, impressed as they will be by the loyalty of the Greeks to you.,7.  If you desire a field of action, turn to the west and keep your eyes on the war in Italy, so that, wisely biding your time, you may some day at the proper moment compete for the sovereignty of the world.,8.  And the present times are by no means such as to exclude any hope of the kind.,9.  But defer your differences with the Greeks and your wars here until you have repose enough for such matters, and give your whole attention now to the more urgent question, so that the power may still be yours of making war or peace with them at your pleasure.,10.  For if once you wait for these clouds that loom in the west to settle on Greece, I very much fear lest we may all of us find these truces and wars and games at which we now play, so rudely interrupted,11.  that we shall be fain to pray to the gods to give us still the power of fighting in general with each other and making peace when we will, the power, in a word, of deciding our differences for ourselves." 5.105. 1.  Agelaus by this speech made all the allies disposed for peace and especially Philip, as the words in which he addressed him accorded well with his present inclination, Demetrius having previously prepared the ground by his advice.,2.  So that they came to an agreement on all the points of detail, and after ratifying the peace the conference broke up, each carrying back to his home peace instead of war. ,3. All these events took place in the third year of the 140th Olympiad, — I mean the battle of the Romans in Etruria, that of Antiochus in Coele-Syria and the treaty of the Achaeans and Philip with the Aetolians.,4. It was at this time and at this conference that the affairs of Greece, Italy, and Africa were first brought into contact.,5.  For Philip and the leading statesmen of Greece ceased henceforth, in making war and peace with each other, to base their action on events in Greece, but the eyes of all were turned to the issues in Italy.,6.  And very soon the same thing happened to the islanders and the inhabitants of Asia Minor.,7.  For those who had grievances against Philip and some of the adversaries of Attalus no longer turned to the south and east, to Antiochus and Ptolemy, but henceforth looked to the west, some sending embassies to Carthage and others to Rome,,8.  and the Romans also sending embassies to the Greeks, afraid as they were of Philip's venturesome character and guarding themselves against an attack by him now they were in difficulties.,9.  Now that I have, as I promised, shown, I think clearly, how, when, and for what reason Greek affairs became involved with those of Italy and Africa,,10.  I shall continue my narrative of Greek history up to the date of the battle at Cannae in which the Romans were defeated by the Carthaginians, the decisive event with which I broke off my account of the war in Italy and will thus bring this book to a close, not overstepping the above date. 5.106. 1.  As soon as the Achaeans had the war off their shoulders, electing Timoxenus as their strategus and resuming their normal customs and mode of life,,2.  they set themselves, like the rest of the Peloponnesian towns, to re-establishing their private fortunes, to repairing the damage done to their lands, and to reviving their traditional sacrifices and festivals and various local religious rites.,3.  Such matters had indeed almost sunk into oblivion owing to the late uninterrupted state of war.,4.  For somehow or other the Peloponnesians, who are above all men disposed to a quiet and sociable life, have enjoyed less of it in former times at least than any other people, having been rather as Euripides expresses it "aye vexed with toil, their spears never at rest.",5.  It is only natural that this should be so, for as they are all naturally both ambitious of supremacy and fond of liberty, they are in a state of constant warfare, none being disposed to yield the first place to his neighbour.,6. The Athenians were now delivered from the fear of Macedonia and regarded their liberty as securely established.,7.  Following the policy and inclination of their leading statesmen Eurycleidas and Micion, they took no part in the affairs of the rest of Greece, but were profuse in their adulation of all the kings, and chiefly of Ptolemy,,8.  consenting to every variety of decree and proclamation however humiliating, and paid little heed to decency in this respect owing to the lack of judgement of their leaders. 5.107. 1.  As for Ptolemy, his war against the Egyptians followed immediately on these events.,2.  This king, by arming the Egyptians for his war against Antiochus, took a step which was of great service for the time, but which was a mistake as regards the future.,3.  The soldiers, highly proud of their victory at Raphia, were no longer disposed to obey orders, but were on the look out for a leader and figure-head, thinking themselves well able to maintain themselves as an independent power, an attempt in which they finally succeeded not long afterwards. Antiochus, after making preparations on a large scale during the winter, crossed the Taurus at the beginning of summer and, coming to an understanding with King Attalus, arranged for a joint campaign against Achaeus.,5. The Aetolians were at first quite satisfied with the terms of their peace with the Achaeans, as the fortune of the war had been adverse to them — they had in fact elected Agelaus of Naupactus as their strategus because they thought he had contributed more than of else to the peace — but in less than no time they began to be dissatisfied,6.  and to blame Agelaus for having cut off all their sources of booty and destroyed their future prospects by making peace with all the Greeks and not with certain states only.,7.  Agelaus, however, put up with these unreasonable complaints and kept them well in hand, so that they were obliged contrary to their nature to practise self-denial.
48. Nicander, Fragments, None (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 40
49. Septuagint, 3 Maccabees, 1.9, 1.12, 2.3-2.4, 2.28-2.31, 3.8-3.9, 3.21, 3.25, 4.6, 5.5-5.6, 5.10-5.11, 5.16-5.20, 5.27-5.31, 5.36-5.44, 5.47, 6.9, 6.15, 6.18-6.21, 6.27-6.28, 6.30-6.34, 7.4-7.15 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 453, 456, 457, 458, 459, 460
1.9. After he had arrived in Jerusalem, he offered sacrifice to the supreme God and made thank-offerings and did what was fitting for the holy place. Then, upon entering the place and being impressed by its excellence and its beauty, 1.12. Even after the law had been read to him, he did not cease to maintain that he ought to enter, saying, "Even if those men are deprived of this honor, I ought not to be." 2.3. For you, the creator of all things and the governor of all, are a just Ruler, and you judge those who have done anything in insolence and arrogance. 2.4. You destroyed those who in the past committed injustice, among whom were even giants who trusted in their strength and boldness, whom you destroyed by bringing upon them a boundless flood. 2.28. "None of those who do not sacrifice shall enter their sanctuaries, and all Jews shall be subjected to a registration involving poll tax and to the status of slaves. Those who object to this are to be taken by force and put to death; 2.29. those who are registered are also to be branded on their bodies by fire with the ivy-leaf symbol of Dionysus, and they shall also be reduced to their former limited status." 2.30. In order that he might not appear to be an enemy to all, he inscribed below: "But if any of them prefer to join those who have been initiated into the mysteries, they shall have equal citizenship with the Alexandrians." 2.31. Now some, however, with an obvious abhorrence of the price to be exacted for maintaining the religion of their city, readily gave themselves up, since they expected to enhance their reputation by their future association with the king. 3.8. The Greeks in the city, though wronged in no way, when they saw an unexpected tumult around these people and the crowds that suddenly were forming, were not strong enough to help them, for they lived under tyranny. They did try to console them, being grieved at the situation, and expected that matters would change; 3.9. for such a great community ought not be left to its fate when it had committed no offense. 3.21. Among other things, we made known to all our amnesty toward their compatriots here, both because of their alliance with us and the myriad affairs liberally entrusted to them from the beginning; and we ventured to make a change, by deciding both to deem them worthy of Alexandrian citizenship and to make them participants in our regular religious rites. 3.25. Therefore we have given orders that, as soon as this letter shall arrive, you are to send to us those who live among you, together with their wives and children, with insulting and harsh treatment, and bound securely with iron fetters, to suffer the sure and shameful death that befits enemies. 4.6. And young women who had just entered the bridal chamber to share married life exchanged joy for wailing, their myrrh-perfumed hair sprinkled with ashes, and were carried away unveiled, all together raising a lament instead of a wedding song, as they were torn by the harsh treatment of the heathen. 5.5. The servants in charge of the Jews went out in the evening and bound the hands of the wretched people and arranged for their continued custody through the night, convinced that the whole nation would experience its final destruction. 5.6. For to the Gentiles it appeared that the Jews were left without any aid, 5.10. Hermon, however, when he had drugged the pitiless elephants until they had been filled with a great abundance of wine and satiated with frankincense, presented himself at the courtyard early in the morning to report to the king about these preparations. 5.11. But the Lord sent upon the king a portion of sleep, that beneficence which from the beginning, night and day, is bestowed by him who grants it to whomever he wishes. 5.16. The king, after considering this, returned to his drinking, and ordered those present for the banquet to recline opposite him. 5.17. When this was done he urged them to give themselves over to revelry and to make the present portion of the banquet joyful by celebrating all the more. 5.18. After the party had been going on for some time, the king summoned Hermon and with sharp threats demanded to know why the Jews had been allowed to remain alive through the present day. 5.19. But when he, with the corroboration of his friends, pointed out that while it was still night he had carried out completely the order given him, 5.20. the king, possessed by a savagery worse than that of Phalaris, said that the Jews were benefited by today's sleep, "but," he added, "tomorrow without delay prepare the elephants in the same way for the destruction of the lawless Jews!" 5.27. But he, upon receiving the report and being struck by the unusual invitation to come out -- since he had been completely overcome by incomprehension -- inquired what the matter was for which this had been so zealously completed for him. 5.28. This was the act of God who rules over all things, for he had implanted in the king's mind a forgetfulness of the things he had previously devised. 5.29. Then Hermon and all the king's friends pointed out that the beasts and the armed forces were ready, "O king, according to your eager purpose." 5.30. But at these words he was filled with an overpowering wrath, because by the providence of God his whole mind had been deranged in regard to these matters; and with a threatening look he said, 5.31. "Were your parents or children present, I would have prepared them to be a rich feast for the savage beasts instead of the Jews, who give me no ground for complaint and have exhibited to an extraordinary degree a full and firm loyalty to my ancestors. 5.36. The king, however, reconvened the party in the same manner and urged the guests to return to their celebrating. 5.37. After summoning Hermon he said in a threatening tone, "How many times, you poor wretch, must I give you orders about these things? 5.38. Equip the elephants now once more for the destruction of the Jews tomorrow!" 5.39. But the officials who were at table with him, wondering at his instability of mind, remonstrated as follows: 5.40. "O king, how long will you try us, as though we are idiots, ordering now for a third time that they be destroyed, and again revoking your decree in the matter? 5.41. As a result the city is in a tumult because of its expectation; it is crowded with masses of people, and also in constant danger of being plundered." 5.42. Upon this the king, a Phalaris in everything and filled with madness, took no account of the changes of mind which had come about within him for the protection of the Jews, and he firmly swore an irrevocable oath that he would send them to death without delay, mangled by the knees and feet of the beasts, 5.43. and would also march against Judea and rapidly level it to the ground with fire and spear, and by burning to the ground the temple inaccessible to him would quickly render it forever empty of those who offered sacrifices there. 5.44. Then the friends and officers departed with great joy, and they confidently posted the armed forces at the places in the city most favorable for keeping guard. 5.47. So he, when he had filled his impious mind with a deep rage, rushed out in full force along with the beasts, wishing to witness, with invulnerable heart and with his own eyes, the grievous and pitiful destruction of the aforementioned people. 6.9. And now, you who hate insolence, all-merciful and protector of all, reveal yourself quickly to those of the nation of Israel -- who are being outrageously treated by the abominable and lawless Gentiles. 6.15. Let it be shown to all the Gentiles that you are with us, O Lord, and have not turned your face from us; but just as you have said, `Not even when they were in the land of their enemies did I neglect them,' so accomplish it, O Lord." 6.18. Then the most glorious, almighty, and true God revealed his holy face and opened the heavenly gates, from which two glorious angels of fearful aspect descended, visible to all but the Jews. 6.19. They opposed the forces of the enemy and filled them with confusion and terror, binding them with immovable shackles. 6.20. Even the king began to shudder bodily, and he forgot his sullen insolence. 6.21. The beasts turned back upon the armed forces following them and began trampling and destroying them. 6.27. Loose and untie their unjust bonds! Send them back to their homes in peace, begging pardon for your former actions! 6.28. Release the sons of the almighty and living God of heaven, who from the time of our ancestors until now has granted an unimpeded and notable stability to our government." 6.30. Then the king, when he had returned to the city, summoned the official in charge of the revenues and ordered him to provide to the Jews both wines and everything else needed for a festival of seven days, deciding that they should celebrate their rescue with all joyfulness in that same place in which they had expected to meet their destruction. 6.31. Accordingly those disgracefully treated and near to death, or rather, who stood at its gates, arranged for a banquet of deliverance instead of a bitter and lamentable death, and full of joy they apportioned to celebrants the place which had been prepared for their destruction and burial. 6.32. They ceased their chanting of dirges and took up the song of their fathers, praising God, their Savior and worker of wonders. Putting an end to all mourning and wailing, they formed choruses as a sign of peaceful joy. 6.33. Likewise also the king, after convening a great banquet to celebrate these events, gave thanks to heaven unceasingly and lavishly for the unexpected rescue which he had experienced. 6.34. And those who had previously believed that the Jews would be destroyed and become food for birds, and had joyfully registered them, groaned as they themselves were overcome by disgrace, and their fire-breathing boldness was ignominiously quenched. 7.4. for they declared that our government would never be firmly established until this was accomplished, because of the ill-will which these people had toward all nations. 7.5. They also led them out with harsh treatment as slaves, or rather as traitors, and, girding themselves with a cruelty more savage than that of Scythian custom, they tried without any inquiry or examination to put them to death. 7.6. But we very severely threatened them for these acts, and in accordance with the clemency which we have toward all men we barely spared their lives. Since we have come to realize that the God of heaven surely defends the Jews, always taking their part as a father does for his children, 7.7. and since we have taken into account the friendly and firm goodwill which they had toward us and our ancestors, we justly have acquitted them of every charge of whatever kind. 7.8. We also have ordered each and every one to return to his own home, with no one in any place doing them harm at all or reproaching them for the irrational things that have happened. 7.9. For you should know that if we devise any evil against them or cause them any grief at all, we always shall have not man but the Ruler over every power, the Most High God, in everything and inescapably as an antagonist to avenge such acts. Farewell." 7.10. Upon receiving this letter the Jews did not immediately hurry to make their departure, but they requested of the king that at their own hands those of the Jewish nation who had willfully transgressed against the holy God and the law of God should receive the punishment they deserved. 7.11. For they declared that those who for the belly's sake had transgressed the divine commandments would never be favorably disposed toward the king's government. 7.12. The king then, admitting and approving the truth of what they said, granted them a general license so that freely and without royal authority or supervision they might destroy those everywhere in his kingdom who had transgressed the law of God. 7.13. When they had applauded him in fitting manner, their priests and the whole multitude shouted the Hallelujah and joyfully departed. 7.14. And so on their way they punished and put to a public and shameful death any whom they met of their fellow-countrymen who had become defiled. 7.15. In that day they put to death more than three hundred men; and they kept the day as a joyful festival, since they had destroyed the profaners.
50. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 13.898, 15.391 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 478
13.898. Desierat Galatea loqui, coetuque soluto 15.391. Haec tamen ex aliis generis primordia ducunt:
51. Hyginus, Fabulae (Genealogiae), 132, 83, 136 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 478
52. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.20.3, 3.62.7, 3.65.5, 3.65.7, 3.67.4, 3.74.1, 4.2.5, 4.4.2, 4.5.1, 5.39, 5.75 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 106, 134, 146, 166, 284, 335, 431, 459
1.20.3.  Macedon his son, moreover, he left as king of Macedonia, which was named after him, while to Triptolemus he assigned the care of agriculture in Attica. Finally, Osiris in this way visited all the inhabited world and advanced community life by the introduction of the fruits which are most easily cultivated. 3.62.7.  For he is considered to be the son of Zeus and Demeter, they hold, by reason of the fact that the vine gets its growth both from the earth and from rains and so bears as its fruit the wine which is pressed out from the clusters of grapes; and the statement that he was torn to pieces, while yet a youth, by the"earth-born" signifies the harvesting of the fruit by the labourers, and the boiling of his members has been worked into a myth by reason of the fact that most men boil the wine and then mix it, thereby improving its natural aroma and quality. Again, the account of his members, which the "earth-born" treated with despite, being brought together again and restored to their former natural state, shows forth that the vine, which has been stripped of its fruit and pruned at the yearly seasons, is restored by the earth to the high level of fruitfulness which it had before. For, in general, the ancient poets and writers of myths spoke of Demeter as Gê Meter (Earth Mother). 3.65.5.  Consequently he sailed across secretly to his army, and then Lycurgus, they say, falling upon the Maenads in the city known as Nysium, slew them all, but Dionysus, bringing his forces over, conquered the Thracians in a battle, and taking Lycurgus alive put out his eyes and inflicted upon him every kind of outrage, and then crucified him. 3.65.7.  But some of the poets, one of whom is Antimachus, state that Lycurgus was king, not of Thrace, but of Arabia, and that the attack upon Dionysus and the Bacchantes was made at the Nysa which is in Arabia. However this may be, Dionysus, they say, punished the impious but treated all other men honourably, and then made his return journey from India to Thebes upon an elephant. 3.67.4.  About Orpheus, the third pupil, we shall give a detailed account when we come to treat of his deeds. Now Linus, they say, composed an account in the Pelasgic letters of the deeds of the first Dionysus and of the other mythical legends and left them among his memoirs. 3.74.1.  As for the first Dionysus, the son of Ammon and Amaltheia, these, then, are the deeds he accomplished as the Libyans recount the history of them; the second Dionysus, as men say, who was born to Zeus by Io, the daughter of Inachus, became king of Egypt and appointed the initiatory rites of that land; and the third and last was sprung from Zeus and Semelê and became, among the Greeks, the rival of the first two. 4.2.5.  After he had received his rearing by the nymphs in Nysa, they say, he made the discovery of wine and taught mankind how to cultivate the vine. And as he visited the inhabited world almost in its entirety, he brought much land under cultivation and in return for this received most high honours at the hands of all men. He also discovered the drink made out of barley and called by some zythos, the bouquet of which is not much inferior to that of wine. The preparation of this drink he taught to those peoples whose country was unsuited to the cultivation of the vine. 4.4.2.  They state also that he excelled in sagacity and was the first to attempt the yoking of oxen and by their aid to effect the sowing of the seed, this being the reason why they also represent him as wearing a horn. But the Dionysus who was born of Semelê in more recent times, they say, was a man who was effeminate in body and altogether delicate; in beauty, however, he far excelled all other men and was addicted to indulgence in the delights of love, and on his campaigns he led about with himself a multitude of women who were armed with lances which were shaped like thyrsi. 4.5.1.  Many epithets, so we are informed, have been given him by men, who have found the occasions from which they arose in the practices and customs which have become associated with him. So, for instance, he has been called Baccheius from Bacchic bands of women who accompanied him, Lenaeus from the custom of treading the clusters of grapes in a wine-tub (lenos), and Bromius from the thunder (bromos) which attended his birth; likewise for a similar reason he has been called Pyrigenes ("Born-of‑Fire"). 5.39. 1.  Since we have discussed the Gauls, the Celtiberians, and the Iberians, we shall pass on to the Ligurians. The Ligurians inhabit a land which is stony and altogether wretched, and the life they live is, by reason of the toils and the continuous hardships they endure in their labour, a grievous one and unfortunate.,2.  For the land being thickly wooded, some of them fell the wood the whole day long, equipped with efficient and heavy axes, and others, whose task it is to prepare the ground, do in fact for the larger part quarry out rocks by reason of the exceeding stoniness of the land; for their tools never dig up a clod without a stone. Since their labour entails such hardship as this, it is only by perseverance that they surmount Nature and that after many distresses they gather scanty harvests, and no more. By reason of their continued physical activity and minimum of nourishment the Ligurians are slender and vigorous of body. To aid them in their hardships they have their women, who have become accustomed to labour on an equal basis with the men.,3.  They are continually hunting, whereby they get abundant game and compensate in this way for the lack of the fruits of the field. Consequently, spending their lives as they do on snow-covered mountains, where they are used to traversing ')" onMouseOut="nd();" unbelievably rugged places, they become vigorous and muscular of body.,4.  Some of the Ligurians, because of the lack among them of the fruits of the earth, drink nothing but water, and they eat the flesh of both domestic and wild animals and fill themselves with the green things which grow in the land, the land they possess being untrodden by the most kindly of the gods, namely, Demeter and Dionysus.,5.  The nights the Ligurians spend in the fields, rarely in a kind of crude shanty or hut, more often in the hollows of rocks and natural caves which may offer them sufficient protection.,6.  In pursuance of these habits they have also other practices wherein they preserve the manner of life which is primitive and lacking in implements. Speaking generally, in these regions the women possess the vigour and might of men, and the men those of wild beasts. Indeed, they say that often times in campaigns the mightiest warrior among the Gauls has been challenged to single combat by a quite slender Ligurian and slain.,7.  The weapons of the Ligurians are lighter in their structure than those of the Romans; for their protection is a long shield, worked in the Gallic fashion, and a shirt gathered in with a belt, and about them they throw the skins of wild animals and carry a sword of moderate size; but some of them, now that they have been incorporated in the Roman state, have changed the type of their weapons, adapting themselves to their rulers.,8.  And they are venturesome and of noble spirit, not only in war, but in those circumstances of life which offer terrifying hardships or perils. As traders, for instance, they sail over the Sardinian and Libyan seas, readily casting themselves into dangers from which there is no succour; for although the vessels they use are more cheaply fashioned than make-shift boats and their equipment is the minimum of that usual on ships, yet to one's astonishment and terror they will face the most fearful conditions which storms create. 5.75. 1.  To Hermes men ascribe the introduction of the sending of embassies to sue for peace, as they are used in wars, and negotiations and truces and also the herald's wand, as a token of such matters, which is customarily borne by those who are carrying on conversations touching affairs of this kind and who, by means of it, are accorded safe conduct by the enemy; and this is the reason why he has been given the name "Hermes Koinos" because the benefit is common (koinê) to both the parties when they exchange peace in time of war.,2.  They also say that he was the first to devise measures and weights and the profits to be gained through merchandising, and how also to appropriate the property of others all unknown to them. Tradition also says that he is the herald of the gods and their most trusted messenger, because of his ability to express clearly (hermêneuein) each command that has been given him; and this is the reason why he has received the name he bears, not because he was the discoverer of words and of speech, as some men say, but because he has perfected, to a higher degree than all others, the art of the precise and clear statement of a message.,3.  He also introduced wrestling-schools and invented the lyre out of a tortoise-shell after the contest in skill between Apollo and Marsyas, in which, we are told, Apollo was victorious and thereupon exacted an excessive punishment of his defeated adversary, but he afterwards repented of this and, tearing the strings from the lyre, for a time had nothing to do with its music.,4.  As for Dionysus, the myths state that he discovered the vine and its cultivation, and also how to make wine and to store away many of the autumn fruits and thus to provide mankind with the use of them as food over a long time. This god was born in Crete, men say, of Zeus and Persephonê, and Orpheus has handed down the tradition in the initiatory rites that he was torn in pieces by the Titans. And the fact is that there have been several who bore the name Dionysus, regarding whom we have given a detailed account at greater length in connection with the more appropriate period of time.,5.  The Cretans, however, undertake to advance evidences that the god was born in their country, stating that he formed two islands near Crete in the Twin Gulfs, as they are called, and called them after himself Dionysiadae, a thing which he has done, they say, nowhere else in the inhabited earth.
53. New Testament, John, 4.53, 5.2, 6.11, 6.26-6.27, 8.49, 15.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 479, 480
4.53. ἔγνω οὖν ὁ πατὴρ ὅτι ἐκείνῃ τῇ ὥρᾳ ἐν ᾗ εἶπεν αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς Ὁ υἱός σου ζῇ, καὶ ἐπίστευσεν αὐτὸς καὶ ἡ οἰκία αὐτοῦ ὅλη. 5.2. Ἔστιν δὲ ἐν τοῖς Ἰεροσολύμοις ἐπὶ τῇ προβατικῇ κολυμβήθρα ἡ ἐπιλεγομένη Ἐβραϊστὶ Βηθζαθά, πέντε στοὰς ἔχουσα· 6.11. ἔλαβεν οὖν τοὺς ἄρτους ὁ Ἰησοῦς καὶ εὐχαριστήσας διέδωκεν τοῖς ἀνακειμένοις, ὁμοίως καὶ ἐκ τῶν ὀψαρίων ὅσον ἤθελον. 6.26. ἀπεκρίθη αὐτοῖς ὁ Ἰησοῦς καὶ εἶπεν Ἀμὴν ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν, ζητεῖτέ με οὐχ ὅτι εἴδετε σημεῖα ἀλλʼ ὅτι ἐφάγετε ἐκ τῶν ἄρτων καὶ ἐχορτάσθητε· 6.27. ἐργάζεσθε μὴ τὴν βρῶσιν τὴν ἀπολλυμένην ἀλλὰ τὴν βρῶσιν τὴν μένουσαν εἰς ζωὴν αἰώνιον, ἣν ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ὑμῖν δώσει, τοῦτον γὰρ ὁ πατὴρ ἐσφράγισεν ὁ θεός. 8.49. ἀπεκρίθη Ἰησοῦς Ἐγὼ δαιμόνιον οὐκ ἔχω, ἀλλὰ τιμῶ τὸν πατέρα μου, καὶ ὑμεῖς ἀτιμάζετέ με. 15.12. αὕτη ἐστὶν ἡ ἐντολὴ ἡ ἐμὴ ἵνα ἀγαπᾶτε ἀλλήλους καθὼς ἠγάπησα ὑμᾶς· 4.53. So the father knew that it was at that hour in which Jesus said to him, "Your son lives." He believed, as did his whole house. 5.2. Now in Jerusalem by the sheep gate, there is a pool, which is called in Hebrew, "Bethesda," having five porches. 6.11. Jesus took the loaves; and having given thanks, he distributed to the disciples, and the disciples to those who were sitting down; likewise also of the fish as much as they desired. 6.26. Jesus answered them, "Most assuredly I tell you, you seek me, not because you saw signs, but because you ate of the loaves, and were filled. 6.27. Don't work for the food which perishes, but for the food which remains to eternal life, which the Son of Man will give to you. For God the Father has sealed him." 8.49. Jesus answered, "I don't have a demon, but I honor my Father, and you dishonor me. 15.12. "This is my commandment, that you love one another, even as I have loved you.
54. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 3.3.1, 3.5.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 284, 478
3.3.1. Δευκαλίωνι δὲ ἐγένοντο Ἰδομενεύς τε καὶ Κρήτη καὶ νόθος Μόλος. Γλαῦκος δὲ ἔτι νήπιος ὑπάρχων, μῦν διώκων εἰς μέλιτος πίθον πεσὼν ἀπέθανεν. ἀφανοῦς δὲ ὄντος αὐτοῦ Μίνως πολλὴν ζήτησιν ποιούμενος περὶ τῆς εὑρέσεως ἐμαντεύετο. Κούρητες δὲ εἶπον αὐτῷ τριχρώματον ἐν ταῖς ἀγέλαις ἔχειν βοῦν, τὸν δὲ τὴν ταύτης χρόαν 1 -- ἄριστα εἰκάσαι δυνηθέντα καὶ ζῶντα τὸν παῖδα ἀποδώσειν. συγκληθέντων δὲ τῶν μάντεων Πολύιδος ὁ Κοιρανοῦ τὴν χρόαν τῆς βοὸς εἴκασε βάτου καρπῷ, καὶ ζητεῖν τὸν παῖδα ἀναγκασθεὶς διά τινος μαντείας ἀνεῦρε. λέγοντος δὲ Μίνωος ὅτι δεῖ καὶ ζῶντα ἀπολαβεῖν αὐτόν, ἀπεκλείσθη σὺν τῷ νεκρῷ. ἐν ἀμηχανίᾳ δὲ πολλῇ τυγχάνων εἶδε δράκοντα ἐπὶ τὸν νεκρὸν ἰόντα· τοῦτον βαλὼν λίθῳ ἀπέκτεινε, δείσας μὴ κἂν 2 -- αὐτὸς τελευτήσῃ, εἴ τι τὸ σῶμα πάθοι. 1 -- ἔρχεται δὲ ἕτερος δράκων, καὶ θεασάμενος νεκρὸν τὸν πρότερον 2 -- ἄπεισιν, εἶτα ὑποστρέφει πόαν κομίζων, καὶ ταύτην ἐπιτίθησιν ἐπὶ πᾶν τὸ τοῦ ἑτέρου σῶμα· ἐπιτεθείσης δὲ τῆς πόας ἀνέστη. θεασάμενος δὲ Πολύιδος καὶ θαυμάσας, τὴν αὐτὴν πόαν προσενεγκὼν τῷ τοῦ Γλαύκου σώματι ἀνέστησεν. 3.5.1. Διόνυσος δὲ εὑρετὴς ἀμπέλου γενόμενος, Ἥρας μανίαν αὐτῷ ἐμβαλούσης περιπλανᾶται Αἴγυπτόν τε καὶ Συρίαν. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον Πρωτεὺς αὐτὸν ὑποδέχεται βασιλεὺς Αἰγυπτίων, αὖθις δὲ εἰς Κύβελα τῆς Φρυγίας ἀφικνεῖται, κἀκεῖ καθαρθεὶς ὑπὸ Ῥέας καὶ τὰς τελετὰς ἐκμαθών, καὶ λαβὼν παρʼ ἐκείνης τὴν στολήν, ἐπὶ Ἰνδοὺς 1 -- διὰ τῆς Θράκης ἠπείγετο. Λυκοῦργος δὲ παῖς Δρύαντος, Ἠδωνῶν βασιλεύων, οἳ Στρυμόνα ποταμὸν παροικοῦσι, πρῶτος ὑβρίσας ἐξέβαλεν αὐτόν. καὶ Διόνυσος μὲν εἰς θάλασσαν πρὸς Θέτιν τὴν Νηρέως κατέφυγε, Βάκχαι δὲ ἐγένοντο αἰχμάλωτοι καὶ τὸ συνεπόμενον Σατύρων πλῆθος αὐτῷ. αὖθις δὲ αἱ Βάκχαι ἐλύθησαν ἐξαίφνης, Λυκούργῳ δὲ μανίαν ἐνεποίησε 2 -- Διόνυσος. ὁ δὲ μεμηνὼς Δρύαντα τὸν παῖδα, ἀμπέλου νομίζων κλῆμα κόπτειν, πελέκει πλήξας ἀπέκτεινε, καὶ ἀκρωτηριάσας αὐτὸν ἐσωφρόνησε. 1 -- τῆς δὲ γῆς ἀκάρπου μενούσης, ἔχρησεν ὁ θεὸς καρποφορήσειν αὐτήν, ἂν θανατωθῇ Λυκοῦργος. Ἠδωνοὶ δὲ ἀκούσαντες εἰς τὸ Παγγαῖον αὐτὸν ἀπαγαγόντες ὄρος ἔδησαν, κἀκεῖ κατὰ Διονύσου βούλησιν ὑπὸ ἵππων διαφθαρεὶς ἀπέθανε.
55. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 8.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 459
56. Plutarch, Greek And Roman Questions, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 106
57. Plutarch, On The Obsolescence of Oracles, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 106
417c. in which it is possible to gain the clearest reflections and adumbrations of the truth about the demigods, 'let my lips be piously sealed,' as Herodotus says; but as for festivals and sacrifices, which may be compared with ill-omened and gloomy days, in which occur the eating of raw flesh, rending of victims, fasting, and beating of breasts, and again in many places scurrilous language at the shrines, and Frenzy and shouting of throngs in excitement With tumultuous tossing of heads in the air, Ishould say that these acts are not performed for any god, but are soothing and appeasing rites for the averting of evil spirits. Nor is it credible that the gods demanded or welcomed the human sacrifices of ancient days,
58. Plutarch, On Isis And Osiris, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 426
59. Plutarch, Fragments, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 343
60. Plutarch, Table Talk, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 460
61. Plutarch, Theseus, 20 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 17
62. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 2.20.4, 2.22.1, 2.23.7-2.23.8, 8.37.5, 9.29.7, 10.4.3, 10.33.11 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 16, 17, 106, 292, 429
2.20.4. τὸ δὲ μνῆμα τὸ πλησίον Χορείας μαινάδος ὀνομάζουσι, Διονύσῳ λέγοντες καὶ ἄλλας γυναῖκας καὶ ταύτην ἐς Ἄργος συστρατεύσασθαι, Περσέα δέ, ὡς ἐκράτει τῆς μάχης, φονεῦσαι τῶν γυναικῶν τὰς πολλάς· τὰς μὲν οὖν λοιπὰς θάπτουσιν ἐν κοινῷ, ταύτῃ δὲ—ἀξιώματι γὰρ δὴ προεῖχεν—ἰδίᾳ τὸ μνῆμα ἐποίησαν. 2.22.1. τῆς δὲ Ἥρας ὁ ναὸς τῆς Ἀνθείας ἐστὶ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τῆς Λητοῦς ἐν δεξιᾷ καὶ πρὸ αὐτοῦ γυναικῶν τάφος. ἀπέθανον δὲ αἱ γυναῖκες ἐν μάχῃ πρὸς Ἀργείους τε καὶ Περσέα, ἀπὸ νήσων τῶν ἐν Αἰγαίῳ Διονύσῳ συνεστρατευμέναι· καὶ διὰ τοῦτο Ἁλίας αὐτὰς ἐπονομάζουσιν. ἀντικρὺ δὲ τοῦ μνήματος τῶν γυναικῶν Δήμητρός ἐστιν ἱερὸν ἐπίκλησιν Πελασγίδος ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱδρυσαμένου Πελασγοῦ τοῦ Τριόπα, καὶ οὐ πόρρω τοῦ ἱεροῦ τάφος Πελασγοῦ. 2.23.7. ἄλλα δέ ἐστιν Ἀργείοις θέας ἄξια· κατάγαιον οἰκοδόμημα, ἐπʼ αὐτῷ δὲ ἦν ὁ χαλκοῦς θάλαμος, ὃν Ἀκρίσιός ποτε ἐπὶ φρουρᾷ τῆς θυγατρὸς ἐποίησε· Περίλαος δὲ καθεῖλεν αὐτὸν τυραννήσας. τοῦτό τε οὖν τὸ οἰκοδόμημά ἐστι καὶ Κροτώπου μνῆμα καὶ Διονύσου ναὸς Κρησίου. Περσεῖ γὰρ πολεμήσαντα αὐτὸν καὶ αὖθις ἐλθόντα ἐς λύσιν τοῦ ἔχθους τά τε ἄλλα τιμηθῆναι μεγάλως λέγουσιν ὑπὸ Ἀργείων καὶ τέμενός οἱ δοθῆναι τοῦτο ἐξαίρετον· 2.23.8. Κρησίου δὲ ὕστερον ὠνομάσθη, διότι Ἀριάδνην ἀποθανοῦσαν ἔθαψεν ἐνταῦθα. Λυκέας δὲ λέγει κατασκευαζομένου δεύτερον τοῦ ναοῦ κεραμέαν εὑρεθῆναι σορόν, εἶναι δὲ Ἀριάδνης αὐτήν· καὶ αὐτός τε καὶ ἄλλους Ἀργείων ἰδεῖν ἔφη τὴν σορόν. πλησίον δὲ τοῦ Διονύσου καὶ Ἀφροδίτης ναός ἐστιν Οὐρανίας. 8.37.5. πρὸς δὲ τῆς Δεσποίνης τῷ ἀγάλματι ἕστηκεν Ἄνυτος σχῆμα ὡπλισμένου παρεχόμενος· φασὶ δὲ οἱ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τραφῆναι τὴν Δέσποιναν ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἀνύτου, καὶ εἶναι τῶν Τιτάνων καλουμένων καὶ τὸν Ἄνυτον. Τιτᾶνας δὲ πρῶτος ἐς ποίησιν ἐσήγαγεν Ὅμηρος, θεοὺς εἶναι σφᾶς ὑπὸ τῷ καλουμένῳ Ταρτάρῳ, καὶ ἔστιν ἐν Ἥρας ὅρκῳ τὰ ἔπη· παρὰ δὲ Ὁμήρου Ὀνομάκριτος παραλαβὼν τῶν Τιτάνων τὸ ὄνομα Διονύσῳ τε συνέθηκεν ὄργια καὶ εἶναι τοὺς Τιτᾶνας τῷ Διονύσῳ τῶν παθημάτων ἐποίησεν αὐτουργούς. 9.29.7. ἀποθανόντος δὲ τοῦ Λίνου τὸ ἐπʼ αὐτῷ πένθος διῆλθεν ἄρα καὶ ἄχρι τῆς βαρβάρου πάσης, ὡς καὶ Αἰγυπτίοις ᾆσμα γενέσθαι Λίνον· καλοῦσι δὲ τὸ ᾆσμα Αἰγύπτιοι τῇ ἐπιχωρίῳ φωνῇ Μανέρων. οἱ δὲ Ἕλλησιν ἔπη ποιήσαντες, Ὅμηρος μέν, ἅτε ᾆσμα Ἕλλησιν ὂν ἐπιστάμενος τοῦ Λίνου τὰ παθήματα, ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἀχιλλέως ἔφη τῇ ἀσπίδι ἄλλα τε ἐργάσασθαι τὸν Ἥφαιστον καὶ κιθαρῳδὸν παῖδα ᾄδοντα τὰ ἐς Λίνον· τοῖσι δʼ ἐνὶ μέσσοισι πάις φόρμιγγι λιγείῃ ἱμερόεν κιθάριζε, Λίνον δʼ ὑπὸ καλὸν ἄειδεν· Hom. Il. 18.569-70 Pausanias misquotes. 10.4.3. τὸ ἕτερον δὲ οὐκ ἐδυνήθην συμβαλέσθαι πρότερον, ἐφʼ ὅτῳ καλλίχορον τὸν Πανοπέα εἴρηκε, πρὶν ἢ ἐδιδάχθην ὑπὸ τῶν παρʼ Ἀθηναίοις καλουμένων Θυιάδων. αἱ δὲ Θυιάδες γυναῖκες μέν εἰσιν Ἀττικαί, φοιτῶσαι δὲ ἐς τὸν Παρνασσὸν παρὰ ἔτος αὐταί τε καὶ αἱ γυναῖκες Δελφῶν ἄγουσιν ὄργια Διονύσῳ. ταύταις ταῖς Θυιάσι κατὰ τὴν ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν ὁδὸν καὶ ἀλλαχοῦ χοροὺς ἱστάναι καὶ παρὰ τοῖς Πανοπεῦσι καθέστηκε· καὶ ἡ ἐπίκλησις ἡ ἐς τὸν Πανοπέα Ὁμήρου ὑποσημαίνειν τῶν Θυιάδων δοκεῖ τὸν χορόν. 10.33.11. †ἃ μάλιστα ἄξιον Διονύσῳ δρῶσιν ὄργια, ἔσοδος δὲ ἐς τὸ ἄδυτον οὐδὲ ἐν φανερῷ σφισιν †ἄγαλμα οὐκ ἔστι. λέγεται δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀμφικλειέων μάντιν τέ σφισι τὸν θεὸν τοῦτον καὶ βοηθὸν νόσων καθεστηκέναι· τὰ μὲν δὴ νοσήματα αὐτοῖς Ἀμφικλειεῦσι καὶ τοῖς προσοικοῦσιν ἰᾶται διʼ ὀνειράτων, πρόμαντις δὲ ὁ ἱερεύς ἐστι, χρῷ δὲ ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ κάτοχος. 2.20.4. The tomb near this they call that of the maenad Chorea, saying that she was one of the women who joined Dionysus in his expedition against Argos , and that Perseus, being victorious in the battle, put most of the women to the sword. To the rest they gave a common grave, but to Chorea they gave burial apart because of her high rank. 2.22.1. The temple of Hera Anthea (Flowery) is on the right of the sanctuary of Leto, and before it is a grave of women. They were killed in a battle against the Argives under Perseus, having come from the Aegean Islands to help Dionysus in war; for which reason they are surnamed Haliae (Women of the Sea). Facing the tomb of the women is a sanctuary of Demeter, surnamed Pelasgian from Pelasgus, son of Triopas, its founder, and not far from the sanctuary is the grave of Pelasgus. 2.23.7. for instance, an underground building over which was the bronze chamber which Acrisius once made to guard his daughter. Perilaus, however, when he became tyrant, pulled it down. Besides this building there is the tomb of Crotopus and a temple of Cretan Dionysus. For they say that the god, having made war on Perseus, afterwards laid aside his enmity, and received great honors at the hands of the Argives, including this precinct set specially apart for himself. 2.23.8. It was afterwards called the precinct of the Cretan god, because, when Ariadne died, Dionysus buried her here. But Lyceas says that when the temple was being rebuilt an earthenware coffin was found, and that it was Ariadne's. He also said that both he himself and other Argives had seen it. Near the temple of Dionysus is a temple of Heavenly Aphrodite. 8.37.5. By the image of the Mistress stands Anytus, represented as a man in armour. Those about the sanctuary say that the Mistress was brought up by Anytus, who was one of the Titans, as they are called. The first to introduce Titans into poetry was Homer, See Hom. Il. 14.279 . representing them as gods down in what is called Tartarus; the lines are in the passage about Hera's oath. From Homer the name of the Titans was taken by Onomacritus, who in the orgies he composed for Dionysus made the Titans the authors of the god's sufferings. 9.29.7. On the death of Linus, mourning for him spread, it seems, to all the foreign world, so that even among the Egyptians there came to be a Linus song, in the Egyptian language called Maneros. of the Greek poets, Homer shows that he knew that the sufferings of Linus were the theme of a Greek song when he says that Hephaestus, among the other scenes he worked upon the shield of Achilles, represented a boy harpist singing the Linus song:— In the midst of them a boy on a clear-toned lyre Played with great charm, and to his playing sang of beautiful Linus. Pausanias misquotes. Hom. Il. 18.569-70 10.4.3. The former passage, in which Homer speaks of the beautiful dancing-floors of Panopeus, I could not understand until I was taught by the women whom the Athenians call Thyiads. The Thyiads are Attic women, who with the Delphian women go to Parnassus every other year and celebrate orgies in honor of Dionysus. It is the custom for these Thyiads to hold dances at places, including Panopeus, along the road from Athens . The epithet Homer applies to Panopeus is thought to refer to the dance of the Thyiads. 10.33.11. They celebrate orgies, well worth seeing, in honor of Dionysus, but there is no entrance to the shrine, nor have they any image that can be seen. The people of Amphicleia say that this god is their prophet and their helper in disease. The diseases of the Amphicleans themselves and of their neighbors are cured by means of dreams. The oracles of the god are given by the priest, who utters them when under the divine inspiration.
63. Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation To The Greeks, 2.16.1, 2.22.1-2.22.2, 2.22.4, 2.34.5, 12.119.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 40, 101, 102, 106, 335
64. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 106
65. Lucian, The Dance, 15, 79 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 175
66. Pollux, Onomasticon, 4.52-4.53, 8.108 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 114, 429
67. Polyaenus, Excerpts of Polyaenus, 7.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 175
68. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 4.21 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 175
4.21. ἐπιπλῆξαι δὲ λέγεται περὶ Διονυσίων ̓Αθηναίοις, ἃ ποιεῖταί σφισιν ἐν ὥρᾳ τοῦ ἀνθεστηριῶνος: ὁ μὲν γὰρ μονῳδίας ἀκροασομένους καὶ μελοποιίας παραβάσεών τε καὶ ῥυθμῶν, ὁπόσοι κωμῳδίας τε καὶ τραγῳδίας εἰσίν, ἐς τὸ θέατρον ξυμφοιτᾶν ᾤετο, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἤκουσεν, ὅτι αὐλοῦ ὑποσημήναντος λυγισμοὺς ὀρχοῦνται καὶ μεταξὺ τῆς ̓Ορφέως ἐποποιίας τε καὶ θεολογίας τὰ μὲν ὡς ̔͂Ωραι, τὰ δὲ ὡς Νύμφαι, τὰ δὲ ὡς Βάκχαι πράττουσιν, ἐς ἐπίπληξιν τούτου κατέστη καὶ “παύσασθε” εἶπεν “ἐξορχούμενοι τοὺς Σαλαμινίους καὶ πολλοὺς ἑτέρους κειμένους ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας, εἰ μὲν γὰρ Λακωνικὴ ταῦτα ὄρχησις, εὖγε οἱ στρατιῶται, γυμνάζεσθε γὰρ πολέμῳ καὶ ξυνορχήσομαι, εἰ δὲ ἁπαλὴ καὶ ἐς τὸ θῆλυ σπεύδουσα, τί φῶ περὶ τῶν τροπαίων; οὐ γὰρ κατὰ Μήδων ταῦτα ἢ Περσῶν, καθ' ὑμῶν δὲ ἑστήξει, τῶν ἀναθέντων αὐτὰ εἰ λίποισθε. κροκωτοὶ δὲ ὑμῖν καὶ ἁλουργία καὶ κοκκοβαφία τοιαύτη πόθεν; οὐδὲ γὰρ αἱ ̓Αχαρναί γε ὧδε ἐστέλλοντο, οὐδὲ ὁ Κολωνὸς ὧδε ἵππευε. καὶ τί λέγω ταῦτα; γυνὴ ναύαρχος ἐκ Καρίας ἐφ' ὑμᾶς ἔπλευσε μετὰ Ξέρξου, καὶ ἦν αὐτῇ γυναικεῖον οὐδέν, ἀλλ' ἀνδρὸς στολὴ καὶ ὅπλα, ὑμεῖς δὲ ἁβρότεροι τῶν Ξέρξου γυναικῶν ἐφ' ἑαυτοὺς στέλλεσθε οἱ γέροντες οἱ νέοι τὸ ἐφηβικόν, οἳ πάλαι μὲν ὤμνυσαν ἐς ̓Αγραύλου φοιτῶντες ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος ἀποθανεῖσθαι καὶ ὅπλα θήσεσθαι, νῦν δὲ ἴσως ὀμοῦνται ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος βακχεύσειν καὶ θύρσον λήψεσθαι κόρυν μὲν οὐδεμίαν φέρον, γυναικομίμῳ δὲ μορφώματι, κατὰ τὸν Εὐριπίδην, αἰσχρῶς διαπρέπον. ἀκούω δὲ ὑμᾶς καὶ ἀνέμους γίγνεσθαι καὶ λῄδια ἀνασείειν λέγεσθε ἔπιπλα μετεώρως αὐτὰ κολποῦντες. ἔδει δὲ ἀλλὰ τούτους γε αἰδεῖσθαι, ξυμμάχους ὄντας καὶ πνεύσαντας ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν μέγα, μηδὲ τὸν Βορέαν κηδεστήν γε ὄντα καὶ παρὰ πάντας τοὺς ἀνέμους ἄρσενα ποιεῖσθαι θῆλυν, οὐδὲ γὰρ τῆς ̓Ωρειθυίας ἐραστὴς ἄν ποτε ὁ Βορέας ἐγένετο, εἰ κἀκείνην ὀρχουμένην εἶδε.” 4.21. And he is said to have rebuked the Athenians for their conduct of the festival of Dionysus, which they hold at the season of the month Anthesterion. For when he saw them flocking to the theater he imagined that the were going to listen to solos and compositions in the way of processional and rhythmic hymns, such as are sung in comedies and tragedies; but when he heard them dancing lascivious jigs to the rondos of a pipe, and in the midst of the sacred epic of Orpheus striking attitudes as the Hours, or as nymphs, or as bacchants, he set himself to rebuke their proceedings and said: Stop dancing away the reputations of the victors of Salamis as well as of many other good men deported this life. For if indeed this were a Lacedaemonian form of dance, I would say, “Bravo, soldiers; for you are training yourselves for war, and I will join in your dance'; but as it is a soft dance and one of effeminate tendency, what am I to say of your national trophies? Not as monuments of shame to the Medians or Persians, but to your own shame they will have been raised, should you degenerate so much from those who set them up. And what do you mean by your saffron robes and your purple and scarlet raiment? For surely the Acharnians never dressed themselves up in this way, nor ever the knights of Colonus rode in such garb. A woman commanded a ship from Caria and sailed against you with Xerxes, and about her there was nothing womanly, but she wore the garb and armor of a man; but you are softer than the women of Xerxes' day, and you are dressing yourselves up to your own despite, old and young and striplings alike, all those who of old flocked to the shrine of Agraulus in order to swear to die in battle on behalf of the fatherland. And now it seems that the same people are ready to swear to become bacchants and don the thyrsus in behalf of their country; and no one bears a helmet, but disguised as female harlequins, to use the phrase of Euripides, they shine in shame alone. Nay more, I hear that you turn yourselves into winds, and wave your skirts, and pretend that you are ships bellying their sails aloft. But surely you might at least have some respect for the winds that were your allies and once blew mightily to protect you, instead of turning Boreas who was your patron, and who of all the winds is the most masculine, into a woman; for Boreas would never have become the lover of Oreithya, if he had seen her executing, like you, a skirt dance.
69. Aelian, Nature of Animals, 5.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 478
70. Origen, Against Celsus, 1.25 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 335
1.25. And perhaps there is a danger as great as that which degrades the name of God, or of the Good, to improper objects, in changing the name of God according to a secret system, and applying those which belong to inferior beings to greater, and vice versa. And I do not dwell on this, that when the name of Zeus is uttered, there is heard at the same time that of the son of Kronos and Rhea, and the husband of Hera, and brother of Poseidon, and father of Athene, and Artemis, who was guilty of incest with his own daughter Persephone; or that Apollo immediately suggests the son of Leto and Zeus, and the brother of Artemis, and half-brother of Hermes; and so with all the other names invented by these wise men of Celsus, who are the parents of these opinions, and the ancient theologians of the Greeks. For what are the grounds for deciding that he should on the one hand be properly called Zeus, and yet on the other should not have Kronos for his father and Rhea for his mother? And the same argument applies to all the others that are called gods. But this charge does not at all apply to those who, for some mysterious reason, refer the word Sabaoth, or Adonai, or any of the other names to the (true) God. And when one is able to philosophize about the mystery of names, he will find much to say respecting the titles of the angels of God, of whom one is called Michael, and another Gabriel, and another Raphael, appropriately to the duties which they discharge in the world, according to the will of the God of all things. And a similar philosophy of names applies also to our Jesus, whose name has already been seen, in an unmistakeable manner, to have expelled myriads of evil spirits from the souls and bodies (of men), so great was the power which it exerted upon those from whom the spirits were driven out. And while still upon the subject of names, we have to mention that those who are skilled in the use of incantations, relate that the utterance of the same incantation in its proper language can accomplish what the spell professes to do; but when translated into any other tongue, it is observed to become inefficacious and feeble. And thus it is not the things signified, but the qualities and peculiarities of words, which possess a certain power for this or that purpose. And so on such grounds as these we defend the conduct of the Christians, when they struggle even to death to avoid calling God by the name of Zeus, or to give Him a name from any other language. For they either use the common name - God - indefinitely, or with some such addition as that of the Maker of all things, the Creator of heaven and earth - He who sent down to the human race those good men, to whose names that of God being added, certain mighty works are wrought among men. And much more besides might be said on the subject of names, against those who think that we ought to be indifferent as to our use of them. And if the remark of Plato in the Philebus should surprise us, when he says, My fear, O Protagoras, about the names of the gods is no small one, seeing Philebus in his discussion with Socrates had called pleasure a god, how shall we not rather approve the piety of the Christians, who apply none of the names used in the mythologies to the Creator of the world? And now enough on this subject for the present.
71. Porphyry, On Abstinence, 4.19 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 146
4.19. 19.I had almost, however, forgotten to adduce what is said by Euripides, who asserts, that the prophets of Jupiter in Crete abstained from animals. But what is said by the chorus to Minos on this subject, is as follows: Sprung from Phoenicia's royal line, Son of Europa, nymph divine, And mighty Jove, thy envy'd reign O'er Crete extending, whose domain Is with a hundred cities crown'd I leave yon consecrated ground, Yon fane, whose beams the artist's toil With cypress, rooted from the soil, Hath fashion'd. In the mystic rites Initiated, life's best delights I place in chastity alone, Midst Night's dread orgies wont to rove, The priest of Zagreus 21 and of Jove; Feasts of crude flesh I now decline, And wave aloof the blazing pine To Cybele, nor fear to claim Her own Curete's hallow'd name; |133 Clad in a snowy vest I fly Far from the throes of pregcy, Never amidst the tombs intrude, And slay no animal for food. SPAN
72. Arnobius, Against The Gentiles, 2.73 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 175
73. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 3.14 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 284
74. Nonnus, Paraphrasis Sancti Evangelii Joannei (Fort. Auctore Nonno Alio, 4.54, 4.242, 5.10, 5.105, 6.99, 6.108, 6.117, 8.148, 9.73, 11.99, 11.163, 12.98, 12.195, 15.51, 18.128, 30.169 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 475, 479, 480
75. Nonnus, Dionysiaca, 7.86, 9.114-9.115, 9.276-9.280, 12.41-12.63, 12.70-12.81, 12.97-12.102, 12.144-12.145, 12.174-12.184, 12.188-12.192, 12.201, 12.369, 12.391, 13.256, 16.386, 16.401, 17.357-17.384, 19.104-19.105, 19.178-19.180, 21.1-21.169, 25.282-25.283, 25.451-25.552, 26.127, 26.287, 26.295-26.332, 27.214, 29.163, 35.58-35.72, 35.75, 35.319, 36.315, 37.4-37.6, 39.357-39.358, 40.396-40.397, 41.178-41.182 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 175, 284, 459, 473, 474, 475, 478, 479, 480
76. Hesychius of Miletus, Fragments, None (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 12
77. Olympiodorus The Younger of Alexandria, In Platonis Phaedonem Commentaria, None (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 146
78. Zenobius, Symposium, None  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 382
79. Epigraphy, Igdgg, 1.19  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 146
80. Isocrates, Epistulae, None  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 153
81. Epigraphy, Igdolbia, None  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 146
82. Demosthenes, Orations, 18.259, 18.260, 60.30.  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 254
83. Horatius Flaccus, Carmina, 2.19.10, 2.29.29  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 11
84. Carmina Popularia, Pmg, 879  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 166, 281
85. Anon., Suda, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 480
86. Bacchylides, Odes, 17.92-17.119  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 133, 134
87. Epigraphy, Ig,  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 101
88. Anon., Scholia On Aristophanes Ach., 378  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 101
89. Vergil, Aeneis, 6.36  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 478
6.36. The Minotaur—of monstrous loves the sign.
90. Strabo, Geography, 10.3.10  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 102
10.3.10. And on this account Plato, and even before his time the Pythagoreians, called philosophy music; and they say that the universe is constituted in accordance with harmony, assuming that every form of music is the work of the gods. And in this sense, also, the Muses are goddesses, and Apollo is leader of the Muses, and poetry as a whole is laudatory of the gods. And by the same course of reasoning they also attribute to music the upbuilding of morals, believing that everything which tends to correct the mind is close to the gods. Now most of the Greeks assigned to Dionysus, Apollo, Hecate, the Muses, and above all to Demeter, everything of an orgiastic or Bacchic or choral nature, as well as the mystic element in initiations; and they give the name Iacchus not only to Dionysus but also to the leader-in-chief of the mysteries, who is the genius of Demeter. And branch-bearing, choral dancing, and initiations are common elements in the worship of these gods. As for the Muses and Apollo, the Muses preside over the choruses, whereas Apollo presides both over these and the rites of divination. But all educated men, and especially the musicians, are ministers of the Muses; and both these and those who have to do with divination are ministers of Apollo; and the initiated and torch-bearers and hierophants, of Demeter; and the Sileni and Satyri and Bacchae, and also the Lenae and Thyiae and Mimallones and Naides and Nymphae and the beings called Tityri, of Dionysus.
91. Carmina Convivialia, Pmg, 900  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 166
92. Epigraphy, Imagn., None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 166
93. Anon., Scholia On Clement of Alexandria, Protrepticus, 1.2.2, 16.25  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 102, 429
94. Epigraphy, Hirschfeld 1916, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 102
96. Plato, Io, None  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 11
98. Anon., Scholia On Plato, Republic, None  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 101
99. Harpocration, Commentarii In Dionysium Periegetam, None  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 106
100. Callixenus, Fgrhist 627, None  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 106
101. Bacchylides, Fr., None  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 114
102. Etymologicum Magnum, Catasterismi, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 457
103. Nicander Calchedonius, Fragments, None  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 40
106. Orphic Hymns., Fragments, 474.16, 485.1, 485.3-485.4, 486.1, 486.3-486.4, 487.4, 488.8  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 133, 136, 144, 145
107. Orphic Hymns., Hymni, 49.3, 54.10  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 175
108. Anon., Scholia On Aristophanes, Aves Dübner, 874  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 335
109. Heraclitus Lesbius, Fragments, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 175
110. Anon., Pmg, 1024  Tagged with subjects: •death associated with dionysos and dionysian cult or myth Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 166
111. Photius, Lexicon, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 106