1. Homer, Iliad, 7.171-7.199, 15.187-15.193 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero, de divinatione Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 280| 7.171. κλήρῳ νῦν πεπάλασθε διαμπερὲς ὅς κε λάχῃσιν· 7.172. οὗτος γὰρ δὴ ὀνήσει ἐϋκνήμιδας Ἀχαιούς, 7.173. καὶ δʼ αὐτὸς ὃν θυμὸν ὀνήσεται αἴ κε φύγῃσι 7.174. δηΐου ἐκ πολέμοιο καὶ αἰνῆς δηϊοτῆτος. 7.175. ὣς ἔφαθʼ, οἳ δὲ κλῆρον ἐσημήναντο ἕκαστος, 7.176. ἐν δʼ ἔβαλον κυνέῃ Ἀγαμέμνονος Ἀτρεΐδαο. 7.177. λαοὶ δʼ ἠρήσαντο, θεοῖσι δὲ χεῖρας ἀνέσχον· 7.178. ὧδε δέ τις εἴπεσκεν ἰδὼν εἰς οὐρανὸν εὐρύν· 7.179. Ζεῦ πάτερ ἢ Αἴαντα λαχεῖν, ἢ Τυδέος υἱόν, 7.180. ἢ αὐτὸν βασιλῆα πολυχρύσοιο Μυκήνης. 7.181. ὣς ἄρʼ ἔφαν, πάλλεν δὲ Γερήνιος ἱππότα Νέστωρ, 7.182. ἐκ δʼ ἔθορε κλῆρος κυνέης ὃν ἄρʼ ἤθελον αὐτοὶ 7.183. Αἴαντος· κῆρυξ δὲ φέρων ἀνʼ ὅμιλον ἁπάντῃ 7.184. δεῖξʼ ἐνδέξια πᾶσιν ἀριστήεσσιν Ἀχαιῶν. 7.185. οἳ δʼ οὐ γιγνώσκοντες ἀπηνήναντο ἕκαστος. 7.186. ἀλλʼ ὅτε δὴ τὸν ἵκανε φέρων ἀνʼ ὅμιλον ἁπάντῃ 7.187. ὅς μιν ἐπιγράψας κυνέῃ βάλε φαίδιμος Αἴας, 7.188. ἤτοι ὑπέσχεθε χεῖρʼ, ὃ δʼ ἄρʼ ἔμβαλεν ἄγχι παραστάς, 7.189. γνῶ δὲ κλήρου σῆμα ἰδών, γήθησε δὲ θυμῷ. 7.190. τὸν μὲν πὰρ πόδʼ ἑὸν χαμάδις βάλε φώνησέν τε· 7.191. ὦ φίλοι ἤτοι κλῆρος ἐμός, χαίρω δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς 7.192. θυμῷ, ἐπεὶ δοκέω νικησέμεν Ἕκτορα δῖον. 15.187. τρεῖς γάρ τʼ ἐκ Κρόνου εἰμὲν ἀδελφεοὶ οὓς τέκετο Ῥέα 15.188. Ζεὺς καὶ ἐγώ, τρίτατος δʼ Ἀΐδης ἐνέροισιν ἀνάσσων. 15.189. τριχθὰ δὲ πάντα δέδασται, ἕκαστος δʼ ἔμμορε τιμῆς· 15.190. ἤτοι ἐγὼν ἔλαχον πολιὴν ἅλα ναιέμεν αἰεὶ 15.191. παλλομένων, Ἀΐδης δʼ ἔλαχε ζόφον ἠερόεντα, 15.192. Ζεὺς δʼ ἔλαχʼ οὐρανὸν εὐρὺν ἐν αἰθέρι καὶ νεφέλῃσι· 15.193. γαῖα δʼ ἔτι ξυνὴ πάντων καὶ μακρὸς Ὄλυμπος. | 7.171. Then among them spake again the horseman, Nestor of Gerenia:Cast ye the lot now from the first unto the last for him whoso shall be chosen; for he shall verily profit the well-greaved Achaeans and himself in his own soul shall profit withal, if so be he escape from the fury of war and the dread conflict. 7.172. Then among them spake again the horseman, Nestor of Gerenia:Cast ye the lot now from the first unto the last for him whoso shall be chosen; for he shall verily profit the well-greaved Achaeans and himself in his own soul shall profit withal, if so be he escape from the fury of war and the dread conflict. 7.173. Then among them spake again the horseman, Nestor of Gerenia:Cast ye the lot now from the first unto the last for him whoso shall be chosen; for he shall verily profit the well-greaved Achaeans and himself in his own soul shall profit withal, if so be he escape from the fury of war and the dread conflict. 7.174. Then among them spake again the horseman, Nestor of Gerenia:Cast ye the lot now from the first unto the last for him whoso shall be chosen; for he shall verily profit the well-greaved Achaeans and himself in his own soul shall profit withal, if so be he escape from the fury of war and the dread conflict. 7.175. So said he, and they marked each man his lot and cast them in the helmet of Agamemnon, son of Atreus; and the host made prayer, and lifted up their hands to the gods. And thus would one say with a lance up to the broad heaven:Father Zeus, grant that the lot fall of Aias or the son of Tydeus 7.176. So said he, and they marked each man his lot and cast them in the helmet of Agamemnon, son of Atreus; and the host made prayer, and lifted up their hands to the gods. And thus would one say with a lance up to the broad heaven:Father Zeus, grant that the lot fall of Aias or the son of Tydeus 7.177. So said he, and they marked each man his lot and cast them in the helmet of Agamemnon, son of Atreus; and the host made prayer, and lifted up their hands to the gods. And thus would one say with a lance up to the broad heaven:Father Zeus, grant that the lot fall of Aias or the son of Tydeus 7.178. So said he, and they marked each man his lot and cast them in the helmet of Agamemnon, son of Atreus; and the host made prayer, and lifted up their hands to the gods. And thus would one say with a lance up to the broad heaven:Father Zeus, grant that the lot fall of Aias or the son of Tydeus 7.179. So said he, and they marked each man his lot and cast them in the helmet of Agamemnon, son of Atreus; and the host made prayer, and lifted up their hands to the gods. And thus would one say with a lance up to the broad heaven:Father Zeus, grant that the lot fall of Aias or the son of Tydeus 7.180. or else on the king himself of Mycene rich in gold. So spake they, and the horseman, Nestor of Gerenia, shook the helmet, and forth therefrom leapt the lot that themselves desired, even the lot of Aias. And the herald bare it everywhither throughout the throng, and showed it from left to right to all the chieftains of the Achaeans; 7.181. or else on the king himself of Mycene rich in gold. So spake they, and the horseman, Nestor of Gerenia, shook the helmet, and forth therefrom leapt the lot that themselves desired, even the lot of Aias. And the herald bare it everywhither throughout the throng, and showed it from left to right to all the chieftains of the Achaeans; 7.182. or else on the king himself of Mycene rich in gold. So spake they, and the horseman, Nestor of Gerenia, shook the helmet, and forth therefrom leapt the lot that themselves desired, even the lot of Aias. And the herald bare it everywhither throughout the throng, and showed it from left to right to all the chieftains of the Achaeans; 7.183. or else on the king himself of Mycene rich in gold. So spake they, and the horseman, Nestor of Gerenia, shook the helmet, and forth therefrom leapt the lot that themselves desired, even the lot of Aias. And the herald bare it everywhither throughout the throng, and showed it from left to right to all the chieftains of the Achaeans; 7.184. or else on the king himself of Mycene rich in gold. So spake they, and the horseman, Nestor of Gerenia, shook the helmet, and forth therefrom leapt the lot that themselves desired, even the lot of Aias. And the herald bare it everywhither throughout the throng, and showed it from left to right to all the chieftains of the Achaeans; 7.185. but they knew it not, and denied it every man. But when in bearing it everywhither throughout the throng he was come to him that had marked it and cast it into the helm, even to glorious Aias, then Aias held forth his hand, and the herald drew near and laid the lot therein; and Aias knew at a glance the token on the lot, and waxed glad at heart. 7.186. but they knew it not, and denied it every man. But when in bearing it everywhither throughout the throng he was come to him that had marked it and cast it into the helm, even to glorious Aias, then Aias held forth his hand, and the herald drew near and laid the lot therein; and Aias knew at a glance the token on the lot, and waxed glad at heart. 7.187. but they knew it not, and denied it every man. But when in bearing it everywhither throughout the throng he was come to him that had marked it and cast it into the helm, even to glorious Aias, then Aias held forth his hand, and the herald drew near and laid the lot therein; and Aias knew at a glance the token on the lot, and waxed glad at heart. 7.188. but they knew it not, and denied it every man. But when in bearing it everywhither throughout the throng he was come to him that had marked it and cast it into the helm, even to glorious Aias, then Aias held forth his hand, and the herald drew near and laid the lot therein; and Aias knew at a glance the token on the lot, and waxed glad at heart. 7.189. but they knew it not, and denied it every man. But when in bearing it everywhither throughout the throng he was come to him that had marked it and cast it into the helm, even to glorious Aias, then Aias held forth his hand, and the herald drew near and laid the lot therein; and Aias knew at a glance the token on the lot, and waxed glad at heart. 7.190. The lot then he cast upon the ground beside his foot, and spake:My friends, of a surety the lot is mine, and mine own heart rejoiceth, for I deem that I shall vanquish goodly Hector. But come now, while I am doing on me my battle gear, make ye prayer the while to king Zeus, son of Cronos, 7.191. The lot then he cast upon the ground beside his foot, and spake:My friends, of a surety the lot is mine, and mine own heart rejoiceth, for I deem that I shall vanquish goodly Hector. But come now, while I am doing on me my battle gear, make ye prayer the while to king Zeus, son of Cronos, 7.192. The lot then he cast upon the ground beside his foot, and spake:My friends, of a surety the lot is mine, and mine own heart rejoiceth, for I deem that I shall vanquish goodly Hector. But come now, while I am doing on me my battle gear, make ye prayer the while to king Zeus, son of Cronos, 15.187. Out upon it, verily strong though he be he hath spoken overweeningly, if in sooth by force and in mine own despite he will restrain me that am of like honour with himself. For three brethren are we, begotten of Cronos, and born of Rhea,—Zeus, and myself, and the third is Hades, that is lord of the dead below. And in three-fold wise are all things divided, and unto each hath been apportioned his own domain. 15.188. Out upon it, verily strong though he be he hath spoken overweeningly, if in sooth by force and in mine own despite he will restrain me that am of like honour with himself. For three brethren are we, begotten of Cronos, and born of Rhea,—Zeus, and myself, and the third is Hades, that is lord of the dead below. And in three-fold wise are all things divided, and unto each hath been apportioned his own domain. 15.189. Out upon it, verily strong though he be he hath spoken overweeningly, if in sooth by force and in mine own despite he will restrain me that am of like honour with himself. For three brethren are we, begotten of Cronos, and born of Rhea,—Zeus, and myself, and the third is Hades, that is lord of the dead below. And in three-fold wise are all things divided, and unto each hath been apportioned his own domain. 15.190. I verily, when the lots were shaken, won for my portion the grey sea to be my habitation for ever, and Hades won the murky darkness, while Zeus won the broad heaven amid the air and the clouds; but the earth and high Olympus remain yet common to us all. Wherefore will I not in any wise walk after the will of Zeus; nay in quiet 15.191. I verily, when the lots were shaken, won for my portion the grey sea to be my habitation for ever, and Hades won the murky darkness, while Zeus won the broad heaven amid the air and the clouds; but the earth and high Olympus remain yet common to us all. Wherefore will I not in any wise walk after the will of Zeus; nay in quiet 15.192. I verily, when the lots were shaken, won for my portion the grey sea to be my habitation for ever, and Hades won the murky darkness, while Zeus won the broad heaven amid the air and the clouds; but the earth and high Olympus remain yet common to us all. Wherefore will I not in any wise walk after the will of Zeus; nay in quiet 15.193. I verily, when the lots were shaken, won for my portion the grey sea to be my habitation for ever, and Hades won the murky darkness, while Zeus won the broad heaven amid the air and the clouds; but the earth and high Olympus remain yet common to us all. Wherefore will I not in any wise walk after the will of Zeus; nay in quiet |
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| 2. Hippocrates, The Epidemics, 5.22 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero, de divinatione Found in books: Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 262 |
| 3. Plato, Laws, 918c, 918d, 936c, 936b (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 240 |
| 4. Plato, Statesman, "268d-e", "268e-9a", "268e" (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Star, Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought (2021) 161 |
| 5. Herodotus, Histories, a b c d\n0 "2.142" "2.142" "2 142" (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero,, de divinatione Found in books: Star, Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought (2021) 161 |
| 6. Plautus, Mostellaria, 100-133, 84-89, 91-99, 90 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Nuno et al., SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism (2021) 47 |
| 7. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, fr. 3.5.1-2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •de divinatione (cicero) •de divinatione (cicero), overlap between cicero and marcus in Found in books: Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 78 |
| 8. Cicero, In Catilinam, 2.6, 3.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero, de divinatione Found in books: Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 218 |
| 9. Cicero, Letters, fr. 3.5.1-2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •de divinatione (cicero) •de divinatione (cicero), overlap between cicero and marcus in Found in books: Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 78 |
| 10. Cicero, Pro Milone, 49 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero, de divinatione Found in books: Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 240 |
| 11. Cicero, Republic, a b c d\n0 "6.28 = 6.24" "6.28 = 6.24" "6 28 = 6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero,, de divinatione Found in books: Star, Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought (2021) 73 |
12. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, a b c d\n0 2.142 2.142 2 142\n1 "2.218" "2.218" "2 218" (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Nuno et al., SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism (2021) 47 | 2.142. What artificer but nature, whose direction is incomparable, could have exhibited so much ingenuity in the formation of the senses? In the first place, she has covered and invested the eyes with the finest membranes, which she hath made transparent, that we may see through them, and firm in their texture, to preserve the eyes. She has made them slippery and movable, that they might avoid what would offend them, and easily direct the sight wherever they will. The actual organ of sight, which is called the pupil, is so small that it can easily shun whatever might be hurtful to it. The eyelids, which are their coverings, are soft and smooth, that they may not injure the eyes; and are made to shut at the apprehension of any accident, or to open at pleasure; and these movements nature has ordained to be made in an instant: they are fortified with a sort of palisade of hairs, to keep off what may be noxious to them when open, and to be a fence to their repose when sleep closes them, and allows them to rest as if they were wrapped up in a case. Besides, they are commodiously hidden and defended by eminences on every side; for on the upper part the eyebrows turn aside the perspiration which falls from the head and forehead; the cheeks beneath rise a little, so as to protect them on the lower side; and the nose is placed between them as a wall of separation. The hearing is always open, for that is a sense of which we are in need even while we are sleeping; and the moment that any sound is admitted by it we are awakened even from sleep. It has a winding passage, lest anything should slip into it, as it might if it were straight and simple. Nature also hath taken the same precaution in making there a viscous humor, that if any little creatures should endeavor to creep in, they might stick in it as in bird-lime. The ears (by which we mean the outward part) are made prominent, to cover and preserve the hearing, lest the sound should be dissipated and escape before the sense is affected. Their entrances are hard and horny, and their form winding, because bodies of this kind better return and increase the sound. This appears in the harp, lute, or horn; and from all tortuous and enclosed places sounds are returned stronger. 2.142. "Again what artificer but nature, who is unsurpassed in her cunning, could have attained such skilfulness in the construction of the senses? First, she has clothed and walled the eyes with membranes of the finest texture, which she has made on the one hand transparent so that we may be able to see through them, and on the other hand firm of substance, to serve as the outer cover of the eye. The eyes she has made mobile and smoothly turning, so as both to avoid any threatened injury and to direct their gaze easily in any direction they desire. The actually organ of vision, called the pupil or 'little doll,' is so small as easily to avoid objects that might injure it; and the lids, which are the covers of the eyes, are very soft to the touch so as not to hurt the pupil, and very neatly constructed as to be able both to shut the eyes in order that nothing may impinge upon them and to open them; and nature has provided that this process can be repeated again and again with extreme rapidity. |
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13. Cicero, On Laws, 2.21, 2.31-2.33 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •de divinatione (cicero) •de divinatione (cicero), overlap between cicero and marcus in Found in books: Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 77; Mackey, Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion (2022) 369 | 2.31. One of the greatest and most important offices in the Commonwealth is that of the Augurs, conjoined as it is with the highest authority. I do not speak this from any motive of personal vanity, since I am an augur myself, but because it is an actual matter of fact. For what can be more important in respect of official dignities, than the power of dismissing the assembly of the Commons, though convoked by the chief rulers, and thus annulling their counsels and enactments? What, I say, can be more absolute domination than that by which even a single augur can adjourn any political proceeding to another day! What can be more transcendent than that authority of the augurs, by which they may command even consuls to lay down their office! What more sacred than their power of granting or refusing permission to form treaties and compacts! or their power of abrogating laws, which have not been legitimately enacted, as in the case of the Titian law, which was annulled by a decree of the pontifical college; and the Livian law, which was likewise annulled by the advice of Phillipus, who was at once consul and augur. Indeed there is no edict of the magistrates relating either to domestic or foreign affairs which can be ratified without the augurʼs authority. ATTICUS: I confess that their authority is very great; but there is a warm dispute between Marcellus and Appius, two of the best augurs in our college. I have met with the books of both, and I find that one of them affirms that auspices are merely got up for the interests of the state, and the other seems to think that they really are supernatural divinations. Will you favour us with your opinion on this point? MARCUS: For myself, I sincerely believe that there exists an art which the Greeks call Mantike, or magic; and that the flight of birds and other signs, which the augurs profess to observe, form a part of this magic. For when we grant the existence of the supreme gods, and their intellectual government of the universe, and their benigt dealings with the human race, and their power of granting us intimations of future events, I know not why we should deny the art of divination. Besides this, the history of our Commonwealth affords us an infinite number of examples, which confirm this truth, and all kingdoms, peoples, and nations bear testimony that the predictions of augurs are wonderfully fulfilled. Thus the traditions of Polyidus, Melampus, Mopsus, Amphiaraus, Calchas, and Helenus, would not have made so much noise in the world, nor would they at this time be accredited by so many nations, -- Arabians, Phrygians, Lycaonians, Cilicians and Pisidians, -- unless antiquity had handed them down as true and indisputable. Nor would our Romulus have consulted the auspices before he founded Rome, nor would the name of Accius Navius have so long flourished in the memory of our citizens, if events had not justified their wonderful predictions. But doubtless this science and art of augury may vanish away by age and negligence. Therefore, for my part, I neither agree with Marcellus, who maintains that our college of augurs never was in possession of this science; nor do I agree with Claudius, who asserts that we still preserve it. For that kind of augury which prevailed among our ancestors, I think that it was sometimes used for mere political convenience; but far more often as a bona fide guide and director in critical emergencies. (Quae mihi videtur apud majores fuisse, ut ad Reipublicae tempus nonnunquam, ad agendi consilium saepissime pertineret.)ATTICUS: Well, it might be so, and most probably was so, -- but proceed. MARCUS: I will, and as concisely as possible. What follows relates to the rights of peace and war; in commencing, conducting, and concluding which, justice and good faith are especially necessary. By our law we have therefore appointed the Fetial priests as public interpreters of these rights. As to the religious duties of the Haruspices, concerning expiations and sacrifices, I think I have already said enough. ATTICUS: I think so too, since that branch of the law relates exclusively to religious ceremonials. MARCUS: As to what follows, my Atticus, I scarcely know in what terms it becomes me to animadvert, or you to assent. ATTICUS: What is it? MARCUS: The law respecting the nocturnal sacrifices of women. ATTICUS: Oh! I assent to their suppression by all means, excepting those solemn and public sacrifices which your legal maxim permits. MARCUS: But if we suppress the nocturnal sacrifices, what will become of the august mysteries of Iacchus, and the Eumolpidae? For we are constructing laws, not for the Romans only, but for all just and valiant nations. ATTICUS: I think it is but courteous to except these mysteries likewise, especially as we ourselves happen to have been initiated in them. MARCUS: With all my heart, let us except them. For it seems to me that among the many admirable and divine things your Athenians have established to the advantage of human society, there is nothing better than the mysteries by which we are polished and softened into politeness, from the rude austerities of barbarism. Justly indeed are they called initiations for by them we especially learn the grand principles of philosophic life, and gain, not only the art of living agreeably, but of dying with a better hope. But what displeases me in the nocturnal mysteries, is what the comic poets hold up to ridicule. If such licence was allowed at Rome, what abominations might be committed by the man who should carry premeditated debauchery into the mysteries, in which even a stolen glance was in ancient times a crime? ATTICUS: Content yourself with proposing this law for Rome: do not rob the Greeks of their customs. |
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14. Cicero, On The Haruspices, 19-20, 18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 77 | 18. She has not pardoned you, believe me. No; unless, perchance, you think yourself pardoned because the judges dismissed you after they had squeezed and drained everything out of you, acquitted by their decision, condemned by all the rest of the citizens; or because you have not been deprived of your eyes, as is, according to the common belief the consequence of such impiety. [38] For what man ever intentionally beheld those sacred rites before you, so as to enable any one to know what punishment followed that guilt? Could the blindness of your eyes be a greater injury to you than that blindness of your lust? Do not even you feel that those winking eyes of your ancestor were more desirable for you than these glowing eyes of your sister? But, if you observe carefully, you will see that though you have as yet escaped the punishment of men, you have not escaped that of the gods. Men have defended you in a most shameful affair; men have praised you though most infamous and most guilty; men, for a bribe, have acquitted you by their decision, though you all but confessed your guilt; men have felt no indignation at the injuries inflicted on themselves by your lust; men have supplied you with arms, some wishing them to be used against me, and others afterwards intending them to he employed against that invincible citizen. I will quite admit all the kindnesses which men have shown you, and that you need not wish for greater. [39] But what greater punishment can be inflicted on man by the immortal gods than frenzy and madness? unless, perhaps, you think that those persons, whom in tragedies you see tortured and destroyed by wounds and agony of body, are enduring a more terrible form of the wrath of the immortal gods than those who are brought on the stage in a state of insanity. Those howlings and groans of Philoctetes are not so pitiable (sad though they be) as that exultation of Athamas, or that dream of those who have slain their mother. You, when you are uttering your frantic speeches to the assembly — when you are destroying the houses of the citizens — when you are driving virtuous men from the forum with stones — when you are hurling burning firebrands at your neighbours' houses — when you are setting fire to holy temples — when you are stirring up the slaves — when you are throwing the sacred rites and games into confusion — when you see no difference between your wife and your sister — when you do not perceive whose bed it is that you enter — when you go ranting and raging about — you are then suffering that punishment which is the only one appointed by the immortal gods for the wickedness of men. For the infirmity of our bodies is of itself liable to many accidents; moreover, the body itself is often destroyed by some very trivial cause; and the darts of the gods are fixed in the minds of impious men. Wherefore you are more miserable while you are hurried into every sort of wickedness by your eyes, than you would be if you had no eyes at all. |
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| 15. Cicero, On Fate, 1-2, 7-8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 75 |
16. Cicero, On Divination, a b c d\n0 2.40 2.40 2 40\n1 2.41 2.41 2 41\n2 1.10 1.10 1 10\n3 1.8 1.8 1 8\n4 2.70 2.70 2 70\n.. ... ... .. ...\n90 "1.45" "1.45" "1 45"\n91 "1.44" "1.44" "1 44"\n92 2.18.42 2.18.42 2 18\n93 1.34.75 1.34.75 1 34\n94 1.34.76 1.34.76 1 34\n\n[95 rows x 4 columns] (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 77| 2.40. Et quidem illi facilius facere possunt; deos enim ipsos iocandi causa induxit Epicurus perlucidos et perflabilis et habitantis tamquam inter duos lucos sic inter duos mundos propter metum ruinarum, eosque habere putat eadem membra, quae nos, nec usum ullum habere membrorum. Ergo hic circumitione quadam deos tollens recte non dubitat divinationem tollere; sed non, ut hic sibi constat, item Stoici. Illius enim deus nihil habens nec sui nec alieni negotii non potest hominibus divinationem inpertire; vester autem deus potest non inpertire, ut nihilo minus mundum regat et hominibus consulat. | |
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| 17. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 4.13.4, 15.6, 15.19.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •de divinatione (cicero) •cicero, de divinatione Found in books: Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 81; Nuno et al., SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism (2021) 47, 48 |
18. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.110 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •de divinatione (cicero) Found in books: Mackey, Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion (2022) 369 | 2.110. And are you then diligent in doing honor to Caesar's memory? Do you love him even now that he is dead? What greater honor had he obtained than that of having a holy cushion, an image, a temple, and a priest? As then Jupiter, and Mars, and Quirinus have priests, so Marcus. Antonius is the priest of the god Julius. Why then do you delay? why are not you inaugurated? Choose a day; select some one to inaugurate you; we are colleagues; no one will refuse. O you detestable man, whether you are the priest of a tyrant, or of a dead man! I ask you then, whether you are ignorant what day this is? Are you ignorant that yesterday was the fourth day of the Ludi Romani in the Circus? and that you yourself submitted a motion to the people, that a fifth day should be added besides, in honor of Caesar? Why are we not all clad in the praetexta? Why are we permitting the honor which by your law was appointed for Caesar to be deserted? Had you no objection to so holy a day being polluted by the addition of supplications, while you did not choose it to be so by the addition of ceremonies connected with a sacred cushion? Either take away religion in every case, or preserve it in every case. |
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| 19. Cicero, Arati Phaenomena, 137, 250, 252, 268, 280, 317-318, 332-333, 288 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gee, Aratus and the Astronomical Tradition (2013) 223 |
20. Livy, History, 4.32.4, 4.32.11, 39.16.8 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •tullius cicero, m., and the de divinatione •de divinatione (cicero) Found in books: Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 83; Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 125| 39.16.8. quotiens hoc patrum avorumque aetate negotium est magistratibus datum, uti sacra externa fieri vetarent, sacrificulos vatesque foro circo urbe prohiberent, vaticinos libros conquirerent comburerentque, omnem disciplinam sacrificandi praeterquam more Romano abolerent. | |
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21. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 1.464-1.482, 3.1029-3.1035, 4.59 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero, de divinatione Found in books: Nuno et al., SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism (2021) 47, 48| 1.464. denique Tyndaridem raptam belloque subactas 1.465. Troiiugenas gentis cum dicunt esse, videndumst 1.466. ne forte haec per se cogant nos esse fateri, 1.467. quando ea saecla hominum, quorum haec eventa fuerunt, 1.468. inrevocabilis abstulerit iam praeterita aetas; 1.469. namque aliud terris, aliud regionibus ipsis 1.470. eventum dici poterit quod cumque erit actum. 1.471. denique materies si rerum nulla fuisset 1.472. nec locus ac spatium, res in quo quaeque geruntur, 1.473. numquam Tyndaridis forma conflatus amore 1.474. ignis Alexandri Phrygio sub pectore gliscens 1.475. clara accendisset saevi certamina belli 1.476. nec clam durateus Troiianis Pergama partu 1.477. inflammasset equos nocturno Graiiugenarum; 1.478. perspicere ut possis res gestas funditus omnis 1.479. non ita uti corpus per se constare neque esse 1.480. nec ratione cluere eadem qua constet ie, 1.481. sed magis ut merito possis eventa vocare 1.482. corporis atque loci, res in quo quaeque gerantur. 3.1029. ille quoque ipse, viam qui quondam per mare magnum 3.1030. stravit iterque dedit legionibus ire per altum 3.1031. ac pedibus salsas docuit super ire lucunas 3.1032. et contempsit equis insultans murmura ponti, 3.1033. lumine adempto animam moribundo corpore fudit. 3.1034. Scipiadas, belli fulmen, Carthaginis horror, 3.1035. ossa dedit terrae proinde ac famul infimus esset. 4.59. et vituli cum membranas de corpore summo | |
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| 22. Asconius Pedianus Quintus, In Milonianam, 32 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero, de divinatione Found in books: Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 240 |
23. Ovid, Fasti, 1.315-1.316, 4.901-4.904 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •de divinatione (cicero) Found in books: Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 191| 1.315. Institerint Nonae, missi tibi nubibus atris 1.316. signa dabunt imbres exoriente Lyra. 5. E NON — F 6. FF 7. GC 8. HC 9. A AGON | 1.315. Should the Nones be here, rain from dark cloud 1.316. Will be the sign, at the rising of the Lyre. |
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| 24. Vergil, Eclogues, "4" (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero,, de divinatione Found in books: Star, Apocalypse and Golden Age: The End of the World in Greek and Roman Thought (2021) 161 |
| 25. Propertius, Elegies, 4.10 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tullius cicero, m., and the de divinatione Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 125 |
| 26. Horace, Sermones, 1.6.113-1.6.114 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •de divinatione (cicero) Found in books: Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 83 |
| 27. Juvenal, Satires, 6.582-6.591 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •de divinatione (cicero) Found in books: Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 83 |
| 28. Persius, Satires, 6.18-6.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •de divinatione (cicero) Found in books: Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 84 |
| 29. Persius, Saturae, 6.18-6.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •de divinatione (cicero) Found in books: Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 84 |
30. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 2.55.143-2.55.144, 7.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero, de divinatione Found in books: Gieseler Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence (2015) 294; Nuno et al., SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism (2021) 47 | 7.2. We have pointed out that some Scythian tribes, and in fact a good many, feed on human bodies — a statement that perhaps may seem incredible if we do not reflect that races of this portentous character have existed in the central region of the world, named Cyclopes and Laestrygones, and that quite recently the tribes of the parts beyond the Alps habitually practised human sacrifice, which is not far removed from eating human flesh. But also a tribe is reported next to these, towards the North, not far from the actual quarter whence the North Wind rises and the cave that bears its name, the place called the Earth's Doorbolt — the Arimaspi whom we have spoken of already, people remarkable for having one eye in the centre of the forehead. Many authorities, the most distinguished being Herodotus and Aristeas of Proconnesus, write that these people wage continual war around their mines with the griffins, a kind of wild beast with wings, as commonly reported, that digs gold out of mines, which the creatures guard and the Arimaspi try to take from them, both with remarkable covetousness., But beyond the other Scythian cannibals, in a certain large valley in the Imavi (Himalayas), there is a region called Abarimon where are some people dwelling in forests who have their feet turned backward behind their legs, who run extremely fast and range abroad over the country with the wild animals. It is stated by Baeton, Alexander the Great's route-surveyor on his journeys, that these men are unable to breathe in another climate, and that consequently none of them could be brought to the neighbouring kings or had ever been brought to Alexander. According to Isogonus of Nicaea the former cannibal tribes whom we stated to exist to the north, ten days' journey beyond the river Borysthenes [Dnieper], drink out of human skulls and use the scalps with the hair on as napkins hung round their necks. The same authority states that certain people in Albania are born with keen grey eyes and are bald from childhood, and that they see better by night than in the daytime. He also says that the Sauromatae, thirteen days' journey beyond the Borysthenes, always take food once every two days., Crates of Pergamum states that there was a race of men round Parium on the Dardanelles, whom he calls Ophiogenes, whose custom it was to cure snakebites by touch and draw the poison out of the body by placing their hand on it. Varro says that there are still a few people there whose spittle is a remedy against snakebites. According to the writings of Agatharchides there was also a similar tribe in Africa, the Psylli, named after King Psyllus, whose tomb is in the region of the greater Syrtes. In their bodies there was engendered a poison that was deadly to snakes, and the smell of which they employed for sending snakes to sleep, while they had a custom of exposing their children as soon as they were born to the most savage snakes and of using that species to test the fidelity of their wives, as snakes do not avoid persons born with adulterous blood in them. This tribe itself has been almost exterminated by the Nasamones who now occupy that region, but a tribe of men descended from those who had escaped or had been absent when the fighting took place survives today in a few places. A similar race lingers on in Italy also, the Marsi, said to be descended from the son of Circe and to possess this natural property on that account. However, all men contain a poison available as a protection against snakes: people say that snakes flee from contact with saliva as from the touch of boiling water, and that if it gets inside their throats they actually die; and that this is especially the case with the saliva of a person fasting., Beyond the Nasamones and adjacent to them Calliphanes records the Machlyes, who are Adrogyni and perform the function of either sex alternately. Aristotle adds that their left breast is that of a man and their right breast that of a woman. Isogonus and Nymphodorus report that there are families in the same part of Africa that practise sorcery, whose praises cause meadows to dry up, trees to wither and infants to perish. Isogonus adds that there are people of the same kind among the Triballi and the Illyrians, who also bewitch with a glance and who kill those they stare at for a longer time, especially with a look of anger, and that their evil eye is most felt by adults; and that what is more remarkable is that they have two pupils in each eye. Apollonides also reports women of this kind in Scythia, who are called the Bitiae, and Phylarchus also the Thibii tribe and many others of the same nature in Pontus, whose distinguishing marks he records as being a double pupil in one eye and the likeness of a horse in the other, and he also says that they are incapable of drowning, even when weighed down with clothing. Damon records a tribe not unlike these in Ethiopia, the Pharmaces, whose sweat relieves of diseases bodies touched by it. Also among ourselves Cicero states that the glance of all women who have double pupils is injurious everywhere. In fact when nature implanted in man the wild beasts' habit of devouring human flesh, she also thought fit to implant poisons in the whole of the body, and with some persons in the eyes as well, so that there should be no evil anywhere that was not present in man., There are a few families in the Faliscan territory, not far from the city of Rome, named the Hirpi, which at the yearly sacrifice to Apollo performed on Mount Soracte walk over a charred pile of logs without being scorched, and who consequently enjoy exemption under a perpetual decree of the senate from military service and all other burdens. Some people are born with parts of the body possessing special remarkable properties, for instance King Pyrrhus in the great toe of his right foot, to touch which was a cure for inflammation of the spleen; it is recorded that at his cremation it proved impossible to burn the toe with the rest of the body, and it was stored in a chest in a temple., India and parts of Ethiopia especially teem with marvels. The biggest animals grow in India: for instance Indian dogs are bigger than any others. Indeed the trees are said to be so lofty that it is not possible to shoot an arrow over them, and [the richness of the soil, temperate climate and abundance of springs bring it about] that, if one is willing to believe it, squadrons of cavalry are able to shelter beneath a single fig-tree; while it is said that reeds are of such height that sometimes a single section between two knots will make a canoe that will carry three people. It is known that many of the inhabitants are more than seven feet six inches high, never spit, do not suffer from headache or toothache or pain in the eyes, and very rarely have a pain in any other part of the body — so hardy are they made by the temperate heat of the sun; and that the sages of their race, whom they call Gymnosophists, stay standing from sunrise to sunset, gazing at the sun with eyes unmoving, and continue all day long standing first on one foot and then on the other in the glowing sand. Megasthenes states that on the mountain named Nulus there are people with their feet turned backwards and with eight toes on each foot, while on many of the mountains there is a tribe of human beings with dogs' heads, who wear a covering of wild beasts' skins, whose speech is a bark and who live on the produce of hunting and fowling, for which they use their nails as weapons; he says that they numbered more than 120,000 when he published his work. Ctesias writes that also among a certain race of India the women bear children only once in their lifetime, and the children begin to turn grey directly after birth; he also describes a tribe of men called the Monocolia who have only one leg, and who move in jumps with surprising speed; the same are called the Umbrella-foot tribe, because in the hotter weather they lie on their backs on the ground and protect themselves with the shadow of their feet; and that they are not far away from the Cave-dwellers; and again westward from these there are some people without necks, having their eyes in their shoulders. There are also satyrs [doubtless a kind of monkey] in the mountains in the east of India (it is called the district of the Catarcludi); this is an extremely swift animal, sometimes going on all fours and sometimes standing upright as they run, like human beings; because of their speed only the old ones or the sick are caught. Tauron gives the name of Choromandae to a forest tribe that has no speech but a horrible scream, hairy bodies, keen grey eyes and the teeth of a dog. Eudoxus says that in the south of India men have feet eighteen inches long and the women such small feet that they are called Sparrow-feet. Megasthenes tells of a race among the Nomads of India that has only holes in the place of nostrils, like snakes, and bandy-legged; they are called the Sciritae. At the extreme boundary of India to the East, near the source of the Ganges, he puts the Astomi tribe, that has no mouth and a body hairy all over; they dress in cotton-wool and live only on the air they breathe and the scent they inhale through their nostrils; they have no food or drink except the different odours of the roots and flowers and wild apples, which they carry with them on their longer journeys so as not to lack a supply of scent; he says they can easily be killed by a rather stronger odour than usual. Beyond these in the most outlying mountain region we are told of the Three-span men and Pygmies, who do not exceed three spans, i.e. twenty-seven inches, in height; the climate is healthy and always spring-like, as it is protected on the north by a range of mountains; this tribe Homer has also recorded as being beset by cranes. It is reported that in springtime their entire band, mounted on the backs of rams and she-goats and armed with arrows, goes in a body down to the sea and eats the cranes eggs and chickens, and that this outing occupies three months; and that otherwise they could not protect themselves against the flocks of cranes that would grow up; and that their houses are made of mud and feathers and eggshells. Aristotle says that the Pygmies live in caves, but in the rest of his statement about them he agrees with the other authorities. The Indian race of Cyrni according to Isigonus live to 140; and he holds that the same is true of the Long-lived Ethiopians, the Chinese and the inhabitants of Mount Athos — in the last case because of their diet of snakes' flesh, which causes their head and clothes to be free from creatures harmful to the body. Onesicritus says that in the parts of India where there are no shadows there are men five cubits and two spans a high, and people live a hundred and thirty years, and do not grow old but die middle-aged. Crates of Pergamum tells of Indians who exceed a hundred years, whom he calls Gymnetae, though many call them Long-livers. Ctesias says that a tribe among them called the Pandae, dwelling in the mountain valleys, live two hundred years, and have white hair in their youth that grows black in old age; whereas others do not exceed forty years, this tribe adjoining the Long-livers, whose women bear children only once. Agatharchides records this as well, and also that they live on locusts, and are very swift-footed. Clitarchus gave them the name of Mandi; and Megasthenes also assigns them three hundred villages, and says that the women bear children at the age of seven and old age comes at forty. Artemidorus says that on the Island of Ceylon the people live very long lives without any loss of bodily activity. Duris says that some Indians have union with wild animals and the offspring is of mixed race and half animal; that among the Calingi, a tribe of the same part of India, women conceive at the age of five and do not live more than eight years, and that in another part men are born with a hairy tail and extremely swift, while others are entirely covered by their ears., The river Arabis is the frontier between the Indians and the Oritae. These are acquainted with no other food but fish, which they cut to pieces with their nails and roast in the sun and thus make bread out of them, as is recorded by Clitarchus. Crates of Pergamum says that the Cavemen beyond Ethiopia are swifter than horses; also that there are Ethiopians more than twelve feet in height, and that this race is called the Syrbotae. The tribe of the Ethiopian nomads along the river Astragus towards the north called the Menismini is twenty days' journey from the Ocean; it lives on the milk of the animals that we call dog-headed apes, herds of which it keeps in pastures, killing the males except for the purpose of breeding. In the deserts of Africa ghosts of men suddenly meet the traveller and vanish in a moment., These and similar varieties of the human race have been made by the ingenuity of Nature as toys for herself and marvels for us. And indeed who could possibly recount the various things she does every day and almost every hour? Let it suffice for the disclosure of her power to have included whole races of mankind among her marvels. From these we turn to a few admitted marvels in the case of the individual human being. |
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| 31. Plutarch, Marcellus, 6-8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 125 |
32. Plutarch, Romulus, 12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •de divinatione (cicero) Found in books: Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 85 | 12. Now it is agreed that the city was founded on the twenty-first of April, and this day the Romans celebrate with a festival, calling it the birthday of their country. And at first, as it is said, they sacrificed no living creature at that festival, but thought they ought to keep it pure and without stain of blood, since it commemorated the birth of their country. However, even before the founding of the city, they had a pastoral festival on that day, and called it Parilia.,At the present time, indeed, there is no agreement between the Roman and Greek months, but they say that the day on which Romulus founded his city was precisely the thirtieth of the month, and that on that day there was a conjunction of the sun and moon, with an eclipse, which they think was the one seen by Antimachus, the epic poet of Teos, in the third year of the sixth Olympiad. 754 B.C.,And in the times of Varro the philosopher, a Roman who was most deeply versed in history, there lived Tarutius, a companion of his, who, besides being a philosopher and a mathematician, had applied himself to the art of casting nativities, in order to indulge a speculative turn of mind, and was thought to excel in it.,To this man Varro gave the problem of fixing the day and hour of the birth of Romulus, making his deductions from the conjunctions of events reported in the man’s life, just as the solutions of geometrical problems are derived; for the same science, he said, must be capable not only of foretelling a man’s life when the time of his birth is known, but also, from the given facts of his life, of hunting out the time of his birth.,This task, then Tarutius performed, and when he had taken a survey of the man’s experiences and achievements, and had brought together the time of his life, the manner of his death, and all such details, he very courageously and bravely declared that Romulus was conceived in his mother’s womb in the first year of the second Olympiad, 772 B.C. in the month Choeac of the Egyptian calendar, on the twenty-third day, and in the third hour, when the sun was totally eclipsed; and that he was born in the month Thoth, on the twenty-first day, at sunrise;,and that Rome was founded by him on the ninth day of the month Pharmuthi, between the second and third hour: for it is thought that a city’s fortune, as well as that of a man, has a decisive time, which may be known by the position of the stars at its very origin. These and similar speculations will perhaps attract readers by their novelty and extravagance, rather than offend them by their fabulous character. |
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| 33. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 7.1.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •de divinatione (cicero) Found in books: Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 84 |
| 34. Ptolemy, Astrological Influences, 1.3, 3.2-3.3 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero, de divinatione Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 429 |
| 35. Silius Italicus, Punica, 1.133, 3.587, 12.280 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tullius cicero, m., and the de divinatione Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 125 |
| 36. Appian, Civil Wars, 2.21 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero, de divinatione Found in books: Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 240 |
37. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 3.2.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tullius cicero, m., and the de divinatione Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 125 | 3.2.5. Nor ought we to separate the memory of M. Marcellus from these examples, who had so great a courage, that he attacked the king of the Gauls, who was surrounded by a great army near the river Po, with only a few horsemen; forthwith he cut off his head, and despoiled him of his arms, which he dedicated to Jupiter . |
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| 38. Sextus, Against The Mathematicians, 5.83-5.85, 5.88-5.89, 5.99 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •de divinatione (cicero) Found in books: Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 192 |
| 39. Apuleius, On The God of Socrates, 6.2-6.3, 11.2-11.4, 13.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero, de divinatione Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 438 |
| 40. Gellius, Attic Nights, 14.1, 14.1.2, 14.1.7-14.1.11 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •de divinatione (cicero) Found in books: Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 192, 196 |
41. Anon., Acts of Thomas, 52-57, 51 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 240 | 51. Now there was a certain youth who had wrought an abominable deed, and he came near and received of the eucharist with his mouth: but his two hands withered up, so that he could no more put them unto his own mouth. And they that were there saw him and told the apostle what had befallen; and the apostle called him and said unto him: Tell me, my child, and be not ashamed, what was it that thou didst and camest hither? for the eucharist of the Lord hath convicted thee. For this gift which passeth among many doth rather heal them that with faith and love draw near thereto, but thee it hath withered away; and that which is come to pass hath not befallen without some effectual cause. And the Youth, being convicted by the eucharist of the Lord, came and tell at the apostle's feet and besought him, saying: I have done an evil deed, yet I thought to do somewhat good. I was enamoured of a woman that dwelleth at an inn without the city, and she also loved me; and when I heard of thee and believed, that thou proclaimest a living God, I came and received of thee the seal with the rest; for thou saidst: Whosoever shall partake in the polluted union, and especially in adultery, he shall not have life with the God whom I preach. Whereas therefore I loved her much, I entreated her and would have persuaded her to become my consort in chastity and pure conversation, which thou also teachest: but she would not. When, therefore, she consented not, I took a sword and slew her: for I could not endure to see her commit adultery with another man. |
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| 42. Achilles Tatius, The Adventures of Leucippe And Cleitophon, 7.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero, de divinatione Found in books: Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 240 |
43. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 54.8.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tullius cicero, m., and the de divinatione Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 125 | 54.8.3. Indeed, in honour of this success he commanded that sacrifices be decreed and likewise a temple to Mars Ultor on the Capitol, in imitation of that of Jupiter Feretrius, in which to dedicate the standards; and he himself carried out both decrees. Moreover he rode into the city on horseback and was honoured with a triumphal arch. 54.8.3. Indeed, in honour of this success he commanded that sacrifices be decreed and likewise a temple to Mars Ultor on the Capitol, in imitation of that of Jupiter Feretrius, in which to dedicate the standards; and he himself carried out both decrees. Moreover he rode into the city on horseback and was honoured with a triumphal arch. 4 Now all this was done later in commemoration of the event; but at the time of which we are speaking he was chosen commissioner of all the highways in the neighbourhood of Rome, and in this capacity set up the golden mile-stone, as it was called, and appointed men from the number of the ex-praetors, each with two lictors, to attend to the actual construction of the roads. |
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| 44. Lactantius, Epitome Divinarum Institutionum, 30.2.11 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero, de divinatione Found in books: Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 262 |
| 45. Origen, Philocalia, 23.17 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero, de divinatione Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 435 |
| 46. Origen, Philocalia, 23.17 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero, de divinatione Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 435 |
47. Augustine, The City of God, 5.2-5.6, 8.14 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •de divinatione (cicero) •cicero, de divinatione Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 435, 438; Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 84 | 5.2. Cicero says that the famous physician Hippocrates has left in writing that he had suspected that a certain pair of brothers were twins, from the fact that they both took ill at once, and their disease advanced to its crisis and subsided in the same time in each of them. Posidonius the Stoic, who was much given to astrology, used to explain the fact by supposing that they had been born and conceived under the same constellation. In this question the conjecture of the physician is by far more worthy to be accepted, and approaches much nearer to credibility, since, according as the parents were affected in body at the time of copulation, so might the first elements of the fœtuses have been affected, so that all that was necessary for their growth and development up till birth having been supplied from the body of the same mother, they might be born with like constitutions. Thereafter, nourished in the same house, on the same kinds of food, where they would have also the same kinds of air, the same locality, the same quality of water - which, according to the testimony of medical science, have a very great influence, good or bad, on the condition of bodily health - and where they would also be accustomed to the same kinds of exercise, they would have bodily constitutions so similar that they would be similarly affected with sickness at the same time and by the same causes. But, to wish to adduce that particular position of the stars which existed at the time when they were born or conceived as the cause of their being simultaneously affected with sickness, manifests the greatest arrogance, when so many beings of most diverse kinds, in the most diverse conditions, and subject to the most diverse events, may have been conceived and born at the same time, and in the same district, lying under the same sky. But we know that twins do not only act differently, and travel to very different places, but that they also suffer from different kinds of sickness; for which Hippocrates would give what is in my opinion the simplest reason, namely, that, through diversity of food and exercise, which arises not from the constitution of the body, but from the inclination of the mind, they may have come to be different from each other in respect of health. Moreover, Posidonius, or any other asserter of the fatal influence of the stars, will have enough to do to find anything to say to this, if he be unwilling to im pose upon the minds of the uninstructed in things of which they are ignorant. But, as to what they attempt to make out from that very small interval of time elapsing between the births of twins, on account of that point in the heavens where the mark of the natal hour is placed, and which they call the horoscope, it is either disproportionately small to the diversity which is found in the dispositions, actions, habits, and fortunes of twins, or it is disproportionately great when compared with the estate of twins, whether low or high, which is the same for both of them, the cause for whose greatest difference they place, in every case, in the hour on which one is born; and, for this reason, if the one is born so immediately after the other that there is no change in the horoscope, I demand an entire similarity in all that respects them both, which can never be found in the case of any twins. But if the slowness of the birth of the second give time for a change in the horoscope, I demand different parents, which twins can never have. 5.3. It is to no purpose, therefore, that that famous fiction about the potter's wheel is brought forward, which tells of the answer which Nigidius is said to have given when he was perplexed with this question, and on account of which he was called Figulus. For, having whirled round the potter's wheel with all his strength he marked it with ink, striking it twice with the utmost rapidity, so that the strokes seemed to fall on the very same part of it. Then, when the rotation had ceased, the marks which he had made were found upon the rim of the wheel at no small distance apart. Thus, said he, considering the great rapidity with which the celestial sphere revolves, even though twins were born with as short an interval between their births as there was between the strokes which I gave this wheel, that brief interval of time is equivalent to a very great distance in the celestial sphere. Hence, said he, come whatever dissimilitudes may be remarked in the habits and fortunes of twins. This argument is more fragile than the vessels which are fashioned by the rotation of that wheel. For if there is so much significance in the heavens which cannot be comprehended by observation of the constellations, that, in the case of twins, an inheritance may fall to the one and not to the other, why, in the case of others who are not twins, do they dare, having examined their constellations, to declare such things as pertain to that secret which no one can comprehend, and to attribute them to the precise moment of the birth of each individual? Now, if such predictions in connection with the natal hours of others who are not twins are to be vindicated on the ground that they are founded on the observation of more extended spaces in the heavens, while those very small moments of time which separated the births of twins, and correspond to minute portions of celestial space, are to be connected with trifling things about which the mathematicians are not wont to be consulted - for who would consult them as to when he is to sit, when to walk abroad, when and on what he is to dine? - how can we be justified in so speaking, when we can point out such manifold diversity both in the habits, doings, and destinies of twins? 5.4. In the time of the ancient fathers, to speak concerning illustrious persons, there were born two twin brothers, the one so immediately after the other, that the first took hold of the heel of the second. So great a difference existed in their lives and manners, so great a dissimilarity in their actions, so great a difference in their parents' love for them respectively, that the very contrast between them produced even a mutual hostile antipathy. Do we mean, when we say that they were so unlike each other, that when the one was walking the other was sitting, when the one was sleeping the other was waking - which differences are such as are attributed to those minute portions of space which cannot be appreciated by those who note down the position of the stars which exists at the moment of one's birth, in order that the mathematicians may be consulted concerning it? One of these twins was for a long time a hired servant; the other never served. One of them was beloved by his mother; the other was not so. One of them lost that honor which was so much valued among their people; the other obtained it. And what shall we say of their wives, their children, and their possessions? How different they were in respect to all these! If, therefore, such things as these are connected with those minute intervals of time which elapse between the births of twins, and are not to be attributed to the constellations, wherefore are they predicted in the case of others from the examination of their constellations? And if, on the other hand, these things are said to be predicted, because they are connected, not with minute and inappreciable moments, but with intervals of time which can be observed and noted down, what purpose is that potter's wheel to serve in this matter, except it be to whirl round men who have hearts of clay, in order that they may be prevented from detecting the emptiness of the talk of the mathematicians? 5.5. Do not those very persons whom the medical sagacity of Hippocrates led him to suspect to be twins, because their disease was observed by him to develop to its crisis and to subside again in the same time in each of them - do not these, I say, serve as a sufficient refutation of those who wish to attribute to the influence of the stars that which was owing to a similarity of bodily constitution? For wherefore were they both sick of the same disease, and at the same time, and not the one after the other in the order of their birth? (for certainly they could not both be born at the same time.) Or, if the fact of their having been born at different times by no means necessarily implies that they must be sick at different times, why do they contend that the difference in the time of their births was the cause of their difference in other things? Why could they travel in foreign parts at different times, marry at different times, beget children at different times, and do many other things at different times, by reason of their having been born at different times, and yet could not, for the same reason, also be sick at different times? For if a difference in the moment of birth changed the horoscope, and occasioned dissimilarity in all other things, why has that simultaneousness which belonged to their conception remained in their attacks of sickness? Or, if the destinies of health are involved in the time of conception, but those of other things be said to be attached to the time of birth, they ought not to predict anything concerning health from examination of the constellations of birth, when the hour of conception is not also given, that its constellations may be inspected. But if they say that they predict attacks of sickness without examining the horoscope of conception, because these are indicated by the moments of birth, how could they inform either of these twins when he would be sick, from the horoscope of his birth, when the other also, who had not the same horoscope of birth, must of necessity fall sick at the same time? Again, I ask, if the distance of time between the births of twins is so great as to occasion a difference of their constellations on account of the difference of their horoscopes, and therefore of all the cardinal points to which so much influence is attributed, that even from such change there comes a difference of destiny, how is it possible that this should be so, since they cannot have been conceived at different times? Or, if two conceived at the same moment of time could have different destinies with respect to their births, why may not also two born at the same moment of time have different destinies for life and for death? For if the one moment in which both were conceived did not hinder that the one should be born before the other, why, if two are born at the same moment, should anything hinder them from dying at the same moment? If a simultaneous conception allows of twins being differently affected in the womb, why should not simultaneousness of birth allow of any two individuals having different fortunes in the world? And thus would all the fictions of this art, or rather delusion, be swept away. What strange circumstance is this, that two children conceived at the same time, nay, at the same moment, under the same position of the stars, have different fates which bring them to different hours of birth, while two children, born of two different mothers, at the same moment of time, under one and the same position of the stars, cannot have different fates which shall conduct them by necessity to diverse manners of life and of death? Are they at conception as yet without destinies, because they can only have them if they be born? What, therefore, do they mean when they say that, if the hour of the conception be found, many things can be predicted by these astrologers? From which also arose that story which is reiterated by some, that a certain sage chose an hour in which to lie with his wife, in order to secure his begetting an illustrious son. From this opinion also came that answer of Posidonius, the great astrologer and also philosopher, concerning those twins who were attacked with sickness at the same time, namely, That this had happened to them because they were conceived at the same time, and born at the same time. For certainly he added conception, lest it should be said to him that they could not both be born at the same time, knowing that at any rate they must both have been conceived at the same time; wishing thus to show that he did not attribute the fact of their being similarly and simultaneously affected with sickness to the similarity of their bodily constitutions as its proximate cause, but that he held that even in respect of the similarity of their health, they were bound together by a sidereal connection. If, therefore, the time of conception has so much to do with the similarity of destinies, these same destinies ought not to be changed by the circumstances of birth; or, if the destinies of twins be said to be changed because they are born at different times, why should we not rather understand that they had been already changed in order that they might be born at different times? Does not, then, the will of men living in the world change the destinies of birth, when the order of birth can change the destinies they had at conception? 5.6. But even in the very conception of twins, which certainly occurs at the same moment in the case of both, it often happens that the one is conceived a male, and the other a female. I know two of different sexes who are twins. Both of them are alive, and in the flower of their age; and though they resemble each other in body, as far as difference of sex will permit, still they are very different in the whole scope and purpose of their lives (consideration being had of those differences which necessarily exist between the lives of males and females) - the one holding the office of a count, and being almost constantly away from home with the army in foreign service, the other never leaving her country's soil, or her native district. Still more - and this is more incredible, if the destinies of the stars are to be believed in, though it is not wonderful if we consider the wills of men, and the free gifts of God - he is married; she is a sacred virgin: he has begotten a numerous offspring; she has never even married. But is not the virtue of the horoscope very great? I think I have said enough to show the absurdity of that. But, say those astrologers, whatever be the virtue of the horoscope in other respects, it is certainly of significance with respect to birth. But why not also with respect to conception, which takes place undoubtedly with one act of copulation? And, indeed, so great is the force of nature, that after a woman has once conceived, she ceases to be liable to conception. Or were they, perhaps, changed at birth, either he into a male, or she into a female, because of the difference in their horoscopes? But, while it is not altogether absurd to say that certain sidereal influences have some power to cause differences in bodies alone - as, for instance, we see that the seasons of the year come round by the approaching and receding of the sun, and that certain kinds of things are increased in size or diminished by the waxings and wanings of the moon, such as sea-urchins, oysters, and the wonderful tides of the ocean - it does not follow that the wills of men are to be made subject to the position of the stars. The astrologers, however, when they wish to bind our actions also to the constellations, only set us on investigating whether, even in these bodies, the changes may not be attributable to some other than a sidereal cause. For what is there which more intimately concerns a body than its sex? And yet, under the same position of the stars, twins of different sexes may be conceived. Wherefore, what greater absurdity can be affirmed or believed than that the position of the stars, which was the same for both of them at the time of conception, could not cause that the one child should not have been of a different sex from her brother, with whom she had a common constellation, while the position of the stars which existed at the hour of their birth could cause that she should be separated from him by the great distance between marriage and holy virginity? 8.14. There is, say they, a threefold division of all animals endowed with a rational soul, namely, into gods, men, and demons. The gods occupy the loftiest region, men the lowest, the demons the middle region. For the abode of the gods is heaven, that of men the earth, that of the demons the air. As the dignity of their regions is diverse, so also is that of their natures; therefore the gods are better than men and demons. Men have been placed below the gods and demons, both in respect of the order of the regions they inhabit, and the difference of their merits. The demons, therefore, who hold the middle place, as they are inferior to the gods, than whom they inhabit a lower region, so they are superior to men, than whom they inhabit a loftier one. For they have immortality of body in common with the gods, but passions of the mind in common with men. On which account, say they, it is not wonderful that they are delighted with the obscenities of the theatre, and the fictions of the poets, since they are also subject to human passions, from which the gods are far removed, and to which they are altogether strangers. Whence we conclude that it was not the gods, who are all good and highly exalted, that Plato deprived of the pleasure of theatric plays, by reprobating and prohibiting the fictions of the poets, but the demons. of these things many have written: among others Apuleius, the Platonist of Madaura, who composed a whole work on the subject, entitled, Concerning the God of Socrates. He there discusses and explains of what kind that deity was who attended on Socrates, a sort of familiar, by whom it is said he was admonished to desist from any action which would not turn out to his advantage. He asserts most distinctly, and proves at great length, that it was not a god but a demon; and he discusses with great diligence the opinion of Plato concerning the lofty estate of the gods, the lowly estate of men, and the middle estate of demons. These things being so, how did Plato dare to take away, if not from the gods, whom he removed from all human contagion, certainly from the demons, all the pleasures of the theatre, by expelling the poets from the state? Evidently in this way he wished to admonish the human soul, although still confined in these moribund members, to despise the shameful commands of the demons, and to detest their impurity, and to choose rather the splendor of virtue. But if Plato showed himself virtuous in answering and prohibiting these things, then certainly it was shameful of the demons to command them. Therefore either Apuleius is wrong, and Socrates' familiar did not belong to this class of deities, or Plato held contradictory opinions, now honoring the demons, now removing from the well-regulated state the things in which they delighted, or Socrates is not to be congratulated on the friendship of the demon, of which Apuleius was so ashamed that he entitled his book On the God of Socrates, while according to the tenor of his discussion, wherein he so diligently and at such length distinguishes gods from demons, he ought not to have entitled it, Concerning the God, but Concerning the Demon of Socrates. But he preferred to put this into the discussion itself rather than into the title of his book. For, through the sound doctrine which has illuminated human society, all, or almost all men have such a horror at the name of demons, that every one who before reading the dissertation of Apuleius, which sets forth the dignity of demons, should have read the title of the book, On the Demon of Socrates, would certainly have thought that the author was not a sane man. But what did even Apuleius find to praise in the demons, except subtlety and strength of body and a higher place of habitation? For when he spoke generally concerning their manners, he said nothing that was good, but very much that was bad. Finally, no one, when he has read that book, wonders that they desired to have even the obscenity of the stage among divine things, or that, wishing to be thought gods, they should be delighted with the crimes of the gods, or that all those sacred solemnities, whose obscenity occasions laughter, and whose shameful cruelty causes horror, should be in agreement with their passions. |
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| 48. Augustine, Retractiones, 2.30 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero, de divinatione Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 438 |
| 49. Augustine, Confessions, 7.6.9-7.6.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero, de divinatione Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 435 |
| 50. Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, 2.20.31, 2.22.33-2.22.34, 2.23.36 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero, de divinatione Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 435, 441 |
| 51. Victor, De Viris Illustribus, 25.1-25.2 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tullius cicero, m., and the de divinatione Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 125 |
| 52. Proclus, In Platonis Timaeum Commentarii, 2.302 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, de divinatione Found in books: Hoenig, Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition (2018) 45, 54, 82 |
| 53. Justinian, Digest, 4.9.1.1 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cicero, de divinatione Found in books: Ker and Wessels, The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn (2020) 242 |
| 55. Manilius, Astronomica, 1.57, 1.396-1.411, 2.25-2.38, 2.693-2.712, 4.711-4.817 Tagged with subjects: •cicero, de divinatione •de divinatione (cicero) Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 429; Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 191, 192 |
| 56. Solinus C. Julius, Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium, 1.18 Tagged with subjects: •de divinatione (cicero) Found in books: Green, Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus (2014) 85 |
| 57. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Letters, 1.20.5 Tagged with subjects: •tullius cicero, m., and the de divinatione Found in books: Rutledge, Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting (2012) 125 |
