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subject book bibliographic info
beaugrande, r., de, Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 437
choderlos, de, laclos, françois Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 8
correspondence, with chaeremons writings, de, vita contemplativa Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 24, 114
de, abrahamo Martens (2003), One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law, 88, 89
Niehoff (2011), Jewish Exegesis and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria, 96
de, abrahamo and, allegorical commentary, parallels between Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 75, 76, 77
de, abrahamo and, questions and answers on genesis and exodus, qge, parallels between Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 75, 76
de, abrahamo as, biography, bios Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 25
de, abrahamo reflecting life of philo Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 17, 18, 19
de, abrahamo vs. other works, allegorical interpretation, in Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 74
de, abrahamo, audience of Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 28
de, abrahamo, audience, of Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 28, 72, 315, 316, 354
de, abrahamo, dating Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19
de, abrahamo, epilogue of Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 23, 394, 396
de, abrahamo, exegetical approaches in Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 30
de, abrahamo, genre of Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 25
de, abrahamo, greek title of Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 1, 5, 9, 10, 11, 141, 142
de, abrahamo, inconsistencies in Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 152, 153, 210, 257, 258, 383, 384
de, abrahamo, interconnections within Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 50, 51
de, abrahamo, nachleben of Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 77, 78, 79
de, abrahamo, philonic parallels in Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 72, 73, 75, 76, 77
de, abrahamo, place of in philo’s life Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 75, 76, 77
de, abrahamo, place of in philo’s works Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 1, 2, 4, 5, 12, 68, 76
de, abrahamo, prologue of Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 31, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154
de, abrahamo, rhetoric in Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 2, 23, 73, 74, 268, 286, 335, 368
de, abrahamo, rhetoric of Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 2, 23, 73, 74, 182, 207, 242, 268, 286, 324, 325, 335, 341, 368
de, abrahamo, structure of Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 30, 31, 32, 33, 211
de, abrahamo, text of Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 79
de, abrahamo, themes in Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 51, 54, 55, 56
de, abrahamo, transitions in Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 31, 263
de, abrahamo, unique features of Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 73, 74
de, abrahamo’s place in life of philo Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 75, 76, 77
de, abstinentia, porphyry, predicts the demise, of christianity Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 268, 274
de, adulteriis coercendis, adultery lex iulia law Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 15, 18, 20, 21, 169, 170, 171, 239, 249
de, adulteriis coercendis, lex iulia Clay and Vergados (2022), Teaching through Images: Imagery in Greco-Roman Didactic Poetry, 276
Hubbard (2014), A Companion to Greek and Roman Sexualities, 77, 78, 79, 93, 94, 95, 96, 193, 194, 538, 540
Perry (2014), Gender, Manumission, and the Roman Freedwoman, 12, 23, 27, 132, 133
Rosen-Zvi (2012), The Mishnaic Sotah Ritual: Temple, Gender and Midrash, 97
de, adulteriis coercendis, lex julia Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 109
de, adulteriis lex iulia Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 18
de, adulteriis lex julia coercendis, enforcement Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 109, 110, 111
de, adulteriis lex julia coercendis, modified by constantine Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 120
de, adulteriis, lex iulia Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 60
Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 106, 204, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 216, 386
de, adulteris, lex iulia Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 181
de, agri cultura, cato the elder McGowan (1999), Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45
de, agri cultura, cato, m. porcius, as author of Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 28, 29, 31, 32, 38, 42, 46, 48, 58, 61, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 87, 93, 96, 100, 107, 140, 147, 150, 171, 172, 173, 232
de, agricultura, cato maior Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 88, 89
de, agris mytilenaeorum, senatus consultum Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 270, 271
de, agro pergameno, senatus consultum Dignas (2002), Economy of the Sacred in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor, 115, 116, 295
de, agro pergameno, senatus consultum, senatorial decree, s.c. Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 256
de, alcubierre, roque joaquín Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 22
de, aleatoribus Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 26
de, aleatoribus, pseudo-cyprianic treatises Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 151, 152, 156, 157, 159, 161
de, ambitu, leges Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 50
de, ambitu, quaestio Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 190
de, amicitia Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 38, 39, 58
de, andia, y. Dillon and Timotin (2015), Platonic Theories of Prayer, 197, 198, 199
de, anima, aristotle Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 282
Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 87, 120, 211, 359, 384
Joosse (2021), Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher, 227
Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 6, 9, 10
de, anima, aristotle, biological works, works Jouanna (2012), Greek Medicine from Hippocrates to Galen, 226
de, anima, tertullian of carthage Cain (2023), Mirrors of the Divine: Late Ancient Christianity and the Vision of God, 44, 45, 47, 48
de, antonius, marcus, orator and speaker in oratore Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 41
de, antro nympharum, porphyry, predicts the demise, of christianity Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 74, 84, 219, 289, 295
de, apuleius, platone, metamorphoses Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 155, 161, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 174, 175, 176, 216, 276, 302, 303
de, architectura, and greek knowledge Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 17, 18, 47, 48, 49, 60, 61, 81, 82, 98, 102, 103, 114, 115, 123, 124, 125, 128, 129, 130, 131, 144, 145, 179, 180, 185
de, architectura, and imperialism Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 3, 10, 60, 61, 108, 126, 143, 160, 161, 179, 180, 188, 189
de, architectura, audience Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 7, 8, 9
de, architectura, augustus, dedicatee, of Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 8, 9, 22, 33, 34, 35, 65, 85, 189
de, architectura, caryatids, function in Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79
de, architectura, contents and aims Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 8, 9, 10
de, architectura, diagnostic passages Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 29, 30, 89, 90, 148, 149, 155, 156, 161, 162, 184
de, architectura, literariness and textuality Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 5, 8, 9, 24, 27, 28, 30, 36, 63, 69, 70, 115, 185
de, architectura, prefaces Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 5, 148
de, architectura, reception Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 95, 96
de, architectura, rhetoric of disclosure Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 12
de, architectura, sphragis Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 15, 97
de, architectura, universalizing Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 21, 22, 27, 36, 38, 91, 92, 96, 97, 102, 103, 117, 118, 138
de, architectura, vitruvius Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 170, 171
de, architectura, vitruvius, date of Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 109
de, architectura, vitruvius, purpose of Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 110, 111, 112
de, arriaga, r. Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 461, 469
de, astris, caesar Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 138, 139, 140
de, astris, work ascribed to caesar Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 116
de, astronomia, hyginus Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 125, 126, 127
de, astronomia, hyginus, date and nature of Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 125, 126
de, aud. poet., audience, in the Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 14
de, aud. poet., readers, in the Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 14, 15
de, audiendis poetis, plutarch MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 61
de, authorship of excidio Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21
de, bacchanalibus, bacchic rites, senatus consultum Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 118, 120, 243
de, bacchanalibus, sc Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 100, 160, 173, 278, 306, 406
de, bacchanalibus, senatus consultum Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 186, 188
Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 187
Gorain (2019), Language in the Confessions of Augustine, 17, 144, 146, 148, 152, 158, 229
Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 118, 120, 243
de, bacchanalibus, senatusconsultum Rupke (2016), Religious Deviance in the Roman World Superstition or Individuality?, 15, 17
de, balzac, honore Brule (2003), Women of Ancient Greece, 153, 154
de, bapt., tertullian, defends, emphasis on water in Hillier (1993), Arator on the Acts of the Apostles: A Baptismal Commentary, 157
de, baptismo contra donatistas, augustine of hippo Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 22
de, bayfius, lazare baïf Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 6
de, beauvoir, simone Alexander (2013), Gender and Timebound Commandments in Judaism. 43
Beneker et al. (2022), Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences: Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia, 238, 239, 240
de, bello civili, caesar, julius, commentarii Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 11, 12, 26, 28, 133, 138, 139, 182, 213
de, bello civili, commentarii Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 92
de, bello gallico, caesar Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 381
de, bello gallico, commentarii Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 10, 14, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 148, 149, 177, 178, 262, 270
de, bello intestino Lynskey (2021), Tyconius’ Book of Rules: An Ancient Invitation to Ecclesial Hermeneutics, 141, 221
de, bello piratico, lex gabinia Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 26, 28, 29, 157, 191
de, boer, m. Engberg-Pedersen (2010), Cosmology and Self in the Apostle Paul: The Material Spirit, 232, 233
de, boer, marinus Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 85
de, boer, martinus c. Azar (2016), Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews", 96
de, book of causes, liber causis d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 296, 299, 318
de, boulainvilliers, henri Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 10
de, brevitate vitae, seneca Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 47, 48
de, caelo, ave sinistra Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 40, 45, 58, 61, 155, 156, 160, 161, 243, 244, 274
de, caesaribus, epitome Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 79, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 112
de, cahusac, louis Gianvittorio-Ungar and Schlapbach (2021), Choreonarratives: Dancing Stories in Greek and Roman Antiquity and Beyond, 259
de, capitani, f. Del Lucchese (2019), Monstrosity and Philosophy: Radical Otherness in Greek and Latin Culture, 270, 271, 288
de, carne christi, tertullian Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 97
de, castro, moses Poorthuis and Schwartz (2006), A Holy People: Jewish And Christian Perspectives on Religious Communal Identity. 246
de, catechizandis rudibus, augustine Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 124
de, causis corruptae eloquentiae, quintilian Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 92, 225, 240, 260
de, causis to aristotle, attribution of liber d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 296, 299, 317, 318
de, celsus medicina Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 170, 173
de, censu animae, lost writing by, hermogenes Pedersen (2004), Demonstrative Proof in Defence of God: A Study of Titus of Bostra’s Contra Manichaeos. 219
de, centesima, pseudo-cyprianic treatises, sexagesima, tricesima Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 149, 154, 156, 157, 161, 164
de, certeau, m. Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 262
de, chardin t. Del Lucchese (2019), Monstrosity and Philosophy: Radical Otherness in Greek and Latin Culture, 67
de, chardin teilhard Poorthuis and Schwartz (2014), Saints and role models in Judaism and Christianity, 393
de, chloe, frías, d. Cueva et al. (2018a), Re-Wiring the Ancient Novel. Volume 1: Greek Novels, 67
de, choix, l’action Strong (2021), The Fables of Jesus in the Gospel of Luke: A New Foundation for the Study of Parables 316, 317, 319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 329, 330, 331, 332, 333, 334, 335, 336
de, chrysopoeia, psellos Joosse (2021), Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher, 15
de, civitate, dei, augustine Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 225, 237
Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 109, 116, 138, 152, 209
de, civitate, dei, augustine of hippo Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 138
de, clementia, public eye, in seneca’s Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88
de, clementia, seneca Braund and Most (2004), Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen, 180
Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 124
Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 11, 13, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 90, 91, 102, 155
de, clementia, seneca, and nero in Williams and Vol (2022), Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher, 281, 282
de, cn. pisone patre, sc Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 100, 121, 186, 193, 197, 294, 306, 323
de, cn. pisone patre, senatus consultum Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 87, 127, 140, 141
Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 246, 249, 253
de, commodatum Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 187
de, compostela, santiago Poorthuis and Schwartz (2014), Saints and role models in Judaism and Christianity, 409
de, conches, guillaume Gee (2020), Mapping the Afterlife: From Homer to Dante, 122
de, consensu evangelistarum, augustine Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 251, 252, 253
de, consolatio philosophiae, boethius Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 16, 26
de, consulatu suo, cicero Gee (2013), Aratus and the Astronomical Tradition, 63, 120, 130, 131, 202, 254
Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 81, 134
Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 218, 260
de, consulatu suo, cicero’s poetry Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 63, 215, 220
de, contenson, h. Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 299
de, courtils, jacques Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 35
de, crassus, lucius licinius, orator and speaker in oratore Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 41
de, critical editions excidio Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 31, 32
de, cuauhtinchan no., mapa Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 2, 49
de, curiositate, plutarch, writes Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 194
de, curiositate, plutarchus Cueva et al. (2018b), Re-Wiring the Ancient Novel. Volume 2: Roman Novels and Other Important Texts, 99
de, date of excidio Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 21, 22
de, decalogo, philo judeas Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 64, 66, 68, 71
de, dedication, architectura Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 52, 53
de, demosthene, Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 90
de, depositum, Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 187
de, dialectica, augustine Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 222
de, dictatore creando, lex Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 111
de, digital text excidio Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 32
de, diuinatione, cicero, discourse on theology in Williams (2012), The Cosmic Viewpoint: A Study of Seneca's 'Natural Questions', 318
de, diuinatione, tullius cicero, m. Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35
de, div., cicero Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 36, 44, 45, 51, 129, 131, 132, 135, 136, 137, 138
de, diversis quaestionibus ad simplicianum, augustine of hippo Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 283, 284, 285, 286
de, diversis quaestionibus lxxxiii, augustine of hippo Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 251, 252, 253
de, divination, cicero Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 56, 58
de, divinatione, cicero Gee (2013), Aratus and the Astronomical Tradition, 223
Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 191, 192, 196
Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 218, 239, 240, 242, 260, 262
Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 369
Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 47, 48
de, divinatione, cicero, date and structure of Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 75, 76
de, divinatione, cicero, marcus tullius Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 45, 54, 82
de, divinatione, cicero, overlap between cicero and marcus in Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80
de, divinatione, preface Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 45
de, divinatione, tullius cicero, m., and the Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 125
de, doctrina christiana, augustine Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 225
Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 7, 13, 15, 72, 73, 79, 104, 105, 106, 110, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 138, 139, 142, 143, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 204, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231
de, doctrina christiana, augustine, and confessiones Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 347
de, doctrina christiana, augustine, composition date Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 321, 322
de, doctrina christiana, augustine, on incarnation Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 332, 333
de, doctrina christiana, augustine, on love Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 220, 334, 335
de, doctrina christiana, augustine, on signification and disambiguation Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 333, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339
de, doctrina christiana, augustine, on “use” of scripture Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 331, 332
de, doctrina christiana, augustine, overview Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 330, 331
de, doctrina christiana, augustine, scriptural citations in Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 322, 323, 324, 328, 340, 341
de, doctrina christiana, augustine, “macro” vs. “micro” usages of scripture, as concept Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 329, 330
de, dolo Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 188
de, doma sua, cicero, marcus tullius Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 63
de, domo sua, cicero Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 26
de, domo, lucian Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 9, 82
de, don quixote, cervantes, miguel Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 222, 241
de, du manoir juaye, hubert Azar (2016), Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews", 171
de, duobus montibus sina et sion, pseudo-cyprianic treatises Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 149, 150, 157, 158, 159, 162, 164, 165
de, e apud, delphos, plutarch Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 186
de, e apud, delphos, plutarch, vii Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 72
de, ebrietate sua, antony, marc, and Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 62, 242
de, editio princeps excidio Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 32
de, el burgo ebro, hispania citerior Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 93
de, epilogue, of excidio Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 30
de, equitandi ratione, xenophon Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 164, 167
de, ercilla, alonso Greensmith (2021), The Resurrection of Homer in Imperial Greek Epic: Quintus Smyrnaeus' Posthomerica and the Poetics of Impersonation, 341
de, excidio st. gildas, britonum Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 54
de, excidio troiae Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 54
de, excidio urbis augustine, romae Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 40, 54
de, exilio, dio chrysostom Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 348
de, exsilio ciceronis, clodius pulcher, p., bill Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 86
de, facto marriage Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 201, 202, 317
de, facto, matrimony Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 92, 94, 96, 109, 115, 130, 131, 136
de, falco, vittorio v Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 104, 138, 197, 223, 318, 327, 332, 333, 336, 337, 339, 343, 348, 350, 357, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 366, 373, 385, 387, 393, 399, 404, 416, 417, 418, 419, 421, 422
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de, fato, cicero Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93
de, fato, cicero, date of Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 86, 87
de, fato, fragments, cicero’s Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 106
de, fato, ps.-plutarch Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 19, 199, 201
de, fato, ps.-plutarchus Pinheiro et al. (2015), Philosophy and the Ancient Novel, 37
de, faustinus, addressee of apuleius’ platone Motta and Petrucci (2022), Isagogical Crossroads from the Early Imperial Age to the End of Antiquity, 54, 65
de, faye, eugene James (2021), Learning the Language of Scripture: Origen, Wisdom, and the Logic of Interpretation, 13
de, feneratione, lex, iunia Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 85
de, fide, liber Wilson (2018), Augustine's Conversion from Traditional Free Choice to "Non-free Free Will": A Comprehensive Methodology, 157, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280
de, filippo, j.g. Pinheiro et al. (2015), Philosophy and the Ancient Novel, 86, 88, 99
de, finibus Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 20, 27, 28, 30, 77, 90, 109, 113, 201
Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 258
de, finibus, cato the younger, in cicero’s Howley (2018), The Single Life in the Roman and Later Roman World, 23
de, finibus, cicero Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 50
Howley (2018), The Single Life in the Roman and Later Roman World, 23
Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 156, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 226
König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 156, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 226
Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 45, 46
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de, finibus, demetrius, of phalerum, in cicero’s Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 85, 86
de, finibus, preface, to cicero’s Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 44
de, finibus, tullius cicero, m., and the Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 23, 84, 85, 86, 87, 103
de, flamonio provinciae narbonensis, lex Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 302, 549
de, fluminibus publicis Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 64
de, fornells, cap de, port Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 70
de, french translation excidio Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 32
de, fuga in persecutione, tertullian Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 72
de, fustel coulanges, n. d. Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 28, 624, 664, 774
de, gallia cisalpina, lex rubria Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 58
de, gallia lex cisalpina, lex rubria Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 302
de, generatione animalium, aristotle Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 149, 274
de, genesi ad litteram imperfectus liber, augustine of hippo Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 275, 276
de, genesi ad litteram liber imperfectus, augustine Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 227, 237
de, genesi ad litteram, augustine Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 227, 237
de, genesi adversus manicheos, augustine Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 227, 237
de, genesi contra manichaeos, augustine Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 225
de, genesi contra manichaeos, augustine of hippo Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 270
de, genio socratis, plutarchus Pinheiro et al. (2015), Philosophy and the Ancient Novel, 94
de, gente populi romani, varro O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 212, 213
de, gentibus indiae, palladius Pinheiro et al. (2015), Philosophy and the Ancient Novel, 51
de, germ. tab. siar., lex Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 148
de, german translation excidio Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 33
de, giens madrague, shipwreck Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 90
de, gloria, cicero Howley (2018), The Single Life in the Roman and Later Roman World, 177
Johnson and Parker (2009), ?Ancient Literacies: The Culture of Reading in Greece and Rome, 209
de, gloria, fragments, cicero’s Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 106
de, gobineau, comte arthur Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 129
de, grammatica, varro, marcus terentius Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 79
de, grammaticis, tiberius, works Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 183
de, haas, f. Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 455
Kelsey (2021), Mind and World in Aristotle's De Anima 101, 115, 123, 132, 134, 148
de, haeresibus, indiculus Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 230
de, haruspicum responsis, cicero Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 92, 93
de, haruspicum responso, cicero Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 214
de, haruspicum responso, tullius cicero, m. Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 99, 100, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107
de, herrero jáuregui, m. Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 134
de, heusch, luc Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 261, 262
de, hoop, r. Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 124, 126
de, iamblichus, reply to porphyry mysteriis Joosse (2021), Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher, 68, 191, 218, 223, 224, 225, 228
de, ieiunio contra psychicos, tertullian McGowan (1999), Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals, 165
de, immortalitate animae, augustine Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 139
de, imperio cn. pompei, pro lege cicero, manilia, nan Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 212
de, imperio of vespasian, lex Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 160
Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 160
de, imperio vespasiani, lex Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 145
Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 110, 128, 174, 175
de, imperio, lex Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 33, 155, 156, 157
de, incarnatione, athanasius Masterson (2016), Man to Man: Desire, Homosociality, and Authority in Late-Roman Manhood. 92, 93, 94, 112, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135
de, incendio urbis, lucan, his other works Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 9
de, indolentia, galen Seaford, Wilkins, Wright (2017), Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill. 175
de, inventione, cicero Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 240
de, inventione, tullius cicero, m., and the Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 86
de, ira, anger, in Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 188, 189, 190, 191, 225
de, ira, astyages, in Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 331
de, ira, harpagus, in Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 331
de, ira, philodemus, of gadara Braund and Most (2004), Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen, 129, 136
de, ira, seneca Braund and Most (2004), Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen, 136, 180, 222, 284, 285
Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 124
Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 201
de, ira, seneca, three-stage analysis of irascibility in Williams and Vol (2022), Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher, 277
de, ira, suicide, in Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 331
de, italian translation excidio Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 32
de, iudicio, dei, shenoute Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 178
de, iure fisci, fiscal pledge, fragmenta Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 321, 322
de, iure pontificum, numa Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 277
de, jacob et vita beata, ambrose of milan Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 257
de, jato Frede and Laks (2001), Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath, 239, 265
de, jong, albert Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 152
Secunda (2020), The Talmud's Red Fence: Menstrual Impurity and Difference in Babylonian Judaism and its Sasanian Context , 6
de, jong, i. j. f. Folit-Weinberg (2022), Homer, Parmenides, and the Road to Demonstration, 158, 160, 161, 174
de, jong, irene Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 231
de, jonge, h. j. Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 111
de, jonge, marinus Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 287, 294
Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 131, 154, 155, 156
de, jonge, p. Masterson (2016), Man to Man: Desire, Homosociality, and Authority in Late-Roman Manhood. 144, 157
de, josepho, treatise by philo, contradictions in Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 114, 115, 116
de, judaica incredulitate, pseudo-cyprianic treatises, ad vigilium episcopum Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 152, 158, 164
de, kruijf, anique Sneed (2022), Taming the Beast: A Reception History of Behemoth and Leviathan, 127
de, la plana, castellón Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 121, 122, 123
de, la santa cruz and los casares sanctuaries, hispania citerior, cueva Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 563, 564
de, la santa cruz and los casares, hispania incubation, other peoples, claimed for cueva citerior Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 563, 564
de, labriolle, p. Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 88
de, labriolle, paul Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 173
de, lacy, estelle Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 66, 67, 130
de, lacy, p. Del Lucchese (2019), Monstrosity and Philosophy: Radical Otherness in Greek and Latin Culture, 131, 148, 155, 157, 158
Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 158, 159, 160, 161, 204, 205, 206, 207
de, lacy, phillip Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 32, 46, 47, 48, 66, 67, 80, 86, 130
de, lange, nicholas Azar (2016), Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews", 50
James (2021), Learning the Language of Scripture: Origen, Wisdom, and the Logic of Interpretation, 48, 210
de, larchange michel, dreams, in late antique and medieval christian literature, anon., les dix merveilles Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 777
de, larchange michel, rome, in les dix merveilles Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 777
de, las casas, b. Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 293, 305
de, laudibus, dei, Verhelst and Scheijnens (2022), Greek and Latin Poetry of Late Antiquity: Form, Tradition, and Context, 250
de, leg., cicero Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 40
de, lege agraria, statilius maximus, and his subscriptio in the manuscript of cicero’s Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 70
de, legibus Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 35, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 130
de, legibus, cicero Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 121
de, legibus, tullius cicero, m., and the Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87
de, leptines, see also céleste leptines Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 120
de, ley, h. Del Lucchese (2019), Monstrosity and Philosophy: Radical Otherness in Greek and Latin Culture, 75
de, licinia sodaliciis, metilia Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 28, 107, 108, 172, 173
de, licinia sodaliciis, ogulnia Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 273, 274
de, licinia sodaliciis, oppia Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 181
de, licinia sodaliciis, vitio lata Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288
de, lingua latina, varro, marcus terentius Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 85, 111, 112
de, liturgie, dictionnaire d’archéologie chrétienne et Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 465
de, los reyes, tony Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 262, 273, 288
de, losada, luis Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 461
de, lubac, henri James (2021), Learning the Language of Scripture: Origen, Wisdom, and the Logic of Interpretation, 13
Penniman (2017), Raised on Christian Milk: Food and the Formation of the Soul in Early Christianity, 122
de, lucian astrologia Hawes (2014), Rationalizing Myth in Antiquity, 122, 123
de, lucullus Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 154, 190
de, lyon/irenaeus of lyon, irénée Bull, Lied and Turner (2011), Mystery and Secrecy in the Nag Hammadi Collection and Other Ancient Literature: Ideas and Practices: Studies for Einar Thomassen at Sixty, 12, 13, 40, 45, 69, 70, 90, 91, 128, 166, 222, 290, 291
de, mag., augustine’s works Wilson (2018), Augustine's Conversion from Traditional Free Choice to "Non-free Free Will": A Comprehensive Methodology, 98, 101
de, magistro, augustine Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 142
de, maiestate, lex lulia Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 58
de, maiestate, lex, cornelia Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 70, 122, 123
de, maistre, j. Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 321
de, man, paul Pucci (2016), Euripides' Revolution Under Cover: An Essay, 45, 138
de, mandati, actio Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 187
de, marignac, a. Del Lucchese (2019), Monstrosity and Philosophy: Radical Otherness in Greek and Latin Culture, 84
de, maritandis ordinibus lex iulia Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 18
de, maritandis ordinibus, lex iulia Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 48
Perry (2014), Gender, Manumission, and the Roman Freedwoman, 29, 80, 89, 91, 134, 149
Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 115
de, maritandis ordinibus, lex julia Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 114
de, maritandis ordinibus, lex, iulia Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 319, 429, 430, 431
Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 33
de, maritandis ordinibus, mariage lex iulia law Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 15, 18, 20, 21, 33, 201, 202, 216, 239, 241, 243, 249
de, masi, d. Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 111
de, menasce, pierre jean Beduhn (2013), Augustine's Manichaean Dilemma, vol. 1, 31, 35, 124, 190, 309, 333, 342
de, mend., augustine’s works Wilson (2018), Augustine's Conversion from Traditional Free Choice to "Non-free Free Will": A Comprehensive Methodology, 249, 280
de, mense quintili, lex, antonia Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 83
de, mense sextili, lex, pacuvia Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 83
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de, vogel, c. j. Huffman (2019), A History of Pythagoreanism, 555
de, vogel, c.j. Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 9, 21, 56, 330
de, voluntate, dei, pseudo-cyprianic treatises Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 145
de, voragine, jacobus Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 301
de, vos, craig Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 127
de, vos, mariette Belayche and Massa (2021), Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, 67, 78
de, vries, benjamin Alexander (2013), Gender and Timebound Commandments in Judaism. 70, 83, 96
de, witt, n.w. Dillon and Timotin (2015), Platonic Theories of Prayer, 30
de, xx quaestoribus, lex cornelia Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 32
de, zelada, cardinal Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 52
de, ‘bi-polar’ model, polignac Williamson (2021), Urban Rituals in Sacred Landscapes in Hellenistic Asia Minor, 30, 32
de, … clauses, bakker, e., on men … Folit-Weinberg (2022), Homer, Parmenides, and the Road to Demonstration, 164
de, … men … clauses, and od. 12.55-126 Folit-Weinberg (2022), Homer, Parmenides, and the Road to Demonstration, 204, 205
de, … men … clauses, in fr. Folit-Weinberg (2022), Homer, Parmenides, and the Road to Demonstration, 205, 206
de, … men … clauses, in od. Folit-Weinberg (2022), Homer, Parmenides, and the Road to Demonstration, 164, 165
dea, lucian, on the syrian goddess, de, syria Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 15, 71
dea, syria [lucian], de Gaifman (2012), Aniconism in Greek Antiquity, 86, 87, 88, 107, 108, 110
death, fear of de, iudicio dei, shenoute Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181
defectu, oraculorum, plutarch, de Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 40
defectu, oraculorum, plutarch, vii, de Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 85
defectu, oraculorum, plutarch’s moralia, de Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 88
definition, of de, vita contemplativa, genre Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 22, 25, 27, 29
definitions, in de, re rustica, varro Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 58, 61, 65, 66, 101, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 124, 184, 188, 216
dei, de, iudicio, shenoute Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 178
dei, et libero arbitrio, hincmar of reims, de, praedestinatione Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 162
deo, socratis apuleius, de, dds Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 102, 129, 133, 142, 271
deo, socratis, apologia, de Cueva et al. (2018b), Re-Wiring the Ancient Novel. Volume 2: Roman Novels and Other Important Texts, 99
deo, socratis, apuleius, de MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 115
Pinheiro et al. (2015), Philosophy and the Ancient Novel, 94
deorum, as, disputatio in utramque partem, cicero, de, natura Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 70
deorum, de, natura, cicero Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 40, 122, 222
depiction, of in de, vita contemplativa, essenes Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 101, 102
der, stadt, reinheit, des, tempels und Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 170
des, bollandistes, société Moss (2010), The Other Christs: Imitating Jesus in Ancient Christian Ideologies of Martyrdom, 9
des, bouvrie, s. Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 33
des, delos, insula of the jewelry, ilot bijoux Benefiel and Keegan (2016), Inscriptions in the Private Sphere in the Greco-Roman World, 62, 63
des, gesetzes, taufe Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 1129
des, griechischen götterglaubens Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 72
des, heiligtums, reinheit Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 170
des, inscriptions et académie belles-lettres, paris Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 3
des, johannes, schüler Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 1105
des, johannes, wasserriten, taufe Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 560
des, judentum, wissenschaft Secunda (2014), The Iranian Talmud: Reading the Bavli in Its Sasanian Context. 10
Secunda (2020), The Talmud's Red Fence: Menstrual Impurity and Difference in Babylonian Judaism and its Sasanian Context , 2, 10
des, judentums, wissenschaft Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 3, 22, 279, 502
des, lebens, licht Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 207
des, lebens, wasser Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 175
des, menschen, heinemann, isaak, die lehre von der, zweckbestimmung Dürr (2022), Paul on the Human Vocation: Reason Language in Romans and Ancient Philosophical Tradition, 123
des, menschen, leben Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 201
des, menschen, lebensqualität Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 172
des, märchens, enzyklopädie Hasan Rokem (2003), Tales of the Neighborhood Jewish Narrative Dialogues in Late Antiquity, 188
des, orators, qualifikation Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 455
des, osiris, leichensekret Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 51
des, philippus, spruch, tätigkeit Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 579
des, philippus, taufen Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 577
des, places Janowitz (2002b), Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity, 7
des, places, e. Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 82, 135, 327, 459, 460
Del Lucchese (2019), Monstrosity and Philosophy: Radical Otherness in Greek and Latin Culture, 79
Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 220
Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 25, 27, 138, 139, 268
des, places, é. Dillon and Timotin (2015), Platonic Theories of Prayer, 17, 19, 21, 93
des, saulus, taufe Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 576, 577
des, théores, thasos, passage Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 22
des, vermittlung heiligen, geistes Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 1397
des, wassers, reinigung Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 823
des, zentrum christlichen, glaubens Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 470
des, äthiopischen eunuchen, taufe Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 572, 581
de’, rossi, azariah Gera (2014), Judith, 20
Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 634
duodecim, abusivis saeculi, pseudo-cyprianic treatises, de Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 145
gender, and status distinctions, lex julia de, adulteriis coercendis Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 114, 169, 170
ideals, in de, vita contemplativa, stoic Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 5, 6, 7, 27, 28
iside, et, osiride, plutarch, de Bricault et al. (2007), Orphism and Christianity in Late Antiquity, 81, 386
Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 119
Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 14, 394, 408, 411, 412, 413
judentums, critical editions, wissenschaft des Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 98
judentums, traditional historiography, wissenschaft des Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 242
laude, martyrii, pseudo-cyprianic treatises, de Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 150, 151, 156, 157, 159, 161, 162
mercede, conductis, lucian, de Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 116, 117
König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 116, 117
sade, marquis, de, Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 8

List of validated texts:
142 validated results for "de"
1. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 12.31, 33.4 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Abrahamo, Greek title of • Mekhilta de Arayot • audience, of De Abrahamo • de Vidas, Elijah • rhetoric of De Abrahamo

 Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 10, 316, 325; Rubenstein (2003), The Culture of the Babylonian Talmud. 156; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 143, 144

sup>
12.31 לֹא־תַעֲשֶׂה כֵן לַיהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ כִּי כָּל־תּוֹעֲבַת יְהוָה אֲשֶׁר שָׂנֵא עָשׂוּ לֵאלֹהֵיהֶם כִּי גַם אֶת־בְּנֵיהֶם וְאֶת־בְּנֹתֵיהֶם יִשְׂרְפוּ בָאֵשׁ לֵאלֹהֵיהֶם׃
33.4
תּוֹרָה צִוָּה־לָנוּ מֹשֶׁה מוֹרָשָׁה קְהִלַּת יַעֲקֹב׃'' None
sup>
12.31 Thou shalt not do so unto the LORD thy God; for every abomination to the LORD, which He hateth, have they done unto their gods; for even their sons and their daughters do they burn in the fire to their gods.
33.4
Moses commanded us a law, An inheritance of the congregation of Jacob.'' None
2. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 1.26-1.28, 2.7, 4.2, 6.18, 9.20-9.21, 12.1, 15.17, 16.3, 22.2, 22.8, 26.1 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Abrahamo, Greek title of • De Abrahamo, Philonic parallels in • De Abrahamo, place of, in Philo’s works • De Abrahamo, prologue of • De Abrahamo, rhetoric in • De Abrahamo, structure of • De Abrahamo, unique features of • De Moor, Johannes • De Plantatione, biblical quotations in • De Plantatione, genre • De Plantatione, place in Allegorical Commentary • De Plantatione, structure of • De Universi Natura (Ocellus Lucanus) • First Isaiah, Pesikta de-Rav Kahana on • Jacobus de Voragine • Jeremiah, book of, Pesikta de-Rav Kahanas discussion of • Pesikta de-Rav Kahana , on Isaiah • Pesikta de-Rav Kahana , on Jer 1:1 • Pesikta de-Rav Kahana , petiḥta of • Pesikta de-Rav Kahana , rebuke, punishment and consolation in narrative of rebuke • Pesikta de-Rav Kahana, kal vaḥomer • Philo Judeas, De decalogo • Philo Judeas, De specialibus legibus • Philo, De Agricultura, biblical quotations in • Philo, De Agricultura, chronology • Philo, De Agricultura, commentaries on • Philo, De Agricultura, genre • Philo, De Agricultura, language of • Philo, De Agricultura, manuscripts of • Philo, De Agricultura, structure • Philo, De Agricultura, text of • Philo, De Agricultura, title • Philo, De Agricultura, translations of • Philo, De opifico mundi • Philo, De posteritate Caini • Philo, De somniis • Philo, De specialibus legibus • Ps.Aristotle, De Mundo • Ps.Aristotle, De mundo • Teilhard de Chardin, P. • Tertullian, De Carni Christi • Trinity, Augustine’s De Trinitate • Xenophon, De equitandi ratione • de Vaux, Roland • prologue of De Abrahamo • rhetoric of De Abrahamo • structure of De Abrahamo

 Found in books: Bird and Harrower (2021), The Cambridge Companion to the Apostolic Fathers, 315, 318; Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 1, 33, 73, 147, 207, 211, 324, 368; Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 1223; Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 68, 142; Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 21, 29, 30, 31, 35, 36, 37, 39, 85, 86, 150, 164, 167, 236, 256; Geljon and Runia (2019), Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 2, 3, 7, 11, 12, 14, 17, 18, 94, 143; Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 269; Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 301; Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022), Judaism from Moses to Muhammad: An Interpretation: Turning Points and Focal Points, 44; Osborne (2001), Irenaeus of Lyons, 211; Sneed (2022), Taming the Beast: A Reception History of Behemoth and Leviathan, 149; Stern (2004), From Rebuke to Consolation: Exegesis and Theology in the Liturgical Anthology of the Ninth of Av Season, 89, 102, 103

sup>
1.26 וַיֹּאמֶר אֱלֹהִים נַעֲשֶׂה אָדָם בְּצַלְמֵנוּ כִּדְמוּתֵנוּ וְיִרְדּוּ בִדְגַת הַיָּם וּבְעוֹף הַשָּׁמַיִם וּבַבְּהֵמָה וּבְכָל־הָאָרֶץ וּבְכָל־הָרֶמֶשׂ הָרֹמֵשׂ עַל־הָאָרֶץ׃ 1.27 וַיִּבְרָא אֱלֹהִים אֶת־הָאָדָם בְּצַלְמוֹ בְּצֶלֶם אֱלֹהִים בָּרָא אֹתוֹ זָכָר וּנְקֵבָה בָּרָא אֹתָם׃ 1.28 וַיְבָרֶךְ אֹתָם אֱלֹהִים וַיֹּאמֶר לָהֶם אֱלֹהִים פְּרוּ וּרְבוּ וּמִלְאוּ אֶת־הָאָרֶץ וְכִבְשֻׁהָ וּרְדוּ בִּדְגַת הַיָּם וּבְעוֹף הַשָּׁמַיִם וּבְכָל־חַיָּה הָרֹמֶשֶׂת עַל־הָאָרֶץ׃
2.7
וַיִּיצֶר יְהוָה אֱלֹהִים אֶת־הָאָדָם עָפָר מִן־הָאֲדָמָה וַיִּפַּח בְּאַפָּיו נִשְׁמַת חַיִּים וַיְהִי הָאָדָם לְנֶפֶשׁ חַיָּה׃
4.2
וַתֵּלֶד עָדָה אֶת־יָבָל הוּא הָיָה אֲבִי יֹשֵׁב אֹהֶל וּמִקְנֶה׃
4.2
וַתֹּסֶף לָלֶדֶת אֶת־אָחִיו אֶת־הָבֶל וַיְהִי־הֶבֶל רֹעֵה צֹאן וְקַיִן הָיָה עֹבֵד אֲדָמָה׃
6.18
וַהֲקִמֹתִי אֶת־בְּרִיתִי אִתָּךְ וּבָאתָ אֶל־הַתֵּבָה אַתָּה וּבָנֶיךָ וְאִשְׁתְּךָ וּנְשֵׁי־בָנֶיךָ אִתָּךְ׃' '9.21 וַיֵּשְׁתְּ מִן־הַיַּיִן וַיִּשְׁכָּר וַיִּתְגַּל בְּתוֹךְ אָהֳלֹה׃
12.1
וַיְהִי רָעָב בָּאָרֶץ וַיֵּרֶד אַבְרָם מִצְרַיְמָה לָגוּר שָׁם כִּי־כָבֵד הָרָעָב בָּאָרֶץ׃
12.1
וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה אֶל־אַבְרָם לֶךְ־לְךָ מֵאַרְצְךָ וּמִמּוֹלַדְתְּךָ וּמִבֵּית אָבִיךָ אֶל־הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר אַרְאֶךָּ׃
15.17
וַיְהִי הַשֶּׁמֶשׁ בָּאָה וַעֲלָטָה הָיָה וְהִנֵּה תַנּוּר עָשָׁן וְלַפִּיד אֵשׁ אֲשֶׁר עָבַר בֵּין הַגְּזָרִים הָאֵלֶּה׃
16.3
וַתִּקַּח שָׂרַי אֵשֶׁת־אַבְרָם אֶת־הָגָר הַמִּצְרִית שִׁפְחָתָהּ מִקֵּץ עֶשֶׂר שָׁנִים לְשֶׁבֶת אַבְרָם בְּאֶרֶץ כְּנָעַן וַתִּתֵּן אֹתָהּ לְאַבְרָם אִישָׁהּ לוֹ לְאִשָּׁה׃
22.2
וַיְהִי אַחֲרֵי הַדְּבָרִים הָאֵלֶּה וַיֻּגַּד לְאַבְרָהָם לֵאמֹר הִנֵּה יָלְדָה מִלְכָּה גַם־הִוא בָּנִים לְנָחוֹר אָחִיךָ׃
22.2
וַיֹּאמֶר קַח־נָא אֶת־בִּנְךָ אֶת־יְחִידְךָ אֲשֶׁר־אָהַבְתָּ אֶת־יִצְחָק וְלֶךְ־לְךָ אֶל־אֶרֶץ הַמֹּרִיָּה וְהַעֲלֵהוּ שָׁם לְעֹלָה עַל אַחַד הֶהָרִים אֲשֶׁר אֹמַר אֵלֶיךָ׃
22.8
וַיֹּאמֶר אַבְרָהָם אֱלֹהִים יִרְאֶה־לּוֹ הַשֶּׂה לְעֹלָה בְּנִי וַיֵּלְכוּ שְׁנֵיהֶם יַחְדָּו׃
26.1
וַיְהִי רָעָב בָּאָרֶץ מִלְּבַד הָרָעָב הָרִאשׁוֹן אֲשֶׁר הָיָה בִּימֵי אַבְרָהָם וַיֵּלֶךְ יִצְחָק אֶל־אֲבִימֶּלֶךְ מֶלֶךְ־פְּלִשְׁתִּים גְּרָרָה׃
26.1
וַיֹּאמֶר אֲבִימֶלֶךְ מַה־זֹּאת עָשִׂיתָ לָּנוּ כִּמְעַט שָׁכַב אַחַד הָעָם אֶת־אִשְׁתֶּךָ וְהֵבֵאתָ עָלֵינוּ אָשָׁם׃'' None
sup>
1.26 And God said: ‘Let us make man in our image, after our likeness; and let them have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over the cattle, and over all the earth, and over every creeping thing that creepeth upon the earth.’ 1.27 And God created man in His own image, in the image of God created He him; male and female created He them. 1.28 And God blessed them; and God said unto them: ‘Be fruitful, and multiply, and replenish the earth, and subdue it; and have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over every living thing that creepeth upon the earth.’
2.7
Then the LORD God formed man of the dust of the ground, and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life; and man became a living soul.
4.2
And again she bore his brother Abel. And Abel was a keeper of sheep, but Cain was a tiller of the ground.
6.18
But I will establish My covet with thee; and thou shalt come into the ark, thou, and thy sons, and thy wife, and thy sons’wives with thee.
9.20
And Noah, the man of the land, began and planted a vineyard. 9.21 And he drank of the wine, and was drunken; and he was uncovered within his tent.
12.1
Now the LORD said unto Abram: ‘Get thee out of thy country, and from thy kindred, and from thy father’s house, unto the land that I will show thee.
15.17
And it came to pass, that, when the sun went down, and there was thick darkness, behold a smoking furnace, and a flaming torch that passed between these pieces.
16.3
And Sarai Abram’s wife took Hagar the Egyptian, her handmaid, after Abram had dwelt ten years in the land of Canaan, and gave her to Abram her husband to be his wife.
22.2
And He said: ‘Take now thy son, thine only son, whom thou lovest, even Isaac, and get thee into the land of Moriah; and offer him there for a burnt-offering upon one of the mountains which I will tell thee of.’
22.8
And Abraham said: ‘God will aprovide Himself the lamb for a burnt-offering, my son.’ So they went both of them together.
26.1
And there was a famine in the land, beside the first famine that was in the days of Abraham. And Isaac went unto Abimelech king of the Philistines unto Gerar.' ' None
3. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 19.18 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • de Jonge, Marinus • de-Orayta (laws from the Torah) • de-Orayta (laws from the Torah),, on tosefet Shabbat • de-rabbanan (laws decreed by the Rabbis) • de-rabbanan (laws decreed by the Rabbis),, on tosefet Shabbat • van de Sandt, Huub

 Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 155, 156; Shemesh (2009), Halakhah in the Making: The Development of Jewish Law from Qumran to the Rabbis. 30, 75

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19.18 לֹא־תִקֹּם וְלֹא־תִטֹּר אֶת־בְּנֵי עַמֶּךָ וְאָהַבְתָּ לְרֵעֲךָ כָּמוֹךָ אֲנִי יְהוָה׃'' None
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19.18 Thou shalt not take vengeance, nor bear any grudge against the children of thy people, but thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself: I am the LORD.'' None
4. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 18.9 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Philo Judeas, De decalogo • de Vaux, Roland

 Found in books: Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 68; Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 269

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18.9 עָלָה עָשָׁן בְּאַפּוֹ וְאֵשׁ־מִפִּיו תֹּאכֵל גֶּחָלִים בָּעֲרוּ מִמֶּנּוּ׃'' None
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18.9 Smoke arose up in His nostrils, and fire out of His mouth did devour; coals flamed forth from Him.'' None
5. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 1.2-1.3, 1.15, 2.3, 61.1 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Lange, Nicholas • Pesikta de-Rav Kahana, alternate names for • Pesikta de-Rav Kahana, consolation in • Pesikta de-Rav Kahana, on haftarot of rebuke • Philo, De opifico mundi • Philo, De posteritate Caini • Philo, De somniis • Philo, De specialibus legibus • Sword of Moses (harba de-Moshe) • Taufe, des Gesetzes • Tzinora de-dasha • Yeshaya de-Trani, R. • rites de passage

 Found in books: Bird and Harrower (2021), The Cambridge Companion to the Apostolic Fathers, 315; Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 1129; James (2021), Learning the Language of Scripture: Origen, Wisdom, and the Logic of Interpretation, 210; Kosman (2012), Gender and Dialogue in the Rabbinic Prism, 48; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 49; Reif (2006), Problems with Prayers: Studies in the Textual History of Early Rabbinic Liturgy, 92; Stern (2004), From Rebuke to Consolation: Exegesis and Theology in the Liturgical Anthology of the Ninth of Av Season, 42, 59; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 38

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1.2 וְאִם־תְּמָאֲנוּ וּמְרִיתֶם חֶרֶב תְּאֻכְּלוּ כִּי פִּי יְהוָה דִּבֵּר׃
1.2
שִׁמְעוּ שָׁמַיִם וְהַאֲזִינִי אֶרֶץ כִּי יְהוָה דִּבֵּר בָּנִים גִּדַּלְתִּי וְרוֹמַמְתִּי וְהֵם פָּשְׁעוּ בִי׃ 1.3 יָדַע שׁוֹר קֹנֵהוּ וַחֲמוֹר אֵבוּס בְּעָלָיו יִשְׂרָאֵל לֹא יָדַע עַמִּי לֹא הִתְבּוֹנָן׃ 1.3 כִּי תִהְיוּ כְּאֵלָה נֹבֶלֶת עָלֶהָ וּכְגַנָּה אֲשֶׁר־מַיִם אֵין לָהּ׃
1.15
וּבְפָרִשְׂכֶם כַּפֵּיכֶם אַעְלִים עֵינַי מִכֶּם גַּם כִּי־תַרְבּוּ תְפִלָּה אֵינֶנִּי שֹׁמֵעַ יְדֵיכֶם דָּמִים מָלֵאוּ׃
2.3
וְהָלְכוּ עַמִּים רַבִּים וְאָמְרוּ לְכוּ וְנַעֲלֶה אֶל־הַר־יְהוָה אֶל־בֵּית אֱלֹהֵי יַעֲקֹב וְיֹרֵנוּ מִדְּרָכָיו וְנֵלְכָה בְּאֹרְחֹתָיו כִּי מִצִּיּוֹן תֵּצֵא תוֹרָה וּדְבַר־יְהוָה מִירוּשָׁלִָם׃
61.1
רוּחַ אֲדֹנָי יְהוִה עָלָי יַעַן מָשַׁח יְהוָה אֹתִי לְבַשֵּׂר עֲנָוִים שְׁלָחַנִי לַחֲבֹשׁ לְנִשְׁבְּרֵי־לֵב לִקְרֹא לִשְׁבוּיִם דְּרוֹר וְלַאֲסוּרִים פְּקַח־קוֹחַ׃'
61.1
שׂוֹשׂ אָשִׂישׂ בַּיהוָה תָּגֵל נַפְשִׁי בֵּאלֹהַי כִּי הִלְבִּישַׁנִי בִּגְדֵי־יֶשַׁע מְעִיל צְדָקָה יְעָטָנִי כֶּחָתָן יְכַהֵן פְּאֵר וְכַכַּלָּה תַּעְדֶּה כֵלֶיהָ׃ ' None
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1.2 Hear, O heavens, and give ear, O earth, For the LORD hath spoken: Children I have reared, and brought up, And they have rebelled against Me. 1.3 The ox knoweth his owner, And the ass his master’s crib; But Israel doth not know, My people doth not consider.
1.15
And when ye spread forth your hands, I will hide Mine eyes from you; Yea, when ye make many prayers, I will not hear; Your hands are full of blood.
2.3
And many peoples shall go and say: ‘Come ye, and let us go up to the mountain of the LORD, To the house of the God of Jacob; And He will teach us of His ways, And we will walk in His paths.’ For out of Zion shall go forth the law, And the word of the LORD from Jerusalem.
61.1
The spirit of the Lord God is upon me; Because the LORD hath anointed me To bring good tidings unto the humble; He hath sent me to bind up the broken-hearted, To proclaim liberty to the captives, And the opening of the eyes to them that are bound;' ' None
6. Hebrew Bible, Jeremiah, 1.1-1.5 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • First Isaiah, Pesikta de-Rav Kahana on • Institut de théologie catholique, Saint-Serge, Paris • Jeremiah, book of, Pesikta de-Rav Kahanas discussion of • Pesikta de-Rav Kahana • Pesikta de-Rav Kahana , Song of Songs in • Pesikta de-Rav Kahana , messianic perorations in • Pesikta de-Rav Kahana , petiḥta of • Pesikta de-Rav Kahana, Buber edition of • Pesikta de-Rav Kahana, Isaiah 10:30 linked with Jeremiah 1:1 • Pesikta de-Rav Kahana, Yannai on haftarot of rebuke and • Pesikta de-Rav Kahana, alternate names for • Pesikta de-Rav Kahana, messianic perorations in • Pesikta de-Rav Kahana, on haftarot of rebuke • Pesikta de-Rav Kahana, rebuke, haftarot of • Song of Songs, in Pesikta de-Rav Kahana • rabbinic Judaism, Pesikta de-Rav Kahana and

 Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 8; Stern (2004), From Rebuke to Consolation: Exegesis and Theology in the Liturgical Anthology of the Ninth of Av Season, 20, 22, 83, 90, 96, 97

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1.1 דִּבְרֵי יִרְמְיָהוּ בֶּן־חִלְקִיָּהוּ מִן־הַכֹּהֲנִים אֲשֶׁר בַּעֲנָתוֹת בְּאֶרֶץ בִּנְיָמִן׃
1.1
רְאֵה הִפְקַדְתִּיךָ הַיּוֹם הַזֶּה עַל־הַגּוֹיִם וְעַל־הַמַּמְלָכוֹת לִנְתוֹשׁ וְלִנְתוֹץ וּלְהַאֲבִיד וְלַהֲרוֹס לִבְנוֹת וְלִנְטוֹעַ׃ 1.2 אֲשֶׁר הָיָה דְבַר־יְהוָה אֵלָיו בִּימֵי יֹאשִׁיָּהוּ בֶן־אָמוֹן מֶלֶךְ יְהוּדָה בִּשְׁלֹשׁ־עֶשְׂרֵה שָׁנָה לְמָלְכוֹ׃ 1.3 וַיְהִי בִּימֵי יְהוֹיָקִים בֶּן־יֹאשִׁיָּהוּ מֶלֶךְ יְהוּדָה עַד־תֹּם עַשְׁתֵּי עֶשְׂרֵה שָׁנָה לְצִדְקִיָּהוּ בֶן־יֹאשִׁיָּהוּ מֶלֶךְ יְהוּדָה עַד־גְּלוֹת יְרוּשָׁלִַם בַּחֹדֶשׁ הַחֲמִישִׁי׃ 1.4 וַיְהִי דְבַר־יְהוָה אֵלַי לֵאמֹר׃ 1.5 בְּטֶרֶם אצורך אֶצָּרְךָ בַבֶּטֶן יְדַעְתִּיךָ וּבְטֶרֶם תֵּצֵא מֵרֶחֶם הִקְדַּשְׁתִּיךָ נָבִיא לַגּוֹיִם נְתַתִּיךָ׃'' None
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1.1 THE WORDS of Jeremiah the son of Hilkiah, of the priests that were in Anathoth in the land of Benjamin, 1.2 to whom the word of the LORD came in the days of Josiah the son of Amon, king of Judah, in the thirteenth year of his reign. 1.3 It came also in the days of Jehoiakim the son of Josiah, king of Judah, unto the end of the eleventh year of Zedekiah the son of Josiah, king of Judah, unto the carrying away of Jerusalem captive in the fifth month. 1.4 And the word of the LORD came unto me, saying: 1.5 Before I formed thee in the belly I knew thee, And before thou camest forth out of the womb I sanctified thee; I have appointed thee a prophet unto the nations.'' None
7. Hesiod, Works And Days, 45-105 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Rite de passage • rite de passage • rite de passage, sacrifice

 Found in books: Edmonds (2004), Myths of the Underworld Journey: Plato, Aristophanes, and the ‘Orphic’ Gold Tablets, 42; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 296

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45 αἶψά κε πηδάλιον μὲν ὑπὲρ καπνοῦ καταθεῖο, 46 ἔργα βοῶν δʼ ἀπόλοιτο καὶ ἡμιόνων ταλαεργῶν. 47 ἀλλὰ Ζεὺς ἔκρυψε χολωσάμενος φρεσὶν ᾗσιν, 48 ὅττι μιν ἐξαπάτησε Προμηθεὺς ἀγκυλομήτης· 49 τοὔνεκʼ ἄρʼ ἀνθρώποισιν ἐμήσατο κήδεα λυγρά. 50 κρύψε δὲ πῦρ· τὸ μὲν αὖτις ἐὺς πάις Ἰαπετοῖο 51 ἔκλεψʼ ἀνθρώποισι Διὸς πάρα μητιόεντος 52 ἐν κοῒλῳ νάρθηκι λαθὼν Δία τερπικέραυνον. 53 τὸν δὲ χολωσάμενος προσέφη νεφεληγερέτα Ζευς· 54 Ἰαπετιονίδη, πάντων πέρι μήδεα εἰδώς, 54 ὣς ἔφατʼ· ἐκ δʼ ἐγέλασσε πατὴρ ἀνδρῶν τε θεῶν τε. 55 χαίρεις πῦρ κλέψας καὶ ἐμὰς φρένας ἠπεροπεύσας, 56 σοί τʼ αὐτῷ μέγα πῆμα καὶ ἀνδράσιν ἐσσομένοισιν. 57 τοῖς δʼ ἐγὼ ἀντὶ πυρὸς δώσω κακόν, ᾧ κεν ἅπαντες 58 τέρπωνται κατὰ θυμὸν ἑὸν κακὸν ἀμφαγαπῶντες.' '60 Ἥφαιστον δʼ ἐκέλευσε περικλυτὸν ὅττι τάχιστα 61 γαῖαν ὕδει φύρειν, ἐν δʼ ἀνθρώπου θέμεν αὐδὴν 62 καὶ σθένος, ἀθανάτῃς δὲ θεῇς εἰς ὦπα ἐίσκειν 63 παρθενικῆς καλὸν εἶδος ἐπήρατον· αὐτὰρ Ἀθήνην 64 ἔργα διδασκῆσαι, πολυδαίδαλον ἱστὸν ὑφαίνειν· 65 καὶ χάριν ἀμφιχέαι κεφαλῇ χρυσέην Ἀφροδίτην 66 καὶ πόθον ἀργαλέον καὶ γυιοβόρους μελεδώνας· 67 ἐν δὲ θέμεν κύνεόν τε νόον καὶ ἐπίκλοπον ἦθος 68 Ἑρμείην ἤνωγε, διάκτορον Ἀργεϊφόντην. 69 ὣς ἔφαθʼ· οἳ δʼ ἐπίθοντο Διὶ Κρονίωνι ἄνακτι. 70 αὐτίκα δʼ ἐκ γαίης πλάσσεν κλυτὸς Ἀμφιγυήεις 71 παρθένῳ αἰδοίῃ ἴκελον Κρονίδεω διὰ βουλάς· 72 ζῶσε δὲ καὶ κόσμησε θεὰ γλαυκῶπις Ἀθήνη· 73 ἀμφὶ δέ οἱ Χάριτές τε θεαὶ καὶ πότνια Πειθὼ 74 ὅρμους χρυσείους ἔθεσαν χροΐ· ἀμφὶ δὲ τήν γε 75 Ὧραι καλλίκομοι στέφον ἄνθεσιν εἰαρινοῖσιν· 76 πάντα δέ οἱ χροῒ κόσμον ἐφήρμοσε Παλλὰς Ἀθήνη. 77 ἐν δʼ ἄρα οἱ στήθεσσι διάκτορος Ἀργεϊφόντης 78 ψεύδεά θʼ αἱμυλίους τε λόγους καὶ ἐπίκλοπον ἦθος 79 τεῦξε Διὸς βουλῇσι βαρυκτύπου· ἐν δʼ ἄρα φωνὴν 80 θῆκε θεῶν κῆρυξ, ὀνόμηνε δὲ τήνδε γυναῖκα 81 Πανδώρην, ὅτι πάντες Ὀλύμπια δώματʼ ἔχοντες 82 δῶρον ἐδώρησαν, πῆμʼ ἀνδράσιν ἀλφηστῇσιν. 83 αὐτὰρ ἐπεὶ δόλον αἰπὺν ἀμήχανον ἐξετέλεσσεν, 84 εἰς Ἐπιμηθέα πέμπε πατὴρ κλυτὸν Ἀργεϊφόντην 85 δῶρον ἄγοντα, θεῶν ταχὺν ἄγγελον· οὐδʼ Ἐπιμηθεὺς 86 ἐφράσαθʼ, ὥς οἱ ἔειπε Προμηθεὺς μή ποτε δῶρον 87 δέξασθαι πὰρ Ζηνὸς Ὀλυμπίου, ἀλλʼ ἀποπέμπειν 88 ἐξοπίσω, μή πού τι κακὸν θνητοῖσι γένηται. 89 αὐτὰρ ὃ δεξάμενος, ὅτε δὴ κακὸν εἶχʼ, ἐνόησεν. 90 Πρὶν μὲν γὰρ ζώεσκον ἐπὶ χθονὶ φῦλʼ ἀνθρώπων 91 νόσφιν ἄτερ τε κακῶν καὶ ἄτερ χαλεποῖο πόνοιο 92 νούσων τʼ ἀργαλέων, αἵ τʼ ἀνδράσι Κῆρας ἔδωκαν. 93 αἶψα γὰρ ἐν κακότητι βροτοὶ καταγηράσκουσιν. 94 ἀλλὰ γυνὴ χείρεσσι πίθου μέγα πῶμʼ ἀφελοῦσα 95 ἐσκέδασʼ· ἀνθρώποισι δʼ ἐμήσατο κήδεα λυγρά. 96 μούνη δʼ αὐτόθι Ἐλπὶς ἐν ἀρρήκτοισι δόμοισιν 97 ἔνδον ἔμιμνε πίθου ὑπὸ χείλεσιν, οὐδὲ θύραζε 98 ἐξέπτη· πρόσθεν γὰρ ἐπέλλαβε πῶμα πίθοιο 99 αἰγιόχου βουλῇσι Διὸς νεφεληγερέταο. 100 ἄλλα δὲ μυρία λυγρὰ κατʼ ἀνθρώπους ἀλάληται·'101 πλείη μὲν γὰρ γαῖα κακῶν, πλείη δὲ θάλασσα· 102 νοῦσοι δʼ ἀνθρώποισιν ἐφʼ ἡμέρῃ, αἳ δʼ ἐπὶ νυκτὶ 103 αὐτόματοι φοιτῶσι κακὰ θνητοῖσι φέρουσαι 104 σιγῇ, ἐπεὶ φωνὴν ἐξείλετο μητίετα Ζεύς. 105 οὕτως οὔτι πη ἔστι Διὸς νόον ἐξαλέασθαι. ' None
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45 Will benefit them much. The means of life 46 The gods keep from us or else easily 47 Could one work for one day, then, free from strife, 48 One’s rudder packed away, live lazily, 49 Each ox and hard-worked mule sent off. In spleen 50 That fraudulent Prometheus duped him, Zeu 51 Kept safe this thing, devising labours keen 52 For men. He hid the fire: for human use 53 The honourable son of Iapetu 54 Stole it from counsellor Zeus and in his guile 55 He hid it in a fennel stalk and thu 56 Hoodwinked the Thunderer, who aired his bile, 57 Cloud-Gatherer that he was, and said: “O son 58 of Iapetus, the craftiest god of all, 59 You stole the fire, content with what you’d done, 60 And duped me. So great anguish shall befall 61 Both you and future mortal men. A thing 62 of ill in lieu of fire I’ll afford 63 Them all to take delight in, cherishing 64 The evil”. Thus he spoke and then the lord 65 of men and gods laughed. Famed Hephaistus he 66 Enjoined to mingle water with some clay 67 And put a human voice and energy 68 Within it and a goddess’ features lay 69 On it and, like a maiden, sweet and pure, 70 The body, though Athene was to show 71 Her how to weave; upon her head allure 72 The golden Aphrodite would let flow, 73 With painful passions and bone-shattering stress. 74 Then Argus-slayer Hermes had to add 75 A wily nature and shamefacedness. 76 Those were his orders and what Lord Zeus bade 77 They did. The famed lame god immediately 78 Formed out of clay, at Cronus’ son’s behest, 79 The likeness of a maid of modesty. 80 By grey-eyed Queen Athene was she dressed 81 And cinctured, while the Graces and Seduction 82 Placed necklaces about her; then the Hours, 83 With lovely tresses, heightened this production 84 By garlanding this maid with springtime flowers. 85 Athene trimmed her up, while in her breast 86 Hermes put lies and wiles and qualitie 87 of trickery at thundering Zeus’ behest: 88 Since all Olympian divinitie 89 Bestowed this gift, Pandora was her name, 90 A bane to all mankind. When they had hatched 91 This perfect trap, Hermes, that man of fame, 92 The gods’ swift messenger, was then dispatched 93 To Epimetheus. Epimetheus, though, 94 Ignored Prometheus’ words not to receive 95 A gift from Zeus but, since it would cause woe 96 To me, so send it back; he would perceive 97 This truth when he already held the thing. 98 Before this time men lived quite separately, 99 Grief-free, disease-free, free of suffering, 100 Which brought the Death-Gods. Now in misery'101 Men age. Pandora took out of the jar 102 Grievous calamity, bringing to men 103 Dreadful distress by scattering it afar. 104 Within its firm sides, Hope alone was then 105 Still safe within its lip, not leaping out ' None
8. Hesiod, Theogony, 535-616 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Rite de passage • rite de passage • rite de passage, sacrifice

 Found in books: Edmonds (2004), Myths of the Underworld Journey: Plato, Aristophanes, and the ‘Orphic’ Gold Tablets, 42; de Bakker, van den Berg, and Klooster (2022), Emotions and Narrative in Ancient Literature and Beyond, 296

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535 καὶ γὰρ ὅτʼ ἐκρίνοντο θεοὶ θνητοί τʼ ἄνθρωποι'536 Μηκώνῃ, τότʼ ἔπειτα μέγαν βοῦν πρόφρονι θυμῷ 537 δασσάμενος προέθηκε, Διὸς νόον ἐξαπαφίσκων. 538 τοῖς μὲν γὰρ σάρκας τε καὶ ἔγκατα πίονα δημῷ 539 ἐν ῥινῷ κατέθηκε καλύψας γαστρὶ βοείῃ, 540 τῷ δʼ αὖτʼ ὀστέα λευκὰ βοὸς δολίῃ ἐπὶ τέχνῃ 541 εὐθετίσας κατέθηκε καλύψας ἀργέτι δημῷ. 542 δὴ τότε μιν προσέειπε πατὴρ ἀνδρῶν τε θεῶν τε· 543 Ἰαπετιονίδη, πάντων ἀριδείκετʼ ἀνάκτων, 544 ὦ πέπον, ὡς ἑτεροζήλως διεδάσσαο μοίρας. 545 ὣς φάτο κερτομέων Ζεὺς ἄφθιτα μήδεα εἰδώς. 546 τὸν δʼ αὖτε προσέειπε Προμηθεὺς ἀγκυλομήτης 547 ἦκʼ ἐπιμειδήσας, δολίης δʼ οὐ λήθετο τέχνης· 548 ζεῦ κύδιστε μέγιστε θεῶν αἰειγενετάων, 549 τῶν δʼ ἕλεʼ, ὁπποτέρην σε ἐνὶ φρεσὶ θυμὸς ἀνώγει. 550 Φῆ ῥα δολοφρονέων· Ζεὺς δʼ ἄφθιτα μήδεα εἰδὼς 551 γνῶ ῥʼ οὐδʼ ἠγνοίησε δόλον· κακὰ δʼ ὄσσετο θυμῷ 552 θνητοῖς ἀνθρώποισι, τὰ καὶ τελέεσθαι ἔμελλεν. 553 χερσὶ δʼ ὅ γʼ ἀμφοτέρῃσιν ἀνείλετο λευκὸν ἄλειφαρ. 554 χώσατο δὲ φρένας ἀμφί, χόλος δέ μιν ἵκετο θυμόν, 555 ὡς ἴδεν ὀστέα λευκὰ βοὸς δολίῃ ἐπὶ τέχνῃ. 556 ἐκ τοῦ δʼ ἀθανάτοισιν ἐπὶ χθονὶ φῦλʼ ἀνθρώπων 557 καίουσʼ ὀστέα λευκὰ θυηέντων ἐπὶ βωμῶν. 558 τὸν δὲ μέγʼ ὀχθήσας προσέφη νεφεληγερέτα Ζεύς· 559 Ἰαπετιονίδη, πάντων πέρι μήδεα εἰδώς, 560 ὦ πέπον, οὐκ ἄρα πω δολίης ἐπιλήθεο τέχνης. 561 ὣς φάτο χωόμενος Ζεὺς ἄφθιτα μήδεα εἰδώς· 562 ἐκ τούτου δὴ ἔπειτα δόλου μεμνημένος αἰεὶ 563 οὐκ ἐδίδου Μελίῃσι πυρὸς μένος ἀκαμάτοιο 564 θνητοῖς ἀνθρώποις, οἳ ἐπὶ χθονὶ ναιετάουσιν. 565 ἀλλά μιν ἐξαπάτησεν ἐὺς πάις Ἰαπετοῖο 566 κλέψας ἀκαμάτοιο πυρὸς τηλέσκοπον. αὐγὴν 567 ἐν κοΐλῳ νάρθηκι· δάκεν δέ ἑ νειόθι θυμόν, 568 Ζῆνʼ ὑψιβρεμέτην, ἐχόλωσε δέ μιν φίλον ἦτορ, 569 ὡς ἴδʼ ἐν ἀνθρώποισι πυρὸς τηλέσκοπον αὐγήν. 570 αὐτίκα δʼ ἀντὶ πυρὸς τεῦξεν κακὸν ἀνθρώποισιν· 571 γαίης γὰρ σύμπλασσε περικλυτὸς Ἀμφιγυήεις 572 παρθένῳ αἰδοίῃ ἴκελον Κρονίδεω διὰ βουλάς. 573 ζῶσε δὲ καὶ κόσμησε θεὰ γλαυκῶπις Ἀθήνη 574 ἀργυφέη ἐσθῆτι· κατὰ κρῆθεν δὲ καλύπτρην 575 δαιδαλέην χείρεσσι κατέσχεθε, θαῦμα ἰδέσθαι· 576 ἀμφὶ δέ οἱ στεφάνους, νεοθηλέος ἄνθεα ποίης, 577 ἱμερτοὺς περίθηκε καρήατι Παλλὰς Ἀθήνη. 578 ἀμφὶ δέ οἱ στεφάνην χρυσέην κεφαλῆφιν ἔθηκε, 579 τὴν αὐτὸς ποίησε περικλυτὸς Ἀμφιγυήεις 580 ἀσκήσας παλάμῃσι, χαριζόμενος Διὶ πατρί. 581 τῇ δʼ ἐνὶ δαίδαλα πολλὰ τετεύχατο, θαῦμα ἰδέσθαι, 582 κνώδαλʼ, ὅσʼ ἤπειρος πολλὰ τρέφει ἠδὲ θάλασσα, 583 τῶν ὅ γε πόλλʼ ἐνέθηκε,—χάρις δʼ ἀπελάμπετο πολλή,— 584 θαυμάσια, ζῴοισιν ἐοικότα φωνήεσσιν. 585 αὐτὰρ ἐπεὶ δὴ τεῦξε καλὸν κακὸν ἀντʼ ἀγαθοῖο. 586 ἐξάγαγʼ, ἔνθα περ ἄλλοι ἔσαν θεοὶ ἠδʼ ἄνθρωποι, 587 κόσμῳ ἀγαλλομένην γλαυκώπιδος ὀβριμοπάτρης. 588 θαῦμα δʼ ἔχʼ ἀθανάτους τε θεοὺς θνητούς τʼ ἀνθρώπους, 589 ὡς εἶδον δόλον αἰπύν, ἀμήχανον ἀνθρώποισιν. 590 ἐκ τῆς γὰρ γένος ἐστὶ γυναικῶν θηλυτεράων, 591 τῆς γὰρ ὀλώιόν ἐστι γένος καὶ φῦλα γυναικῶν, 592 πῆμα μέγʼ αἳ θνητοῖσι μετʼ ἀνδράσι ναιετάουσιν 593 οὐλομένης πενίης οὐ σύμφοροι, ἀλλὰ κόροιο. 594 ὡς δʼ ὁπότʼ ἐν σμήνεσσι κατηρεφέεσσι μέλισσαι 595 κηφῆνας βόσκωσι, κακῶν ξυνήονας ἔργων— 596 αἳ μέν τε πρόπαν ἦμαρ ἐς ἠέλιον καταδύντα 597 ἠμάτιαι σπεύδουσι τιθεῖσί τε κηρία λευκά, 598 οἳ δʼ ἔντοσθε μένοντες ἐπηρεφέας κατὰ σίμβλους 599 ἀλλότριον κάματον σφετέρην ἐς γαστέρʼ ἀμῶνται— 600 ὣς δʼ αὔτως ἄνδρεσσι κακὸν θνητοῖσι γυναῖκας 601 Ζεὺς ὑψιβρεμέτης θῆκεν, ξυνήονας ἔργων 602 ἀργαλέων· ἕτερον δὲ πόρεν κακὸν ἀντʼ ἀγαθοῖο· 603 ὅς κε γάμον φεύγων καὶ μέρμερα ἔργα γυναικῶν 604 μὴ γῆμαι ἐθέλῃ, ὀλοὸν δʼ ἐπὶ γῆρας ἵκοιτο 605 χήτεϊ γηροκόμοιο· ὅ γʼ οὐ βιότου ἐπιδευὴς 606 ζώει, ἀποφθιμένου δὲ διὰ κτῆσιν δατέονται 607 χηρωσταί· ᾧ δʼ αὖτε γάμου μετὰ μοῖρα γένηται, 608 κεδνὴν δʼ ἔσχεν ἄκοιτιν ἀρηρυῖαν πραπίδεσσι, 609 τῷ δέ τʼ ἀπʼ αἰῶνος κακὸν ἐσθλῷ ἀντιφερίζει 610 ἐμμενές· ὃς δέ κε τέτμῃ ἀταρτηροῖο γενέθλης, 611 ζώει ἐνὶ στήθεσσιν ἔχων ἀλίαστον ἀνίην 612 θυμῷ καὶ κραδίῃ, καὶ ἀνήκεστον κακόν ἐστιν. 613 ὣς οὐκ ἔστι Διὸς κλέψαι νόον οὐδὲ παρελθεῖν. 614 οὐδὲ γὰρ Ἰαπετιονίδης ἀκάκητα Προμηθεὺς 615 τοῖό γʼ ὑπεξήλυξε βαρὺν χόλον, ἀλλʼ ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης 616 καὶ πολύιδριν ἐόντα μέγας κατὰ δεσμὸς ἐρύκει. ' None
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535 Upon her. So they sent her to rich Crete,'536 To Lyctus, when her hour was near complete 537 To bear great Zeus, her youngest progeny. 538 Vast earth received him from her then, that she 539 Might rear him in broad Crete. For there indeed 540 She took him through the murky night with speed. 541 She placed him in her arms and then concealed 542 Him where earth’s recesses can’t be revealed, 543 Within a yawning cave where, all around 544 The mountain called Aegeum, trees abound. 545 But then she gave the mighty heavenly king 546 A massive boulder wrapped in swaddling. 547 The scoundrel took the thing and swallowed it, 548 Because he clearly did not have the wit 549 To know his son had been replaced and lay 550 Behind him, safe and sound, and soon one day 551 Would strongly crush him, making him bereft 552 of all his honours, he himself then left 553 To rule Olympus. After that his power 554 And glorious limbs expanded by the hour; 555 The wily Cronus, as the years rolled on, 556 Deceived by Earth’s wise words, let loose his son, 557 Whose arts and strength had conquered him. Then he 558 Disgorged the boulder he had formerly 559 Gulped down. In holy Pytho, far below 560 Parnassus’ glens, Zeus set it down to show 561 The marvel to all men, and he set free 562 His father’s brothers whose captivity 563 Cronus had caused in his great foolishness, 564 And they were grateful for his kindliness, 565 So lightning and loud thunder they revealed 566 To him in recompense, which were concealed 567 Before by vast Earth, and he trusts in these 568 And rules all men and all divinities. 569 Iapetus wed neat-ankled Clymene, 570 The child of Ocean, and their progeny 571 Were mighty Atlas, fine Menoetiu 572 And clever, treacherous Prometheus, 573 And mad Epimetheus, to mortality 574 A torment from the very first, for he 575 Married the maid whom Zeus had formed. But Zeu 576 At villainous Menoetius let loose 577 His lurid bolt because his vanity 578 And strength had gone beyond the boundary 579 of moderation: down to Erebu 580 He went headlong. Atlas was tirele 581 In holding up wide Heaven, forced to stand 582 Upon the borders of this earthly land 583 Before the clear-voiced daughters of the West, 584 A task assigned at wise Zeus’s behest. 585 Zeus bound clever Prometheus cruelly 586 With bonds he could not break apart, then he 587 Drove them into a pillar, setting there 588 A long-winged eagle which began to tear 589 His liver, which would regrow every day 590 So that the bird could once more take away 591 What had been there before. Heracles, the son 592 of trim-ankled Clymene, was the one 593 Who slew that bird and from his sore distre 594 Released Prometheus – thus his wretchedne 595 Was over, and it was with Zeus’s will, 596 Who planned that hero would be greater still 597 Upon the rich earth than he was before. 598 Lord Zeus then took these things to heart therefore; 599 He ceased the anger he had felt when he 600 Had once been matched in ingenuity 601 By Prometheus, for when several gods and men 602 Had wrangled at Mecone, even then 603 Prometheus calved a giant ox and set 604 A share before each one, trying to get 605 The better of Lord Zeus – before the rest 606 He set the juicy parts, fattened and dressed 607 With the ox’s paunch, then very cunningly 608 For Zeus he took the white bones up, then he 609 Marked them with shining fat. “O how unfair,” 610 Spoke out the lord of gods and men, “to share 611 That way, most glorious lord and progeny 612 of Iapetus.” Zeus, whose sagacity 613 Is endless, thus rebuked him. With a smile 614 Prometheus, not forgetting his shrewd wile, 615 Said cleverly, “Take any part that you 616 Would have, great lord of all.” But Zeus well knew ' None
9. None, None, nan (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, Julius, Commentarii De Bello Civili • Cicero, De Republica • Des Places, E. • des griechischen Götterglaubens

 Found in books: Cairns (1989), Virgil's Augustan Epic. 88; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 220; Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 213; Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 72

10. Herodotus, Histories, 1.44.2 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Epicurus, authority in the De Rerum Natura

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 237; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 237

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1.44.2 and in his great and terrible grief at this mischance he called on Zeus by three names—Zeus the Purifier, Zeus of the Hearth, Zeus of Comrades: the first, because he wanted the god to know what evil his guest had done him; the second, because he had received the guest into his house and thus unwittingly entertained the murderer of his son; and the third, because he had found his worst enemy in the man whom he had sent as a protector. '' None
11. Plato, Phaedo, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Epicurus, authority in the De Rerum Natura

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 9, 13; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 9, 13

118a ὁ δ’ οὐκ ἔφη. ΦΑΙΔ. καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο αὖθις τὰς κνήμας: καὶ ἐπανιὼν οὕτως ἡμῖν ἐπεδείκνυτο ὅτι ψύχοιτό τε καὶ πήγνυτο. καὶ αὐτὸς ἥπτετο καὶ εἶπεν ὅτι, ἐπειδὰν πρὸς τῇ καρδίᾳ γένηται αὐτῷ, τότε οἰχήσεται. unit="para"/ἤδη οὖν σχεδόν τι αὐτοῦ ἦν τὰ περὶ τὸ ἦτρον ψυχόμενα, καὶ ἐκκαλυψάμενος — ἐνεκεκάλυπτο γάρ — εἶπεν — ὃ δὴ τελευταῖον ἐφθέγξατο — ὦ Κρίτων, ἔφη, τῷ Ἀσκληπιῷ ὀφείλομεν ἀλεκτρυόνα: ἀλλὰ ἀπόδοτε καὶ μὴ ἀμελήσητε. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα, ἔφη, ἔσται, ὁ Κρίτων : ἀλλ᾽ ὅρα εἴ τι ἄλλο λέγεις. ταῦτα ἐρομένου αὐτοῦ οὐδὲν ἔτι ἀπεκρίνατο, ἀλλ’ ὀλίγον χρόνον διαλιπὼν ἐκινήθη τε καὶ ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἐξεκάλυψεν αὐτόν, καὶ ὃς τὰ ὄμματα ἔστησεν: ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ Κρίτων συνέλαβε τὸ στόμα καὶ τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς. ἥδε ἡ τελευτή, ὦ Ἐχέκρατες, τοῦ ἑταίρου ἡμῖν ἐγένετο, ἀνδρός, ὡς ἡμεῖς φαῖμεν ἄν, τῶν τότε ὧν ἐπειράθημεν ἀρίστου καὶ ἄλλως φρονιμωτάτου καὶ δικαιοτάτου.' ' None118a his thighs; and passing upwards in this way he showed us that he was growing cold and rigid. And again he touched him and said that when it reached his heart, he would be gone. The chill had now reached the region about the groin, and uncovering his face, which had been covered, he said—and these were his last words— Crito, we owe a cock to Aesculapius. Pay it and do not neglect it. That, said Crito, shall be done; but see if you have anything else to say. To this question he made no reply, but after a little while he moved; the attendant uncovered him; his eyes were fixed. And Crito when he saw it, closed his mouth and eyes.Such was the end, Echecrates, of our friend, who was, as we may say, of all those of his time whom we have known, the best and wisest and most righteous man.' ' None
12. Plato, Phaedrus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Plutarch, De Pythiae oraculis

 Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 187; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 187

244b Δωδώνῃ ἱέρειαι μανεῖσαι μὲν πολλὰ δὴ καὶ καλὰ ἰδίᾳ τε καὶ δημοσίᾳ τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἠργάσαντο, σωφρονοῦσαι δὲ βραχέα ἢ οὐδέν· καὶ ἐὰν δὴ λέγωμεν Σίβυλλάν τε καὶ ἄλλους, ὅσοι μαντικῇ χρώμενοι ἐνθέῳ πολλὰ δὴ πολλοῖς προλέγοντες εἰς τὸ μέλλον ὤρθωσαν, μηκύνοιμεν ἂν δῆλα παντὶ λέγοντες. τόδε μὴν ἄξιον ἐπιμαρτύρασθαι, ὅτι καὶ τῶν παλαιῶν οἱ τὰ ὀνόματα τιθέμενοι οὐκ αἰσχρὸν ἡγοῦντο οὐδὲ ὄνειδος μανίαν·'' None244b and the priestesses at Dodona when they have been mad have conferred many splendid benefits upon Greece both in private and in public affairs, but few or none when they have been in their right minds; and if we should speak of the Sibyl and all the others who by prophetic inspiration have foretold many things to many persons and thereby made them fortunate afterwards, anyone can see that we should speak a long time. And it is worth while to adduce also the fact that those men of old who invented names thought that madness was neither shameful nor disgraceful;'' None
13. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Plutarch, De Pythiae oraculis

 Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 187; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 187

14. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Plutarch, Younger (character of the De E) • Ps.Aristotle, De Mundo

 Found in books: Erler et al. (2021), Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition, 159; Geljon and Runia (2019), Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 96

15. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Plantatione, title of • Philo, De Agricultura, title

 Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 85; Geljon and Runia (2019), Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 84

16. Cicero, On Divination, 1.1, 1.3, 1.9, 1.17-1.22, 1.27-1.28, 1.34, 1.106, 1.132, 2.1, 2.3-2.4, 2.20, 2.33, 2.40, 2.45-2.46, 2.48, 2.50, 2.52-2.53, 2.63-2.64, 2.67, 2.70-2.75, 2.85, 2.87, 2.98, 2.100, 2.130, 2.137, 2.150 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, De consulatu suo • Cicero, De div. • Cicero, De divination • Cicero, De divinatione • Cotta (character in De natura deorum), • De Consulatu Suo (Cicero) • De Divinatione (Cicero) • De Divinatione (Cicero), date and structure of • De Divinatione (Cicero), overlap between Cicero and Marcus in • De Fato (Cicero) • De Fato (Cicero), date of • De Re Rustica (Varro), bucolic features in • De Re Rustica (Varro), epic features in • De Re Rustica (Varro), settings of • De Re Rustica (Varro), technical content of • De architectura, and Greek knowledge • De fato • De legibus • De oratore • De re publica • Epicurus, authority in the De Rerum Natura • Junius Brutus, M. (Brutus), on the death of the republic in De Virtute • Marcus (character of De Diuinatione) • Tullius Cicero, M., De diuinatione • Tullius Cicero, M., De haruspicum responso • ave sinistra, de caelo • bucolic, features in De Re Rustica

 Found in books: Atkins (2021), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy 139, 262; Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 230, 233; Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 56; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 49; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 192, 196; Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 51, 129, 131, 132, 136, 138; Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 218, 260; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 45, 156, 160, 243, 244; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 120, 141; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 124; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 17, 113, 130; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 12, 20, 23, 25, 26, 27, 31, 32, 33, 99, 100; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 80; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 230, 233

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1.1 Vetus opinio est iam usque ab heroicis ducta temporibus, eaque et populi Romani et omnium gentium firmata consensu, versari quandam inter homines divinationem, quam Graeci mantikh/n appellant, id est praesensionem et scientiam rerum futurarum. Magnifica quaedam res et salutaris, si modo est ulla, quaque proxime ad deorum vim natura mortalis possit accedere. Itaque ut alia nos melius multa quam Graeci, sic huic praestantissimae rei nomen nostri a divis, Graeci, ut Plato interpretatur, a furore duxerunt.
1.3
Quam vero Graecia coloniam misit in Aeoliam, Ioniam, Asiam, Siciliam, Italiam sine Pythio aut Dodonaeo aut Hammonis oraculo? aut quod bellum susceptum ab ea sine consilio deorum est? Nec unum genus est divinationis publice privatimque celebratum. Nam, ut omittam ceteros populos, noster quam multa genera conplexus est! Principio huius urbis parens Romulus non solum auspicato urbem condidisse, sed ipse etiam optumus augur fuisse traditur. Deinde auguribus et reliqui reges usi, et exactis regibus nihil publice sine auspiciis nec domi nec militiae gerebatur. Cumque magna vis videretur esse et inpetriendis consulendisque rebus et monstris interpretandis ac procurandis in haruspicum disciplina, omnem hanc ex Etruria scientiam adhibebant, ne genus esset ullum divinationis, quod neglectum ab iis videretur.
1.9
Eius rationi non sane desidero quid respondeam; satis enim defensa religio est in secundo libro a Lucilio, cuius disputatio tibi ipsi, ut in extremo tertio scribis, ad veritatem est visa propensior. Sed, quod praetermissum est in illis libris (credo, quia commodius arbitratus es separatim id quaeri deque eo disseri), id est de divinatione, quae est earum rerum, quae fortuitae putantur, praedictio atque praesensio, id, si placet, videamus quam habeat vim et quale sit. Ego enim sic existimo, si sint ea genera dividi vera, de quibus accepimus quaeque colimus, esse deos, vicissimque, si di sint, esse qui divinent.

1.17
Sed quo potius utar aut auctore aut teste quam te? cuius edidici etiam versus, et lubenter quidem, quos in secundo de consulatu Urania Musa pronuntiat: Principio aetherio flammatus Iuppiter igni Vertitur et totum conlustrat lumine mundum Menteque divina caelum terrasque petessit, Quae penitus sensus hominum vitasque retentat Aetheris aeterni saepta atque inclusa cavernis. Et, si stellarum motus cursusque vagantis Nosse velis, quae sint signorum in sede locatae, Quae verbo et falsis Graiorum vocibus erant, Re vera certo lapsu spatioque feruntur, Omnia iam cernes divina mente notata.
1.18
Nam primum astrorum volucris te consule motus Concursusque gravis stellarum ardore micantis Tu quoque, cum tumulos Albano in monte nivalis Lustrasti et laeto mactasti lacte Latinas, Vidisti et claro tremulos ardore cometas, Multaque misceri nocturna strage putasti, Quod ferme dirum in tempus cecidere Latinae, Cum claram speciem concreto lumine luna Abdidit et subito stellanti nocte perempta est. Quid vero Phoebi fax, tristis nuntia belli, Quae magnum ad columen flammato ardore volabat, Praecipitis caeli partis obitusque petessens? Aut cum terribili perculsus fulmine civis Luce sereti vitalia lumina liquit? Aut cum se gravido tremefecit corpore tellus? Iam vero variae nocturno tempore visae Terribiles formae bellum motusque monebant, Multaque per terras vates oracla furenti Pectore fundebant tristis minitantia casus,
1.19
Atque ea, quae lapsu tandem cecidere vetusto, Haec fore perpetuis signis clarisque frequentans Ipse deum genitor caelo terrisque canebat. Nunc ea, Torquato quae quondam et consule Cotta Lydius ediderat Tyrrhenae gentis haruspex, Omnia fixa tuus glomerans determinat annus. Nam pater altitos stellanti nixus Olympo Ipse suos quondam tumulos ac templa petivit Et Capitolinis iniecit sedibus ignis. Tum species ex aere vetus venerataque Nattae Concidit, elapsaeque vetusto numine leges, Et divom simulacra peremit fulminis ardor. 1.21 Haec tardata diu species multumque morata Consule te tandem celsa est in sede locata, Atque una fixi ac signati temporis hora Iuppiter excelsa clarabat sceptra columna, Et clades patriae flamma ferroque parata Vocibus Allobrogum patribus populoque patebat. Rite igitur veteres, quorum monumenta tenetis, Qui populos urbisque modo ac virtute regebant, Rite etiam vestri, quorum pietasque fidesque Praestitit et longe vicit sapientia cunctos, Praecipue coluere vigenti numine divos. Haec adeo penitus cura videre sagaci, Otia qui studiis laeti tenuere decoris, 1.22 Inque Academia umbrifera nitidoque Lyceo Fuderunt claras fecundi pectoris artis. E quibus ereptum primo iam a flore iuventae Te patria in media virtutum mole locavit. Tu tamen anxiferas curas requiete relaxans, Quod patriae vacat, id studiis nobisque sacrasti. Tu igitur animum poteris inducere contra ea, quae a me disputantur de divinatione, dicere, qui et gesseris ea, quae gessisti, et ea, quae pronuntiavi, accuratissume scripseris?
1.27
Itaque, ut ex ipso audiebam, persaepe revertit ex itinere, cum iam progressus esset multorum dierum viam. Cuius quidem hoc praeclarissimum est, quod, posteaquam a Caesare tetrarchia et regno pecuniaque multatus est, negat se tamen eorum auspiciorum, quae sibi ad Pompeium proficiscenti secunda evenerint, paenitere; senatus enim auctoritatem et populi Romani libertatem atque imperii dignitatem suis armis esse defensam, sibique eas aves, quibus auctoribus officium et fidem secutus esset, bene consuluisse; antiquiorem enim sibi fuisse possessionibus suis gloriam. Ille mihi videtur igitur vere augurari. Nam nostri quidem magistratus auspiciis utuntur coactis; necesse est enim offa obiecta cadere frustum ex pulli ore, cum pascitur; 1.28 quod autem scriptum habetis †aut tripudium fieri, si ex ea quid in solidum ceciderit, hoc quoque, quod dixi, coactum tripudium solistimum dicitis. Itaque multa auguria, multa auspicia, quod Cato ille sapiens queritur, neglegentia collegii amissa plane et deserta sunt. Nihil fere quondam maioris rei nisi auspicato ne privatim quidem gerebatur, quod etiam nunc nuptiarum auspices declarant, qui re omissa nomen tantum tenent. Nam ut nunc extis (quamquam id ipsum aliquanto minus quam olim), sic tum avibus magnae res inpetriri solebant. Itaque, sinistra dum non exquirimus, in dira et in vitiosa incurrimus.

1.34
Iis igitur adsentior, qui duo genera divinationum esse dixerunt, unum, quod particeps esset artis, alterum, quod arte careret. Est enim ars in iis, qui novas res coniectura persequuntur, veteres observatione didicerunt. Carent autem arte ii, qui non ratione aut coniectura observatis ac notatis signis, sed concitatione quadam animi aut soluto liberoque motu futura praesentiunt, quod et somniantibus saepe contingit et non numquam vaticitibus per furorem, ut Bacis Boeotius, ut Epimenides Cres, ut Sibylla Erythraea. Cuius generis oracla etiam habenda sunt, non ea, quae aequatis sortibus ducuntur, sed illa, quae instinctu divino adflatuque funduntur; etsi ipsa sors contemnenda non est, si et auctoritatem habet vetustatis, ut eae sunt sortes, quas e terra editas accepimus; quae tamen ductae ut in rem apte cadant, fieri credo posse divinitus. Quorum omnium interpretes, ut grammatici poe+tarum, proxime ad eorum, quos interpretantur, divinationem videntur accedere.

1.106
Quid est illo auspicio divinius, quod apud te in Mario est? ut utar potissumum auctore te: Hic Iovis altisoni subito pinnata satelles Arboris e trunco serpentis saucia morsu Subrigit ipsa feris transfigens unguibus anguem Semianimum et varia graviter cervice micantem Quem se intorquentem lanians rostroque cruentans Iam satiata animos, iam duros ulta dolores Abicit ecflantem et laceratum adfligit in unda Seque obitu a solis nitidos convertit ad ortus. Hanc ubi praepetibus pinnis lapsuque volantem Conspexit Marius, divini numinis augur, Faustaque signa suae laudis reditusque notavit, Partibus intonuit caeli pater ipse sinistris. Sic aquilae clarum firmavit Iuppiter omen.

1.132
Nunc illa testabor, non me sortilegos neque eos, qui quaestus causa hariolentur, ne psychomantia quidem, quibus Appius, amicus tuus, uti solebat, agnoscere; non habeo denique nauci Marsum augurem, non vicanos haruspices, non de circo astrologos, non Isiacos coniectores, non interpretes somniorum; non enim sunt ii aut scientia aut arte divini, Séd superstitiósi vates ínpudentesque hárioli Aút inertes aút insani aut quíbus egestas ímperat, Quí sibi semitám non sapiunt, álteri monstránt viam; Quíbus divitias póllicentur, áb iis drachumam ipsí petunt. De hís divitiis síbi deducant dráchumam, reddant cétera. Atque haec quidem Ennius, qui paucis ante versibus esse deos censet, sed eos non curare opinatur, quid agat humanum genus. Ego autem, qui et curare arbitror et monere etiam ac multa praedicere, levitate, vanitate, malitia exclusa divinationem probo. Quae cum dixisset Quintus, Praeclare tu quidem, inquam, paratus
2.1
Quaerenti mihi multumque et diu cogitanti, quanam re possem prodesse quam plurimis, ne quando intermitterem consulere rei publicae, nulla maior occurrebat, quam si optimarum artium vias traderem meis civibus; quod conpluribus iam libris me arbitror consecutum. Nam et cohortati sumus, ut maxime potuimus, ad philosophiae studium eo libro, qui est inscriptus Hortensius, et, quod genus philosophandi minime adrogans maximeque et constans et elegans arbitraremur, quattuor Academicis libris ostendimus.
2.3
Quibus rebus editis tres libri perfecti sunt de natura deorum, in quibus omnis eius loci quaestio continetur. Quae ut plane esset cumulateque perfecta, de divinatione ingressi sumus his libris scribere; quibus, ut est in animo, de fato si adiunxerimus, erit abunde satis factum toti huic quaestioni. Atque his libris adnumerandi sunt sex de re publica, quos tum scripsimus, cum gubernacula rei publicae tenebamus. Magnus locus philosophiaeque proprius a Platone, Aristotele, Theophrasto totaque Peripateticorum familia tractatus uberrime. Nam quid ego de Consolatione dicam? quae mihi quidem ipsi sane aliquantum medetur, ceteris item multum illam profuturam puto. Interiectus est etiam nuper liber is, quem ad nostrum Atticum de senectute misimus; in primisque, quoniam philosophia vir bonus efficitur et fortis, Cato noster in horum librorum numero ponendus est. 2.4 Cumque Aristoteles itemque Theophrastus, excellentes viri cum subtilitate, tum copia, cum philosophia dicendi etiam praecepta coniunxerint, nostri quoque oratorii libri in eundem librorum numerum referendi videntur. Ita tres erunt de oratore, quartus Brutus, quintus orator. Adhuc haec erant; ad reliqua alacri tendebamus animo sic parati, ut, nisi quae causa gravior obstitisset, nullum philosophiae locum esse pateremur, qui non Latinis litteris inlustratus pateret. Quod enim munus rei publicae adferre maius meliusve possumus, quam si docemus atque erudimus iuventutem? his praesertim moribus atque temporibus, quibus ita prolapsa est, ut omnium opibus refreda atque coe+rcenda sit.

2.33
Haec observari certe non potuerunt, ut supra docui. Sunt igitur artis inventa, non vetustatis, si est ars ulla rerum incognitarum; cum rerum autem natura quam cognationem habent? quae ut uno consensu iuncta sit et continens, quod video placuisse physicis, eisque maxume, qui omne, quod esset, unum esse dixerunt, quid habere mundus potest cum thesauri inventione coniunctum? Si enim extis pecuniae mihi amplificatio ostenditur idque fit natura, primum exta sunt coniuncta mundo, deinde meum lucrum natura rerum continetur. Nonne pudet physicos haec dicere? Ut enim iam sit aliqua in natura rerum contagio, quam esse concedo (multa enim Stoici colligunt; nam et musculorum iecuscula bruma dicuntur augeri, et puleium aridum florescere brumali ipso die, et inflatas rumpi vesiculas, et semina malorum, quae in iis mediis inclusa sint, in contrarias partis se vertere, iam nervos in fidibus aliis pulsis resonare alios, ostreisque et conchyliis omnibus contingere, ut cum luna pariter crescant pariterque decrescant, arboresque ut hiemali tempore cum luna simul senescente, quia tum exsiccatae sint, tempestive caedi putentur.
2.45
quid, cum in altissimos montis, quod plerumque fit? quid, cum in desertas solitudines? quid, cum in earum gentium oras, in quibus haec ne observantur quidem? At inventum est caput in Tiberi. Quasi ego artem aliquam istorum esse negem! divinationem nego. Caeli enim distributio, quam ante dixi, et certarum rerum notatio docet, unde fulmen venerit, quo concesserit; quid significet autem, nulla ratio docet. Sed urges me meis versibus: Nam pater altitos stellanti nixus Olympo Ipse suos quondam tumulos ac templa petivit Et Capitolinis iniecit sedibus ignis. Tum statua Nattae, tum simulacra deorum Romulusque et Remus cum altrice belua vi fulminis icti conciderunt, deque his rebus haruspicum extiterunt responsa verissuma. 2.46 Mirabile autem illud, quod eo ipso tempore, quo fieret indicium coniurationis in senatu, signum Iovis biennio post, quam erat locatum, in Capitolio conlocabatur.—Tu igitur animum induces (sic enim mecum agebas) causam istam et contra facta tua et contra scripta defendere?—Frater es; eo vereor. Verum quid tibi hic tandem nocet? resne, quae talis est, an ego, qui verum explicari volo? Itaque nihil contra dico, a te rationem totius haruspicinae peto. Sed te mirificam in latebram coniecisti; quod enim intellegeres fore ut premerere, cum ex te causas unius cuiusque divinationis exquirerem, multa verba fecisti te, cum res videres, rationem causamque non quaerere; quid fieret, non cur fieret, ad rem pertinere. Quasi ego aut fieri concederem aut esset philosophi causam,
2.48
Non equidem plane despero ista esse vera, sed nescio et discere a te volo. Nam cum mihi quaedam casu viderentur sic evenire, ut praedicta essent a divitibus, dixisti multa de casu, ut Venerium iaci posse casu quattuor talis iactis, sed quadringentis centum Venerios non posse casu consistere. Primum nescio, cur non possint, sed non pugno; abundas enim similibus. Habes et respersionem pigmentorum et rostrum suis et alia permulta. Idem Carneadem fingere dicis de capite Panisci; quasi non potuerit id evenire casu et non in omni marmore necesse sit inesse vel Praxitelia capita! Illa enim ipsa efficiuntur detractione, neque quicquam illuc adfertur a Praxitele; sed cum multa sunt detracta et ad liniamenta oris perventum est, tum intellegas illud, quod iam expolitum sit, intus fuisse.
2.52
Quota enim quaeque res evenit praedicta ab istis? aut, si evenit quippiam, quid adferri potest, cur non casu id evenerit? Rex Prusias, cum Hannibali apud eum exsulanti depugnari placeret, negabat se audere, quod exta prohiberent. Ain tu? inquit, carunculae vitulinae mavis quam imperatori veteri credere? Quid? ipse Caesar cum a summo haruspice moneretur, ne in Africam ante brumam transmitteret, nonne transmisit? quod ni fecisset, uno in loco omnes adversariorum copiae convenissent. Quid ego haruspicum responsa commemorem (possum equidem innumerabilia), quae aut nullos habuerint exitus aut contrarios? 2.53 Hoc civili bello, di inmortales! quam multa luserunt! quae nobis in Graeciam Roma responsa haruspicum missa sunt! quae dicta Pompeio! etenim ille admodum extis et ostentis movebatur. Non lubet commemorare, nec vero necesse est, tibi praesertim, qui interfuisti; vides tamen omnia fere contra, ac dicta sint, evenisse. Sed haec hactenus; nunc ad ostenta veniamus.
2.63
Nam illud mirarer, si crederem, quod apud Homerum Calchantem dixisti ex passerum numero belli Troiani annos auguratum; de cuius coniectura sic apud Homerum, ut nos otiosi convertimus, loquitur Agamemnon: Ferte, viri, et duros animo tolerate labores, Auguris ut nostri Calchantis fata queamus Scire ratosne habeant an vanos pectoris orsus. Namque omnes memori portentum mente retentant, Qui non funestis liquerunt lumina fatis. Argolicis primum ut vestita est classibus Aulis, Quae Priamo cladem et Troiae pestemque ferebant, Nos circum latices gelidos fumantibus aris Aurigeris divom placantes numina tauris Sub platano umbrifera, fons unde emanat aquai+, Vidimus inmani specie tortuque draconem Terribilem, Iovis ut pulsu penetraret ab ara; Qui platani in ramo foliorum tegmine saeptos Corripuit pullos; quos cum consumeret octo, Nona super tremulo genetrix clangore volabat; Cui ferus inmani laniavit viscera morsu. 2.64 Hunc, ubi tam teneros volucris matremque peremit, Qui luci ediderat, genitor Saturnius idem Abdidit et duro formavit tegmine saxi. Nos autem timidi stantes mirabile monstrum Vidimus in mediis divom versarier aris. Tum Calchas haec est fidenti voce locutus: Quidnam torpentes subito obstipuistis, Achivi? Nobis haec portenta deum dedit ipse creator Tarda et sera nimis, sed fama ac laude perenni. Nam quot avis taetro mactatas dente videtis, Tot nos ad Troiam belli exanclabimus annos; Quae decumo cadet et poena satiabit Achivos. Edidit haec Calchas; quae iam matura videtis. Quae tandem ista auguratio est ex passeribus annorum potius quam aut mensuum aut dierum?
2.67
Atque etiam a te Flaminiana ostenta collecta sunt: quod ipse et equus eius repente conciderit; non sane mirabile hoc quidem! quod evelli primi hastati signum non potuerit; timide fortasse signifer evellebat, quod fidenter infixerat. Nam Dionysii equus quid attulit admirationis, quod emersit e flumine quodque habuit apes in iuba? Sed quia brevi tempore regnare coepit, quod acciderat casu, vim habuit ostenti. At Lacedaemoniis in Herculis fano arma sonuerunt, eiusdemque dei Thebis valvae clausae subito se aperuerunt, eaque scuta, quae fuerant sublime fixa, sunt humi inventa. Horum cum fieri nihil potuerit sine aliquo motu, quid est, cur divinitus ea potius quam casu facta esse dicamus? 2.71 Nec vero non omni supplicio digni P. Claudius L. Iunius consules, qui contra auspicia navigaverunt; parendum enim religioni fuit nec patrius mos tam contumaciter repudiandus. Iure igitur alter populi iudicio damnatus est, alter mortem sibi ipse conscivit. Flaminius non paruit auspiciis, itaque periit cum exercitu. At anno post Paulus paruit; num minus cecidit in Cannensi pugna cum exercitu? Etenim, ut sint auspicia, quae nulla sunt, haec certe, quibus utimur, sive tripudio sive de caelo, simulacra sunt auspiciorum, auspicia nullo modo. Q. Fabi, te mihi in auspicio esse volo ; respondet: audivi . Hic apud maiores nostros adhibebatur peritus, nunc quilubet. Peritum autem esse necesse est eum, qui, silentium quid sit, intellegat; id enim silentium dicimus in auspiciis, quod omni vitio caret. 2.72 Hoc intellegere perfecti auguris est; illi autem, qui in auspicium adhibetur, cum ita imperavit is, qui auspicatur: dicito, si silentium esse videbitur, nec suspicit nec circumspicit; statim respondet silentium esse videri. Tum ille: dicito, si pascentur .— Pascuntur .— Quae aves? aut ubi? Attulit, inquit, in cavea pullos is, qui ex eo ipso nominatur pullarius. Haec sunt igitur aves internuntiae Iovis! quae pascantur necne, quid refert? Nihil ad auspicia; sed quia, cum pascuntur, necesse est aliquid ex ore cadere et terram pavire (terripavium primo, post terripudium dictum est; hoc quidem iam tripudium dicitur)—cum igitur offa cecidit ex ore pulli, tum auspicanti tripudium solistimum nuntiatur. 2.73 Ergo hoc auspicium divini quicquam habere potest, quod tam sit coactum et expressum? Quo antiquissumos augures non esse usos argumento est, quod decretum collegii vetus habemus omnem avem tripudium facere posse. Tum igitur esset auspicium (si modo esset ei liberum) se ostendisse; tum avis illa videri posset interpres et satelles Iovis; nunc vero inclusa in cavea et fame enecta si in offam pultis invadit, et si aliquid ex eius ore cecidit, hoc tu auspicium aut hoc modo Romulum auspicari solitum putas? 2.74 Iam de caelo servare non ipsos censes solitos, qui auspicabantur? Nunc imperant pullario; ille renuntiat. Fulmen sinistrum auspicium optumum habemus ad omnis res praeterquam ad comitia; quod quidem institutum rei publicae causa est, ut comitiorum vel in iudiciis populi vel in iure legum vel in creandis magistratibus principes civitatis essent interpretes. At Ti. Gracchi litteris Scipio et Figulus consules, cum augures iudicassent eos vitio creatos esse, magistratu se abdicaverunt. Quis negat augurum disciplinam esse? divinationem nego. At haruspices divini; quos cum Ti. Gracchus propter mortem repentinam eius, qui in praerogativa referenda subito concidisset, in senatum introduxisset, non iustum rogatorem fuisse dixerunt. 2.75 Primum vide, ne in eum dixerint, qui rogator centuriae fuisset; is enim erat mortuus; id autem sine divinatione coniectura poterant dicere. Deinde fortasse casu, qui nullo modo est ex hoc genere tollendus. Quid enim scire Etrusci haruspices aut de tabernaculo recte capto aut de pomerii iure potuerunt? Equidem adsentior C. Marcello potius quam App. Claudio, qui ambo mei collegae fuerunt, existimoque ius augurum, etsi divinationis opinione principio constitutum sit, tamen postea rei publicae causa conservatum ac retentum.
2.85
Sortes restant et Chaldaei, ut ad vates veniamus et ad somnia. Dicendum igitur putas de sortibus? Quid enim sors est? Idem prope modum, quod micare, quod talos iacere, quod tesseras, quibus in rebus temeritas et casus, non ratio nec consilium valet. Tota res est inventa fallaciis aut ad quaestum aut ad superstitionem aut ad errorem. Atque ut in haruspicina fecimus, sic videamus, clarissumarum sortium quae tradatur inventio. Numerium Suffustium Praenestinorum monumenta declarant, honestum hominem et nobilem, somniis crebris, ad extremum etiam minacibus cum iuberetur certo in loco silicem caedere, perterritum visis irridentibus suis civibus id agere coepisse; itaque perfracto saxo sortis erupisse in robore insculptas priscarum litterarum notis. Is est hodie locus saeptus religiose propter Iovis pueri, qui lactens cum Iunone Fortunae in gremio sedens mammam adpetens castissime colitur a matribus.
2.87
Quis enim magistratus aut quis vir inlustrior utitur sortibus? ceteris vero in locis sortes plane refrixerunt. Quod Carneadem Clitomachus scribit dicere solitum, nusquam se fortunatiorem quam Praeneste vidisse Fortunam. Ergo hoc divinationis genus omittamus. Ad Chaldaeorum monstra veniamus; de quibus Eudoxus, Platonis auditor, in astrologia iudicio doctissimorum hominum facile princeps, sic opinatur, id quod scriptum reliquit, Chaldaeis in praedictione et in notatione cuiusque vitae ex natali die minime esse credendum.
2.98
Et, si ad rem pertinet, quo modo caelo adfecto conpositisque sideribus quodque animal oriatur, valeat id necesse est non in hominibus solum, verum in bestiis etiam; quo quid potest dici absurdius? L. quidem Tarutius Firmanus, familiaris noster, in primis Chaldaicis rationibus eruditus, urbis etiam nostrae natalem diem repetebat ab iis Parilibus, quibus eam a Romulo conditam accepimus, Romamque, in iugo cum esset luna, natam esse dicebat nec eius fata canere dubitabat.

2.137
Quem enim tu Marium visum a me putas? Speciem, credo, eius et imaginem, ut Democrito videtur. Unde profectam imaginem? a corporibus enim solidis et a certis figuris vult fluere imagines; quod igitur Marii corpus erat? Ex eo, inquit, quod fuerat. Ista igitur me imago Marii in campum Atinatem persequebatur?—Plena sunt imaginum omnia; nulla enim species cogitari potest nisi pulsu imaginum.' ' None
sup>
1.1 And what do you say of the following story which we find in our annals? During the Veientian War, when Lake Albanus had overflowed its banks, a certain nobleman of Veii deserted to us and said that, according to the prophecies of the Veientian books, their city could not be taken while the lake was at flood, and that if its waters were permitted to overflow and take their own course to the sea the result would be disastrous to the Roman people; on the other hand, if the waters were drained off in such a way that they did not reach the sea the result would be to our advantage. In consequence of this announcement our forefathers dug that marvellous canal to drain off the waters from the Alban lake. Later when the Veientians had grown weary of war and had sent ambassadors to the Senate to treat for peace, one of them is reported to have said that the deserter had not dared to tell the whole of the prophecy contained in the Veientian books, for those books, he said, also foretold the early capture of Rome by the Gauls. And this, as we know, did occur six years after the fall of Veii. 45
1.1
Book I1 There is an ancient belief, handed down to us even from mythical times and firmly established by the general agreement of the Roman people and of all nations, that divination of some kind exists among men; this the Greeks call μαντική — that is, the foresight and knowledge of future events. A really splendid and helpful thing it is — if only such a faculty exists — since by its means men may approach very near to the power of gods. And, just as we Romans have done many other things better than the Greeks, so have we excelled them in giving to this most extraordinary gift a name, which we have derived from divi, a word meaning gods, whereas, according to Platos interpretation, they have derived it from furor, a word meaning frenzy.
1.1
Why, my dear Quintus, said I, you are defending the very citadel of the Stoics in asserting the interdependence of these two propositions: if there is divination there are gods, and, if there are gods there is divination. But neither is granted as readily as you think. For it is possible that nature gives signs of future events without the intervention of a god, and it may be that there are gods without their having conferred any power of divination upon men.To this he replied, I, at any rate, find sufficient proof to satisfy me of the existence of the gods and of their concern in human affairs in my conviction that there are some kinds of divination which are clear and manifest. With your permission I will set forth my views on this subject, provided you are at leisure and have nothing else which you think should be preferred to such a discussion.
1.3
And, indeed, what colony did Greece ever send into Aeolia, Ionia, Asia, Sicily, or Italy without consulting the Pythian or Dodonian oracle, or that of Jupiter Hammon? Or what war did she ever undertake without first seeking the counsel of the gods? 2 Nor is it only one single mode of divination that has been employed in public and in private. For, to say nothing of other nations, how many our own people have embraced! In the first place, according to tradition, Romulus, the father of this City, not only founded it in obedience to the auspices, but was himself a most skilful augur. Next, the other Roman kings employed augurs; and, again, after the expulsion of the kings, no public business was ever transacted at home or abroad without first taking the auspices. Furthermore, since our forefathers believed that the soothsayers art had great efficacy in seeking for omens and advice, as well as in cases where prodigies were to be interpreted and their effects averted, they gradually introduced that art in its entirety from Etruria, lest it should appear that any kind of divination had been disregarded by them.
1.3
Therefore Ateius, by his announcement, did not create the cause of the disaster; but having observed the sign he simply advised Crassus what the result would be if the warning was ignored. It follows, then, that the announcement by Ateius of the unfavourable augury had no effect; or if it did, as Appius thinks, then the sin is not in him who gave the warning, but in him who disregarded it.17 And whence, pray, did you augurs derive that staff, which is the most conspicuous mark of your priestly office? It is the very one, indeed with which Romulus marked out the quarter for taking observations when he founded the city. Now this staffe is a crooked wand, slightly curved at the top, and, because of its resemblance to a trumpet, derives its name from the Latin word meaning the trumpet with which the battle-charge is sounded. It was placed in the temple of the Salii on the Palatine hill and, though the temple was burned, the staff was found uninjured.
1.9
However, I am really at no loss for a reply to his reasoning; for in the second book Lucilius has made an adequate defence of religion and his argument, as you yourself state at the end of the third book, seemed to you nearer to the truth than Cottas. But there is a question which you passed over in those books because, no doubt, you thought it more expedient to inquire into it in a separate discussion: I refer to divination, which is the foreseeing and foretelling of events considered as happening by chance. Now let us see, if you will, what efficacy it has and what its nature is. My own opinion is that, if the kinds of divination which we have inherited from our forefathers and now practise are trustworthy, then there are gods and, conversely, if there are gods then there are men who have the power of divination. 6
1.9
Nor is the practice of divination disregarded even among uncivilized tribes, if indeed there are Druids in Gaul — and there are, for I knew one of them myself, Divitiacus, the Aeduan, your guest and eulogist. He claimed to have that knowledge of nature which the Greeks call physiologia, and he used to make predictions, sometimes by means of augury and sometimes by means of conjecture. Among the Persians the augurs and diviners are the magi, who assemble regularly in a sacred place for practice and consultation, just as formerly you augurs used to do on the Nones.

1.17
But what authority or what witness can I better employ than yourself? I have even learned by heart and with great pleasure the following lines uttered by the Muse, Urania, in the second book of your poem entitled, My Consulship:First of all, Jupiter, glowing with fire from regions celestial,Turns, and the whole of creation is filled with the light of his glory;And, though the vaults of aether eternal begird and confine him,Yet he, with spirit divine, ever searching the earth and the heavens,Sounds to their innermost depths the thoughts and the actions of mortals.When one has learned the motions and variant paths of the planets,Stars that abide in the seat of the signs, in the Zodiacs girdle,(Spoken of falsely as vagrants or rovers in Greek nomenclature,Whereas in truth their distance is fixed and their speed is determined,)Then will he know that all are controlled by an Infinite Wisdom.
1.18
You, being consul, at once did observe the swift constellations,Noting the glare of luminous stars in direful conjunction:Then you beheld the tremulous sheen of the Northern aurora,When, on ascending the mountainous heights of snowy Albanus,You offered joyful libations of milk at the Feast of the Latins;Ominous surely the time wherein fell that Feast of the Latins;Many a warning was given, it seemed, of slaughter nocturnal;Then, of a sudden, the moon at her full was blotted from heaven —Hidden her features resplendent, though night was bejewelled with planets;Then did that dolorous herald of War, the torch of Apollo,Mount all aflame to the dome of the sky, where the sun has its setting;Then did a Roman depart from these radiant abodes of the living,Stricken by terrible lightning from heavens serene and unclouded.Then through the fruit-laden body of earth ran the shock of an earthquake;Spectres at night were observed, appalling and changeful of figure,Giving their warning that war was at hand, and internal commotion;Over all lands there outpoured, from the frenzied bosoms of prophets,Dreadful predictions, gloomy forecasts of impending disaster.
1.19
And the misfortunes which happened at last and were long in their passing —These were foretold by the Father of Gods, in earth and in heaven,Through unmistakable signs that he gave and often repeated.12 Now, of those prophecies made when Torquatus and Cotta were consuls, —Made by a Lydian diviner, by one of Etruscan extraction —All, in the round of your crowded twelve months, were brought to fulfilment.For high-thundering Jove, as he stood on starry Olympus,Hurled forth his blows at the temples and monuments raised in his honour,And on the Capitols site he unloosed the bolts of his lightning.Then fell the brazen image of Natta, ancient and honoured:Vanished the tablets of laws long ago divinely enacted;Wholly destroyed were the statues of gods by the heat of the lightning. 1.21 Long was the statue delayed and much was it hindered in making.Finally, you being consul, it stood in its lofty position.Just at the moment of time, which the gods had set and predicted,When on column exalted the sceptre of Jove was illumined,Did Allobrogian voices proclaim to Senate and peopleWhat destruction by dagger and torch was prepared for our country.13 Rightly, therefore, the ancients whose monuments you have in keeping,Romans whose rule over peoples and cities was just and courageous,Rightly your kindred, foremost in honour and pious devotion,Far surpassing the rest of their fellows in shrewdness and wisdom,Held it a duty supreme to honour the Infinite Godhead.Such were the truths they beheld who painfully searching for wisdomGladly devoted their leisure to study of all that was noble, 1.22 Who, in Academys shade and Lyceums dazzling effulgence,Uttered the brilliant reflections of minds abounding in culture.Torn from these studies, in youths early dawn, your country recalled you,Giving you place in the thick of the struggle for public preferment;Yet, in seeking surcease from the worries and cares that oppress you,Time, that the State leaves free, you devote to us and to learning.In view, therefore, of your acts, and in view too of your own verses which I have quoted and which were composed with the utmost care, could you be persuaded to controvert the position which I maintain in regard to divination?
1.27
This is why, as he told me himself, he had time and again abandoned a journey even though he might have been travelling for many days. By the way, that was a very noble utterance of his which he made after Caesar had deprived him of his tetrarchy and kingdom, and had forced him to pay an indemnity too. Notwithstanding what has happened, said he, I do not regret that the auspices favoured my joining Pompey. By so doing I enlisted my military power in defence of senatorial authority, Roman liberty, and the supremacy of the empire. The birds, at whose instance I followed the course of duty and of honour, counselled well, for I value my good name more than riches. His conception of augury, it seems to me, is the correct one.For with us magistrates make use of auspices, but they are forced auspices, since the sacred chickens in eating the dough pellets thrown must let some fall from their beaks. 1.28 But, according to the writings of you augurs, a tripudium results if any of the food should fall to the ground, and what I spoke of as a forced augur your fraternity calls as tripudium solistimum. And so through the indifference of the college, as Cato the Wise laments, many auguries and auspices have been entirely abandoned and lost.16 In ancient times scarcely any matter out of the ordinary was undertaken, even in private life, without first consulting the auspices, clear proof of which is given even at the present time by our custom of having nuptial auspices, though they have lost their former religious significance and only preserve the name. For just as to‑day on important occasions we make use of entrails in divining — though even they are employed to a less extent than formerly — so in the past resort was usually had to divination by means of birds. And thus it is that by failing to seek out the unpropitious signs we run into awful disasters.

1.34
I agree, therefore, with those who have said that there are two kinds of divination: one, which is allied with art; the other, which is devoid of art. Those diviners employ art, who, having learned the known by observation, seek the unknown by deduction. On the other hand those do without art who, unaided by reason or deduction or by signs which have been observed and recorded, forecast the future while under the influence of mental excitement, or of some free and unrestrained emotion. This condition often occurs to men while dreaming and sometimes to persons who prophesy while in a frenzy — like Bacis of Boeotia, Epimenides of Crete and the Sibyl of Erythraea. In this latter class must be placed oracles — not oracles given by means of equalized lots — but those uttered under the impulse of divine inspiration; although divination by lot is not in itself to be despised, if it has the sanction of antiquity, as in the case of those lots which, according to tradition, sprang out of the earth; for in spite of everything, I am inclined to think that they may, under the power of God, be so drawn as to give an appropriate response. Men capable of correctly interpreting all these signs of the future seem to approach very near to the divine spirit of the gods whose wills they interpret, just as scholars do when they interpret the poets.

1.106
Now — to employ you as often as I can as my authority — what could be more clearly of divine origin than the auspice which is thus described in your Marius?Behold, from out the tree, on rapid wing,The eagle that attends high-thundering JoveA serpent bore, whose fangs had wounded her;And as she flew her cruel talons piercedQuite through its flesh. The snake, tho nearly dead,Kept darting here and there its spotted head;And, as it writhed, she tore with bloody beakIts twisted folds. At last, with sated wrathAnd grievous wounds avenged, she dropped her prey,Which, dead and mangled, fell into the sea;And from the West she sought the shining East.When Marius, reader of divine decrees,Observed the birds auspicious, gliding course,He recognized the goodly sign foretoldThat he in glory would return to Rome;Then, on the left, Joves thunder pealed aloudAnd thus declared the eagles omen true. 48

1.132
I will assert, however, in conclusion, that I do not recognize fortune-tellers, or those who prophesy for money, or necromancers, or mediums, whom your friend Appius makes it a practice to consult.In fine, I say, I do not care a figFor Marsian augurs, village mountebanks,Astrologers who haunt the circus grounds,Or Isis-seers, or dream interpreters:— for they are not diviners either by knowledge or skill, —But superstitious bards, soothsaying quacks,Averse to work, or mad, or ruled by want,Directing others how to go, and yetWhat road to take they do not know themselves;From those to whom they promise wealth they begA coin. From what they promised let them takeTheir coin as toll and pass the balance on.Such are the words of Ennius who only a few lines further back expresses the view that there are gods and yet says that the gods do not care what human beings do. But for my part, believing as I do that the gods do care for man, and that they advise and often forewarn him, I approve of divination which is not trivial and is free from falsehood and trickery.When Quintus had finished I remarked, My dear Quintus, you have come admirably well prepared.
2.1
Book IIAfter serious and long continued reflection as to how I might do good to as many people as possible and thereby prevent any interruption of my service to the State, no better plan occurred to me than to conduct my fellow-citizens in the ways of the noblest learning — and this, I believe, I have already accomplished through my numerous books. For example, in my work entitled Hortensius, I appealed as earnestly as I could for the study of philosophy. And in my Academics, in four volumes, I set forth the philosophic system which I thought least arrogant, and at the same time most consistent and refined.
2.1
The same rule applies in literature and in other departments of learning. And do you really believe that those who are credited with powers of divining, can, for that reason, tell whether the sun is larger than the earth, and whether it is as big as it seems to be? Or whether the moon shines by its own light or by that of the sun? Or do you think that they understand the motions of the sun and moon and of the five stars, which are called planets? Your reputed diviners do not claim that they can answer any of these questions; nor will they profess to tell whether geometrical figures are correctly drawn or not, for that is the business of mathematicians, not of seers.4 Now let us consider matters within the purview of philosophy: When the question is as to what is morally right, or morally wrong, or as to what is neither the one nor the other, do we usually have our doubts resolved by diviners? In fact, do we often consult them in such a case?
2.1
There remain the two kinds of divination which we are said to derive from nature and not from art — vaticination and dreams, — these, my dear Quintus, if agreeable to you, let us now discuss.Delighted, I assure you, said he, for I am in entire accord with the views which you have so far expressed. To be quite frank, your argument has merely strengthened the opinion which I already had, for my own reasoning had convinced me that the Stoic view of divination smacked too much of superstition. I was more impressed by the reasoning of the Peripatetics, of Dicaearchus, of ancient times, and of Cratippus, who still flourishes. According to their opinion there is within the human soul some sort of power — oracular, I might call it — by which the future is foreseen when the soul is inspired by a divine frenzy, or when it is released by sleep and is free to move at will. I should like very much to learn your views of these two classes of divination and by what arguments you disprove them. 49
2.3
After publishing the works mentioned I finished three volumes On the Nature of the Gods, which contain a discussion of every question under that head. With a view of simplifying and extending the latter treatise I started to write the present volume On Divination, to which I plan to add a work on Fate; when that is done every phase of this particular branch of philosophy will be sufficiently discussed. To this list of works must be added the six volumes which I wrote while holding the helm of state, entitled On the Republic — a weighty subject, appropriate for philosophic discussion, and one which has been most elaborately treated by Plato, Aristotle, Theophrastus, and the entire peripatetic school. What need is there to say anything of my treatise On Consolation? For it is the source of very great comfort to me and will, I think, be of much help to others. I have also recently thrown in that book On Old Age, which I sent my friend Atticus; and, since it is by philosophy that a man is made virtuous and strong, my Cato is especially worthy of a place among the foregoing books.
2.3
Nevertheless Democritus jests rather prettily for a natural philosopher — and there is no more arrogant class — when he says:No one regards the things before his feet,But views with care the regions of the sky.And yet Democritus gives his approval to divination by means of entrails only to the extent of believing that their condition and colour indicate whether hay and other crops will be abundant or the reverse, and he even thinks that the entrails give signs of future health or sickness. O happy mortal! He never failed to have his joke — that is absolutely certain. But was he so amused with petty trifles as to fail to see that his theory would be plausible only on the assumption that the entrails of all cattle changed to the same colour and condition at the same time? But if at the same instant the liver of one ox is smooth and full and that of another is rough and shrunken, what inference can be drawn from the condition and colour of the entrails? 2.4 And they can laugh with the better grace because Epicurus, to make the gods ridiculous, represents them as transparent, with the winds blowing through them, and living between two worlds (as if between our two groves) from fear of the downfall. He further says that the gods have limbs just as we have, but make no use of them. Hence, while he takes a roundabout way to destroy the gods, he does not hesitate to take a short road to destroy divination. At any rate Epicurus is consistent, but the Stoics are not; for his god, who has no concern for himself or for anybody else, cannot impart divination to men. And neither can your Stoic god impart divination, although he rules the world and plans for the good of mankind. 2.4 Inasmuch as Aristotle and Theophrastus, too, both of whom were celebrated for their keenness of intellect and particularly for their copiousness of speech, have joined rhetoric with philosophy, it seems proper also to put my rhetorical books in the same category; hence we shall include the three volumes On Oratory, the fourth entitled Brutus, and the fifth called The Orator.2 I have named the philosophic works so far written: to the completion of the remaining books of this series I was hastening with so much ardour that if some most grievous cause had not intervened there would not now be any phase of philosophy which I had failed to elucidate and make easily accessible in the Latin tongue. For what greater or better service can I render to the commonwealth than to instruct and train the youth — especially in view of the fact that our young men have gone so far astray because of the present moral laxity that the utmost effort will be needed to hold them in check and direct them in the right way?

2.33
Such signs, as I have shown before, certainly could not come within your classification of the kinds of divination dependent on observation. Therefore they are not the result of immemorial usage, but they are the inventions of art — if there can be any art in the occult. But what relationship have they with the laws of nature? Assuming that all the works of nature are firmly bound together in a harmonious whole (which, I observe, is the view of the natural philosophers and especially of those men who maintain that the universe is a unit), what connexion can there be between the universe and the finding of a treasure? For instance, if the entrails foretell an increase in my fortune and they do so in accordance with some law of nature, then, in the first place, there is some relationship between them and the universe, and in the second place, my ficial gain is regulated by the laws of nature. Are not the natural philosophers ashamed to utter such nonsense? And yet a certain contact between the different parts of nature may be admitted and I concede it. The Stoics have collected much evidence to prove it. They claim, for example, that the livers of mice become larger in winter; that the dry pennyroyal blooms the very day of the winter solstice, and that its seed-pods become inflated and burst and the seeds enclosed thither are sent in various directions; that at times when certain strings of the lyre are struck others sound; that it is the habit of oysters and of all shell-fish to grow with the growth of the moon and to become smaller as it wanes; and that trees are considered easiest to cut down in winter and in the dark of the moon, because they are then free from sap.
2.45
What, for example, is his object in hurling them into the middle of the sea? or, as he so often does, on to the tops of lofty mountains? Why, pray, does he waste them in solitary deserts? And why does he fling them on the shores of peoples who do not take any notice of them?20 Oh! but you say, the head was found in the Tiber. As if I contended that your soothsayers were devoid of art! My contention is that there is no divination. By dividing the heavens in the manner already indicated and by noting what happened in each division the soothsayers learn whence the thunderbolt comes and whither it goes, but no method can show that the thunderbolt has any prophetic value. However, you array those verses of mine against me:For high-thundering Jove, as he stood on starry Olympus,Hurtled his blows at the temples and monuments raised in his honour,And on the Capitols site unloosed the bolts of his lightning.Then, the poem goes on to say, the statue of Natta, the images of the gods and the piece representing Romulus and Remus, with their wolf-nurse, were struck by a thunderbolt and fell to the ground. The prophecies made by the soothsayers from these events were fulfilled to the letter. 2.46 Besides, you quote me as authority for the remarkable fact that, at the very time when proof of the conspiracy was being presented to the Senate, the statue of Jupiter, which had been contracted for two years before, was being erected on the Capitol.Will you then — for thus you pleaded with me — will you then persuade yourself to take sides against me in this discussion, in the face of your own writings and of your own practice? You are my brother and on that account I shrink from recrimination. But what, pray, is causing you distress in this matter? Is it the nature of the subject? Or is it my insistence on finding out the truth? And so I waive your charge of my inconsistency — I am asking you for an explanation of the entire subject of soothsaying. But you betook yourself to a strange place of refuge. You knew that you would be in straits when I asked your reason for each kind of divination, and, hence, you had much to say to this effect: Since I see what divination does I do not ask the reason or the cause why it does it. The question is, what does it do? not, why does it do it? As if I would grant either that divination accomplished anything, or that it was permissible for a philosopher not to ask why anything happened!
2.48
I am not a hopeless sceptic on the subject of such warnings really being sent by the gods; however, I do not know that they are and I want to learn the actual facts from you. Again, when certain other events occurred as they had been foretold by diviners and I attributed the coincidence to chance, you talked a long time about chance. You said, for example, For the Venus-throw to result from one cast of the four dice might be due to chance; but if a hundred Venus-throws resulted from one hundred casts this could not be due to chance. In the first place I do not know why it could not; but I do not contest the point, for you are full of the same sort of examples — like that about the scattering of the paints and that one about the hogs snout, and you had very many other examples besides. You also mentioned that myth from Carneades about the head of Pan — as if the likeness could not have been the result of chance! and as if every block of marble did not necessarily have within it heads worthy of Praxiteles! For his masterpieces were made by chipping away the marble, not by adding anything to it; and when, after much chipping, the lineaments of a face were reached, one then realized that the work now polished and complete had always been inside the block.
2.52
For how many things predicted by them really come true? If any do come true, then what reason can be advanced why the agreement of the event with the prophecy was not due to chance? While Hannibal was in exile at the court of King Prusias he advised the king to go to war, but the king replied, I do not dare, because the entrails forbid. And do you, said Hannibal, put more reliance in piece of ox‑meat than you do in a veteran commander? Again, when Caesar himself was warned by a most eminent soothsayer not to cross over to Africa before the winter solstice, did he not cross? If he had not done so all the forces opposed to him would have effected a junction. Why need I give instances — and, in fact, I could give countless ones — where the prophecies of soothsayers either were without result or the issue was directly the reverse of the prophecy? 2.53 Ye gods, how many times were they mistaken in the late civil war! What oracular messages the soothsayers sent from Rome to our Pompeian party then in Greece! What assurances they gave to Pompey! For he placed great reliance in divination by means of entrails and portents. I have no wish to call these instances to mind, and indeed it is unnecessary — especially to you, since you had personal knowledge of them. Still, you are aware that the result was nearly always contrary to the prophecy. But enough on this point: let us now come to portents. 25
2.63
I should, of course, marvel at that famous story you got out of Homer about Calchas predicting the years of the Trojan War from the number of sparrows — if I believed it! In a leisure moment I thus translated what Agamemnon in Homer says about this prophecy:Be patient, men; with fortitude endureYour grievous tasks till we can ascertainIf what our Calchas prophesies be true,Or only idle fancies of his breastFor all who have not left the light of day,In gloomy shades to dwell, retain these signsImprinted on their minds. When Aulis firstWas decked with Grecian fleets, which carried deathFor Priam, ruin for Troy, we stood aboutThe fountains cool and sought to please the godsWith gold-crowned bulls on smoking altars laid.Beneath the plane-trees shade, whence gushed a spring,We saw a frightful dragon, huge of size,With mighty folds, forth from an altar come,By Jove impelled. It seized some sparrows hidWithin the plane-trees leafy boughs and eightDevoured; the ninth — the mother bird — beganTo flutter round and utter plaintive cries:From her the cruel beast her vitals tore. 2.64 Now when the mother and her tender broodWere slain, the son of Saturn who had sentThe dragon forth, took it away; and thenDid change its form into enduring stone.In fear we stood and watched the monster strange,As midst the altars of the gods it moved.Then Calchas, full occurring, thus did speak:Why paralysed with sudden fear, O Greeks?These signs divine were sent by Jove himself.And though these tardy signs were long delayed,Their fame and glory will for ever live.The number of the birds ye saw destroyedBy horrid tooth, portends how many yearsof war we shall endure in front of Troy.The tenth year Troy will fall and then her fateWill satisfy the Greeks. Thus Calchas spokeAnd what he prophesied ye see fulfilled.
2.67
And you have even collected the portent-stories connected with Flaminius: His horse, you say, stumbled and fell with him. That is very strange, isnt it? And, The standard of the first company could not be pulled up. Perhaps the standard-bearer had planted it stoutly and pulled it up timidly. What is astonishing in the fact that the horse of Dionysius came up out of the river, or that it had bees in its mane? And yet, because Dionysius began to reign a short time later — which was a mere coincidence — the event referred to is considered a portent! The arms sounded, you say, in the temple of Hercules in Sparta; the folding-doors of the same god at Thebes, though securely barred, opened of their own accord, and the shields hanging upon the walls of that temple fell to the ground. Now since none of these things could have happened without some exterior force, why should we say that they were brought about by divine agency rather than by chance? 32 2.71 In my opinion the consuls, Publius Claudius and Lucius Junius, who set sail contrary to the auspices, were deserving of capital punishment; for they should have respected the established religion and should not have treated the customs of their forefathers with such shameless disdain. Therefore it was a just retribution that the former was condemned by a vote of the people and that the latter took his own life. Flaminius, you say, did not obey the auspices, therefore he perished with his army. But a year later Paulus did obey them; and did he not lose his army and his life in the battle of Cannae? Granting that there are auspices (as there are not), certainly those which we ordinarily employ — whether by the tripudium or by the observation of the heavens — are not auspices in any sense, but are the mere ghosts of auspices.34 Quintus Fabius, I wish you to assist me at the auspices. He answers, I will. (In our forefathers time the magistrates on such occasions used to call in some expert person to take the auspices — but in these days anyone will do. But one must be an expert to know what constitutes silence, for by that term we mean free of every augural defect. 2.72 To understand that belongs to a perfect augur.) After the celebrant has said to his assistant, Tell me when silence appears to exist, the latter, without looking up or about him, immediately replies, Silence appears to exist. Then the celebrant says, Tell me when the chickens begin to eat. They are eating now, is the answer. But what are these birds they are talking about, and where are they? Someone replies, Its poultry. Its in a cage and the person who brought it is called a poulterer, because of his business. These, then, are the messengers of Jove! What difference does it make whether they eat or not? None, so far as the auspices are concerned. But, because of the fact that, while they eat, some food must necessarily fall from their mouths and strike upon the ground (terram pavire), — this at first was called terripavium, and later, terripudium; now it is called tripudium — therefore, when a crumb of food falls from a chickens mouth a tripudium solistimum is announced to the celebrant. 35 2.73 Then, how can there be anything divine about an auspice so forced and so extorted? That such a practice did not prevail with the augurs of ancient times is proven by an old ruling of our college which says, Any bird may make a tripudium. There might be an auspice if the bird were free to show itself outside its cage. In that case it might be called the interpreter and satellite of Jove. But now, when shut up inside a cage and tortured by hunger, if it seizes greedily upon its morsel of pottage and something falls from its mouth, do you consider that is an auspice? Or do you believe that this was the way in which Romulus used to take the auspices? 2.74 Again, do you not think that formerly it was the habit of the celebrants themselves to make observation of the heavens? Now they order the poulterer, and he gives responses! We regard lightning on the left as a most favourable omen for everything except for an election, and this exception was made, no doubt, from reasons of political expediency so that the rulers of the State would be the judges of the regularity of an election, whether held to pass judgements in criminal cases, or to enact laws, or to elect magistrates.The consuls, Scipio and Figulus, you say, resigned their office when the augurs rendered a decision based on a letter written by Tiberius Gracchus, to the effect that those consuls had not been elected according to augural law. Who denies that augury is an art? What I deny is the existence of divination. But you say: Soothsayers have the power of divination; and you mention the fact that, on account of the unexpected death of the person who had suddenly fallen while bringing in the report of the vote of the prerogative century, Tiberius Gracchus introduced the soothsayers into the Senate and they declared that the president had violated augural law. 2.75 Now, in the first place, do not understand that by the president they meant the president of the prerogative century, for he was dead; and, moreover, they could have told that by conjecture without the use of divination; or, in the second place, perhaps, they said so by accident which is no wise to be left out of account in cases of this kind. For what could the Etruscan soothsayers have known, either as to whether the tabernaculum had been properly placed, or as to whether the regulations pertaining to the pomerium had been observed? For my part, I agree with Gaius Marcellus, rather than with Appius Claudius — both of whom were my colleagues — and I think that, although in the beginning augural law was established from a belief in divination, yet later it was maintained and preserved from considerations of political expediency. 36
2.85
And pray what is the need, do you think, to talk about the casting of lots? It is much like playing at morra, dice, or knuckle-bones, in which recklessness and luck prevail rather than reflection and judgement. The whole scheme of divination by lots was fraudulently contrived from mercenary motives, or as a means of encouraging superstition and error. But let us follow the method used in the discussion of soothsaying and consider the traditional origin of the most famous lots. According to the annals of Praeneste Numerius Suffustius, who was a distinguished man of noble birth, was admonished by dreams, often repeated, and finally even by threats, to split open a flint rock which was lying in a designated place. Frightened by the visions and disregarding the jeers of his fellow-townsmen he set about doing as he had been directed. And so when he had broken open the stone, the lots sprang forth carved on oak, in ancient characters. The site where the stone was found is religiously guarded to this day. It is hard by the statue of the infant Jupiter, who is represented as sitting with Juno in the lap of Fortune and reaching for her breast, and it is held in the highest reverence by mothers.
2.87
for no magistrate and no man of any reputation ever consults them; but in all other places lots have gone entirely out of use. And this explains the remark which, according to Clitomachus, Carneades used to make that he had at no other place seen Fortune more fortunate than at Praeneste. Then let us dismiss this branch of divination.42 Let us come to Chaldean manifestations. In discussing them Platos pupil, Eudoxus, whom the best scholars consider easily the first in astronomy, has left the following opinion in writing: No reliance whatever is to be placed in Chaldean astrologers when they profess to forecast a mans future from the position of the stars on the day of his birth.
2.98
Again: if it matters under what aspect of the sky or combination of the stars every animate being is born, then necessarily the same conditions must affect iimate beings also: can any statement be more ridiculous than that? Be that as it may, our good friend Lucius Tarutius of Firmum, who was steeped in Chaldaic lore, made a calculation, based on the assumption that our citys birthday was on the Feast of Pales (at which time tradition says it was founded by Romulus), and from that calculation Tarutius even went so far as to assert that Rome was born when the moon was in the sign of Libra and from that fact unhesitatingly prophesied her destiny.

2.137
Now what Marius do you think it was I saw? His likeness or phantom, I suppose — at least that is what Democritus thinks. Whence did the phantom come? He would have it that phantoms emanate from material bodies and from actual forms. Then, it was the body of Marius from which my phantom came? No, says Democritus, but from his body that was. So that phantom of Marius was pursuing me to the plains of Atina? Oh, but the universe is full of phantoms; no picture of anything can be formed in the mind except as the result of the impact of phantoms. ' ' None
17. Cicero, De Finibus, 2.75, 5.1, 5.1.1-5.1.3, 5.2.4-5.2.5, 5.3-5.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, De finibus • De Re Publica (Cicero) • De Re Rustica (Varro), characters of • De Re Rustica (Varro), dialogue form in • De Re Rustica (Varro), engagement with Cicero’s dialogues • De Re Rustica (Varro), etymologies in • De Re Rustica (Varro), genre of • De Re Rustica (Varro), irony in • De Re Rustica (Varro), philosophy in • De Re Rustica (Varro), puns in • De Re Rustica (Varro), settings of • Epicurus, authority in the De Rerum Natura • Tullius Cicero, M., and the De Finibus

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 229; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 213, 214, 215, 216, 226; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 213, 214, 215, 216, 226; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 17, 128; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 229

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2.75 \xa0"But let us grant your position. The actual word \'pleasure\' has not a lofty sound; and perhaps we do not understand its significance: you are always repeating that we do not understand what you mean by pleasure. As though it were a difficult or recondite notion! If we understand you when you talk of \'indivisible atoms\' and \'cosmic interspaces,\' things that don\'t exist and never can exist, is our intelligence incapable of grasping the meaning of pleasure, a feeling known to every sparrow? What if I\xa0force you to admit that I\xa0do know not only what pleasure really is (it is an agreeable activity of the sense), but also what you mean by it? For at one moment you mean by it the feeling that I\xa0have just defined, and this you entitle \'kinetic\' pleasure, as producing a definite change of feeling, but at another moment you say it is quite a different feeling, which is the acme and climax of pleasure, but yet consists merely in the complete absence of pain; this you call \'static\' pleasure. <' "
5.1.3
\xa0My dear Brutus, â\x80\x94 Once I\xa0had been attending a lecture of Antiochus, as I\xa0was in the habit of doing, with Marcus Piso, in the building called the School of Ptolemy; and with us were my brother Quintus, Titus Pomponius, and Lucius Cicero, whom I\xa0loved as a brother but who was really my first cousin. We arranged to take our afternoon stroll in the Academy, chiefly because the place would be quiet and deserted at that hour of the day. Accordingly at the time appointed we met at our rendezvous, Piso's lodgings, and starting out beguiled with conversation on various subjects the three-quarters of a\xa0mile from the Dipylon Gate. When we reached the walks of the Academy, which are so deservedly famous, we had them entirely to ourselves, as we had hoped. <" 5.1 \xa0My dear Brutus, â\x80\x94 Once I\xa0had been attending a lecture of Antiochus, as I\xa0was in the habit of doing, with Marcus Piso, in the building called the School of Ptolemy; and with us were my brother Quintus, Titus Pomponius, and Lucius Cicero, whom I\xa0loved as a brother but who was really my first cousin. We arranged to take our afternoon stroll in the Academy, chiefly because the place would be quiet and deserted at that hour of the day. Accordingly at the time appointed we met at our rendezvous, Piso's lodgings, and starting out beguiled with conversation on various subjects the three-quarters of a\xa0mile from the Dipylon Gate. When we reached the walks of the Academy, which are so deservedly famous, we had them entirely to ourselves, as we had hoped. <" "
5.2.4
\xa0Thereupon Piso remarked: "Whether it is a natural instinct or a mere illusion, I\xa0can\'t say; but one\'s emotions are more strongly aroused by seeing the places that tradition records to have been the favourite resort of men of note in former days, than by hearing about their deeds or reading their writings. My own feelings at the present moment are a case in point. I\xa0am reminded of Plato, the first philosopher, so we are told, that made a practice of holding discussions in this place; and indeed the garden close at hand yonder not only recalls his memory but seems to bring the actual man before my eyes. This was the haunt of Speusippus, of Xenocrates, and of Xenocrates\' pupil Polemo, who used to sit on the very seat we see over there. For my own part even the sight of our senate-house at home (I\xa0mean the Curia Hostilia, not the present new building, which looks to my eyes smaller since its enlargement) used to call up to me thoughts of Scipio, Cato, Laelius, and chief of all, my grandfather; such powers of suggestion do places possess. No wonder the scientific training of the memory is based upon locality." <
5.3
\xa0"Perfectly true, Piso," rejoined Quintus. "I\xa0myself on the way here just now noticed yonder village of Colonus, and it brought to my imagination Sophocles who resided there, and who is as you know my great admiration and delight. Indeed my memory took me further back; for I\xa0had a vision of Oedipus, advancing towards this very spot and asking in those most tender verses, \'What place is this?\' â\x80\x94 a\xa0mere fancy no doubt, yet still it affected me strongly." "For my part," said Pomponius, "you are fond of attacking me as a devotee of Epicurus, and I\xa0do spend much of my time with Phaedrus, who as you know is my dearest friend, in Epicurus\'s Gardens which we passed just now; but I\xa0obey the old saw: I\xa0\'think of those that are alive.\' Still I\xa0could not forget Epicurus, even if I\xa0wanted; the members of our body not only have pictures of him, but even have his likeness on their drinking-cups and rings." < 5.4 \xa0"As for our friend Pomponius," I\xa0interposed, "I\xa0believe he is joking; and no doubt he is a licensed wit, for he has so taken root in Athens that he is almost an Athenian; in fact I\xa0expect he will get the surname of Atticus! But I, Piso, agree with you; it is a common experience that places do strongly stimulate the imagination and vivify our ideas of famous men. You remember how I\xa0once came with you to Metapontum, and would not go to the house where we were to stay until I\xa0had seen the very place where Pythagoras breathed his last and the seat he sat in. All over Athens, I\xa0know, there are many reminders of eminent men in the actual place where they lived; but at the present moment it is that alcove over there which appeals to me, for not long ago it belonged to Carneades. I\xa0fancy I\xa0see him now (for his portrait is familiar), and I\xa0can imagine that the very place where he used to sit misses the sound of his voice, and mourns the loss of that mighty intellect." <'' None
18. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 2.75, 5.1-5.4, 5.1.1-5.1.3, 5.2.4-5.2.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, De finibus • De Finibus • De Re Publica (Cicero) • De Re Rustica (Varro), characters of • De Re Rustica (Varro), dialogue form in • De Re Rustica (Varro), engagement with Cicero’s dialogues • De Re Rustica (Varro), etymologies in • De Re Rustica (Varro), genre of • De Re Rustica (Varro), irony in • De Re Rustica (Varro), philosophy in • De Re Rustica (Varro), puns in • De Re Rustica (Varro), settings of • Epicurus, authority in the De Rerum Natura • Tullius Cicero, M., and the De Finibus • Tullius Cicero, M., and the De Inventione

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 229; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 258; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 213, 214, 215, 216, 226; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 213, 214, 215, 216, 226; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 17, 128; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85, 86; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 229

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2.75 Verum esto: verbum ipsum voluptatis non habet dignitatem, nec nos fortasse intellegimus. hoc enim identidem dicitis, non intellegere nos quam dicatis voluptatem. rem videlicet videlicet P. Man. vides difficilem et obscuram! individua cum dicitis et intermundia, quae nec sunt ulla nec possunt esse, intellegimus, voluptas, quae passeribus omnibus nota est, nota est omnibus A a nobis intellegi non potest? quid, si efficio ut fateare me non modo quid sit voluptas scire—est enim iucundus motus in sensu—, sed etiam quid eam tu velis velis tu eam BE esse? tum enim eam ipsam vis, quam modo ego dixi, dixi ego BE et nomen inponis, in motu ut sit et faciat aliquam varietatem, tum aliam quandam summam voluptatem, quo quo ARN qua BE cui V Mdv. ('quo et qua orta puto ex quoi') addi nihil possit; eam tum adesse, cum dolor omnis absit; eam stabilem appellas." 5.1 Cum audissem audivissem ER Antiochum, Brute, ut solebam, solebam Vict. solebat cum M. Pisone in eo gymnasio, quod Ptolomaeum vocatur, unaque nobiscum Q. frater et T. Pomponius Luciusque Cicero, frater noster cognatione patruelis, amore germanus, constituimus inter nos ut ambulationem postmeridianam conficeremus in Academia, maxime quod is locus ab omni turba id temporis vacuus esset. itaque ad tempus ad Pisonem omnes. inde sermone vario sex illa a Dipylo stadia confecimus. cum autem venissemus in Academiae non sine causa nobilitata spatia, solitudo erat ea, quam volueramus. 5.2 tum Piso: Naturane nobis hoc, inquit, datum dicam an errore quodam, ut, cum ea loca videamus, in quibus memoria dignos viros acceperimus multum esse versatos, magis moveamur, quam si quando eorum ipsorum aut facta audiamus aut scriptum aliquod aliquid R legamus? velut ego nunc moveor. venit enim mihi Platonis in mentem, quem accepimus primum hic disputare solitum; cuius etiam illi hortuli propinqui propinqui hortuli BE non memoriam solum mihi afferunt, sed ipsum videntur in conspectu meo ponere. hic Speusippus, hic Xenocrates, hic eius auditor Polemo, cuius illa ipsa sessio fuit, quam videmus. Equidem etiam curiam nostram—Hostiliam dico, non hanc novam, quae minor mihi esse esse mihi B videtur, posteaquam est maior—solebam intuens Scipionem, Catonem, Laelium, nostrum vero in primis avum cogitare; tanta vis admonitionis inest in locis; ut non sine causa ex iis memoriae ducta sit disciplina. 5.3 Tum Quintus: Est plane, Piso, ut dicis, inquit. nam me ipsum huc modo venientem convertebat ad sese Coloneus ille locus, locus lucus Valckenarius ad Callimach. p. 216 cf. Va. II p. 545 sqq. cuius incola Sophocles ob oculos versabatur, quem scis quam admirer quamque eo delecter. me quidem ad altiorem memoriam Oedipodis huc venientis et illo mollissimo carmine quaenam essent ipsa haec hec ipsa BE loca requirentis species quaedam commovit, iiter scilicet, sed commovit tamen. Tum Pomponius: At ego, quem vos ut deditum Epicuro insectari soletis, sum multum equidem cum Phaedro, quem unice diligo, ut scitis, in Epicuri hortis, quos modo praeteribamus, praeteribamus edd. praeteriebamus sed veteris proverbii admonitu vivorum memini, nec tamen Epicuri epicureum Non. licet oblivisci, si cupiam, cuius imaginem non modo in tabulis nostri familiares, sed etiam in poculis et in anulis nec tamen ... anulis habent Non. p. 70 anulis anellis Non. anelis R ambus anulis V habent. habebant Non. 5.4 Hic ego: Pomponius quidem, inquam, noster iocari videtur, et fortasse suo iure. ita enim se Athenis collocavit, ut sit paene unus ex Atticis, ut id etiam cognomen videatur habiturus. Ego autem tibi, Piso, assentior usu hoc venire, ut acrius aliquanto et attentius de claris viris locorum admonitu admonitum Non. cogitemus. ut acrius...cogitemus Non. p. 190, 191 scis enim me quodam tempore Metapontum venisse tecum neque ad hospitem ante devertisse, devertisse Lambini vetus cod. in marg. ed. rep. ; divertisse quam Pythagorae ipsum illum locum, ubi vitam ediderat, sedemque viderim. hoc autem tempore, etsi multa in omni parte Athenarum sunt in ipsis locis indicia summorum virorum, tamen ego illa moveor exhedra. modo enim fuit Carneadis, Carneadis Mdv. carneades quem videre videor—est enim nota imago—, a sedeque ipsa tanta tanti RN ingenii magnitudine orbata desiderari illam vocem puto.'" None
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2.75 \xa0"But let us grant your position. The actual word \'pleasure\' has not a lofty sound; and perhaps we do not understand its significance: you are always repeating that we do not understand what you mean by pleasure. As though it were a difficult or recondite notion! If we understand you when you talk of \'indivisible atoms\' and \'cosmic interspaces,\' things that don\'t exist and never can exist, is our intelligence incapable of grasping the meaning of pleasure, a feeling known to every sparrow? What if I\xa0force you to admit that I\xa0do know not only what pleasure really is (it is an agreeable activity of the sense), but also what you mean by it? For at one moment you mean by it the feeling that I\xa0have just defined, and this you entitle \'kinetic\' pleasure, as producing a definite change of feeling, but at another moment you say it is quite a different feeling, which is the acme and climax of pleasure, but yet consists merely in the complete absence of pain; this you call \'static\' pleasure. <' "
5.1.3
\xa0My dear Brutus, â\x80\x94 Once I\xa0had been attending a lecture of Antiochus, as I\xa0was in the habit of doing, with Marcus Piso, in the building called the School of Ptolemy; and with us were my brother Quintus, Titus Pomponius, and Lucius Cicero, whom I\xa0loved as a brother but who was really my first cousin. We arranged to take our afternoon stroll in the Academy, chiefly because the place would be quiet and deserted at that hour of the day. Accordingly at the time appointed we met at our rendezvous, Piso's lodgings, and starting out beguiled with conversation on various subjects the three-quarters of a\xa0mile from the Dipylon Gate. When we reached the walks of the Academy, which are so deservedly famous, we had them entirely to ourselves, as we had hoped. <" 5.1 \xa0My dear Brutus, â\x80\x94 Once I\xa0had been attending a lecture of Antiochus, as I\xa0was in the habit of doing, with Marcus Piso, in the building called the School of Ptolemy; and with us were my brother Quintus, Titus Pomponius, and Lucius Cicero, whom I\xa0loved as a brother but who was really my first cousin. We arranged to take our afternoon stroll in the Academy, chiefly because the place would be quiet and deserted at that hour of the day. Accordingly at the time appointed we met at our rendezvous, Piso's lodgings, and starting out beguiled with conversation on various subjects the three-quarters of a\xa0mile from the Dipylon Gate. When we reached the walks of the Academy, which are so deservedly famous, we had them entirely to ourselves, as we had hoped. <" "5.2 \xa0Thereupon Piso remarked: "Whether it is a natural instinct or a mere illusion, I\xa0can\'t say; but one\'s emotions are more strongly aroused by seeing the places that tradition records to have been the favourite resort of men of note in former days, than by hearing about their deeds or reading their writings. My own feelings at the present moment are a case in point. I\xa0am reminded of Plato, the first philosopher, so we are told, that made a practice of holding discussions in this place; and indeed the garden close at hand yonder not only recalls his memory but seems to bring the actual man before my eyes. This was the haunt of Speusippus, of Xenocrates, and of Xenocrates\' pupil Polemo, who used to sit on the very seat we see over there. For my own part even the sight of our senate-house at home (I\xa0mean the Curia Hostilia, not the present new building, which looks to my eyes smaller since its enlargement) used to call up to me thoughts of Scipio, Cato, Laelius, and chief of all, my grandfather; such powers of suggestion do places possess. No wonder the scientific training of the memory is based upon locality." < 5.3 \xa0"Perfectly true, Piso," rejoined Quintus. "I\xa0myself on the way here just now noticed yonder village of Colonus, and it brought to my imagination Sophocles who resided there, and who is as you know my great admiration and delight. Indeed my memory took me further back; for I\xa0had a vision of Oedipus, advancing towards this very spot and asking in those most tender verses, \'What place is this?\' â\x80\x94 a\xa0mere fancy no doubt, yet still it affected me strongly." "For my part," said Pomponius, "you are fond of attacking me as a devotee of Epicurus, and I\xa0do spend much of my time with Phaedrus, who as you know is my dearest friend, in Epicurus\'s Gardens which we passed just now; but I\xa0obey the old saw: I\xa0\'think of those that are alive.\' Still I\xa0could not forget Epicurus, even if I\xa0wanted; the members of our body not only have pictures of him, but even have his likeness on their drinking-cups and rings." < 5.4 \xa0"As for our friend Pomponius," I\xa0interposed, "I\xa0believe he is joking; and no doubt he is a licensed wit, for he has so taken root in Athens that he is almost an Athenian; in fact I\xa0expect he will get the surname of Atticus! But I, Piso, agree with you; it is a common experience that places do strongly stimulate the imagination and vivify our ideas of famous men. You remember how I\xa0once came with you to Metapontum, and would not go to the house where we were to stay until I\xa0had seen the very place where Pythagoras breathed his last and the seat he sat in. All over Athens, I\xa0know, there are many reminders of eminent men in the actual place where they lived; but at the present moment it is that alcove over there which appeals to me, for not long ago it belonged to Carneades. I\xa0fancy I\xa0see him now (for his portrait is familiar), and I\xa0can imagine that the very place where he used to sit misses the sound of his voice, and mourns the loss of that mighty intellect." <'' None
19. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, De natura deorum • Cicero, Marcus Tullius, De natura deorum • De Lacy, Phillip • De Re Publica (Cicero) • De Re Rustica (Varro), cannibalism in • De Re Rustica (Varro), characters of • De Re Rustica (Varro), dinner parties in • De Re Rustica (Varro), representation of Rome in • De Re Rustica (Varro), satire in • De Re Rustica (Varro), settings of • Epicurus, authority in the De Rerum Natura • Marcus (character of De Diuinatione) • ave sinistra, de caelo

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 225, 229, 230, 231, 233, 234, 235, 237, 240; Gee (2013), Aratus and the Astronomical Tradition, 70, 71, 72, 73, 93, 94; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 156; Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 88; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 40; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 180; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 113; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 225, 229, 230, 231, 233, 234, 235, 237, 240; Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 46

1.18 Hereupon Velleius began, in the confident manner (I need not say) that is customary with Epicureans, afraid of nothing so much as lest he should appear to have doubts about anything. One would have supposed he had just come down from the assembly of the gods in the intermundane spaces of Epicurus! "I am not going to expound to you doctrines that are mere baseless figments of the imagination, such as the artisan deity and world-builder of Plato\'s Timaeus, or that old hag of a fortune-teller, the Pronoia (which we may render \'Providence\') of the Stoics; nor yet a world endowed with a mind and senses of its own, a spherical, rotatory god of burning fire; these are the marvels and monstrosities of philosophers who do not reason but dream. 1.43 With the errors of the poets may be classed the monstrous doctrines of the magi and the insane mythology of Egypt, and also the popular beliefs, which are a mere mass of inconsistencies sprung from ignorance. "Anyone pondering on the baseless and irrational character of these doctrines ought to regard Epicurus with reverence, and to rank him as one of the very gods about whom we are inquiring. For he alone perceived, first, that the gods exist, because nature herself has imprinted a conception of them on the minds of all mankind. For what nation or what tribe is there but possesses untaught some \'preconception\' of the gods? Such notions Epicurus designates by the word prolepsis, that is, a sort of preconceived mental picture of a thing, without which nothing can be understood or investigated or discussed. The force and value of this argument we learn in that work of genius, Epicurus\'s Rule or Standard of Judgement. ' "1.44 You see therefore that the foundation (for such it is) of our inquiry has been well and truly laid. For the belief in the gods has not been established by authority, custom or law, but rests on the uimous and abiding consensus of mankind; their existence is therefore a necessary inference, since we possess an instinctive or rather an innate concept of them; but a belief which all men by nature share must necessarily be true; therefore it must be admitted that the gods exist. And since this truth is almost universally accepted not only among philosophers but also among the unlearned, we must admit it as also being an accepted truth that we possess a 'preconception,' as I called it above, or 'prior notion,' of the gods. (For we are bound to employ novel terms to denote novel ideas, just as Epicurus himself employed the word prolepsis in a sense in which no one had ever used it before.) " '1.45 We have then a preconception of such a nature that we believe the gods to be blessed and immortal. For nature, which bestowed upon us an idea of the gods themselves, also engraved on our minds the belief that they are eternal and blessed. If this is so, the famous maxim of Epicurus truthfully enunciates that \'that which is blessed and eternal can neither know trouble itself nor cause trouble to another, and accordingly cannot feel either anger or favour, since all such things belong only to the weak.\' "If we sought to attain nothing else beside piety in worshipping the gods and freedom from superstition, what has been said had sufficed; since the exalted nature of the gods, being both eternal and supremely blessed, would receive man\'s pious worship (for what is highest commands the reverence that is its due); and furthermore all fear of the divine power or divine anger would have been banished (since it is understood that anger and favour alike are excluded from the nature of a being at once blessed and immortal, and that these being eliminated we are menaced by no fears in regard to the powers above). But the mind strives to strengthen this belief by trying to discover the form of god, the mode of his activity, and the operation of his intelligence. 1.46 "For the divine form we have the hints of nature supplemented by the teachings of reason. From nature all men of all races derive the notion of gods as having human shape and none other; for in what other shape do they ever appear to anyone, awake or asleep? But not to make primary concepts the sole test of all things, reason itself delivers the same pronouncement. 1.47 For it seems appropriate that the being who is the most exalted, whether by reason of his happiness or his eternity, should also be the most beautiful; but what disposition of the limbs, what cast of features, what shape or outline can be more beautiful than the human form? You Stoics at least, Lucilius, (for my friend Cotta says one thing at one time and another at another) are wont to portray the skill of the divine creator by enlarging on the beauty as well as the utility of design displayed in all parts of the human figure. 1.48 But if the human figure surpasses the form of all other living beings, and god is a living being, god must possess the shape which is the most beautiful of all; and since it is agreed that the gods are supremely happy, and no one can be happy without virtue, and virtue cannot exist without reason, and reason is only found in the human shape, it follows that the gods possess the form of man. 1.49 Yet their form is not corporeal, but only resembles bodily substance; it does not contain blood, but the semblance of blood. "These discoveries of Epicurus are so acute in themselves and so subtly expressed that not everyone would be capable of appreciating them. Still I may rely on your intelligence, and make my exposition briefer than the subject demands. Epicurus then, as he not merely discerns abstruse and recondite things with his mind\'s eye, but handles them as tangible realities, teaches that the substance and nature of the gods is such that, in the first place, it is perceived not by the senses but by the mind, and not materially or individually, like the solid objects which Epicurus in virtue of their substantiality entitles steremnia; but by our perceiving images owing to their similarity and succession, because an endless train of precisely similar images arises from the innumerable atoms and streams towards the gods, our minds with the keenest feelings of pleasure fixes its gaze on these images, and so attains an understanding of the nature of a being both blessed and eternal. 1.71 "He does the same as regards the nature of the gods. In his desire to avoid the assumption of a dense cluster of atoms, which would involve the possibility of destruction and dissipation, he says that the gods have not a body but a semblance of body, and not blood but a semblance of blood. It is thought surprising that an augur can see an augur without smiling; but it is more surprising that you Epicureans keep a grave face when by yourselves. \'It is not body but a semblance of body.\' I could understand what this supposition meant if it related to waxen images or figures of earthenware, but what \'a semblance of body\' or \'a semblance of blood\' may mean in the case of god, I cannot understand; nor can you either, Velleius, only you won\'t admit it. 1.74 "As to your formula \'a semblance of body\' and \'a semblance of blood,\' what meaning do you attach to it? That you have a better knowledge of the matter than I have I freely admit, and what is more, am quite content that this should be so; but once it is expressed in words, why should one of us be able to understand it and not the other? Well then, I do understand what body is and what blood is, but what \'a semblance of body\' and \'a semblance of blood\' are I don\'t understand in the very least. You are not trying to hide the truth from me, as Pythagoras used to hide it from strangers, nor yet are you speaking obscurely on purpose like Heraclitus, but (to speak candidly between ourselves) you don\'t understand it yourself any more than I do. ' "1.85 Well then, if the gods do not possess the appearance of men, as I have proved, nor some such form as that of the heavenly bodies, as you are convinced, why do you hesitate to deny their existence? You do not dare to. Well, that is no doubt wise — although in this matter it is not the public that you fear, but the gods themselves: I personally am acquainted with Epicureans who worship every paltry image, albeit I am aware that according to some people's view Epicurus really abolished the gods, but nominally retained them in order not to offend the people of Athens. Thus the first of his selected aphorisms or maxims, which you call the Kyriai Doxai, runs, I believe, thus: That which is blessed and immortal neither experiences trouble nor causes it to anyone. Now there are people who think that the wording of this maxim was intentional, though really it was due to the author's inability to express himself clearly; their suspicion does an injustice to the most guileless of mankind. " '1.105 Your assertion was that the form of god is perceived by thought and not by the senses, that it has no solidity nor numerical persistence, and that our perception of it is such that it is seen owing to similarity and succession, a never-ceasing stream of similar forms arriving continually from the infinite number of atoms, and that thus it results that our mind, when its attention is fixed on these forms, conceives the divine nature to be happy and eternal. Now in the name of the very gods about whom we are talking, what can possibly be the meaning of this? If the gods only appeal to the faculty of thought, and have no solidity or definite outline, what difference does it make whether we think of a god or of a hippocentaur? Such mental pictures are called by all other philosophers mere empty imaginations, but you say they are the arrival and entrance into our minds of certain images. ' "1.109 And how extravagantly! There is a constant passage or stream of visual presentations which collectively produce a single visual impression. I should be ashamed to say that I do not understand the doctrine, if you who maintain it understood it yourselves! How can you prove that the stream of images is continuous, or if it is, how are the images eternal? You say that there is an innumerable supply of atoms. Are you going to argue then that everything is eternal, for the same reason? You take refuge in the principle of 'equilibrium' (for so with your consent we will translate isonomia), and you say that because there is mortal substance there must also be immortal substance. On that showing, because there are mortal men, there are also some that are immortal, and because there are men born on land, there are men born in the water. 'And because there are forces of destruction, there are also forces of preservation.' Suppose there were, they would only preserve things that already exist; but I am not aware that your gods do exist. " "1.114 'But they are free from pain.' Does that satisfy the ideal of perfect bliss, overflowing with good things? 'God is engaged (they say) in ceaseless contemplation of his own happiness, for he has no other object for his thoughts.' I beg of you to realize in your imagination a vivid picture of a deity solely occupied for all eternity in reflecting 'What a good time I am having! How happy I am!' And yet I can't see how this happy god of yours is not to fear destruction, since he is subjected without a moment's respite to the buffeting and jostling of a horde of atoms that eternally assail him, while from his own person a ceaseless stream of images is given off. Your god is therefore neither happy nor eternal. " "1.122 But as for you, what mischief you cause when you reckon kindness and benevolence as weaknesses! Apart altogether from the nature and attributes of deity, do you think that even human beneficence and benignity are solely due to human infirmity? Is there no natural affection between the good? There is something attractive in the very sound of the word 'love,' from which the Latin term for friendship is derived. If we base our friendship on its profit to ourselves, and not on its advantage to those whom we love, it will not be friendship at all, but a mere bartering of selfish interests. That is our standard of value for meadows and fields and herds of cattle: we esteem them for the profits that we derive from them; but affection and friendship between men is disinterested; how much more so therefore is that of the gods, who, although in need of nothing, yet both love each other and care for the interests of men. If this be not so, why do we worship and pray to them? why have pontiffs and augurs to preside over our sacrifices and auspices? why make petitions and vow offerings to heaven? 'Why, but Epicurus (you tell me) actually wrote a treatise on holiness.' " '2.62 Those gods therefore who were the authors of various benefits owned their deification to the value of the benefits which they bestowed, and indeed the names that I just now enumerated express the various powers of the gods that bear them. "Human experience moreover and general custom have made it a practice to confer the deification of renown and gratitude upon of distinguished benefactors. This is the origin of Hercules, of Castor and Pollux, of Aesculapius, and also of Liber (I mean Liber the son of Semele, not the Liber whom our ancestors solemnly and devoutly consecrated with Ceres and Libera, the import of which joint consecration may be gathered from the mysteries; but Liber and Libera were so named as Ceres\' offspring, that being the meaning of our Latin word liberi — a use which has survived in the case of Libera but not of Liber) — and this is also the origin of Romulus, who is believed to be the same as Quirinus. And these benefactors were duly deemed divine, as being both supremely good and immortal, because their souls survived and enjoyed eternal life. 2.97 Who would not deny the name of human being to a man who, on seeing the regular motions of the heaven and the fixed order of the stars and the accurate interconnexion and interrelation of all things, can deny that these things possess any rational design, and can maintain that phenomena, the wisdom of whose ordering transcends the capacity of our wisdom to understand it, take place by chance? When we see something moved by machinery, like an orrery or clock or many other such things, we do not doubt that these contrivances are the work of reason; when therefore we behold the whole compass of the heaven moving with revolutions of marvellous velocity and executing with perfect regularity the annual changes of the seasons with absolute safety and security for all things, how can we doubt that all this is effected not merely by reason, but by a reason that is transcendent and divine? ' ' None
20. Cicero, On Duties, 1.59, 1.77, 1.112, 1.114, 1.120, 1.151, 2.26-2.27, 2.31, 3.27, 3.95 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Caesar,, On Friendship (De amicitia) • Cato, M. Porcius, as author of De Agri Cultura • Cato, M. Porcius, as interlocutor in De Senectute • Cicero, De Gloria • Cicero, De Re Publica • Cicero, influence of De officiis on Ars amatoria • Cicero’s poetry, De Consulatu Suo • De Architectura (Vitruvius) • De Architectura (Vitruvius), purpose of • De Falco, Vittorio v, • De Gloria (Cicero) • De Lacy, Phillip • De Re Publica (Cicero) • De Re Rustica (Varro), definitions in • De Re Rustica (Varro), intellectual program of • De architectura, and Greek knowledge • De finibus • De officiis • De re publica • personae (in Cicero’s De officiis)

 Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 343; Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 23; Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 220; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 183, 186, 188, 196, 197, 200, 201, 203; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 111; Johnson and Parker (2009), ?Ancient Literacies: The Culture of Reading in Greece and Rome, 209; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 66; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 47, 124; Seaford, Wilkins, Wright (2017), Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill. 120; Williams and Vol (2022), Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher, 78; Wilson (2022), Paul and the Jewish Law: A Stoic Ethical Perspective on his Inconsistency, 46, 47, 51; Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 80, 86

sup>
1.77 Illud autem optimum est, in quod invadi solere ab improbis et invidis audio: Cedant arma togae, concedat laurea laudi. Ut enim alios omittam, nobis rem publicam gubertibus nonne togae arma cesserunt? neque enim periculum in re publica fuit gravius umquam nec maius otium. Ita consiliis diligentiaque nostra celeriter de manibus audacissimorum civium delapsa arma ipsa ceciderunt.
1.112
Atque haec differentia naturarum tantam habet vim, ut non numquam mortem sibi ipse consciscere alius debeat, alius in eadem causa non debeat. Num enim alia in causa M. Cato fuit, alia ceteri, qui se in Africa Caesari tradiderunt? Atqui ceteris forsitan vitio datum esset, si se interemissent, propterea quod lenior eorum vita et mores fuerant faciliores, Catoni cum incredibilem tribuisset natura gravitatem eamque ipse perpetua constantia roboravisset semperque in proposito susceptoque consilio permansisset, moriendum potius quam tyranni vultus aspiciendus fuit.
1.114
Suum quisque igitur noscat ingenium acremque se et bonorum et vitiorum suorum iudicem praebeat, ne scaenici plus quam nos videantur habere prudentiae. Illi enim non optimas, sed sibi accommodatissimas fabulas eligunt; qui voce freti sunt, Epigonos Medumque, qui gestu, Melanippam, Clytemnestram, semper Rupilius, quem ego memini, Antiopam, non saepe Aesopus Aiacem. Ergo histrio hoc videbit in scaena, non videbit sapiens vir in vita? Ad quas igitur res aptissimi erimus, in iis potissimum elaborabimus; sin aliquando necessitas nos ad ea detruserit, quae nostri ingenii non erunt, omnis adhibenda erit cura, meditatio, diligentia, ut ea si non decore, at quam minime indecore facere possimus; nec tam est enitendum, ut bona, quae nobis data non sint, sequamur, quam ut vitia fugiamus.
1.120
Ad hanc autem rationem quoniam maximam vim natura habet, fortuna proximam, utriusque omnino habenda ratio est in deligendo genere vitae, sed naturae magis; multo enim et firmior est et constantior, ut fortuna non numquam tamquam ipsa mortalis cum immortali natura pugnare videatur. Qui igitur ad naturae suae non vitiosae genus consilium vivendi omne contulerit, is constantiam teneat (id enim maxime decet), nisi forte se intellexerit errasse in deligendo genere vitae. Quod si acciderit (potest autem accidere), facienda morum institutorumque mutatio est. Eam mutationem si tempora adiuvabunt, facilius commodiusque faciemus; sin minus, sensim erit pedetemptimque facienda, ut amicitias, quae minus delectent et minus probentur, magis decere censent sapientes sensim diluere quam repente praecidere.
1.151
Quibus autem artibus aut prudentia maior inest aut non mediocris utilitas quaeritur, ut medicina, ut architectura, ut doctrina rerum honestarum, eae sunt iis, quorum ordini conveniunt, honestae. Mercatura autem, si tenuis est. sordida putanda est; sin magna et copiosa, multa undique apportans multisque sine vanitate impertiens, non est admodum vituperanda, atque etiam, si satiata quaestu vel contenta potius, ut saepe ex alto in portum, ex ipso portu se in agros possessionesque contulit, videtur iure optimo posse laudari. Omnium autem rerum, ex quibus aliquid acquiritur, nihil est agri cultura melius, nihil uberius, nihil dulcius, nihil homine libero dignius; de qua quoniam in Catone Maiore satis multa diximus, illim assumes, quae ad hunc locum pertinebunt.
2.26
Testis est Phalaris, cuius est praeter ceteros nobilitata crudelitas, qui non ex insidiis interiit, ut is, quem modo dixi, Alexander, non a paucis, ut hic noster, sed in quem universa Agrigentinorum multitudo impetum fecit. Quid? Macedones nonne Demetrium reliquerunt universique se ad Pyrrhum contulerunt? Quid? Lacedaemonios iniuste imperantes nonne repente omnes fere socii deseruerunt spectatoresque se otiosos praebuerunt Leuctricae calamitatis? Externa libentius in tali re quam domestica recordor. Verum tamen, quam diu imperium populi Romani beneficiis tenebatur, non iniuriis, bella aut pro sociis aut de imperio gerebantur, exitus erant bellorum aut mites aut necessarii, regum, populorum, nationum portus erat et refugium senatus, 2.27 nostri autem magistratus imperatoresque ex hac una re maximam laudem capere studebant, si provincias, si socios aequitate et fide defendissent; itaque illud patrocinium orbis terrae verius quam imperium poterat nominari. Sensim hanc consuetudinem et disciplinam iam antea minuebamus, post vero Sullae victoriam penitus amisimus; desitum est enim videri quicquam in socios iniquum, cum exstitisset in cives tanta crudelitas. Ergo in illo secuta est honestam causam non honesta victoria; est enim ausus dicere, hasta posita cum bona in foro venderet et bonorum virorum et locupletium et certe civium, praedam se suam vendere. Secutus est, qui in causa impia, victoria etiam foediore non singulorum civium bona publicaret, sed universas provincias regionesque uno calamitatis iure comprehenderet.
2.31
Honore et gloria et benivolentia civium fortasse non aeque omnes egent, sed tamen, si cui haec suppetunt, adiuvant aliquantum cum ad cetera, tum ad amicitias comparandas. Sed de amicitia alio libro dictum est, qui inscribitur Laelius; nunc dicamus de gloria, quamquam ea quoque de re duo sunt nostri libri, sed attingamus, quandoquidem ea in rebus maioribus administrandis adiuvat plurimum. Summa igitur et perfecta gloria constat ex tribus his: si diligit multitudo, si fidem habet, si cum admiratione quadam honore dignos putat. Haec autem, si est simpliciter breviterque dicendum, quibus rebus pariuntur a singulis, eisdem fere a multitudine. Sed est alius quoque quidam aditus ad multitudinem, ut in universorum animos tamquam influere possimus.
3.27
Atque etiam, si hoc natura praescribit, ut homo homini, quicumque sit, ob eam ipsam causam, quod is homo sit, consultum velit, necesse est secundum eandem naturam omnium utilitatem esse communem. Quod si ita est, una continemur omnes et eadem lege naturae, idque ipsum si ita est, certe violare alterum naturae lege prohibemur. Verum autem primum; verum igitur extremum.
3.95
Quid, quod Agamemnon cum devovisset Dianae, quod in suo regno pulcherrimum natum esset illo anno, immolavit Iphigeniam, qua nihil erat eo quidem anno natum pulchrius? Promissum potius non faciendum quam tam taetrum facinus admittendum fuit. Ergo et promissa non facienda non numquam, neque semper deposita reddenda. Si gladium quis apud te sana mente deposuerit, repetat insaniens, reddere peccatum sit, officium non reddere. Quid? si is, qui apud te pecuniam deposuerit, bellum inferat patriae, reddasne depositum? Non credo; facias enim contra rem publicam, quae debet esse carissima. Sic multa, quae honesta natura videntur esse, temporibus fiunt non honesta; facere promissa, stare conventis, reddere deposita commutata utilitate fiunt non honesta. Ac de iis quidem, quae videntur esse utilitates contra iustitiam simulatione prudentiae, satis arbitror dictum.' ' None
sup>
1.77 \xa0The whole truth, however, is in this verse, against which, I\xa0am told, the malicious and envious are wont to rail: "Yield, ye arms, to the toga; to civic praises, ye laurels." Not to mention other instances, did not arms yield to the toga, when I\xa0was at the helm of state? For never was the republic in more serious peril, never was peace more profound. Thus, as the result of my counsels and my vigilance, their weapons slipped suddenly from the hands of the most desperate traitors â\x80\x94 dropped to the ground of their own accord! What achievement in war, then, was ever so great? <
1.112
\xa0Indeed, such diversity of character carries with it so great significance that suicide may be for one man a duty, for another under the same circumstances a crime. Did Marcus Cato find himself in one predicament, and were the others, who surrendered to Caesar in Africa, in another? And yet, perhaps, they would have been condemned, if they had taken their lives; for their mode of life had been less austere and their characters more pliable. But Cato had been endowed by nature with an austerity beyond belief, and he himself had strengthened it by unswerving consistency and had remained ever true to his purpose and fixed resolve; and it was for him to die rather than to look upon the face of a tyrant. <
1.114
\xa0Everyone, therefore, should make a proper estimate of his own natural ability and show himself a critical judge of his own merits and defects; in this respect we should not let actors display more practical wisdom than we have. They select, not the best plays, but the ones best suited to their talents. Those who rely most upon the quality of their voice take the Epigoni and the Medus; those who place more stress upon the action choose the Melanippa and the Clytaemnestra; Rupilius, whom I\xa0remember, always played in the Antiope, Aesopus rarely in the Ajax. Shall a player have regard to this in choosing his rôle upon the stage, and a wise man fail to do so in selecting his part in life? We shall, therefore, work to the best advantage in that rôle to which we are best adapted. But if at some time stress of circumstances shall thrust us aside into some uncongenial part, we must devote to it all possible thought, practice, and pains, that we may be able to perform it, if not with propriety, at least with as little impropriety as possible; and we need not strive so hard to attain to points of excellence that have not been vouchsafed to us as to correct the faults we have. <
1.120
\xa0But since the most powerful influence in the choice of a career is exerted by Nature, and the next most powerful by Fortune, we must, of course, take account of them both in deciding upon our calling in life; but, of the two, Nature claims the more attention. For Nature is so much more stable and steadfast, that for Fortune to come into conflict with Nature seems like a combat between a mortal and a goddess. If, therefore, he has conformed his whole plan of life to the kind of nature that is his (that is, his better nature), let him go on with it consistently â\x80\x94 for that is the essence of Propriety â\x80\x94 unless, perchance, he should discover that he has made a mistake in choosing his life work. If this should happen (and it can easily happen), he must change his vocation and mode of life. If circumstances favour such change, it will be effected with greater ease and convenience. If not, it must be made gradually, step by step, just as, when friendships become no longer pleasing or desirable, it is more proper (so wise men think) to undo the bond little by little than to sever it at a stroke. <
1.151
\xa0But the professions in which either a higher degree of intelligence is required or from which no small benefit to society is derived â\x80\x94 medicine and architecture, for example, and teaching â\x80\x94 these are proper for those whose social position they become. Trade, if it is on a small scale, is to be considered vulgar; but if wholesale and on a large scale, importing large quantities from all parts of the world and distributing to many without misrepresentation, it is not to be greatly disparaged. Nay, it even seems to deserve the highest respect, if those who are engaged in it, satiated, or rather, I\xa0should say, satisfied with the fortunes they have made, make their way from the port to a country estate, as they have often made it from the sea into port. But of all the occupations by which gain is secured, none is better than agriculture, none more profitable, none more delightful, none more becoming to a freeman. But since I\xa0have discussed this quite fully in my Cato Major, you will find there the material that applies to this point.
2.26
\xa0And indeed no power is strong enough to be lasting if it labours under the weight of fear. Witness Phalaris, whose cruelty is notorious beyond that of all others. He was slain, not treacherously (like that Alexander whom I\xa0named but now), not by a\xa0few conspirators (like that tyrant of ours), but the whole population of Agrigentum rose against him with one accord. Again, did not the Macedonians abandon Demetrius and march over as one man to Pyrrhus? And again, when the Spartans exercised their supremacy tyrannically, did not practically all the allies desert them and view their disaster at Leuctra, as idle spectators? I\xa0prefer in this connection to draw my illustrations from foreign history rather than from our own. Let me add, however, that as long as the empire of the Roman People maintained itself by acts of service, not of oppression, wars were waged in the interest of our allies or to safeguard our supremacy; the end of our wars was marked by acts of clemency or by only a necessary degree of severity; the senate was a haven of refuge for kings, tribes, and nations; < 2.27 \xa0and the highest ambition of our magistrates and generals was to defend our provinces and allies with justice and honour. <
2.31
\xa0All men do not, perhaps, stand equally in need of political honour, fame and the good-will of their fellow-citizens; nevertheless, if these honours come to a man, they help in many ways, and especially in the acquisition of friends. But friendship has been discussed in another book of mine, entitled "Laelius." Let us now take up the discussion of Glory, although I\xa0have published two books on that subject also. Still, let us touch briefly on it here, since it is of very great help in the conduct of more important business. The highest, truest glory depends upon the following three things: the affection, the confidence, and the mingled admiration and esteem of the people. Such sentiments, if I\xa0may speak plainly and concisely, are awakened in the masses in the same way as in individuals. But there is also another avenue of approach to the masses, by which we can, as it were, steal into the hearts of all at once. <' "
3.27
\xa0And further, if Nature ordains that one man shall desire to promote the interests of a fellow-man, whoever he may be, just because he is a fellow-man, then it follows, in accordance with that same Nature, that there are interests that all men have in common. And, if this is true, we are all subject to one and the same law of Nature; and, if this also is true, we are certainly forbidden by Nature's law to wrong our neighbour. Now the first assumption is true; therefore the conclusion is likewise true. <" 3.95 \xa0And once more; when Agamemnon had vowed to Diana the most beautiful creature born that year within his realm, he was brought to sacrifice Iphigenia; for in that year nothing was born more beautiful than she. He ought to have broken his vow rather than commit so horrible a crime. Promises are, therefore, sometimes not to be kept; and trusts are not always to be restored. Suppose that a person leaves his sword with you when he is in his right mind, and demands it back in a fit of insanity; it would be criminal to restore it to him; it would be your duty not to do so. Again, suppose that a man who has entrusted money to you proposes to make war upon your common country, should you restore the trust? I\xa0believe you should not; for you would be acting against the state, which ought to be the dearest thing in the world to you. Thus there are many things which in and of themselves seem morally right, but which under certain circumstances prove to be not morally right: to keep a promise, to abide by an agreement, to restore a trust may, with a change of expediency, cease to be morally right. With this I\xa0think I\xa0have said enough about those actions which masquerade as expedient under the guise of prudence, while they are really contrary to justice.' ' None
21. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Apicius, De Re Coquinaria • Cato the Elder, De Agri Cultura • Cato, M. Porcius, as author of De Agri Cultura • De Re Publica (Cicero) • De Re Rustica (Varro), anthropology in • De Re Rustica (Varro), characters of • De Re Rustica (Varro), circumstances of composition in 37 bc • De Re Rustica (Varro), conciseness as a programmatic goal of • De Re Rustica (Varro), definitions in • De Re Rustica (Varro), dialogue form in • De Re Rustica (Varro), dinner parties in • De Re Rustica (Varro), etymologies in • De Re Rustica (Varro), genre of • De Re Rustica (Varro), intellectual program of • De Re Rustica (Varro), invocation of maiores (“ancestors”) • De Re Rustica (Varro), irony in • De Re Rustica (Varro), metaphor in • De Re Rustica (Varro), moralizing in • De Re Rustica (Varro), philosophy in • De Re Rustica (Varro), puns in • De Re Rustica (Varro), representation of Italy in • De Re Rustica (Varro), representation of Mediterranean world in • De Re Rustica (Varro), satire in • De Re Rustica (Varro), settings of • De Re Rustica (Varro), spatial terminology in • De Re Rustica (Varro), technical content of • De Re Rustica (Varro), use of Greek sources in • De Re Rustica (Varro), use of Punic sources in • De Re Rustica (Varro), use of Roman sources in • De Re Rustica (Varro), “constructive” tension of • Italia, De Re Rustica’s representation of • Lex Licinia de modo agrorum • Varro, M. Terentius, as interlocutor in De Re Rustica • lex Iulia de adulteriis coercendis

 Found in books: Hubbard (2014), A Companion to Greek and Roman Sexualities, 193; McGowan (1999), Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals, 42; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 26, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 59, 71, 80, 81, 97, 151, 160, 161, 162, 194; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 164

22. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Re Publica (Cicero) • De Re Rustica (Varro), allegory in • De Re Rustica (Varro), engagement with Cicero’s dialogues • De Re Rustica (Varro), genre of • De Re Rustica (Varro), irony in • De Re Rustica (Varro), moralizing in • De Re Rustica (Varro), parody in • De Re Rustica (Varro), philosophy in • De Re Rustica (Varro), representation of Mediterranean world in • De Re Rustica (Varro), use of Greek sources in • Varro, Marcus Terentius, De Lingua Latina

 Found in books: Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 21, 23, 212; Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 85, 111

23. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Clodius Pulcher, P., bill de exsilio Ciceronis • ave sinistra, de caelo

 Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 40; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 86

24. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Augustine, De Doctrina Christiana • Augustine, De Magistro • Cotta (character in De natura deorum), • De Divinatione (Cicero) • De Divinatione (Cicero), date and structure of • De Fato (Cicero) • De Fato (Cicero), date of • De Jato • De fato • Tullius Cicero, M., De diuinatione • de Jonge, P.

 Found in books: Atkins (2021), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy 262; Frede and Laks (2001), Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath, 239; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 53; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 75, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93; Masterson (2016), Man to Man: Desire, Homosociality, and Authority in Late-Roman Manhood. 157; Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 142; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 17

25. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Augustus, de uita sua • Cicero, De haruspicum responso • De Divinatione (Cicero) • De Divinatione (Cicero), overlap between Cicero and Marcus in • De haruspicum responsis (Cicero) • Tullius Cicero, M., De haruspicum responso • ave sinistra, de caelo

 Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 77; Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 214; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 40; Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 92, 93; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 102, 103, 104, 116

26. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, De div. • De Abrahamo, inconsistencies in • De Divinatione (Cicero) • De Divinatione (Cicero), overlap between Cicero and Marcus in • De Re Rustica (Varro), cannibalism in • De Re Rustica (Varro), characters of • De Re Rustica (Varro), dinner parties in • De Re Rustica (Varro), representation of Rome in • De Re Rustica (Varro), satire in • De Re Rustica (Varro), settings of • De divinatione (Cicero) • De officiis • De re publica • Lactantius, The Death of the Persecutors / De moribus persecutorum • Licinia de sodaliciis, vitio lata • Quintus (character of De Legibus) • Tullius Cicero, M., De diuinatione • ave sinistra, de caelo

 Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 210; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 157, 182; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 77; Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 45; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 40, 45, 58, 288; Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 369; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 180; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 25; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 28; Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 173

27. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Antonius, Marcus (orator and speaker in De oratore) • Commentarii de Bello Gallico • Crassus (character in De oratore), • Crassus Lucius Licinius Crassus, interlocutor in De oratore • Crassus, Lucius Licinius (orator and speaker in De oratore) • De Re Publica (Cicero) • De Re Rustica (Varro), characters of • De Re Rustica (Varro), conciseness as a programmatic goal of • De Re Rustica (Varro), definitions in • De Re Rustica (Varro), dialogue form in • De Re Rustica (Varro), engagement with Cicero’s dialogues • De Re Rustica (Varro), etymologies in • De Re Rustica (Varro), genre of • De Re Rustica (Varro), intellectual program of • De Re Rustica (Varro), philosophy in • De Re Rustica (Varro), settings of • De Re Rustica (Varro), use of Greek sources in • De Re Rustica (Varro), use of Roman sources in • De Re Rustica (Varro), “constructive” tension of • De amicitia • De architectura, and Greek knowledge • De architectura, diagnostic passages • De architectura, literariness and textuality • De architectura, prefaces • De finibus • De legibus • De oratore • De re publica • De senectute • Junius Brutus, M. (Brutus), on the death of the republic in De Virtute • Licinia de sodaliciis, vitio lata • Tullius Cicero, M., and the De Oratore

 Found in books: Atkins (2021), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy 38, 39, 206, 210; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 30, 39, 40, 41, 43, 44, 45, 46, 230; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 17, 43; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 24, 82, 128, 129, 130, 139, 145, 148; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 108; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 64; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 79

28. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Antonius, M., in Cicero’s De Oratore • Antonius, Marcus (orator and speaker in De oratore) • Cato, M. Porcius, as author of De Agri Cultura • Cicero, De Re Publica • Cicero, De natura deorum • Cicero, de Oratore • Crassus (character in De oratore), • Crassus, Lucius Licinius (orator and speaker in De oratore) • De Re Publica (Cicero) • De Re Rustica (Varro), allegory in • De Re Rustica (Varro), circumstances of composition in 37 bc • De Re Rustica (Varro), dialogue form in • De Re Rustica (Varro), dinner parties in • De Re Rustica (Varro), engagement with Cicero’s dialogues • De Re Rustica (Varro), etymologies in • De Re Rustica (Varro), intellectual program of • De Re Rustica (Varro), metaphor in • De Re Rustica (Varro), moralizing in • De Re Rustica (Varro), puns in • De Re Rustica (Varro), representation of Rome in • De Re Rustica (Varro), settings of • De Re Rustica (Varro), technical content of • De Re Rustica (Varro), use of Greek sources in • De amicitia • De finibus • De legibus • De officiis • De oratore • De re publica • De senectute • Junius Brutus, M. (Brutus), on the death of the republic in De Virtute • Marcus (character of De Legibus) • Quintus (character of De Legibus) • SC de Bacchanalibus • Terentius Varro, M. (Varro), bodily conceptions in De vita populi Romani • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), bodily conceptions in De re publica • Tullius Cicero, M., De diuinatione • Tullius Cicero, M., and the De Finibus • Varro, De astr.

 Found in books: Atkins (2021), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy 206, 207; Bowen and Rochberg (2020), Hellenistic Astronomy: The Science in its contexts, 299; Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 278; Gee (2013), Aratus and the Astronomical Tradition, 119; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 20, 38, 40, 41, 44, 47, 105, 119, 120, 123, 124, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 143, 145, 146, 148, 152, 161, 166, 167, 190, 200, 219, 220, 221, 222, 228, 229, 232; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 156, 163; Howley (2018), The Single Life in the Roman and Later Roman World, 209, 210; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 67, 178, 196, 204, 227, 228; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 31, 111; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 23; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 25; Seaford, Wilkins, Wright (2017), Selfhood and the Soul: Essays on Ancient Thought and Literature in Honour of Christopher Gill. 113, 114; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 17, 18, 19, 21, 22, 79

29. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cato, M. Porcius, as interlocutor in De Senectute • De Re Rustica (Varro), allegory in • De Re Rustica (Varro), circumstances of composition in 37 bc • De Re Rustica (Varro), dialogue form in • De Re Rustica (Varro), representation of Italy in • De Re Rustica (Varro), technical content of • De Re Rustica (Varro), use of Roman sources in • De architectura, diagnostic passages • De senectute • Italia, De Re Rustica’s representation of • Licinia de sodaliciis, Oppia

 Found in books: Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 231, 233, 238; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 181; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 3, 92; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 184

30. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, De Gloria • Cicero, De consulatu suo • De Consulatu Suo (Cicero) • De Gloria (Cicero) • Tullius Cicero, M., De diuinatione

 Found in books: Gee (2013), Aratus and the Astronomical Tradition, 63; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 134; Johnson and Parker (2009), ?Ancient Literacies: The Culture of Reading in Greece and Rome, 209; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 19

31. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Alcubierre, Roque Joaquín de • De officiis • De rerum natura (Lucretius) • Junius Brutus, M. (Brutus), on the death of the republic in De Virtute • lex, Cornelia de maiestate

 Found in books: Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 111; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 70; Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 212; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 79; Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 22

32. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Epicurus, authority in the De Rerum Natura • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), bodily conceptions in De re publica • Tullius Cicero, M., De diuinatione

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 232; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 20; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 18; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 232

33. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, De consulatu suo • Cicero, De divinatione • Junius Brutus, M. (Brutus), on the death of the republic in De Virtute • Tullius Cicero, M., De diuinatione • Tullius Cicero, M., De haruspicum responso

 Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 218; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 26, 99; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 80

34. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De architectura, and Greek knowledge • Tullius Cicero, M., and the De Finibus • Tullius Cicero, M., and the De Legibus

 Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 47, 49; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 87

35. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Lucullus • De Re Rustica (Varro), dinner parties in • De Re Rustica (Varro), representation of Italy in • De Re Rustica (Varro), satire in • De vi armata • Italia, De Re Rustica’s representation of • Lex Cornelia de Sicariis et Veneficiis • Lex de provinciis praetoris • Quaestio de ambitu

 Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 190; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 114

36. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cato, M. Porcius, as author of De Agri Cultura • De Re Publica (Cicero) • De finibus • Epicurus, authority in the De Rerum Natura

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 10, 225; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 90; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 67; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 10, 225

37. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Licht, des Lebens • Philo Judeas, De decalogo

 Found in books: Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 71; Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 207

38. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 3.38-3.48, 12.4.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Falco, Vittorio v, • Lucian, De mercede conductis • de Ste. Croix, Geoffrey E. M.

 Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 337; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 117; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 117; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 283

sup>
3.38 1. \xa0But now that we have examined with sufficient care Ethiopia and the Trogodyte country and the territory adjoining them, as far as the region which is uninhabited because of the excessive heat, and, beside these, the coast of the Red Sea and the Atlantic deep which stretches towards the south, we shall give an account of the part which still remains â\x80\x94 and I\xa0refer to the Arabian Gulf â\x80\x94 drawing in part upon the royal records preserved in Alexandria, and in part upon what we have learned from men who have seen it with their own eyes.,2. \xa0For this section of the inhabited world and that about the British Isles and the far north have by no means come to be included in the common knowledge of men. But as for the parts of the inhabited world which lie to the far north and border on the area which is uninhabited because of the cold, we shall discuss them when we record the deeds of Gaius Caesar;,3. \xa0for he it was who extended the Roman Empire the farthest into those parts and brought it about that all the area which had formerly been unknown came to be included in a narrative of history;,4. \xa0but the Arabian Gulf, as it is called, opens into the ocean which lies to the south, and its innermost recess, which stretches over a distance of very many stades in length, is enclosed by the farthermost borders of Arabia and the Trogodyte country. Its width at the mouth and at the innermost recess is about sixteen stades, but from the harbour of Panormus to the opposite mainland is a\xa0day's run for a warship. And its greatest width is at the Tyrcaeus mountain and Macaria, an island out at sea, the mainlands there being out of sight of each other. But from this point the width steadily decreases more and more and continually tapers as far as the entrance.,5. \xa0And as a man sails along the coast he comes in many places upon long islands with narrow passages between them, where the current rises full and strong. Such, then, is the setting, in general terms, of this gulf. But for our part, we shall make our beginning with the farthest regions of the innermost recess and then sail along its two sides past the mainlands, in connection with which we shall describe what is peculiar to them and most deserving of discussion; and first of all we shall take the right side, the coast of which is inhabited by tribes of the Trogodytes as far inland as the desert. \xa0" "3.39 1. \xa0In the course of the journey, then, from the city of Arsinoê along the right mainland, in many places numerous streams, which have a bitter salty taste, drop from the cliffs into the sea. And after a man has passed these waters, above a great plain there towers a mountain whose colour is like ruddle and blinds the sight of any who gaze steadfastly upon it for some time. Moreover, at the edge of the skirts of the mountain there lies a harbour, known as Aphroditê's Harbour, which has a winding entrance.,2. \xa0Above this harbour are situated three islands, two of which abound in olive trees and are thickly shaded, while one falls short of the other two in respect of the number of these trees but contains a multitude of the birds called meleagrides.,3. \xa0Next there is a very large gulf which is called Acathartus, and by it is an exceedingly long peninsula, over the narrow neck of which men transport their ships to the opposite sea.,4. \xa0And as a man coasts along these regions he comes to an island which lies at a distance out in the open sea and stretches for a length of eighty stades; the name of it is Ophiodes and it was formerly full of fearful serpents of every variety, which was in fact the reason why it received this name, but in later times the kings at Alexandria have laboured so diligently on the reclaiming of it that not one of the animals which were formerly there is any longer to be seen on the island.,5. \xa0However, we should not pass over the reason why the kings showed diligence in the reclamation of the island. For there is found on it the topaz, as it is called, which is a pleasing transparent stone, similar to glass, and of a marvellous golden hue.,6. \xa0Consequently no unauthorized person may set foot upon the island and it is closely guarded, every man who has approached it being put to death by the guards who are stationed there. And the latter are few in number and lead a miserable existence. For in order to prevent any stone being stolen, not a single boat is left on the island; furthermore, any who sail by pass along it at a distance because of their fear of the king; and the provisions which are brought to it are quickly exhausted and there are absolutely no other provisions in the land.,7. \xa0Consequently, whenever only a little food is left, all the inhabitants of the village sit down and await the arrival of the ship of those who are bringing the provisions, and when these are delayed they are reduced to their last hopes.,8. \xa0And the stone we have mentioned, being found in the rock, is not discernible during the day because of the stifling heat, since it is overcome by the brilliance of the sun, but when night falls it shines in the dark and is visible from afar, in whatever place it may be.,9. \xa0The guards on the island divide these places by lot among themselves and stand watch over them, and when the stone shines they put around it, to mark the place, a vessel corresponding in size to the chunk of stone which gives out the light; and when day comes and they go their rounds they cut out the area which has been so marked and turn it over to men who are able by reason of their craftsmanship to polish it properly. \xa0" "3.40 1. \xa0After sailing past these regions one finds that the coast is inhabited by many nations of Ichthyophagi and many nomadic Trogodytes. Then there appear mountains of all manner of peculiarities until one comes to the Harbour of Soteria, as it is called, which gained this name from the first Greek sailors who found safety there.,2. \xa0From this region onwards the gulf begins to become contracted and to curve toward Arabia. And here it is found that the nature of the country and of the sea has altered by reason of the peculiar characteristic of the region;,3. \xa0for the mainland appears to be low as seen from the sea, no elevation rising above it, and the sea, which runs to shoals, is found to have a depth of no more than three fathoms, while in colour it is altogether green. The reason for this is, they say, not because the water is naturally of that colour, but because of the mass of seaweed and tangle which shows from under water.,4. \xa0For ships, then, which are equipped with oars the place is suitable enough, since it rolls along no wave from a great distance and affords, furthermore, fishing in the greatest abundance; but the ships which carry the elephants, being of deep draft because of their weight and heavy by reason of their equipment, bring upon their crews great and terrible dangers.,5. \xa0For running as they do under full sail and often times being driven during the night before the force of the winds, sometimes they will strike against rocks and be wrecked or sometimes run aground on slightly submerged spits. The sailors are unable to go over the sides of the ship because the water is deeper than a man's height, and when in their efforts to rescue their vessel by means of their punting-poles they accomplish nothing, they jettison everything except their provisions; but if even by this course they do not succeed in effecting an escape, they fall into great perplexity by reason of the fact that they can make out neither an island nor a promontory nor another ship near at hand; â\x80\x94 for the region is altogether inhospitable and only at rare intervals do men cross it in ships.,6. \xa0And to add to these evils the waves within a moment's time cast up such a mass of sand against the body of the ship and heap it up in so incredible a fashion that it soon piles up a mound round about the place and binds the vessel, as if of set purpose, to the solid land.,7. \xa0Now the men who have suffered this mishap, at the outset bewail their lot with moderation in the face of a deaf wilderness, having as yet not entirely abandoned hope of ultimate salvation; for oftentimes the swell of the flood-tide has intervened for men in such a plight and raised the ship aloft, and suddenly appearing, as might a deus ex machina, has brought succour to men in the extremity of peril. But when such god-sent aid has not been vouchsafed to them and their food fails, then the strong cast the weaker into the sea in order that for the few left the remaining necessities of life may last a greater number of days. But finally, when they have blotted out of their minds all their hopes, these perish by a more miserable fate than those who had died before; for whereas the latter in a moment's time returned to Nature the spirit which she had given them, these parcelled out their death into many separate hardships before they finally, suffering long-protracted tortures, were granted the end of life.,8. \xa0As for the ships which have been stripped of their crews in this pitiable fashion, there they remain for many years, like a group of cenotaphs, embedded on every side in a heap of sand, their masts and yard-arms si standing aloft, and they move those who behold them from afar to pity and sympathy for the men who have perished. For it is the king's command to leave in place such evidences of disasters that they may give notice to sailors of the region which works to their destruction.,9. \xa0And among the Ichthyophagi who dwell near by has been handed down a tale which has preserved the account received from their forefathers, that once, when there was a great receding of the sea, the entire area of the gulf which has what may be roughly described as the green appearance became land, and that, after the sea had receded to the opposite parts and the solid ground in the depths of it had emerged to view, a mighty flood came back upon it again and returned the body of water to its former place. \xa0" "3.41 1. \xa0The voyage along the coast, as one leaves these regions, from Ptolemaïs as far as the Promontories of the Tauri we have already mentioned, when we told of Ptolemy's hunting of the elephants; and from the Tauri the coast swings to the east, and at the time of the summer solstice the shadows fall to the south, opposite to what is true with us, at about the second hour of the day.,2. \xa0The country also has rivers, which flow from the Psebaean mountains, as they are called. Moreover, it is checkered by great plains as well, which bear mallows, cress, and palms, all of unbelievable size; and it also brings forth fruits of every description, which have an insipid taste and are unknown among us.,3. \xa0That part which stretches towards the interior is full of elephants and wild bulls and lions and many other powerful wild beasts of every description. The passage by sea is broken up by islands which, though they bear no cultivated fruit, support varieties of birds which are peculiar to them and marvellous to look upon.,4. \xa0After this place the sea is quite deep and produces all kinds of sea-monsters of astonishing size, which, however, offer no harm to men unless one by accident falls upon their back-fins; for they are unable to pursue the sailors, since when they rise from the sea their eyes are blinded by the brilliance of the sun. These, then, are the farthest known parts of the Trogodyte country, and are circumscribed by the ranges which go by the name of Psebaean. \xa0" '3.42 1. \xa0But we shall now take up the other side, namely, the opposite shore which forms the coast of Arabia, and shall describe it, beginning with the innermost recess. This bears the name Poseideion, since an altar was erected here to Poseidon Pelagius by that Ariston who was dispatched by Ptolemy to investigate the coast of Arabia as far as the ocean.,2. \xa0Directly after the innermost recess is a region along the sea which is especially honoured by the natives because of the advantage which accrues from it to them. It is called the Palm-grove and contains a multitude of trees of this kind which are exceedingly fruitful and contribute in an unusual degree to enjoyment and luxury.,3. \xa0But all the country round about is lacking in springs of water and is fiery hot because it slopes to the south; accordingly, it was a natural thing that the barbarians made sacred the place which was full of trees and, lying as it did in the midst of a region utterly desolate, supplied their food. And indeed not a\xa0few springs and streams of water gush forth there, which do not yield to snow in coldness; and these make the land on both sides of them green and altogether pleasing.,4. \xa0Moreover, an altar is there built of hard stone and very old in years, bearing an inscription in ancient letters of an unknown tongue. The oversight of the sacred precinct is in the care of a man and a woman who hold the sacred office for life. The inhabitants of the place are long-lived and have their beds in the trees because of their fear of the wild beasts.,5. \xa0After sailing past the Palm-grove one comes to an island off a promontory of the mainland which bears the name Island of Phocae from the animals which make their home there; for so great a multitude of these beasts spend their time in these regions as to astonish those who behold them. And the promontory which stretches out in front of the island lies over against Petra, as it is called, and Palestine; for to this country, as it is reported, both the Gerrhaeans and Minaeans convey from Upper Arabia, as it is called, both the frankincense and the other aromatic wares. \xa0' "3.43 1. \xa0The coast which comes next was originally inhabited by the Maranitae, and then by the Garindanes who were their neighbours. The latter secured the country somewhat in this fashion: In the above-mentioned Palm-grove a festival was celebrated every four years, to which the neighbouring peoples thronged from all sides, both to sacrifice to the gods of the sacred precinct hecatombs of well-fed camels and also to carry back to their native lands some of the water of this place, since the tradition prevailed that this drink gave health to such as partook of it.,2. \xa0When for these reasons, then, the Maranitae gathered to the festival, the Garindanes, putting to the sword those who had been left behind in the country, and lying in ambush for those who were returning from the festival, utterly destroyed the tribe, and after stripping the country of its inhabitants they divided among themselves the plains, which were fruitful and supplied abundant pasture for their herds and flocks.,3. \xa0This coast has few harbours and is divided by many large mountains, by reason of which it shows every shade of colour and affords a marvellous spectacle to those who sail past it.,4. \xa0After one has sailed past this country the Laeanites Gulf comes next, about which are many inhabited villages of Arabs who are known as Nabataeans. This tribe occupies a large part of the coast and not a little of the country which stretches inland, and it has a people numerous beyond telling and flocks and herds in multitude beyond belief.,5. \xa0Now in ancient times these men observed justice and were content with the food which they received from their flocks, but later, after the kings in Alexandria had made the ways of the sea navigable for the merchants, these Arabs not only attacked the shipwrecked, but fitting out pirate ships preyed upon the voyagers, imitating in their practices the savage and lawless ways of the Tauri of the Pontus; some time afterward, however, they were caught on the high seas by some quadriremes and punished as they deserved.,6. \xa0Beyond these regions there is a level and well-watered stretch of land which produces, by reason of springs which flow through its whole extent, dog's-tooth grass, lucerne, and lotus as tall as a man. And because of the abundance and excellent quality of the pasturage, not only does it support every manner of flocks and herds in multitude beyond telling, but also wild camels, deer, and gazelles.,7. \xa0And against the multitude of animals which are nourished in that place there gather in from the desert bands of lions and wolves and leopards, against which the herdsmen must perforce battle both day and night to protect their charges; and in this way the land's good fortune becomes a cause of misfortune for its inhabitants, seeing that it is generally Nature's way to dispense to men along with good things what is hurtful as well. \xa0" '3.44 1. \xa0Next after these plains as one skirts the coast comes a gulf of extraordinary nature. It runs, namely, to a point deep into the land, extends in length a distance of some five hundred stades, and shut in as it is by crags which are of wondrous size, its mouth is winding and hard to get out of; for a rock which extends into the sea obstructs its entrance and so it is impossible for a ship either to sail into or out of the gulf.,2. \xa0Furthermore, at times when the current rushes in and there are frequent shiftings of the winds, the surf, beating upon the rocky beach, roars and rages all about the projecting rock. The inhabitants of the land about the gulf, who are known as Banizomenes, find their food by hunting the land animals and eating their meat. And a temple has been set up there, which is very holy and exceedingly revered by all Arabians.,3. \xa0Next there are three islands which lie off the coast just described and provide numerous harbours. The first of these, history relates, is sacred to Isis and is uninhabited, and on it are stone foundations of ancient dwellings and stelae which are inscribed with letters in a barbarian tongue; the other two islands are likewise uninhabited and all three are covered thick with olive trees which differ from those we have.,4. \xa0Beyond these islands there extends for about a\xa0thousand stades a coast which is precipitous and difficult for ships to sail past; for there is neither harbour beneath the cliffs nor roadstead where sailors may anchor, and no natural breakwater which affords shelter in emergency for mariners in distress. And parallel to the coast here runs a mountain range at whose summit are rocks which are sheer and of a terrifying height, and at its base are sharp undersea ledges in many places and behind them are ravines which are eaten away underneath and turn this way and that.,5. \xa0And since these ravines are connected by passages with one another and the sea is deep, the surf, as it at one time rushes in and at another time retreats, gives forth a sound resembling a mighty crash of thunder. At one place the surf, as it breaks upon huge rocks, rocks leaps on high and causes an astonishing mass of foam, at another it is swallowed up within the caverns and creates such a terrifying agitation of the waters that men who unwittingly draw near these places are so frightened that they die, as it were, a first death.,6. \xa0This coast, then, is inhabited by Arabs who are called Thamudeni; but the coast next to it is bounded by a very large gulf, off which lie scattered islands which are in appearance very much like the islands called the Echinades. After this coast there come sand dunes, of infinite extent in both length and width and black in colour.,7. \xa0Beyond them a neck of land is to be seen and a harbour, the fairest of any which have come to be included in history, called Charmuthas. For behind an extraordinary natural breakwater which slants towards the west there lies a gulf which not only is marvellous in its form but far surpasses all others in the advantages it offers; for a thickly wooded mountain stretches along it, enclosing it on all sides in a ring one\xa0hundred stades long; its entrance is two plethra wide, and it provides a harbour undisturbed by the waves sufficient for two thousand vessels.,8. \xa0Furthermore, it is exceptionally well supplied with water, since a river, larger than ordinary, empties into it, and it contains in its centre an island which is abundantly watered and capable of supporting gardens. In general, it resembles most closely the harbour of Carthage, which is known as Cothon, of the advantages of which we shall endeavour to give a detailed discussion in connection with the appropriate time. And a multitude of fish gather from the open sea into the harbour both because of the calm which prevails there and because of the sweetness of the waters which flow into it. \xa0 3.45 1. \xa0After these places, as a man skirts the coast, five mountains rise on high separated one from another, and their peaks taper into breast-shaped tips of stone which give them an appearance like that of the pyramids of Egypt.,2. \xa0Then comes a circular gulf guarded on every side by great promontories, and midway on a line drawn across it rises a trapezium-shaped hill on which three temples, remarkable for their height, have been erected to gods, which indeed are unknown to the Greeks, but are accorded unusual honour by the natives.,3. \xa0After this there is a stretch of dank coast, traversed at intervals by streams of sweet water from springs; on it there is a mountain which bears the name Chabinus and is heavily covered with thickets of every kind of tree. The land which adjoins the mountainous country is inhabited by the Arabs known as Debae.,4. \xa0They are breeders of camels and make use of the services of this animal in connection with the most important needs of their life; for instance, they fight against their enemies from their backs, employ them for the conveyance of their wares and thus easily accomplish all their business, drink their milk and in this way get their food from them, and traverse their entire country riding upon their racing camels.,5. \xa0And down the centre of their country runs a river which carries down such an amount of what is gold dust to all appearance that the mud glitters all over as it is carried out at its mouth. The natives of the region are entirely without experience in the working of the gold, but they are hospitable to strangers, not, however, to everyone who arrives among them, but only to Boeotians and Peloponnesians, the reason for this being the ancient friendship shown by Heracles for the tribe, a friendship which, they relate, has come down to them in the form of a myth as a heritage from their ancestors.,6. \xa0The land which comes next is inhabited by Alilaei and Gasandi, Arab peoples, and is not fiery hot, like the neighbouring territories, but is often overspread by mild and thick clouds, from which come heavy showers and timely storms that make the summer season temperate. The land produces everything and is exceptionally fertile, but it does not receive the cultivation of which it would admit because of the lack of experience of the folk.,7. \xa0Gold they discover in underground galleries which have been formed by nature and gather in abundance not that which has been fused into a mass out of gold-dust, but the virgin gold, which is called, from its condition when found, "unfired" gold. And as for size the smallest nugget found is about as large as the stone offruit, and the largest not much smaller than a royal nut.,8. \xa0This gold they wear about both their wrists and necks, perforating it and alternating it with transparent stones. And since this precious metal abounds in their land, whereas there is a scarcity of copper and iron, they exchange it with merchants for equal parts of the latter wares. \xa0 3.46 1. \xa0Beyond this people are the Carbae, as they are called, and beyond these the Sabaeans, who are the most numerous of the tribes of the Arabians. They inhabit that part of the country known as Arabia the Blest, which produces most of the things which are held dear among us and nurtures flocks and herds of every kind in multitude beyond telling. And a natural sweet odour pervades the entire land because practically all the things which excel in fragrance grow there unceasingly.,2. \xa0Along the coast, for instance, grow balsam, as called, and cassia and a certain other herb possessing a nature peculiar to itself; for when fresh it is most pleasing and delightful to the eye, but when kept for a time it suddenly fades to nothing.,3. \xa0And throughout the interior of land there are thick forests, in which are great trees which yield frankincense and myrrh, as well as palms and reeds, cinnamon trees and every other kind which possesses a sweet odour as these have; for it is impossible to enumerate both the peculiar properties and natures of each one severally because of the great volume and the exceptional richness of the fragrance as it is gathered from each and all.,4. \xa0For a divine thing and beyond the power of words to describe seems the fragrance which greets the nostrils and stirs the senses of everyone. Indeed, even though those who sail along this coast may be far from the land, that does not deprive them of a portion of the enjoyment which this fragrance affords; for in the summer season, when the wind is blowing off shore, one finds that the sweet odours exhaled by the myrrh-bearing and other aromatic trees penetrate to the near-by parts of the sea; and the reason is that the essence of the sweet-smelling herbs is not, as with us, kept laid away until it has become old and stale, but its potency is in the full bloom of its strength and fresh, and penetrates to the most delicate parts of the sense of smell.,5. \xa0And since the breeze carries the emanation of the most fragrant plants, to the voyagers who approach the coast there is wafted a blending of perfumes, delightful and potent, and healthful withal and exotic, composed as it is of the best of them, seeing that the product of the trees has not been minced into bits and so has exhaled its own special strength, nor yet lies stored away in vessels made of a different substance, but taken at the very prime of its freshness and while its divine nature keeps the shoot pure and undefiled. Consequently those who partake of the unique fragrance feel that they are enjoying the ambrosia of which the myths relate, being unable, because of the superlative sweetness of the perfume, to find any other name that would be fitting and worthy of it. \xa0' "3.47 1. \xa0Nevertheless, fortune has not invested the inhabitants of this land with a felicity which is perfect and leaves no room for envy, but with such great gifts she has coupled what is harmful and may serve as a warning to such men as are wont to despise the gods because of the unbroken succession of their blessings.,2. \xa0For in the most fragrant forests is a multitude of snakes, the colour of which is dark-red, their length a span, and their bites altogether incurable; they bite by leaping upon their victim, and as they spring on high they leave a stain of blood upon his skin.,3. \xa0And there is also something peculiar to the natives which happens in the case of those whose bodies have become weakened by a protracted illness. For when the body has become permeated by an undiluted and pungent substance and the combination of foreign bodies settles in a porous area, an enfeebled condition ensues which is difficult to cure: consequently at the side of men afflicted in this way they burn asphalt and the beard of a goat, combatting the excessively sweet odour by that from substances of the opposite nature. Indeed the good, when it is measured out in respect of quantity and order, is for human beings an aid and delight, but when it fails of due proportion and proper time the gift which it bestows is unprofitable.,4. \xa0The chief city of this tribe is called by them Sabae and is built upon a mountain. The kings of this city succeed to the throne by descent and the people accord to them honours mingled with good and ill. For though they have the appearance of leading a happy life, in that they impose commands upon all and are not accountable for their deeds, yet they are considered unfortunate, inasmuch as it is unlawful for them ever to leave the palace, and if they do so they are stoned to death, in accordance with a certain ancient oracle, by the common crowd.,5. \xa0This tribe surpasses not only the neighbouring Arabs but also all other men in wealth and in their several extravagancies besides. For in the exchange and sale of their wares they, of all men who carry on trade for the sake of the silver they receive in exchange, obtain the highest price in return for things of the smallest weight.,6. \xa0Consequently, since they have never for ages suffered the ravages of war because of their secluded position, and since an abundance of both gold and silver abounds in the country, especially in Sabae, where the royal palace is situated, they have embossed goblets of every description, made of silver and gold, couches and tripods with silver feet, and every other furnishing of incredible costliness, and halls encircled by large columns, some of them gilded, and others having silver figures on the capitals.,7. \xa0Their ceilings and doors they have partitioned by means of panels and coffers made of gold, set with precious stones and placed close together, and have thus made the structure of their houses in every part marvellous for its costliness; for some parts they have constructed of silver and gold, others of ivory and that most showy precious stones or of whatever else men esteem most highly.,8. \xa0For the fact is that these people have enjoyed their felicity unshaken since ages past because they have been entire strangers to those whose own covetousness leads them to feel that another man's wealth is their own godsend. The sea in these parts looks to be white in colour, so that the beholder marvels at the surprising phenomenon and at the same time seeks for its cause.,9. \xa0And there are prosperous islands near by, containing unwalled cities, all the herds of which are white in colour, while no female has any horn whatsoever. These islands are visited by sailors from every part and especially from Potana, the city which Alexander founded on the Indus river, when he wished to have a naval station on the shore of the ocean. Now as regards Arabia the Blest and its inhabitants we shall be satisfied with what has been said. \xa0" '3.48 1. \xa0But we must not omit to mention the strange phenomena which are seen in the heavens in these regions. The most marvellous is that which, according to accounts we have, has to do with the constellation of the Great Bear and occasions the greatest perplexity among navigators. What they relate is that, beginning with the month which the Athenians call Maemacterion, not one of the seven stars of the Great Bear is seen until the first watch, in Poseideon none until second, and in the following months they gradually drop out of the sight of navigators.,2. \xa0As for the other heavenly bodies, the planets, as they are called, are, in the case of some, larger than they appear with us, and in the case of others their risings and settings are also not the same; and the sun does not, as with us, send forth its light shortly in advance of its actual rising, but while the darkness of night still continues, it suddenly and contrary to all expectation appears and sends forth its light.,3. \xa0Because of this there is no daylight in those regions before the sun has become visible, and when out of the midst of the sea, as they say, it comes into view, it resembles a fiery red ball of charcoal which discharges huge sparks, and its shape does not look like a cone, as is the impression we have of it, but it has the shape of a column which has the appearance of being slightly thicker at the top; and furthermore it does not shine or send out rays before the first hour, appearing as a fire that gives forth no light in the darkness; but at the beginning of the second hour it takes on the form of a round shield and sends forth a light which is exceptionally bright and fiery.,4. \xa0But at its setting the opposite manifestations take place with respect to it; for it seems to observers to be lighting up the whole universe with a strange kind of ray for not less than two or, as Agatharchides of Cnidus has recorded, for three hours. And in the opinion of the natives this is the most pleasant period, when the heat is steadily lessening because of the setting of the sun.,5. \xa0As regards the winds, the west, the south-west, also the north-west and the east blow as in the other parts of the world; but in Ethiopia the south winds neither blow nor are known at all, although in the Trogodyte country and Arabia they so exceptionally hot that they set the forests on fire and cause the bodies of those who take refuge in the shade of their huts to collapse through weakness. The north wind, however, may justly be considered the most favourable of all, since it reaches into every region of the inhabited earth and is ever cool.' " None
39. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.5.1, 1.89.2 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, De finibus

 Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 212, 217; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 212, 217

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1.5.1 \xa0In order, therefore, to remove these erroneous impressions, as I\xa0have called them, from the minds of many and to substitute true ones in their room, I\xa0shall in this Book show who the founders of the city were, at what periods the various groups came together and through what turns of fortune they left their native countries. <
1.89.2
\xa0and remembers those who joined with them in their settlement, the Pelasgians who were Argives by descent and came into Italy from Thessaly; and recalls, moreover, the arrival of Evander and the Arcadians, who settled round the Palatine hill, after the Aborigines had granted the place to them; and also the Peloponnesians, who, coming along with Hercules, settled upon the Saturnian hill; and, last of all, those who left the Troad and were intermixed with the earlier settlers. For one will find no nation that is more ancient or more Greek than these. <'' None
40. Horace, Sermones, 1.6.24, 1.6.54-1.6.55, 1.6.58, 1.6.62, 1.10.44 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Caesar,, On Friendship (De amicitia) • De Lacy, Phillip • De Re Rustica (Varro), bucolic features in • De Re Rustica (Varro), circumstances of composition in 37 bc • De Re Rustica (Varro), genre of • De Re Rustica (Varro), satire in • Varius Rufus (poet), De morte • bucolic, features in De Re Rustica • rites de passage (rites of passage)

 Found in books: Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 23; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 220; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 27; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 137, 166, 167; Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 48

1.6 12. As for ourselves, therefore, we neither inhabit a maritime country, nor do we delight in merchandise, nor in such a mixture with other men as arises from it; but the cities we dwell in are remote from the sea, and having a fruitful country for our habitation, we take pains in cultivating that only. Our principal care of all is this, to educate our children well; and we think it to be the most necessary business of our whole life to observe the laws that have been given us, and to keep those rules of piety that have been delivered down to us. '
1.6.54
2. And now, in the first place, I cannot but greatly wonder at those men who suppose that we must attend to none but Grecians, when we are inquiring about the most ancient facts, and must inform ourselves of their truth from them only, while we must not believe ourselves nor other men; for I am convinced that the very reverse is the truth of the case. I mean this,—if we will not be led by vain opinions, but will make inquiry after truth from facts themselves;
1.6.54
12. As for ourselves, therefore, we neither inhabit a maritime country, nor do we delight in merchandise, nor in such a mixture with other men as arises from it; but the cities we dwell in are remote from the sea, and having a fruitful country for our habitation, we take pains in cultivating that only. Our principal care of all is this, to educate our children well; and we think it to be the most necessary business of our whole life to observe the laws that have been given us, and to keep those rules of piety that have been delivered down to us. ' None
41. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 2.663-2.668, 3.79 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, influence of De officiis on Ars amatoria • De vetula • De vetula, rewrites Ovid’s exile poetry • Ovid, in De vetula • Ovid, read by ‘Ovid’ in De vetula • Ronsard, Pierre de

 Found in books: Goldschmidt (2019), Biofiction and the Reception of Latin Poetry, 51; Rohland (2022), Carpe Diem: The Poetics of Presence in Greek and Latin Literature, 223; Williams and Vol (2022), Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher, 72, 80

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2.663 Nec quotus annus eat, nec quo sit nata, require, 2.664 rend= 2.665 Praecipue si flore caret, meliusque peractum 2.667 Utilis, o iuvenes, aut haec, aut serior aetas:
3.79
Nostra sine auxilio fugiunt bona; carpite florem,'' None
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2.663 His witty torments Tantalus deserves, He proves by the example of Tantalus, that no man should reveal secrets. Tantalus, so Diodorus tells us, was the son of Jupiter and the nymph Plota, equally rich and renowned. He dwelt in Paphlagonia , and was favoured by the gods for the dignity of his birth ; but having been told some of their secrets, and divulging them to mortals, he was thrown into hell for his crime, where his punishment was what Ovid tells us. 2.664 That thirsts in waves and viewing banquets starves. 2.665 But Venus most in secresy delights: 2.666 Away, ye babblers, from her silent rites! 2.667 No pomp her mysteries attend, no noise! 2.668 No sounding brass proclaims the latent joys!' "
3.79
Recanted after, and redress'd the wrong."' None
42. Ovid, Fasti, 3.771-3.788 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Bacchic rites, Senatus consultum de Bacchanalibus • Senatus consultum de Bacchanalibus • rites de passage (rites of passage)

 Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 49, 52, 55, 59, 63, 66; Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 118

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3.771 restat, ut inveniam, quare toga libera detur 3.772 Lucifero pueris, candide Bacche, tuo: 3.773 sive quod ipse puer semper iuvenisque videris, 3.774 et media est aetas inter utrumque tibi: 3.775 seu, quia tu pater es, patres sua pignora, natos, 3.776 commendant curae numinibusque tuis: 3.777 sive, quod es Liber, vestis quoque libera per te 3.778 sumitur et vitae liberioris iter: 3.779 an quia, cum colerent prisci studiosius agros, 3.780 et faceret patrio rure senator opus, 3.781 et caperet fasces a curvo consul aratro, 3.782 nec crimen duras esset habere manus, 3.783 rusticus ad ludos populus veniebat in urbem 3.784 (sed dis, non studiis ille dabatur honor: 3.785 luce sua ludos uvae commentor habebat, 3.786 quos cum taedifera nunc habet ille dea): 3.787 ergo ut tironem celebrare frequentia posset, 3.788 visa dies dandae non aliena togae?'' None
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3.771 of manhood, is given to boys on your day, Bacchus: 3.772 Whether it’s because you seem to be ever boy or youth, 3.773 And your age is somewhere between the two: 3.774 Or because you’re a father, fathers commend their sons, 3.775 Their pledges of love, to your care and divinity: 3.776 Or because you’re Liber, the gown of liberty 3.777 And a more liberated life are adopted, for you: 3.778 Or is it because, in the days when the ancients tilled the field 3.779 More vigorously, and Senators worked their fathers’ land, 3.780 And ‘rods and axes’ took Consuls from the curving plough, 3.781 And it wasn’t a crime to have work-worn hands, 3.782 The farmers came to the City for the games, 3.783 (Though that was an honour paid to the gods, and not 3.784 Their inclination: and the grape’s discoverer held his game 3.785 This day, while now he shares that of torch-bearing Ceres): 3.786 And the day seemed not unfitting for granting the toga, 3.787 So that a crowd could celebrate the fresh novice? 3.788 Father turn your mild head here, and gentle horns,'' None
43. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 15.878-15.879 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, Julius, Commentarii De Bello Civili • lex Iulia de maritandis ordinibus (mariage law)

 Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 243; Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 26, 28

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15.878 ore legar populi, perque omnia saecula fama, 15.879 siquid habent veri vatum praesagia, vivam.'' None
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15.878 after the ancient mode, and then he said, 15.879 “There is one here who will be king, if you'' None
44. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Abraham, 119 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, De anima • Philo, De Agricultura, genre

 Found in books: Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 282; Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 8

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119 This then is sufficient to say by way of a literal explanation of this account; we must now speak of that which may be given if the story be looked at as figurative and symbolical. The things which are expressed by the voice are the signs of those things which are conceived in the mind alone; when, therefore, the soul is shone upon by God as if at noonday, and when it is wholly and entirely filled with that light which is appreciable only by the intellect, and by being wholly surrounded with its brilliancy is free from all shade or darkness, it then perceives a threefold image of one subject, one image of the living God, and others of the other two, as if they were shadows irradiated by it. And some such thing as this happens to those who dwell in that light which is perceptible by the outward senses, for whether people are standing still or in motion, there is often a double shadow falling from them. '' None
45. Philo of Alexandria, On The Decalogue, 1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Abrahamo • De Abrahamo, Greek title of • De Abrahamo, inconsistencies in • De Abrahamo, place of, in Philo’s works • De Abrahamo, prologue of • De Abrahamo, rhetoric in • prologue of De Abrahamo • rhetoric of De Abrahamo

 Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 2, 9, 10, 141, 148, 153; Martens (2003), One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law, 89

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1 I have in my former treatises set forth the lives of Moses and the other wise men down to his time, whom the sacred scriptures point out as the founders and leaders of our nation, and as its unwritten laws; I will now, as seems pointed out by the natural order of my subject, proceed to describe accurately the character of those laws which are recorded in writing, not omitting any allegorical meaning which may perchance be concealed beneath the plain language, from that natural love of more recondite and laborious knowledge which is accustomed to seek for what is obscure before, and in preference to, what is evident. '' None
46. Philo of Alexandria, On The Creation of The World, 3 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Boethius, De consolatio philosophiae • De Abrahamo, Greek title of • De Abrahamo, place of, in Philo’s works • De Abrahamo, prologue of • De Abrahamo, rhetoric in • prologue of De Abrahamo • rhetoric of De Abrahamo

 Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 1, 2, 148, 151, 242; Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 16

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3 And his exordium, as I have already said, is most admirable; embracing the creation of the world, under the idea that the law corresponds to the world and the world to the law, and that a man who is obedient to the law, being, by so doing, a citizen of the world, arranges his actions with reference to the intention of nature, in harmony with which the whole universal world is regulated. '' None
47. Philo of Alexandria, On Dreams, 1.168 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Abrahamo • De Abrahamo, Greek title of • De Abrahamo, dating • De Abrahamo, inconsistencies in • De Abrahamo, place of, in Philo’s life • De Abrahamo, place of, in Philo’s works • De Abrahamo, prologue of • Philo, De Abrahamo’s place in life of • prologue of De Abrahamo

 Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 1, 14, 16, 152, 210; Niehoff (2011), Jewish Exegesis and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria, 96

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1.168 For the eldest of them, Abraham, had instruction for his guide in the road which conducted him to virtue; as we shall show in another treatise to the best of our power. And Isaac, who is the middle one of the three, had a self-taught and self-instructed nature. And Jacob, the third, arrived at this point by industry and practice, in accordance with which were his labours of wrestling and contention. '' None
48. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 2.63, 3.1-3.6 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Abrahamo, dating • De Abrahamo, place of, in Philo’s life • De Abrahamo, place of, in Philo’s works • De Abrahamo, rhetoric in • De Plantatione, chronology • Philo, De Abrahamo reflecting life of • Philo, De Abrahamo’s place in life of • Philo, De Agricultura, chronology • de Jonge, Marinus • rhetoric of De Abrahamo • van de Sandt, Huub

 Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 2, 13, 16, 17; Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 5; Geljon and Runia (2019), Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 5, 6; Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 155, 156

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2.63 And there are, as we may say, two most especially important heads of all the innumerable particular lessons and doctrines; the regulating of one's conduct towards God by the rules of piety and holiness, and of one's conduct towards men by the rules of humanity and justice; each of which is subdivided into a great number of subordinate ideas, all praiseworthy. " 3.1 There was once a time when, devoting my leisure to philosophy and to the contemplation of the world and the things in it, I reaped the fruit of excellent, and desirable, and blessed intellectual feelings, being always living among the divine oracles and doctrines, on which I fed incessantly and insatiably, to my great delight, never entertaining any low or grovelling thoughts, nor ever wallowing in the pursuit of glory or wealth, or the delights of the body, but I appeared to be raised on high and borne aloft by a certain inspiration of the soul, and to dwell in the regions of the sun and moon, and to associate with the whole heaven, and the whole universal world. 3.2 At that time, therefore, looking down from above, from the air, and straining the eye of my mind as from a watch-tower, I surveyed the unspeakable contemplation of all the things on the earth, and looked upon myself as happy as having forcibly escaped from all the evil fates that can attack human life. 3.3 Nevertheless, the most grievous of all evils was lying in wait for me, namely, envy, that hates every thing that is good, and which, suddenly attacking me, did not cease from dragging me after it by force till it had taken me and thrown me into the vast sea of the cares of public politics, in which I was and still am tossed about without being able to keep myself swimming at the top. 3.4 But though I groan at my fate, I still hold out and resist, retaining in my soul that desire of instruction which has been implanted in it from my earliest youth, and this desire taking pity and compassion on me continually raises me up and alleviates my sorrow. And it is through this fondness for learning that I at times lift up my head, and with the eyes of my soul, which are indeed dim (for the mist of affairs, wholly inconsistent with their proper objects, has overshadowed their acute clear-sightedne 3.5 And if at any time unexpectedly there shall arise a brief period of tranquillity, and a short calm and respite from the troubles which arise from state affairs, I then rise aloft and float above the troubled waves, soaring as it were in the air, and being, I may almost say, blown forward by the breezes of knowledge, which often persuades me to flee away, and to pass all my days with her, escaping as it were from my pitiless masters, not men only, but also affairs which pour upon me from all quarters and at all times like a torrent. 3.6 But even in these circumstances I ought to give thanks to God, that though I am so overwhelmed by this flood, I am not wholly sunk and swallowed up in the depths. But I open the eyes of my soul, which from an utter despair of any good hope had been believed to have been before now wholly darkened, and I am irradiated with the light of wisdom, since I am not given up for the whole of my life to darkness. Behold, therefore, I venture not only to study the sacred commands of Moses, but also with an ardent love of knowledge to investigate each separate one of them, and to endeavour to reveal and to explain to those who wish to understand them, things concerning them which are not known to the multitude.II. '" None
49. Philo of Alexandria, On The Virtues, 194 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Abrahamo • De Abrahamo, Greek title of • De Abrahamo, place of, in Philo’s works • De Abrahamo, rhetoric in • rhetoric of De Abrahamo

 Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 1, 2; Martens (2003), One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law, 89

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194 In the same manner, just parents are of no advantage to unjust men, nor temperate parents to intemperate children, nor, in short, are ancestors of any kind of excellence of any advantage to wicked descendants; for even the laws themselves are of no advantage to those who transgress them, as they are meant to punish them, and what is it that we ought to look upon as unwritten laws, except the lives of those persons who have imitated virtue? '' None
50. Philo of Alexandria, On The Contemplative Life, 78 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Abrahamo, structure of • De Abrahamo, transitions in • Philo, De Agricultura, genre • structure of De Abrahamo

 Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 33, 263; Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 8

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78 And these explanations of the sacred scriptures are delivered by mystic expressions in allegories, for the whole of the law appears to these men to resemble a living animal, and its express commandments seem to be the body, and the invisible meaning concealed under and lying beneath the plain words resembles the soul, in which the rational soul begins most excellently to contemplate what belongs to itself, as in a mirror, beholding in these very words the exceeding beauty of the sentiments, and unfolding and explaining the symbols, and bringing the secret meaning naked to the light to all who are able by the light of a slight intimation to perceive what is unseen by what is visible. '' None
51. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 1.166, 2.51 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Abrahamo • De Abrahamo, Greek title of • De Abrahamo, inconsistencies in • Ps.Aristotle, De mundo

 Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 11, 257; Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 150; Martens (2003), One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law, 89

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1.166 for a cloud, fashioned into the form of a vast pillar, went before the multitude by day, giving forth a light like that of the sun, but by night it displayed a fiery blaze, in order that the Hebrews might not wander on their journey, but might follow the guidance of their leader along the road, without any deviation. Perhaps, indeed, this was one of the ministers of the mighty King, an unseen messenger, a guide of the way enveloped in this cloud, whom it was not lawful for men to behold with the eyes of the body.
2.51
For both in his commandments and also in his prohibitions he suggests and recommends rather than commands, endeavouring with many prefaces and perorations to suggest the greater part of the precepts that he desires to enforce, desiring rather to allure men to virtue than to drive them to it, and looking upon the foundation and beginning of a city made with hands, which he has made the commencement of his work a commencement beneath the dignity of his laws, looking rather with the most accurate eye of his mind at the importance and beauty of his whole legislative system, and thinking it too excellent and too divine to be limited as it were by any circle of things on earth; and therefore he has related the creation of that great metropolis, the world, thinking his laws the most fruitful image and likeness of the constitution of the whole world.'' None
52. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 1, 245 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Abrahamo, dating • De Abrahamo, inconsistencies in • De Abrahamo, place of, in Philo’s life • De Abrahamo, prologue of • Philo, De Abrahamo’s place in life of • Philo, De Agricultura, chronology • de situ et de sacris Aegyptiorum (Seneca) • prologue of De Abrahamo

 Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 13, 152; Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 5; Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022), Judaism from Moses to Muhammad: An Interpretation: Turning Points and Focal Points, 156

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1 How long shall we, who are aged men, still be like children, being indeed as to our bodies gray-headed through the length of time that we have lived, but as to our souls utterly infantine through our want of sense and sensibility, looking upon that which is the most unstable of all things, namely, fortune, as most invariable, and that which is of all things in the world the most steadfast, namely, nature, as utterly untrustworthy? For, like people playing at draughts, we make changes, altering the position of actions, and considering the things which are the result of fortune as more durable than those which result from nature, and the things which proceed in accordance with nature as less stable than those which are the result of chance. 245 he still had himself some sparks of the Jewish philosophy and piety, since he had long ago learnt something of it by reason of his eagerness for learning, and had studied it still more ever since he had come as governor of the countries in which there are vast numbers of Jews scattered over every city of Asia and Syria; or partly because he was so disposed in his mind from his spontaneous, and natural, and innate inclination for all things which are worthy of care and study. Moreover, God himself appears often to suggest virtuous ideas to virtuous men, by which, while benefiting others, they will likewise be benefited themselves, which now was the case with Petronius. What then was his resolution? ' None
53. Philo of Alexandria, Who Is The Heir, 168 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Abrahamo • De Abrahamo, place of, in Philo’s works • De Abrahamo, rhetoric in • rhetoric of De Abrahamo

 Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 2; Martens (2003), One God, One Law: Philo of Alexandria on the Mosaic and Greco-Roman Law, 89

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168 And, indeed, of the ten commandments engraved on these tables which are properly and especially laws, there is an equal division into two numbers of five; the first of which contains the principle of justice relating to God, and the second those relating to man. '' None
54. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 1.1.3, 1.1.7, 1.1.11-1.1.12, 1.1.18, 5.1.6-5.1.10, 5.4.1, 6.1.11, 6.7.7, 7.5, 9.1.1, 9.6.2-9.6.3, 10.16.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Alberti, Leon Battista, author of De re aedificatoria • Augustus, dedicatee of De architectura • Cato, M. Porcius, as author of De Agri Cultura • Crassus Lucius Licinius Crassus, interlocutor in De oratore • De Architectura (Vitruvius) • De Architectura (Vitruvius), date of • De Architectura (Vitruvius), purpose of • De Re Rustica (Varro), characters of • De Re Rustica (Varro), engagement with Cicero’s dialogues • De Re Rustica (Varro), irony in • De Re Rustica (Varro), parody in • De Re Rustica (Varro), philosophy in • De Re Rustica (Varro), representation of Italy in • De Re Rustica (Varro), use of Greek sources in • De Re Rustica (Varro), use of Roman sources in • De architectura, and Greek knowledge • De architectura, and imperialism • De architectura, audience • De architectura, contents and aims • De architectura, diagnostic passages • De architectura, literariness and textuality • De architectura, prefaces • De architectura, reception • De architectura, universalizing • Italia, De Re Rustica’s representation of • SC de Cn. Pisone patre • Tullius Cicero, M., and the De Finibus • caryatids, function in De architectura

 Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 197; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 38, 88; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 2, 5, 8, 9, 17, 18, 33, 65, 70, 71, 78, 85, 89, 90, 91, 92, 96, 102, 103, 108, 123, 124, 125, 126, 128, 129, 138, 139, 143, 144, 148; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 84

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1.1.3 3. In architecture, as in other arts, two considerations must be constantly kept in view; namely, the intention, and the matter used to express that intention: but the intention is founded on a conviction that the matter wrought will fully suit the purpose; he, therefore, who is not familiar with both branches of the art, has no pretension to the title of the architect. An architect should be ingenious, and apt in the acquisition of knowledge. Deficient in either of these qualities, he cannot be a perfect master. He should be a good writer, a skilful draftsman, versed in geometry and optics, expert at figures, acquainted with history, informed on the principles of natural and moral philosophy, somewhat of a musician, not ignorant of the sciences both of law and physic, nor of the motions, laws, and relations to each other, of the heavenly bodies.
1.1.7
7. Moral philosophy will teach the architect to be above meanness in his dealings, and to avoid arrogance: it will make him just, compliant and faithful to his employer; and what is of the highest importance, it will prevent avarice gaining an ascendancy over him: for he should not be occupied with the thoughts of filling his coffers, nor with the desire of grasping every thing in the shape of gain, but, by the gravity of his manners, and a good character, should be careful to preserve his dignity. In these respects we see the importance of moral philosophy; for such are her precepts. That branch of philosophy which the Greeks call Ï\x86Ï\x85Ï\x83ιολογία, or the doctrine of physics, is necessary to him in the solution of various problems; as for instance, in the conduct of water, whose natural force, in its meandering and expansion over flat countries, is often such as to require restraints, which none know how to apply, but those who are acquainted with the laws of nature: nor, indeed, unless grounded in the first principles of physic, can he study with profit the works of Ctesibius, Archimedes, and many other authors who have written on the subject.
1.1.11
11. Since, therefore, this art is founded upon and adorned with so many different sciences, I\xa0am of opinion that those who have not, from their early youth, gradually climbed up to the summit, cannot, without presumption, call themselves masters of it. 1.1.12 12. Perhaps, to the uninformed, it may appear unaccountable that a man should be able to retain in his memory such a variety of learning; but the close alliance with each other, of the different branches of science, will explain the difficulty. For as a body is composed of various concordant members, so does the whole circle of learning consist in one harmonious system. Wherefore those, who from an early age are initiated in the different branches of learning, have a facility in acquiring some knowledge of all, from their common connexion with each other. On this account Pythius, one of the antients, architect of the noble temple of Minerva at Priene, says, in his commentaries, that an architect should have that perfect knowledge of each art and science which is not even acquired by the professors of any one in particular, who have had every opportunity of improving themselves in it. This, however, cannot be necessary;
1.1.18
18. Since, therefore, few men are thus gifted, and yet it is required of the architect to be generally well informed, and it is manifest he cannot hope to excel in each art, I\xa0beseech you, O\xa0Cæsar, and those who read this my work, to pardon and overlook grammatical errors; for I\xa0write neither as an accomplished philosopher, an eloquent rhetorician, nor an expert grammarian, but as an architect: in respect, however, of my art and its principles, I\xa0will lay down rules which may serve as an authority to those who build, as well as to those who are already somewhat acquainted with the science.
5.1.6
6. Basilicæ, similar to that which I\xa0designed and carried into execution in the Julian colony of Fano, know; she eâ\x80\x91mailed me 9\xa0Dec\xa099 --> will not be deficient either in dignity or in beauty. The proportions and symmetry of this are as follow. The middle vault, between the columns, isone\xa0hundred and twenty feet long, and sixty feet wide. The portico round it, between the walls and columns, istwenty feet wide. The height of the columns, including the capitals, isfifty feet, their thicknessfive feet, and they have pilasters behind themtwenty feet high, two feet and a\xa0half wide, and one and a\xa0half thick, supporting beams which carry the floor of the portico. Above these, other pilasters are placed,eighteen feet high, two feet wide, and one foot thick, which also receive timbers for carrying the rafters of the portico, whose roof is lower than the vault. 5.1.7 7. The spaces remaining between the beams, over the pilasters and the columns, are left open for light in the intercolumniations. The columns in the direction of the breadth of the vault are four in number, including those on the angles right and left; lengthwise, in which direction it joins the forum, the number is eight, including those at the angles; on the opposite side, including all the angular columns, there are six columns, because the two central ones on that side are omitted, so that the view of the pronaos of the temple of Augustus may not be obstructed: this is placed in the middle of the side wall of the basilica, facing the centre of the forum and the temple of Jupiter. 5.1.8 8. The tribunal is in the shape of a segment of a circle; the front dimension of which isforty-six feet, that of its depthfifteen feet; and is so contrived, that the merchants who are in the basilica may not interfere with those who have business before the magistrates. Over the columns round the building architraves are placed. These are triple, each of themtwo feet in size, and are fastened together. At the third column, on the inside, they return to the antæ of the pronaos, and are carried on to meet the segment on the right and left. 5.1.9 9. Over the architraves, upright with the capitals, piers are builtthree feet high and four feet square, on which are laid beams well wrought, joined together in two thicknesses oftwo feet each, and thereon the beams and rafters are placed over the columns, antæ, and walls of the pronaos, carrying one continued ridge along the basilica, and another from the centre thereof, over the pronaos of the temple. 5.1.10 10. Thus the two-fold direction of the roof gives an agreeable effect outside, and to the lofty vault within. Thus the omission of the cornices and parapets, and the upper range of columns, saves considerable labour, and greatly diminishes the cost of the work; and the columns in one height brought up to the architrave of the arch, give an appearance of magnificence and dignity to the building.
5.4.1
1. Harmony is an obscure and difficult musical science, but most difficult to those who are not acquainted with the Greek language; because it is necessary to use many Greek words to which there are none corresponding in Latin. I\xa0will therefore explain, to the best of my ability, the doctrine of Aristoxenus, and annex his diagram, and will so designate the place of each tone, that a person who studiously applies himself to the subject may very readily understand it.
6.1.11
11. on this account the people of Italy excel in both qualities, strength of body and vigour of mind. For as the planet Jupiter moves through a temperate region between the fiery Mars and icy Saturn, so Italy enjoys a temperate and unequalled climate between the north on one side, and the south on the other. Hence it is, that by stratagem she is enabled to repress the attacks of the barbarians, and by her strength to overcome the subtilty of southern nations. Divine providence has so ordered it that the metropolis of the Roman people is placed in an excellent and temperate climate, whereby they have become the masters of the world.
6.7.7
7. I\xa0mention these things, not to induce persons to change the names at this period, but that they may be known to philologists. I\xa0explained the different arrangement of buildings after the practice of the Italians, as well as that of the Greeks, by giving the proportions and division of each; and, as we have already laid down the principles of beauty and propriety, we shall now consider the subject of strength, by which a building may be without defects, and durable.
10.16.2
2. Whoever, therefore, attends to these precepts, will be able to select from the variety mentioned, and design safely, without further aid, such new schemes as the nature of the places and other circumstances may require. For the defence of a place or army, one cannot give precepts in writing, since the machines which the enemy prepares may not be in consoce with our rules; whence oftentimes their contrivances are foiled by some ready ingenious plan, without the assistance of machines, as was the case with the Rhodians.' ' None
55. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De architectura, and Greek knowledge • Tullius Cicero, M., and the De Finibus • Tullius Cicero, M., and the De Inventione

 Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 49; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 86

56. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Re Rustica (Varro), circumstances of composition in 37 bc • De Re Rustica (Varro), engagement with Cicero’s dialogues • De architectura, literariness and textuality • SC de Cn. Pisone patre • lex Iulia de maritandis ordinibus (mariage law)

 Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 193; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 33; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 74; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 69

57. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De architectura, literariness and textuality • Frontinus, De aquis

 Found in books: König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 240; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 63

58. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Augustus, dedicatee of De architectura • Cicero, De finibus • CiceroMarcus Tullius Cicero, De re publica • De architectura, and Greek knowledge • De architectura, and imperialism • Varius Rufus (poet), De morte

 Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 220; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 156; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 156; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 131, 188, 189

59. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Bacchic rites, Senatus consultum de Bacchanalibus • Commentarii de Bello Gallico • De Lacy, Phillip • De Re Rustica (Varro), use of Greek sources in • Lex Licinia de modo agrorum • SC de Bacchanalibus • Senatus consultum de Bacchanalibus • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), bodily conceptions in De re publica • leges de ambitu • lex Iulia de maritandis ordinibus • rites de passage (rites of passage)

 Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 406; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 42; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 226; Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 118, 120; Perry (2014), Gender, Manumission, and the Roman Freedwoman, 134; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 10; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 50; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 22; Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 86

60. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Re Rustica (Varro), circumstances of composition in 37 bc • De Re Rustica (Varro), settings of • Lex Gabinia de bello piratico • Lex Licinia de modo agrorum • Lex Lutatia de vi • Lex Plautia de vi • senatus consultum, de agro Pergameno

 Found in books: Dignas (2002), Economy of the Sacred in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor, 115; Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 191; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 122; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 170, 217

61. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, Julius, Commentarii De Bello Civili • Cato, M. Porcius, as author of De Agri Cultura • Cato, M. Porcius, as interlocutor in De Senectute • Cicero, De divinatione • Cicero, De natura deorum • Cicero, influence of De officiis on Ars amatoria • De Lacy, P. • De Lacy, P., • De Re Publica (Cicero) • De Re Rustica (Varro), definitions in • De Re Rustica (Varro), intellectual program of • De Re Rustica (Varro), use of Greek sources in • De Re Rustica (Varro), use of Punic sources in • De Re Rustica (Varro), use of Roman sources in • De architectura, and Greek knowledge • De architectura, and imperialism • De architectura, universalizing • De pietate (Philodemus) • De rerum natura (Lucretius) • Des Places, E. • Epicurus, authority in the De Rerum Natura • Lucretius, De rerum natura (DNR) • Marcus (character of De Legibus) • Polignac, Melchior de • Rutilius Namatianus, generic hybridity of De reditu • Tullius Cicero, M., De diuinatione • de Jonge, P. • elegy, in Rutilius’ De reditu • epic, in Rutilius’ De reditu

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 232, 236, 238, 239, 240, 241; Del Lucchese (2019), Monstrosity and Philosophy: Radical Otherness in Greek and Latin Culture, 155, 157; Fielding (2017), Transformations of Ovid in Late Antiquity. 76, 77; Gee (2013), Aratus and the Astronomical Tradition, 93, 94; Goldschmidt (2019), Biofiction and the Reception of Latin Poetry, 137, 151; Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 12; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 158, 159, 160; Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 214, 231, 237; Masterson (2016), Man to Man: Desire, Homosociality, and Authority in Late-Roman Manhood. 157; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 66, 69; Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 35, 36, 37, 47, 58, 62, 63, 66, 67; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 17, 103, 179, 180; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 91, 97, 99; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 35; Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 139; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 232, 236, 238, 239, 240, 241; Williams and Vol (2022), Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher, 80

62. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Augustine, literary works (in chronological order), De Pulchro et Apto • De Sacrifiis (Lucian) • Rutilius Namatianus, generic hybridity of De reditu • de Man, Paul • elegy, in Rutilius’ De reditu • epic, in Rutilius’ De reditu • lex Iulia de adulteriis coercendis (adultery law) • lex Iulia de maritandis ordinibus (mariage law)

 Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 15, 21, 239; Fielding (2017), Transformations of Ovid in Late Antiquity. 78; Goldschmidt (2019), Biofiction and the Reception of Latin Poetry, 20; Johnson (2008), Ovid before Exile: Art and Punishment in the Metamorphoses, 61; Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 151

63. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Plantatione, place in Allegorical Commentary • Philo, De Agricultura, title

 Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 3; Geljon and Runia (2019), Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 4

64. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Philo, De Agricultura, chronology • Ps.Aristotle, De Mundo

 Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 4; Geljon and Runia (2019), Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 96

65. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.198 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Augustus, de uita sua • Caesar, Julius, Commentarii De Bello Civili

 Found in books: Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 133; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 237

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1.198 Came that which ruins nations; while the fields Furrowed of yore by great Camillus' plough, Or by the mattock which a Curius held, Lost their once narrow bounds, and widening tracts By hinds unknown were tilled. No nation this To sheathe the sword, with tranquil peace content And with her liberties; but prone to ire; Crime holding light as though by want compelled: And great the glory in the minds of men, Ambition lawful even at point of sword, "" None
66. Mishnah, Sotah, 3.4 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Addition to Avot de-Rabbi Nathan • Lex Iulia de adulteriis coercendis

 Found in books: Kosman (2012), Gender and Dialogue in the Rabbinic Prism, 100; Rosen-Zvi (2012), The Mishnaic Sotah Ritual: Temple, Gender and Midrash, 97

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3.4 אֵינָהּ מַסְפֶּקֶת לִשְׁתּוֹת עַד שֶׁפָּנֶיהָ מוֹרִיקוֹת וְעֵינֶיהָ בּוֹלְטוֹת וְהִיא מִתְמַלֵּאת גִּידִין, וְהֵם אוֹמְרִים הוֹצִיאוּהָ הוֹצִיאוּהָ, שֶׁלֹּא תְטַמֵּא הָעֲזָרָה. אִם יֶשׁ לָהּ זְכוּת, הָיְתָה תוֹלָה לָהּ. יֵשׁ זְכוּת תּוֹלָה שָׁנָה אַחַת, יֵשׁ זְכוּת תּוֹלָה שְׁתֵּי שָׁנִים, יֵשׁ זְכוּת תּוֹלָה שָׁלשׁ שָׁנִים. מִכָּאן אוֹמֵר בֶּן עַזַּאי, חַיָּב אָדָם לְלַמֵּד אֶת בִּתּוֹ תוֹרָה, שֶׁאִם תִּשְׁתֶּה, תֵּדַע שֶׁהַזְּכוּת תּוֹלָה לָהּ. רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר אוֹמֵר, כָּל הַמְלַמֵּד אֶת בִּתּוֹ תוֹרָה, כְּאִלּוּ מְלַמְּדָהּ תִּפְלוּת. רַבִּי יְהוֹשֻׁעַ אוֹמֵר, רוֹצָה אִשָּׁה בְקַב וְתִפְלוּת מִתִּשְׁעָה קַבִּין וּפְרִישׁוּת. הוּא הָיָה אוֹמֵר, חָסִיד שׁוֹטֶה, וְרָשָׁע עָרוּם, וְאִשָּׁה פְרוּשָׁה, וּמַכּוֹת פְּרוּשִׁין, הֲרֵי אֵלּוּ מְכַלֵּי עוֹלָם:'' None
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3.4 She had barely finished drinking when her face turns yellow, her eyes protrude and her veins swell. And those who see her exclaim, “Remove her! Remove her, so that the temple-court should not be defiled”. If she had merit, it causes the water to suspend its effect upon her. Some merit suspends the effect for one year, some merit suspends the effects for two years, and some merit suspends the effect for three years. Hence Ben Azzai said: a person must teach his daughter Torah, so that if she has to drink the water of bitterness, she should know that the merit suspends its effect. Rabbi Eliezer says: whoever teaches his daughter Torah teaches her lasciviousness. Rabbi Joshua says: a woman prefers one kav (of food) and sexual indulgence to nine kav and sexual separation. He used to say, a foolish pietist, a cunning wicked person, a female separatist, and the blows of separatists bring destruction upon the world.'' None
67. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 1.20-1.25, 2.1, 2.7, 2.9-2.10, 3.1-3.3, 4.10-4.12, 8.1, 12.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Augustine, De Doctrina Christiana • Irénée de Lyon/Irenaeus of Lyon • Jerome, De Viris Illustribus • Philosophy from Oracles, De Regressu Animae • Tertullian, De Carni Christi • Victricius of Rouen, De Laude Sanctorum • de Lubac, Henri • personae (in Cicero’s De officiis)

 Found in books: Bird and Harrower (2021), The Cambridge Companion to the Apostolic Fathers, 317, 318; Bull, Lied and Turner (2011), Mystery and Secrecy in the Nag Hammadi Collection and Other Ancient Literature: Ideas and Practices: Studies for Einar Thomassen at Sixty, 70, 290, 291; Conybeare (2000), Abused Bodies in Roman Epic, 71; O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 157, 158; Penniman (2017), Raised on Christian Milk: Food and the Formation of the Soul in Early Christianity, 122; Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 213; Wilson (2022), Paul and the Jewish Law: A Stoic Ethical Perspective on his Inconsistency, 197, 198

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1.20 ποῦ σοφός;ποῦ γραμματεύς;ποῦ συνζητητὴς τοῦ αἰῶνος τούτου; οὐχὶ ἐμώρανεν ὁ θεὸς τὴν σοφίαν τοῦ κόσμου; 1.21 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἐν τῇ σοφίᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ οὐκ ἔγνω ὁ κόσμος διὰ τῆς σοφίας τὸν θεόν, εὐδόκησεν ὁ θεὸς διὰ τῆς μωρίας τοῦ κηρύγματος σῶσαι τοὺς πιστεύοντας. 1.22 ἐπειδὴ καὶ Ἰουδαῖοι σημεῖα αἰτοῦσιν καὶ Ἕλληνες σοφίαν ζητοῦσιν· 1.23 ἡμεῖς δὲ κηρύσσομεν Χριστὸν ἐσταυρωμένον, Ἰουδαίοις μὲν σκάνδαλον ἔθνεσιν δὲ μωρίαν, 1.24 αὐτοῖς δὲ τοῖς κλητοῖς, Ἰουδαίοις τε καὶ Ἕλλησιν, Χριστὸν θεοῦ δύναμιν καὶ θεοῦ σοφίαν. 1.25 ὅτι τὸ μωρὸν τοῦ θεοῦ σοφώτερον τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐστίν, καὶ τὸ ἀσθενὲς τοῦ θεοῦ ἰσχυρότερον τῶν ἀνθρώπων.
2.1
Κἀγὼ ἐλθὼν πρὸς ὑμᾶς, ἀδελφοί, ἦλθον οὐ καθʼ ὑπεροχὴν λόγου ἢ σοφίας καταγγέλλων ὑμῖν τὸ μυστήριον τοῦ θεοῦ,
2.7
ἀλλὰ λαλοῦμεν θεοῦ σοφίαν ἐν μυστηρίῳ, τὴν ἀποκεκρυμμένην, ἣν προώρισεν ὁ θεὸς πρὸ τῶν αἰώνων εἰς δόξαν ἡμῶν·
2.9
ἀλλὰ καθὼς γέγραπταιἋ ὀφθαλμὸς οὐκ εἶδεν καὶοὖς οὐκ ἤκουσεν
2.10
ἡμῖν γὰρ ἀπεκάλυψεν ὁ θεὸς διὰ τοῦ πνεύματος, τὸ γὰρ πνεῦμα πάντα ἐραυνᾷ, καὶ τὰ βάθη τοῦ θεοῦ.
3.1
Κἀγώ, ἀδελφοί, οὐκ ἠδυνήθην λαλῆσαι ὑμῖν ὡς πνευματικοῖς ἀλλʼ ὡς σαρκίνοις, ὡς νηπίοις ἐν Χριστῷ. 3.2 γάλα ὑμᾶς ἐπότισα, οὐ βρῶμα, οὔπω γὰρ ἐδύνασθε. 3.3 Ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ ἔτι νῦν δύνασθε, ἔτι γὰρ σαρκικοί ἐστε. ὅπου γὰρ ἐν ὑμῖν ζῆλος καὶ ἔρις, οὐχὶ σαρκικοί ἐστε καὶ κατὰ ἄνθρωπον περιπατεῖτε;
4.10
ἡμεῖς μωροὶ διὰ Χριστόν, ὑμεῖς δὲ φρόνιμοι ἐν Χριστῷ· ἡμεῖς ἀσθενεῖς, ὑμεῖς δὲ ἰσχυροί· ὑμεῖς ἔνδοξοι, ἡμεῖς δὲ ἄτιμοι. 4.11 ἄχρι τῆς ἄρτι ὥρας καὶ πεινῶμεν καὶ διψῶμεν καὶ γυμνιτεύομεν καὶ κολαφιζόμεθα καὶ ἀστατοῦμεν 4.12 καὶ κοπιῶμεν ἐργαζόμενοι ταῖς ἰδίαις χερσίν· λοιδορούμενοι εὐλογοῦμεν, διωκόμενοι ἀνεχόμεθα,
8.1
Περὶ δὲ τῶν εἰδωλοθύτων, οἴδαμεν ὅτι πάντες γνῶσιν ἔχομεν.
1
2.12
Καθάπερ γὰρ τὸ σῶμα ἕν ἐστιν καὶ μέλη πολλὰ ἔχει, πάντα δὲ τὰ μέλη τοῦ σώματος πολλὰ ὄντα ἕν ἐστιν σῶμα, οὕτως καὶ ὁ χριστός·'' None
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1.20 Where is the wise? Where is the scribe? Where is the lawyerof this world? Hasn't God made foolish the wisdom of this world?" "1.21 For seeing that in the wisdom of God, the world through its wisdomdidn't know God, it was God's good pleasure through the foolishness ofthe preaching to save those who believe." '1.22 For Jews ask for signs,Greeks seek after wisdom, 1.23 but we preach Christ crucified; astumbling block to Jews, and foolishness to Greeks, 1.24 but to thosewho are called, both Jews and Greeks, Christ is the power of God andthe wisdom of God. 1.25 Because the foolishness of God is wiser thanmen, and the weakness of God is stronger than men.' "
2.1
When I came to you, brothers, I didn't come with excellence ofspeech or of wisdom, proclaiming to you the testimony of God." "
2.7
But we speak God's wisdom in amystery, the wisdom that has been hidden, which God foreordained beforethe worlds to our glory," 2.9 But as it is written,"Things which an eye didn\'t see, and an ear didn\'t hear,Which didn\'t enter into the heart of man,These God has prepared for those who love him."
2.10
But to us, God revealed them through the Spirit. For theSpirit searches all things, yes, the deep things of God.' "
3.1
Brothers, I couldn't speak to you as to spiritual, but as tofleshly, as to babies in Christ." "3.2 I fed you with milk, not withmeat; for you weren't yet ready. Indeed, not even now are you ready," "3.3 for you are still fleshly. For insofar as there is jealousy,strife, and factions among you, aren't you fleshly, and don't you walkin the ways of men?" "
4.10
We are fools for Christ's sake, but you are wisein Christ. We are weak, but you are strong. You have honor, but we havedishonor." '4.11 Even to this present hour we hunger, thirst, arenaked, are beaten, and have no certain dwelling place. 4.12 We toil,working with our own hands. Being reviled, we bless. Being persecuted,we endure.
8.1
Now concerning things sacrificed to idols: We know that we allhave knowledge. Knowledge puffs up, but love builds up.
1
2.12
For as the body is one, and has many members, and all themembers of the body, being many, are one body; so also is Christ.'" None
68. New Testament, Acts, 2.4, 2.38, 9.1, 9.15-9.18, 13.25 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Philo Judeas, De decalogo • Taufe, des Saulus • Taufe, des äthiopischen Eunuchen • Taufen, des Philippus • Tertullian of Carthage, De anima • Tertullian, defends emphasis on water in De Bapt. • Wasserriten, taufe des Johannes • spruch, tätigkeit des Philippus

 Found in books: Cain (2023), Mirrors of the Divine: Late Ancient Christianity and the Vision of God, 45; Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 66, 71; Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 560, 572, 576, 577, 579; Hillier (1993), Arator on the Acts of the Apostles: A Baptismal Commentary, 157

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2.4 καὶ ἐπλήσθησαν πάντες πνεύματος ἁγίου, καὶ ἤρξαντο λαλεῖν ἑτέραις γλώσσαις καθὼς τὸ πνεῦμα ἐδίδου ἀποφθέγγεσθαι αὐτοῖς.
2.38
ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί; Πέτρος δὲ πρὸς αὐτούς Μετανοήσατε, καὶ βαπτισθήτω ἕκαστος ὑμῶν ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ εἰς ἄφεσιν τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν ὑμῶν, καὶ λήμψεσθε τὴν δωρεὰν τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος·
9.1
Ὁ δὲ Σαῦλος, ἔτι ἐνπνέων ἀπειλῆς καὶ φόνου εἰς τοὺς μαθητὰς τοῦ κυρίου,

9.15
εἶπεν δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ κύριος Πορεύου, ὅτι σκεῦος ἐκλογῆς ἐστίν μοι οὗτος τοῦ βαστάσαι τὸ ὄνομά μου ἐνώπιον τῶν ἐθνῶν τε καὶ βασιλέων υἱῶν τε Ἰσραήλ,
9.16
ἐγὼ γὰρ ὑποδείξω αὐτῷ ὅσα δεῖ αὐτὸν ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὀνόματός μου παθεῖν.
9.17
Ἀπῆλθεν δὲ Ἁνανίας καὶ εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν, καὶ ἐπιθεὶς ἐπʼ αὐτὸν τὰς χεῖρας εἶπεν Σαοὺλ ἀδελφέ, ὁ κύριος ἀπέσταλκέν με, Ἰησοῦς ὁ ὀφθείς σοι ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ ᾗ ἤρχου, ὅπως ἀναβλέψῃς καὶ πλησθῇς πνεύματος ἁγίου.
9.18
καὶ εὐθέως ἀπέπεσαν αὐτοῦ ἀπὸ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ὡς λεπίδες, ἀνέβλεψέν τε, καὶ ἀναστὰς ἐβαπτίσθη,
13.25
ὡς δὲ ἐπλήρου Ἰωάνης τὸν δρόμον, ἔλεγεν Τί ἐμὲ ὑπονοεῖτε εἶναι; οὐκ εἰμὶ ἐγώ· ἀλλʼ ἰδοὺ ἔρχεται μετʼ ἐμὲ οὗ οὐκ εἰμὶ ἄξιος τὸ ὑπόδημα τῶν ποδῶν λῦσαι.'' None
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2.4 They were all filled with the Holy Spirit, and began to speak with other languages, as the Spirit gave them the ability to speak.
2.38
Peter said to them, "Repent, and be baptized, everyone of you, in the name of Jesus Christ for the forgiveness of sins, and you will receive the gift of the Holy Spirit.
9.1
But Saul, still breathing threats and slaughter against the disciples of the Lord, went to the high priest,

9.15
But the Lord said to him, "Go your way, for he is my chosen vessel to bear my name before the nations and kings, and the children of Israel.
9.16
For I will show him how many things he must suffer for my name\'s sake."
9.17
Aias departed, and entered into the house. Laying his hands on him, he said, "Brother Saul, the Lord, who appeared to you in the way which you came, has sent me, that you may receive your sight, and be filled with the Holy Spirit."
9.18
Immediately something like scales fell from his eyes, and he received his sight. He arose and was baptized. ' "
13.25
As John was fulfilling his course, he said, 'What do you suppose that I am? I am not he. But behold, one comes after me the sandals of whose feet I am not worthy to untie.' "' None
69. New Testament, Galatians, 2.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Boer, Marinus de • Jerome, De Viris Illustribus

 Found in books: Bird and Harrower (2021), The Cambridge Companion to the Apostolic Fathers, 269; Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 85

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2.1 Ἔπειτα διὰ δεκατεσσάρων ἐτῶν πάλιν ἀνέβην εἰς Ἰεροσόλυμα μετὰ Βαρνάβα, συνπαραλαβὼν καὶ Τίτον· ἀνέβην δὲ κατὰ ἀποκάλυψιν·'' None
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2.1 Then after a period of fourteen years I went up again toJerusalem with Barnabas, taking Titus also with me. '' None
70. New Testament, Philippians, 2.6-2.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Trinitate, of Hilary of Poitiers • Zentrum des christlichen, Glaubens

 Found in books: Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 611; Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 470

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2.6 ὃς ἐν μορφῇ θεοῦ ὑπάρχων οὐχ ἁρπαγμὸν ἡγήσατο τὸ εἶναι ἴσα θεῷ, 2.7 ἀλλὰ ἑαυτὸν ἐκένωσεν μορφὴν δούλου λαβών, ἐν ὁμοιώματι ἀνθρώπων γενόμενος· καὶ σχήματι εὑρεθεὶς ὡς ἄνθρωπος 2.8 ἐταπείνωσεν ἑαυτὸν γενόμενος ὑπήκοος μέχρι θανάτου, θανάτου δὲ σταυροῦ·'' None
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2.6 who, existing in the form of God, didn't consider it robbery to be equal with God, " '2.7 but emptied himself, taking the form of a servant, being made in the likeness of men. 2.8 And being found in human form, he humbled himself, becoming obedient to death, yes, the death of the cross. '" None
71. New Testament, Romans, 2.29, 5.8, 8.32 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Boer, M. de • Jerome, De Viris Illustribus • Zentrum des christlichen, Glaubens • de Boer, Martinus C.

 Found in books: Azar (2016), Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews", 96; Bird and Harrower (2021), The Cambridge Companion to the Apostolic Fathers, 317; Engberg-Pedersen (2010), Cosmology and Self in the Apostle Paul: The Material Spirit, 232; Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 470

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2.29 ἀλλʼ ὁ ἐν τῷ κρυπτῷ Ἰουδαῖος, καὶ περιτομὴ καρδίας ἐν πνεύματι οὐ γράμματι, οὗ ὁ ἔπαινος οὐκ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀλλʼ ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ.
5.8
συνίστησιν δὲ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἀγάπην εἰς ἡμᾶς ὁ θεὸς ὅτι ἔτι ἁμαρτωλῶν ὄντων ἡμῶν Χριστὸς ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν ἀπέθανεν.
8.32
ὅς γε τοῦ ἰδίου υἱοῦ οὐκ ἐφείσατο, ἀλλὰ ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν πάντων παρέδωκεν αὐτόν, πῶς οὐχὶ καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ τὰ πάντα ἡμῖν χαρίσεται;'' None
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2.29 but he is a Jew who is one inwardly, and circumcision is that of the heart, in the spirit not in the letter; whose praise is not from men, but from God.
5.8
But God commends his own love toward us, in that while we were yet sinners, Christ died for us. ' "
8.32
He who didn't spare his own Son, but delivered him up for us all, how would he not also with him freely give us all things? "' None
72. New Testament, John, 3.17, 4.34, 6.44 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, De generatione animalium • Augustine’s Works, De mend. • Du Manoir de Juaye, Hubert • Jerome, De Viris Illustribus

 Found in books: Azar (2016), Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews", 171; Bird and Harrower (2021), The Cambridge Companion to the Apostolic Fathers, 317; Frey and Levison (2014), The Holy Spirit, Inspiration, and the Cultures of Antiquity Multidisciplinary Perspectives, 149; Wilson (2018), Augustine's Conversion from Traditional Free Choice to "Non-free Free Will": A Comprehensive Methodology, 249

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3.17 οὐ γὰρ ἀπέστειλεν ὁ θεὸς τὸν υἱὸν εἰς τὸν κόσμον ἵνα κρίνῃ τὸν κόσμον, ἀλλʼ ἵνα σωθῇ ὁ κόσμος διʼ αὐτοῦ.
4.34
λέγει αὐτοῖς ὁ Ἰησοῦς Ἐμὸν βρῶμά ἐστιν ἵνα ποιήσω τὸ θέλημα τοῦ πέμψαντός με καὶ τελειώσω αὐτοῦ τὸ ἔργον.
6.44
οὐδεὶς δύναται ἐλθεῖν πρός με ἐὰν μὴ ὁ πατὴρ ὁ πέμψας με ἑλκύσῃ αὐτόν, κἀγὼ ἀναστήσω αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ ἐσχάτῃ ἡμέρᾳ.'' None
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3.17 For God didn't send his Son into the world to judge the world, but that the world should be saved through him. " 4.34 Jesus said to them, "My food is to do the will of him who sent me, and to accomplish his work.
6.44
No one can come to me unless the Father who sent me draws him, and I will raise him up in the last day. '" None
73. New Testament, Luke, 24.49 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Irénée de Lyon/Irenaeus of Lyon • Wasserriten, taufe des Johannes

 Found in books: Bull, Lied and Turner (2011), Mystery and Secrecy in the Nag Hammadi Collection and Other Ancient Literature: Ideas and Practices: Studies for Einar Thomassen at Sixty, 70; Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 560

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24.49 καὶ ἰδοὺ ἐγὼ ἐξαποστέλλω τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν τοῦ πατρός μου ἐφʼ ὑμᾶς· ὑμεῖς δὲ καθίσατε ἐν τῇ πόλει ἕως οὗ ἐνδύσησθε ἐξ ὕψους δύναμιν.'' None
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24.49 Behold, I send forth the promise of my Father on you. But wait in the city of Jerusalem until you are clothed with power from on high."'' None
74. New Testament, Matthew, 5.17-5.20, 22.34 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Augustine, De Doctrina Christiana • Wissenschaft des Judentums • de Jonge, H. J. • de Jonge, Marinus • van de Sandt, Huub

 Found in books: Klawans (2019), Heresy, Forgery, Novelty: Condemning, Denying, and Asserting Innovation in Ancient Judaism, 131, 154; Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 227; Taylor (2012), The Essenes, the Scrolls, and the Dead Sea, 111; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 279

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5.17 Μὴ νομίσητε ὅτι ἦλθον καταλῦσαι τὸν νόμον ἢ τοὺς προφήτας· οὐκ ἦλθον καταλῦσαι ἀλλὰ πληρῶσαι· 5.18 ἀμὴν γὰρ λέγω ὑμῖν, ἕως ἂν παρέλθῃ ὁ οὐρανὸς καὶ ἡ γῆ, ἰῶτα ἓν ἢ μία κερέα οὐ μὴ παρέλθῃ ἀπὸ τοῦ νόμου ἕως ἂν πάντα γένηται. 5.19 ὃς ἐὰν οὖν λύσῃ μίαν τῶν ἐντολῶν τούτων τῶν ἐλαχίστων καὶ διδάξῃ οὕτως τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, ἐλάχιστος κληθήσεται ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τῶν οὐρανῶν· ὃς δʼ ἂν ποιήσῃ καὶ διδάξῃ, οὗτος μέγας κληθήσεται ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τῶν οὐρανῶν. 5.20 λέγω γὰρ ὑμῖν ὅτι ἐὰν μὴ περισσεύσῃ ὑμῶν ἡ δικαιοσύνη πλεῖον τῶν γραμματέων καὶ Φαρισαίων, οὐ μὴ εἰσέλθητε εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τῶν οὐρανῶν.
22.34
Οἱ δὲ Φαρισαῖοι ἀκούσαντες ὅτι ἐφίμωσεν τοὺς Σαδδουκαίους συνήχθησαν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό.'' None
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5.17 "Don\'t think that I came to destroy the law or the prophets. I didn\'t come to destroy, but to fulfill. 5.18 For most assuredly, I tell you, until heaven and earth pass away, not even one smallest letter or one tiny pen stroke shall in any way pass away from the law, until all things are accomplished. 5.19 Whoever, therefore, shall break one of these least commandments, and teach others to do so, shall be called least in the Kingdom of Heaven; but whoever shall do and teach them shall be called great in the Kingdom of Heaven. 5.20 For I tell you that unless your righteousness exceeds that of the scribes and Pharisees, there is no way you will enter into the Kingdom of Heaven.
22.34
But the Pharisees, when they heard that he had put the Sadducees to silence, gathered themselves together. '' None
75. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 69.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Re Publica (Cicero) • Octavian, de uita sua

 Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 162; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 248

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69.4 ὅλον γὰρ ἐκεῖνον τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ὠχρὸς μὲν ὁ κύκλος καὶ μαρμαρυγὰς οὐκ ἔχων ἀνέτελλεν, ἀδρανὲς δὲ καὶ λεπτὸν ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ κατῄει τὸ θερμόν, ὥστε τὸν μὲν ἀέρα δνοφερὸν καὶ βαρὺν ἀσθενείᾳ τῆς διακρινούσης αὐτὸν ἀλέας ἐπιφέρεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ καρποὺς ἡμιπέπτους καὶ ἀτελεῖς ἀπανθῆσαι καὶ παρακμάσαι διά τὴν ψυχρότητα τοῦ περιέχοντος.'' None
sup>
69.4 '' None
76. Plutarch, On Superstition, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Superstitione (Plutarch) • Plutarch’s Moralia, De Pythiae oraculis • Plutarch’s Moralia, De defectu oraculorum

 Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 88; Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022), Judaism from Moses to Muhammad: An Interpretation: Turning Points and Focal Points, 162

169c with his hand on the plough-handle; and Homer says that Ajax, as he was about to engage in single combat with Hector, bade the Greeks pray to the gods for him, and then, while they were praying, donned his armour; and when Agamemnon enjoined on the fighting men, See that each spear is well sharpened, and each man's shield in good order, at the same time he asked in prayer from Zeus, Grant that Iraze to the level of earth the palace of Priam; for God is brave hope, not cowardly excuse. But the Jews, because it was the Sabbath day, sat in their places immovable, while the enemy were planting ladders against the walls and capturing the defences, and they did not get up, but remained there, fast bound in the toils of superstition as in one great net." " None
77. Plutarch, Marius, 17.1-17.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Antony, Marc, and De Ebrietate Sua • Chapelle des Trésmaïé des Baux

 Found in books: Mowat (2021), Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic, 117; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 62

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17.1 ταῦτʼ ἀκούων ὁ Μάριος ἥδετο, καὶ κατεπράυνεν αὐτούς ὡς οὐκ ἐκείνοις ἀπιστῶν, ἀλλʼ ἔκ τινων λογίων τὸν τῆς νίκης ἅμα καιρὸν καὶ τόπον ἐκδεχόμενος. καὶ γάρ τινα Σύραν γυναῖκα, Μάρθαν ὄνομα, μαντεύεσθαι λεγομένην ἐν φορείῳ κατακειμένην σεμνῶς περιήγετο, καὶ θυσίας ἔθυεν ἐκείνης κελευούσης. ἣν πρότερον μὲν ἀπήλασεν ἡ σύγκλητος ἐντυχεῖν ὑπὲρ τούτων βουλομένην καὶ τὰ μέλλοντα προθεσπίζουσαν, 17.2 ἐπεὶ δὲ πρὸς τὰς γυναῖκας εἰσιοῦσα διάπειραν ἐδίδου καὶ μάλιστα τῇ Μαρίου παρακαθίζουσα παρὰ τοὺς πόδας τῶν μονομάχων ἐπιτυχῶς προηγόρευε τὸν μέλλοντα νικᾶν, ἀναπεμφθεῖσα πρὸς Μάριον ὑπʼ· ἐκείνης ἐθαυμάζετο. καὶ τὰ πολλὰ μὲν ἐν φορείῳ παρεκομίζετο, πρὸς δὲ τὰς θυσίας κατῄει φοινικίδα διπλῆν ἐμπεπορπημένη καὶ λόγχην ἀναδεδεμένην ταινίαις καὶ στεφανώμασι φέρουσα. 17.3 τοῦτο μὲν οὖν τὸ δρᾶμα πολλοῖς ἀμφισβήτησιν παρεῖχεν, εἴτε πεπεισμένος ὡς ἀληθῶς εἴτε πλαττόμενος καὶ συνυποκρινόμενος ἐπιβείκνυται τὴν ἄνθρωπον. τὸ δὲ περὶ τοὺς γῦπας θαύματος ἄξιον Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ Μύνδιος ἱστόρηκε. δύο γὰρ ἐφαίνοντο πρὸ τῶν κατορθωμάτων ἀεὶ περὶ τὰς στρατιὰς καὶ παρηκολούθουν γνωριζόμενοι χαλκοῖς περιδεραίοις· ταὐτὰ δὲ οἱ στρατιῶται συλλαβόντες αὐτούς περιῆψαν, εἶτα ἀφῆκαν· ἐκ δὲ τούτου γνωρίζοντες ἠσπάζοντο αὐτούς οἱ στρατιῶται αὐτοὺς οἱ στρατιῶται with Reiske: τοὺς στρατιώτας, which Bekker and Ziegler bracket. καὶ φανέντων ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐξόδοις ἔχαιρον ὡς ἀγαθὸν τι πράξοντες.'' None
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17.1 17.3 '' None
78. Plutarch, Sulla, 13.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, De finibus

 Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 218; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 218

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13.1 δεινὸς γάρ τις ἄρα καὶ ἀπαραίτητος εἶχεν αὐτὸν ἔρως ἑλεῖν τὰς Ἀθήνας, εἴτε ζήλῳ τινὶ πρὸς τὴν πάλαι σκιαμαχοῦντα τῆς πόλεως δόξαν, εἴτε θυμῷ τὰ σκώμματα φέροντα καὶ τὰς βωμολοχίας, αἷς αὐτόν τε καὶ τὴν Μετέλλαν ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἑκάστοτε γεφυρίζων καὶ κατορχούμενος ἐξηρέθιζεν ὁ τύραννος Ἀριστίων, ἄνθρωπος ἐξ ἀσελγείας ὁμοῦ καὶ ὠμότητος ἔχων συγκειμένην τὴν ψυχήν,'' None
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13.1 '' None
79. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 7.3.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Epicurus, authority in the De Rerum Natura

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 229; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 229

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7.3.5 \xa0For the man who denies that god is a spirit permeating all things, assuredly asserts that the epithet "divine" is falsely applied to his nature, like Epicurus, who gives him a human form and makes him reside in the intermundane space. While both use the same term god, both have to employ conjecture to decide which of the two meanings is consistent with fact.'' None
80. Suetonius, Otho, 7.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian, Lex de imperio of

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 160; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 160

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7.1 \xa0Next, as the day was drawing to its close, he entered the senate and after giving a brief account of himself, alleging that he had been carried off in the streets and forced to undertake the rule, which he would exercise in accordance with the general will, he went to the Palace. When in the midst of the other adulations of those who congratulated and flattered him, he was hailed by the common herd as Nero, he made no sign of dissent; on the contrary, according to some writers, he even made use of that surname in his commissions and his first letters to some of the governors of the provinces. Certain it is that he suffered Nero's busts and statues to be set up again, and reinstated his procurators and freedmen in their former posts, while the first grant that he signed as emperor was one of fifty million sesterces for finishing the Golden House."" None
81. Tacitus, Annals, 1.2, 2.85, 4.32-4.33 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Caesar,, OnDuties (De officiis) • Cicero (M. Tullius Cicero), De re publica • Cornelia de falsis, lex • Iulia de senatu habendo, lex • Seneca, De clementia • Seneca, On Benefits (De beneficiis) • de los Reyes, Tony • lex Julia de adulteriis coercendis, gender and status distinctions • lex Julia de maritandis ordinibus

 Found in books: Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 43; Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 11; Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 114; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 288; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 51; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 439, 488

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1.2 Interea manipuli ante coeptam seditionem Nauportum missi ob itinera et pontes et alios usus, postquam turbatum in castris accepere, vexilla convellunt direptisque proximis vicis ipsoque Nauporto, quod municipii instar erat, retinentis centuriones inrisu et contumeliis, postremo verberibus insectantur, praecipua in Aufidienum Rufum praefectum castrorum ira, quem dereptum vehiculo sarcinis gravant aguntque primo in agmine per ludibrium rogitantes an tam immensa onera, tam longa itinera libenter ferret. quippe Rufus diu manipularis, dein centurio, mox castris praefectus, antiquam duramque militiam revocabat, vetus operis ac laboris et eo inmitior quia toleraverat.
1.2
Postquam Bruto et Cassio caesis nulla iam publica arma, Pompeius apud Siciliam oppressus exutoque Lepido, interfecto Antonio ne Iulianis quidem partibus nisi Caesar dux reliquus, posito triumviri nomine consulem se ferens et ad tuendam plebem tribunicio iure contentum, ubi militem donis, populum annona, cunctos dulcedine otii pellexit, insurgere paulatim, munia senatus magistratuum legum in se trahere, nullo adversante, cum ferocissimi per acies aut proscriptione cecidissent, ceteri nobilium, quanto quis servitio promptior, opibus et honoribus extollerentur ac novis ex rebus aucti tuta et praesentia quam vetera et periculosa mallent. neque provinciae illum rerum statum abnuebant, suspecto senatus populique imperio ob certamina potentium et avaritiam magistratuum, invalido legum auxilio quae vi ambitu postremo pecunia turbabantur.
2.85
Eodem anno gravibus senatus decretis libido feminarum coercita cautumque ne quaestum corpore faceret cui avus aut pater aut maritus eques Romanus fuisset. nam Vistilia praetoria familia genita licentiam stupri apud aedilis vulgaverat, more inter veteres recepto, qui satis poenarum adversum impudicas in ipsa professione flagitii credebant. exactum et a Titidio Labeone Vistiliae marito cur in uxore delicti manifesta ultionem legis omisisset. atque illo praetendente sexaginta dies ad consultandum datos necdum praeterisse, satis visum de Vistilia statuere; eaque in insulam Seriphon abdita est. actum et de sacris Aegyptiis Iudaicisque pellendis factumque patrum consultum ut quattuor milia libertini generis ea superstitione infecta quis idonea aetas in insulam Sardiniam veherentur, coercendis illic latrociniis et, si ob gravitatem caeli interissent, vile damnum; ceteri cederent Italia nisi certam ante diem profanos ritus exuissent.
4.32
Pleraque eorum quae rettuli quaeque referam parva forsitan et levia memoratu videri non nescius sum: sed nemo annalis nostros cum scriptura eorum contenderit qui veteres populi Romani res composuere. ingentia illi bella, expugnationes urbium, fusos captosque reges, aut si quando ad interna praeverterent, discordias consulum adversum tribunos, agrarias frumentariasque leges, plebis et optimatium certamina libero egressu memorabant: nobis in arto et inglorius labor; immota quippe aut modice lacessita pax, maestae urbis res et princeps proferendi imperi incuriosus erat. non tamen sine usu fuerit introspicere illa primo aspectu levia ex quis magnarum saepe rerum motus oriuntur. 4.33 Nam cunctas nationes et urbes populus aut primores aut singuli regunt: delecta ex iis et consociata rei publicae forma laudari facilius quam evenire, vel si evenit, haud diuturna esse potest. igitur ut olim plebe valida, vel cum patres pollerent, noscenda vulgi natura et quibus modis temperanter haberetur, senatusque et optimatium ingenia qui maxime perdidicerant, callidi temporum et sapientes credebantur, sic converso statu neque alia re Romana quam si unus imperitet, haec conquiri tradique in rem fuerit, quia pauci prudentia honesta ab deterioribus, utilia ab noxiis discernunt, plures aliorum eventis docentur. ceterum ut profutura, ita minimum oblectationis adferunt. nam situs gentium, varietates proeliorum, clari ducum exitus retinent ac redintegrant legentium animum: nos saeva iussa, continuas accusationes, fallaces amicitias, perniciem innocentium et easdem exitii causas coniungimus, obvia rerum similitudine et satietate. tum quod antiquis scriptoribus rarus obtrectator, neque refert cuiusquam Punicas Romanasne acies laetius extuleris: at multorum qui Tiberio regente poenam vel infamias subiere posteri manent. utque familiae ipsae iam extinctae sint, reperies qui ob similitudinem morum aliena malefacta sibi obiectari putent. etiam gloria ac virtus infensos habet, ut nimis ex propinquo diversa arguens. sed ad inceptum redeo.'' None
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1.2 \xa0When the killing of Brutus and Cassius had disarmed the Republic; when Pompey had been crushed in Sicily, and, with Lepidus thrown aside and Antony slain, even the Julian party was leaderless but for the Caesar; after laying down his triumviral title and proclaiming himself a simple consul content with tribunician authority to safeguard the commons, he first conciliated the army by gratuities, the populace by cheapened corn, the world by the amenities of peace, then step by step began to make his ascent and to unite in his own person the functions of the senate, the magistracy, and the legislature. Opposition there was none: the boldest spirits had succumbed on stricken fields or by proscription-lists; while the rest of the nobility found a cheerful acceptance of slavery the smoothest road to wealth and office, and, as they had thriven on revolution, stood now for the new order and safety in preference to the old order and adventure. Nor was the state of affairs unpopular in the provinces, where administration by the Senate and People had been discredited by the feuds of the magnates and the greed of the officials, against which there was but frail protection in a legal system for ever deranged by force, by favouritism, or (in the last resort) by gold. <
2.85
\xa0In the same year, bounds were set to female profligacy by stringent resolutions of the senate; and it was laid down that no woman should trade in her body, if her father, grandfather, or husband had been a Roman knight. For Vistilia, the daughter of a praetorian family, had advertised her venality on the aediles\' list â\x80\x94 the normal procedure among our ancestors, who imagined the unchaste to be sufficiently punished by the avowal of their infamy. Her husband, Titidius Labeo, was also required to explain why, in view of his wife\'s manifest guilt, he had not invoked the penalty of the law. As he pleaded that sixty days, not yet elapsed, were allowed for deliberation, it was thought enough to pass sentence on Vistilia, who was removed to the island of Seriphos. â\x80\x94 Another debate dealt with the proscription of the Egyptian and Jewish rites, and a senatorial edict directed that four thousand descendants of enfranchised slaves, tainted with that superstition and suitable in point of age, were to be shipped to Sardinia and there employed in suppressing brigandage: "if they succumbed to the pestilential climate, it was a cheap loss." The rest had orders to leave Italy, unless they had renounced their impious ceremonial by a given date. <
4.32
\xa0I\xa0am not unaware that very many of the events I\xa0have described, and shall describe, may perhaps seem little things, trifles too slight for record; but no parallel can be drawn between these chronicles of mine and the work of the men who composed the ancient history of the Roman people. Gigantic wars, cities stormed, routed and captive kings, or, when they turned by choice to domestic affairs, the feuds of consul and tribune, land-laws and corn-laws, the duel of nobles and commons â\x80\x94 such were the themes on which they dwelt, or digressed, at will. Mine is an inglorious labour in a narrow field: for this was an age of peace unbroken or half-heartedly challenged, of tragedy in the capital, of a prince careless to extend the empire. Yet it may be not unprofitable to look beneath the surface of those incidents, trivial at the first inspection, which so often set in motion the great events of history. < 4.33 \xa0For every nation or city is governed by the people, or by the nobility, or by individuals: a\xa0constitution selected and blended from these types is easier to commend than to create; or, if created, its tenure of life is brief. Accordingly, as in the period of alternate plebeian domice and patrician ascendancy it was imperative, in one case, to study the character of the masses and the methods of controlling them; while, in the other, those who had acquired the most exact knowledge of the temper of the senate and the aristocracy were accounted shrewd in their generation and wise; so toâ\x80\x91day, when the situation has been transformed and the Roman world is little else than a monarchy, the collection and the chronicling of these details may yet serve an end: for few men distinguish right and wrong, the expedient and the disastrous, by native intelligence; the majority are schooled by the experience of others. But while my themes have their utility, they offer the minimum of pleasure. Descriptions of countries, the vicissitudes of battles, commanders dying on the field of honour, such are the episodes that arrest and renew the interest of the reader: for myself, I\xa0present a series of savage mandates, of perpetual accusations, of traitorous friendships, of ruined innocents, of various causes and identical results â\x80\x94 everywhere monotony of subject, and satiety. Again, the ancient author has few detractors, and it matters to none whether you praise the Carthaginian or the Roman arms with the livelier enthusiasm. But of many, who underwent either the legal penalty or a form of degradation in the principate of Tiberius, the descendants remain; and, assuming the actual families to be now extinct, you will still find those who, from a likeness of character, read the ill deeds of others as an innuendo against themselves. Even glory and virtue create their enemies â\x80\x94 they arraign their opposites by too close a contrast. But I\xa0return to my subject. <'' None
82. Tacitus, Histories, 3.55 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian, Lex de imperio of

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 160; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 160

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3.55 \xa0Vitellius was like a man wakened from a deep sleep. He ordered Julius Priscus and Alfenus Avarus to block the passes of the Apennines with fourteen praetorian cohorts and all the cavalry. A\xa0legion of marines followed them later. These thousands of armed forces, consisting too of picked men and horses, were equal to taking the offensive if they had had another leader. The rest of the cohorts Vitellius gave to his brother Lucius for the defence of Rome, while he, abating in no degree his usual life of pleasure and urged on by his lack of confidence in the future, held the comitia before the usual time, and designated the consuls for many years to come. He granted special treaties to allies and bestowed Latin rights on foreigners with a generous hand; he reduced the tribute for some provincials, he relieved others from all obligations â\x80\x94 in short, with no regard for the future he crippled the empire. But the mob attended in delight on the great indulgences that he bestowed; the most foolish citizens bought them, while the wise regarded as worthless privileges which could neither be granted nor accepted if the state was to stand. Finally Vitellius listened to the demands of his army which had stopped at Mevania, and left Rome, accompanied by a long line of senators, many of whom were drawn in his train by their desire to secure his favour, most however by fear. So he came to camp with no clear purpose in mind, an easy prey to treacherous advice.'' None
83. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Epicurus, authority in the De Rerum Natura

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 229; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 229

84. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, De off. • De re publica • Seneca, De clementia • Seneca, and Nero in De clementia • public eye, in Seneca’s De clementia

 Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 26; Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 81, 86; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 122; Williams and Vol (2022), Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher, 281

85. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Seneca, De ira • Seneca, three-stage analysis of irascibility in De ira • anger, in de Ira

 Found in books: Bexley (2022), Seneca's Characters: Fictional Identities and Implied Human Selves, 188, 189, 190, 191; Braund and Most (2004), Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen, 285; Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 145; Williams and Vol (2022), Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher, 277

86. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De provinciis consularibus (Cicero) • Seneca the Younger, De vita beata

 Found in books: Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022), Judaism from Moses to Muhammad: An Interpretation: Turning Points and Focal Points, 48; Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 114

87. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, discourse on theology in De diuinatione • Tullius Cicero, M., De diuinatione • Tullius Cicero, M., De haruspicum responso

 Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 15, 107; Williams (2012), The Cosmic Viewpoint: A Study of Seneca's 'Natural Questions', 318

88. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, De off. • Seneca, De clementia

 Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 24; Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 91

89. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Augustus, as character in Broch’s Der Tod des Vergil • Broch, Hermann, Der Tod des Vergil • Cornelia de falsis, lex • Seneca, De brevitate vitae • Virgil, in Hermann Broch’s Der Tod des Vergil • lex Iulia de adulteriis coercendis • lex Iulia de adulteriis coercendis (adultery law) • lex Iulia de maritandis ordinibus • lex de flamonio provinciae Narbonensis • lex, Iulia de adulteriis coercendis • lex, Iulia de maritandis ordinibus

 Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 549; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 33; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 169, 170; Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 48; Goldschmidt (2019), Biofiction and the Reception of Latin Poetry, 178; Hubbard (2014), A Companion to Greek and Roman Sexualities, 95; McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 151; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 439

90. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Vespasian, Lex de imperio of

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 160; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 160

91. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, De finibus • Dialogus de oratoribus • Lucian, De Domo • Tullius Cicero, M., and the De Finibus • Tullius Cicero, M., and the De Inventione • lieu(x) de mémoire

 Found in books: Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 45; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 183; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 9, 82, 86; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 187

92. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Quintilian, De causis corruptae eloquentiae

 Found in books: Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 240; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 41

93. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Re Rustica (Varro), circumstances of composition in 37 bc • rites de passage (rites of passage)

 Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 51, 64; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 2

94. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Augustine, De Musica • Tullius Cicero, M., and the De Finibus

 Found in books: Pollmann and Vessey (2007), Augustine and the Disciplines: From Cassiciacum to Confessions, 150; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 84

95. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cato the Elder, De Agri Cultura • De Re Rustica (Varro), puns in • De Re Rustica (Varro), representation of Italy in • De architectura, and Greek knowledge • Italia, De Re Rustica’s representation of • Lucian, De Domo • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), bodily conceptions in De re publica • lex de imperio Vespasiani

 Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 145; McGowan (1999), Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals, 40; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 90; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 47; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 9; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 22

96. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Re Rustica (Varro), circumstances of composition in 37 bc • Lex Gabinia de bello piratico

 Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 157; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 2

97. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Lucian, De mercede conductis

 Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 116; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 116

98. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Augustus, de uita sua • Lex Licinia de modo agrorum • Senatus Consultum de Cn. Pisone Patre • senatus consultum, de agro Pergameno

 Found in books: Dignas (2002), Economy of the Sacred in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor, 115; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 246; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 237; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 217

99. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 45.7.1-45.7.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Re Publica (Cicero) • Octavian, de uita sua

 Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 157, 162; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 248, 251

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45.7.1 2. \xa0And when this act also was allowed, no one trying to prevent it through fear of the populace, then at last some of the other decrees already passed in honour of Caesar were put into effect. Thus they called one of the months July after him, and in the course of certain festivals of thanksgiving for victory they sacrificed during one special day in memory of his name. For these reasons the soldiers also, particularly since some of them received largesses of money, readily took the side of Caesar.,3. \xa0A\xa0rumour accordingly got abroad and it seemed likely that something unusual would take place. This belief was due particularly to the circumstance that once, when Octavius wished to speak with Antony in court about something, from an elevated and conspicuous place, as he had been wont to do in his father's lifetime, Antony would not permit it, but caused his lictors to drag him down and drive him out. \xa0All were exceedingly vexed, especially as Caesar, with a view to casting odium upon his rival and attracting the multitude, would no longer even frequent the Forum. So Antony became alarmed, and in conversation with the bystanders one day remarked that he harboured no anger against Caesar, but on the contrary owed him good-will, and was ready to end all suspicion." '45.7.2 \xa0And when this act also was allowed, no one trying to prevent it through fear of the populace, then at last some of the other decrees already passed in honour of Caesar were put into effect. Thus they called one of the months July after him, and in the course of certain festivals of thanksgiving for victory they sacrificed during one special day in memory of his name. For these reasons the soldiers also, particularly since some of them received largesses of money, readily took the side of Caesar.'" None
100. Lucian, The Syrian Goddess, 2, 35, 49 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Dea Syria [Lucian] • Lucian, De Dea Syria • Lucian, On the Syrian Goddess (De Dea Syria)

 Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 15; Elsner (2007), Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text, 18, 21, 246, 247, 250; Gaifman (2012), Aniconism in Greek Antiquity, 87, 110

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2 The first men on earth to receive knowledge of the gods, and to build temples and shrines and to summon meetings for religious observances are said to have been the Egyptians. They were the first, too, to take cognizance of holy names, and to repeat sacred traditions. Not long after them the Assyrians heard from the Egyptians their doctrines as to the gods, and they reared temples and shrines: in these they placed statues and images.35 Behind this throne stands an effigy of Apollo of an unusual character. All other sculptors think of Apollo as a youth, and represent him in the flower of his age. These artificers alone exhibit the Apollo of their statuary as bearded. They justify their action, and criticise the Greeks and others who set up Apollo as a boy, and appease him in that guise. Their reason is that it is a mark of ignorance to assign imperfect forms to the gods, and they look on youth as imperfection. They have also introduced another strange novelty in sculpture: they, and they alone, represent Apollo as robed.
49
The greatest of the festivals that they celebrate is that held in the opening of spring; some call this the Pyre, others the Lamp. On this occasion the sacrifice is performed in this way. They cut down tall trees and set them up in the court; then they bring goats and sheep and cattle and hang them living to the trees; they add to these birds and garments and gold and silver work. After all is finished, they carry the gods around the trees and set fire under; in a moment all is in a blaze. To this solemn rite a great multitude flocks from Syria and all the regions around. Each brings his own god and the statues which each has of his own gods. ' None
101. Lucian, Essays In Portraiture, 9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Lucian, De mercede conductis

 Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 117; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 117

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9 So far we may trust our sculptors and painters and poets: but for her crowning glory, for the grace —nay, the choir of Graces and Loves that encircle her — who shall portray them?Poly. This was no earthly vision, Lycinus; surely she must have dropped from the clouds.— And what was she doing?Ly. In her hands was an open scroll; half read (so I surmised) and half to be read. As she passed, she was making some remark to one of her company; what it was I did not catch. But when she smiled, ah! then, Polystratus, I beheld teeth whose whiteness, whose unbroken regularity, who shall describe? Imagine a lovely necklace of gleaming pearls, all of asize; and imagine those dazzling rows set off by ruby lips. In that glimpse, I realized what Homer meant by his ‘carven ivory.’ Other women’s teeth differ in size; or they project; or there are gaps: here, all was equality and evenness; pearl joined to pearl in unbroken line. Oh, ’twas a wondrous sight, of beauty more than human.'' None
102. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 6.31.4-6.31.6, 10.96 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Lex Cornelia de Sicariis et Veneficiis • Lucian, de Morte Peregrini • lex Iulia de adulteriis • lex Julia de adulteriis coercendis, enforcement

 Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 139; Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 110, 111; Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 216; Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013), Anton Bierl? and Roger Beck?, Intende, Lector - Echoes of Myth, Religion and Ritual in the Ancient Novel, 153

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6.31.4 To Cornelianus. I was greatly delighted when our Emperor sent for me to Centum Cellae - for that is the name of the place - to act as a member of his Council. For what could be more gratifying than to be privileged to witness the justice, dignity, and charming manners of the Emperor in his country retreat, where he allows these qualities the freest play? There were a variety of cases to be heard, and they were of a kind to bring out the virtues of the judge in different ways and forms. Claudius Aristo, the leading citizen at Ephesus, a man of great generosity, and who had won popularity by innocent means, pleaded his own case. His popularity had made people envious of him, and some of his enemies, who were utterly unlike him in character, had suborned a man to lay information against him. So he was acquitted, and his reputation vindicated. On the following day was taken the case of Galitta, who was accused of adultery. She was the wife of a military tribune, who was about to stand for public office, and she had compromised her own reputation and her husband\'s by intriguing with a centurion. The husband had reported the matter to the consular legate, and the latter had reported it to Caesar. After carefully examining the proofs, the Emperor degraded the centurion, and even banished him. Still the punishment was not complete, for adultery is an offence in which two perils are necessarily concerned, but the husband\'s affection for his wife, whom he allowed to remain in his house even I after discovering her adultery - content as it were to have trot his rival out of the way - led him to delay the prosecution, in spite of the scandal to which his forbearance gave rise. He was summoned to carry the charge through, and did so against his will. However, it was necessary that she should be condemned, even though her accuser did not wish her to be, and she was declared guilty, and sentenced to the punishment inflicted by the Julian Law. * Caesar affixed to the sentence both the name of the centurion and a statement of the rules of military discipline on the point, lest people should think that he reserved the right to hear all such cases himself. On the third day began the inquiry into the will of Julius Tiro, a case which had been greatly talked about, and had given rise to conflicting reports, inasmuch as it was known that the will was genuine in part, and in part a forgery. The accused were Sempronius Senecio, a Roman knight, and Eurythmus, one of Caesar\'s freedmen and agents. When the Emperor was in Dacia, the heirs had written a joint letter, asking him to undertake an inquiry into the will, and he had consented. On his return he appointed a day, and when some of the heirs were in favour of letting the accusation drop, as though out of consideration for Eurythmus, he very finely said, "Eurythmus is not Polyclitus, and I am not Nero." ** Yet at their request he favoured them with a postponement, and when the day had at length arrived, he took his seat to hear the case. On the side of the heirs only two put in an appearance, and they demanded that as all had joined in the accusation, they should all be forced to go on with the action, or else that they too should be allowed to withdraw. Caesar spoke with great gravity and moderation, and when the advocate for Senecio and Eurythmus remarked that the accused would be left open to suspicion unless they were heard in their own behalf, he said, "I don\'t care whether they are left open to suspicion or not, I certainly am myself." Then turning to us, he said You see in what a strictly honourable and arduous manner we spent our days, though they were followed by the most agreeable relaxations. Every day we were summoned to dine with the Emperor, and modest dinners they were for one of his imperial position. Sometimes we listened to entertainers, sometimes we had delightful conversations lasting far into the night. On the last day, just as we were setting out, Caesar sent us parting presents, such is his thoughtfulness and courtesy. As for myself, I delighted in the importance of the cases heard, in the honour of being summoned to the Council, and in the charm and simplicity of his mode of life, while I was equally pleased with the place itself. The villa, which is exquisitely beautiful, is surrounded by meadows of the richest green; it abuts on the sea-shore, in the bight of which a harbour is being hastily formed, the left arm having been strengthened by masonry of great solidity, while the right is now in course of construction. In the mouth of the harbour an island rises out of the sea, which by its position breaks the force of the waves that are carried in by the wind, and affords a safe passage to ships on either side. The island has been artificially constructed, and is not a natural formation, for a broad barge brings up a number of immense stones, which are thrown into the water, one on top of the other, and these are kept in position by their own weight, and gradually become built up into a sort of breakwater. The ridge of stones already overtops the surface, and when the waves strike upon it, it breaks them into spray and throws them to a great height. That causes a loud-resounding roar, and the sea all round is white with foam. Subsequently concrete will be added to the stones, to give it the appearance of a natural island as time goes on. This harbour will be called - and indeed it already is called - after the name of its constructor, and it will prove a haven of the greatest value, inasmuch as there is a long stretch of shore which has no harbour, and the sailors will use this as a place of refuge. Farewell. 0 6.31.6 To Cornelianus. I was greatly delighted when our Emperor sent for me to Centum Cellae - for that is the name of the place - to act as a member of his Council. For what could be more gratifying than to be privileged to witness the justice, dignity, and charming manners of the Emperor in his country retreat, where he allows these qualities the freest play? There were a variety of cases to be heard, and they were of a kind to bring out the virtues of the judge in different ways and forms. Claudius Aristo, the leading citizen at Ephesus, a man of great generosity, and who had won popularity by innocent means, pleaded his own case. His popularity had made people envious of him, and some of his enemies, who were utterly unlike him in character, had suborned a man to lay information against him. So he was acquitted, and his reputation vindicated. On the following day was taken the case of Galitta, who was accused of adultery. She was the wife of a military tribune, who was about to stand for public office, and she had compromised her own reputation and her husband\'s by intriguing with a centurion. The husband had reported the matter to the consular legate, and the latter had reported it to Caesar. After carefully examining the proofs, the Emperor degraded the centurion, and even banished him. Still the punishment was not complete, for adultery is an offence in which two perils are necessarily concerned, but the husband\'s affection for his wife, whom he allowed to remain in his house even I after discovering her adultery - content as it were to have trot his rival out of the way - led him to delay the prosecution, in spite of the scandal to which his forbearance gave rise. He was summoned to carry the charge through, and did so against his will. However, it was necessary that she should be condemned, even though her accuser did not wish her to be, and she was declared guilty, and sentenced to the punishment inflicted by the Julian Law. * Caesar affixed to the sentence both the name of the centurion and a statement of the rules of military discipline on the point, lest people should think that he reserved the right to hear all such cases himself. On the third day began the inquiry into the will of Julius Tiro, a case which had been greatly talked about, and had given rise to conflicting reports, inasmuch as it was known that the will was genuine in part, and in part a forgery. The accused were Sempronius Senecio, a Roman knight, and Eurythmus, one of Caesar\'s freedmen and agents. When the Emperor was in Dacia, the heirs had written a joint letter, asking him to undertake an inquiry into the will, and he had consented. On his return he appointed a day, and when some of the heirs were in favour of letting the accusation drop, as though out of consideration for Eurythmus, he very finely said, "Eurythmus is not Polyclitus, and I am not Nero." ** Yet at their request he favoured them with a postponement, and when the day had at length arrived, he took his seat to hear the case. On the side of the heirs only two put in an appearance, and they demanded that as all had joined in the accusation, they should all be forced to go on with the action, or else that they too should be allowed to withdraw. Caesar spoke with great gravity and moderation, and when the advocate for Senecio and Eurythmus remarked that the accused would be left open to suspicion unless they were heard in their own behalf, he said, "I don\'t care whether they are left open to suspicion or not, I certainly am myself." Then turning to us, he said You see in what a strictly honourable and arduous manner we spent our days, though they were followed by the most agreeable relaxations. Every day we were summoned to dine with the Emperor, and modest dinners they were for one of his imperial position. Sometimes we listened to entertainers, sometimes we had delightful conversations lasting far into the night. On the last day, just as we were setting out, Caesar sent us parting presents, such is his thoughtfulness and courtesy. As for myself, I delighted in the importance of the cases heard, in the honour of being summoned to the Council, and in the charm and simplicity of his mode of life, while I was equally pleased with the place itself. The villa, which is exquisitely beautiful, is surrounded by meadows of the richest green; it abuts on the sea-shore, in the bight of which a harbour is being hastily formed, the left arm having been strengthened by masonry of great solidity, while the right is now in course of construction. In the mouth of the harbour an island rises out of the sea, which by its position breaks the force of the waves that are carried in by the wind, and affords a safe passage to ships on either side. The island has been artificially constructed, and is not a natural formation, for a broad barge brings up a number of immense stones, which are thrown into the water, one on top of the other, and these are kept in position by their own weight, and gradually become built up into a sort of breakwater. The ridge of stones already overtops the surface, and when the waves strike upon it, it breaks them into spray and throws them to a great height. That causes a loud-resounding roar, and the sea all round is white with foam. Subsequently concrete will be added to the stones, to give it the appearance of a natural island as time goes on. This harbour will be called - and indeed it already is called - after the name of its constructor, and it will prove a haven of the greatest value, inasmuch as there is a long stretch of shore which has no harbour, and the sailors will use this as a place of refuge. Farewell. 0 ' ' None
103. Tertullian, Apology, 40.1-40.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Lucian, de Morte Peregrini • Porphyry, Philosophia ex Oraculis, De Regressu Animae

 Found in books: Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013), Anton Bierl? and Roger Beck?, Intende, Lector - Echoes of Myth, Religion and Ritual in the Ancient Novel, 153; Simmons(1995), Arnobius of Sicca: Religious Conflict and Competition in the Age of Diocletian, 10

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40.1 On the contrary, they deserve the name of faction who conspire to bring odium on good men and virtuous, who cry out against innocent blood, offering as the justification of their enmity the baseless plea, that they think the Christians the cause of every public disaster, of every affliction with which the people are visited. If the Tiber rises as high as the city walls, if the Nile does not send its waters up over the fields, if the heavens give no rain, if there is an earthquake, if there is famine or pestilence, straightway the cry is, Away with the Christians to the lion! What! shall you give such multitudes to a single beast? Pray, tell me how many calamities befell the world and particular cities before Tiberius reigned - before the coming, that is, of Christ? We read of the islands of Hiera, and Anaphe, and Delos, and Rhodes, and Cos, with many thousands of human beings, having been swallowed up. Plato informs us that a region larger than Asia or Africa was seized by the Atlantic Ocean. An earthquake, too, drank up the Corinthian sea; and the force of the waves cut off a part of Lucania, whence it obtained the name of Sicily. These things surely could not have taken place without the inhabitants suffering by them. But where - I do not say were Christians, those despisers of your gods - but where were your gods themselves in those days, when the flood poured its destroying waters over all the world, or, as Plato thought, merely the level portion of it? For that they are of later date than that calamity, the very cities in which they were born and died, nay, which they founded, bear ample testimony; for the cities could have no existence at this day unless as belonging to postdiluvian times. Palestine had not yet received from Egypt its Jewish swarm (of emigrants), nor had the race from which Christians sprung yet settled down there, when its neighbors Sodom and Gomorrha were consumed by fire from heaven. The country yet smells of that conflagration; and if there are apples there upon the trees, it is only a promise to the eye they give - you but touch them, and they turn to ashes. Nor had Tuscia and Campania to complain of Christians in the days when fire from heaven overwhelmed Vulsinii, and Pompeii was destroyed by fire from its own mountain. No one yet worshipped the true God at Rome, when Hannibal at Cann counted the Roman slain by the pecks of Roman rings. Your gods were all objects of adoration, universally acknowledged, when the Senones closely besieged the very Capitol. And it is in keeping with all this, that if adversity has at any time befallen cities, the temples and the walls have equally shared in the disaster, so that it is clear to demonstration the thing was not the doing of the gods, seeing it also overtook themselves. The truth is, the human race has always deserved ill at God's hand. First of all, as undutiful to Him, because when it knew Him in part, it not only did not seek after Him, but even invented other gods of its own to worship; and further, because, as the result of their willing ignorance of the Teacher of righteousness, the Judge and Avenger of sin, all vices and crimes grew and flourished. But had men sought, they would have come to know the glorious object of their seeking; and knowledge would have produced obedience, and obedience would have found a gracious instead of an angry God. They ought then to see that the very same God is angry with them now as in ancient times, before Christians were so much as spoken of. It was His blessings they enjoyed - created before they made any of their deities: and why can they not take it in, that their evils come from the Being whose goodness they have failed to recognize? They suffer at the hands of Him to whom they have been ungrateful. And, for all that is said, if we compare the calamities of former times, they fall on us more lightly now, since God gave Christians to the world; for from that time virtue put some restraint on the world's wickedness, and men began to pray for the averting of God's wrath. In a word, when the summer clouds give no rain, and the season is matter of anxiety, you indeed - full of feasting day by day, and ever eager for the banquet, baths and taverns and brothels always busy - offer up to Jupiter your rain-sacrifices; you enjoin on the people barefoot processions; you seek heaven at the Capitol; you look up to the temple-ceilings for the longed-for clouds - God and heaven not in all your thoughts. We, dried up with fastings, and our passions bound tightly up, holding back as long as possible from all the ordinary enjoyments of life, rolling in sackcloth and ashes, assail heaven with our importunities - touch God's heart - and when we have extorted divine compassion, why, Jupiter gets all the honour! " "40.2 On the contrary, they deserve the name of faction who conspire to bring odium on good men and virtuous, who cry out against innocent blood, offering as the justification of their enmity the baseless plea, that they think the Christians the cause of every public disaster, of every affliction with which the people are visited. If the Tiber rises as high as the city walls, if the Nile does not send its waters up over the fields, if the heavens give no rain, if there is an earthquake, if there is famine or pestilence, straightway the cry is, Away with the Christians to the lion! What! shall you give such multitudes to a single beast? Pray, tell me how many calamities befell the world and particular cities before Tiberius reigned - before the coming, that is, of Christ? We read of the islands of Hiera, and Anaphe, and Delos, and Rhodes, and Cos, with many thousands of human beings, having been swallowed up. Plato informs us that a region larger than Asia or Africa was seized by the Atlantic Ocean. An earthquake, too, drank up the Corinthian sea; and the force of the waves cut off a part of Lucania, whence it obtained the name of Sicily. These things surely could not have taken place without the inhabitants suffering by them. But where - I do not say were Christians, those despisers of your gods - but where were your gods themselves in those days, when the flood poured its destroying waters over all the world, or, as Plato thought, merely the level portion of it? For that they are of later date than that calamity, the very cities in which they were born and died, nay, which they founded, bear ample testimony; for the cities could have no existence at this day unless as belonging to postdiluvian times. Palestine had not yet received from Egypt its Jewish swarm (of emigrants), nor had the race from which Christians sprung yet settled down there, when its neighbors Sodom and Gomorrha were consumed by fire from heaven. The country yet smells of that conflagration; and if there are apples there upon the trees, it is only a promise to the eye they give - you but touch them, and they turn to ashes. Nor had Tuscia and Campania to complain of Christians in the days when fire from heaven overwhelmed Vulsinii, and Pompeii was destroyed by fire from its own mountain. No one yet worshipped the true God at Rome, when Hannibal at Cann counted the Roman slain by the pecks of Roman rings. Your gods were all objects of adoration, universally acknowledged, when the Senones closely besieged the very Capitol. And it is in keeping with all this, that if adversity has at any time befallen cities, the temples and the walls have equally shared in the disaster, so that it is clear to demonstration the thing was not the doing of the gods, seeing it also overtook themselves. The truth is, the human race has always deserved ill at God's hand. First of all, as undutiful to Him, because when it knew Him in part, it not only did not seek after Him, but even invented other gods of its own to worship; and further, because, as the result of their willing ignorance of the Teacher of righteousness, the Judge and Avenger of sin, all vices and crimes grew and flourished. But had men sought, they would have come to know the glorious object of their seeking; and knowledge would have produced obedience, and obedience would have found a gracious instead of an angry God. They ought then to see that the very same God is angry with them now as in ancient times, before Christians were so much as spoken of. It was His blessings they enjoyed - created before they made any of their deities: and why can they not take it in, that their evils come from the Being whose goodness they have failed to recognize? They suffer at the hands of Him to whom they have been ungrateful. And, for all that is said, if we compare the calamities of former times, they fall on us more lightly now, since God gave Christians to the world; for from that time virtue put some restraint on the world's wickedness, and men began to pray for the averting of God's wrath. In a word, when the summer clouds give no rain, and the season is matter of anxiety, you indeed - full of feasting day by day, and ever eager for the banquet, baths and taverns and brothels always busy - offer up to Jupiter your rain-sacrifices; you enjoin on the people barefoot processions; you seek heaven at the Capitol; you look up to the temple-ceilings for the longed-for clouds - God and heaven not in all your thoughts. We, dried up with fastings, and our passions bound tightly up, holding back as long as possible from all the ordinary enjoyments of life, rolling in sackcloth and ashes, assail heaven with our importunities - touch God's heart - and when we have extorted divine compassion, why, Jupiter gets all the honour! "" None
104. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Epicurus, authority in the De Rerum Natura

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 230, 236; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 230, 236

105. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Mekhilta de Arayot • Tertullian, De Spectaculis

 Found in books: König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 298; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 154

106. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Tertullian of Carthage, De anima • Tertullian, De praescriptione haereticorum

 Found in books: Cain (2023), Mirrors of the Divine: Late Ancient Christianity and the Vision of God, 45; Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 95

107. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Nemesius, De natura hominis • Ps.-Plutarch, De fato • Ps.-Plutarchus, De fato

 Found in books: Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 199; Pinheiro et al. (2015), Philosophy and the Ancient Novel, 37

108. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cervantes, Miguel de, Don Quixote • De Filippo, J.G. • Pins, Jean de • de Certeau, Michel

 Found in books: Fabre-Serris et al. (2021), Identities, Ethnicities and Gender in Antiquity, 223; Pinheiro et al. (2015), Philosophy and the Ancient Novel, 86, 99; Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 222, 226

109. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Apicius, De Re Coquinaria • Cato the Elder, De Agri Cultura • Plutarch, De Iside et Osiride

 Found in books: McGowan (1999), Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals, 42; Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 408

110. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, De anima • Aristotle, [De mundo] • Epicurus, authority in the De Rerum Natura

 Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 198; Erler et al. (2021), Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition, 166; Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 211; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 198

111. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • lex de imperio • lex de imperio Vespasiani

 Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 155; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 174

112. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Avot de R. Natan • Avot de-Rabbi Nathan

 Found in books: Mokhtarian (2021), Rabbis, Sorcerers, Kings, and Priests: The Culture of the Talmud in Ancient Iran. 53; Rowland (2009), The Mystery of God: Early Jewish Mysticism and the New Testament, 342

113. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Pesikta de Rav Kahana • Tanna de Vey Eliyahu

 Found in books: Lieber (2014), A Vocabulary of Desire: The Song of Songs in the Early Synagogue, 165; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 183

114. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Lucian, De mercede conductis

 Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 117; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 117

115. Babylonian Talmud, Megillah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Pesikta de Rav Kahana • Pesikta de-Rav Kahana, on haftarot of rebuke • Pesikta de-Rav Kahana, rebuke, haftarot of • rabbinic Judaism, Pesikta de-Rav Kahana and

 Found in books: Rosen-Zvi (2012), The Mishnaic Sotah Ritual: Temple, Gender and Midrash, 252; Stern (2004), From Rebuke to Consolation: Exegesis and Theology in the Liturgical Anthology of the Ninth of Av Season, 20, 23

31b ראש חדש אב שחל להיות בשבת מפטירין (ישעיהו א, יד) חדשיכם ומועדיכם שנאה נפשי היו עלי לטורח מאי היו עלי לטורח אמר הקב"ה לא דיין להם לישראל שחוטאין לפני אלא שמטריחין אותי לידע איזו גזירה קשה אביא עליהם,בתשעה באב גופיה מאי מפטרינן אמר רב (ישעיהו א, כא) איכה היתה לזונה מקרא מאי תניא אחרים אומרים (ויקרא כו, יד) ואם לא תשמעו לי ר\' נתן בר יוסף אומר (במדבר יד, יא) עד אנה ינאצוני העם הזה ויש אומרים (במדבר יד, כז) עד מתי לעדה הרעה הזאת אמר אביי האידנא נהוג עלמא למיקרי (דברים ד, כה) כי תוליד בנים ומפטירין (ירמיהו ח, יג) אסוף אסיפם:,במעמדות במעשה בראשית וכו\': מנהני מילי א"ר אמי אלמלא מעמדות לא נתקיימו שמים וארץ שנאמר (ירמיהו לג, כה) אם לא בריתי יומם ולילה חוקות שמים וארץ לא שמתי,וכתיב (בראשית טו, ב) ויאמר ה\' אלהים במה אדע כי אירשנה אמר אברהם לפני הקב"ה רבש"ע שמא ח"ו ישראל חוטאים לפניך ואתה עושה להם כדור המבול וכדור הפלגה אמר לו לאו,אמר לפניו רבש"ע במה אדע אמר לו קחה לי עגלה משולשת וגו\' אמר לפניו רבש"ע תינח בזמן שבית המקדש קיים בזמן שאין בית המקדש קיים מה תהא עליהם אמר לו כבר תקנתי להם סדר קרבנות כל זמן שקוראין בהן מעלה אני עליהן כאילו מקריבין לפני קרבן ומוחל אני על כל עונותיהם:,בתעניות ברכות וקללות ואין מפסיקין בקללות: מה"מ אמר ר\' חייא בר גמדא אמר רבי אסי דאמר קרא (משלי ג, יא) מוסר ה\' בני אל תמאס,ריש לקיש אמר לפי שאין אומרים ברכה על הפורענות אלא היכי עביד תנא כשהוא מתחיל מתחיל בפסוק שלפניהם וכשהוא מסיים מסיים בפסוק שלאחריהן,אמר אביי לא שנו אלא בקללות שבתורת כהנים אבל קללות שבמשנה תורה פוסק מאי טעמא הללו בלשון רבים אמורות ומשה מפי הגבורה אמרן והללו בלשון יחיד אמורות ומשה מפי עצמו אמרן,לוי בר בוטי הוה קרי וקא מגמגם קמיה דרב הונא בארורי אמר לו אכנפשך לא שנו אלא קללות שבתורת כהנים אבל שבמשנה תורה פוסק,תניא ר\' שמעון בן אלעזר אומר עזרא תיקן להן לישראל שיהו קורין קללות שבתורת כהנים קודם עצרת ושבמשנה תורה קודם ר"ה מאי טעמא אמר אביי ואיתימא ריש לקיש כדי שתכלה השנה וקללותיה,בשלמא שבמשנה תורה איכא כדי שתכלה שנה וקללותיה אלא שבתורת כהנים אטו עצרת ראש השנה היא אין עצרת נמי ראש השנה היא דתנן ובעצרת על פירות האילן,תניא רבי שמעון בן אלעזר אומר אם יאמרו לך זקנים סתור וילדים בנה סתור ואל תבנה מפני שסתירת זקנים בנין ובנין נערים סתירה וסימן לדבר (מלכים א יב, כא) רחבעם בן שלמה,ת"ר מקום שמפסיקין בשבת שחרית שם קורין במנחה במנחה שם קורין בשני בשני שם קורין בחמישי בחמישי שם קורין לשבת הבאה דברי ר\' מאיר ר\' יהודה אומר מקום שמפסיקין בשבת שחרית שם קורין במנחה ובשני ובחמישי ולשבת הבאה,אמר רבי זירא הלכה מקום שמפסיקין בשבת שחרית שם קורין במנחה ובשני ובחמישי ולשבת הבאה ולימא הלכה כרבי יהודה'' None31b When the New Moon of Av occurs on Shabbat, they read as the haftara the portion that includes the verse “Your New Moons and your Festivals, My soul hated; they were a burden to Me” (Isaiah 1:14). The Gemara asks: What is the meaning of: “They were a burden to Me”? The Gemara explains: The Holy One, Blessed be He, said: It is not enough for the Jewish people that they sin before Me, but in addition, they burden Me to reconsider what harsh decree I shall bring upon them, for they are petitioning Me to annul those decrees.,The Gemara asks: On the Ninth of Av itself, what do we read as the haftara? Rav said: The portion containing the verse “How did the faithful city become a harlot?” (Isaiah 1:21). The Gemara asks: What Torah portion do they read? It is taught in a baraita that others say: They read the portion containing the verse “But if you will not hearken to me” (Leviticus 26:14). Rabbi Natan bar Yosef said: They read the portion containing the verse: “How long will this people provoke me?” (Numbers 14:11). And some say: They read the portion containing the verse: “How long shall I bear with this evil congregation?” (Numbers 14:27). The Gemara comments that Abaye said: Nowadays, everyone is accustomed to read the portion of “When you shall beget children” (Deuteronomy 4:25–40), and they read as the haftara the portion of “I will utterly consume them” (Jeremiah 8:13–9:23).,§ The mishna states: In the non-priestly watches they read the act of Creation. The Gemara asks: From where are these matters derived, i.e., why do they read the account of Creation? Rabbi Ami said: To allude to the fact that were it not for the non-priestly watches, heaven and earth would not endure, as it is stated: “Were it not for My covet day and night, I would not have set the statutes of heaven and earth” (Jeremiah 33:25). God’s covet is referring to the offerings sacrificed in the Temple, which sustain the world.,And with regard to Abraham it is written: “And he said, O Lord God, by what shall I know that I shall inherit it?” (Genesis 15:8). Abraham said before the Holy One, Blessed be He: Master of the Universe, perhaps, Heaven forbid, the Jewish people will sin before You, and You will do to them as You did to the generation of the Flood and as You did to the generation of the Dispersion, i.e., You will completely destroy them? God said to him: No, I will not do that.,Abraham then said before Him: Master of the Universe: “By what shall I know this?” God said to him: “Take Me a heifer of three years old” (Genesis 15:9). With this, God intimated to Abraham that even if his descendants will sin, they will be able to achieve atonement through sacrificing offerings. Abraham said before Him: Master of the Universe, this works out well when the Temple is standing and offerings can be brought to achieve atonement, but when the Temple will no longer be standing, what will become of them? God said to him: I have already established for them the order of offerings, i.e., the verses of the Torah pertaining to the halakhot of the offerings. Whenever they read those portions, I will deem it as if they sacrificed an offering before Me, and I will pardon them for all of their iniquities.,§ The mishna states: On fast days the congregation reads the portion of blessings and curses (Leviticus, chapter 16), and one may not interrupt the reading of the curses by having two different people read them. Rather, one person reads all of them. The Gemara asks: From where are these matters derived? Why does one not interrupt the reading of the curses? Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Gamda said that Rabbi Asi said: For the verse states: “My son, do not despise the chastening of the Lord, nor be weary of His correction” (Proverbs 3:11). If one makes a break in the middle of the curses, it appears as if he loathes rebuke.,Reish Lakish said a different answer: It is because one does not say a blessing over a calamity. If a second person were to begin to read in the middle of the portion of the curses, the blessing upon his reading would be considered a blessing over a calamity. Rather, what does one do? It is taught in a baraita: When one begins the reading, one begins with the verse before the curses, and when one concludes the reading, one concludes with the verse after them. In this way, neither the blessing before the reading nor after it relates directly to verses of calamity.,Abaye said: They taught this only with regard to the curses that are recorded in Leviticus, but with regard to the curses that are recorded in Deuteronomy, one may interrupt them by having two different people read them. What is the reason for this distinction? These curses in Leviticus are stated in the plural, and Moses pronounced them from the mouth of the Almighty. As such, they are more severe. However, these curses in Deuteronomy are stated in the singular, and Moses said them on his own, like the rest of the book of Deuteronomy. They are therefore less harsh and may be interrupted.,It was related that Levi bar Buti was once reading the portion of the curses before Rav Huna, and he was stammering in his reading, as it was difficult for him to utter such harsh pronouncements. Rav Huna said to him: If you wish, you may stop where you are and a different reader will continue, for they taught one may not have two people read the curses only with regard to the curses that are recorded in Leviticus. But with regard to the curses that are recorded in Deuteronomy, one may interrupt them by having two different people read them.,It is taught in a baraita: Rabbi Shimon ben Elazar said: Ezra enacted for the Jewish people that they should read the portion of the curses that are recorded in Leviticus before Shavuot and the portion of the curses that are recorded in Deuteronomy before Rosh HaShana. The Gemara asks: What is the reason for this? Abaye said, and some say that it was Reish Lakish who said: In order that the year may conclude together with its curses, and the new year may begin without the ominous reading of the curses.,The Gemara asks: Granted, with regard to the curses that are recorded in Deuteronomy, there is relevance to the reason: In order that the year may conclude together with its curses, for Rosh HaShana is clearly the beginning of a new year. However, with regard to the curses that are recorded in Leviticus, what relevance does that reason have? Is that to say Shavuot is a new year? The Gemara answers: Yes, indeed, Shavuot is also a new year, as we learned in a mishna (Rosh HaShana 16a): And on Shavuot, divine judgment is made concerning the fruit of the trees, which indicates that Shavuot also has the status of a new year.,It is taught in a baraita: Rabbi Shimon ben Elazar says: If old men say to you: Demolish, and children say to you: Build, then demolish and do not build, because the demolishing of old men is ultimately as constructive as building, despite the fact that it appears destructive, and the building of children is as destructive as demolishing. An indication of this matter is Rehoboam, son of Solomon. He ignored the advice of the Elders and did not lower himself before his people, which ultimately led to the people rebelling against him.,The Sages taught in a baraita: With regard to the place in the Torah where the congregation concludes the reading on Shabbat morning, it is from there that they continue to read in the afternoon service on Shabbat. Where they conclude in the afternoon service on Shabbat, from there they continue to read on Monday morning. Where they conclude on Monday, from there they continue to read on Thursday morning. Where they conclude on Thursday, from there they continue to read on the coming Shabbat. This is the statement of Rabbi Meir. Rabbi Yehuda says: With regard to the place in the Torah where they conclude the reading on Shabbat morning, it is from there that they continue to read in the afternoon service on Shabbat. And from that same place they continue to read on Monday morning, and on Thursday morning, and on the coming Shabbat.,The Gemara notes that Rabbi Zeira said: The halakha is that with regard to the place where they conclude the reading on Shabbat morning, it is from there that they continue to read in the afternoon service on Shabbat. And from that same place they continue to read on Monday morning, and on Thursday morning, and on the coming Shabbat. The Gemara asks: If so, let him simply say: The halakha is in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yehuda. Why did he have to explicitly state the whole halakha?'' None
116. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Tanna de Vey Eliyahu • audience, of De Abrahamo

 Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 354; Lieber (2014), A Vocabulary of Desire: The Song of Songs in the Early Synagogue, 165

109a מאן נשדר נשדר בהדי נחום איש גם זו דמלומד בנסים הוא,כי מטא לההוא דיורא בעא למיבת אמרי ליה מאי איכא בהדך אמר להו קא מובילנא כרגא לקיסר קמו בליליא שרינהו לסיפטיה ושקלו כל דהוה גביה ומלנהו עפרא כי מטא להתם אישתכח עפרא אמר אחוכי קא מחייכי בי יהודאי אפקוהו למקטליה אמר גם זו לטובה אתא אליהו ואידמי להו כחד מינייהו אמר להו דילמא האי עפרא מעפרא דאברהם אבינו הוא דהוה שדי עפרא הוו חרבי גילי הוו גירי בדוק ואשכחו הכי,הוה מחוזא דלא הוו קא יכלי ליה למיכבשיה שדו מההוא עפרא עליה וכבשוה עיילוהו לבי גנזא אמרי שקול דניחא לך מלייה לסיפטא דהבא כי הדר אתא אמרו ליה הנך דיורי מאי אמטית לבי מלכא אמר להו מאי דשקלי מהכא אמטאי להתם שקלי אינהו אמטו להתם קטלינהו להנך דיורי:,דור הפלגה אין להם חלק לעולם הבא וכו\': מאי עבוד אמרי דבי רבי שילא נבנה מגדל ונעלה לרקיע ונכה אותו בקרדומות כדי שיזובו מימיו מחכו עלה במערבא א"כ ליבנו אחד בטורא,(אלא) א"ר ירמיה בר אלעזר נחלקו לג\' כיתות אחת אומרת נעלה ונשב שם ואחת אומרת נעלה ונעבוד עבודת כוכבים ואחת אומרת נעלה ונעשה מלחמה זו שאומרת נעלה ונשב שם הפיצם ה\' וזו שאומרת נעלה ונעשה מלחמה נעשו קופים ורוחות ושידים ולילין וזו שאומרת נעלה ונעבוד עבודת כוכבים (בראשית יא, ט) כי שם בלל ה\' שפת כל הארץ,תניא רבי נתן אומר כולם לשם עבודת כוכבים נתכוונו כתיב הכא (בראשית יא, ד) נעשה לנו שם וכתיב התם (שמות כג, יג) ושם אלהים אחרים לא תזכירו מה להלן עבודת כוכבים אף כאן עבודת כוכבים,אמר רבי יוחנן מגדל שליש נשרף שליש נבלע שליש קיים אמר רב אויר מגדל משכח אמר רב יוסף בבל ובורסיף סימן רע לתורה מאי בורסיף אמר ר\' אסי בור שאפי:,אנשי סדום אין להם חלק לעולם הבא וכו\': ת"ר אנשי סדום אין להן חלק לעולם הבא שנאמר (בראשית יג, יג) ואנשי סדום רעים וחטאים לה\' מאד רעים בעוה"ז וחטאים לעולם הבא,אמר רב יהודה רעים בגופן וחטאים בממונם רעים בגופן דכתיב (בראשית לט, ט) ואיך אעשה הרעה הגדולה הזאת וחטאתי לאלהים וחטאים בממונם דכתיב (דברים טו, ט) והיה בך חטא לה\' זו ברכת השם מאד שמתכוונים וחוטאים,במתניתא תנא רעים בממונם וחטאים בגופן רעים בממונם דכתיב (דברים טו, ט) ורעה עינך באחיך האביון וחטאים בגופן דכתיב (בראשית לט, ט) וחטאתי לאלהים לה\' זו ברכת השם מאד זו שפיכות דמים שנאמר (מלכים ב כא, טז) גם דם נקי שפך מנשה (בירושלים) הרבה מאד וגו\',ת"ר אנשי סדום לא נתגאו אלא בשביל טובה שהשפיע להם הקב"ה ומה כתיב בהם (איוב כח, ה) ארץ ממנה יצא לחם ותחתיה נהפך כמו אש מקום ספיר אבניה ועפרות זהב לו נתיב לא ידעו עיט ולא שזפתו עין איה לא הדריכוהו בני שחץ לא עדה עליו שחל,אמרו וכי מאחר שארץ ממנה יצא לחם ועפרות זהב לו למה לנו עוברי דרכים שאין באים אלינו אלא לחסרינו מממוננו בואו ונשכח תורת רגל מארצנו שנאמר (איוב כח, ד) פרץ נחל מעם גר הנשכחים מני רגל דלו מאנוש נעו,דרש רבא מאי דכתיב (תהלים סב, ד) עד אנה תהותתו על איש תרצחו כולכם כקיר נטוי גדר הדחויה מלמד שהיו נותנין עיניהן בבעלי ממון ומושיבין אותו אצל קיר נטוי ודוחין אותו עליו ובאים ונוטלין את ממונו,דרש רבא מאי דכתיב (איוב כד, טז) חתר בחשך בתים יומם חתמו למו לא (ראו) ידעו אור מלמד שהיו נותנים עיניהם בבעלי ממון ומפקידים אצלו אפרסמון ומניחים אותו בבית גנזיהם לערב באים ומריחין אותו ככלב שנא\' (תהלים נט, ז) ישובו לערב יהמו ככלב ויסובבו עיר ובאים וחותרים שם ונוטלין אותו ממון,(איוב כד, י) ערום הלכו מבלי לבוש ואין כסות בקרה חמור יתומים ינהגו יחבלו שור אלמנה גבולות ישיגו עדר גזלו וירעו (איוב כא, לב) והוא לקברות יובל ועל גדיש ישקוד,דרש ר\' יוסי בציפורי אחתרין ההיא ליליא תלת מאה מחתרתא בציפורי אתו וקא מצערי ליה אמרו ליה יהבית אורחיה לגנבי אמר להו מי הוה ידענא דאתו גנבי כי קא נח נפשיה דרבי יוסי שפעי מרזבי דציפורי דמא,אמרי דאית ליה חד תורא מרעי חד יומא דלית ליה לירעי תרי יומי ההוא יתמא בר ארמלתא הבו ליה תורי למרעיה אזל שקלינהו וקטלינהו אמר להו'' None109a whom shall we send the gift? They decided: We will send it with Naḥum of Gam Zo, as he is experienced in miracles.,When he reached a certain lodging, he sought to sleep there. The residents of that lodging said to him: What do you have with you? Naḥum said to them: I am taking the head tax to the emperor. They rose in the night, opened his chest and took everything that was in it, and then filled the chest with dirt. When he arrived there, in Rome, earth was discovered in the chest. The emperor said: The Jews are mocking me by giving me this gift. They took Naḥum out to kill him. Naḥum said: This too is for the best. Elijah the prophet came and appeared to them as one of Naḥum’s traveling party. Elijah said to them: Perhaps this earth is from the earth of Abraham our forefather, who would throw dust and it became swords, and who would throw straw and it became arrows. They examined the dust and discovered that it was indeed the dust of Abraham.,There was a province that the Romans were unable to conquer. They threw some of this earth upon that province and they conquered it. In appreciation for the gift that Naḥum of Gam Zo had brought on behalf of the Jewish people, they brought him into the treasury and said: Take that which is preferable to you. He filled his chest with gold. When he returned to that lodging, those residents said to him: What did you bring to the king’s palace? Naḥum said to them: What I took from here, I brought to there. The residents concluded that the earth with which they had filled the chest had miraculous properties. They took earth and brought it to the emperor. Once the Romans discovered that the earth was ineffective in battle, they executed those residents.,§ The mishna teaches that the members of the generation of the dispersion have no share in the World-to-Come. The Gemara asks: What sin did they perform? Their sin is not explicitly delineated in the Torah. The school of Rabbi Sheila say that the builders of the Tower of Babel said: We will build a tower and ascend to heaven, and we will strike it with axes so that its waters will flow. They laughed at this explanation in the West, Eretz Yisrael, and asked: If that was their objective, let them build a tower on a mountain; why did they build it specifically in a valley (see Genesis 11:2)?,Rather, Rabbi Yirmeya bar Elazar says: They divided into three factions; one said: Let us ascend to the top of the tower and dwell there. And one said: Let us ascend to the top of the tower and engage in idol worship. And one said: Let us ascend to the top of the tower and wage war. With regard to that faction that said: Let us ascend to the top of the tower and dwell there, God dispersed them. And that faction that said: Let us ascend to the top of the tower and wage war, became apes, and spirits, and demons, and female demons. And with regard to that faction that said: Let us ascend to the top of the tower and engage in idol wor-ship, it is written: “Because there the Lord confounded the language of all the earth” (Genesis 11:9).,It is taught in a baraita: Rabbi Natan says: All of those factions intended to build the tower for the sake of idol worship. It is written here: “And let us make a name for us” (Genesis 11:4), and it is written there: “And make no mention of the name of the other gods” (Exodus 23:13). Just as there, the connotation of “name” is idol worship, so too here, the connotation of “name” is idol worship.,Rabbi Yoḥa says: The uppermost third of the tower was burned, the lowermost third of the tower was swallowed into the earth, and the middle third remained intact. Rav says: The atmosphere of the tower causes forgetfulness; anyone who goes there forgets what he has learned. As a result of the building of the tower, forgetting was introduced into the world. Rav Yosef says: Babylonia and the adjacent place, Bursif, are each a bad omen for Torah, i.e., they cause one to forget his knowledge. The Gemara asks: What is the meaning of Bursif? Rabbi Asi says: It is an abbreviation of empty pit bor shafi.,§ The mishna teaches: The people of Sodom have no share in the World-to-Come. The Sages taught: The people of Sodom have no share in the World-to-Come, as it is stated: “And the men of Sodom were wicked and sinners before the Lord exceedingly” (Genesis 13:13). “Wicked” indicates in this world; “and sinners” indicates for the World-to-Come.,Rav Yehuda says: “Wicked” is referring to sins they committed with their bodies; “and sinners” is referring to sins they committed with their money. “Wicked” is referring to sins they committed with their bodies, as it is written with regard to Joseph and the wife of Potiphar: “And how can I do this great wickedness, and sin against God” (Genesis 39:9). “And sinners” is referring to sins they committed with their money, as it is written: “And your eye is wicked against your poor brother, and you give him nothing…for it shall be reckoned to you as a sin” (Deuteronomy 15:9). “Before the Lord”; this is referring to blessing, a euphemism for cursing, God. “Exceedingly” means that they had intent and sinned and did not sin unwittingly or driven by lust.,It was taught in a baraita: “Wicked” is referring to sins they committed with their money; “and sinners” is referring to sins they committed with their bodies. “Wicked” is referring to sins they committed with their money, as it is written: “And your eye is wicked against your poor brother and you give him nothing” (Deuteronomy 15:9). “And sinners” is referring to sins they committed with their bodies, as it is written with regard to Joseph and the wife of Potiphar: “And sin against God” (Genesis 39:9). “Before the Lord”; this is referring to blessing, a euphemism for cursing, God. “Exceedingly meod is referring to bloodshed, as it is stated: “Moreover Manasseh shed very meod much blood” (II\xa0Kings 21:16).,The Sages taught: The people of Sodom became haughty and sinned due only to the excessive goodness that the Holy One, Blessed be He, bestowed upon them. And what is written concerning them, indicating that goodness? “As for the earth, out of it comes bread, and underneath it is turned up as it were by fire. Its stones are the place of sapphires, and it has dust of gold. That path no bird of prey knows, neither has the falcon’s eye seen it. The proud beasts have not trodden it, nor has the lion passed thereby” (Job 28:5–8). The reference is to the city of Sodom, which was later overturned, as it is stated thereafter: “He puts forth His hand upon the flinty rock; He overturns the mountains by the roots” (Job 28:9).,The people of Sodom said: Since we live in a land from which bread comes and has the dust of gold, we have everything that we need. Why do we need travelers, as they come only to divest us of our property? Come, let us cause the proper treatment of travelers to be forgotten from our land, as it is stated: “He breaks open a watercourse in a place far from inhabitants, forgotten by pedestrians, they are dried up, they have moved away from men” (Job 28:4).,Rava taught: What is the meaning of that which is written: “How long will you seek to overwhelm a man? You will all be murdered like a leaning wall or a tottering fence” (Psalms 62:4)? This teaches that the people of Sodom set their sights on property owners. They would take one and place him alongside an inclined, flimsy wall that was about to fall, and push it upon him to kill him, and then they would come and take his property.,Rava taught: What is the meaning of that which is written: “In the dark they dig through houses; by day they shut themselves up; they know not the light” (Job 24:16)? This teaches that they would set their sights on property owners. They would take one and they would give him balsam, whose smell diffuses, and the property owner would place it in his treasury. In the evening, the people of Sodom would come and sniff it out like a dog and discover the location of the property owner’s treasury, as it is stated: “They return at evening; they howl like a dog, and go round about the city” (Psalms 59:7). And after discovering the location they would come and dig there, and they would take that property.,The Gemara cites verses that allude to the practices of the people of Sodom: “They lie at night naked without clothing, and they have no covering in the cold” (Job 24:7). And likewise: “They drive away the donkey of the fatherless; they take the widow’s ox as a pledge” (Job 24:3). And likewise: “They trespass; they violently steal flocks and graze them” (Job 24:2). And likewise: “For he is brought to the grave, and watch is kept over his tomb” (Job 21:32).,Rabbi Yosei taught in Tzippori the methods of theft employed in Sodom. That night three hundred tunnels were excavated in Tzippori in order to employ those methods. Homeowners came and harassed him; they said to him: You have given a way for thieves to steal. Rabbi Yosei said to them: Did I know that thieves would come as a result of my lecture? The Gemara relates: When Rabbi Yosei died, the gutters of Tzippori miraculously overflowed with blood as a sign of his death.,The people of Sodom would say: Anyone who has one ox shall herd the city’s oxen for one day. Anyone who does not have any oxen shall herd the city’s oxen for two days. The Gemara relates: They gave oxen to a certain orphan, son of a widow, to herd. He went and took them and killed them. The orphan said to the people of Sodom:'' None
117. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.16, 5.78, 10.122-10.135 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • De Lacy, P. • De Sanctis, Gaetano • De finibus • De officiis • Demetrius of Phalerum, in Cicero’s De finibus • Epicurus, authority in the De Rerum Natura

 Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 88; Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 10, 230; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 113; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 204; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 86; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 10, 230

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5.78 And in the official list the year in which he was archon was styled the year of lawlessness, according to this same Favorinus.Hermippus tells us that upon the death of Casander, being in fear of Antigonus, he fled to Ptolemy Soter. There he spent a considerable time and advised Ptolemy, among other things, to invest with sovereign power his children by Eurydice. To this Ptolemy would not agree, but bestowed the diadem on his son by Berenice, who, after Ptolemy's death, thought fit to detain Demetrius as a prisoner in the country until some decision should be taken concerning him. There he lived in great dejection, and somehow, in his sleep, received an asp-bite on the hand which proved fatal. He is buried in the district of Busiris near Diospolis." 10.122 Let no one be slow to seek wisdom when he is young nor weary in the search thereof when he is grown old. For no age is too early or too late for the health of the soul. And to say that the season for studying philosophy has not yet come, or that it is past and gone, is like saying that the season for happiness is not yet or that it is now no more. Therefore, both old and young ought to seek wisdom, the former in order that, as age comes over him, he may be young in good things because of the grace of what has been, and the latter in order that, while he is young, he may at the same time be old, because he has no fear of the things which are to come. So we must exercise ourselves in the things which bring happiness, since, if that be present, we have everything, and, if that be absent, all our actions are directed toward attaining it. 10.123 Those things which without ceasing I have declared unto thee, those do, and exercise thyself therein, holding them to be the elements of right life. First believe that God is a living being immortal and blessed, according to the notion of a god indicated by the common sense of mankind; and so believing, thou shalt not affirm of him aught that is foreign to his immortality or that agrees not with blessedness, but shalt believe about him whatever may uphold both his blessedness and his immortality. For verily there are gods, and the knowledge of them is manifest; but they are not such as the multitude believe, seeing that men do not steadfastly maintain the notions they form respecting them. Not the man who denies the gods worshipped by the multitude, but he who affirms of the gods what the multitude believes about them is truly impious. 10.124 For the utterances of the multitude about the gods are not true preconceptions but false assumptions; hence it is that the greatest evils happen to the wicked and the greatest blessings happen to the good from the hand of the gods, seeing that they are always favourable to their own good qualities and take pleasure in men like unto themselves, but reject as alien whatever is not of their kind.Accustom thyself to believe that death is nothing to us, for good and evil imply sentience, and death is the privation of all sentience; therefore a right understanding that death is nothing to us makes the mortality of life enjoyable, not by adding to life an illimitable time, but by taking away the yearning after immortality. 10.125 For life has no terrors for him who has thoroughly apprehended that there are no terrors for him in ceasing to live. Foolish, therefore, is the man who says that he fears death, not because it will pain when it comes, but because it pains in the prospect. Whatsoever causes no annoyance when it is present, causes only a groundless pain in the expectation. Death, therefore, the most awful of evils, is nothing to us, seeing that, when we are, death is not come, and, when death is come, we are not. It is nothing, then, either to the living or to the dead, for with the living it is not and the dead exist no longer. But in the world, at one time men shun death as the greatest of all evils, and at another time choose it as a respite from the evils in life. 10.126 The wise man does not deprecate life nor does he fear the cessation of life. The thought of life is no offence to him, nor is the cessation of life regarded as an evil. And even as men choose of food not merely and simply the larger portion, but the more pleasant, so the wise seek to enjoy the time which is most pleasant and not merely that which is longest. And he who admonishes the young to live well and the old to make a good end speaks foolishly, not merely because of the desirableness of life, but because the same exercise at once teaches to live well and to die well. Much worse is he who says that it were good not to be born, but when once one is born to pass with all speed through the gates of Hades. 10.127 For if he truly believes this, why does he not depart from life? It were easy for him to do so, if once he were firmly convinced. If he speaks only in mockery, his words are foolishness, for those who hear believe him not.We must remember that the future is neither wholly ours nor wholly not ours, so that neither must we count upon it as quite certain to come nor despair of it as quite certain not to come.We must also reflect that of desires some are natural, others are groundless; and that of the natural some are necessary as well as natural, and some natural only. And of the necessary desires some are necessary if we are to be happy, some if the body is to be rid of uneasiness, some if we are even to live. 10.128 He who has a clear and certain understanding of these things will direct every preference and aversion toward securing health of body and tranquillity of mind, seeing that this is the sum and end of a blessed life. For the end of all our actions is to be free from pain and fear, and, when once we have attained all this, the tempest of the soul is laid; seeing that the living creature has no need to go in search of something that is lacking, nor to look for anything else by which the good of the soul and of the body will be fulfilled. When we are pained because of the absence of pleasure, then, and then only, do we feel the need of pleasure. Wherefore we call pleasure the alpha and omega of a blessed life. Pleasure is our first and kindred good. 10.129 It is the starting-point of every choice and of every aversion, and to it we come back, inasmuch as we make feeling the rule by which to judge of every good thing. And since pleasure is our first and native good, for that reason we do not choose every pleasure whatsoever, but ofttimes pass over many pleasures when a greater annoyance ensues from them. And ofttimes we consider pains superior to pleasures when submission to the pains for a long time brings us as a consequence a greater pleasure. While therefore all pleasure because it is naturally akin to us is good, not all pleasure is choiceworthy, just as all pain is an evil and yet not all pain is to be shunned. 10.130 It is, however, by measuring one against another, and by looking at the conveniences and inconveniences, that all these matters must be judged. Sometimes we treat the good as an evil, and the evil, on the contrary, as a good. Again, we regard independence of outward things as a great good, not so as in all cases to use little, but so as to be contented with little if we have not much, being honestly persuaded that they have the sweetest enjoyment of luxury who stand least in need of it, and that whatever is natural is easily procured and only the vain and worthless hard to win. Plain fare gives as much pleasure as a costly diet, when once the pain of want has been removed,' "10.131 while bread and water confer the highest possible pleasure when they are brought to hungry lips. To habituate one's self, th