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55 results for "daphnis"
1. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 2 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2012a), Narrating Desire: Eros, Sex, and Gender in the Ancient Novel, 23
2. Homer, Odyssey, 2.80-2.81, 4.87-4.88, 9.219, 21.333-21.335 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013), Anton Bierl? and Roger Beck?, Intende, Lector - Echoes of Myth, Religion and Ritual in the Ancient Novel, 34; Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 259, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271
3. Sappho, Fragments, 16 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2012a), Narrating Desire: Eros, Sex, and Gender in the Ancient Novel, 190
4. Sappho, Fragments, 16 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2012a), Narrating Desire: Eros, Sex, and Gender in the Ancient Novel, 190
5. Euripides, Cyclops, 100-104, 106-174, 96-99, 105 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 265
105. ἐκεῖνος αὐτός εἰμι: λοιδόρει δὲ μή.
6. Aristophanes, Peace, 440 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 124
440. ἔχονθ' ἑταίραν καὶ σκαλεύοντ' ἄνθρακας.
7. Xenophon, On Household Management, 7.33-7.36 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 127, 270
8. Aristophanes, Women of The Assembly, 661 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 135
661. ἐν τῷ κοινῷ πάντων ὄντων; κλέπτων δήπου' στ' ἐπίδηλος.
9. Plato, Timaeus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013), Anton Bierl? and Roger Beck?, Intende, Lector - Echoes of Myth, Religion and Ritual in the Ancient Novel, 71
71d. ὀρθὰ καὶ λεῖα αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐλεύθερα ἀπευθύνουσα, ἵλεών τε καὶ εὐήμερον ποιοῖ τὴν περὶ τὸ ἧπαρ ψυχῆς μοῖραν κατῳκισμένην, ἔν τε τῇ νυκτὶ διαγωγὴν ἔχουσαν μετρίαν, μαντείᾳ χρωμένην καθʼ ὕπνον, ἐπειδὴ λόγου καὶ φρονήσεως οὐ μετεῖχε. μεμνημένοι γὰρ τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπιστολῆς οἱ συστήσαντες ἡμᾶς, ὅτε τὸ θνητὸν ἐπέστελλεν γένος ὡς ἄριστον εἰς δύναμιν ποιεῖν, οὕτω δὴ κατορθοῦντες καὶ τὸ φαῦλον 71d. rectifies all its parts so as to make them straight and smooth and free, it causes the part of the soul planted round the liver to be cheerful and serene, so that in the night it passes its time sensibly, being occupied in its slumbers with divination, seeing that in reason and intelligence it has no share.
10. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013), Anton Bierl? and Roger Beck?, Intende, Lector - Echoes of Myth, Religion and Ritual in the Ancient Novel, 71
11. Demosthenes, Against Neaera, 122 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2012a), Narrating Desire: Eros, Sex, and Gender in the Ancient Novel, 181, 182
12. Theocritus, Idylls, 5.88-5.89, 8.72-8.73 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2012a), Narrating Desire: Eros, Sex, and Gender in the Ancient Novel, 191
13. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.4.131 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 118
14. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.5-1.18, 1.113-1.114, 1.127-1.128 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 118
1.5. Vis enim, ut mihi saepe dixisti, quoniam, quae pueris aut adulescentulis nobis ex commentariolis nostris incohata ac rudia exciderunt, vix sunt hac aetate digna et hoc usu, quem ex causis, quas diximus, tot tantisque consecuti sumus, aliquid eisdem de rebus politius a nobis perfectiusque proferri; solesque non numquam hac de re a me in disputationibus nostris dissentire, quod ego eruditissimorum hominum artibus eloquentiam contineri statuam, tu autem illam ab elegantia doctrinae segregandam putes et in quodam ingeni atque exercitationis genere ponendam. Ac mihi quidem saepe numero in summos homines ac summis ingeniis praeditos intuenti quaerendum esse visum est quid esset cur plures in omnibus rebus quam in dicendo admirabiles exstitissent; nam quocumque te animo et cogitatione converteris, permultos excellentis in quoque genere videbis non mediocrium artium, sed prope maximarum. 1.6. Quis enim est qui, si clarorum hominum scientiam rerum gestarum vel utilitate vel magnitudine metiri velit, non anteponat oratori imperatorem? 1.7. Quis autem dubitet quin belli duces ex hac una civitate praestantissimos paene innumerabilis, in dicendo autem excellentis vix paucos proferre possimus? 1.8. Iam vero consilio ac sapientia qui regere ac gubernare rem publicam possint, multi nostra, plures patrum memoria atque etiam maiorum exstiterunt, cum boni perdiu nulli, vix autem singulis aetatibus singuli tolerabiles oratores invenirentur. Ac ne qui forte cum aliis studiis, quae reconditis in artibus atque in quadam varietate litterarum versentur, magis hanc dicendi rationem, quam cum imperatoris laude aut cum boni senatoris prudentia comparandam putet, convertat animum ad ea ipsa artium genera circumspiciatque, qui in eis floruerint quamque multi sint; sic facillime, quanta oratorum sit et semper fuerit paucitas, iudicabit. 1.9. Neque enim te fugit omnium laudatarum artium procreatricem quandam et quasi parentem eam, quam filosofi/an Graeci vocant, ab hominibus doctissimis iudicari; in qua difficile est enumerare quot viri quanta scientia quantaque in suis studiis varietate et copia fuerint, qui non una aliqua in re separatim elaborarint, sed omnia, quaecumque possent, vel scientiae pervestigatione vel disserendi ratione comprehenderint. 1.10. Quis ignorat, ei, qui mathematici vocantur, quanta in obscuritate rerum et quam recondita in arte et multiplici subtilique versentur? Quo tamen in genere ita multi perfecti homines exstiterunt, ut nemo fere studuisse ei scientiae vehementius videatur, quin quod voluerit consecutus sit. Quis musicis, quis huic studio litterarum, quod profitentur ei, qui grammatici vocantur, penitus se dedit, quin omnem illarum artium paene infinitam vim et materiem scientia et cognitione comprehenderit? 1.11. Vere mihi hoc videor esse dicturus, ex omnibus eis, qui in harum artium liberalissimis studiis sint doctrinisque versati, minimam copiam poetarum et oratorum egregiorum exstitisse: atque in hoc ipso numero, in quo perraro exoritur aliquis excellens, si diligenter et ex nostrorum et ex Graecorum copia comparare voles, multo tamen pauciores oratores quam poetae boni reperientur. 1.12. Quod hoc etiam mirabilius debet videri, quia ceterarum artium studia fere reconditis atque abditis e fontibus hauriuntur, dicendi autem omnis ratio in medio posita communi quodam in usu atque in hominum ore et sermone versatur, ut in ceteris id maxime excellat, quod longissime sit ab imperitorum intellegentia sensuque disiunctum, in dicendo autem vitium vel maximum sit a vulgari genere orationis atque a consuetudine communis sensus abhorrere. 1.13. Ac ne illud quidem vere dici potest aut pluris ceteris inservire aut maiore delectatione aut spe uberiore aut praemiis ad perdiscendum amplioribus commoveri. Atque ut omittam Graeciam, quae semper eloquentiae princeps esse voluit, atque illas omnium doctrinarum inventrices Athenas, in quibus summa dicendi vis et inventa est et perfecta, in hac ipsa civitate profecto nulla umquam vehementius quam eloquentiae studia viguerunt. 1.14. Nam postea quam imperio omnium gentium constituto diuturnitas pacis otium confirmavit, nemo fere laudis cupidus adulescens non sibi ad dicendum studio omni enitendum putavit; ac primo quidem totius rationis ignari, qui neque exercitationis ullam vim neque aliquod praeceptum artis esse arbitrarentur, tantum, quantum ingenio et cogitatione poterant, consequebantur; post autem auditis oratoribus Graecis cognitisque eorum litteris adhibitisque doctoribus incredibili quodam nostri homines di s cendi studio flagraverunt. 1.15. Excitabat eos magnitudo, varietas multitudoque in omni genere causarum, ut ad eam doctrinam, quam suo quisque studio consecutus esset, adiungeretur usus frequens, qui omnium magistrorum praecepta superaret; erant autem huic studio maxima, quae nunc quoque sunt, exposita praemia vel ad gratiam vel ad opes vel ad dignitatem; ingenia vero, ut multis rebus possumus iudicare, nostrorum hominum multum ceteris hominibus omnium gentium praestiterunt. 1.16. Quibus de causis quis non iure miretur ex omni memoria aetatum, temporum, civitatum tam exiguum oratorum numerum inveniri? Sed enim maius est hoc quiddam quam homines opitur, et pluribus ex artibus studiisque conlectum. Quid enim quis aliud in maxima discentium multitudine, summa magistrorum copia, praestantissimis hominum ingeniis, infinita causarum varietate, amplissimis eloquentiae propositis praemiis esse causae putet, nisi rei quandam incredibilem magnitudinem ac difficultatem? 1.17. Est enim et scientia comprehendenda rerum plurimarum, sine qua verborum volubilitas iis atque inridenda est, et ipsa oratio conformanda non solum electione, sed etiam constructione verborum, et omnes animorum motus, quos hominum generi rerum natura tribuit, penitus pernoscendi, quod omnis vis ratioque dicendi in eorum, qui audiunt, mentibus aut sedandis aut excitandis expromenda est; accedat eodem oportet lepos quidam facetiaeque et eruditio libero digna celeritasque et brevitas et respondendi et lacessendi subtili venustate atque urbanitate coniuncta; tenenda praeterea est omnis antiquitas exemplorumque vis, neque legum ac iuris civilis scientia neglegenda est. 1.18. Nam quid ego de actione ipsa plura dicam? quae motu corporis, quae gestu, quae vultu, quae vocis conformatione ac varietate moderanda est; quae sola per se ipsa quanta sit, histrionum levis ars et scaena declarat; in qua cum omnes in oris et vocis et motus moderatione laborent, quis ignorat quam pauci sint fuerintque, quos animo aequo spectare possimus? Quid dicam de thesauro rerum omnium, memoria? Quae nisi custos inventis cogitatisque rebus et verbis adhibeatur, intellegimus omnia, etiam si praeclarissima fuerint in oratore, peritura. 1.113. 'Perge vero,' inquit 'Crasse,' Mucius; 'istam enim culpam, quam vereris, ego praestabo.' 'Sic igitur' inquit 'sentio,' Crassus 'naturam primum atque ingenium ad dicendum vim adferre maximam; neque vero istis, de quibus paulo ante dixit Antonius, scriptoribus artis rationem dicendi et viam, sed naturam defuisse; nam et animi atque ingeni celeres quidam motus esse debent, qui et ad excogitandum acuti et ad explicandum ordumque sint uberes et ad memoriam firmi atque diuturni; 1.114. et si quis est qui haec putet arte accipi posse,—quod falsum est; praeclare enim res se habeat, si haec accendi aut commoveri arte possint; inseri quidem et donari ab arte non possunt; omnia sunt enim illa dona naturae—quid de illis dicam, quae certe cum ipso homine nascuntur, linguae solutio, vocis sonus, latera, vires, conformatio quaedam et figura totius oris et corporis? 1.127. Satis est enim in ceteris artificiis percipiendis tantum modo similem esse hominis et id, quod tradatur vel etiam inculcetur, si qui forte sit tardior, posse percipere animo et memoria custodire; non quaeritur mobilitas linguae, non celeritas verborum, non denique ea, quae nobis non possumus fingere, facies, vultus, sonus: 1.128. in oratore autem acumen dialecticorum, sententiae philosophorum, verba prope poetarum, memoria iuris consultorum, vox tragoedorum, gestus paene summorum actorum est requirendus; quam ob rem nihil in hominum genere rarius perfecto oratore inveniri potest; quae enim, singularum rerum artifices singula si mediocriter adepti sunt, probantur, ea nisi omnia sunt in oratore summa, probari non possunt.'
15. Cicero, On Divination, 1.72 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •dreams (in greek and latin literature), longus, daphnis and chloe Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 5
1.72. in quo haruspices, augures coniectoresque numerantur. Haec inprobantur a Peripateticis, a Stoicis defenduntur. Quorum alia sunt posita in monumentis et disciplina, quod Etruscorum declarant et haruspicini et fulgurales et rituales libri, vestri etiam augurales, alia autem subito ex tempore coniectura explicantur, ut apud Homerum Calchas, qui ex passerum numero belli Troiani annos auguratus est, et ut in Sullae scriptum historia videmus, quod te inspectante factum est, ut, cum ille in agro Nolano inmolaret ante praetorium, ab infima ara subito anguis emergeret, cum quidem C. Postumius haruspex oraret illum, ut in expeditionem exercitum educeret; id cum Sulla fecisset, tum ante oppidum Nolam florentissuma Samnitium castra cepit. 1.72. But those methods of divination which are dependent on conjecture, or on deductions from events previously observed and recorded, are, as I have said before, not natural, but artificial, and include the inspection of entrails, augury, and the interpretation of dreams. These are disapproved of by the Peripatetics and defended by the Stoics. Some are based upon records and usage, as is evident from the Etruscan books on divination by means of inspection of entrails and by means of thunder and lightning, and as is also evident from the books of your augural college; while others are dependent on conjecture made suddenly and on the spur of the moment. An instance of the latter kind is that of Calchas in Homer, prophesying the number of years of the Trojan War from the number of sparrows. We find another illustration of conjectural divination in the history of Sulla in an occurrence which you witnessed. While he was offering sacrifices in front of his head-quarters in the Nolan district a snake suddenly came out from beneath the altar. The soothsayer, Gaius Postumius, begged Sulla to proceed with his march at once. Sulla did so and captured the strongly fortified camp of the Samnites which lay in front of the town of Nola.
16. Catullus, Poems, 5, 7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2012a), Narrating Desire: Eros, Sex, and Gender in the Ancient Novel, 16
17. Livy, History, 3.31.1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 114
18. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 10.31-10.32 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 114
10.31. 1.  The following year, when Marcus Valerius and Spurius Verginius were consuls, no army of the Romans went out of their borders, but there were fresh outbreaks of civil strife between the tribunes and the consuls, as a result of which the former wrested away some part of the consular power. Before this time the power of the tribunes was limited to the popular assembly and they had no authority either to convene the senate or to express an opinion there, that being a prerogative of the consuls.,2.  The tribunes of the year in question were the first who undertook to convene the senate, the experiment being made by Icilius, the head of their college, a man of action and, for a Roman, not lacking in eloquence. For he too was at that time proposing a new measure, asking that the region called the Aventine be divided among the plebeians for the building of houses. This is a hill of moderate height, not less than twelve stades in circuit, and is included within the city; not all of it was then inhabited, but it was public land and thickly wooded.,3.  In order to get this measure introduced, the tribune went to the consuls of the year and to the senate, asking them to pass the preliminary vote for the law embodying the measure and to submit it to the populace. But when the consuls kept putting it off and protracting the time, he sent his attendant to them with orders that they should follow him to the office of the tribunes and call together the senate. And when one of the lictors at the orders of the consuls drove away the attendant, Icilius and his colleagues in their resentment seized the lictor and led him away with the intention of hurling him down from the rock.,4.  The consuls, though they looked upon this as a great insult, were unable to use force or to rescue the man who was being led away, but invoked the assistance of the other tribunes; for no one but another tribune has a right to stop or hinder any of the actions of those magistrates.,5.  Now the tribunes had all come to this decision at the outset, that no one of their number should either introduce any new measure on his own initiative, unless they all concurred in it, or oppose any proceedings which met with the approval of the majority; and just as soon as they had assumed their magistracy they had confirmed this agreement by sacrifices and mutual oaths, believing that the power of the tribuneship would be most effectively rendered impregnable if dissension were banished from it.,6.  It was in pursuance, then, of this sworn compact that they ordered the consuls' guardian to be led away, declaring this to be the uimous decision of their body. Nevertheless, they did not persist in their resentment, but released the man at the intercession of the oldest senators; for they were not only concerned about the odium that would attend such a procedure, if they should be the first to punish a man by death for obeying an order of the magistrates, but also feared that with this provocation the patricians might be driven to take desperate measures. 10.32. 1.  After this action the senate was assembled and the consuls indulged in many accusations against the tribunes. Then Icilius took the floor and attempted to justify the tribunes' resentment against the lictor, citing the sacred laws which did not permit either a magistrate or a private citizen to offer any opposition to a tribune; and as for his attempt to convene the senate, he showed them that he had done nothing out of the way, using for this purpose many arguments of every sort, which he had prepared beforehand.,2.  After answering these accusations, he proceeded to introduce his law concerning the hill. It was to this effect: All the parcels of land held by private citizens, if justly acquired, should remain in the possession of the owners, but such parcels as had been taken by force or fraud by any persons and built upon should be turned over to the populace and the present occupants reimbursed for their expenditures according to the appraisal of the arbitrators; all the remainder, belonging to the public, the populace should receive free of cost and divide up among themselves.,3.  He also pointed out that this measure would be advantageous to the commonwealth, not only in many other ways, but particularly in this, that it would put an end to the disturbances raised by the poor concerning the public land that was held by the patricians. For he said they would be contented with receiving a portion of the city, inasmuch as they could have no part of the land lying in the country because of the number and power of those who had appropriated it.,4.  After he had spoken thus, Gaius Claudius was the only person who opposed the law, while many gave their assent; and it was voted to give this district to the populace. Later, at a centuriate assembly called by the consuls, the pontiffs being present together with the augurs and two sacrificers and offering the customary vows and imprecations, the law was ratified. It is inscribed on a column of bronze, which they set up on the Aventine after taking it into the sanctuary of Diana.,5.  When the law had been ratified, the plebeians assembled, and after drawing lots for the plots of ground, began to build, each man taking as large an area as he could; and sometimes two, three, or even more joined together to build one house, and drawing lots, some had the lower and others the upper stories. That year, then, was employed in building houses.
19. Ovid, Fasti, 4.133-4.160 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 129
4.133. Rite deam colitis Latiae matresque nurusque 4.134. et vos, quis vittae longaque vestis abest. 4.135. aurea marmoreo redimicula demite collo, 4.136. demite divitias: tota lavanda dea est. 4.137. aurea siccato redimicula reddite collo: 4.138. nunc alii flores, nunc nova danda rosa est. 4.139. vos quoque sub viridi myrto iubet ipsa lavari: 4.140. causaque, cur iubeat (discite!), certa subest 4.141. litore siccabat rorantes nuda capillos: 4.142. viderunt satyri, turba proterva, deam. 4.143. sensit et opposita texit sua corpora myrto: 4.144. tuta fuit facto vosque referre iubet. 4.145. discite nunc, quare Fortunae tura Virili 4.146. detis eo, calida qui locus umet aqua. 4.147. accipit ille locus posito velamine cunctas 4.148. et vitium nudi corporis omne videt; 4.149. ut tegat hoc celetque viros, Fortuna Virilis 4.150. praestat et hoc parvo ture rogata facit, 4.151. nec pigeat tritum niveo cum lacte papaver 4.152. sumere et expressis mella liquata favis; 4.153. cum primum cupido Venus est deducta marito, 4.154. hoc bibit: ex illo tempore nupta fuit. 4.155. supplicibus verbis illam placate: sub illa 4.156. et forma et mores et bona fama manet. 4.157. Roma pudicitia proavorum tempore lapsa est: 4.158. Cymaeam, veteres, consuluistis anum. 4.159. templa iubet fieri Veneri, quibus ordine factis 4.160. inde Venus verso nomina corde tenet. 4.133. Perform the rites of the goddess, Roman brides and mothers, 4.134. And you who must not wear the headbands and long robes. 4.135. Remove the golden necklaces from her marble neck, 4.136. Remove her riches: the goddess must be cleansed, complete. 4.137. Return the gold necklaces to her neck, once it’s dry: 4.138. Now she’s given fresh flowers, and new-sprung roses. 4.139. She commands you too to bathe, under the green myrtle, 4.140. And there’s a particular reason for her command (learn, now!). 4.141. Naked, on the shore, she was drying her dripping hair: 4.142. The Satyrs, that wanton crowd, spied the goddess. 4.143. She sensed it, and hid her body with a screen of myrtle: 4.144. Doing so, she was safe: she commands that you do so too. 4.145. Learn now why you offer incense to Fortuna Virilis, 4.146. In that place that steams with heated water. 4.147. All women remove their clothes on entering, 4.148. And every blemish on their bodies is seen: 4.149. Virile Fortune undertakes to hide those from the men, 4.150. And she does this at the behest of a little incense. 4.151. Don’t begrudge her poppies, crushed in creamy milk 4.152. And in flowing honey, squeezed from the comb: 4.153. When Venus was first led to her eager spouse, 4.154. She drank so: and from that moment was a bride. 4.155. Please her with words of supplication: beauty, 4.156. Virtue, and good repute are in her keeping. 4.157. In our forefather’s time Rome lapsed from chastity: 4.158. And the ancients consulted the old woman of Cumae. 4.159. She ordered a temple built to Venus: when it was done 4.160. Venus took the name of Heart-Changer (Verticordia).
20. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 4.81.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 264
4.81.2.  Now Apollo begat by Cyrenê in that land a son Aristaeus and gave him while yet a babe into the hands of the Nymphs to nurture, and the latter bestowed upon him three different names, calling him, that is, Nomius, Aristaeus, and Agreus. He learned from the Nymphs how to curdle milk, to make bee-hives, and to cultivate olive-trees, and was the first to instruct men in these matters.
21. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 7.5.5-7.5.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 114
22. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 8.666, 13.796, 13.829-13.830, 14.274 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 266, 271
8.666. intibaque et radix et lactis massa coacti 13.796. mollior et cygni plumis et lacte coacto 13.829. Lac mihi semper adest niveum: pars inde bibenda 13.830. servatur, partem liquefacta coagula durant. 14.274. mellaque vimque meri cum lacte coagula passo,
23. Tibullus, Elegies, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 266, 271
24. Ovid, Amores, 3.7 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2012a), Narrating Desire: Eros, Sex, and Gender in the Ancient Novel, 6
25. Antonius Diogenes, De Incredibilibus (Fragmentum), None (0th cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mheallaigh (2014), Reading Fiction with Lucian: Fakes, Freaks and Hyperreality, 184, 185
26. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 81-83 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 114
27. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 81-83, 126 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2012a), Narrating Desire: Eros, Sex, and Gender in the Ancient Novel, 6
28. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 5.9.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 128
5.9.14.  However, I fear that this line of reasoning will carry us too far. For if it is an indication of adultery that a woman bathes with men, the fact that she revels with young men or even an intimate friendship will also be indications of the same offence. Again depilation, a voluptuous gait, or womanish attire may be regarded as indications of effeminacy and unmanliness by anyone who thinks that such symptoms are the result of an immoral character, just as blood is the result of a wound: for anything, that springs from the matter under investigation and comes to our notice, may properly be called an indication.
29. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 118
30. Tacitus, Annals, 16.19 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013), Anton Bierl? and Roger Beck?, Intende, Lector - Echoes of Myth, Religion and Ritual in the Ancient Novel, 244
16.19. Forte illis diebus Campaniam petiverat Caesar, et Cumas usque progressus Petronius illic attinebatur; nec tulit ultra timoris aut spei moras. neque tamen praeceps vitam expulit, sed incisas venas, ut libitum, obligatas aperire rursum et adloqui amicos, non per seria aut quibus gloriam constantiae peteret. audiebatque referentis nihil de immortalitate animae et sapientium placitis, sed levia carmina et facilis versus. servorum alios largitione, quosdam verberibus adfecit. iniit epulas, somno indulsit, ut quamquam coacta mors fortuitae similis esset. ne codicillis quidem, quod plerique pereuntium, Neronem aut Tigellinum aut quem alium potentium adulatus est, sed flagitia principis sub nominibus exoletorum feminarumque et novitatem cuiusque stupri perscripsit atque obsignata misit Neroni. fregitque anulum ne mox usui esset ad facienda pericula. 16.19.  In those days, as it chanced, the Caesar had migrated to Campania; and Petronius, after proceeding as far as Cumae, was being there detained in custody. He declined to tolerate further the delays of fear or hope; yet still did not hurry to take his life, but caused his already severed arteries to be bound up to meet his whim, then opened them once more, and began to converse with his friends, in no grave strain and with no view to the fame of a stout-hearted ending. He listened to them as they rehearsed, not discourses upon the immortality of the soul or the doctrines of philosophy, but light songs and frivolous verses. Some of his slaves tasted of his bounty, a few of the lash. He took his place at dinner, and drowsed a little, so that death, if compulsory, should at least resemble nature. Not even in his will did he follow the routine of suicide by flattering Nero or Tigellinus or another of the mighty, but — prefixing the names of the various catamites and women — detailed the imperial debauches and the novel features of each act of lust, and sent the document under seal to Nero. His signet-ring he broke, lest it should render dangerous service later.
31. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, 4.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •dreams (in greek and latin literature), longus, daphnis and chloe Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 4
32. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 36.42-36.43 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 143; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 118
33. Sextus, Against The Mathematicians, 6.190 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •dreams (in greek and latin literature), longus, daphnis and chloe Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 4
34. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 11.27 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 259
11.27. But it happened that, while I reasoned with myself and while I examined the issue with the priests, there came a new and marvelous thought in my mind. I realized that I was only consecrated to the goddess Isis, but not sacred to the religion of great Osiris, the sovereign father of all the goddesses. Between them, although there was a religious unity and concord, yet there was a great difference of order and ceremony. And because it was necessary that I should likewise be a devotee of Osiris, there was no long delay. For the night after there appeared to me one of that order, covered with linen robes. He held in his hands spears wrapped in ivy and other things not appropriate to declare. Then he left these things in my chamber and, sitting in my seat, recited to me such things as were necessary for the sumptuous banquet for my initiation. And so that I might know him again, he showed me how the ankle of his left foot was somewhat maimed, which gave him a slight limp.Afterwards I manifestly knew the will of the god Osiris. When matins ended, I went from one priest to another to find the one who had the halting mark on his foot, according to my vision. At length I found it true. I perceived one of the company of the priests who had not only the token of his foot, but the stature and habit of his body, resembling in every point the man who appeared in the nigh. He was called Asinius Marcellus, a name appropriate to my transformation. By and by I went to him and he knew well enough all the matter. He had been admonished by a similar precept in the night. For the night before, as he dressed the flowers and garlands about the head of the god Osiris, he understood from the mouth of the image (which told the predestinations of all men) how the god had sent him a poor man of Madauros. To this man the priest was supposed to minister his sacraments so that he could receive a reward by divine providence, and the other glory for his virtuous studies.
35. Lucian, A True Story, 1.2-1.5, 1.7, 1.29, 1.42, 2.1, 2.28, 2.31, 2.47 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •longus, daphnis and chloe, city as peritextual marker •longus, daphnis and chloe, pseudo-documentary fiction Found in books: Mheallaigh (2014), Reading Fiction with Lucian: Fakes, Freaks and Hyperreality, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 176, 181, 182, 183, 184
36. Lucian, The Lover of Lies, 2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •longus, daphnis and chloe, pseudo-documentary fiction Found in books: Mheallaigh (2014), Reading Fiction with Lucian: Fakes, Freaks and Hyperreality, 174, 175
37. Lucian, Amores, 13-17 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 114
38. Galen, On The Causes of Disease, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •longus, daphnis and chloe, pseudo-documentary fiction Found in books: Mheallaigh (2014), Reading Fiction with Lucian: Fakes, Freaks and Hyperreality, 170
39. Lucian, How To Write History, 62 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •longus, daphnis and chloe, pseudo-documentary fiction Found in books: Mheallaigh (2014), Reading Fiction with Lucian: Fakes, Freaks and Hyperreality, 170
40. Iamblichus (Babyloniaca), Babyloniaca, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 272
41. Achilles Tatius, The Adventures of Leucippe And Cleitophon, 1.2.1-1.2.2, 1.3.1, 1.5, 1.7, 2.3, 3.14-3.15, 5.1, 5.18-5.21, 8.4, 8.15 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe •longus, daphnis and chloe, dialectics of reading •longus, daphnis and chloe •longus, daphnis and chloe, city as peritextual marker •longus, daphnis and chloe, doors •longus, daphnis and chloe, ending Found in books: König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 269, 273; Mheallaigh (2014), Reading Fiction with Lucian: Fakes, Freaks and Hyperreality, 115, 191; Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013), Anton Bierl? and Roger Beck?, Intende, Lector - Echoes of Myth, Religion and Ritual in the Ancient Novel, 10; Pinheiro et al. (2012a), Narrating Desire: Eros, Sex, and Gender in the Ancient Novel, 15; Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 96, 138
42. Alciphron, Letters, 1.1, 7.8, 13.18, 16.6-16.7, 19.21 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2012a), Narrating Desire: Eros, Sex, and Gender in the Ancient Novel, 188, 190, 192
43. Heliodorus, Ethiopian Story, 1.2.5, 1.8.2-1.8.4, 2.5.4, 10.41, 10.41.4 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe •longus, daphnis and chloe, pseudo-documentary fiction Found in books: Mheallaigh (2014), Reading Fiction with Lucian: Fakes, Freaks and Hyperreality, 182; Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 259, 313, 368
44. Chariton, Chaereas And Callirhoe, 2.4, 4.4.9, 4.5, 5.1.7, 6.5, 8.1.13, 8.7.9-8.7.12, 8.8.13-8.8.14, 8.8.16 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •longus, daphnis and chloe •daphnis and chloe •longus, daphnis and chloe, pseudo-documentary fiction Found in books: König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 270; Mheallaigh (2014), Reading Fiction with Lucian: Fakes, Freaks and Hyperreality, 182; Pinheiro et al. (2012a), Narrating Desire: Eros, Sex, and Gender in the Ancient Novel, 15, 17, 19
45. Philostratus, Pictures, None (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013), Anton Bierl? and Roger Beck?, Intende, Lector - Echoes of Myth, Religion and Ritual in the Ancient Novel, 71
46. Papyri, Papyri Graecae Magicae, None (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •dreams (in greek and latin literature), longus, daphnis and chloe Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 4
47. Synesius of Cyrene, On Dreams, 19.45-19.53 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013), Anton Bierl? and Roger Beck?, Intende, Lector - Echoes of Myth, Religion and Ritual in the Ancient Novel, 10
48. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, Cth, None  Tagged with subjects: •dreams (in greek and latin literature), longus, daphnis and chloe Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 5
49. Papyri, P.Oxy., None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan
53. Theocritus, Poems, 1.57-1.58, 5.86-5.87, 11.20, 11.65-11.66  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 265, 266, 274
54. Vergil, Eclogues, 1.31-1.35  Tagged with subjects: •daphnis and chloe Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 266
55. Longus, Daphnis And Chloe, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 270; Mheallaigh (2014), Reading Fiction with Lucian: Fakes, Freaks and Hyperreality, 192, 193, 194