1. Homer, Iliad, 5.787, 8.228 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cyzicus, nyctomachia in
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 59; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 59
sup>
5.787 αἰδὼς Ἀργεῖοι κάκʼ ἐλέγχεα εἶδος ἀγητοί·
8.228 αἰδὼς Ἀργεῖοι, κάκʼ ἐλέγχεα, εἶδος ἀγητοί·'' None | sup>
5.787 tood and shouted in the likeness of great-hearted Stentor of the brazen voice, whose voice is as the voice of fifty other men:Fie, ye Argives, base things of shame fair in semblance only! So long as goodly Achilles was wont to fare into battle, never would the Trojans come forth even before the Dardanian gate;
8.228 and to those of Achilles; for these had drawn up their shapely ships at the furthermost ends, trusting in their valour and in the strength of their hands. There uttered he a piercing shout, calling aloud to the Danaans:Fie, ye Argives, base things of shame fair in semblance only. '' None |
|
2. Herodotus, Histories, 4.15, 4.76, 4.78, 6.37, 6.57 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Attis, in Cyzicus • Cyzicus • Cyzicus, battle of • Festivals, of Magna Mater of Cyzicus • Kybebe/le, in Cyzicus • Kyzikos • Magna Mater, goddess of Cyzicus
Found in books: Bremmer (2008), Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East, 274; Eidinow (2007), Oracles, Curses, and Risk Among the Ancient Greeks, 278; Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 302; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 166; Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 193; Morrison (2020), Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography, 84, 156, 157; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 235, 236, 327
sup>
4.15 ταῦτα μὲν αἱ πόλιες αὗται λέγουσι, τάδε δὲ οἶδα Μεταποντίνοισι τοῖσι ἐν Ἰταλίῃ συγκυρήσαντα μετὰ τὴν ἀφάνισιν τὴν δευτέρην Ἀριστέω ἔτεσι τεσσεράκοντα καὶ διηκοσίοισι, ὡς ἐγὼ συμβαλλόμενος ἐν Προκοννήσῳ τε καὶ Μεταποντίῳ εὕρισκον. Μεταποντῖνοι φασὶ αὐτὸν Ἀριστέην φανέντα σφι ἐς τὴν χώρην κελεῦσαι βωμὸν Ἀπόλλωνος ἱδρύσασθαι καὶ Ἀριστέω τοῦ Προκοννησίου ἐπωνυμίην ἔχοντα ἀνδριάντα πὰρʼ αὐτὸν ἱστάναι· φάναι γὰρ σφι τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα Ἰταλιωτέων μούνοισι δὴ ἀπικέσθαι ἐς τὴν χώρην, καὶ αὐτὸς οἱ ἕπεσθαι ὁ νῦν ἐὼν Ἀριστέης· τότε δὲ, ὅτε εἵπετο τῷ θεῷ, εἶναι κόραξ. καὶ τὸν μὲν εἰπόντα ταῦτα ἀφανισθῆναι, σφέας δὲ Μεταποντῖνοι λέγουσι ἐς Δελφοὺς πέμψαντας τὸν θεὸν ἐπειρωτᾶν ὃ τι τὸ φάσμα τοῦ ἀνθρώπου εἴη. τὴν δὲ Πυθίην σφέας κελεύειν πείθεσθαι τῷ φάσματι, πειθομένοισι δὲ ἄμεινον συνοίσεσθαι. καὶ σφέας δεξαμένους ταῦτα ποιῆσαι ἐπιτελέα. καὶ νῦν ἔστηκε ἀνδριὰς ἐπωνυμίην ἔχων Ἀριστέω παρʼ αὐτῷ τῷ ἀγάλματι τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος, πέριξ δὲ αὐτὸν δάφναι ἑστᾶσι· τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα ἐν τῇ ἀγορῇ ἵδρυται. Ἀριστέω μέν νυν πέρι τοσαῦτα εἰρήσθω.
4.76 ξεινικοῖσι δὲ νομαίοισι καὶ οὗτοι φεύγουσι αἰνῶς χρᾶσθαι, μήτε τεῶν ἄλλων, Ἑλληνικοῖσι δὲ καὶ ἥκιστα, ὡς διέδεξαν Ἀνάχαρσις τε καὶ δεύτερα αὖτις Σκύλης. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ Ἀνάχαρσις ἐπείτε γῆν πολλὴν θεωρήσας καὶ ἀποδεξάμενος κατʼ αὐτὴν σοφίην πολλὴν ἐκομίζετο ἐς ἤθεα τὰ Σκυθέων, πλέων διʼ Ἑλλησπόντου προσίσχει ἐς Κύζικον. καὶ εὗρε γὰρ τῇ μητρὶ τῶν θεῶν ἀνάγοντας τοὺς Κυζικηνοὺς ὁρτὴν μεγαλοπρεπέως κάρτα, εὔξατο τῇ μητρὶ ὁ Ἀνάχαρσις, ἢν σῶς καὶ ὑγιὴς ἀπονοστήσῃ ἐς ἑωυτοῦ, θύσειν τε κατὰ ταὐτὰ κατὰ ὥρα τοὺς Κυζικηνοὺς ποιεῦντας καὶ παννυχίδα στήσειν. ὡς δὲ ἀπίκετο ἐς τὴν Σκυθικήν καταδὺς ἐς τὴν καλεομένην Ὑλαίην ʽἡ δʼ ἔστι μὲν παρὰ τὸν Ἀχιλλήιον δρόμον, τυγχάνει δὲ πᾶσα ἐοῦσα δενδρέων παντοίων πλέἠ, ἐς ταύτην δὴ καταδὺς ὁ Ἀνάχαρσις τὴν ὁρτὴν ἐπετέλεε πᾶσαν τῇ θεῷ, τύμπανον τε ἔχων καὶ ἐκδησάμενος ἀγάλματα. καὶ τῶν τις Σκυθέων καταφρασθεὶς αὐτὸν ταῦτα ποιεῦντα ἐσήμηνε τῷ βασιλέι Σαυλίω· ὁ δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἀπικόμενος ὡς εἶδε τὸν Ἀνάχαρσιν ποιεῦντα ταῦτα, τοξεύσας αὐτὸν ἀπέκτεινε. καὶ νῦν ἤν τις εἴρηται περὶ Ἀναχάρσιος, οὐ φασί μιν Σκύθαι γινώσκειν, διὰ τοῦτο ὅτι ἐξεδήμησέ τε ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ ξεινικοῖσι ἔθεσι διεχρήσατο. ὡς δʼ ἐγὼ ἤκουσα Τύμνεω τοῦ Ἀριαπείθεος ἐπιτρόπου, εἶναι αὐτὸν Ἰδανθύρσου τοῦ Σκυθέων βασιλέος πάτρων, παῖδα δὲ εἶναι Γνούρου τοῦ Λύκου τοῦ Σπαργαπείθεος. εἰ ὦν ταύτης ἦν τῆς οἰκίης ὁ Ἀνάχαρσις, ἴστω ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀδελφεοῦ ἀποθανών· Ἰδάνθυρσος γὰρ ἦν παῖς Σαυλίου, Σαύλιος δὲ ἦν ὁ ἀποκτείνας Ἀνάχαρσιν.
4.78 οὗτος μέν νυν οὕτω δὴ ἔπρηξε διὰ ξεινικά τε νόμαια καὶ Ἑλληνικὰς ὁμιλίας. πολλοῖσι δὲ κάρτα ἔτεσι ὕστερον Σκύλης ὁ Ἀριαπείθεος ἔπαθε παραπλήσια τούτῳ. Ἀριαπείθεϊ γὰρ τῷ Σκυθέων βασιλέι γίνεται μετʼ ἄλλων παίδων Σκύλης· ἐξ Ἰστριηνῆς δὲ γυναικὸς οὗτος γίνεται καὶ οὐδαμῶς ἐγχωρίης· τὸν ἡ μήτηρ αὕτη γλῶσσάν τε Ἑλλάδα καὶ γράμματα ἐδίδαξε. μετὰ δὲ χρόνῳ ὕστερον Ἀριαπείθης μὲν τελευτᾷ δόλῳ ὑπὸ Σπαργαπείθεος τοῦ Ἀγαθύρσων βασιλέος, Σκύλης δὲ τήν τε βασιληίην παρέλαβε καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα τοῦ πατρός, τῇ οὔνομα ἦν Ὀποίη· ἦν δὲ αὕτη ἡ Ὀποίη ἀστή, ἐξ ἧς ἦν Ὄρικος Ἀριαπείθεϊ παῖς. βασιλεύων δὲ Σκυθέων ὁ Σκύλης διαίτῃ οὐδαμῶς ἠρέσκετο Σκυψικῇ, ἀλλὰ πολλὸν πρὸς τὰ Ἑλληνικὰ μᾶλλον τετραμμένος ἦν ἀπὸ παιδεύσιος τῆς ἐπεπαίδευτο, ἐποίεέ τε τοιοῦτο· εὖτε ἀγάγοι τὴν στρατιὴν τὴν Σκυθέων ἐς τὸ Βορυσθενειτέων ἄστυ ʽοἱ δὲ Βορυσθενεῗται οὗτοι λέγουσι σφέας αὐτοὺς εἶναι Μιλησίουσ̓, ἐς τούτους ὅκως ἔλθοι ὁ Σκύλης, τὴν μὲν στρατιὴν καταλίπεσκε ἐν τῷ προαστείῳ, αὐτὸς δὲ ὅκως ἔλθοι ἐς τὸ τεῖχος καὶ τὰς πύλας ἐγκλῄσειε, τὴν στολὴν ἀποθέμενος τὴν Σκυθικὴν λάβεσκε ἂν Ἑλληνίδα ἐσθῆτα, ἔχων δʼ ἂν ταύτην ἠγόραζε οὔτε δορυφόρων ἑπομένων οὔτε ἄλλου οὐδενός· τὰς δὲ πύλας ἐφύλασσον, μή τίς μιν Σκυθέων ἴδοι ἔχοντα ταύτην τὴν στολήν· καὶ τά τε ἄλλα ἐχρᾶτο διαίτη Ἑλληνικῇ καὶ θεοῖσι ἱρὰ ἐποίεε κατὰ νόμους τοὺς Ἑλλήνων. ὅτε δὲ διατρίψειε μῆνα ἡ πλέον τούτου, ἀπαλλάσσετο ἐνδὺς τὴν Σκυθικὴν στολήν. ταῦτα ποιέεσκε πολλάκις καὶ οἰκία τε ἐδείματο ἐν Βορυσθένεϊ καὶ γυναῖκα ἔγημε ἐς αὐτὰ ἐπιχωρίην.
6.37 ἀποτειχίσας ὦν τὸν αὐχένα τῆς Χερσονήσου ὁ Μιλτιάδης καὶ τοὺς Ἀψινθίους τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ ὠσάμενος, τῶν λοιπῶν πρώτοισι ἐπολέμησε Λαμψακηνοῖσι· καί μιν οἱ Λαμψακηνοὶ λοχήσαντες αἱρέουσι ζωγρίῃ. ἦν δὲ ὁ Μιλτιάδης Κροίσῳ τῷ Λυδῷ ἐν γνώμῃ γεγονώς· πυθόμενος ὦν ὁ Κροῖσος ταῦτα, πέμπων προηγόρευε τοῖσι Λαμψακηνοῖσι μετιέναι Μιλτιάδεα· εἰ δὲ μή σφεας πίτυος τρόπον ἀπείλεε ἐκτρίψειν. πλανωμένων δὲ τῶν Λαμψακηνῶν ἐν τοῖσι λόγοισι τὸ θέλει τὸ ἔπος εἶναι τό σφι ἀπείλησε ὁ Κροῖσος, πίτυος τρόπον ἐκτρίψειν, μόγις κοτὲ μαθὼν τῶν τις πρεσβυτέρων εἶπε τὸ ἐόν, ὅτι πίτυς μούνη πάντων δενδρέων ἐκκοπεῖσα βλαστὸν οὐδένα μετιεῖ ἀλλὰ πανώλεθρος ἐξαπόλλυται. δείσαντες ὦν οἱ Λαμψακηνοὶ Κροῖσον λύσαντες μετῆκαν Μιλτιάδεα.
6.57 ταῦτα μὲν τὰ ἐμπολέμια, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα τὰ εἰρηναῖα κατὰ τάδε σφι δέδοται. ἢν θυσίη τις δημοτελὴς ποιέηται, πρώτους ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον ἵζειν τοὺς βασιλέας, καὶ ἀπὸ τούτων πρῶτον ἄρχεσθαι διπλήσια νέμοντας ἑκατέρῳ τὰ πάντα ἢ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι δαιτυμόνεσι, καὶ σπονδαρχίας εἶναι τούτων καὶ τῶν τυθέντων τὰ δέρματα. νεομηνίας δὲ πάσας καὶ ἑβδόμας ἱσταμένου τοῦ μηνὸς δίδοσθαι ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου ἱρήιον τέλεον ἑκατέρῳ ἐς Ἀπόλλωνος καὶ μέδιμνον ἀλφίτων καὶ οἴνου τετάρτην Λακωνικήν, καὶ ἐν τοῖσι ἀγῶσι πᾶσι προεδρίας ἐξαιρέτους. καὶ προξείνους ἀποδεικνύναι τούτοισι προσκεῖσθαι τοὺς ἂν ἐθέλωσι τῶν ἀστῶν, καὶ Πυθίους αἱρέεσθαι δύο ἑκάτερον. οἱ δὲ Πύθιοι εἰσὶ θεοπρόποι ἐς Δελφούς, σιτεόμενοι μετὰ τῶν βασιλέων τὰ δημόσια. μὴ ἐλθοῦσι δὲ τοῖσι βασιλεῦσι ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον ἀποπέμπεσθαί σφι ἐς τὰ οἰκία ἀλφίτων τε δύο χοίνικας ἑκατέρῳ καὶ οἴνου κοτύλην, παρεοῦσι δὲ διπλήσια πάντα δίδοσθαι· τὠυτὸ δὲ τοῦτο καὶ πρὸς ἰδιωτέων κληθέντας ἐπὶ δεῖπνον τιμᾶσθαι. τὰς δὲ μαντηίας τὰς γινομένας τούτους φυλάσσειν, συνειδέναι δὲ καὶ τοὺς Πυθίους. δικάζειν δὲ μούνους τοὺς βασιλέας τοσάδε μοῦνα, πατρούχου τε παρθένου πέρι, ἐς τὸν ἱκνέεται ἔχειν, ἢν μή περ ὁ πατὴρ αὐτὴν ἐγγυήσῃ, καὶ ὁδῶν δημοσιέων πέρι· καὶ ἤν τις θετὸν παῖδα ποιέεσθαι ἐθέλῃ, βασιλέων ἐναντίον ποιέεσθαι. καὶ παρίζειν βουλεύουσι τοῖσι γέρουσι ἐοῦσι δυῶν δέουσι τριήκοντα· ἢν δὲ μὴ ἔλθωσι, τοὺς μάλιστά σφι τῶν γερόντων προσήκοντας ἔχειν τὰ τῶν βασιλέων γέρεα, δύο ψήφους τιθεμένους, τρίτην δὲ τὴν ἑωυτῶν.'' None | sup>
4.15 Such is the tale told in these two towns. But this, I know, happened to the Metapontines in Italy, two hundred and forty years after the second disappearance of Aristeas, as reckoning made at Proconnesus and Metapontum shows me: ,Aristeas, so the Metapontines say, appeared in their country and told them to set up an altar to Apollo, and set beside it a statue bearing the name of Aristeas the Proconnesian; for, he said, Apollo had come to their country alone of all Italian lands, and he—the man who was now Aristeas, but then when he followed the god had been a crow—had come with him. ,After saying this, he vanished. The Metapontines, so they say, sent to Delphi and asked the god what the vision of the man could mean; and the Pythian priestess told them to obey the vision, saying that their fortune would be better. ,They did as instructed. And now there stands beside the image of Apollo a statue bearing the name of Aristeas; a grove of bay-trees surrounds it; the image is set in the marketplace. Let it suffice that I have said this much about Aristeas. ' "
4.76 But as regards foreign customs, the Scythians (like others) very much shun practising those of any other country, and particularly of Hellas, as was proved in the case of Anacharsis and also of Scyles. ,For when Anacharsis was coming back to the Scythian country after having seen much of the world in his travels and given many examples of his wisdom, he sailed through the Hellespont and put in at Cyzicus; ,where, finding the Cyzicenes celebrating the feast of the Mother of the Gods with great ceremony, he vowed to this same Mother that if he returned to his own country safe and sound he would sacrifice to her as he saw the Cyzicenes doing, and establish a nightly rite of worship. ,So when he came to Scythia, he hid himself in the country called Woodland (which is beside the Race of Achilles, and is all overgrown with every kind of timber); hidden there, Anacharsis celebrated the goddess' ritual with exactness, carrying a small drum and hanging images about himself. ,Then some Scythian saw him doing this and told the king, Saulius; who, coming to the place himself and seeing Anacharsis performing these rites, shot an arrow at him and killed him. And now the Scythians, if they are asked about Anacharsis, say they have no knowledge of him; this is because he left his country for Hellas and followed the customs of strangers. ,But according to what I heard from Tymnes, the deputy for Ariapithes, Anacharsis was an uncle of Idanthyrsus king of Scythia, and he was the son of Gnurus, son of Lycus, son of Spargapithes. Now if Anacharsis was truly of this family, then let him know he was slain by his own brother; for Idanthyrsus was the son of Saulius, and it was Saulius who killed Anacharsis. " "
4.78 This, then, was how Anacharsis fared, owing to his foreign ways and consorting with Greeks; and a great many years afterward, Scyles, son of Ariapithes, suffered a like fate. Scyles was one of the sons born to Ariapithes, king of Scythia; but his mother was of Istria, and not native-born; and she taught him to speak and read Greek. ,As time passed, Ariapithes was treacherously killed by Spargapithes, king of the Agathyrsi, and Scyles inherited the kingship and his father's wife, a Scythian woman whose name was Opoea, and she bore Scyles a son, Oricus. ,So Scyles was king of Scythia; but he was in no way content with the Scythian way of life, and was much more inclined to Greek ways, from the upbringing that he had received. So this is what he would do: he would lead the Scythian army to the city of the Borysthenites (who say that they are Milesians), and when he arrived there would leave his army in the suburb of the city, ,while he himself, entering within the walls and shutting the gates, would take off his Scythian apparel and put on Greek dress; and in it he would go among the townsfolk unattended by spearmen or any others (who would guard the gates, lest any Scythian see him wearing this apparel), and in every way follow the Greek manner of life, and worship the gods according to Greek usage. ,When he had spent a month or more like this, he would put on Scythian dress and leave the city. He did this often; and he built a house in Borysthenes, and married a wife of the people of the country and brought her there. " 6.37 After Miltiades had pushed away the Apsinthians by walling off the neck of the Chersonese, he made war first on the people of Lampsacus, but the Lampsacenes laid an ambush and took him prisoner. However, Miltiades stood high in the opinion of Croesus the Lydian, and when Croesus heard what had happened, he sent to the Lampsacenes and commanded them to release Miltiades. If they did not do so, he threatened to cut them down like a pine tree. ,The Lampsacenes went astray in their counsels as to what the utterance meant which Croesus had threatened them with, saying he would devastate them like a pine tree, until at last one of the elders understood and said what it was: the pine is the only tree that once cut down never sends out any shoots; it is utterly destroyed. So out of fear of Croesus the Lampsacenes released Miltiades and let him go. ' "
6.57 Such are their rights in war; in peace the powers given them are as follows: at all public sacrifices the kings first sit down to the banquet and are first served, each of them receiving a portion double of what is given to the rest of the company; they make the first libations, and the hides of the sacrificed beasts are theirs. ,At each new moon and each seventh day of the first part of the month, a full-grown victim for Apollo's temple, a bushel of barley-meal, and a Laconian quart of wine are given to each from the public store, and chief seats are set apart for them at the games. ,It is their right to appoint whatever citizens they wish to be protectors of foreigners; and they each choose two Pythians. (The Pythians are the ambassadors to Delphi and eat with the kings at the public expense.) If the kings do not come to the public dinner, two choenixes of barley-meal and half a pint of wine are sent to their houses, but when they come, they receive a double share of everything; and the same honor shall be theirs when they are invited by private citizens to dinner. ,They keep all oracles that are given, though the Pythians also know them. The kings alone judge cases concerning the rightful possessor of an unwedded heiress, if her father has not betrothed her, and cases concerning public roads. ,If a man desires to adopt a son, it is done in the presence of the kings. They sit with the twenty-eight elders in council; if they do not come, the elders most closely related to them hold the king's privilege, giving two votes over and above the third which is their own."' None |
|
3. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cyzicus, nyctomachia in
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 58; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 58
|
4. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Argonautica (Apollonius), Cyzicus episode • Attis, in Cyzicus • Cyzicus • Cyzicus, battle of • Cyzicus, nyctomachia in • Kybebe/le, in Cyzicus • tombs, Cyzicus
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 78, 81, 108, 132, 133, 161; Bremmer (2008), Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East, 274; Morrison (2020), Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography, 76, 82, 84, 109, 132, 157, 158, 192; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 73, 327; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 170; Skempis and Ziogas (2014), Geography, Topography, Landscape: Configurations of Space in Greek and Roman Epic 173, 193; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 78, 81, 108, 132, 133, 161; Walter (2020), Time in Ancient Stories of Origin, 124, 125
|
5. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 2.1.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cyzicus, nyctomachia in
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 59; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 59
sup>
2.1.3 Ἄργου δὲ καὶ Ἰσμήνης τῆς Ἀσωποῦ παῖς Ἴασος, 2 -- οὗ φασιν Ἰὼ γενέσθαι. Κάστωρ δὲ ὁ συγγράψας τὰ χρονικὰ καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν τραγικῶν Ἰνάχου τὴν Ἰὼ λέγουσιν· Ἡσίοδος δὲ καὶ Ἀκουσίλαος Πειρῆνος αὐτήν φασιν εἶναι. ταύτην ἱερωσύνην τῆς Ἥρας ἔχουσαν Ζεὺς ἔφθειρε. φωραθεὶς δὲ ὑφʼ Ἥρας τῆς μὲν κόρης ἁψάμενος εἰς βοῦν μετεμόρφωσε λευκήν, ἀπωμόσατο δὲ ταύτῃ 1 -- μὴ συνελθεῖν· διό φησιν Ἡσίοδος οὐκ ἐπισπᾶσθαι τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν θεῶν ὀργὴν τοὺς γινομένους ὅρκους ὑπὲρ ἔρωτος. Ἥρα δὲ αἰτησαμένη παρὰ Διὸς τὴν βοῦν φύλακα αὐτῆς κατέστησεν Ἄργον τὸν πανόπτην, ὃν Φερεκύδης 2 -- μὲν Ἀρέστορος λέγει, Ἀσκληπιάδης δὲ Ἰνάχου, Κέρκωψ 3 -- δὲ Ἄργου καὶ Ἰσμήνης τῆς Ἀσωποῦ θυγατρός· Ἀκουσίλαος δὲ γηγενῆ αὐτὸν λέγει. οὗτος ἐκ τῆς ἐλαίας ἐδέσμευεν αὐτὴν ἥτις ἐν τῷ Μυκηναίων ὑπῆρχεν ἄλσει. Διὸς δὲ ἐπιτάξαντος Ἑρμῇ κλέψαι τὴν βοῦν, μηνύσαντος Ἱέρακος, ἐπειδὴ λαθεῖν οὐκ ἠδύνατο, λίθῳ βαλὼν ἀπέκτεινε τὸν Ἄργον, ὅθεν ἀργειφόντης ἐκλήθη. Ἥρα δὲ τῇ βοῒ οἶστρον ἐμβάλλει ἡ δὲ πρῶτον ἧκεν εἰς τὸν ἀπʼ ἐκείνης Ἰόνιον κόλπον κληθέντα, ἔπειτα διὰ τῆς Ἰλλυρίδος πορευθεῖσα καὶ τὸν Αἷμον ὑπερβαλοῦσα διέβη τὸν τότε μὲν καλούμενον πόρον Θρᾴκιον, νῦν δὲ ἀπʼ ἐκείνης Βόσπορον. ἀπελθοῦσα 4 -- δὲ εἰς Σκυθίαν καὶ τὴν Κιμμερίδα γῆν, πολλὴν χέρσον πλανηθεῖσα καὶ πολλὴν διανηξαμένη θάλασσαν Εὐρώπης τε καὶ Ἀσίας, τελευταῖον ἧκεν 1 -- εἰς Αἴγυπτον, ὅπου τὴν ἀρχαίαν μορφὴν ἀπολαβοῦσα γεννᾷ παρὰ τῷ Νείλῳ ποταμῷ Ἔπαφον παῖδα. τοῦτον δὲ Ἥρα δεῖται Κουρήτων ἀφανῆ ποιῆσαι· οἱ δὲ ἠφάνισαν αὐτόν. καὶ Ζεὺς μὲν αἰσθόμενος κτείνει Κούρητας, Ἰὼ δὲ ἐπὶ ζήτησιν τοῦ παιδὸς ἐτράπετο. πλανωμένη δὲ κατὰ τὴν Συρίαν ἅπασαν (ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἐμηνύετο ὅτι 2 -- ἡ 3 -- τοῦ Βυβλίων βασιλέως γυνὴ 4 -- ἐτιθήνει τὸν υἱόν) καὶ τὸν Ἔπαφον εὑροῦσα, εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἐλθοῦσα ἐγαμήθη Τηλεγόνῳ τῷ βασιλεύοντι τότε Αἰγυπτίων. ἱδρύσατο δὲ ἄγαλμα Δήμητρος, ἣν ἐκάλεσαν Ἶσιν Αἰγύπτιοι, καὶ τὴν Ἰὼ Ἶσιν ὁμοίως προσηγόρευσαν.'' None | sup>
2.1.3 Argus and Ismene, daughter of Asopus, had a son Iasus, who is said to have been the father of Io. But the annalist Castor and many of the tragedians allege that Io was a daughter of Inachus; and Hesiod and Acusilaus say that she was a daughter of Piren. Zeus seduced her while she held the priesthood of Hera, but being detected by Hera he by a touch turned Io into a white cow and swore that he had not known her; wherefore Hesiod remarks that lover's oaths do not draw down the anger of the gods. But Hera requested the cow from Zeus for herself and set Argus the All-seeing to guard it. Pherecydes says that this Argus was a son of Arestor; but Asclepiades says that he was a son of Inachus, and Cercops says that he was a son of Argus and Ismene, daughter of Asopus; but Acusilaus says that he was earth-born. He tethered her to the olive tree which was in the grove of the Mycenaeans. But Zeus ordered Hermes to steal the cow, and as Hermes could not do it secretly because Hierax had blabbed, he killed Argus by the cast of a stone; whence he was called Argiphontes. Hera next sent a gadfly to infest the cow, and the animal came first to what is called after her the Ionian gulf. Then she journeyed through Illyria and having traversed Mount Haemus she crossed what was then called the Thracian Straits but is now called after her the Bosphorus. And having gone away to Scythia and the Cimmerian land she wandered over great tracts of land and swam wide stretches of sea both in Europe and Asia until at last she came to Egypt, where she recovered her original form and gave birth to a son Epaphus beside the river Nile . Him Hera besought the Curetes to make away with, and make away with him they did. When Zeus learned of it, he slew the Curetes; but Io set out in search of the child. She roamed all over Syria, because there it was revealed to her that the wife of the king of Byblus was nursing her son; and having found Epaphus she came to Egypt and was married to Telegonus, who then reigned over the Egyptians. And she set up an image of Demeter, whom the Egyptians called Isis, and Io likewise they called by the name of Isis."" None |
|
6. Tacitus, Annals, 4.36 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cyzicus • Kyzikos
Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 329; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 413
sup>
4.36 Ceterum postulandis reis tam continuus annus fuit ut feriarum Latinarum diebus praefectum urbis Drusum, auspicandi gratia tribunal ingressum, adierit Calpurnius Salvianus in Sextum Marium: quod a Caesare palam increpitum causa exilii Salviano fuit. obiecta publice Cyzicenis incuria caerimoniarum divi Augusti, additis violentiae criminibus adversum civis Romanos. et amisere libertatem, quam bello Mithridatis meruerant, circumsessi nec minus sua constantia quam praesidio Luculli pulso rege. at Fonteius Capito, qui pro consule Asiam curaverat, absolvitur, comperto ficta in eum crimina per Vibium Serenum. neque tamen id Sereno noxae fuit, quem odium publicum tutiorem faciebat. nam ut quis destrictior accusator, velut sacrosanctus erat: leves ignobiles poenis adficiebantur.'' None | sup>
4.36 \xa0For the rest, the year was so continuous a chain of impeachments that in the days of the Latin Festival, when Drusus, as urban prefect, mounted the tribunal to inaugurate his office, he was approached by Calpurnius Salvianus with a suit against Sextus Marius: an action which drew a public reprimand from the Caesar and occasioned the banishment of Salvianus. The community of Cyzicus were charged with neglecting the cult of the deified Augustus; allegations were added of violence to Roman citizens; and they forfeited the freedom earned during the Mithridatic War, when the town was invested and they beat off the king as much by their own firmness as by the protection of Lucullus. On the other hand, Fonteius Capito, who had administered Asia as proconsul, was acquitted upon proof that the accusations against him were the invention of Vibius Serenus. The reverse, however, did no harm to Serenus, who was rendered doubly secure by the public hatred. For the informer whose weapon never rested became quasi-sacrosanct: it was on the insignificant and unknown that punishments descended. <'' None |
|
7. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cyzicus, nyctomachia in
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 59; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 59
|
8. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cyzicus • Kyzikos
Found in books: Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 369, 370; Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013), Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians, 75; Trapp et al. (2016), In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns, 6, 62
|
9. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cyzicus (battle of) • Pescennius Niger, G. (Roman emperor), Cyzicus, battle of (
Found in books: Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 145; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 121
|
10. Strabo, Geography, 2.3.4-2.3.5
Tagged with subjects: • Eudoxos of Kyzikos • Eudoxus of Cyzicus • Kore Soteira, in Cyzicus • Kore Soteira, outside Cyzicus • Koreia (festival), Mysteries in Cyzicus • soteria (festival), in Cyzicus
Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 172, 178, 200; Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 76, 77; Stephens and Winkler (1995), Ancient Greek Novels: The Fragments: Introduction, Text, Translation, and Commentary, 105
| sup>
2.3.4 Posidonius, in speaking of those who have sailed round Africa, tells us that Herodotus was of opinion that some of those sent out by Darius actually performed this enterprise; and that Heraclides of Pontus, in a certain dialogue, introduces one of the Magi presenting himself to Gelon, and declaring that he had performed this voyage; but he remarks that this wants proof. He also narrates how a certain Eudoxus of Cyzicus, sent with sacrifices and oblations to the Corean games, travelled into Egypt in the reign of Euergetes II.; and being a learned man, and much interested in the peculiarities of different countries, he made interest with the king and his ministers on the subject, but especially for exploring the Nile. It chanced that a certain Indian was brought to the king by the coast-guard of the Arabian Gulf. They reported that they had found him in a ship, alone, and half dead: but that they neither knew who he was, nor where he came from, as he spoke a language they could not understand. He was placed in the hands of preceptors appointed to teach him the Greek language. On acquiring which, he related how he had started from the coasts of India, but lost his course, and reached Egypt alone, all his companions having perished with hunger; but that if he were restored to his country he would point out to those sent with him by the king, the route by sea to India. Eudoxus was of the number thus sent. He set sail with a good supply of presents, and brought back with him in exchange aromatics and precious stones, some of which the Indians collect from amongst the pebbles of the rivers, others they dig out of the earth, where they have been formed by the moisture, as crystals are formed with us. He fancied that he had made his fortune, however, he was greatly deceived, for Euergetes took possession of the whole treasure. On the death of that prince, his widow, Cleopatra, assumed the reins of government, and Eudoxus was again despatched with a richer cargo than before. On his journey back, he was carried by the winds above Ethiopia, and being thrown on certain unknown regions, he conciliated the inhabitants by presents of grain, wine, and cakes of pressed figs, articles which they were without; receiving in exchange a supply of water, and guides for the journey. He also wrote down several words of their language, and having found the end of a prow, with a horse carved on it, which he was told formed part of the wreck of a vessel coming from the west, he took it with him, and proceeded on his homeward course. He arrived safely in Egypt, where no longer Cleopatra, but her son, ruled; but he was again stripped of every thing on the accusation of having appropriated to his own uses a large portion of the merchandise sent out. However, he carried the prow into the market-place, and exhibited it to the pilots, who recognised it as being come from Gades. The merchants of that place employing large vessels, but the lesser traders small ships, which they style horses, from the figures of that animal borne on the prow, and in which they go out fishing around Maurusia, as far as the Lixus. Some of the pilots professed to recognise the prow as that of a vessel which had sailed beyond the river Lixus, but had not returned. From this Eudoxus drew the conclusion, that it was possible to circumnavigate Libya; he therefore returned home, and having collected together the whole of his substance, set out on his travels. First he visited Dicaearchia, and then Marseilles, and afterwards traversed the whole coast as far as Gades. Declaring his enterprise everywhere as he journeyed, he gathered money sufficient to equip a great ship, and two boats, resembling those used by pirates. On board these he placed singing girls, physicians, and artisans of various kinds, and launching into open sea, was carried towards India by steady westerly winds. However, they who accompanied him becoming wearied with the voyage, steered their course towards land, but much against his will, as he dreaded the force of the ebb and flow. What he feared actually occurred. The ship grounded, but gently, so that it did not break up at once, but fell to pieces gradually, the goods and much of the timber of the ship being saved. With these he built a third vessel, closely resembling a ship of fifty oars, and continuing his voyage, came amongst a people who spoke the same language as that some words of which he had on a former occasion committed to writing. He further discovered, that they were men of the same stock as those other Ethiopians, and also resembled those of the kingdom of Bogus. However, he abandoned his intended voyage to India, and returned home. On his voyage back he observed an uninhabited island. well watered and wooded, and carefully noted its position. Having reached Maurusia in safety, he disposed of his vessels, and travelled by land to the court of Bogus. He recommended that sovereign to undertake an expedition thither. This, however, was prevented on account of the fear of the king's advisers, lest the district should chance to expose then to treachery, by making known a route by which foreigners might come to attack them. Eudoxus, however, became aware, that although it was given out that he was himself to be sent on this proposed expedition, the real intent was to abandon him on some desert island. He therefore fled to the Roman territory, and passed thence into Iberia. Again, he equipped two vessels, one round and the other long, furnished with fifty oars, the latter framed for voyaging in the high seas. the other for coasting along the shores. He placed on board agricultural implements, seed, and builders, and hastened on the same voyage, determined, if it should prove too long, to winter on the island he had before observed, sow his seed. and leaving reaped the harvest, complete the expedition he had intended from the beginning." '2.3.5 Thus far, says Posidonius, I have followed the history of Eudoxus. What happened afterwards is probably known to the people of Gades and Iberia; but, says he, all these things only demonstrate more clearly the fact, that the inhabited earth is entirely surrounded by the ocean. By no continent fettered in, But boundless in its flow, and free from soil. Posidonius is certainly a most strange writer; he considers that the voyage of the Magus, related by Heraclides, wants sufficient evidence, and also the account given by Herodotus of those sent out to explore by Darius. But this Bergaean nonsense, either the coinage of his own brain, or of some other story-teller, in whom he trusts, he pretends to be worthy of our belief. But in the first place, what is there credible in this tale of the Indian missing his way? The Arabian Gulf, which resembles a river, is narrow, and in length is from 5000 to 10,000 stadia up to its mouth, where it is narrowest of all. It is not likely that the Indians in their voyage out would have entered this Gulf by mistake. The extreme narrowness of the mouth must have warned them of their error. And if they entered it voluntarily, then there was no excuse for introducing the pretext of mistake and uncertain winds. And how did they suffer all of themselves but one to perish through hunger? And how was it that this surviver was able to manage the ship, which could not have been a small one either, fitted as it was for traversing such vast seas? What must have been his aptitude in learning the language of the country, and thus being able to persuade the king of his competence, as leader of the expedition? And how came it that Euergetes was in want of such guides, so many being already acquainted with this sea? How was it that he who was sent by the inhabitants of Cyzicus to carry libations and sacrifices, should forsake his city and sail for India? How was it that so great an affair was intrusted to him? And how came it that on his return, after being deprived of every thing contrary to expectation, and disgraced, a yet larger cargo of goods was intrusted to him? And when he had again returned into Ethiopia, what cause induced him to write down the words, or to inquire whence came the portion of the prow of the boat? For to learn that it was a ship of some sailing from the west, would have been no information to him, as he himself would have to sail from the west on his voyage back. When, on his return to Alexandria, he was detected in having appropriated to himself much of the merchandise, how came it that he was not punished, but allowed to go about interrogating the pilots, and exhibiting his bit of prow? And that one of these fellows actually recognised the relic, is it not delicious! Eudoxus too believed it, this is still richer; and inspired by the hope, hastens home, and then starts on a voyage beyond the Pillars of Hercules! But he could never have left Alexandria without a passport, still less after having stolen the royal property. To set sail on the sly was impossible, as the port and every other exit was kept by a numerous guard, which still exists, as we very well know who have lived in Alexandria for a long time, although it is not so strict since the Romans have had possession, but under the kings the guards were infinitely more alert. But allowing that he reached Gades, that he there constructed ships, and sailed thence with quite a royal fleet, when his vessel was shattered, by what means was he able to construct a third boat in a desert land? And when, being again on his voyage, he found that the Ethiopians of the West spoke the same language as those of the East, how came it that he, so proud of his travelling propensities, forgot the completion of his voyage, when he must have had so good an expectation that there was but little now left unexplored, but relinquishing these prospects, set his mind on the expedition being undertaken by Bogus? How did he become acquainted with the snare spread for him by that king? And what advantage would have accrued to Bogus by making away with the man, rather than by dismissing him? When Eudoxus learned the plot against himself, what means had he to escape to safer quarters? It is true that not one of these situations was actually impossible, but still they were difficult circumstances, such as one rarely escapes from by any prosperous fortune. However, he always came off with good luck, notwithstanding he was never out of danger. Besides this, how did it happen, that having escaped from Bogus, he was not afraid to sail round Africa a second time, with all the requisites for taking up his abode on the island? All this too closely resembles the falsehoods of Pytheas, Euhemerus, and Antiphanes. They however may be pardoned; for their only aim was that of the juggler. But who can forgive a demonstrator and philosopher, and one too striving to be at the head of their order? it is really too bad!'" None |
|
11. Vergil, Aeneis, 3.154-3.171, 6.212-6.235, 6.296, 6.381, 7.566-7.570, 9.598-9.620
Tagged with subjects: • Cyzicus • Cyzicus, nyctomachia in
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 78, 108, 134; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 78, 108, 134
sup>
3.154 Quod tibi delato Ortygiam dicturus Apollo est, 3.155 hic canit, et tua nos en ultro ad limina mittit. 3.156 Nos te, Dardania incensa, tuaque arma secuti, 3.157 nos tumidum sub te permensi classibus aequor, 3.158 idem venturos tollemus in astra nepotes, 3.159 imperiumque urbi dabimus: tu moenia magnis 3.160 magna para, longumque fugae ne linque laborem. 3.161 Mutandae sedes: non haec tibi litora suasit 3.162 Delius, aut Cretae iussit considere Apollo. 3.163 Est locus, Hesperiam Grai cognomine dicunt, 3.164 terra antiqua, potens armis atque ubere glaebae; 3.165 Oenotri coluere viri; nunc fama minores 3.166 Italiam dixisse ducis de nomine gentem: 3.167 hae nobis propriae sedes; hinc Dardanus ortus, 3.168 Iasiusque pater, genus a quo principe nostrum. 3.169 Surge age, et haec laetus longaevo dicta parenti 3.170 haud dubitanda refer: Corythum terrasque requirat 3.171 Ausonias; Dictaea negat tibi Iuppiter arva.
6.212 Nec minus interea Misenum in litore Teucri 6.213 flebant, et cineri ingrato suprema ferebant. 6.214 Principio pinguem taedis et robore secto 6.215 ingentem struxere pyram, cui frondibus atris 6.216 intexunt latera, et ferales ante cupressos 6.217 constituunt, decorantque super fulgentibus armis. 6.218 Pars calidos latices et aëna undantia flammis 6.219 expediunt, corpusque lavant frigentis et unguunt. 6.220 Fit gemitus. Tum membra toro defleta reponunt, 6.221 purpureasque super vestes, velamina nota, 6.222 coniciunt. Pars ingenti subiere feretro, 6.223 triste ministerium, et subiectam more parentum 6.224 aversi tenuere facem. Congesta cremantur 6.225 turea dona, dapes, fuso crateres olivo. 6.226 Postquam conlapsi cineres et flamma quievit 6.227 reliquias vino et bibulam lavere favillam, 6.228 ossaque lecta cado texit Corynaeus aëno. 6.229 Idem ter socios pura circumtulit unda, 6.230 spargens rore levi et ramo felicis olivae, 6.231 lustravitque viros, dixitque novissima verba. 6.232 At pius Aeneas ingenti mole sepulcrum 6.233 imponit, suaque arma viro, remumque tubamque, 6.234 monte sub aërio, qui nunc Misenus ab illo 6.235 dicitur, aeternumque tenet per saecula nomen.
6.296 Turbidus hic caeno vastaque voragine gurges
6.381 aeternumque locus Palinuri nomen habebit.
7.566 urguet utrimque latus nemoris, medioque fragosus 7.567 dat sonitum saxis et torto vertice torrens. 7.568 Hic specus horrendum et saevi spiracula Ditis 7.569 monstrantur, ruptoque ingens Acheronte vorago 7.570 pestiferas aperit fauces, quis condita Erinys,
9.598 Non pudet obsidione iterum valloque teneri, 9.599 bis capti Phryges, et morti praetendere muros? 9.600 En qui nostra sibi bello conubia poscunt! 9.601 Quis deus Italiam, quae vos dementia adegit 9.602 Non hic Atridae nec fandi fictor Ulixes: 9.603 durum a stirpe genus natos ad flumina primum 9.604 deferimus saevoque gelu duramus et undis, 9.605 venatu invigilant pueri silvasque fatigant, 9.606 flectere ludus equos et spicula tendere cornu. 9.607 At patiens operum parvoque adsueta iuventus 9.608 aut rastris terram domat aut quatit oppida bello. 9.609 Omne aevum ferro teritur, versaque iuvencum 9.610 terga fatigamus hasta; nec tarda senectus 9.611 debilitat vires animi mutatque vigorem: 9.612 canitiem galea premimus, semperque recentis 9.613 comportare iuvat praedas et vivere rapto. 9.615 desidiae cordi, iuvat indulgere choreis, 9.616 et tunicae manicas et habent redimicula mitrae. 9.617 O vere Phrygiae, neque enim Phryges, ite per alta 9.618 Dindyma ubi adsuetis biforem dat tibia cantum! 9.619 Tympana vos buxusque vocat Berecyntia Matris 9.620 Idaeae sinite arma viris et cedite ferro.' ' None | sup>
3.154 “Hear, chiefs and princes, what your hopes shall be! 3.155 The Isle of Crete, abode of lofty Jove, 3.156 rests in the middle sea. Thence Ida soars; 3.157 there is the cradle of our race. It boasts 3.158 a hundred cities, seats of fruitful power. 3.159 Thence our chief sire, if duly I recall 3.160 the olden tale, King Teucer sprung, who first 3.161 touched on the Trojan shore, and chose his seat 3.162 of kingly power. There was no Ilium then 3.163 nor towered Pergama; in lowly vales 3.164 their dwelling; hence the ancient worship given 3.165 to the Protectress of Mount Cybele, ' "3.166 mother of Gods, what time in Ida's grove " '3.167 the brazen Corybantic cymbals clang, 3.168 or sacred silence guards her mystery, 3.169 and lions yoked her royal chariot draw. 3.170 Up, then, and follow the behests divine! 3.171 Pour offering to the winds, and point your keels
6.212 Aeneas then drew forth, with downcast eyes, 6.213 From that dark cavern, pondering in his heart 6.214 The riddle of his fate. His faithful friend 6.215 Achates at his side, with paces slow, 6.216 Companioned all his care, while their sad souls 6.217 Made mutual and oft-renewed surmise 6.218 What comrade dead, what cold and tombless clay, ' "6.219 The Sibyl's word would show. " '6.220 But as they mused, 6.221 Behold Misenus on the dry sea-sands, 6.222 By hasty hand of death struck guiltless down! 6.223 A son of Aeolus, none better knew ' "6.224 To waken heroes by the clarion's call, " "6.225 With war-enkindling sound. Great Hector's friend " "6.226 In happier days, he oft at Hector's side " '6.227 Strode to the fight with glittering lance and horn. 6.228 But when Achilles stripped his fallen foe, 6.229 This dauntless hero to Aeneas gave 6.230 Allegiance true, in not less noble cause. 6.231 But, on a day, he chanced beside the sea 6.232 To blow his shell-shaped horn, and wildly dared 6.233 Challenge the gods themselves to rival song; 6.234 Till jealous Triton, if the tale be true, 6.235 Grasped the rash mortal, and out-flung him far
6.296 They gather up and burn the gifts of myrrh,
6.381 Aeneas, shuddering with sudden fear,
7.566 thy warriors in arms! Swift sallying forth 7.567 from thy strong city-gates, on to the fray 7.568 exultant go! Assail the Phrygian chiefs ' "7.569 who tent them by thy beauteous river's marge, " "7.570 and burn their painted galleys! 't is the will " 9.598 the bosom white as snow. Euryalus 9.599 ank prone in death; upon his goodly limbs 9.600 the life-blood ran unstopped, and low inclined 9.601 the drooping head; as when some purpled flower, 9.602 cut by the ploughshare, dies, or poppies proud 9.603 with stem forlorn their ruined beauty bow 9.604 before the pelting storm. Then Nisus flew 9.605 traight at his foes; but in their throng would find 9.606 Volscens alone, for none but Volscens stayed: 9.607 they gathered thickly round and grappled him 9.608 in shock of steel with steel. But on he plunged, 9.609 winging in ceaseless circles round his head 9.610 his lightning-sword, and thrust it through the face 9.611 of shrieking Volscens, with his own last breath 9.612 triking his foeman down; then cast himself ' "9.613 upon his fallen comrade's breast; and there, " '9.615 Heroic pair and blest! If aught I sing 9.616 have lasting music, no remotest age ' "9.617 hall blot your names from honor's storied scroll: " "9.618 not while the altars of Aeneas' line " "9.619 hall crown the Capitol's unshaken hill, " "9.620 nor while the Roman Father's hand sustains " ' None |
|
12. Vergil, Eclogues, 4.31-4.35
Tagged with subjects: • Cyzicus, nyctomachia in
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 134; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 134
| sup>
4.31 caressing flowers. The serpent too shall die, 4.32 die shall the treacherous poison-plant, and far 4.33 and wide Assyrian spices spring. But soon' "4.34 as thou hast skill to read of heroes' fame," "4.35 and of thy father's deeds, and inly learn"' None |
|
13. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Attis, in Cyzicus • Cyzicus • Cyzicus, funeral of • Cyzicus, nyctomachia in • Eteocles, as King Cyzicus • Kybebe/le, in Cyzicus
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 144; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 58, 59, 78, 79, 80, 81, 108, 132, 133, 134, 161, 166; Blum and Biggs (2019), The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82; Bremmer (2008), Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East, 274; Mackay (2022), Animal Encounters in Valerius Flaccus’ Argonautica, 60, 75, 98, 103, 107, 128, 129, 138, 173, 174, 175, 176, 181, 203; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 165, 168, 169, 173; Skempis and Ziogas (2014), Geography, Topography, Landscape: Configurations of Space in Greek and Roman Epic 440, 471, 472, 473, 474; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 58, 59, 78, 79, 80, 81, 108, 132, 133, 134, 161, 166
|
14. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Eunomius of Cyzicus • Eunomius of Cyzicus,
Found in books: MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 101; Xenophontos and Marmodoro (2021), The Reception of Greek Ethics in Late Antiquity and Byzantium, 162
|
15. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Cyzicus
Found in books: Eckhardt (2019), Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities, 29; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 415
|
16. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Apollonis, Artemis of the Pythaists at Kyzikos • Artemis, cults of, of the Pythiasts (Kyzikos) • Kyzikos • Kyzikos,, funeral of Apollonis at • Kyzikos,, statues of priestess Kleidike at • Mounychia, and Demeter and Kore at Kyzikos
Found in books: Chaniotis (2012), Unveiling Emotions: Sources and Methods for the Study of Emotions in the Greek World vol, 106; Connelly (2007), Portrait of a Priestess: Women and Ritual in Ancient Greece, 141, 223; Heller and van Nijf (2017), The Politics of Honour in the Greek Cities of the Roman Empire, 199
|
17. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Cyzicus • Kyzikos
Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 102; Hallmannsecker (2022), Roman Ionia: Constructions of Cultural Identity in Western Asia Minor, 188
|
