1. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 11.326-11.328 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cyril of alexandria (bishop), rebuttal of emperor julians polemic Found in books: Renberg (2017) 110 | 11.326. and Jaddua the high priest, when he heard that, was in an agony, and under terror, as not knowing how he should meet the Macedonians, since the king was displeased at his foregoing disobedience. He therefore ordained that the people should make supplications, and should join with him in offering sacrifice to God, whom he besought to protect that nation, and to deliver them from the perils that were coming upon them; 11.327. whereupon God warned him in a dream, which came upon him after he had offered sacrifice, that he should take courage, and adorn the city, and open the gates; that the rest should appear in white garments, but that he and the priests should meet the king in the habits proper to their order, without the dread of any ill consequences, which the providence of God would prevent. 11.328. Upon which, when he rose from his sleep, he greatly rejoiced, and declared to all the warning he had received from God. According to which dream he acted entirely, and so waited for the coming of the king. |
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| 2. New Testament, 2 Timothy, 28, 9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017) 387 |
3. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 265| 97b. ובעונותינו שרבו יצאו מהם מה שיצאו,אמר ליה אליהו לרב יהודה אחוה דרב סלא חסידא אין העולם פחות משמונים וחמשה יובלות וביובל האחרון בן דוד בא אמר ליה בתחילתו או בסופו אמר ליה איני יודע כלה או אינו כלה אמר ליה איני יודע רב אשי אמר הכי א"ל עד הכא לא תיסתכי ליה מכאן ואילך איסתכי ליה,שלח ליה רב חנן בר תחליפא לרב יוסף מצאתי אדם אחד ובידו מגילה אחת כתובה אשורית ולשון קדש אמרתי לו זו מניין לך אמר לי לחיילות של רומי נשכרתי ובין גינזי רומי מצאתיה וכתוב בה לאחר ד' אלפים ומאתים ותשעים ואחד שנה לבריאתו של עולם העולם יתום מהן מלחמות תנינים מהן מלחמות גוג ומגוג ושאר ימות המשיח ואין הקב"ה מחדש את עולמו אלא לאחר שבעת אלפים שנה רב אחא בריה דרבא אמר לאחר חמשת אלפים שנה איתמר,תניא רבי נתן אומר מקרא זה נוקב ויורד עד תהום (חבקוק ב, ג) כי עוד חזון למועד ויפח לקץ ולא יכזב אם יתמהמה חכה לו כי בא יבא לא יאחר,לא כרבותינו שהיו דורשין (דניאל ז, כה) עד עידן עידנין ופלג עידן,ולא כר' שמלאי שהיה דורש (תהלים פ, ו) האכלתם לחם דמעה ותשקמו בדמעות שליש,ולא כרבי עקיבא שהיה דורש (חגי ב, ו) עוד אחת מעט היא ואני מרעיש את השמים ואת הארץ,אלא מלכות ראשון שבעים שנה מלכות שניה חמשים ושתים ומלכות בן כוזיבא שתי שנים ומחצה,מאי ויפח לקץ ולא יכזב א"ר שמואל בר נחמני אמר ר' יונתן תיפח עצמן של מחשבי קיצין שהיו אומרים כיון שהגיע את הקץ ולא בא שוב אינו בא אלא חכה לו שנאמר אם יתמהמה חכה לו שמא תאמר אנו מחכין והוא אינו מחכה ת"ל (ישעיהו ל, יח) לכן יחכה ה' לחננכם ולכן ירום לרחמכם,וכי מאחר שאנו מחכים והוא מחכה מי מעכב מדת הדין מעכבת וכי מאחר שמדת הדין מעכבת אנו למה מחכין לקבל שכר שנאמר (ישעיהו ל, יח) אשרי כל חוכי לו,אמר אביי לא פחות עלמא מתלתין ושיתא צדיקי דמקבלי אפי שכינה בכל דרא שנאמר אשרי כל חוכי לו לו בגימטריא תלתין ושיתא הוו איני והאמר רבא דרא דקמי קודשא בריך הוא תמני סרי אלפי [פרסא] הואי שנאמר (יחזקאל מח, לה) סביב שמנה עשר אלף לא קשיא הא דמסתכלי באיספקלריא המאירה הא דמסתכלי באיספקלריא שאינה מאירה,ומי נפישי כולי האי והאמר חזקיה א"ר ירמיה משום רשב"י ראיתי בני עלייה והן מועטין אם אלף הם אני ובני מהם אם מאה הם אני ובני מהם אם שנים הם אני ובני הם,לא קשיא הא דעיילי בבר הא דעיילי בלא בר,אמר רב כלו כל הקיצין ואין הדבר תלוי אלא בתשובה ומעשים טובים ושמואל אמר דיו לאבל שיעמוד באבלו כתנאי ר' אליעזר אומר אם ישראל עושין תשובה נגאלין ואם לאו אין נגאלין אמר ליה רבי יהושע אם אין עושין תשובה אין נגאלין אלא הקב"ה מעמיד להן מלך שגזרותיו קשות כהמן וישראל עושין תשובה ומחזירן למוטב,תניא אידך ר' אליעזר אומר אם ישראל עושין תשובה נגאלין שנאמר (ירמיהו ג, יד) שובו בנים שובבים ארפא משובותיכם אמר לו רבי יהושע והלא כבר נאמר (ישעיהו נב, ג) חנם נמכרתם ולא בכסף תגאלו חנם נמכרתם בעבודת כוכבים ולא בכסף תגאלו לא בתשובה ומעשים טובים,אמר לו רבי אליעזר לר' יהושע והלא כבר נאמר (מלאכי ג, ז) שובו אלי ואשובה אליכם אמר ליה רבי יהושע והלא כבר נאמר (ירמיהו ג, יד) כי אנכי בעלתי בכם ולקחתי אתכם אחד מעיר ושנים ממשפחה והבאתי אתכם ציון,אמר לו ר' אליעזר והלא כבר נאמר (ישעיהו ל, טו) בשובה ונחת תושעון אמר לו ר' יהושע לרבי אליעזר והלא כבר נאמר (ישעיהו מט, ז) כה אמר ה' גואל ישראל וקדושו לבזה נפש למתעב גוי לעבד מושלים | 97b. That is the course that history was to take, b but due to our sins that /b time frame b increased. /b The Messiah did not come after four thousand years passed, and furthermore, the years b that elapsed since /b then, which were to have been the messianic era, b have elapsed. /b , b Elijah /b the prophet b said to Rav Yehuda, brother of Rav Sala Ḥasida: The world will /b exist b no fewer than eighty-five Jubilee /b cycles, or 4,250 years. b And during the final Jubilee, the son of David /b will b come. /b Rav Yehuda b said to /b Elijah: Will the Messiah come b during the beginning of /b the Jubilee b or during its end? /b Elijah b said to /b Rav Yehuda: b I do not know. /b Rav Yehuda asked: Will this last Jubilee cycle b end /b before the Messiah comes b or /b will it b not /b yet b end /b before his coming? Elijah b said to him: I do not know. Rav Ashi says: This /b is what b Elijah said to him: Until that time do not anticipate his /b coming; b from this /b point b forward anticipate his /b coming. Elijah did not inform Rav Yehuda of the date of the coming of the Messiah., b Rav Ḥa bar Taḥlifa sent /b a message b to Rav Yosef: I found one man, and in his hand /b there was b one scroll written /b in b i Ashurit /i /b script b and /b in b the sacred tongue, /b Hebrew. b I said to him: From where /b did b this /b scroll come b into your /b possession? b He said to me: I was hired to /b serve in b the Roman army and I found /b the scroll b among the Roman archives. /b It was clear that the scroll was written by Jews, not Romans. b And it is written in /b the scroll: b After 4,291 years /b have elapsed b from the creation of the world, the world will end; during /b those years there will be b the wars of the sea monsters /b between the leviathan and the animals, and b among /b those years there will be b the wars of Gog and Magog and the remaining /b years of the b messianic period. /b Then the world will be destroyed. b And the Holy One, Blessed be He, will renew His world only after /b the passage of b seven thousand years. Rav Aḥa, son of Rava, says /b that b it was stated: After /b the passage of b five thousand years. /b ,§ b It is taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Natan says: This verse penetrates and descends until the depths; /b just as the depths are unfathomable, so too, the period depicted in the following verse is unquantifiable. b “For the vision is yet for the appointed time; and it declares of the end, and does not lie; though it tarry, wait for it, because it will surely come; it will not delay” /b (Habakkuk 2:3).,The Messiah will come b not in accordance with /b the opinion of b our Rabbis, who would interpret /b the verse: b “For a period and periods and a half period” /b (Daniel 7:25), to mean that the duration of the ultimate exile will be three and a half times the duration of the period of the exile in Egypt., b And /b the Messiah will come b not in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Simlai, who would interpret /b the verse: b “You have fed them with the bread of tears and have given them tears to drink in great measure [ i shalish /i ]” /b (Psalms 80:6), to mean that the duration of the ultimate exile will be three times the duration of the period of the exile in Egypt., b And /b the Messiah will come b not in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Akiva, who would interpret /b the verse: b “Yet once, it is a little while, and I will shake the heavens and the earth” /b (Haggai 2:6), to mean that the redemption would transpire soon after the destruction of the Temple., b Rather, the first, /b great, Hasmonean b monarchy /b ruled b seventy years. The second kingdom, /b of Herod and his descendants, ruled b fifty-two /b years, b and /b the duration of b the monarchy of bar Koziva, /b or bar Kokheva, was b two and a half years. /b The duration of the exile that follows is unknown.,The Gemara asks: b What /b is the meaning of the phrase b “And it declares [ i veyafe’aḥ /i ] of the end, and does not lie”? Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani says /b that b Rabbi Yonatan says: May those who calculate the end of days be cursed [ i tippaḥ /i ], as they would say once the end /b of days that they calculated b arrived and /b the Messiah b did not come, /b that b he will no longer come /b at all. b Rather, /b the proper behavior is to continue to b wait for his /b coming, b as it is stated: “Though it tarry, wait for it.” Lest you say we are /b expectantly b awaiting /b the end of days b and /b the Holy One, Blessed be He, b is not awaiting /b the end of days and does not want to redeem His people, b the verse states: “And therefore will the Lord wait, to be gracious to you; and therefore will He be exalted, to have mercy upon you; /b for the Lord is a God of judgment; happy are all they who wait for Him” (Isaiah 30:18).,And seemingly, b since we are awaiting /b the end of days b and /b the Holy One, Blessed be He, b is /b also b awaiting /b the end of days, b who is preventing /b the coming of the Messiah? It is b the /b divine b attribute of judgment /b that b prevents /b his coming, as it is written: “For the Lord is a God of judgment,” and we are not worthy. b And since the attribute of judgment prevents /b the coming of the Messiah and we are not worthy of redemption, b why do we await /b his coming daily? We do so in order b to receive a reward /b for awaiting his coming, b as it is stated: “Happy are all they who wait for Him.” /b ,Apropos that verse, b Abaye said: The world /b has b no fewer than thirty-six righteous /b people b in each generation who greet the Divine Presence, as it is stated: “Happy are all they who wait for Him [ i lo /i ]” /b (Isaiah 30:18). b The numerical value of i lo /i , /b spelled i lamed vav /i , b is thirty-six. /b The Gemara asks: b Is that so? But doesn’t Rava say: The row /b of the righteous b before the Holy One, Blessed be He, /b extends b eighteen thousand parasangs, as it is stated /b with regard to the city of God at the end of days: b “It shall be eighteen thousand reeds round about, /b and the name of the city from that day shall be: The Lord is there” (Ezekiel 48:35)? The Gemara answers: It is b not difficult; this /b statement of Abaye refers to the thirty-six righteous people b who view /b the Divine Presence b through a luminous crystal [ i be’ispaklarya /i ], /b and b that /b statement of Rava refers to the multitudes b who view /b the Divine Presence b through a crystal that is not luminous. /b ,The Gemara asks: b And are /b those who view the Divine Presence through a crystal that is luminous b so numerous? But doesn’t Ḥizkiyya say /b that b Rabbi Yirmeya says in the name of Rabbi Shimon bar Yoḥai: I have seen members /b of the group b of /b the spiritually b prominent, /b who are truly righteous, b and they are few. If they /b number b one thousand, I and my son are among them. If they /b number b one hundred, I and my son are among them; /b and b if they /b number b two, I and my son are they. /b Apparently, it is conceivable that there are no more than two who view the Divine Presence through a luminous crystal.,The Gemara answers: It is b not difficult. This /b statement of Abaye is referring to those b who /b may b enter /b to view the Divine Presence only b by /b requesting and being granted b permission [ i bar /i ] /b from the angels. b That /b statement of Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai is referring to the select few b who /b may b enter /b to view the Divine Presence even b without /b requesting b permission, /b for whom the gates of Heaven are open at all times.,§ b Rav says: All the ends /b of days that were calculated b passed, and the matter depends only upon repentance and good deeds. /b When the Jewish people repent, they will be redeemed. b And Shmuel says: It is sufficient for the mourner to endure in his mourning /b to bring about the coming of the Messiah. Even without repentance, they will be worthy of redemption due to the suffering they endured during the exile. The Gemara notes: This dispute is b parallel to /b a dispute between b i tanna’im /i : Rabbi Eliezer says: If the Jewish people repent they are redeemed, and if not they are not redeemed. Rabbi Yehoshua said to him: If they do not repent, will they not be redeemed /b at all? b Rather, the Holy One, Blessed be He, will establish a king for them whose decrees are as harsh as /b those issued by b Haman, and the Jewish people /b will have no choice but to b repent, and /b this will b restore them to /b the b right /b path., b It is taught /b in b another /b i baraita /i that b Rabbi Eliezer says: If the Jewish people repent they are redeemed, as it is stated: “Return, wayward children, I will heal your iniquities” /b (Jeremiah 3:22). b Rabbi Yehoshua said to him: But isn’t it already stated: /b “So says the Lord: b You were sold for naught, and without money you shall be redeemed” /b (Isaiah 52:3)? Rabbi Yehoshua explains: b “You were sold for naught” /b means you were sold b for idol worship, /b which is a sin with no basis. b “And without money you shall be redeemed” /b means you will be redeemed b not through repentance and good deeds, /b but through the will of God., b Rabbi Eliezer said to Rabbi Yehoshua: But isn’t it already stated: “Return to me and I will return to you” /b (Malachi 3:7)? b Rabbi Yehoshua said to him: But isn’t it already stated: “For I have taken you to Myself; and I will take you one from a city and two from a family, and I will bring you to Zion” /b (Jeremiah 3:14), unconditionally?, b Rabbi Eliezer said to him: But isn’t it already stated: “In ease [ i beshuva /i ] and rest shall you be saved” /b (Isaiah 30:15), indicating that redemption is dependent upon repentance [ i teshuva /i ]? b Rabbi Yehoshua said to Rabbi Eliezer: But isn’t it already stated: “So says the Lord, Redeemer of Israel, his Holy One, to him who is despised of man, to him who is abhorred of the nation, to a servant of rulers: /b |
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| 4. Athanasius, Epistula Festalis Xxxix (Fragmentum In Collectione Canonum), 42 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cyril of alexandria (bishop), rebuttal of emperor julians polemic Found in books: Renberg (2017) 110 |
| 5. Eunapius, Lives of The Philosophers, 6.107-6.114 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cyril of alexandria (bishop), and cyrus and john at menouthis Found in books: Renberg (2017) 370 |
| 6. Cyril of Alexandria, Contra Iulianum, 10.335-10.343 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cyril of alexandria (bishop), rebuttal of emperor julians polemic Found in books: Renberg (2017) 110 |
| 7. Basil of Caesarea, Homiliae In Hexaemeron, 23 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cyril of alexandria (bishop), rebuttal of emperor julians polemic Found in books: Renberg (2017) 755 |
| 8. John Chrysostom, Against The Jews, 136, 135 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 185 |
| 9. Julian (Emperor), Against The Galileans, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cyril of alexandria (bishop), rebuttal of emperor julians polemic Found in books: Renberg (2017) 110, 755 |
| 10. Rufinus of Aquileia, In Suam Et Eusebii Caesariensis Latinam Ab Eo Factam Historiam, a b c d\n0 10.7 10.7 10 7 \n1 10.8 10.8 10 8 \n2 2(11).26 2(11).26 2(11) 26 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 266 |
11. Theodoret of Cyrus, Ecclesiastical History, 1.17, 1.31-1.33, 5.17-5.18 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cyril (bishop of alexandria), anti-jewish treatises and homilies of •cyril (bishop of alexandria), devotions to st. stephen and •cyril (bishop of alexandria) Found in books: Hahn Emmel and Gotter (2008) 73; Kraemer (2020) 266 | 1.17. The bearer of these letters was no less illustrious a personage than the mother of the emperor, even she who was glorious in her offspring, whose piety was celebrated by all; she who brought forth that great luminary and nurtured him in piety. She did not shrink from the fatigue of the journey on account of her extreme old age, but undertook it a little before her death, which occurred in her eightieth year. When the empress beheld the place where the Saviour suffered, she immediately ordered the idolatrous temple, which had been there erected , to be destroyed, and the very earth on which it stood to be removed. When the tomb, which had been so long concealed, was discovered, three crosses were seen buried near the Lord's sepulchre. All held it as certain that one of these crosses was that of our Lord Jesus Christ, and that the other two were those of the thieves who were crucified with Him. Yet they could not discern to which of the three the Body of the Lord had been brought near, and which had received the outpouring of His precious Blood. But the wise and holy Macarius, the president of the city, resolved this question in the following manner. He caused a lady of rank, who had been long suffering from disease, to be touched by each of the crosses, with earnest prayer, and thus discerned the virtue residing in that of the Saviour. For the instant this cross was brought near the lady, it expelled the sore disease, and made her whole. The mother of the emperor, on learning the accomplishment of her desire, gave orders that a portion of the nails should be inserted in the royal helmet, in order that the head of her son might be preserved from the darts of his enemies. The other portion of the nails she ordered to be formed into the bridle of his horse, not only to ensure the safety of the emperor, but also to fulfil an ancient prophecy; for long before Zechariah, the prophet, had predicted that There shall be upon the bridles of the horses Holiness unto the Lord Almighty. She had part of the cross of our Saviour conveyed to the palace. The rest was enclosed in a covering of silver, and committed to the care of the bishop of the city, whom she exhorted to preserve it carefully, in order that it might be transmitted uninjured to posterity. She then sent everywhere for workmen and for materials, and caused the most spacious and most magnificent churches to be erected. It is unnecessary to describe their beauty and grandeur; for all the pious, if I may so speak, hasten there and behold the magnificence of the buildings. This celebrated and admirable empress performed another action worthy of being remembered. She assembled all the women who had vowed perpetual virginity, and placing them on couches, she herself fulfilled the duties of a handmaid, serving them with food and handing them cups and pouring out wine, and bringing a basin and pitcher, and pouring out water to wash their hands. After performing these and other laudable actions, the empress returned to her son, and not long after, she joyfully entered upon the other and a better life, after having given her son much pious advice and her fervent parting blessing. After her death, those honours were rendered to her memory which her steadfast and zealous service to God deserved. 1.31. It ought not to excite astonishment that Constantine was so far deceived as to send so many great men into exile: for he believed the assertions of bishops of high fame and reputation, who skilfully concealed their malice. Those who are acquainted with the Sacred Scriptures know that the holy David, although he was a prophet, was deceived; and that too not by a priest, but by one who was a menial, a slave, and a rascal. I mean Ziba, who deluded the king by lies against Mephibosheth, and thus obtained his land. It is not to condemn the prophet that I thus speak; but that I may defend the emperor, by showing the weakness of human nature, and to teach that credit should not be given only to those who advance accusations, even though they may appear worthy of credit; but that the other party ought also to be heard, and that one ear should be left open to the accused. 1.32. The emperor was now translated from his earthly dominions to a better kingdom. The body of the emperor was enclosed in a golden coffin, and was carried to Constantinople by the governors of the provinces, the military commanders, and the other officers of state, preceded and followed by the whole army, all bitterly deploring their loss; for Constantine had been as an affectionate father to them all. The body of the emperor was allowed to remain in the palace until the arrival of his sons, and high honours were rendered to it. But these details require no description here, as a full account has been given by other writers. From their works, which are easy of access, may be learned how greatly the Ruler of all honours His faithful servants. If any one should be tempted to unbelief, let him look at what occurs now near the tomb and the statue of Constantine , and then he must admit the truth of what God has said in the Scriptures, Them that honour Me I will honour, and they that despise Me shall be lightly esteemed. 5.17. Thessalonica is a large and very populous city, belonging to Macedonia, but the capital of Thessaly and Achaia, as well as of many other provinces which are governed by the prefect of Illyricum. Here arose a great sedition, and several of the magistrates were stoned and violently treated. The emperor was fired with anger when he heard the news, and unable to endure the rush of his passion, did not even check its onset by the curb of reason, but allowed his rage to be the minister of his vengeance. When the imperial passion had received its authority, as though itself an independent prince, it broke the bonds and yoke of reason, unsheathed swords of injustice right and left without distinction, and slew innocent and guilty together. No trial preceded the sentence. No condemnation was passed on the perpetrators of the crimes. Multitudes were mowed down like ears of grain in harvest-tide. It is said that seven thousand perished. News of this lamentable calamity reached Ambrosius. The emperor on his arrival at Milan wished according to custom to enter the church. Ambrosius met him outside the outer porch and forbade him to step over the sacred threshold. You seem, sir, not to know, said he, the magnitude of the bloody deed that has been done. Your rage has subsided, but your reason has not yet recognised the character of the deed. Peradventure your Imperial power prevents your recognising the sin, and power stands in the light of reason. We must however know how our nature passes away and is subject to death; we must know the ancestral dust from which we sprang, and to which we are swiftly returning. We must not because we are dazzled by the sheen of the purple fail to see the weakness of the body that it robes. You are a sovereign, Sir, of men of like nature with your own, and who are in truth your fellow slaves; for there is one Lord and Sovereign of mankind, Creator of the Universe. With what eyes then will you look on the temple of our common Lord - with what feet will you tread that holy threshold, how will you stretch forth your hands still dripping with the blood of unjust slaughter? How in such hands will you receive the all holy Body of the Lord? How will you who in your rage unrighteously poured forth so much blood lift to your lips the precious Blood? Begone. Attempt not to add another crime to that which you have committed. Submit to the restriction to which the God the Lord of all agrees that you be sentenced. He will be your physician, He will give you health. Educated as he had been in the sacred oracles, Theodosius knew clearly what belonged to priests and what to emperors. He therefore bowed to the rebuke of Ambrose, and retired sighing and weeping to the palace. After a considerable time, when eight months had passed away, the festival of our Saviour's birth came round and the emperor sat in his palace shedding a storm of tears. Now Rufinus, at that time controller of the household, and, from his familiarity with his imperial master, able to use great freedom of speech, approached and asked him why he wept. With a bitter groan and yet more abundant weeping You are trifling, Rufinus, said the emperor, because you do not feel my troubles. I am groaning and lamenting at the thought of my own calamity; for menials and for beggars the way into the church lies open; they can go in without fear, and put up their petitions to their own Lord. I dare not set my foot there, and besides this for me the door of heaven is shut, for I remember the voice of the Lord which plainly says, 'Whatsoever you bind on earth shall have been bound in heaven.' Rufinus replied With your permission I will hasten to the bishop, and by my entreaties induce him to remit your penalty. He will not yield said the emperor. I know the justice of the sentence passed by Ambrose, nor will he ever be moved by respect for my imperial power to transgress the law of God. Rufinus urged his suit again and again, promising to win over Ambrosius; and at last the emperor commanded him to go with all dispatch. Then, the victim of false hopes, Theodosius, in reliance on the promises of Rufinus, followed in person, himself. No sooner did the divine Ambrose perceive Rufinus than he exclaimed, Rufinus, your impudence matches a dog's, for you were the adviser of this terrible slaughter; you have wiped shame from your brow, and guilty as you are of this mad outrage on the image of God you stand here fearless, without a blush. Then Rufinus began to beg and pray, and announced the speedy approach of the emperor. Fired with divine zeal the holy Ambrosius exclaimed Rufinus, I tell you beforehand; I shall prevent him from crossing the sacred threshold. If he is for changing his sovereign power into that of a tyrant I too will gladly submit to a violent death. On this Rufinus sent a messenger to inform the emperor in what mind the archbishop was, and exhorted him to remain within the palace. Theodosius had already reached the middle of the forum when he received the message. I will go, said he, and accept the disgrace I deserve. He advanced to the sacred precincts but did not enter the holy building. The archbishop was seated in the house of salutation and there the emperor approached him and besought that his bonds might be loosed. Your coming said Ambrose is the coming of a tyrant. You are raging against God; you are trampling on his laws. No, said Theodosius, I do not attack laws laid down, I do not seek wrongfully to cross the sacred threshold; but I ask you to loose my bond, to take into account the mercy of our common Lord, and not to shut against me a door which our master has opened for all them that repent. The archbishop replied What repentance have you shown since your tremendous crime? You have inflicted wounds right hard to heal; what salve have you applied? Yours said the emperor is the duty alike of pointing out and of mixing the salve. It is for me to receive what is given me. Then said the divine Ambrosius You let your passion minister justice, your passion not your reason gives judgment. Put forth therefore an edict which shall make the sentence of your passion null and void; let the sentences which have been published inflicting death or confiscation be suspended for thirty days awaiting the judgment of reason. When the days shall have elapsed let them that wrote the sentences exhibit their orders, and then, and not till then, when passion has calmed down, reason acting as sole judge shall examine the sentences and will see whether they be right or wrong. If it find them wrong it will cancel the deeds; if they be righteous it will confirm them, and the interval of time will inflict no wrong on them that have been rightly condemned. This suggestion the emperor accepted and thought it admirable. He ordered the edict to be put out immediately and gave it the authority of his sign manual. On this the divine Ambrosius loosed the bond. Now the very faithful emperor came boldly within the holy temple but did not pray to his Lord standing, or even on his knees, but lying prone upon the ground he uttered David's cry My soul cleaves unto the dust, quicken thou me according to your word. He plucked out his hair; he smote his head; he besprinkled the ground with drops of tears and prayed for pardon. When the time came for him to bring his oblations to the holy table, weeping all the while he stood up and approached the sanctuary. After making his offering, as he was wont, he remained within at the rail, but once more the great Ambrosius kept not silence and taught him the distinction of places. First he asked him if he wanted anything; and when the emperor said that he was waiting for participation in the divine mysteries, Ambrose sent word to him by the chief deacon and said, The inner place, sir, is open only to priests; to all the rest it is inaccessible; go out and stand where others stand; purple can make emperors, but not priests. This instruction too the faithful emperor most gladly received, and intimated in reply that it was not from any audacity that he had remained within the rails, but because he had understood that this was the custom at Constantinople. I owe thanks, he added, for being cured too of this error. So both the archbishop and the emperor showed a mighty shining light of virtue. Both to me are admirable; the former for his brave words, the latter for his docility; the archbishop for the warmth of his zeal, and the prince for the purity of his faith. On his return to Constantinople Theodosius kept within the bounds of piety which he had learned from the great archbishop. For when the occasion of a feast brought him once again into the divine temple, after bringing his gifts to the holy table he straightway went out. The bishop at that time was Nectarius, and on his asking the emperor what could possibly be the reason of his not remaining within, Theodosius answered with a sigh I have learned after great difficulty the differences between an emperor and a priest. It is not easy to find a man capable of teaching me the truth. Ambrosius alone deserves the title of bishop. So great is the gain of conviction when brought home by a man of bright and shining goodness. 5.18. Yet other opportunities of improvement lay within the emperor's reach, for his wife used constantly to put him in mind of the divine laws in which she had first carefully educated herself. In no way exalted by her imperial rank she was rather fired by it with greater longing for divine things. The greatness of the good gift given her made her love for Him who gave it all the greater, so she bestowed every kind of attention on the maimed and the mutilated, declining all aid from her household and her guards, herself visiting the houses where the sufferers lodged, and providing every one with what he required. She also went about the chambers of the churches and ministered to the wants of the sick, herself handling pots and pans, and tasting broth, now bringing in a dish and breaking bread and offering morsels, and washing out a cup and going through all the other duties which are supposed to be proper to servants and maids. To them who strove to restrain her from doing these things with her own hands she would say, It befits a sovereign to distribute gold; I, for the sovereign power that has been given me, am giving my own service to the Giver. To her husband, too, she was ever wont to say, Husband, you ought always to bethink you what you were once and what you have become now; by keeping this constantly in mind you will never grow ungrateful to your benefactor, but will guide in accordance with law the empire bestowed upon you, and thus you will worship Him who gave it. By ever using language of this kind, she with fair and wholesome care, as it were, watered the seeds of virtue planted in her husband's heart. She died before her husband, and not long after the time of her death events occurred which showed how well her husband loved her. |
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| 12. Socrates Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History, 4.29, 7.14 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cyril (bishop of alexandria) Found in books: Hahn Emmel and Gotter (2008) 78, 347 |
| 13. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 16.2.31, 16.5.43, 16.5.46, 16.5.66, 16.8.8, 16.8.29 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cyril (bishop of alexandria), jews expelled from alexandria by •cyril (bishop of alexandria), the dialogue of timothy and aquila and •cyril (bishop of alexandria), marian devotion controversies and •cyril (bishop of alexandria), orestes and Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 216, 224, 255 |
| 14. Justinian, Codex Justinianus, 1.3.10 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cyril (bishop of alexandria), jews expelled from alexandria by •cyril (bishop of alexandria), the dialogue of timothy and aquila and Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 224 |
| 15. Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum, 5.11 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cyril (bishop of alexandria), jews expelled from alexandria by Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 2 |
| 16. Sophronius, Narratio Miraculorum Sanctorum Cyri Et Joannis, 66.1 (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cyril of alexandria (bishop), elimination of isis cult at menouthis •cyril of alexandria (bishop), and cyrus and john at menouthis Found in books: Renberg (2017) 372, 387 |
| 17. Epigraphy, Ijo 1, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 348 |
| 18. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Sirmondian Constitutions, 12, 14 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 224 |
| 19. Epigraphy, Igportus, 18, 9 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017) 370 |
| 20. Procopius, History of The Wars, 5.8.41 Tagged with subjects: •cyril (bishop of alexandria), jews expelled from alexandria by Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 353 |
| 21. Sophronios, Preface [To Panegyric], 1 Tagged with subjects: •cyril of alexandria (bishop), and cyrus and john at menouthis Found in books: Renberg (2017) 372 |
| 22. Sophronios, Panegyric, 24, 29, 27 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017) 372 |
| 23. Papyri, Young, Coptic Manuscripts, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 24. Epiphanius, De Fide, 12.1 Tagged with subjects: •cyril of alexandria (bishop), and cyrus and john at menouthis Found in books: Renberg (2017) 370 |
| 25. Socrates of Constantinople, Ecclesiastical History, 2.33, 7.4, 7.13, 7.13.14-7.13.16, 7.38 Tagged with subjects: •cyril (bishop of alexandria), jews expelled from alexandria by •cyril (bishop of alexandria), anti-jewish treatises and homilies of •cyril (bishop of alexandria), hypatia and •cyril (bishop of alexandria), orestes and •cyril (bishop of alexandria), the dialogue of timothy and aquila and •cyril (bishop of alexandria), marian devotion controversies and Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 2, 185, 215, 216, 217, 224, 255, 348, 353 |
| 26. Anon., 2Nd Life of Sts. Cyrus And John, 16 Tagged with subjects: •cyril of alexandria (bishop), and cyrus and john at menouthis •cyril of alexandria (bishop), elimination of isis cult at menouthis Found in books: Renberg (2017) 372, 374 |
| 27. Palladius, Panegyricus In Macarium Antaeopolis Episcopum, 16.1 Tagged with subjects: •cyril (bishop of alexandria) Found in books: Hahn Emmel and Gotter (2008) 304 |
| 28. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah (Septuagint), 65.4 Tagged with subjects: •cyril of alexandria (bishop), rebuttal of emperor julians polemic Found in books: Renberg (2017) 755 |
29. Sozomenus, Ecclesiastical History, 2.1.2-2.1.10, 4.7.5, 6.40, 8.1-8.3, 9.1.2-9.1.3 Tagged with subjects: •cyril (bishop of alexandria), anti-jewish treatises and homilies of •cyril (bishop of alexandria), devotions to st. stephen and •cyril (bishop of alexandria), jews expelled from alexandria by •cyril (bishop of alexandria), orestes and •cyril (bishop of alexandria) Found in books: Hahn Emmel and Gotter (2008) 70; Kraemer (2020) 225, 266, 352 | 6.40. When Valens was on the point of departing from Constantinople, Isaac, a monk of great virtue, who feared no danger in the cause of God, presented himself before him, and addressed him in the following words: Give back, O emperor, to the orthodox, and to those who maintain the Nicene doctrines, the churches of which you have deprived them, and the victory will be yours. The emperor was offended at this act of boldness, and commanded that Isaac should be arrested and kept in chains until his return, when he meant to bring him to justice for his temerity. Isaac, however, replied, You will not return unless you restore the churches. And so in fact it came to pass. For when Valens marched out with his army, the Goths retreated while pursued. In his advances he passed by Thrace, and came to Adrianople. When at not great distance from the barbarians, he found them encamped in a secure position; and yet he had the rashness to attack them before he had arranged his own legions in proper order. His cavalry was dispersed, his infantry compelled to retreat; and, pursued by the enemy, he dismounted from his horse, and with a few attendants entered into a small house or tower, where he secreted himself. The barbarians were in full pursuit, and went beyond the tower, not suspecting that he had selected it for his place of concealment. As the last detachment of the barbarians was passing by the tower, the attendants of the emperor let fly a volley of arrows from their covert, which immediately led to the exclamation that Valens was concealed within the building. Those who were a little in advance heard this exclamation, and made known the news with a shout to those companions who were in advance of them; and thus the news was conveyed till it reached the detachments which were foremost in the pursuit. They returned, and encompassed the tower. They collected vast quantities of wood from the country around, which they piled up against the tower, and finally set fire to the mass. A wind which had happened to arise favored the progress of the conflagration; and in a short period the tower, with all that it contained, including the emperor and his attendants, was utterly destroyed. Valens was fifty years of age. He had reigned thirteen years conjointly with his brother, and three by himself. 8.1. Such was the death of Theodosius, who had contributed so efficiently to the aggrandizement of the Church. He expired in the sixtieth year of his age, and the sixteenth of his reign. He left his two sons as his successors. Arcadius, the elder, reigned in the East, and Honorius in the West. They both held the same religious sentiments as their father. Damasus was dead; and at this period Siricius was the leader of the church of Rome; Nectarius, of the church in Constantinople; Theophilus, over the church of Alexandria; Flavian, over the church of Antioch; and John, over that of Jerusalem. Armenia and the Eastern provinces were at this time overrun by the barbarian Huns. Rufinus, prefect of the East, was suspected of having clandestinely invited them to devastate the Roman territories, in furtherance of his own ambitious designs; for he was said to aspire to tyranny. For this reason, he was soon after slain; for, on the return of the troops from the conquest of Eugenius, the Emperor Arcadius, according to custom, went forth from Constantinople to meet them; and the soldiers took this opportunity to massacre Rufinus. These circumstances tended greatly to the extension of religion. The emperors attributed to the piety of their father, the ease with which the tyrant had been vanquished, and the plot of Rufinus to gain their government arrested; and they readily confirmed all the laws which had been enacted by their predecessors in favor of the churches, and bestowed their own gifts in addition. Their subjects profited by their example, so that even the pagans were converted without difficulty to Christianity, and the heretics united themselves to the Catholic Church. Owing to the disputes which had arisen among the Arians and Eunomians, and to which I have already alluded, these heretics daily diminished in number. Many of them, in reflecting upon the diversity of sentiments which prevailed among those of their own persuasion, judged that the truth of God could not be present with them, and went over to those who held the same faith as the emperors. The interests of the Macedonians of Constantinople were materially affected by their possessing no bishop in that juncture; for, ever since they had been deprived of their churches by Eudoxius, under the reign of Constantius, they had been governed only by presbyters, and remained so until the next reign. The Novatians, on the other hand, although they had been agitated by the controversy concerning the Passover, which was an innovation made by Sabbatius, yet the most of them remained in quiet possession of their churches, and had not been molested by any of the punishments or laws enacted against other heretics, because they maintained that the Three Persons of the Trinity are of the same substance. The virtue of their leaders also tended greatly to the maintece of concord among them. After the presidency of Agelius they were governed by Marcian, a good man; and on his decease, a little while before the time now under consideration, the bishopric devolved upon Sisinius, a very eloquent man, well versed in the doctrines of philosophy and of the Holy Scriptures, and so expert in disputation that even Eunomius, who was well approved in this art and effective in this work, often refused to hold debates with him. His course of life was prudent and above the reach of calumny; yet he indulged in luxury, and even in superfluities; so that those who knew him not were incredulous as to whether he could remain temperate in the midst of so much abundance. His manners were gracious and suave in assemblies, and on this account he was esteemed by the bishops of the Catholic Church, by the rulers, and by the learned. His jests were replete with good nature, and he could bear ridicule without manifesting the least resentment. He was very prompt and witty in his rejoinders. Being once asked wherefore, as he was bishop, he bathed twice daily, he replied, Because I do not bathe thrice. On another occasion, being ridiculed by a member of the Catholic Church because he dressed in white, he asked where it was commanded that he should dress in black; and, as the other hesitated for a reply, he continued, You can give no argument in support of your position; but I refer you to Solomon, the wisest of men, who says, 'Let your garments be always white.' Moreover Christ is described in the Gospel as having appeared in white, and Moses and Elias manifested themselves to the apostles in robes of white. It appears to me that the following reply was also very ingenious. Leontius, bishop of Ancyra, in Galatia, settled in Constantinople after he had deprived the Novatians in his province of their churches. Sisinius went to him to request that the churches might be restored; but far from yielding compliance, he reviled the Novatians, and said that they were not worthy of holding churches, because, by abolishing the observance of pece, they intercepted the philanthropy of God. To this Sisinius replied, No one does pece as I do. Leontius asked him in what way he did pece. In coming to see you, retorted Sisinius. Many other witty speeches are attributed to him, and he is even said to have written several works with some elegance. But his discourses obtained greater applause than his writings, since he was best at declamation, and was capable of attracting the hearer by his voice and look and pleasing countece. This brief description may serve as a proof of the disposition and mode of life of this great man. 8.2. Nectarius died about this period, and lengthened debates were held on the ordination of a successor. They all voted for different individuals, and it seemed impossible for all to unite on one, and the time passed heavily. There was, however, at Antioch on the Orontes, a certain presbyter named John, a man of noble birth and of exemplary life, and possessed of such wonderful powers of eloquence and persuasion that he was declared by the sophist, Libanius the Syrian, to surpass all the orators of the age. When this sophist was on his death-bed he was asked by his friends who should take his place. It would have been John, replied he, had not the Christians taken him from us. Many of those who heard the discourses of John in the church were thereby excited to the love of virtue and to the reception of his own religious sentiments. For by living a divine life he imparted zeal from his own virtues to his hearers. He produced convictions similar to his own, because he did not enforce them by rhetorical art and strength, but expounded the sacred books with truth and sincerity. For a word which is ornamented by deeds customarily shows itself as worthy of belief; but without these the speaker appears as an impostor and a traitor to his own words, even though he teach earnestly. Approbation in both regards was due to John. He devoted himself to a prudent course of life and to a severe public career, while he also used a clear diction, united with brilliance in speech. His natural abilities were excellent, and he improved them by studying under the best masters. He learned rhetoric from Libanius, and philosophy from Andragathius. When it was expected that he would embrace the legal profession and take part in the career of an advocate, he determined to exercise himself in the sacred books and to practice philosophy according to the law of the Church. He had as teachers of this philosophy, Carterius and Diodorus, two celebrated presidents of ascetic institutions. Diodorus was afterwards the governor of the church of Tarsus, and, I have been informed, left many books of his own writings in which he explained the significance of the sacred words and avoided allegory. John did not receive the instructions of these men by himself, but persuaded Theodore and Maximus, who had been his companions under the instruction of Libanius, to accompany him. Maximus afterwards became bishop of Seleucia, in Isauria; and Theodore, bishop of Mompsuestia, in Cilicia. Theodore was well conversant with the sacred books and with the rest of the discipline of rhetoricians and philosophers. After studying the ecclesiastical laws, and frequenting the society of holy men, he was filled with admiration of the ascetic mode of life and condemned city life. He did not persevere in the same purpose, but after changing it, he was drawn to his former course of life; and, to justify his conduct, cited many examples from ancient history, with which he was well acquainted, and went back into the city. On hearing that he was engaged in business and intent on marriage, John composed an epistle, more divine in language and thought than the mind of man could produce, and sent it to him. Upon reading it, he repented and immediately gave up his possessions, renounced his intention of marrying, and was saved by the advice of John, and returned to the philosophic career. This seems to me a remarkable instance of the power of John's eloquence; for he readily forced conviction on the mind of one who was himself habituated to persuade and convince others. By the same eloquence, John attracted the admiration of the people; while he strenuously convicted sinners even in the churches, and antagonized with boldness all acts of injustice, as if they had been perpetrated against himself. This boldness pleased the people, but grieved the wealthy and the powerful, who were guilty of most of the vices which he denounced. Being, then, held in such high estimation by those who knew him by experience, and by those who were acquainted with him through the reports of others, John was adjudged worthy, in word and in deed, by all the subjects of the Roman Empire, to be the bishop of the church of Constantinople. The clergy and people were uimous in electing him; their choice was approved by the emperor, who also sent the embassy which should conduct him; and, to confer greater solemnity on his ordination, a council was convened. Not long after the letter of the emperor reached Asterius, the general of the East; he sent to desire John to repair to him, as if he had need of him. On his arrival, he at once made him get into his chariot, and conveyed him with dispatch to a military station, Pagras so-called, where he delivered him to the officers whom the emperor had sent in quest of him. Asterius acted very prudently in sending for John before the citizens of Antioch knew what was about to occur; for they would probably have excited a sedition, and have inflicted injury on others, or subjected themselves to acts of violence, rather than have suffered John to be taken from them. When John had arrived at Constantinople, and when the priests were assembled together, Theophilus opposed his ordination; and proposed as a candidate in his stead, a presbyter of his church named Isidore, who took charge of strangers and of the poor at Alexandria. I have been informed by persons who were acquainted with Isidore, that from his youth upwards he practiced the philosophic virtues, near Scetis. Others say that he had gained the friendship of Theophilus by being a participant and a familiar in a very perilous undertaking. For it is reported that during the war against Maximus, Theophilus entrusted Isidore with gifts and letters respectively addressed to the emperor and to the tyrant, and sent him to Rome, desiring him to remain there until the termination of the war, when he was to deliver the gifts, with the letters, to him, who might prove the victor. Isidore acted according to his instructions, but the artifice was detected; and, fearful of being arrested, he fled to Alexandria. Theophilus from that period evinced much attachment towards him, and, with a view of recompensing his services, strove to raise him to the bishopric of Constantinople. But whether there was really any truth in this report, or whether Theophilus desired to ordain this man because of his excellence, it is certain that he eventually yielded to those who decided for John. He feared Eutropius, who was artfully eager for this ordination. Eutropius then presided over the imperial house, and they say he threatened Theophilus, that unless he would vote with the other bishops, he would have to defend himself against those who desired to accuse him; for many written accusations against him were at that time before the council. 8.3. As soon as John was raised to the episcopal dignity, he devoted his attention first to the reformation of the lives of his clergy; he reproved and amended their ways and diet and every procedure of their manifold transactions. He also ejected some of the clergy from the Church. He was naturally disposed to reprehend the misconduct of others, and to antagonize righteously those who acted unjustly; and he gave way to these characteristics still more in the episcopate; for his nature, having attained power, led his tongue to reproof, and nerved his wrath more readily against the enemy. He did not confine his efforts to the reformation of his own church; but as a good and large-minded man, he sought to rectify abuses throughout the world. Immediately upon entering the episcopate, he strove to put an end to the dissension which had arisen concerning Paulinus, between the Western and Egyptian bishops and the bishops of the East; since on this account a general disunion was overpowering the churches in the whole empire. He requested the assistance of Theophilus in effecting the reconciliation of Flavian with the bishop of Rome. Theophilus agreed to co-operate with him in the restoration of concord; and Acacius, bishop of Berea, and Isidore, whom Theophilus had proposed as a candidate for ordination instead of John, were sent on an embassy to Rome. They soon effected the object of their journey, and sailed back to Egypt. Acacius repaired to Syria, bearing conciliatory letters to the adherents of Flavian from the priests of Egypt and of the West. And the churches, after a long delay once more laid aside their discord, and took up communion with one another. The people at Antioch, who were called Eustathians, continued, indeed, for some time to hold separate assemblies, although they possessed no bishop. Evagrius, the successor of Paulinus, did not, as we have stated, long survive him; and I think reconciliation became easier for the bishops from there being no one to oppose. The laity, as is customary with the populace, gradually went over to those who assembled together under the guidance of Flavian; and thus, in course of time, they were more and more united. |
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30. Strabo, Geography, 11.7.1 Tagged with subjects: •cyril of alexandria (bishop), rebuttal of emperor julians polemic Found in books: Renberg (2017) 110 | 11.7.1. Those nomads, however, who live along the coast on the left as one sails into the Caspian Sea are by the writers of today called Daae, I mean, those who are surnamed Aparni; then, in front of them, intervenes a desert country; and next comes Hyrcania, where the Caspian resembles an open sea to the point where it borders on the Median and Armenian mountains. The shape of these mountains is crescent-like along the foothills, which end at the sea and form the recess of the gulf. This side of the mountains, beginning at the sea, is inhabited as far as their heights for a short stretch by a part of the Albanians and the Armenians, but for the most part by Gelae, Cadusii, Amardi, Vitii, and Anariacae. They say that some of the Parrhasii took up their abode with the Anariacae, who, they say, are now called Parsii; and that the Aenianes built a walled city in the Vitian territory, which, they say, is called Aeniana; and that Greek armour, brazen vessels, and burial places are to be seen there; and that there is also a city Anariace there, in which, they say, is to be seen an oracle for sleepers, and some other tribes that are more inclined to brigandage and war than to farming; but this is due to the ruggedness of the region. However, the greater part of the seaboard round the mountainous country is occupied by Cadusii, for a stretch of almost five thousand stadia, according to Patrocles, who considers this sea almost equal to the Pontic Sea. Now these regions have poor soil. |
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| 32. John of Nicou, Pg, 84.95-84.98 Tagged with subjects: •cyril (bishop of alexandria), hypatia and •cyril (bishop of alexandria), jews expelled from alexandria by •cyril (bishop of alexandria), orestes and Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 219 |
| 33. Stoic School, Stoicor. Veter. Fragm., 16, 18-22, 17 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017) 374, 376 |
| 34. Anon., Life of Barsauma, 191-201, 190 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 265 |
| 35. Epigraphy, Ricis, 503/1212, 503/1204 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017) 370 |
| 36. Epigraphy, Jigre, 142-145, 148-151, 146 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 348 |
| 37. Anon., Life of Simon Stylites, 244-247 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 266 |
| 38. Babylonian Talmud, Avodah Zarah, None Tagged with subjects: •cyril (bishop of alexandria), devotions to st. stephen and Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 265 |
| 39. Epigraphy, Jiwe 1, 1.2 Tagged with subjects: •cyril (bishop of alexandria), jews expelled from alexandria by Found in books: Kraemer (2020) 348 |
| 40. Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Hom. Div., None Tagged with subjects: •cyril (bishop of alexandria) Found in books: Hahn Emmel and Gotter (2008) 216 |
| 41. Papyri, P.Eleph., 11.1380 Tagged with subjects: •cyril of alexandria (bishop), and cyrus and john at menouthis Found in books: Renberg (2017) 370 |
| 43. Sophronius Hierosolymitanus, Mir. Cyr. Et Jo., None Tagged with subjects: •cyril (bishop of alexandria) Found in books: Hahn Emmel and Gotter (2008) 304 |
| 44. Epigraphy, Totti, Ausgewählte Texte, 69 Tagged with subjects: •cyril of alexandria (bishop), elimination of isis cult at menouthis Found in books: Renberg (2017) 377 |
| 45. Papyri, P.Tebt., 1.44 Tagged with subjects: •cyril of alexandria (bishop), elimination of isis cult at menouthis Found in books: Renberg (2017) 377 |
