The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Index Database

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104 results for "culture"

1. Septuagint, Tobit, 7.1, 8.4 (10th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257

7.1. When they reached Ecbatana and arrived at the house of Raguel, Sarah met them and greeted them. They returned her greeting, and she brought them into the house. 8.4. When the door was shut and the two were alone, Tobias got up from the bed and said, "Sister, get up, and let us pray that the Lord may have mercy upon us."

2. Septuagint, Exodus, 18.20 (10th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 376

3. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 32.17 (lxx), 6.4 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 165

4. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 95.5 (lxx), 106.37 (lxx) (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 161, 165, 168

5. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 6.3, 6.4, 4.22, 4.23, 4.24, 6.2, 6.1, 5.21, 5.22, 5.23, 5.24, 2, 3, 6.4 (lxx), 6.1-4 (lxx), 6.2 (lxx), 2.18 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 107, 109, 190, 221

6.3. וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה לֹא־יָדוֹן רוּחִי בָאָדָם לְעֹלָם בְּשַׁגַּם הוּא בָשָׂר וְהָיוּ יָמָיו מֵאָה וְעֶשְׂרִים שָׁנָה׃

6.3. And the LORD said: ‘My spirit shall not abide in man for ever, for that he also is flesh; therefore shall his days be a hundred and twenty years.’

6. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 19.18 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 74

19.18. לֹא־תִקֹּם וְלֹא־תִטֹּר אֶת־בְּנֵי עַמֶּךָ וְאָהַבְתָּ לְרֵעֲךָ כָּמוֹךָ אֲנִי יְהוָה׃

19.18. Thou shalt not take vengeance, nor bear any grudge against the children of thy people, but thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself: I am the LORD.

7. Hebrew Bible, Hosea, 8.4 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •book of the watchers, and greco-roman culture Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 38

8.4. הֵם הִמְלִיכוּ וְלֹא מִמֶּנִּי הֵשִׂירוּ וְלֹא יָדָעְתִּי כַּסְפָּם וּזְהָבָם עָשׂוּ לָהֶם עֲצַבִּים לְמַעַן יִכָּרֵת׃

8.4. They have set up kings, but not from Me, they have made princes, and I knew it not; of their silver and their gold have they made them idols, that they may be cut off.

8. Hebrew Bible, Job, 5.3 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257

9. Hebrew Bible, Jeremiah, 10.4 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •book of the watchers, and greco-roman culture Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 38

10.4. בְּכֶסֶף וּבְזָהָב יְיַפֵּהוּ בְּמַסְמְרוֹת וּבְמַקָּבוֹת יְחַזְּקוּם וְלוֹא יָפִיק׃

10.4. They deck it with silver and with gold, They fasten it with nails and with hammers, that it move not.

10. Hesiod, Works And Days, 109-165, 167-201, 166 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 38

166. ἔνθʼ ἤτοι τοὺς μὲν θανάτου τέλος ἀμφεκάλυψε,

166. And dreadful battles vanquished some of these,

11. Hebrew Bible, Judges, 5.10 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •greco-roman culture Found in books: Rubenstein, The Culture of the Babylonian Talmud (2003) 192

12. Hebrew Bible, Joshua, 1.8 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •greco-roman culture Found in books: Rubenstein, The Culture of the Babylonian Talmud (2003) 102

1.8. לֹא־יָמוּשׁ סֵפֶר הַתּוֹרָה הַזֶּה מִפִּיךָ וְהָגִיתָ בּוֹ יוֹמָם וָלַיְלָה לְמַעַן תִּשְׁמֹר לַעֲשׂוֹת כְּכָל־הַכָּתוּב בּוֹ כִּי־אָז תַּצְלִיחַ אֶת־דְּרָכֶךָ וְאָז תַּשְׂכִּיל׃

1.8. This book of the law shall not depart out of thy mouth, but thou shalt meditate therein day and night, that thou mayest observe to do according to all that is written therein; for then thou shalt make thy ways prosperous, and then thou shalt have good success.

13. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 2.20, 31.7 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •book of the watchers, and greco-roman culture Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 38

31.7. כִּי בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא יִמְאָסוּן אִישׁ אֱלִילֵי כַסְפּוֹ וֶאֱלִילֵי זְהָבוֹ אֲשֶׁר עָשׂוּ לָכֶם יְדֵיכֶם חֵטְא׃

2.20. In that day a man shall cast away His idols of silver, and his idols of gold, Which they made for themselves to worship, To the moles and to the bats; 31.7. For in that day they shall cast away every man his idols of silver, and his idols of gold, Which your own hands have made unto you for a sin.

14. Hebrew Bible, Ezekiel, 7.19 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •book of the watchers, and greco-roman culture Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 38

7.19. כַּסְפָּם בַּחוּצוֹת יַשְׁלִיכוּ וּזְהָבָם לְנִדָּה יִהְיֶה כַּסְפָּם וּזְהָבָם לֹא־יוּכַל לְהַצִּילָם בְּיוֹם עֶבְרַת יְהוָה נַפְשָׁם לֹא יְשַׂבֵּעוּ וּמֵעֵיהֶם לֹא יְמַלֵּאוּ כִּי־מִכְשׁוֹל עֲוֺנָם הָיָה׃

7.19. They shall cast their silver in the streets, and their gold shall be as an unclean thing; their silver and their gold shall not be able to deliver them in the day of the wrath of the LORD; they shall not satisfy their souls, neither fill their bowels; because it hath been the stumblingblock of their iniquity.

15. Aeschylus, Libation-Bearers, 732 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257

16. Herodotus, Histories, 2.50, 3.37 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •greco-roman culture and religion Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 123, 131

2.50. σχεδὸν δὲ καὶ πάντων τὰ οὐνόματα τῶν θεῶν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου ἐλήλυθε ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα. διότι μὲν γὰρ ἐκ τῶν βαρβάρων ἥκει, πυνθανόμενος οὕτω εὑρίσκω ἐόν· δοκέω δʼ ὦν μάλιστα ἀπʼ Αἰγύπτου ἀπῖχθαι. ὅτι γὰρ δὴ μὴ Ποσειδέωνος καὶ Διοσκούρων, ὡς καὶ πρότερόν μοι ταῦτα εἴρηται, καὶ Ἥρης καὶ Ἱστίης καὶ Θέμιος καὶ Χαρίτων καὶ Νηρηίδων, τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν Αἰγυπτίοισι αἰεί κοτε τὰ οὐνόματα ἐστὶ ἐν τῇ χώρῃ. λέγω δὲ τὰ λέγουσι αὐτοὶ Αἰγύπτιοι. τῶν δὲ οὔ φασι θεῶν γινώσκειν τὰ οὐνόματα, οὗτοι δέ μοι δοκέουσι ὑπὸ Πελασγῶν ὀνομασθῆναι, πλὴν Ποσειδέωνος· τοῦτον δὲ τὸν θεὸν παρὰ Λιβύων ἐπύθοντο· οὐδαμοὶ γὰρ ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς Ποσειδέωνος οὔνομα ἔκτηνται εἰ μὴ Λίβυες καὶ τιμῶσι τὸν θεὸν τοῦτον αἰεί. νομίζουσι δʼ ὦν Αἰγύπτιοι οὐδʼ ἥρωσι οὐδέν. 3.37. ὃ μὲν δὴ τοιαῦτα πολλὰ ἐς Πέρσας τε καὶ τοὺς συμμάχους ἐξεμαίνετο, μένων ἐν Μέμφι καὶ θήκας τε παλαιὰς ἀνοίγων καὶ σκεπτόμενος τοὺς νεκρούς. ὣς δὲ δὴ καὶ ἐς τοῦ Ἡφαίστου τὸ ἱρὸν ἦλθε καὶ πολλὰ τῷ ἀγάλματι κατεγέλασε. ἔστι γὰρ τοῦ Ἡφαίστου τὤγαλμα τοῖσι Φοινικηίοισι Παταΐκοισι ἐμφερέστατον, τοὺς οἱ Φοίνικες ἐν τῇσι πρῴρῃσι τῶν τριηρέων περιάγουσι. ὃς δὲ τούτους μὴ ὄπωπε, ὧδε σημανέω· πυγμαίου ἀνδρὸς μίμησις ἐστί. ἐσῆλθε δὲ καὶ ἐς τῶν Καβείρων τὸ ἱρόν, ἐς τὸ οὐ θεμιτόν ἐστι ἐσιέναι ἄλλον γε ἢ τὸν ἱρέα· ταῦτα δὲ τὰ ἀγάλματα καὶ ἐνέπρησε πολλὰ κατασκώψας. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ὅμοια τοῖσι τοῦ Ἡφαίστου· τούτου δὲ σφέας παῖδας λέγουσι εἶναι.

2.50. In fact, the names of nearly all the gods came to Hellas from Egypt . For I am convinced by inquiry that they have come from foreign parts, and I believe that they came chiefly from Egypt . ,Except the names of Poseidon and the Dioscuri, as I have already said, and Hera, and Hestia, and Themis, and the Graces, and the Nereids, the names of all the gods have always existed in Egypt . I only say what the Egyptians themselves say. The gods whose names they say they do not know were, as I think, named by the Pelasgians, except Poseidon, the knowledge of whom they learned from the Libyans. ,Alone of all nations the Libyans have had among them the name of Poseidon from the beginning, and they have always honored this god. The Egyptians, however, are not accustomed to pay any honors to heroes. 3.37. Cambyses committed many such mad acts against the Persians and his allies; he stayed at Memphis, and there opened ancient coffins and examined the dead bodies. ,Thus too he entered the temple of Hephaestus and jeered at the image there. This image of Hephaestus is most like the Phoenician Pataici, which the Phoenicians carry on the prows of their triremes. I will describe it for anyone who has not seen these figures: it is the likeness of a dwarf. ,Also he entered the temple of the Cabeiri, into which no one may enter save the priest; the images here he even burnt, with bitter mockery. These also are like the images of Hephaestus, and are said to be his sons.

17. Aristophanes, Acharnians, 402-403 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257

403. οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἀπέλθοιμ', ἀλλὰ κόψω τὴν θύραν.

18. Plato, Symposium, 174e (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257

19. Lysias, Against Eratosthenes, 12.16 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257

20. Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1.5.9 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •greco-roman culture and religion Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 432

21. Septuagint, Tobit, 7.1, 8.4 (4th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257

22. Demosthenes, Orations, 59.85-59.86 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •sexual relations in greco-roman culture Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 27

59.85. (To the clerk.) Now take, please, the law bearing upon these matters, and read it; for I would have you know that a woman of her character, who has done what she has done, ought not only to have kept aloof from these sacred rites, to have abstained from beholding them, from offering sacrifices, and from performing on the city’s behalf any of the ancestral rites which usage demands, but that she should have been excluded also from all other religious ceremonials in Athens. For a woman who has been taken in adultery is not permitted to attend any of the public sacrifices, although the laws have given both to the alien woman and the slave the right to attend these, whether to view the spectacle or to offer prayer. 59.86. No; it is to these women alone that the law denies entrance to our public sacrifices, to these, I mean, who have been taken in adultery; and if they do attend them and defy the law, any person whatsoever may at will inflict upon them any sort of punishment, save only death, and that with impunity; and the law has given the right of punishing these women to any person who happens to meet with them. It is for this reason that the law has declared that such a woman may suffer any outrage short of death without the right of seeking redress before any tribunal whatsoever, that our sanctuaries may be kept free from all pollution and profanation, and that our women may be inspired with a fear sufficient to make them live soberly, and avoid all vice, and, as their duty is, to keep to their household tasks. For it teaches them that, if a woman is guilty of any such sin, she will be an outcast from her husband’s home and from the sanctuaries of the city.

23. Anon., 1 Enoch, 7.1, 8.1-8.12, 10.12-10.13, 14.13-14.16, 19.1, 32.6 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •book of the watchers, and greco-roman culture •greco-roman culture, jewish polemics against •culture, greco-roman •christianity, and greco-roman culture Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 38, 39, 109, 166; Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 280

7.1. And all the others together with them took unto themselves wives, and each chose for himself one, and they began to go in unto them and to defile themselves with them, and they taught them charm 8.1. And Azazel taught men to make swords, and knives, and shields, and breastplates, and made known to them the metals of the earth and the art of working them, and bracelets, and ornaments, and the use of antimony, and the beautifying of the eyelids, and all kinds of costly stones, and all 8.2. colouring tinctures. And there arose much godlessness, and they committed fornication, and they 8.3. were led astray, and became corrupt in all their ways. Semjaza taught enchantments, and root-cuttings, 'Armaros the resolving of enchantments, Baraqijal (taught) astrology, Kokabel the constellations, Ezeqeel the knowledge of the clouds, Araqiel the signs of the earth, Shamsiel the signs of the sun, and Sariel the course of the moon. And as men perished, they cried, and their cry went up to heaven . . . 10.12. with them in all their uncleanness. And when their sons have slain one another, and they have seen the destruction of their beloved ones, bind them fast for seventy generations in the valleys of the earth, till the day of their judgement and of their consummation, till the judgement that i 10.13. for ever and ever is consummated. In those days they shall be led off to the abyss of fire: and" 14.13. portals blazed with fire. And I entered into that house, and it was hot as fire and cold as ice: there 14.14. were no delights of life therein: fear covered me, and trembling got hold upon me. And as I quaked 14.15. and trembled, I fell upon my face. And I beheld a vision, And lo! there was a second house, greater 14.16. than the former, and the entire portal stood open before me, and it was built of flames of fire. And in every respect it so excelled in splendour and magnificence and extent that I cannot describe to 19.1. And Uriel said to me: 'Here shall stand the angels who have connected themselves with women, and their spirits assuming many different forms are defiling mankind and shall lead them astray into sacrificing to demons as gods, (here shall they stand,) till the day of the great judgement in 32.6. I said: 'How beautiful is the tree, and how attractive is its look!' Then Raphael the holy angel, who was with me, answered me and said: 'This is the tree of wisdom, of which thy father old (in years) and thy aged mother, who were before thee, have eaten, and they learnt wisdom and their eyes were opened, and they knew that they were naked and they were driven out of the garden.'

24. Septuagint, 3 Maccabees, 2.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 280

2.2. "Lord, Lord, king of the heavens, and sovereign of all creation, holy among the holy ones, the only ruler, almighty, give attention to us who are suffering grievously from an impious and profane man, puffed up in his audacity and power. 2.2. Speedily let your mercies overtake us, and put praises in the mouth of those who are downcast and broken in spirit, and give us peace."

25. Anon., Jubilees, 7.20-7.21 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •book of the watchers, and greco-roman culture Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 38

7.20. And behold these three cities are near Mount Lûbâr; Sêdêqêtêlĕbâb fronting the mountain on its east; and Na’êlâtamâ’ûk on the south; ’Adatanêsês towards the west. 7.21. And these are the sons of Shem: Elam, and Asshur, and Arpachshad--this (son) was born two years after the flood--and Lud, and Aram.

26. Septuagint, Ecclesiasticus (Siracides), 21.23, 28.25 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257, 258, 261, 265, 272

21.23. A boor peers into the house from the door,but a cultivated man remains outside. 28.25. make balances and scales for your words,and make a door and a bolt for your mouth.

27. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 1.11-1.15, 1.55 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 69, 257

1.11. In those days lawless men came forth from Israel, and misled many, saying, "Let us go and make a covet with the Gentiles round about us, for since we separated from them many evils have come upon us." 1.12. This proposal pleased them, 1.13. and some of the people eagerly went to the king. He authorized them to observe the ordices of the Gentiles. 1.14. So they built a gymnasium in Jerusalem, according to Gentile custom, 1.15. and removed the marks of circumcision, and abandoned the holy covet. They joined with the Gentiles and sold themselves to do evil. 1.55. and burned incense at the doors of the houses and in the streets.

28. Septuagint, 4 Maccabees, 8.1, 8.2, 8.3, 8.4, 8.5, 8.6, 8.7, 8.8, 8.9, 8.10, 8.11, 8.12, 8.13, 8.14, 8.15, 8.16, 8.17, 8.18, 8.19, 8.20, 8.21, 8.22, 8.23, 8.24, 8.25, 8.26, 8.27, 8.28, 8.29, 12.1, 12.2, 12.3, 12.4, 12.5, 12.6, 12.7, 12.8, 12.9, 12.10, 12.11, 12.12, 12.13, 12.14, 12.15, 12.16, 12.17, 12.18, 12.19, 14.10-18.24 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ashbrook Harvey et al., A Most Reliable Witness: Essays in Honor of Ross Shepard Kraemer (2015) 123

29. Septuagint, Wisdom of Solomon, 13.10, 21.23, 28.25 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •book of the watchers, and greco-roman culture •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 38; Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257, 258, 261, 265, 272

13.10. But sinners shall be taken away into destruction, And their memorial shall be found no more. 13.10. But miserable, with their hopes set on dead things, are the men who give the name "gods" to the works of mens hands,gold and silver fashioned with skill,and likenesses of animals,or a useless stone, the work of an ancient hand.

30. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 2.5, 4.13, 4.14, 4.15, 4.16, 4.17, 6, 6.8-7.42, 7 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ashbrook Harvey et al., A Most Reliable Witness: Essays in Honor of Ross Shepard Kraemer (2015) 123

31. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 5.47.2-5.47.3, 10.20.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •greco-roman culture and religion •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 123; Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257

5.47.3. The first and original inhabitants used an ancient language which was peculiar to them and of which many words are preserved to this day in the ritual of their sacrifices. And the Samothracians have a story that, before the floods which befell their peoples, a great one took place among them, in the course of which the outlet at the Cyanean Rocks was first rent asunder and then the Hellespont.

32. Horace, Odes, 3.10 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257

3.10. CRUEL ONE If you drank the water of furthest Don, Lyce, married to some fierce husband, you’d still expose me to the wailing winds of your native North country, stretched out here by your cruel door. Hear how the frame creaks, how the trees that are planted inside your beautiful garden moan in the wind, and how Jupiter’s pure power and divinity ices over the fallen snow. Set aside your disdain, it’s hateful to Venus, lest the rope fly off, while the wheel is still turning: you’re no Penelope, resistant to suitors, nor born of Etruscan parents. O, spare your suppliants, though nothing moves you, not gifts, not my prayers, not your lover’s pallor, that’s tinged with violet, nor your husband smitten with a Pierian mistress, you, no more pliant than an unbending oak-tree, no gentler in spirit than a Moorish serpent. My body won’t always put up with your threshold, or the rain that falls from the sky.

33. Philo of Alexandria, Allegorical Interpretation, 2.54-2.58 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 256

34. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 1.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 69

1.1. The genera and heads of all special laws, which are called "the ten commandments," have been discussed with accuracy in the former treatise. We must now proceed to consider the particular commands as we read them in the subsequent passages of the holy scriptures; and we will begin with that which is turned into ridicule by people in general.

35. Philo of Alexandria, On Drunkenness, 49 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257

49. And, on this account, the lovers of virtue and excellence do not approach the doors of the older philosophy before they have become familiar with these younger parts of it, grammar, and geometry, and the whole range of encyclical learning; for these subordinate branches do always attend upon those, who with sincerity and purity of purpose court wisdom.

36. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 9.629, 10.383-10.387 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greco-roman culture and religion •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 624; Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257

10.383. pervenisse ferunt limen servantis alumnae. 10.384. Surgit anus reseratque fores, mortisque paratae 10.385. instrumenta videns spatio conclamat eodem 10.386. seque ferit scinditque sinus ereptaque collo 10.387. vincula dilaniat. Tum denique flere vacavit,

10.383. but in the expression of such modesty 10.384. all motion was restrained—and so his art 10.385. concealed his art. Pygmalion gazed, inflamed 10.386. with love and admiration for the form, 10.387. in semblance of a woman, he had carved.

37. Ovid, Amores, 1.12 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 265

38. Plutarch, Pelopidas, 11.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257

39. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 29.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 265

29.2. ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης ἐτύγχανεν ὄψιν ἑωρακὼς κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἐκείνης τῆς νυκτὸς ἀλλόκοτον. ἐδόκει γὰρ ἀνταγωνίζεσθαι τῷ Ἀρχίᾳ τραγῳδίαν ὑποκρινόμενος, εὐημερῶν δὲ καὶ κατέχων τὸ θέατρον ἐνδείᾳ παρασκευῆς καὶ χορηγίας κρατεῖσθαι. διὸ τοῦ Ἀρχίου πολλὰ φιλάνθρωπα διαλεχθέντος ἀναβλέψας πρὸς αὐτόν, ὥσπερ ἐτύγχανε καθήμενος, ὦ Ἀρχία, εἶπεν, οὔτε ὐποκρινόμενός με ἔπεισας πώποτε οὔτε νῦν πείσεις ἐπαγγελλόμενος.

29.2. But it chanced that Demosthenes, in his sleep the night before, had seen a strange vision. He dreamed, namely, that he was acting in a tragedy and contending with Archias for the prize, and that although he acquitted himself well and won the favour of the audience, his lack of stage decorations and costumes cost him the victory.

40. Plutarch, On Isis And Osiris, 68 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greco-roman culture and religion Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt, The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (2015) 624

68. Wherefore in the study of these matters it is especially necessary that we adopt, as our guide in these mysteries, the reasoning that comes from philosophy, and consider reverently each one of the things that are said and done, so that, to quote Theodorus, Cf. Moralia, 467 b. who said that while he offered the good word with his right hand some of his auditors received it in their left, we may not thus err by accepting in a different spirit the things that the laws have dictated admirably concerning the sacrifices and festivals. The fact that everything is to be referred to reason we may gather from the Egyptians themselves; for on the nineteenth day of the first month, when they are holding festival in honour of Hermes, they eat honey and a fig; and as they eat they say, A sweet thing is Truth. The amulet Cf. 377 b, supra . of Isis, which they traditionally assert that she hung about her neck, is interpreted a true voice. And Harpocrates is not to be regarded as an imperfect and an infant god, nor some deity or other that protects legumes, but as the representative and corrector of unseasoned, imperfect, and inarticulate reasoning about the gods among mankind. For this reason he keeps his finger on his lips in token of restrained speech or silence. In the month of Mesorê they bring to him an offering of legumes and say, The tongue is luck, the tongue is god. of the plants in Egypt they say that the persea is especially consecrated to the goddess because its fruit resembles a heart and its leaf a tongue. The fact is that nothing of mans usual possessions is more divine than reasoning, especially reasoning about the gods; and nothing has a greater influence toward happiness. For this reason we give instructions to anyone who comes down to the oracle here to think holy thoughts and to speak words of good omen. But the mass of mankind act ridiculously in their processions and festivals in that they proclaim at the outset the use of words of good omen, The regular proclamation ( εὐφημεῖτε ) used by the Greeks at the beginning of any ceremony. but later they both say and think the most unhallowed thoughts about the very gods.

41. Plutarch, Artaxerxes, 26.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257

42. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 20.39, 28.27, 32.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 265

43. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 14.23-14.24, 16.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 165; Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 256, 257

14.23. Ἐὰν οὖν συνέλθῃ ἡ ἐκκλησία ὅλη ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ καὶ πάντες λαλῶσιν γλώσσαις, εἰσέλθωσιν δὲ ἰδιῶται ἢ ἄπιστοι, οὐκ ἐροῦσιν ὅτι μαίνεσθε; 14.24. ἐὰν δὲ πάντες προφητεύωσιν, εἰσέλθῃ δέ τις ἄπιστος ἢ ἰδιώτης, ἐλέγχεται ὑπὸ πάντων, ἀνακρίνεται ὑπὸ πάντων, 16.9. θύρα γάρ μοι ἀνέῳγεν μεγάλη καὶ ἐνεργής, καὶ ἀντικείμενοι πολλοί.

14.23. If therefore thewhole assembly is assembled together and all speak with otherlanguages, and unlearned or unbelieving people come in, won't they saythat you are crazy? 14.24. But if all prophesy, and someoneunbelieving or unlearned comes in, he is reproved by all, and he isjudged by all. 16.9. for a greatand effective door has opened to me, and there are many adversaries.

44. Josephus Flavius, Life, 12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •repertoire (network of shared cultural knowledge), greco-roman culture Found in books: Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 330

12. καὶ διατρίψας παρ' αὐτῷ ἐνιαυτοὺς τρεῖς καὶ τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν τελειώσας εἰς τὴν πόλιν ὑπέστρεφον. ἐννεακαιδέκατον δ' ἔτος ἔχων ἠρξάμην τε πολιτεύεσθαι τῇ Φαρισαίων αἱρέσει κατακολουθῶν, ἣ παραπλήσιός ἐστι τῇ παρ' ̔́Ελλησιν Στωϊκῇ λεγομένῃ.

45. New Testament, Luke, 1.50 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 72

1.50. καὶ τὸ ἔλεος αὐτοῦ εἰς γενεὰς καὶ γενεάς τοῖς φοβουμένοις αὐτόν.

1.50. His mercy is for generations of generations on those who fear him.

46. New Testament, John, 10.1-10.2, 20.26 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 256, 257

10.1. Ἀμὴν ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν, ὁ μὴ εἰσερχόμενος διὰ τῆς θύρας εἰς τὴν αὐλὴν τῶν προβάτων ἀλλὰ ἀναβαίνων ἀλλαχόθεν ἐκεῖνος κλέπτης ἐστὶν καὶ λῃστής· 20.26. Καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέρας ὀκτὼ πάλιν ἦσαν ἔσω οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ καὶ Θωμᾶς μετʼ αὐτῶν. ἔρχεται ὁ Ἰησοῦς τῶν θυρῶν κεκλεισμένων, καὶ ἔστη εἰς τὸ μέσον καὶ εἶπεν Εἰρήνη ὑμῖν.

10.1. "Most assuredly, I tell you, one who doesn't enter by the door into the sheep fold, but climbs up some other way, the same is a thief and a robber. 20.26. After eight days again his disciples were inside, and Thomas was with them. Jesus came, the doors being locked, and stood in the midst, and said, "Peace be to you."

47. New Testament, Hebrews, 13.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257

13.12. διὸ καὶ Ἰησοῦς, ἵνα ἁγιάσῃ διὰ τοῦ ἰδίου αἵματος τὸν λαόν, ἔξω τῆς πύλης ἔπαθεν.

13.12. Therefore Jesus also, that he might sanctify the people through his own blood, suffered outside of the gate.

48. New Testament, Galatians, 2.16a, 3.1-12/13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 376

49. New Testament, Colossians, 4.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 280

4.3. προσευχόμενοι ἅμα καὶ περὶ ἡμῶν, ἵνα ὁ θεὸς ἀνοίξῃ ἡμῖν θύραν τοῦ λόγου, λαλῆσαι τὸ μυστήριον τοῦ χριστοῦ, διʼ ὃ καὶ δέδεμαι,

4.3. praying together for us also, that God may open to us a door for the word, to speak the mystery of Christ, for which I am also in bonds;

50. New Testament, James, 5.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 280

5.9. μὴ στενάζετε, ἀδελφοί, κατʼ ἀλλήλων, ἵνα μὴ κριθῆτε· ἰδοὺ ὁ κριτὴς πρὸ τῶν θυρῶν ἕστηκεν.

5.9. Don't grumble, brothers, against one another, so that you won't be judged. Behold, the judge stands at the door.

51. New Testament, Apocalypse, 3.8-3.9, 3.20, 4.1, 9.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman •christianity, and greco-roman culture •greco-roman culture, christian polemics against Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 165; Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 256, 257, 258, 280

3.8. Οἶδά σου τὰ ἔργα,— ἰδοὺ δέδωκα ἐνώπιόν σου θύραν ἠνεῳγμένην, ἣν οὐδεὶς δύναται κλεῖσαι αὐτήν,— ὅτι μικρὰν ἔχεις δύναμιν, καὶ ἐτήρησάς μου τὸν λόγον, καὶ οὐκ ἠρνήσω τὸ ὄνομά μου. 3.9. ἰδοὺ διδῶ ἐκ τῆς συναγωγῆς τοῦ Σατανᾶ, τῶν λεγόντων ἑαυτοὺς Ἰουδαίους εἶναι, καὶ οὐκ εἰσὶν ἀλλὰ ψεύδονται, — ἰδοὺ ποιήσω αὐτοὺς ἵναἥξουσιν καὶ προσκυνήσουσινἐνώπιον τῶν ποδῶνσου,καὶ γνῶσιν 3.20. Ἰδοὺ ἕστηκα ἐπὶ τὴν θύραν καὶ κρούω· ἐάν τις ἀκούσῃ τῆς φωνῆς μου καὶ ἀνοίξῃ τὴν θύραν, εἰσελεύσομαι πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ δειπνήσω μετʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ αὐτὸς μετʼ ἐμοῦ. 4.1. Μετὰ ταῦτα εἶδον, καὶ ἰδοὺ θύρα ἠνεῳγμένη ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ, καὶ ἡ φωνὴ ἡ πρώτη ἣν ἤκουσα ὡςσάλπιγγοςλαλούσης μετʼ ἐμοῦ, λέγωνἈνάβαὧδε, καὶ δείξω σοιἃ δεῖ γενέσθαι. 9.2. καὶ ἤνοιξεν τὸ φρέαρ τῆς ἀβύσσου,καὶ ἀνέβη καπνὸςἐκ τοῦ φρέατοςὡς καπνὸς καμίνουμεγάλης, καὶἐσκοτώθη ὁ ἥλιοςκαὶ ὁ ἀὴρ ἐκ τοῦ καπνοῦ τοῦ φρέατος.

3.8. "I know your works (behold, I have set before you an open door, which no one can shut), that you have a little power, and kept my word, and didn't deny my name. 3.9. Behold, I give of the synagogue of Satan, of those who say they are Jews, and they are not, but lie. Behold, I will make them to come and worship before your feet, and to know that I have loved you. 3.20. Behold, I stand at the door and knock. If anyone hears my voice and opens the door, then I will come in to him, and will dine with him, and he with me. 4.1. After these things I looked and saw a door opened in heaven, and the first voice that I heard, like a trumpet speaking with me, was one saying, "Come up here, and I will show you the things which must happen after this." 9.2. He opened the pit of the abyss, and smoke went up out of the pit, like the smoke from a burning furnace. The sun and the air were darkened because of the smoke from the pit.

52. New Testament, Acts, 3.2, 3.10, 5.19, 9.24, 12.6, 12.10, 12.13, 14.27, 16.13, 16.26 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 256, 257, 280

3.2. καί τις ἀνὴρ χωλὸς ἐκ κοιλίας μητρὸς αὐτοῦ ὑπάρχων ἐβαστάζετο, ὃν ἐτίθουν καθʼ ἡμέραν πρὸς τὴν θύραν τοῦ ἱεροῦ τὴν λεγομένην Ὡραίαν τοῦ αἰτεῖν ἐλεημοσύνην παρὰ τῶν εἰσπορευομένων εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, 3.10. ἐπεγίνωσκον δὲ αὐτὸν ὅτι οὗτος ἦν ὁ πρὸς τὴν ἐλεημοσύνην καθήμενος ἐπὶ τῇ Ὡραίᾳ Πύλῃ τοῦ ἱεροῦ, καὶ ἐπλήσθησαν θάμβους καὶ ἐκστάσεως ἐπὶ τῷ συμβεβηκότι αὐτῷ. 5.19. Ἄγγελος δὲ Κυρίου διὰ νυκτὸς ἤνοιξε τὰς θύρας τῆς φυλακῆς ἐξαγαγών τε αὐτοὺς εἶπεν 9.24. παρετηροῦντο δὲ καὶ τὰς πύλας ἡμέρας τε καὶ νυκτὸς ὅπως αὐτὸν ἀνέλωσιν· 12.6. Ὅτε δὲ ἤμελλεν προσαγαγεῖν αὐτὸν ὁ Ἡρῴδης, τῇ νυκτὶ ἐκείνῃ ἦν ὁ Πέτρος κοιμώμενος μεταξὺ δύο στρατιωτῶν δεδεμένος ἁλύσεσιν δυσίν, φύλακές τε πρὸ τῆς θύρας ἐτήρουν τὴν φυλακήν. 12.10. διελθόντες δὲ πρώτην φυλακὴν καὶ δευτέραν ἦλθαν ἐπὶ τὴν πύλην τὴν σιδηρᾶν τὴν φέρουσαν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, ἥτις αὐτομάτη ἠνοίγη αὐτοῖς, καὶ ἐξελθόντες προῆλθον ῥύμην μίαν, καὶ εὐθέως ἀπέστη ὁ ἄγγελος ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ. 12.13. κρούσαντος δὲ αὐτοῦ τὴν θύραν τοῦ πυλῶνος προσῆλθε παιδίσκη ὑπακοῦσαι ὀνόματι Ῥόδη, 14.27. Παραγενόμενοι δὲ καὶ συναγαγόντες τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἀνήγγελλον ὅσα ἐποίησεν ὁ θεὸς μετʼ αὐτῶν καὶ ὅτι ἤνοιξεν τοῖς ἔθνεσιν θύραν πίστεως. 16.13. τῇ τε ἡμέρᾳ τῶν σαββάτων ἐξήλθομεν ἔξω τῆς πύλης παρὰ ποταμὸν οὗ ἐνομίζομεν προσευχὴν εἶναι, καὶ καθίσαντες ἐλαλοῦμεν ταῖς συνελθούσαις γυναιξίν. 16.26. ἄφνω δὲ σεισμὸς ἐγένετο μέγας ὥστε σαλευθῆναι τὰ θεμέλια τοῦ δεσμωτηρίου, ἠνεῴχθησαν δὲ [παραχρῆμα] αἱ θύραι πᾶσαι, καὶ πάντων τὰ δεσμὰ ἀνέθη.

3.2. A certain man who was lame from his mother's womb was being carried, whom they laid daily at the door of the temple which is called Beautiful, to ask gifts for the needy of those who entered into the temple. 3.10. They recognized him, that it was he who sat begging for gifts for the needy at the Beautiful Gate of the temple. They were filled with wonder and amazement at that which had happened to him. 5.19. But an angel of the Lord opened the prison doors by night, and brought them out, and said, 9.24. but their plot became known to Saul. They watched the gates both day and night that they might kill him, 12.6. The same night when Herod was about to bring him out, Peter was sleeping between two soldiers, bound with two chains. Guards in front of the door kept the prison. 12.10. When they were past the first and the second guard, they came to the iron gate that leads into the city, which opened to them by itself. They went out, and passed on through one street, and immediately the angel departed from him. 12.13. When Peter knocked at the door of the gate, a maid named Rhoda came to answer. 14.27. When they had arrived, and had gathered the assembly together, they reported all the things that God had done with them, and that he had opened a door of faith to the Gentiles. 16.13. On the Sabbath day we went forth outside of the city by a riverside, where we supposed there was a place of prayer, and we sat down, and spoke to the women who had come together. 16.26. Suddenly there was a great earthquake, so that the foundations of the prison were shaken; and immediately all the doors were opened, and everyone's bonds were loosened.

53. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 1.73, 10.277, 11.346-11.347, 12.246, 13.171-13.174, 15.266-15.388, 16.143-16.144, 17.182, 20.118 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greco-roman culture, jewish polemics against •repertoire (network of shared cultural knowledge), greco-roman culture •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 330; Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 107; Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 69, 73, 74, 257

1.73. πολλοὶ γὰρ ἄγγελοι θεοῦ γυναιξὶ συνιόντες ὑβριστὰς ἐγέννησαν παῖδας καὶ παντὸς ὑπερόπτας καλοῦ διὰ τὴν ἐπὶ τῇ δυνάμει πεποίθησιν: ὅμοια τοῖς ὑπὸ γιγάντων τετολμῆσθαι λεγομένοις ὑφ' ̔Ελλήνων καὶ οὗτοι δράσαι παραδίδονται. 10.277. ταῦτα πάντα ἐκεῖνος θεοῦ δείξαντος αὐτῷ συγγράψας κατέλειψεν: ὥστε τοὺς ἀναγινώσκοντας καὶ τὰ συμβαίνοντα σκοποῦντας θαυμάζειν ἐπὶ τῇ παρὰ θεοῦ τιμῇ τὸν Δανίηλον καὶ τοὺς ̓Επικουρείους ἐκ τούτων εὑρίσκειν πεπλανημένους, 11.346. Τελευτήσαντος δὲ ̓Αλεξάνδρου ἡ μὲν ἀρχὴ εἰς τοὺς διαδόχους ἐμερίσθη, τὸ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ Γαριζεὶν ὄρους ἱερὸν ἔμεινεν. εἰ δέ τις αἰτίαν ἔσχεν παρὰ τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολυμίταις κοινοφαγίας ἢ τῆς ἐν σαββάτοις παρανομίας ἤ τινος ἄλλου τοιούτου ἁμαρτήματος, παρὰ τοὺς Σικιμίτας ἔφευγεν λέγων ἀδίκως ἐκβεβλῆσθαι. 11.347. τετελευτήκει δὲ κατ' ἐκεῖνον ἤδη τὸν καιρὸν καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ̓Ιαδδοῦς καὶ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ̓Ονίας ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ παρειλήφει. τὰ μὲν δὴ περὶ τοὺς ̔Ιεροσολυμίτας ἐν τούτοις ἐτύγχανεν ὄντα. 12.246. ̔Υποστρέψας ἀπὸ τῆς Αἰγύπτου διὰ τὸ παρὰ ̔Ρωμαίων δέος ὁ βασιλεὺς ̓Αντίοχος ἐπὶ τὴν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλιν ἐξεστράτευσεν, καὶ γενόμενος ἐν αὐτῇ ἔτει ἑκατοστῷ καὶ τεσσαρακοστῷ καὶ τρίτῳ μετὰ τοὺς ἀπὸ Σελεύκου βασιλεῖς ἀμαχητὶ λαμβάνει τὴν πόλιν ἀνοιξάντων αὐτῷ τὰς πύλας ὅσοι τῆς ἐκείνου προαιρέσεως ἦσαν. 13.171. Κατὰ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον τρεῖς αἱρέσεις τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἦσαν, αἳ περὶ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων πραγμάτων διαφόρως ὑπελάμβανον, ὧν ἡ μὲν Φαρισαίων ἐλέγετο, ἡ δὲ Σαδδουκαίων, ἡ τρίτη δὲ ̓Εσσηνῶν. 13.172. οἱ μὲν οὖν Φαρισαῖοι τινὰ καὶ οὐ πάντα τῆς εἱμαρμένης ἔργον εἶναι λέγουσιν, τινὰ δ' ἐφ' ἑαυτοῖς ὑπάρχειν συμβαίνειν τε καὶ μὴ γίνεσθαι. τὸ δὲ τῶν ̓Εσσηνῶν γένος πάντων τὴν εἱμαρμένην κυρίαν ἀποφαίνεται καὶ μηδὲν ὃ μὴ κατ' ἐκείνης ψῆφον ἀνθρώποις ἀπαντᾶν. 13.173. Σαδδουκαῖοι δὲ τὴν μὲν εἱμαρμένην ἀναιροῦσιν οὐδὲν εἶναι ταύτην ἀξιοῦντες οὐδὲ κατ' αὐτὴν τὰ ἀνθρώπινα τέλος λαμβάνειν, ἅπαντα δὲ ἐφ' ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς κεῖσθαι, ὡς καὶ τῶν ἀγαθῶν αἰτίους ἡμᾶς γινομένους καὶ τὰ χείρω παρὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν ἀβουλίαν λαμβάνοντας. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἀκριβεστέραν πεποίημαι δήλωσιν ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ βίβλῳ τῆς ̓Ιουδαϊκῆς πραγματείας. 15.266. περὶ τούτων ἐξαγγελθέντων αὐτῷ διὰ τῆς ἀδελφῆς ὁ βασιλεὺς πέμψας εἰς τοὺς τόπους, ἐν οἷς διατρίβειν ἐμηνύθησαν, ἐκείνους τε καὶ τοὺς συγκαταιτιαθέντας ἀπέκτεινεν, ὥστ' εἶναι μηδὲν ὑπόλοιπον ἐκ τῆς ̔Υρκανοῦ συγγενείας, ἀλλὰ τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτεξούσιον αὐτῷ μηδενὸς ὄντος ἐπ' ἀξιώματος ἐμποδὼν ἵστασθαι τοῖς παρανομουμένοις. 15.267. Διὰ τοῦτο καὶ μᾶλλον ἐξέβαινεν τῶν πατρίων ἐθῶν καὶ ξενικοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν ὑποδιέφθειρεν τὴν πάλαι κατάστασιν ἀπαρεγχείρητον οὖσαν, ἐξ ὧν οὐ μικρὰ καὶ πρὸς τὸν αὖθις χρόνον ἠδικήθημεν ἀμεληθέντων ὅσα πρότερον ἐπὶ τὴν εὐσέβειαν ἦγεν τοὺς ὄχλους: 15.268. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἀγῶνα πενταετηρικὸν ἀθλημάτων κατεστήσατο Καίσαρι καὶ θέατρον ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ᾠκοδόμησεν, αὖθίς τ' ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ μέγιστον ἀμφιθέατρον, περίοπτα μὲν ἄμφω τῇ πολυτελείᾳ, τοῦ δὲ κατὰ τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἔθους ἀλλότρια: χρῆσίς τε γὰρ αὐτῶν καὶ θεαμάτων τοιούτων ἐπίδειξις οὐ παραδίδοται. 15.269. τὴν μέντοι πανήγυριν ἐκεῖνος ἐπιφανεστάτην τὴν τῆς πενταετηρίδος συνετέλει καταγγείλας τε τοῖς πέριξ καὶ συγκαλῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ παντὸς ἔθνους. οἱ δ' ἀθληταὶ καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν ἀγωνισμάτων ἀπὸ πάσης γῆς ἐκαλοῦντο κατ' ἐλπίδα τῶν προκειμένων καὶ τῆς νίκης εὐδοξίᾳ, συνελέγησάν τε οἱ κορυφαιότατοι τῶν ἐν τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν: 15.271. προύθηκεν δὲ καὶ τεθρίπποις καὶ συνωρίσιν καὶ κέλησιν οὐ μικρὰς δωρεάς, καὶ πάνθ', ὅσα κατὰ πολυτέλειαν ἢ σεμνοπρέπειαν παρ' ἑκάστοις ἐσπούδαστο φιλοτιμίᾳ τοῦ διάσημον αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τὴν ἐπίδειξιν ἐξεμιμήσατο. 15.272. τό γε μὴν θέατρον ἐπιγραφαὶ κύκλῳ περιεῖχον Καίσαρος καὶ τρόπαια τῶν ἐθνῶν, ἃ πολεμήσας ἐκεῖνος ἐκτήσατο, χρυσοῦ τε ἀπέφθου καὶ ἀργύρου πάντων αὐτῷ πεποιημένων. 15.273. τὰ δ' εἰς ὑπηρεσίαν οὐδὲν οὕτως ἦν οὔτ' ἐσθῆτος τίμιον οὔτε σκευῆς λίθων, ὃ μὴ τοῖς ὁρωμένοις ἀγωνίσμασιν συνεπεδείκνυτο. παρασκευὴ δὲ καὶ θηρίων ἐγένετο λεόντων τε πλείστων αὐτῷ συναχθέντων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων, ὅσα καὶ τὰς ἀλκὰς ὑπερβαλλούσας ἔχει καὶ τὴν φύσιν ἐστὶν σπανιώτερα: 15.274. τούτων αὐτῶν τε πρὸς ἄλληλα συμπλοκαὶ καὶ μάχαι πρὸς αὐτὰ τῶν κατεγνωσμένων ἀνθρώπων ἐπετηδεύοντο, τοῖς μὲν ξένοις ἔκπληξις ὁμοῦ τῆς δαπάνης καὶ ψυχαγωγία τῶν περὶ τὴν θέαν κινδύνων, τοῖς δ' ἐπιχωρίοις φανερὰ κατάλυσις τῶν τιμωμένων παρ' αὐτοῖς ἐθῶν: 15.275. ἀσεβὲς μὲν γὰρ ἐκ προδήλου κατεφαίνετο θηρίοις ἀνθρώπους ὑπορρίπτειν ἐπὶ τέρψει τῆς ἀνθρώπων θέας, ἀσεβὲς δὲ ξενικοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν ἐξαλλάττειν τοὺς ἐθισμούς. 15.276. πάντων δὲ μᾶλλον ἐλύπει τὰ τρόπαια: δοκοῦντες γὰρ εἰκόνας εἶναι τὰς τοῖς ὅπλοις περιειλημμένας, ὅτι μὴ πάτριον ἦν αὐτοῖς τὰ τοιαῦτα σέβειν, οὐ μετρίως ἐδυσχέραινον. 15.277. ̓Ελάνθανον δ' οὐδὲ τὸν ̔Ηρώδην ἐκταραττόμενοι: καὶ βίαν μὲν ἐπάγειν ἄκαιρον ᾤετο, καθωμίλει δ' ἐνίους καὶ παρηγόρει τῆς δεισιδαιμονίας ἀφαιρούμενος. οὐ μὴν ἔπειθεν, ἀλλ' ὑπὸ δυσχερείας ὧν ἐδόκουν ἐκεῖνον πλημμελεῖν ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἐξεβόων, εἰ καὶ πάντα δοκοῖεν οἰστά, μὴ φέρειν εἰκόνας ἀνθρώπων ἐν τῇ πόλει, τὰ τρόπαια λέγοντες: οὐ γὰρ εἶναι πάτριον αὐτοῖς. 15.278. ̔Ηρώδης δὲ τεταραγμένους ὁρῶν καὶ μὴ ῥᾳδίως ἂν μεταπεσόντας, εἰ μὴ τύχοιεν παρηγορίας, καλέσας αὐτῶν τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους εἰς τὸ θέατρον παρήγαγεν καὶ δείξας τὰ τρόπαια, τί ποτ' ἔστιν ὃ δοκεῖ ταῦτα αὐτοῖς ἐπύθετο. 15.279. τῶν δὲ ἐκβοησάντων ἀνθρώπων εἰκόνες, ἐπιτάξας ἀφαιρεθῆναι τὸν περιθέσιμον κόσμον ἐπιδείκνυσιν αὐτοῖς γυμνὰ τὰ ξύλα. τὰ δ' εὐθὺς ἦν ἀποσυληθέντα γέλως καὶ πλεῖστον εἰς διάχυσιν ἐδυνήθη τὸ καὶ πρότερον αὐτοὺς ἐν εἰρωνείᾳ τίθεσθαι τὰς κατασκευὰς τῶν ἀγαλμάτων. 15.281. τινὲς δ' αὐτῶν ἐπέμενον τῇ δυσχερείᾳ τῶν οὐκ ἐξ ἔθους ἐπιτηδευμάτων, καὶ τὸ καταλύεσθαι τὰ πάτρια μεγάλων ἡγούμενοι ἀρχὴν κακῶν ὅσιον ᾠήθησαν ἀποκινδυνεῦσαι μᾶλλον ἢ δοκεῖν ἐξαλλαττομένης αὐτοῖς τῆς πολιτείας περιορᾶν ̔Ηρώδην πρὸς βίαν ἐπεισάγοντα τὰ μὴ δι' ἔθους ὄντα, καὶ λόγῳ μὲν βασιλέα, τῷ δ' ἔργῳ πολέμιον φαινόμενον τοῦ παντὸς ἔθνους. 15.282. ἐκ δὲ τούτου συνομοσάμενοι πάντα κίνδυνον ὑποδύεσθαι δέκα τῶν πολιτῶν ἄνδρες, ξιφίδια τοῖς ἱματίοις ὑποβαλόντες, 15.283. ἦν δ' αὐτοῖς δι' ἀναξιοπάθειαν ὧν ἤκουεν καὶ τῶν διεφθορότων τις τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς συνομωμοσμένος, οὐχ ὡς ἐνεργῆσαί τι καὶ δρᾶν εἰς τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν ἱκανός, ἀλλ' ἐν ἑτοίμῳ κατατιθεὶς αὑτὸν παθεῖν εἴ τι κἀκείνοις συμβαίνοι δυσχερές, ὥστε μὴ μετρίαν τὴν ὁρμὴν τοῖς ἐπιχειροῦσι δι' αὐτὸν γενέσθαι, 15.284. ταῦτα γνόντες ἀπὸ συνθήματος εἰς τὸ θέατρον ἐχώρουν, ἐλπίσαντες μὲν οὐδ' αὐτὸν ̔Ηρώδην διαφευξεῖσθαι προσπεσόντων ἐξ ἀφανοῦς, πολλοὺς δ', εἰ καὶ μὴ τυγχάνοιεν ἐκείνου, τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἀναιρήσειν οἰόμενοι: καὶ ταῦτ' αὐτοῖς ἀρκέσειν, εἰ καὶ θνήσκοιεν, εἰς ἔννοιαν ὧν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐξυβρίζειν ἐδόκει τὸ πλῆθος καὶ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον ἀγαγεῖν. 15.285. ἐκεῖνοι μὲν οὖν προκαταστάντες ἐπὶ τοιαύτης ἦσαν προθυμίας: εἷς δὲ τῶν ὑφ' ̔Ηρώδου πολυπραγμονεῖν καὶ διαγγέλλειν τὰ τοιαῦτα τεταγμένων ἐξευρηκὼς ὅλην τὴν ἐπίθεσιν εἰς τὸ θέατρον εἰσιέναι μέλλοντι τῷ βασιλεῖ κατεμήνυσεν. 15.286. ὁ δ', οὐ γὰρ ἀνοίκειον ᾠήθη τὸν λόγον εἴς τε τὸ μῖσος ἀφορῶν, ὃ συνῄδει παρὰ τῶν πλειόνων αὐτῷ, καὶ τὰς ταραχὰς τὰς ἐπὶ τοῖς καθ' ἕκαστα γινομένοις παρυφισταμένας, ἀναχωρήσας εἰς τὸ βασίλειον ὀνομαστὶ τοὺς ἐν ταῖς αἰτίαις ἐκάλει. 15.287. προσπιπτόντων δ' αὐτοῖς τῶν ὑπηρετῶν αὐτόφωροι λαμβανόμενοι τὸ μὲν ὡς οὐκ ἂν διαφύγοιεν ᾔδεσαν, ἐπεκόσμησαν δὲ τὴν ἀναγκαίαν καταστροφὴν τοῦ τέλους τῷ μηδὲν ὑφιέναι τοῦ φρονήματος: 15.288. οὐ γὰρ ἐντραπέντες οὐδ' ἀρνησάμενοι τὴν πρᾶξιν ἀνέδειξαν μὲν ἤδη κρατούμενα τὰ ξίφη, διωμολογήσαντο δὲ καλῶς καὶ σὺν εὐσεβείᾳ τὴν συνωμοσίαν αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι, κέρδους μὲν οὐδενὸς οὐδ' οἰκείων ἕνεκεν παθῶν, τὸ δὲ πλέον ὑπὲρ τῶν κοινῶν ἐθῶν, ἃ καὶ πᾶσιν ἢ φυλάττειν ἢ θνήσκειν πρὸ αὐτῶν ἄξιον. 15.289. τοιαῦτα μὲν ἐκεῖνοι τῇ προαιρέσει τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἐμπαρρησιασάμενοι περιστάντων αὐτοῖς τῶν βασιλικῶν ἤγοντο καὶ πᾶσαν αἰκίαν ὑπομείναντες διεφθάρησαν. μετ' οὐ πολὺ δὲ καὶ τὸν ταῦτα μηνύσαντα κατὰ μῖσος ἁρπασάμενοί τινες οὐκ ἀπέκτειναν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ μελιστὶ διελόντες προύθεσαν κυσίν. 15.291. ἡ δ' ἐπιμονὴ τοῦ πάθους καὶ τὸ τῆς ὑπὲρ τῶν νόμων πίστεως ἀκατάπληκτον οὐ ῥᾴδιον ἐποίει τὸν ̔Ηρώδην, εἰ μὴ μετὰ πάσης ἀσφαλείας κρατοίη, καὶ διέγνω πάντοθεν περιειληφέναι τὸ πλῆθος, ὡς μὴ νεωτεριζόντων φανερὰν γενέσθαι τὴν ἀπόστασιν. 15.292. ̓Εξωχυρωμένης οὖν αὐτῷ τῆς πόλεως μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς αὐλῆς, ἐν ᾗ διῃτᾶτο, τοῦ δὲ ἱεροῦ τῇ περὶ τὸ φρούριον ὀχυρότητι τὸ καλούμενον ̓Αντωνίαν κατασκευασθὲν δι' αὐτοῦ, τρίτον παντὶ τῷ λαῷ τὴν Σαμάρειαν ἐνόησεν ἐπιτείχισμα, καλέσας μὲν αὐτὴν Σεβαστήν, 15.293. οἰόμενος δὲ κατὰ τῆς χώρας οὐδὲν ἔλαττον ἰσχυροποιεῖν τὸν τόπον, ἀπέχοντα μὲν ̔Ιεροσολύμων μιᾶς ὁδὸν ἡμέρας, εὔχρηστον δ' ὄντα καὶ κοινὸν ἐπί τε τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ τῇ χώρᾳ γενησόμενον. τῷ δὲ ἔθνει παντὶ φρούριον ἐνῳκοδόμησεν τὸ πάλαι μὲν καλούμενον Στράτωνος πύργον, Καισάρειαν δ' ὑπ' αὐτοῦ προσαγορευθέν. 15.294. ἔν τε τῷ μεγάλῳ πεδίῳ τῶν ἐπιλέκτων ἱππέων περὶ αὐτὸν ἀποκληρώσας χωρίον συνέκτισεν ἐπί τε τῇ Γαλιλαίᾳ Γάβα καλούμενον καὶ τῇ Περαίᾳ τὴν ̓Εσεβωνῖτιν. 15.295. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐν τοῖς κατὰ μέρος αἰεί τι πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν ἐπεξευρίσκων καὶ διαλαμβάνων φυλακαῖς τὸ πᾶν ἔθνος, ὡς ἥκιστα μὲν ἀπ' ἐξουσίας εἰς ταραχὰς προπίπτειν, αἷς καὶ μικροῦ κινήματος ἐγγενομένου συνεχὲς ἐχρῶντο, λανθάνειν δὲ μηδ' εἰ παρακινοῖεν ἐφεστηκότων αἰεί τινων πλησίον, οἳ καὶ γινώσκειν καὶ κωλύειν ἐδύναντο. 15.296. τότε δὲ τὴν Σαμάρειαν ὡρμημένος τειχίζειν πολλοὺς μὲν τῶν συμμαχησάντων αὐτῷ κατὰ τοὺς πολέμους, πολλοὺς δὲ τῶν ὁμόρων συμπολίζειν ἐπετήδευεν, ὑπό τε φιλοτιμίας τοῦ νέον ἐγείρειν καὶ δι' αὐτοῦ πρότερον οὐκ ἐν ταῖς ἐπισήμοις οὖσαν, καὶ μᾶλλον ὅτι πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν αὐτῷ τὸ φιλότιμον ἐπετηδεύετο, τήν τε προσηγορίαν ὑπήλλαττε Σεβαστὴν καλῶν καὶ τῆς χώρας ἀρίστην οὖσαν τὴν πλησίον κατεμέριζεν τοῖς οἰκήτορσιν, ὡς εὐθὺς ἐν εὐδαιμονίᾳ συνιόντας οἰκεῖν, 15.297. καὶ τείχει καρτερῷ τὴν πόλιν περιέβαλεν τό τε τοῦ χωρίου πρόσαντες εἰς ἐρυμνότητα κατασκευαζόμενος καὶ μέγεθος οὐχ ὡς τὸ πρῶτον ἀλλ' ὥστε μηδὲν ἀποδεῖν τῶν ἐλλογιμωτάτων πόλεων περιλαμβάνων: στάδιοι γὰρ ἦσαν εἴκοσιν. 15.298. ἐντὸς δὲ καὶ κατὰ μέσην τριῶν ἡμισταδίων τέμενος ἀνῆκεν παντοίως κεκοσμημένον καὶ ναὸν ἐν αὐτῷ μεγέθει καὶ κάλλει τῶν ἐλλογιμωτάτων ἤγειρεν, ἔν τε τοῖς κατὰ μέρος διὰ πάντων ἐκόσμει τὴν πόλιν, τὸ μὲν ἀναγκαῖον τῆς ἀσφαλείας ὁρῶν καὶ τῇ τῶν περιβόλων ἐρυμνότητι φρούριον αὐτὴν ποιούμενος ἐπὶ τῇ μείζονι, τὸ δ' εὐπρεπὲς ὡς ἂν ἐκ τοῦ φιλοκαλεῖν καὶ μνημεῖα φιλανθρωπίας ἀπολιπεῖν ἐν ὑστέρῳ. 15.299. Κατὰ τοῦτον μὲν οὖν τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν τρισκαιδέκατον ὄντα τῆς ̔Ηρώδου βασιλείας πάθη μέγιστα τὴν χώραν ἐπέλαβεν, εἴτε δὴ τοῦ θεοῦ μηνίσαντος ἢ καὶ κατὰ περιόδους οὕτως ἀπαντήσαντος τοῦ κακοῦ: 15.301. τό τε γὰρ ἠπορῆσθαι θεραπείας καὶ τροφῆς ἐπέτεινεν εἰς πλέον ἀρξαμένην ἰσχυρῶς τὴν λοιμώδη νόσον ἥ τε φθορὰ τῶν οὕτως ἀπολλυμένων ἀφῃρεῖτο καὶ τοὺς περιόντας εὐθυμίας, ἐπεὶ προσαρκεῖν ταῖς ἀπορίαις ἐξ ἐπιμελείας οὐκ ἐδύναντο. 15.302. φθαρέντων γε μὴν τῶν ἐπ' ἔτος καρπῶν καὶ τῶν ὅσοι πρότερον ἀπέκειντο δεδαπανημένων, οὐδὲν εἰς ἐλπίδα χρηστὴν ὑπελείπετο μᾶλλον ἢ κατὰ προσδοκίαν ἐπιτείνοντος τοῦ κακοῦ καὶ οὐδὲ κατ' ἐκεῖνον τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν μόνον, ὥστ' αὐτοῖς εἶναι μὲν οὐδὲν ὑπόλοιπον, ἀπολωλέναι δὲ καὶ τῶν περιόντων τὰ σπέρματα μηδὲ τὸ δεύτερον ἀνείσης τῆς γῆς. 15.303. ἥ τε ἀνάγκη πολλὰ διὰ τὰς χρείας ἐκαινούργει. καὶ τὰς ἀπορίας οὐκ ἐλάττους εἶναι συνέβαινεν αὐτῷ τῷ βασιλεῖ, τῶν τε φόρων, οὓς ἐλάμβανεν ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς, ἀφῃρημένῳ καὶ τὰ χρήματα δεδαπανηκότι πρὸς φιλοτιμίαν ὧν τὰς πόλεις ἐπεσκεύαζεν. 15.304. ἦν δὲ οὐδὲν ὅ τι καὶ βοηθείας ἄξιον ἐδόκει προκατειληφότος τοῦ κακοῦ καὶ μῖσος εἰς αὐτὸν ἐκ τῶν ἀρχομένων: τὸ γὰρ οὐκ εὖ πράττειν φιλαίτιον αἰεὶ κατὰ τῶν προεστηκότων. 15.305. ̓Εν τοιούτοις διενοεῖτο βοηθεῖν τῷ καιρῷ: χαλεπὸν δ' ἦν οὔτε τῶν πλησίον ἐχόντων ἀποδόσθαι σιτία τῷ μηδ' αὐτοὺς ἐλάττω πεπονθέναι, χρημάτων τε οὐκ ὄντων, εἰ καὶ δυνατὸν ὀλίγων ἐπὶ πολλοῖς εὐπορηθῆναι. 15.306. καλῶς μέντοι νομίζων ἔχειν πάντως εἰς τὴν βοήθειαν μὴ ἀμελεῖν, τὸν ὄντα κόσμον ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις αὐτοῦ συνέκοψεν ἀργύρου καὶ χρυσοῦ, μήτε τῆς ἐν ταῖς κατασκευαῖς ἐπιμελείας μήτ' εἴ τι τέχνῃ τίμιον ἦν τούτου φεισάμενος. 15.307. ἔπεμπε δ' ἐπ' Αἰγύπτου τὰ χρήματα Πετρωνίου τὴν ἐπαρχίαν ἀπὸ Καίσαρος εἰληφότος. οὗτος οὐκ ὀλίγων ἐπ' αὐτὸν καταπεφευγότων διὰ τὰς αὐτὰς χρείας, ἰδίᾳ τε φίλος ὢν ̔Ηρώδῃ καὶ διασώσασθαι θέλων τοὺς ὑπ' αὐτῷ, πρώτοις μὲν ἔδωκεν ἐξάγειν τὸν σῖτον, εἰς ἅπαντα δὲ κατὰ τὴν ὠνὴν καὶ τὸν ἔκπλουν συνήργησεν, ὡς μέγα μέρος ἢ τὸ πᾶν γενέσθαι ταύτης τῆς βοηθείας. 15.308. ὁ γὰρ ̔Ηρώδης, τούτων ἀφικομένων ἐν ἀφορμῇ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν τὴν αὐτοῦ προστιθεὶς οὐ μόνον ἀντιμετέστησεν τὰς γνώμας τῶν πρότερον χαλεπῶς ἐχόντων, ἀλλὰ καὶ μεγίστην ἐποιήσατο τὴν ἐπίδειξιν τῆς εὐνοίας καὶ τῆς προστασίας. 15.309. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ὅσοις οἷόν τε δι' αὐτῶν τὰ περὶ τὰς τροφὰς ἐκπονεῖν ἔνειμε τοῦ σίτου τὴν ἔκταξιν ἀκριβεστάτην ποιούμενος, ἔπειτα πολλῶν ὄντων, οἳ κατὰ γῆρας ἤ τινα προσοῦσαν ἄλλην ἀσθένειαν οὐχ ἱκανῶς εἶχον αὐτοῖς παρασκευάζειν τὰ σιτία, προυνόει καταστήσας ἀρτοποιοὺς καὶ παρέχων ἑτοίμας τὰς τροφάς. 15.311. ἐκπορισθέντων δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τούτων ταῖς πλησίον ἤδη πόλεσιν ἐπεβάλλετο τὰς ὠφελείας παρέχειν σπέρματα τοῖς ἐν Συρίᾳ διαδούς. καὶ τοῦτ' ὤνησεν οὐχ ἧττον αὐτὸν εὐστοχηθείσης εἰς εὐφορίαν τῆς χάριτος, ὡς ἅπασιν ἱκανὰ τὰ περὶ τὰς τροφὰς γενέσθαι. 15.312. τὸ δὲ σύμπαν ἀμήτου περὶ τὴν γῆν ὑποφανέντος οὐκ ἔλαττον ἢ πέντε μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων, οὓς αὐτὸς ἔθρεψεν καὶ περιεποίησεν, εἰς τὴν χώραν διέπεμψεν, καὶ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον κακωθεῖσαν αὐτῷ τὴν βασιλείαν ὑπὸ πάσης φιλοτιμίας καὶ σπουδῆς ἀναλαβὼν οὐχ ἥκιστα καὶ τοὺς πέριξ ἐν ταῖς αὐταῖς κακοπαθείαις ὄντας ἐπεκούφισεν. 15.313. οὐ γὰρ ἔσθ' ὅστις ὑπὸ χρείας ἐντυχὼν ἀπελείφθη μὴ βοήθειαν εὕρασθαι κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν. ἀλλὰ καὶ δῆμοι καὶ πόλεις καὶ τῶν ἰδιωτῶν ὅσοις ἀπορία διὰ τὸ πλειόνων προί̈στασθαι συνετύγχανεν, ἐπ' αὐτὸν καταφεύγοντες ἔσχον ὧν ἐδεήθησαν, 15.314. ὥστε γενέσθαι λογιζομένων τοὺς μὲν ἔξω τῆς ἀρχῆς δοθέντας σίτου κόρους μυρίους, ὁ δὲ κόρος δύναται μεδίμνους ̓Αττικοὺς δέκα, τοὺς δ' εἰς αὐτὴν τὴν βασιλείαν περὶ ὀκτάκις μυρίους. 15.315. ταύτην δ' αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ τὴν τῆς χάριτος εὐκαιρίαν οὕτως ἐν αὐτοῖς τε τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις ἰσχῦσαι συνέβη καὶ διαβοηθῆναι παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις, ὥστε τὰ μὲν πάλαι μίση κινηθέντα διὰ τὸ παραχαράττειν ἔνια τῶν ἐθῶν καὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἐξαιρεθῆναι καὶ τοῦ παντὸς ἔθνους, ἀντικατάλλαγμα δὲ φαίνεσθαι τὴν ἐν τῇ βοηθείᾳ τῶν δεινοτάτων φιλοτιμίαν. 15.316. εὔκλεια δὲ καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἔξωθεν ἦν, καὶ δοκεῖ τὰ δυσχερῆ συμβῆναι μὲν αὐτῷ μείζω λόγου, κακώσαντα δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν οὐχ ἥκιστα πρὸς εὐδοξίαν ὠφελῆσαι: τὸ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς ἀπορίαις μεγαλόψυχον παρὰ δόξαν ἐπιδειξάμενος ἀντιμετέστησε τοὺς πολλούς, ὡς ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς δοκεῖν οὐχ οἷον ἡ πεῖρα τῶν πάλαι γεγενημένων, ἀλλ' οἷον ἡ μετὰ τῆς χρείας ἐπιμέλεια παρεστήσατο. 15.317. Περὶ δὲ τὸν χρόνον ἐκεῖνον καὶ συμμαχικὸν ἔπεμψεν Καίσαρι πεντακοσίους ἐπιλέκτους τῶν σωματοφυλάκων, οὓς Γάλλος Αἴλιος ἐπὶ τὴν ̓Ερυθρὰν θάλασσαν ἦγεν εἰς πολλὰ χρησίμους αὐτῷ γενομένους. 15.318. πάλιν οὖν αὐτῷ τῶν πραγμάτων πρὸς ἐπίδοσιν εὐθηνουμένων βασίλειον ἐξῳκοδόμει περὶ τὴν ἄνω πόλιν ὑπερμεγέθεις οἴκους ἐγείρων καὶ κόσμῳ κατασκευάζων πολυτελεστάτῳ χρυσοῦ καὶ λίθων καὶ περιαλειμμάτων * ὡς ἕκαστον αὐτῶν κλισίας μὲν ἔχειν παμπόλλους ἄνδρας ὑποδέχεσθαι * κατὰ μέτρα δὲ καὶ τὰς προσηγορίας: ὁ μὲν γὰρ Καίσαρος, ὁ δὲ ̓Αγρίππα κέκλητο. 15.322. καὶ τοῦ Σίμωνος ὄντος ἀδοξοτέρου μὲν ἢ πρὸς οἰκειότητα, μείζονος δὲ ἢ καταφρονεῖσθαι, τὸν ἐπιεικέστερον τρόπον μετῄει τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν αὔξων αὐτοὺς καὶ τιμιωτέρους ἀποφαίνων: αὐτίκα γοῦν ̓Ιησοῦν μὲν τὸν τοῦ Φοαβιτος ἀφαιρεῖται τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην, Σίμωνα δὲ καθίστησιν ἐπὶ τῆς τιμῆς καὶ τὸ κῆδος πρὸς αὐτὸν συνάπτεται. 15.326. Πάντων δ' αὐτῷ προκεχωρηκότων εἰς δέον ὧν ἠλπίκει τὰς μὲν ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ βασιλείᾳ ταραχὰς οὐδ' ὁπωσοῦν δι' ὑποψίας εἶχεν ἑκατέρωθεν ὑπηκόους παραστησάμενος, φόβῳ μὲν ὧν ἀπαραίτητος εἰς τὰς τιμωρίας, τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν δὲ ὧν μεγαλόψυχος ἐν ταῖς περιπετείαις εὑρίσκετο. 15.327. περιεβάλλετο δὲ τὴν ἔξωθεν ἀσφάλειαν ὥσπερ ἐπιτείχισμα καὶ τοῦτο τοῖς ἀρχομένοις ποιούμενος: πόλεσίν τε γὰρ ὡμίλει δεξιῶς καὶ φιλανθρώπως καὶ τοὺς δυνάστας ἐθεράπευεν εὐκαιρίαις ὧν ἑκάστους ἐδωρεῖτο μείζους τὰς χάριτας ἐμποιῶν καὶ τὸ μεγαλόψυχον φύσει πρὸς τὴν βασιλείαν εὐπρεπὲς ἔχων, ὥστ' αὐτῷ πάντα διὰ πάντων αὔξεσθαι πρὸς τὸ πλεῖον ἀεὶ προχωρούντων. 15.328. ὑπὸ δὲ τῆς εἰς τοῦτο φιλοτιμίας καὶ τῆς θεραπείας, ἣν ἐθεράπευεν Καίσαρα καὶ ̔Ρωμαίων τοὺς πλεῖστον δυναμένους, ἐκβαίνειν τῶν ἐθῶν ἠναγκάζετο καὶ πολλὰ τῶν νομίμων παραχαράττειν, πόλεις τε κτίζων ὑπὸ φιλοτιμίας καὶ ναοὺς ἐγείρων, οὐκ ἐν τῇ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων, 15.329. οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν ἠνέσχοντο τῶν τοιούτων ἀπηγορευμένων ἡμῖν ὡς ἀγάλματα καὶ τύπους μεμορφωμένους τιμᾶν πρὸς τὸν ̔Ελληνικὸν τρόπον, τὴν δ' ἔξω χώραν καὶ τὰ πέριξ οὕτως κατεσκευάζετο, 15.331. Κατιδὼν δὲ καὶ πρὸς τῇ θαλάττῃ χωρίον ἐπιτηδειότατον δέξασθαι πόλιν, ὃ πάλαι Στράτωνος ἐκαλεῖτο πύργος, τῇ τε διαγραφῇ μεγαλοπρεπῶς ἐπεβάλλετο καὶ τοῖς οἰκοδομήμασιν ἀνιστὰς ἅπασαν οὐ παρέργως, ἀλλ' ἐκ λευκῆς πέτρας, καὶ διακοσμῶν καὶ βασιλείοις πολυτελεστάτοις καὶ διαίταις πολιτικαῖς, 15.332. τὸ δὲ μέγιστον καὶ πλείστην ἐργασίαν παρασχόν, ἀκλύστῳ λιμένι, μέγεθος μὲν κατὰ τὸν Πειραιᾶ, καταγωγὰς δ' ἔνδον ἔχοντι καὶ δευτέρους ὑφόρμους, τῇ δὲ δομήσει περίβλεπτον, ὅτι μηδ' ἐκ τοῦ τόπου τὴν ἐπιτηδειότητα τῆς μεγαλουργίας εἶχεν, ἀλλ' ἐπεισάκτοις καὶ πολλαῖς ἐξετελειώθη ταῖς δαπάναις. 15.333. κεῖται μὲν γὰρ ἡ πόλις ἐν τῇ Φοινίκῃ κατὰ τὸν εἰς Αἴγυπτον παράπλουν ̓Ιόππης μεταξὺ καὶ Δώρων, πολισμάτια ταῦτ' ἐστὶν παράλια δύσορμα διὰ τὰς κατὰ λίβα προσβολάς, αἳ ἀεὶ τὰς ἐκ τοῦ πόντου θῖνας ἐπὶ τὴν ᾐόνα σύρουσαι καταγωγὴν οὐ διδόασιν, ἀλλ' ἔστιν ἀναγκαῖον ἀποσαλεύειν τὰ πολλὰ τοὺς ἐμπόρους ἐπ' ἀγκύρας. 15.334. τοῦτο τὸ δυσδιάθετον τῆς χώρας διορθούμενος καὶ περιγράψας τὸν κύκλον τοῦ λιμένος ἐφ' ὅσον ἦν αὔταρκες πρὸς τῇ χέρσῳ μεγάλοις στόλοις ἐνορμεῖσθαι λίθους ὑπερμεγέθεις καθίει εἰς τὸ βάθος εἰς ὀργυιὰς εἴκοσι. πεντήκοντα ποδῶν ἦσαν οἱ πλείους τὸ μῆκος καὶ πλάτος οὐκ ἔλαττον δεκαοκτώ, βάθος δὲ ἐννέα, τούτων δὲ οἱ μὲν μείζους οἱ δὲ ἐλάττους. 15.335. ἡ δὲ ἐνδόμησις ὅσον ἦν † ἐβάλλετο κατὰ τῆς θαλάσσης διακοσίους πόδας. τούτων τὸ μὲν ἥμισυ προβέβλητο κυματωγαῖς, ὡς ἀπομάχεσθαι περικλώμενον ἐκεῖ τὸν κλύδωνα: προκυμία γοῦν ἐκαλεῖτο: τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν περιεῖχεν λίθινον τεῖχος πύργοις διειλημμένον, 15.336. ὧν ὁ μέγιστος Δρούσιον ὀνομάζεται, πάνυ καλόν τι χρῆμα, τὴν προσηγορίαν εἰληφὼς ἀπὸ Δρούσου τοῦ Καίσαρος προγόνου τελευτήσαντος νέου. 15.337. ψαλίδες δὲ ἐμπεποίηνται συνεχεῖς καταγωγαὶ τοῖς ναυτίλοις, τὸ δὲ πρὸ αὐτῶν ἀπόβασις πλατεῖα κύκλῳ περιεστεφάνωκεν τὸν πάντα λιμένα, περίπατος τοῖς ἐθέλουσιν ἥδιστος. ὁ δ' εἴσπλους καὶ τὸ στόμα πεποίηται πρὸς βορέαν ἀνέμων αἰθριώτατον. 15.338. βάσις δὲ τοῦ περιβόλου παντὸς ἐν ἀριστερᾷ μὲν εἰσπλεόντων πύργος νενασμένος ἐπὶ πολὺ στερρῶς ἀντέχειν, κατὰ δεξιὰν δὲ δύο λίθοι μεγάλοι καὶ τοῦ κατὰ θάτερα πύργου μείζους, ὀρθοὶ καὶ συνεζευγμένοι. 15.339. περίκεινται δὲ ἐν κύκλῳ τὸν λιμένα λειοτάτου λίθου κατασκευὴ συνεχεῖς οἰκήσεις κἀν τῷ μέσῳ κολωνός τις, ἐφ' οὗ νεὼς Καίσαρος ἄποπτος τοῖς εἰσπλέουσιν ἄγαλμά τε τὸ μὲν ̔Ρώμης, τὸ δὲ Καίσαρος: ἥ τε πόλις αὐτὴ Καισάρεια καλεῖται καλλίστης καὶ τῆς ὕλης καὶ τῆς κατασκευῆς τετυχηκυῖα. 15.341. κατεσκεύαζεν δ' ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ θέατρον καὶ πρὸς τῷ νοτίῳ τοῦ λιμένος ὄπισθεν ἀμφιθέατρον πολὺν ὄχλον ἀνθρώπων δέχεσθαι δυνάμενον καὶ κείμενον ἐπιτηδείως ἀποπτεύειν εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν. ἡ μὲν δὴ πόλις οὕτως ἐξετελέσθη δωδεκαετεῖ χρόνῳ καὶ ταῖς ἐργασίαις οὐκ ἐγκαμόντος καὶ ταῖς δαπάναις ἐπαρκέσαντος τοῦ βασιλέως. 15.343. τούτοις ἀνελθοῦσιν καταγωγὴ μὲν ἦν Πολλίωνος οἶκος ἀνδρὸς τῶν μάλιστα σπουδασάντων περὶ τὴν ̔Ηρώδου φιλίαν, ἐφεῖτο δὲ κἀν τοῖς Καίσαρος κατάγεσθαι: καὶ γὰρ ἐξεδέξατο μετὰ πάσης φιλανθρωπίας τοὺς παῖδας: καὶ δίδωσιν ̔Ηρώδῃ τὴν βασιλείαν ὅτῳ βούλεται βεβαιοῦν τῶν ἐξ αὐτοῦ γεγονότων, καὶ χώραν ἔτι τόν τε Τράχωνα καὶ Βαταναίαν καὶ Αὐρανῖτιν: ἔδωκεν δὲ διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν παραλαβών. 15.344. Ζηνόδωρός τις ἐμεμίσθωτο τὸν οἶκον τὸν Λυσανίου. τούτῳ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὰς προσόδους οὐκ ἤρκει, τὰ λῃστήρια δὲ ἔχων ἐν τῷ Τράχωνι πλείω τὴν πρόσοδον ἔφερεν: οἰκοῦσι γὰρ ἄνδρες ἐξ ἀπονοίας ζῶντες τοὺς τόπους, οἳ τὰ Δαμασκηνῶν ἐλῄζοντο, καὶ Ζηνόδωρος οὔτ' εἶργεν αὐτός τε τῶν ὠφελειῶν ἐκοινώνει. 15.345. κακῶς δὲ πάσχοντες οἱ πλησιόχωροι Οὐάρρωνος κατεβόων τοῦ τότε ἡγεμονεύοντος καὶ γράφειν ἠξίουν Καίσαρι τοῦ Ζηνοδώρου τὴν ἀδικίαν. Καῖσαρ δὲ ἀνενεχθέντων τούτων ἀντέγραφεν ἐξελεῖν τὰ λῃστήρια τήν τε χώραν ̔Ηρώδῃ προσένειμεν, ὡς διὰ τῆς ἐπιμελείας τῆς ἐκείνου μηκέτ' ἂν ὀχληρῶν τῶν περὶ τὸν Τράχωνα γενησομένων τοῖς πλησίον: 15.346. οὐδὲ γὰρ ῥᾴδιον ἦν ἐπισχεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐν ἔθει τὸ λῃστεύειν πεποιημένους καὶ βίον οὐκ ἄλλοθεν ἔχοντας: οὔτε γὰρ πόλεις αὐτοῖς οὔτε κτήσεις ἀγρῶν, ὑποφυγαὶ δὲ κατὰ τῆς γῆς καὶ σπήλαια καὶ κοινὴ μετὰ τῶν βοσκημάτων δίαιτα. μεμηχάνηνται δὲ καὶ συναγωγὰς ὑδάτων καὶ προπαρασκευὰς σιτίων αἳ δύνανται πλεῖστον ἐξ ἀφανοῦς ἀντέχειν. 15.347. αἵ γε μὴν εἴσοδοι στεναὶ καὶ καθ' ἕνα παρερχομένων, τὰ δ' ἔνδον ἀπίστως μεγάλα πρὸς εὐρυχωρίαν ἐξειργασμένων: τὸ δ' ὑπὲρ τὰς οἰκήσεις ἔδαφος οὐχ ὑψηλόν, ἀλλ' οἷον ἐξ ἐπιπέδου. πέτρα δὲ τὸ σύμπαν σκληρὰ καὶ δύσοδος, εἰ μὴ τρίβῳ χρῷτό τις ἐξ ὁδηγίας: 15.348. οὐδὲ γὰρ αὗται κατ' ὀρθὸν ἀλλὰ πολλὰς ἕλικας ἐξελίττονται. τούτοις ἐπειδὴ τῶν εἰς τοὺς πλησίον κακουργημάτων ἐκωλύοντο, καὶ κατ' ἀλλήλων ἦν ὁ τῆς λῃστείας τρόπος, ὡς μηδὲν ἀνομίας ἐν τούτῳ λελεῖφθαι. λαβὼν δὲ τὴν χάριν ̔Ηρώδης παρὰ Καίσαρος καὶ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν χώραν ὁδηγῶν ἐμπειρίᾳ τούς τε πονηρευομένους αὐτῶν κατέπαυσεν καὶ τοῖς πέριξ ἀδεῆ τὴν εἰρήνην παρέσχεν. 15.349. ̔Ο δὲ Ζηνόδωρος ἀχθόμενος πρῶτον μὲν ἐπὶ τῇ τῆς ἐπαρχίας ἀφαιρέσει, μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ φθόνῳ τὴν ἀρχὴν ̔Ηρώδου μετειληφότος, ἀνῆλθεν εἰς ̔Ρώμην κατηγορήσων αὐτοῦ. κἀκεῖνος μὲν ἄπρακτος ἀναστρέφει. 15.351. Γαδαρέων δέ τινες ἐπ' ̓Αγρίππαν ἦλθον κατηγοροῦντες αὐτοῦ, καὶ τούτους ἐκεῖνος οὐδὲ λόγον αὐτοῖς δοὺς ἀναπέμπει τῷ βασιλεῖ δεσμίους. οἵ τε ̓́Αραβες καὶ πάλαι δυσμενῶς ἔχοντες πρὸς τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν ̔Ηρώδου διεκεκίνηντο καὶ στασιάζειν ἐπεχείρουν αὐτῷ τὰ πράγματα τότε καὶ μετ' αἰτίας, ὡς ἐδόκουν, εὐλογωτέρας: 15.352. ὁ γὰρ Ζηνόδωρος ἀπογινώσκων ἤδη τῶν καθ' αὑτὸν ἔφθη τῆς ἐπαρχίας μέρος τι τὴν Αὐρανῖτιν αὐτοῖς ἀποδόσθαι ταλάντων πεντήκοντα. ταύτης ἐμπεριεχομένης τῇ δωρεᾷ Καίσαρος ὡς μὴ δικαίως ἀφαιρούμενοι διημφισβήτουν, πολλάκις μὲν ταῖς καταδρομαῖς καὶ τῷ βιάζεσθαι θέλειν, ἄλλοτε δὲ καὶ πρὸς δικαιολογίαν ἰόντες. 15.353. ἀνέπειθον δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀπόρους τῶν στρατιωτῶν καὶ δυσμενεῖς, ἦσαν δ' ἐπελπίζοντες ἀεὶ καὶ πρὸς τὸν νεωτερισμὸν ἐνδιδόντες, ᾧ μάλιστα χαίρουσιν οἱ κακῶς πράττοντες τῷ βίῳ. ταῦτα δὲ ἐκ μακροῦ πραττόμενα γινώσκων ̔Ηρώδης ὅμως οὐκ εἰς τὸ δυσμενές, ἀλλ' ἐξ ἐπιλογισμοῦ παρηγόρει ταῖς ταραχαῖς οὐκ ἀξιῶν ἀφορμὰς ἐνδιδόναι. 15.354. ̓́Ηδη δ' αὐτοῦ τῆς βασιλείας ἑπτακαιδεκάτου προελθόντος ἔτους Καῖσαρ εἰς Συρίαν ἀφίκετο. καὶ τότε τῶν Γάδαρα κατοικούντων οἱ πλεῖστοι κατεβόων ̔Ηρώδου βαρὺν αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς ἐπιτάγμασιν καὶ τυραννικὸν εἶναι. 15.355. ταῦτα δὲ ἀπετόλμων μάλιστα μὲν ἐγκειμένου καὶ διαβάλλοντος αὐτὸν Ζηνοδώρου καὶ παρασχόντος ὅρκους, ὡς οὐκ ἐγκαταλείψει μὴ πάντα τρόπον ἀφελέσθαι μὲν τῆς ̔Ηρώδου βασιλείας, προσθήσειν δὲ τῇ διοικήσει τῇ Καίσαρος. 15.356. τούτοις ἀναπεισθέντες οἱ Γαδαρεῖς οὐ μικρὰν καταβοὴν ἐποιήσαντο θράσει τοῦ μηδὲ τοὺς ὑπὸ ̓Αγρίππα παραδοθέντας ἐν τιμωρίᾳ γενέσθαι διιέντος ̔Ηρώδου καὶ μηδὲν κακὸν εἰργασμένου: καὶ γὰρ εἴ τις καὶ ἄλλος ἐδόκει δυσπαραίτητος μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς οἰκείοις, μεγαλόψυχος δὲ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀλλοτρίοις ἁμαρτόντας ἀφιέναι. 15.357. κατηγορούντων οὖν ὕβρεις καὶ ἁρπαγὰς καὶ κατασκαφὰς ἱερῶν ὁ μὲν ̔Ηρώδης ἀταρακτήσας ἕτοιμος ἦν εἰς τὴν ἀπολογίαν, ἐδεξιοῦτο δὲ Καῖσαρ αὐτὸν οὐδὲν ὑπὸ τῆς ταραχῆς τοῦ πλήθους μεταβαλὼν τῆς εὐνοίας. 15.358. καὶ κατὰ μὲν τὴν πρώτην ἡμέραν οἱ περὶ τούτων ἐρρέθησαν λόγοι, ταῖς δ' ἑξῆς οὐ προῆλθεν ἡ διάγνωσις: οἱ γὰρ Γαδαρεῖς ὁρῶντες τὴν ῥοπὴν αὐτοῦ τε Καίσαρος καὶ τοῦ συνεδρίου καὶ προσδοκήσαντες ὅπερ ἦν εἰκὸς ἐκδοθήσεσθαι τῷ βασιλεῖ, κατὰ φόβον αἰκίας οἱ μὲν ἀπέσφαττον αὑτοὺς ἐν τῇ νυκτί, τινὲς δὲ καθ' ὕψους ἠφίεσαν, ἄλλοι δ' εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐμπίπτοντες ἑκοντὶ διεφθείροντο. 15.359. ταῦτα δὲ ἐδόκει κατάγνωσις τῆς προπετείας καὶ ἁμαρτίας, ἔνθεν οὐδὲ μελλήσας ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀπέλυεν τῶν αἰτιῶν ̔Ηρώδην. ἐπισυμπίπτει δὲ οὐ μέτριον εὐτύχημα τοῖς ἤδη γεγονόσιν: ὁ γὰρ Ζηνόδωρος ῥαγέντος αὐτῷ τοῦ σπλάγχνου καὶ πολλοῦ κατὰ τὴν ἀσθένειαν ὑποχωροῦντος αἵματος ἐν ̓Αντιοχείᾳ τῆς Συρίας ἐκλείπει τὸν βίον. 15.361. τό τε σύνολον εἰς τοῦτο προῆλθεν εὐτυχίας, ὥστε δύο τούτων τὴν ἀρχὴν ̔Ρωμαίων διεπόντων τοσήνδε τὸ μέγεθος οὖσαν, Καίσαρος καὶ μετ' αὐτὸν ̓Αγρίππου, κατὰ τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν εὔνοιαν Καῖσαρ μὲν οὐδένα μετὰ ̓Αγρίππαν ̔Ηρώδου προετίμησεν, ̓Αγρίππας δὲ μετὰ Καίσαρα πρῶτον ἀπεδίδου φιλίας τόπον ̔Ηρώδῃ. 15.362. τοσαύτης δὲ ἐχόμενος παρρησίας τῷ μὲν ἀδελφῷ Φερώρᾳ παρὰ Καίσαρος ᾐτήσατο τετραρχίαν αὐτὸς ἀπονείμας ἐκ τῆς βασιλείας πρόσοδον ἑκατὸν ταλάντων, ὡς εἰ καί τι πάσχοι, τὰ κατ' ἐκεῖνον ἀσφαλῶς ἔχειν καὶ μὴ τοὺς υἱεῖς αὐτῆς κρατεῖν. 15.363. Καίσαρα δ' ἐπὶ θάλατταν προπέμψας ὡς ἐπανῆκεν, ἐν τῇ Ζηνοδώρου περικαλλέστατον αὐτῷ ναὸν ἐγείρει πέτρας λευκῆς πλησίον τοῦ Πανίου καλουμένου. 15.364. σπήλαιον ἐν ὄρει περικαλλές ἐστιν, ὑπ' αὐτὸ δὲ γῆς ὀλίσθημα καὶ βάθος ἀπερρωγὸς ἄβατον ὕδατος ἀκινήτου πλέον, καθύπερθε δ' ὄρος παμμέγεθες, ὑπὸ δὲ τὸ σπήλαιον ἀνατέλλουσιν αἱ πηγαὶ τοῦ ̓Ιορδάνου ποταμοῦ. τοῦτον ἐπισημότατον ὄντα τὸν τόπον καὶ τῷ ναῷ προσεκόσμησεν, ὃν ἀφιέρου Καίσαρι. 15.365. Τότε καὶ τὸ τρίτον μέρος ἀφῆκε τῶν φόρων τοῖς ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ, πρόφασιν μὲν ὡς ἀναλάβοιεν ἐκ τῆς ἀφορίας, τὸ δὲ πλέον ἀνακτώμενος ἔχοντας δυσμενῶς: κατὰ γὰρ τὴν ἐξεργασίαν τῶν τοιούτων ἐπιτηδευμάτων ὡς ἂν λυομένης αὐτοῖς τῆς εὐσεβείας καὶ μεταπιπτόντων τῶν ἐθῶν χαλεπῶς ἔφερον, καὶ λόγοι δὲ πόντων ἐγίνοντο παροξυνομένων ἀεὶ καὶ ταραττομένων. 15.366. ὁ δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸ τοιοῦτον πολλὴν τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ἐπῆγεν, ἀφαιρούμενος μὲν τὰς εὐκαιρίας, ἐπιτάττων δ' ἀεὶ γίνεσθαι πρὸς τοῖς πόνοις, ἦν δ' οὔτε σύνοδος ἐφειμένη τοῖς περὶ τὴν πόλιν οὔτε κοινωνία περιπάτου καὶ διαίτης, ἀλλ' ἐτετήρητο τὰ πάντα. καὶ χαλεπαὶ τῶν φωραθέντων ἦσαν αἱ κολάσεις, πολλοί τε καὶ φανερῶς καὶ λεληθότως εἰς τὸ φρούριον ἀναγόμενοι τὴν ̔Υρκανίαν ἐκεῖ διεφθείροντο, κἀν τῇ πόλει κἀν ταῖς ὁδοιπορίαις ἦσαν οἱ τοὺς συνιόντας εἰς ταὐτὸν ἐπισκοποῦντες. 15.367. ἤδη δέ φασιν οὐδ' αὐτὸν ἀμελεῖν τοῦ τοιούτου μέρους, ἀλλὰ πολλάκις ἰδιώτου σχῆμα λαμβάνοντα καταμίγνυσθαι νύκτωρ εἰς τοὺς ὄχλους, καὶ πεῖραν αὐτῶν, ἣν ἔχουσιν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀρχῆς, λαμβάνειν. 15.368. τοὺς μὲν οὖν παντάπασιν ἐξαυθαδιζομένους πρὸς τὸ μὴ συμπεριφέρεσθαι τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν πάντας ἐπεξῄει τοὺς τρόπους, τὸ δ' ἄλλο πλῆθος ὅρκοις ἠξίου πρὸς τὴν πίστιν ὑπάγεσθαι καὶ συνηνάγκαζεν ἐνώμοτον αὐτῷ τὴν εὔνοιαν ἦ μὴν διαφυλάξειν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὁμολογεῖν. 15.369. οἱ μὲν οὖν πολλοὶ κατὰ θεραπείαν καὶ δέος εἶκον οἷς ἠξίου, τοὺς δὲ φρονήματος μεταποιουμένους καὶ δυσχεραίνοντας ἐπὶ τῷ καταναγκάζεσθαι πάντα τρόπον ἐκποδὼν ἐποιεῖτο. 15.371. ἀφείθησαν δὲ ταύτης τῆς ἀνάγκης καὶ οἱ παρ' ἡμῖν ̓Εσσαῖοι καλούμενοι: γένος δὲ τοῦτ' ἔστιν διαίτῃ χρώμενον τῇ παρ' ̔́Ελλησιν ὑπὸ Πυθαγόρου καταδεδειγμένῃ. 15.372. περὶ τούτων μὲν οὖν ἐν ἄλλοις σαφέστερον διέξειμι. τοὺς δὲ ̓Εσσηνοὺς ἀφ' οἵας αἰτίας ἐτίμα μεῖζόν τι φρονῶν ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ἢ κατὰ τὴν θνητὴν φύσιν, εἰπεῖν ἄξιον: οὐ γὰρ ἀπρεπὴς ὁ λόγος φανεῖται τῷ τῆς ἱστορίας γένει παραδηλῶν καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ τούτων ὑπόληψιν. 15.373. ̓͂Ην τις τῶν ̓Εσσηνῶν Μανάημος ὄνομα καὶ τἆλλα κατὰ τὴν προαίρεσιν τοῦ βίου καλοκαγαθίαν μαρτυρούμενος καὶ πρόγνωσιν ἐκ θεοῦ τῶν μελλόντων ἔχων. οὗτος ἔτι παῖδα τὸν ̔Ηρώδην εἰς διδασκάλου φοιτῶντα κατιδὼν βασιλέα ̓Ιουδαίων προσηγόρευσεν. 15.374. ὁ δ' ἀγνοεῖν ἢ κατειρωνεύεσθαι νομίζων αὐτὸν ἀνεμίμνησκεν ἰδιώτης ὤν. Μανάημος δὲ μειδιάσας ἠρέμα καὶ τύπτων τῇ χειρὶ κατὰ τῶν γλουτῶν “ἀλλά τοι καὶ βασιλεύσεις, ἔφη, καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν εὐδαιμόνως ἀπάξεις: ἠξίωσαι γὰρ ἐκ θεοῦ. καὶ μέμνησο τῶν Μαναήμου πληγῶν, ὥστε σοι καὶ τοῦτο σύμβολον εἶναι τῶν κατὰ τὴν τύχην μεταπτώσεων. 15.375. ἄριστος γὰρ ὁ τοιοῦτος λογισμός, εἰ καὶ δικαιοσύνην ἀγαπήσειας καὶ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσέβειαν ἐπιείκειαν δὲ πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας: ἀλλ' οὐ γὰρ οἶδά σε τοιοῦτον ἔσεσθαι τὸ πᾶν ἐπιστάμενος. 15.376. εὐτυχίᾳ μὲν γὰρ ὅσον οὐκ ἄλλος διοίσεις καὶ τεύξῃ δόξης αἰωνίου, λήθην δ' εὐσεβείας ἕξεις καὶ τοῦ δικαίου. ταῦτα δ' οὐκ ἂν λάθοι τὸν θεὸν ἐπὶ τῇ καταστροφῇ τοῦ βίου τῆς ἀντ' αὐτῶν ὀργῆς ἀπομνημονευομένης.” 15.377. τούτοις αὐτίκα μὲν ἥκιστα τὸν νοῦν προσεῖχεν ἐλπίδι λειπόμενος αὐτῶν ̔Ηρώδης, κατὰ μικρὸν δὲ ἀρθεὶς ἕως καὶ τοῦ βασιλεύειν καὶ εὐτυχεῖν ἐν τῷ μεγέθει τῆς ἀρχῆς μεταπέμπεται τὸν Μανάημον καὶ περὶ τοῦ χρόνου πόσον ἄρξει διεπυνθάνετο. 15.378. Μανάημος δὲ τὸ μὲν σύμπαν οὐκ εἶπεν: ὡς δὲ σιωπῶντος αὐτοῦ, μόνον εἰ δέκα γενήσονται βασιλείας ἐνιαυτοὶ προσεπύθετο καὶ εἴκοσι καὶ τριάκοντα εἰπὼν τὸν ὅρον οὐκ ἐπέθηκε τῷ τέλει τῆς προθεσμίας, ̔Ηρώδης δὲ καὶ τούτοις ἀρκεσθεὶς τόν τε Μανάημον ἀφῆκεν δεξιωσάμενος καὶ πάντας ἀπ' ἐκείνου τοὺς ̓Εσσηνοὺς τιμῶν διετέλει. 15.379. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν εἰ καὶ παράδοξα δηλῶσαι τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν ἠξιώσαμεν καὶ περὶ τῶν παρ' ἡμῖν ἐμφῆναι, διότι πολλοὶ διὰ τοιούτων ὑπὸ καλοκαγαθίας καὶ τῆς τῶν θείων ἐμπειρίας ἀξιοῦνται. 15.381. οὐχ ἕτοιμον δὲ τὸ πλῆθος ἐπιστάμενος οὐδὲ ῥᾴδιον ἔσεσθαι πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως ἠξίου λόγῳ προκαταστησάμενος ἐγχειρῆσαι τῷ παντί, καὶ συγκαλέσας αὐτοὺς ἔλεγε τοιάδε: 15.382. “τὰ μὲν ἄλλα μοι τῶν κατὰ τὴν βασιλείαν πεπραγμένων, ἄνδρες ὁμόφυλοι, περισσὸν ὑπολαμβάνω λέγειν. καίτοι τοῦτον ἐγένετο τὸν τρόπον, ὡς ἐλάττω μὲν ἐμοὶ τὸν ἀπ' αὐτῶν κόσμον, πλείω δὲ ὑμῖν τὴν ἀσφάλειαν φέρειν. 15.383. οὔτε γὰρ ἐν τοῖς δυσχερεστάτοις ἀμελήσας τῶν εἰς τὰς ὑμετέρας χρείας διαφερόντων οὔτε ἐν τοῖς κατασκευάσμασιν ἐπιτηδεύσας ἐμαυτῷ μᾶλλον ἢ καὶ πᾶσιν ὑμῖν τὸ ἀνεπηρέαστον, οἶμαι σὺν τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ βουλήσει πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν ὅσον οὐ πρότερον ἀγηοχέναι τὸ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνος. 15.384. τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ μέρος ἐξεργασθέντα περὶ τὴν χώραν καὶ πόλεις ὅσας ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ τοῖς ἐπικτήτοις ἐγείραντες κόσμῳ τῷ καλλίστῳ τὸ γένος ἡμῶν ηὐξήσαμεν, περίεργά μοι δοκεῖ λέγειν εἰδόσιν. τὸ δὲ τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως, ᾗ νῦν ἐπιχειρεῖν ἐπιβάλλομαι, παντὸς εὐσεβέστατον καὶ κάλλιστον ἐφ' ἡμῶν γενέσθαι νῦν ἐκφανῶ: 15.385. τὸν γὰρ ναὸν τοῦτον ᾠκοδόμησαν μὲν τῷ μεγίστῳ θεῷ πατέρες ἡμέτεροι μετὰ τὴν ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος ἐπάνοδον, ἐνδεῖ δ' αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος εἰς ὕψος ἑξήκοντα πήχεις: τοσοῦτον γὰρ ὑπερεῖχεν ὁ πρῶτος ἐκεῖνος, ὃν Σολομῶν ἀνῳκοδόμησεν. 15.386. καὶ μηδεὶς ἀμέλειαν εὐσεβείας τῶν πατέρων καταγνώτω: γέγονεν γὰρ οὐ παρ' ἐκείνους ἐλάττων ὁ ναός, ἀλλὰ ταῦτα καὶ Κῦρος καὶ Δαρεῖος ὁ ̔Υστάσπου τὰ μέτρα τῆς δομήσεως ἔδοσαν, οἷς ἐκεῖνοι καὶ τοῖς ἀπογόνοις δουλεύσαντες καὶ μετ' ἐκείνους Μακεδόσιν οὐκ ἔσχον εὐκαιρίαν τὸ πρῶτον τῆς εὐσεβείας ἀρχέτυπον εἰς ταὐτὸν ἀναγαγεῖν μέγεθος. 15.387. ἐπειδὴ δὲ νῦν ἐγὼ μὲν ἄρχω θεοῦ βουλήσει, περίεστιν δὲ καὶ μῆκος εἰρήνης καὶ κτῆσις χρημάτων καὶ μέγεθος προσόδων, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον φίλοι καὶ δι' εὐνοίας οἱ πάντων ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν κρατοῦντες ̔Ρωμαῖοι, πειράσομαι τὸ παρημελημένον ἀνάγκῃ καὶ δουλείᾳ τοῦ πρότερον χρόνου διορθούμενος τελείαν ἀποδοῦναι τῷ θεῷ τὴν ἀνθ' ὧν ἔτυχον τῆσδε τῆς βασιλείας εὐσέβειαν.” 15.388. ̔Ο μὲν ̔Ηρώδης ταῦτ' εἶπεν, ἐξέπληξε δὲ τοὺς πολλοὺς ὁ λόγος παρὰ δόξαν ἐμπεσών. καὶ τὸ μὲν τῆς ἐλπίδος ἄπιστον οὐκ ἐπήγειρεν αὐτούς, ἠδημόνουν δέ, μὴ φθάσας καταλῦσαι τὸ πᾶν ἔργον οὐκ ἐξαρκέσει πρὸς τέλος ἀγαγεῖν τὴν προαίρεσιν: ὅ τε κίνδυνος αὐτοῖς μείζων ἐφαίνετο καὶ δυσεγχείρητον ἐδόκει τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἐπιβολῆς. 16.143. ταύτην ἀπὸ ̓Αντιπάτρου τοῦ πατρὸς ̓Αντιπατρίδα προσηγόρευσεν. ἐπώνυμον δὲ καὶ τῇ μητρὶ χωρίον ὑπὲρ ̔Ιεριχοῦν οἰκοδομήσας ἀσφαλείᾳ τε διάφορον καὶ καταγωγαῖς ἥδιστον ἐκάλεσεν Κύπρον. 17.182. Ταῦτα δὲ ἐπιστέλλοντος αὐτοῦ πρὸς τοὺς συγγενεῖς γράμματα παρῆν ὑπὸ τῶν εἰς ̔Ρώμην πρέσβεων ἀπεσταλμένων πρὸς Καίσαρα. καὶ ἀναγνωσθέντων τὸ κεφάλαιον ἦν, ὡς τῆς τε ̓Ακμῆς ὀργῇ τῇ Καίσαρος ἀνῃρημένης ἐφ' οἷς ̓Αντιπάτρῳ συγκακουργήσειεν, αὐτόν τε ̓Αντίπατρον ὡς ἐπὶ γνώμῃ τῇ ἐκείνου ποιοῖτο ὡς πατρὸς καὶ βασιλέως, εἴτε φυγάδα ἐλαύνειν ἐθελήσειεν, εἴτε καὶ κτιννύειν. 20.118. Γίνεται δὲ καὶ Σαμαρείταις πρὸς ̓Ιουδαίους ἔχθρα δι' αἰτίαν τοιαύτην: ἔθος ἦν τοῖς Γαλιλαίοις ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς εἰς τὴν ἱερὰν πόλιν παραγινομένοις ὁδεύειν διὰ τῆς Σαμαρέων χώρας. καὶ τότε καθ' ὁδὸν αὐτοῖς κώμης Γιναῆς λεγομένης τῆς ἐν μεθορίῳ κειμένης Σαμαρείας τε καὶ τοῦ μεγάλου πεδίου τινὲς συνάψαντες μάχην πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἀναιροῦσιν.

1.73. For many angels of God accompanied with women, and begat sons that proved unjust, and despisers of all that was good, on account of the confidence they had in their own strength; for the tradition is, that these men did what resembled the acts of those whom the Grecians call giants. 10.277. All these things did this man leave in writing, as God had showed them to him, insomuch that such as read his prophecies, and see how they have been fulfilled, would wonder at the honor wherewith God honored Daniel; and may thence discover how the Epicureans are in an error, 11.346. 7. Now when Alexander was dead, the government was parted among his successors, but the temple upon Mount Gerizzim remained. And if any one were accused by those of Jerusalem of having eaten things common or of having broken the Sabbath, or of any other crime of the like nature, 11.347. he fled away to the Shechemites, and said that he was accused unjustly. About this time it was that Jaddua the high priest died, and Onias his son took the high priesthood. This was the state of the affairs of the people of Jerusalem at this time. 12.246. 3. King Antiochus returning out of Egypt for fear of the Romans, made an expedition against the city Jerusalem; and when he was there, in the hundred and forty-third year of the kingdom of the Seleucidse, he took the city without fighting, those of his own party opening the gates to him. 13.171. 9. At this time there were three sects among the Jews, who had different opinions concerning human actions; the one was called the sect of the Pharisees, another the sect of the Sadducees, and the other the sect of the Essenes. 13.172. Now for the Pharisees, they say that some actions, but not all, are the work of fate, and some of them are in our own power, and that they are liable to fate, but are not caused by fate. But the sect of the Essenes affirm, that fate governs all things, and that nothing befalls men but what is according to its determination. 13.173. And for the Sadducees, they take away fate, and say there is no such thing, and that the events of human affairs are not at its disposal; but they suppose that all our actions are in our own power, so that we are ourselves the causes of what is good, and receive what is evil from our own folly. However, I have given a more exact account of these opinions in the second book of the Jewish War. 15.266. But when the king knew the thing, by his sister’s information, he sent men to the places where he had the intimation they were concealed, and ordered both them, and those that were accused as guilty with them, to be slain, insomuch that there were now none at all left of the kindred of Hyrcanus, and the kingdom was entirely in Herod’s own power, and there was nobody remaining of such dignity as could put a stop to what he did against the Jewish laws. 15.267. 1. On this account it was that Herod revolted from the laws of his country, and corrupted their ancient constitution, by the introduction of foreign practices, which constitution yet ought to have been preserved inviolable; by which means we became guilty of great wickedness afterward, while those religious observances which used to lead the multitude to piety were now neglected; 15.268. for, in the first place, he appointed solemn games to be celebrated every fifth year, in honor of Caesar, and built a theater at Jerusalem, as also a very great amphitheater in the plain. Both of them were indeed costly works, but opposite to the Jewish customs; for we have had no such shows delivered down to us as fit to be used or exhibited by us; 15.269. yet did he celebrate these games every five years, in the most solemn and splendid manner. He also made proclamation to the neighboring countries, and called men together out of every nation. The wrestlers also, and the rest of those that strove for the prizes in such games, were invited out of every land, both by the hopes of the rewards there to be bestowed, and by the glory of victory to be there gained. So the principal persons that were the most eminent in these sorts of exercises were gotten together, 15.271. He also proposed no small rewards to those who ran for the prizes in chariot races, when they were drawn by two, or three, or four pair of horses. He also imitated every thing, though never so costly or magnificent, in other nations, out of an ambition that he might give most public demonstration of his grandeur. 15.272. Inscriptions also of the great actions of Caesar, and trophies of those nations which he had conquered in his wars, and all made of the purest gold and silver, encompassed the theater itself; 15.273. nor was there any thing that could be subservient to his design, whether it were precious garments, or precious stones set in order, which was not also exposed to sight in these games. He had also made a great preparation of wild beasts, and of lions themselves in great abundance, and of such other beasts as were either of uncommon strength, or of such a sort as were rarely seen. 15.274. These were prepared either to fight with one another, or that men who were condemned to death were to fight with them. And truly foreigners were greatly surprised and delighted at the vastness of the expenses here exhibited, and at the great dangers that were here seen; but to natural Jews, this was no better than a dissolution of those customs for which they had so great a veneration. 15.275. It appeared also no better than an instance of barefaced impiety, to throw men to wild beasts, for the affording delight to the spectators; and it appeared an instance of no less impiety, to change their own laws for such foreign exercises: 15.276. but, above all the rest, the trophies gave most distaste to the Jews; for as they imagined them to be images, included within the armor that hung round about them, they were sorely displeased at them, because it was not the custom of their country to pay honors to such images. 15.277. 2. Nor was Herod unacquainted with the disturbance they were under; and as he thought it unseasonable to use violence with them, so he spake to some of them by way of consolation, and in order to free them from that superstitious fear they were under; yet could not he satisfy them, but they cried out with one accord, out of their great uneasiness at the offenses they thought he had been guilty of, that although they should think of bearing all the rest yet would they never bear images of men in their city, meaning the trophies, because this was disagreeable to the laws of their country. 15.278. Now when Herod saw them in such a disorder, and that they would not easily change their resolution unless they received satisfaction in this point, he called to him the most eminent men among them, and brought them upon the theater, and showed them the trophies, and asked them what sort of things they took these trophies to be; 15.279. and when they cried out that they were the images of men, he gave order that they should be stripped of these outward ornaments which were about them, and showed them the naked pieces of wood; which pieces of wood, now without any ornament, became matter of great sport and laughter to them, because they had before always had the ornaments of images themselves in derision. 15.281. but still some of them continued in their displeasure against him, for his introduction of new customs, and esteemed the violation of the laws of their country as likely to be the origin of very great mischiefs to them, so that they deemed it an instance of piety rather to hazard themselves [to be put to death], than to seem as if they took no notice of Herod, who, upon the change he had made in their government, introduced such customs, and that in a violent manner, which they had never been used to before, as indeed in pretense a king, but in reality one that showed himself an enemy to their whole nation; 15.282. on which account ten men that were citizens [of Jerusalem] conspired together against him, and sware to one another to undergo any dangers in the attempt, and took daggers with them under their garments [for the purpose of killing Herod]. 15.283. Now there was a certain blind man among those conspirators who had thus sworn to one another, on account of the indignation he had against what he heard to have been done; he was not indeed able to afford the rest any assistance in the undertaking, but was ready to undergo any suffering with them, if so be they should come to any harm, insomuch that he became a very great encourager of the rest of the undertakers. 15.284. 4. When they had taken this resolution, and that by common consent, they went into the theater, hoping that, in the first place, Herod himself could not escape them, as they should fall upon him so unexpectedly; and supposing, however, that if they missed him, they should kill a great many of those that were about him; and this resolution they took, though they should die for it, in order to suggest to the king what injuries he had done to the multitude. These conspirators, therefore, standing thus prepared beforehand, went about their design with great alacrity; 15.285. but there was one of those spies of Herod, that were appointed for such purposes, to fish out and inform him of any conspiracies that should be made against him, who found out the whole affair, and told the king of it, as he was about to go into the theater. 15.286. So when he reflected on the hatred which he knew the greatest part of the people bore him, and on the disturbances that arose upon every occasion, he thought this plot against him not to be improbable. Accordingly, he retired into his palace, and called those that were accused of this conspiracy before him by their several names; 15.287. and as, upon the guards falling upon them, they were caught in the very fact, and knew they could not escape, they prepared themselves for their ends with all the decency they could, and so as not at all to recede from their resolute behavior, 15.288. for they showed no shame for what they were about, nor denied it; but when they were seized, they showed their daggers, and professed that the conspiracy they had sworn to was a holy and pious action; that what they intended to do was not for gain, or out of any indulgence to their passions, but principally for those common customs of their country, which all the Jews were obliged to observe, or to die for them. 15.289. This was what these men said, out of their undaunted courage in this conspiracy. So they were led away to execution by the king’s guards that stood about them, and patiently underwent all the torments inflicted on them till they died. Nor was it long before that spy who had discovered them was seized on by some of the people, out of the hatred they bore to him; and was not only slain by them, but pulled to pieces, limb from limb, and given to the dogs. 15.291. yet did not the obstinacy of the people, and that undaunted constancy they showed in the defense of their laws, make Herod any easier to them, but he still strengthened himself after a more secure manner, and resolved to encompass the multitude every way, lest such innovations should end in an open rebellion. 15.292. 5. Since, therefore, he had now the city fortified by the palace in which he lived, and by the temple which had a strong fortress by it, called Antonia, and was rebuilt by himself, he contrived to make Samaria a fortress for himself also against all the people, and called it Sebaste, 15.293. upposing that this place would be a strong hold against the country, not inferior to the former. So he fortified that place, which was a day’s journey distant from Jerusalem, and which would be useful to him in common, to keep both the country and the city in awe. He also built another fortress for the whole nation; it was of old called Strato’s Tower, but it was by him named Caesarea. 15.294. Moreover, he chose out some select horsemen, and placed them in the great plain; and built [for them] a place in Galilee, called Gaba with Hesebonitis, in Perea. 15.295. And these were the places which he particularly built, while he always was inventing somewhat further for his own security, and encompassing the whole nation with guards, that they might by no means get from under his power, nor fall into tumults, which they did continually upon any small commotion; and that if they did make any commotions, he might know of it, while some of his spies might be upon them from the neighborhood, and might both be able to know what they were attempting, and to prevent it. 15.296. And when he went about building the wall of Samaria, he contrived to bring thither many of those that had been assisting to him in his wars, and many of the people in that neighborhood also, whom he made fellowcitizens with the rest. This he did out of an ambitious desire of building a temple, and out of a desire to make the city more eminent than it had been before; but principally because he contrived that it might at once be for his own security, and a monument of his magnificence. He also changed its name, and called it Sebaste. Moreover, he parted the adjoining country, which was excellent in its kind, among the inhabitants of Samaria, that they might be in a happy condition, upon their first coming to inhabit. 15.297. Besides all which, he encompassed the city with a wall of great strength, and made use of the acclivity of the place for making its fortifications stronger; nor was the compass of the place made now so small as it had been before, but was such as rendered it not inferior to the most famous cities; for it was twenty furlongs in circumference. 15.298. Now within, and about the middle of it, he built a sacred place, of a furlong and a half [in circuit], and adorned it with all sorts of decorations, and therein erected a temple, which was illustrious on account of both its largeness and beauty. And as to the several parts of the city, he adorned them with decorations of all sorts also; and as to what was necessary to provide for his own security, he made the walls very strong for that purpose, and made it for the greatest part a citadel; and as to the elegance of the building, it was taken care of also, that he might leave monuments of the fineness of his taste, and of his beneficence, to future ages. 15.299. 1. Now on this very year, which was the thirteenth year of the reign of Herod, very great calamities came upon the country; whether they were derived from the anger of God, or whether this misery returns again naturally in certain periods of time, 15.300. for, in the first place, there were perpetual droughts, and for that reason the ground was barren, and did not bring forth the same quantity of fruits that it used to produce; and after this barrenness of the soil, that change of food which the want of corn occasioned produced distempers in the bodies of men, and a pestilential disease prevailed, one misery following upon the back of another; 15.301. and these circumstances, that they were destitute both of methods of cure and of food, made the pestilential distemper, which began after a violent manner, the more lasting. The destruction of men also after such a manner deprived those that survived of all their courage, because they had no way to provide remedies sufficient for the distresses they were in. 15.302. When therefore the fruits of that year were spoiled, and whatsoever they had laid up beforehand was spent, there was no foundation of hope for relief remaining, but the misery, contrary to what they expected still increased upon them; and this not only on that year, while they had nothing for themselves left [at the end of it], but what seed they had sown perished also, by reason of the ground not yielding its fruits on the second year. 15.303. This distress they were in made them also, out of necessity, to eat many things that did not use to be eaten; nor was the king himself free from this distress any more than other men, as being deprived of that tribute he used to have from the fruits of the ground, and having already expended what money he had, in his liberality to those whose cities he had built; 15.304. nor had he any people that were worthy of his assistance, since this miserable state of things had procured him the hatred of his subjects: for it is a constant rule, that misfortunes are still laid to the account of those that govern. 15.305. 2. In these circumstances he considered with himself how to procure some seasonable help; but this was a hard thing to be done, while their neighbors had no food to sell them; and their money also was gone, had it been possible to purchase a little food at a great price. 15.306. However, he thought it his best way, by all means, not to leave off his endeavors to assist his people; so he cut off the rich furniture that was in his palace, both of silver and gold, insomuch that he did not spare the finest vessels he had, or those that were made with the most elaborate skill of the artificers, 15.307. but sent the money to Petronius, who had been made prefect of Egypt by Caesar; and as not a few had already fled to him under their necessities, and as he was particularly a friend to Herod, and desirous to have his subjects preserved, he gave leave to them in the first place to export corn, and assisted them every way, both in purchasing and exporting the same; so that he was the principal, if not the only person, who afforded them what help they had. 15.308. And Herod taking care the people should understand that this help came from himself, did thereby not only remove the ill opinion of those that formerly hated him, but gave them the greatest demonstration possible of his good-will to them, and care of them; 15.309. for, in the first place, as for those who were able to provide their own food, he distributed to them their proportion of corn in the exactest manner; but for those many that were not able, either by reason of their old age, or any other infirmity, to provide food for themselves, he made this provision for them, that the bakers should make their bread ready for them. 15.311. And when he had procured these things for his own subjects, he went further, in order to provide necessaries for their neighbors, and gave seed to the Syrians, which thing turned greatly to his own advantage also, this charitable assistance being afforded most seasonably to their fruitful soil, so that every one had now a plentiful provision of food. 15.312. Upon the whole, when the harvest of the land was approaching, he sent no fewer than fifty thousand men, whom he had sustained, into the country; by which means he both repaired the afflicted condition of his own kingdom with great generosity and diligence, and lightened the afflictions of his neighbors, who were under the same calamities; 15.313. for there was nobody who had been in want that was left destitute of a suitable assistance by him; nay, further, there were neither any people, nor any cities, nor any private men, who were to make provision for the multitudes, and on that account were in want of support, and had recourse to him, but received what they stood in need of, 15.314. insomuch that it appeared, upon a computation, that the number of cori of wheat, of ten attic medimni apiece, that were given to foreigners, amounted to ten thousand, and the number that was given in his own kingdom was about fourscore thousand. 15.315. Now it happened that this care of his, and this seasonable benefaction, had such influence on the Jews, and was so cried up among other nations, as to wipe off that old hatred which his violation of some of their customs, during his reign, had procured him among all the nation, and that this liberality of his assistance in this their greatest necessity was full satisfaction for all that he had done of that nature, 15.316. as it also procured him great fame among foreigners; and it looked as if these calamities that afflicted his land, to a degree plainly incredible, came in order to raise his glory, and to be to his great advantage; for the greatness of his liberality in these distresses, which he now demonstrated beyond all expectation, did so change the disposition of the multitude towards him, that they were ready to suppose he had been from the beginning not such a one as they had found him to be by experience, but such a one as the care he had taken of them in supplying their necessities proved him now to be. 15.317. 3. About this time it was that he sent five hundred chosen men out of the guards of his body as auxiliaries to Caesar, whom Aelius Gallus led to the Red Sea, and who were of great service to him there. 15.318. When therefore his affairs were thus improved, and were again in a flourishing condition, he built himself a palace in the upper city, raising the rooms to a very great height, and adorning them with the most costly furniture of gold, and marble scats, and beds; and these were so large that they could contain very many companies of men. These apartments were also of distinct magnitudes, and had particular names given them; 15.322. And while Simon was of a dignity too inferior to be allied to him, but still too considerable to be despised, he governed his inclinations after the most prudent manner, by augmenting the dignity of the family, and making them more honorable; so he immediately deprived Jesus, the son of Phabet, of the high priesthood, and conferred that dignity on Simon, and so joined in affinity with him [by marrying his daughter]. 15.326. 5. And now, when all Herod’s designs had succeeded according to his hopes, he had not the least suspicion that any troubles could arise in his kingdom, because he kept his people obedient, as well by the fear they stood in of him, for he was implacable in the infliction of his punishments, as by the provident care he had showed towards them, after the most magimous manner, when they were under their distresses. 15.327. But still he took care to have external security for his government as a fortress against his subjects; for the orations he made to the cities were very fine, and full of kindness; and he cultivated a seasonable good understanding with their governors, and bestowed presents on every one of them, inducing them thereby to be more friendly to him, and using his magnificent disposition so as his kingdom might be the better secured to him, and this till all his affairs were every way more and more augmented. 15.328. But then this magnificent temper of his, and that submissive behavior and liberality which he exercised towards Caesar, and the most powerful men of Rome, obliged him to transgress the customs of his nation, and to set aside many of their laws, and by building cities after an extravagant manner, and erecting temples,— 15.329. not in Judea indeed, for that would not have been borne, it being forbidden for us to pay any honor to images, or representations of animals, after the manner of the Greeks; but still he did thus in the country [properly] out of our bounds, and in the cities thereof. 15.331. 6. Now upon his observation of a place near the sea, which was very proper for containing a city, and was before called Strato’s Tower, he set about getting a plan for a magnificent city there, and erected many edifices with great diligence all over it, and this of white stone. He also adorned it with most sumptuous palaces and large edifices for containing the people; 15.332. and what was the greatest and most laborious work of all, he adorned it with a haven, that was always free from the waves of the sea. Its largeness was not less than the Pyrmum [at Athens], and had towards the city a double station for the ships. It was of excellent workmanship; and this was the more remarkable for its being built in a place that of itself was not suitable to such noble structures, but was to be brought to perfection by materials from other places, and at very great expenses. 15.333. This city is situate in Phoenicia, in the passage by sea to Egypt, between Joppa and Dora, which are lesser maritime cities, and not fit for havens, on account of the impetuous south winds that beat upon them, which rolling the sands that come from the sea against the shores, do not admit of ships lying in their station; but the merchants are generally there forced to ride at their anchors in the sea itself. 15.334. So Herod endeavored to rectify this inconvenience, and laid out such a compass towards the land as might be sufficient for a haven, wherein the great ships might lie in safety; and this he effected by letting down vast stones of above fifty feet in length, not less than eighteen in breadth, and nine in depth, into twenty fathom deep; and as some were lesser, so were others bigger than those dimensions. 15.335. This mole which he built by the sea-side was two hundred feet wide, the half of which was opposed to the current of the waves, so as to keep off those waves which were to break upon them, and so was called Procymatia, or the first breaker of the waves; 15.336. but the other half had upon it a wall, with several towers, the largest of which was named Drusus, and was a work of very great excellence, and had its name from Drusus, the son-in-law of Caesar, who died young. 15.337. There were also a great number of arches where the mariners dwelt. There was also before them a quay, [or landing place,] which ran round the entire haven, and was a most agreeable walk to such as had a mind to that exercise; but the entrance or mouth of the port was made on the north quarter, on which side was the stillest of the winds of all in this place: 15.338. and the basis of the whole circuit on the left hand, as you enter the port, supported a round turret, which was made very strong, in order to resist the greatest waves; while on the right hand, as you enter, stood two vast stones, and those each of them larger than the turret, which were over against them; these stood upright, and were joined together. 15.339. Now there were edifices all along the circular haven, made of the politest stone, with a certain elevation, whereon was erected a temple, that was seen a great way off by those that were sailing for that haven, and had in it two statues, the one of Rome, the other of Caesar. The city itself was called Caesarea, which was also itself built of fine materials, and was of a fine structure; 15.341. Herod also built therein a theater of stone; and on the south quarter, behind the port, an amphitheater also, capable of holding a vast number of men, and conveniently situated for a prospect to the sea. So this city was thus finished in twelve years; during which time the king did not fail to go on both with the work, and to pay the charges that were necessary. 15.343. who, when they came thither, lodged at the house of Pollio, who was very fond of Herod’s friendship; and they had leave to lodge in Caesar’s own palace, for he received these sons of Herod with all humanity, and gave Herod leave to give his, kingdom to which of his sons he pleased; and besides all this, he bestowed on him Trachon, and Batanea, and Auranitis, which he gave him on the occasion following: 15.344. One Zenodorus had hired what was called the house of Lysanias, who, as he was not satisfied with its revenues, became a partner with the robbers that inhabited the Trachonites, and so procured himself a larger income; for the inhabitants of those places lived in a mad way, and pillaged the country of the Damascenes, while Zenodorus did not restrain them, but partook of the prey they acquired. 15.345. Now as the neighboring people were hereby great sufferers, they complained to Varro, who was then president [of Syria], and entreated him to write to Caesar about this injustice of Zenodorus. When these matters were laid before Caesar, he wrote back to Varro to destroy those nests of robbers, and to give the land to Herod, that so by his care the neighboring countries might be no longer disturbed with these doings of the Trachonites; 15.346. for it was not an easy firing to restrain them, since this way of robbery had been their usual practice, and they had no other way to get their living, because they had neither any city of their own, nor lands in their possession, but only some receptacles and dens in the earth, and there they and their cattle lived in common together. However, they had made contrivances to get pools of water, and laid up corn in granaries for themselves, and were able to make great resistance, by issuing out on the sudden against any that attacked them; 15.347. for the entrances of their caves were narrow, in which but one could come in at a time, and the places within incredibly large, and made very wide but the ground over their habitations was not very high, but rather on a plain, while the rocks are altogether hard and difficult to be entered upon, unless any one gets into the plain road by the guidance of another, for these roads are not straight, but have several revolutions. 15.348. But when these men are hindered from their wicked preying upon their neighbors, their custom is to prey one upon another, insomuch that no sort of injustice comes amiss to them. But when Herod had received this grant from Caesar, and was come into this country, he procured skillful guides, and put a stop to their wicked robberies, and procured peace and quietness to the neighboring people. 15.349. 2. Hereupon Zenodorus was grieved, in the first place, because his principality was taken away from him; and still more so, because he envied Herod, who had gotten it; So he went up to Rome to accuse him, but returned back again without success. 15.351. However, some of the Gadarens came to Agrippa, and accused Herod, whom he sent back bound to the king without giving them the hearing. But still the Arabians, who of old bare ill-will to Herod’s government, were nettled, and at that time attempted to raise a sedition in his dominions, and, as they thought, upon a more justifiable occasion; 15.352. for Zenodorus, despairing already of success as to his own affairs, prevented [his enemies], by selling to those Arabians a part of his principality, called Auranitis, for the value of fifty talents; but as this was included in the donations of Caesar, they contested the point with Herod, as unjustly deprived of what they had bought. Sometimes they did this by making incursions upon him, and sometimes by attempting force against him, and sometimes by going to law with him. 15.353. Moreover, they persuaded the poorer soldiers to help them, and were troublesome to him, out of a constant hope that they should reduce the people to raise a sedition; in which designs those that are in the most miserable circumstances of life are still the most earnest; and although Herod had been a great while apprised of these attempts, yet did not he indulge any severity to them, but by rational methods aimed to mitigate things, as not willing to give any handle for tumults. 15.354. 3. Now when Herod had already reigned seventeen years, Caesar came into Syria; at which time the greatest part of the inhabitants of Gadara clamored against Herod, as one that was heavy in his injunctions, and tyrannical. 15.355. These reproaches they mainly ventured upon by the encouragement of Zenodorus, who took his oath that he would never leave Herod till he had procured that they should be severed from Herod’s kingdom, and joined to Caesar’s province. 15.356. The Gadarens were induced hereby, and made no small cry against him, and that the more boldly, because those that had been delivered up by Agrippa were not punished by Herod, who let them go, and did them no harm; for indeed he was the principal man in the world who appeared almost inexorable in punishing crimes in his own family, but very generous in remitting the offenses that were committed elsewhere. 15.357. And while they accused Herod of injuries, and plunderings, and subversions of temples, he stood unconcerned, and was ready to make his defense. However, Caesar gave him his right hand, and remitted nothing of his kindness to him, upon this disturbance by the multitude; 15.358. and indeed these things were alleged the first day, but the hearing proceeded no further; for as the Gadarens saw the inclination of Caesar and of his assessors, and expected, as they had reason to do, that they should be delivered up to the king, some of them, out of a dread of the torments they might undergo, cut their own throats in the night time, and some of them threw themselves down precipices, and others of them cast themselves into the river, and destroyed themselves of their own accord; 15.359. which accidents seemed a sufficient condemnation of the rashness and crimes they had been guilty of; whereupon Caesar made no longer delay, but cleared Herod from the crimes he was accused of. Another happy accident there was, which was a further great advantage to Herod at this time; for Zenodorus’s belly burst, and a great quantity of blood issued from him in his sickness, and he thereby departed this life at Antioch in Syria; 15.361. and, in short, he arrived at that pitch of felicity, that whereas there were but two men that governed the vast Roman empire, first Caesar, and then Agrippa, who was his principal favorite, Caesar preferred no one to Herod besides Agrippa, and Agrippa made no one his greater friend than Herod besides Caesar. 15.362. And when he had acquired such freedom, he begged of Caesar a tetrarchy for his brother Pheroras, while he did himself bestow upon him a revenue of a hundred talents out of his own kingdom, that in case he came to any harm himself, his brother might be in safety, and that his sons might not have dominion over him. 15.363. So when he had conducted Caesar to the sea, and was returned home, he built him a most beautiful temple, of the whitest stone, in Zenodorus’s country, near the place called Panium. 15.364. This is a very fine cave in a mountain, under which there is a great cavity in the earth, and the cavern is abrupt, and prodigiously deep, and frill of a still water; over it hangs a vast mountain; and under the caverns arise the springs of the river Jordan. Herod adorned this place, which was already a very remarkable one, still further by the erection of this temple, which he dedicated to Caesar. 15.365. 4. At which time Herod released to his subjects the third part of their taxes, under pretense indeed of relieving them, after the dearth they had had; but the main reason was, to recover their good-will, which he now wanted; for they were uneasy at him, because of the innovations he had introduced in their practices, of the dissolution of their religion, and of the disuse of their own customs; and the people every where talked against him, like those that were still more provoked and disturbed at his procedure; 15.366. against which discontents he greatly guarded himself, and took away the opportunities they might have to disturb him, and enjoined them to be always at work; nor did he permit the citizens either to meet together, or to walk or eat together, but watched every thing they did, and when any were caught, they were severely punished; and many there were who were brought to the citadel Hyrcania, both openly and secretly, and were there put to death; and there were spies set every where, both in the city and in the roads, who watched those that met together; 15.367. nay, it is reported that he did not himself neglect this part of caution, but that he would oftentimes himself take the habit of a private man, and mix among the multitude, in the night time, and make trial what opinion they had of his government: 15.368. and as for those that could no way be reduced to acquiesce under his scheme of government, he prosecuted them all manner of ways; but for the rest of the multitude, he required that they should be obliged to take an oath of fidelity to him, and at the same time compelled them to swear that they would bear him good-will, and continue certainly so to do, in his management of the government; 15.369. and indeed a great part of them, either to please him, or out of fear of him, yielded to what he required of them; but for such as were of a more open and generous disposition, and had indignation at the force he used to them, he by one means or other made away, with them. 15.371. The Essenes also, as we call a sect of ours, were excused from this imposition. These men live the same kind of life as do those whom the Greeks call Pythagoreans, concerning whom I shall discourse more fully elsewhere. 15.372. However, it is but fit to set down here the reasons wherefore Herod had these Essenes in such honor, and thought higher of them than their mortal nature required; nor will this account be unsuitable to the nature of this history, as it will show the opinion men had of these Essenes. 15.373. 5. Now there was one of these Essenes, whose name was Manahem, who had this testimony, that he not only conducted his life after an excellent manner, but had the foreknowledge of future events given him by God also. This man once saw Herod when he was a child, and going to school, and saluted him as king of the Jews; 15.374. but he, thinking that either he did not know him, or that he was in jest, put him in mind that he was but a private man; but Manahem smiled to himself, and clapped him on his backside with his hand, and said, “However that be, thou wilt be king, and wilt begin thy reign happily, for God finds thee worthy of it. And do thou remember the blows that Manahem hath given thee, as being a signal of the change of thy fortune. 15.375. And truly this will be the best reasoning for thee, that thou love justice [towards men], and piety towards God, and clemency towards thy citizens; yet do I know how thy whole conduct will be, that thou wilt not be such a one, 15.376. for thou wilt excel all men in happiness, and obtain an everlasting reputation, but wilt forget piety and righteousness; and these crimes will not be concealed from God, at the conclusion of thy life, when thou wilt find that he will be mindful of them, and punish time for them.” 15.377. Now at that time Herod did not at all attend to what Manahem said, as having no hopes of such advancement; but a little afterward, when he was so fortunate as to be advanced to the dignity of king, and was in the height of his dominion, he sent for Manahem, and asked him how long he should reign. 15.378. Manahem did not tell him the full length of his reign; wherefore, upon that silence of his, he asked him further, whether he should reign ten years or not? He replied, “Yes, twenty, nay, thirty years;” but did not assign the just determinate limit of his reign. Herod was satisfied with these replies, and gave Manahem his hand, and dismissed him; and from that time he continued to honor all the Essenes. 15.379. We have thought it proper to relate these facts to our readers, how strange soever they be, and to declare what hath happened among us, because many of these Essenes have, by their excellent virtue, been thought worthy of this knowledge of divine revelations. 15.381. but as he knew the multitude were not ready nor willing to assist him in so vast a design, he thought to prepare them first by making a speech to them, and then set about the work itself; so he called them together, and spake thus to them: 15.382. “I think I need not speak to you, my countrymen, about such other works as I have done since I came to the kingdom, although I may say they have been performed in such a manner as to bring more security to you than glory to myself; 15.383. for I have neither been negligent in the most difficult times about what tended to ease your necessities, nor have the buildings. I have made been so proper to preserve me as yourselves from injuries; and I imagine that, with God’s assistance, I have advanced the nation of the Jews to a degree of happiness which they never had before; 15.384. and for the particular edifices belonging to your own country, and your own cities, as also to those cities that we have lately acquired, which we have erected and greatly adorned, and thereby augmented the dignity of your nation, it seems to me a needless task to enumerate them to you, since you well know them yourselves; but as to that undertaking which I have a mind to set about at present, and which will be a work of the greatest piety and excellence that can possibly be undertaken by us, I will now declare it to you. 15.385. Our fathers, indeed, when they were returned from Babylon, built this temple to God Almighty, yet does it want sixty cubits of its largeness in altitude; for so much did that first temple which Solomon built exceed this temple; 15.386. nor let any one condemn our fathers for their negligence or want of piety herein, for it was not their fault that the temple was no higher; for they were Cyrus, and Darius the son of Hystaspes, who determined the measures for its rebuilding; and it hath been by reason of the subjection of those fathers of ours to them and to their posterity, and after them to the Macedonians, that they had not the opportunity to follow the original model of this pious edifice, nor could raise it to its ancient altitude; 15.387. but since I am now, by God’s will, your governor, and I have had peace a long time, and have gained great riches and large revenues, and, what is the principal filing of all, I am at amity with and well regarded by the Romans, who, if I may so say, are the rulers of the whole world, I will do my endeavor to correct that imperfection, which hath arisen from the necessity of our affairs, and the slavery we have been under formerly, and to make a thankful return, after the most pious manner, to God, for what blessings I have received from him, by giving me this kingdom, and that by rendering his temple as complete as I am able.” 15.388. 2. And this was the speech which Herod made to them; but still this speech affrighted many of the people, as being unexpected by them; and because it seemed incredible, it did not encourage them, but put a damp upon them, for they were afraid that he would pull down the whole edifice, and not be able to bring his intentions to perfection for its rebuilding; and this danger appeared to them to be very great, and the vastness of the undertaking to be such as could hardly be accomplished. 16.143. this he named Antipatris, from his father Antipater. He also built upon another spot of ground above Jericho, of the same name with his mother, a place of great security and very pleasant for habitation, and called it Cypros. 17.182. 1. As he was giving these commands to his relations, there came letters from his ambassadors, who had been sent to Rome unto Caesar, which, when they were read, their purport was this: That Acme was slain by Caesar, out of his indignation at what hand, she had in Antipater’s wicked practices; and that as to Antipater himself, Caesar left it to Herod to act as became a father and a king, and either to banish him, or to take away his life, which he pleased. 20.118. 1. Now there arose a quarrel between the Samaritans and the Jews on the occasion following: It was the custom of the Galileans, when they came to the holy city at the festivals, to take their journeys through the country of the Samaritans; and at this time there lay, in the road they took, a village that was called Ginea, which was situated in the limits of Samaria and the great plain, where certain persons thereto belonging fought with the Galileans, and killed a great many of them.

54. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.142, 1.401-1.425, 2.119, 2.232, 5.208-5.211, 5.432 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman •repertoire (network of shared cultural knowledge), greco-roman culture Found in books: Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 330; Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 69, 73, 256, 257

1.142. Διαποροῦντος δ' ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον στάσις τοῖς ἔνδον ἐμπίπτει, τῶν μὲν ̓Αριστοβούλου πολεμεῖν ἀξιούντων καὶ ῥύεσθαι τὸν βασιλέα, τῶν δὲ τὰ ̔Υρκανοῦ φρονούντων ἀνοίγειν Πομπηίῳ τὰς πύλας: πολλοὺς δὲ τούτους ἐποίει τὸ δέος ἀφορῶντας εἰς τὴν τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων εὐταξίαν. 1.401. Πεντεκαιδεκάτῳ γοῦν ἔτει τῆς βασιλείας αὐτόν τε τὸν ναὸν ἐπεσκεύασεν καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν ἀνετειχίσατο χώραν τῆς οὔσης διπλασίονα, ἀμέτροις μὲν χρησάμενος τοῖς ἀναλώμασιν ἀνυπερβλήτῳ δὲ τῇ πολυτελείᾳ. τεκμήριον δὲ ἦσαν αἱ μεγάλαι στοαὶ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τὸ βόρειον ἐπ' αὐτῷ φρούριον: ἃς μὲν γὰρ ἀνῳκοδόμησεν ἐκ θεμελίων, ὃ δ' ἐπισκευάσας πλούτῳ δαψιλεῖ κατ' οὐδὲν τῶν βασιλείων ἔλαττον ̓Αντωνίαν ἐκάλεσεν εἰς τὴν ̓Αντωνίου τιμήν. 1.402. τό γε μὴν ἑαυτοῦ βασίλειον κατὰ τὴν ἄνω δειμάμενος πόλιν δύο τοὺς μεγίστους καὶ περικαλλεστάτους οἴκους, οἷς οὐδὲ ναός πῃ συνεκρίνετο, προσηγόρευσεν ἀπὸ τῶν φίλων τὸν μὲν Καισάρειον τὸν δὲ ̓Αγρίππειον. 1.403. ̓Αλλὰ γὰρ οὐκ οἴκοις μόνον αὐτῶν τὴν μνήμην καὶ τὰς ἐπικλήσεις περιέγραψεν, διέβη δὲ εἰς ὅλας πόλεις αὐτῷ τὸ φιλότιμον. ἐν μέν γε τῇ Σαμαρείτιδι πόλιν καλλίστῳ περιβόλῳ τειχισάμενος ἐπὶ σταδίους εἴκοσι καὶ καταγαγὼν ἑξακισχιλίους εἰς αὐτὴν οἰκήτορας, γῆν δὲ τούτοις προσνείμας λιπαρωτάτην καὶ ἐν μέσῳ τῷ κτίσματι ναόν τε ἐνιδρυσάμενος μέγιστον καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν τέμενος ἀποδείξας τῷ Καίσαρι τριῶν ἡμισταδίων, τὸ ἄστυ Σεβαστὴν ἐκάλεσεν: ἐξαίρετον δὲ τοῖς ἐν αὐτῷ παρέσχεν εὐνομίαν. 1.404. ̓Επὶ τούτοις δωρησαμένου τοῦ Καίσαρος αὐτὸν ἑτέρας προσθέσει χώρας, ὁ δὲ κἀνταῦθα ναὸν αὐτῷ λευκῆς μαρμάρου καθιδρύσατο παρὰ τὰς ̓Ιορδάνου πηγάς: καλεῖται δὲ Πάνειον ὁ τόπος: 1.405. ἔνθα κορυφὴ μέν τις ὄρους εἰς ἄπειρον ὕψος ἀνατείνεται, παρὰ δὲ τὴν ὑπόρειον λαγόνα συνηρεφὲς ἄντρον ὑπανοίγει, δι' οὗ βαραθρώδης κρημνὸς εἰς ἀμέτρητον ἀπορρῶγα βαθύνεται πλήθει τε ὕδατος ἀσαλεύτου καὶ τοῖς καθιμῶσίν τι πρὸς ἔρευναν γῆς οὐδὲν μῆκος ἐξαρκεῖ. 1.406. τοῦ δὲ ἄντρου κατὰ τὰς ἔξωθεν ῥίζας ἀνατέλλουσιν αἱ πηγαί: καὶ γένεσις μέν, ὡς ἔνιοι δοκοῦσιν, ἔνθεν ̓Ιορδάνου, τὸ δ' ἀκριβὲς ἐν τοῖς ἑξῆς δηλώσομεν. 1.407. ̔Ο δὲ βασιλεὺς καὶ ἐν ̔Ιεριχοῖ μεταξὺ Κύπρου τοῦ φρουρίου καὶ τῶν προτέρων βασιλείων ἄλλα κατασκευάσας ἀμείνω καὶ χρησιμώτερα πρὸς τὰς ἐπιδημίας ἀπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν ὠνόμασεν φίλων. καθόλου δὲ οὐκ ἔστιν εἰπεῖν ὅντινα τῆς βασιλείας ἐπιτήδειον τόπον τῆς πρὸς Καίσαρα τιμῆς γυμνὸν εἴασεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὴν ἰδίαν χώραν ἐπλήρωσεν ναῶν, εἰς τὴν ἐπαρχίαν αὐτοῦ τὰς τιμὰς ὑπερεξέχεεν καὶ πολλαῖς πόλεσιν ἐνιδρύσατο Καισάρεια. 1.408. Κατιδὼν δὲ κἀν τοῖς παραλίοις πόλιν ἤδη μὲν κάμνουσαν, Στράτωνος ἐκαλεῖτο πύργος, διὰ δὲ εὐφυίαν τοῦ χωρίου δέξασθαι δυναμένην τὸ φιλότιμον αὐτοῦ, πᾶσαν ἀνέκτισεν λευκῷ λίθῳ καὶ λαμπροτάτοις ἐκόσμησεν βασιλείοις, ἐν ᾗ μάλιστα τὸ φύσει μεγαλόνουν ἐπεδείξατο. 1.409. μεταξὺ γὰρ Δώρων καὶ ̓Ιόππης, ὧν ἡ πόλις μέση κεῖται, πᾶσαν εἶναι συμβέβηκεν τὴν παράλιον ἀλίμενον, ὡς πάντα τὸν τὴν Φοινίκην ἐπ' Αἰγύπτου παραπλέοντα σαλεύειν ἐν πελάγει διὰ τὴν ἐκ λιβὸς ἀπειλήν, ᾧ καὶ μετρίως ἐπαυρίζοντι τηλικοῦτον ἐπεγείρεται κῦμα πρὸς ταῖς πέτραις, ὥστε τὴν ὑποστροφὴν τοῦ κύματος ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐξαγριοῦν τὴν θάλασσαν. 1.411. Καθάπαν δ' ἔχων ἀντιπράσσοντα τὸν τόπον ἐφιλονείκησεν πρὸς τὴν δυσχέρειαν, ὡς τὴν μὲν ὀχυρότητα τῆς δομήσεως δυσάλωτον εἶναι τῇ θαλάσσῃ, τὸ δὲ κάλλος ὡς ἐπὶ μηδενὶ δυσκόλῳ κεκοσμῆσθαι: συμμετρησάμενος γὰρ ὅσον εἰρήκαμεν τῷ λιμένι μέγεθος καθίει λίθους ἐπ' ὀργυιὰς εἴκοσιν εἰς τὸ πέλαγος, ὧν ἦσαν οἱ πλεῖστοι μῆκος ποδῶν πεντήκοντα, βάθος ἐννέα, εὖρος δέκα, τινὲς δὲ καὶ μείζους. 1.412. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀνεπληρώθη τὸ ὕφαλον, οὕτως ἤδη τὸ ὑπερέχον τοῦ πελάγους τεῖχος ἐπὶ διακοσίους πόδας ηὐρύνετο: ὧν οἱ μὲν ἑκατὸν προδεδόμηντο πρὸς τὴν ἀνακοπὴν τοῦ κύματος, προκυμία γοῦν ἐκλήθη, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ὑπόκειται τῷ περιθέοντι λιθίνῳ τείχει. τοῦτο δὲ πύργοις τε διείληπται μεγίστοις, ὧν ὁ προύχων καὶ περικαλλέστατος ἀπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος προγόνου Δρούσιον κέκληται, 1.413. ψαλίδες τε πυκναὶ πρὸς καταγωγὴν τῶν ἐνορμιζομένων καὶ τὸ πρὸ αὐτῶν πᾶν κύκλῳ νάγμα τοῖς ἀποβαίνουσιν πλατὺς περίπατος. ὁ δ' εἴσπλους βόρειος, αἰθριώτατος γὰρ ἀνέμων τῷ τόπῳ βορέας: καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ στόματος κολοσσοὶ τρεῖς ἑκατέρωθεν ὑπεστηριγμένοι κίοσιν, ὧν τοὺς μὲν ἐκ λαιᾶς χειρὸς εἰσπλεόντων πύργος ναστὸς ἀνέχει, τοὺς δὲ ἐκ δεξιοῦ δύο ὀρθοὶ λίθοι συνεζευγμένοι τοῦ κατὰ θάτερον χεῖλος πύργου μείζονες. 1.414. προσεχεῖς δ' οἰκίαι τῷ λιμένι λευκοῦ καὶ αὗται λίθου, καὶ κατατείνοντες ἐπ' αὐτὸν οἱ στενωποὶ τοῦ ἄστεος πρὸς ἓν διάστημα μεμετρημένοι. καὶ τοῦ στόματος ἀντικρὺ ναὸς Καίσαρος ἐπὶ γηλόφου κάλλει καὶ μεγέθει διάφορος: ἐν δ' αὐτῷ κολοσσὸς Καίσαρος οὐκ ἀποδέων τοῦ ̓Ολυμπίασιν Διός, ᾧ καὶ προσείκασται, ̔Ρώμης δὲ ἴσος ̔́Ηρᾳ τῇ κατ' ̓́Αργος. ἀνέθηκεν δὲ τῇ μὲν ἐπαρχίᾳ τὴν πόλιν, τοῖς ταύτῃ δὲ πλοϊζομένοις τὸν λιμένα, Καίσαρι δὲ τὴν τιμὴν τοῦ κτίσματος: Καισάρειαν γοῦν ὠνόμασεν αὐτήν. 1.415. Τά γε μὴν λοιπὰ τῶν ἔργων, ἀμφιθέατρον καὶ θέατρον καὶ ἀγοράς, ἄξια τῆς προσηγορίας ἐνιδρύσατο. καὶ πενταετηρικοὺς ἀγῶνας καταστησάμενος ὁμοίως ἐκάλεσεν ἀπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος, πρῶτος αὐτὸς ἆθλα μέγιστα προθεὶς ἐπὶ τῆς ἑκατοστῆς ἐνενηκοστῆς δευτέρας ὀλυμπιάδος, ἐν οἷς οὐ μόνον οἱ νικῶντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ οἱ μετ' αὐτοὺς καὶ οἱ τρίτοι τοῦ βασιλικοῦ πλούτου μετελάμβανον. 1.416. ἀνακτίσας δὲ καὶ ̓Ανθηδόνα τὴν παράλιον καταρριφθεῖσαν ἐν πολέμῳ ̓Αγρίππειον προσηγόρευσε: τοῦ δ' αὐτοῦ φίλου δι' ὑπερβολὴν εὐνοίας καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς πύλης ἐχάραξεν τὸ ὄνομα, ἣν αὐτὸς ἐν τῷ ναῷ κατεσκεύασεν. 1.417. Φιλοπάτωρ γε μήν, εἰ καί τις ἕτερος: καὶ γὰρ τῷ πατρὶ μνημεῖον κατέθηκεν πόλιν, ἣν ἐν τῷ καλλίστῳ τῆς βασιλείας πεδίῳ κτίσας ποταμοῖς τε καὶ δένδρεσιν πλουσίαν ὠνόμασεν ̓Αντιπατρίδα, καὶ τὸ ὑπὲρ ̔Ιεριχοῦντος φρούριον ὀχυρότητι καὶ κάλλει διάφορον τειχίσας ἀνέθηκεν τῇ μητρὶ προσειπὼν Κύπρον. 1.418. Φασαήλῳ δὲ τἀδελφῷ τὸν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ὁμώνυμον πύργον, οὗ τό τε σχῆμα καὶ τὴν ἐν τῷ μεγέθει πολυτέλειαν διὰ τῶν ἑξῆς δηλώσομεν. καὶ πόλιν ἄλλην κτίσας κατὰ τὸν ἀπὸ ̔Ιεριχοῦς ἰόντων αὐλῶνα πρὸς βορέαν Φασαηλίδα ὠνόμασεν. 1.419. Παραδοὺς δ' αἰῶνι τούς τε οἰκείους καὶ φίλους οὐδὲ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ μνήμης ἠμέλησεν, ἀλλὰ φρούριον μὲν ἐπιτειχίσας τῷ πρὸς ̓Αραβίαν ὄρει προσηγόρευσεν ̔Ηρώδειον ἀφ' ἑαυτοῦ, τὸν δὲ μαστοειδῆ κολωνὸν ὄντα χειροποίητον ἑξήκοντα σταδίων ἄπωθεν ̔Ιεροσολύμων ἐκάλεσεν μὲν ὁμοίως, ἐξήσκησεν δὲ φιλοτιμότερον. 1.421. κατεσκεύασεν δὲ καὶ περὶ τὰς ῥίζας ἄλλα βασίλεια τήν τε ἀποσκευὴν καὶ τοὺς φίλους δέξασθαι δυνάμενα, ὥστε τῷ μὲν πάντα ἔχειν πόλιν εἶναι δοκεῖν τὸ ἔρυμα, τῇ περιγραφῇ δὲ βασίλειον. 1.422. Τοσαῦτα συγκτίσας πλείσταις καὶ τῶν ἔξω πόλεων τὸ μεγαλόψυχον ἐπεδείξατο. Τριπόλει μὲν γὰρ καὶ Δαμασκῷ καὶ Πτολεμαί̈δι γυμνάσια, Βύβλῳ δὲ τεῖχος, ἐξέδρας τε καὶ στοὰς καὶ ναοὺς καὶ ἀγορὰς Βηρυτῷ κατασκευάσας καὶ Τύρῳ, Σιδῶνί γε μὴν καὶ Δαμασκῷ θέατρα, Λαοδικεῦσι δὲ τοῖς παραλίοις ὑδάτων εἰσαγωγήν, ̓Ασκαλωνίταις δὲ βαλανεῖα καὶ κρήνας πολυτελεῖς, πρὸς δὲ περίστυλα θαυμαστὰ τήν τε ἐργασίαν καὶ τὸ μέγεθος: εἰσὶ δ' οἷς ἄλση καὶ λειμῶνας ἀνέθηκεν. 1.423. πολλαὶ δὲ πόλεις ὥσπερ κοινωνοὶ τῆς βασιλείας καὶ χώραν ἔλαβον παρ' αὐτοῦ: γυμνασιαρχίαις δ' ἄλλας ἐπετησίοις τε καὶ διηνεκέσιν ἐδωρήσατο προσόδους κατατάξας, ὥσπερ Κῴοις, ἵνα μηδέποτε ἐκλείπῃ τὸ γέρας. 1.424. σῖτόν γε μὴν πᾶσιν ἐχορήγησεν τοῖς δεομένοις, καὶ τῇ ̔Ρόδῳ χρήματα μὲν εἰς ναυτικοῦ κατασκευὴν παρέσχεν πολλαχοῦ καὶ πολλάκις, ἐμπρησθὲν δὲ τὸ Πύθιον ἰδίοις ἀναλώμασιν ἄμεινον ἀνεδείματο. 1.425. καὶ τί δεῖ λέγειν τὰς εἰς Λυκίους ἢ Σαμίους δωρεὰς ἢ τὴν δι' ὅλης τῆς ̓Ιωνίας ἐν οἷς ἐδεήθησαν ἕκαστοι δαψίλειαν; ἀλλ' ̓Αθηναῖοι καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι Νικοπολῖταί τε καὶ τὸ κατὰ Μυσίαν Πέργαμον οὐ τῶν ̔Ηρώδου γέμουσιν ἀναθημάτων; τὴν δ' ̓Αντιοχέων τῶν ἐν Συρίᾳ πλατεῖαν οὐ φευκτὴν οὖσαν ὑπὸ βορβόρου κατέστρωσέν τε σταδίων εἴκοσι τὸ μῆκος οὖσαν ξεστῇ μαρμάρῳ καὶ πρὸς τὰς τῶν ὑετῶν ἀποφυγὰς ἐκόσμησεν ἰσομήκει στοᾷ. 2.119. Τρία γὰρ παρὰ ̓Ιουδαίοις εἴδη φιλοσοφεῖται, καὶ τοῦ μὲν αἱρετισταὶ Φαρισαῖοι, τοῦ δὲ Σαδδουκαῖοι, τρίτον δέ, ὃ δὴ καὶ δοκεῖ σεμνότητα ἀσκεῖν, ̓Εσσηνοὶ καλοῦνται, ̓Ιουδαῖοι μὲν γένος ὄντες, φιλάλληλοι δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πλέον. 2.232. Αὖθις δὲ Γαλιλαίων καὶ Σαμαρέων γίνεται συμβολή. κατὰ γὰρ Γήμαν καλουμένην κώμην, ἥτις ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ πεδίῳ κεῖται τῆς Σαμαρείτιδος, πολλῶν ἀναβαινόντων ̓Ιουδαίων ἐπὶ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἀναιρεῖταί τις Γαλιλαῖος. 5.208. ἡ πρώτη δ' αὐτοῦ πύλη πηχῶν ἑβδομήκοντα τὸ ὕψος οὖσα καὶ εὖρος εἴκοσι καὶ πέντε, θύρας οὐκ εἶχε: τοῦ γὰρ οὐρανοῦ τὸ ἀφανὲς καὶ ἀδιάκλειστον ἐνέφαινε: κεχρύσωτο δὲ τὰ μέτωπα πάντα, καὶ δι' αὐτῆς ὅ τε πρῶτος οἶκος ἔξωθεν πᾶς κατεφαίνετο μέγιστος ὤν, καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν εἴσω πύλην πάντα λαμπόμενα χρυσῷ τοῖς ὁρῶσιν ὑπέπιπτεν. 5.209. τοῦ δὲ ναοῦ ὄντος εἴσω διστέγου μόνος ὁ πρῶτος οἶκος προύκειτο καὶ διηνεκὲς εἰς τὸ ὕψος, ἀνατεινόμενος μὲν ἐπ' ἐνενήκοντα πήχεις, μηκυνόμενος δὲ ἐπὶ πεντήκοντα καὶ διαβαίνων ἐπ' εἴκοσιν. 5.211. ὄντος δὲ ἤδη τοῦ ναοῦ διστέγου, ταπεινοτέρα τῆς ἔξωθεν ὄψεως ἡ ἔνδον ἦν καὶ θύρας εἶχε χρυσᾶς πεντηκονταπέντε πήχεων τὸ ὕψος εὖρος δ' ἑκκαίδεκα. 5.432. ὁπότε γὰρ κατίδοιεν ἀποκεκλεισμένην οἰκίαν, σημεῖον ἦν τοῦτο τοὺς ἔνδον προσφέρεσθαι τροφῆς: εὐθέως δ' ἐξαράξαντες τὰς θύρας εἰσεπήδων, καὶ μόνον οὐκ ἐκ τῶν φαρύγγων ἀναθλίβοντες τὰς ἀκόλους ἀνέφερον.

1.142. 2. Now, as he was long in deliberating about this matter, a sedition arose among the people within the city; Aristobulus’s party being willing to fight, and to set their king at liberty, while the party of Hyrcanus were for opening the gates to Pompey; and the dread people were in occasioned these last to be a very numerous party, when they looked upon the excellent order the Roman soldiers were in. 1.401. 1. Accordingly, in the fifteenth year of his reign, Herod rebuilt the temple, and encompassed a piece of land about it with a wall, which land was twice as large as that before enclosed. The expenses he laid out upon it were vastly large also, and the riches about it were unspeakable. A sign of which you have in the great cloisters that were erected about the temple, and the citadel which was on its north side. The cloisters he built from the foundation, but the citadel he repaired at a vast expense; nor was it other than a royal palace, which he called Antonia, in honor of Antony. 1.402. He also built himself a palace in the Upper city, containing two very large and most beautiful apartments; to which the holy house itself could not be compared [in largeness]. The one apartment he named Caesareum, and the other Agrippium, from his [two great] friends. 1.403. 2. Yet did he not preserve their memory by particular buildings only, with their names given them, but his generosity went as far as entire cities; for when he had built a most beautiful wall round a country in Samaria, twenty furlongs long, and had brought six thousand inhabitants into it, and had allotted to it a most fruitful piece of land, and in the midst of this city, thus built, had erected a very large temple to Caesar, and had laid round about it a portion of sacred land of three furlongs and a half, he called the city Sebaste, from Sebastus, or Augustus, and settled the affairs of the city after a most regular manner. 1.404. 3. And when Caesar had further bestowed upon him another additional country, he built there also a temple of white marble, hard by the fountains of Jordan: the place is called Panium, 1.405. where is a top of a mountain that is raised to an immense height, and at its side, beneath, or at its bottom, a dark cave opens itself; within which there is a horrible precipice, that descends abruptly to a vast depth; it contains a mighty quantity of water, which is immovable; and when anybody lets down anything to measure the depth of the earth beneath the water, no length of cord is sufficient to reach it. 1.406. Now the fountains of Jordan rise at the roots of this cavity outwardly; and, as some think, this is the utmost origin of Jordan: but we shall speak of that matter more accurately in our following history. 1.407. 4. But the king erected other places at Jericho also, between the citadel Cypros and the former palace, such as were better and more useful than the former for travelers, and named them from the same friends of his. To say all at once, there was not any place of his kingdom fit for the purpose that was permitted to be without somewhat that was for Caesar’s honor; and when he had filled his own country with temples, he poured out the like plentiful marks of his esteem into his province, and built many cities which he called Cesareas. 1.408. 5. And when he observed that there was a city by the seaside that was much decayed (its name was Strato’s Tower) but that the place, by the happiness of its situation, was capable of great improvements from his liberality, he rebuilt it all with white stone, and adorned it with several most splendid palaces, wherein he especially demonstrated his magimity; 1.409. for the case was this, that all the seashore between Dora and Joppa, in the middle, between which this city is situated, had no good haven, insomuch that every one that sailed from Phoenicia for Egypt was obliged to lie in the stormy sea, by reason of the south winds that threatened them; which wind, if it blew but a little fresh, such vast waves are raised, and dash upon the rocks, that upon their retreat the sea is in a great ferment for a long way. 1.410. But the king, by the expenses he was at, and the liberal disposal of them, overcame nature, and built a haven larger than was the Pyrecum [at Athens]; and in the inner retirements of the water he built other deep stations [for the ships also]. 1.411. 6. Now, although the place where he built was greatly opposite to his purposes, yet did he so fully struggle with that difficulty, that the firmness of his building could not easily be conquered by the sea; and the beauty and ornament of the works were such, as though he had not had any difficulty in the operation; for when he had measured out as large a space as we have before mentioned, he let down stones into twentyfathom water, the greatest part of which were fifty feet in length, and nine in depth, and ten in breadth, and some still larger. 1.412. But when the haven was filled up to that depth, he enlarged that wall which was thus already extant above the sea, till it was two hundred feet wide; one hundred of which had buildings before it, in order to break the force of the waves, whence it was called Procumatia, or the first breaker of the waves; but the rest of the space was under a stone wall that ran round it. On this wall were very large towers, the principal and most beautiful of which was called Drusium, from Drusus, who was son-in-law to Caesar. 1.413. 7. There were also a great number of arches, where the mariners dwelt; and all the places before them round about was a large valley, or walk, for a quay [or landing-place] to those that came on shore; but the entrance was on the north, because the north wind was there the most gentle of all the winds. At the mouth of the haven were on each side three great Colossi, supported by pillars, where those Colossi that are on your left hand as you sail into the port are supported by a solid tower; but those on the right hand are supported by two upright stones joined together, which stones were larger than that tower which was on the other side of the entrance. 1.414. Now there were continual edifices joined to the haven, which were also themselves of white stone; and to this haven did the narrow streets of the city lead, and were built at equal distances one from another. And over against the mouth of the haven, upon an elevation, there was a temple for Caesar, which was excellent both in beauty and largeness; and therein was a Colossus of Caesar, not less than that of Jupiter Olympius, which it was made to resemble. The other Colossus of Rome was equal to that of Juno at Argos. So he dedicated the city to the province, and the haven to the sailors there; but the honor of the building he ascribed to Caesar, and named it Caesarea accordingly. 1.415. 8. He also built the other edifices, the amphitheater, and theater, and marketplace, in a manner agreeable to that denomination; and appointed games every fifth year, and called them, in like manner, Caesar’s Games; and he first himself proposed the largest prizes upon the hundred ninety-second olympiad; in which not only the victors themselves, but those that came next to them, and even those that came in the third place, were partakers of his royal bounty. 1.416. He also rebuilt Anthedon, a city that lay on the coast, and had been demolished in the wars, and named it Agrippeum. Moreover, he had so very great a kindness for his friend Agrippa, that he had his name engraved upon that gate which he had himself erected in the temple. 1.417. 9. Herod was also a lover of his father, if any other person ever was so; for he made a monument for his father, even that city which he built in the finest plain that was in his kingdom, and which had rivers and trees in abundance, and named it Antipatris. He also built a wall about a citadel that lay above Jericho, and was a very strong and very fine building, and dedicated it to his mother, and called it Cypros. 1.418. Moreover, he dedicated a tower that was at Jerusalem, and called it by the name of his brother Phasaelus, whose structure, largeness, and magnificence we shall describe hereafter. He also built another city in the valley that leads northward from Jericho, and named it Phasaelis. 1.419. 10. And as he transmitted to eternity his family and friends, so did he not neglect a memorial for himself, but built a fortress upon a mountain towards Arabia, and named it from himself, Herodium; and he called that hill that was of the shape of a woman’s breast, and was sixty furlongs distant from Jerusalem, by the same name. He also bestowed much curious art upon it, with great ambition, 1.420. and built round towers all about the top of it, and filled up the remaining space with the most costly palaces round about, insomuch that not only the sight of the inner apartments was splendid, but great wealth was laid out on the outward walls, and partitions, and roofs also. Besides this, he brought a mighty quantity of water from a great distance, and at vast charges, and raised an ascent to it of two hundred steps of the whitest marble, for the hill was itself moderately high, and entirely factitious. 1.421. He also built other palaces about the roots of the hill, sufficient to receive the furniture that was put into them, with his friends also, insomuch that, on account of its containing all necessaries, the fortress might seem to be a city, but, by the bounds it had, a palace only. 1.422. 11. And when he had built so much, he showed the greatness of his soul to no small number of foreign cities. He built palaces for exercise at Tripoli, and Damascus, and Ptolemais; he built a wall about Byblus, as also large rooms, and cloisters, and temples, and marketplaces at Berytus and Tyre, with theaters at Sidon and Damascus. He also built aqueducts for those Laodiceans who lived by the seaside; and for those of Ascalon he built baths and costly fountains, as also cloisters round a court, that were admirable both for their workmanship and largeness. Moreover, he dedicated groves and meadows to some people; 1.423. nay, not a few cities there were who had lands of his donation, as if they were parts of his own kingdom. 1.424. He also bestowed annual revenues, and those forever also, on the settlements for exercises, and appointed for them, as well as for the people of Cos, that such rewards should never be wanting. He also gave corn to all such as wanted it, and conferred upon Rhodes large sums of money for building ships; and this he did in many places, and frequently also. And when Apollo’s temple had been burnt down, he rebuilt it at his own charges, after a better manner than it was before. 1.425. What need I speak of the presents he made to the Lycians and Samnians? or of his great liberality through all Ionia? and that according to everybody’s wants of them. And are not the Athenians, and Lacedemonians, and Nicopolitans, and that Pergamus which is in Mysia, full of donations that Herod presented them withal? And as for that large open place belonging to Antioch in Syria, did not he pave it with polished marble, though it were twenty furlongs long? and this when it was shunned by all men before, because it was full of dirt and filthiness, when he besides adorned the same place with a cloister of the same length. 2.119. 2. For there are three philosophical sects among the Jews. The followers of the first of which are the Pharisees; of the second, the Sadducees; and the third sect, which pretends to a severer discipline, are called Essenes. These last are Jews by birth, and seem to have a greater affection for one another than the other sects have. 2.232. 3. After this there happened a fight between the Galileans and the Samaritans; it happened at a village called Geman, which is situated in the great plain of Samaria; where, as a great number of Jews were going up to Jerusalem to the feast [of tabernacles,] a certain Galilean was slain; 5.208. Its first gate was seventy cubits high, and twenty-five cubits broad; but this gate had no doors; for it represented the universal visibility of heaven, and that it cannot be excluded from any place. Its front was covered with gold all over, and through it the first part of the house, that was more inward, did all of it appear; which, as it was very large, so did all the parts about the more inward gate appear to shine to those that saw them; 5.209. but then, as the entire house was divided into two parts within, it was only the first part of it that was open to our view. Its height extended all along to ninety cubits in height, and its length was fifty cubits, and its breadth twenty. 5.210. But that gate which was at this end of the first part of the house was, as we have already observed, all over covered with gold, as was its whole wall about it; it had also golden vines above it, from which clusters of grapes hung as tall as a man’s height. 5.211. But then this house, as it was divided into two parts, the inner part was lower than the appearance of the outer, and had golden doors of fifty-five cubits altitude, and sixteen in breadth; 5.432. for when they saw any house shut up, this was to them a signal that the people within had gotten some food; whereupon they broke open the doors, and ran in, and took pieces of what they were eating almost up out of their very throats, and this by force:

55. New Testament, Mark, 1.33, 2.2, 2.15-2.20, 2.23-2.28, 3.1-3.6, 5.39, 7.1-7.2, 12.13, 13.29, 16.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 73, 256, 257, 280

1.33. καὶ ἦν ὅλη ἡ πόλις ἐπισυνηγμένη πρὸς τὴν θύραν. 2.2. καὶ συνήχθησαν πολλοὶ ὥστε μηκέτι χωρεῖν μηδὲ τὰ πρὸς τὴν θύραν, καὶ ἐλάλει αὐτοῖς τὸν λόγον. 2.15. Καὶ γίνεται κατακεῖσθαι αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ οἰκίᾳ αὐτοῦ, καὶ πολλοὶ τελῶναι καὶ ἁμαρτωλοὶ συνανέκειντο τῷ Ἰησοῦ καὶ τοῖς μαθηταῖς αὐτοῦ, ἦσαν γὰρ πολλοὶ καὶ ἠκολούθουν αὐτῷ. 2.16. καὶ οἱ γραμματεῖς τῶν Φαρισαίων ἰδόντες ὅτι ἐσθίει μετὰ τῶν ἁμαρτωλῶν καὶ τελωνῶν ἔλεγον τοῖς μαθηταῖς αὐτοῦ Ὅτι μετὰ τῶν τελωνῶν καὶ ἁμαρτωλῶν ἐσθίει; 2.17. καὶ ἀκούσας ὁ Ἰησοῦς λέγει αὐτοῖς [ὅτι] Οὐ χρείαν ἔχουσιν οἱ ἰσχύοντες ἰατροῦ ἀλλʼ οἱ κακῶς ἔχοντες· οὐκ ἦλθον καλέσαι δικαίους ἀλλὰ ἁμαρτωλούς. 2.18. Καὶ ἦσαν οἱ μαθηταὶ Ἰωάνου καὶ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι νηστεύοντες. καὶ ἔρχονται καὶ λέγουσιν αὐτῷ Διὰ τί οἱ μαθηταὶ Ἰωάνου καὶ οἱ μαθηταὶ τῶν Φαρισαίων νηστεύουσιν, οἱ δὲ σοὶ [μαθηταὶ] οὐ νηστεύουσιν; 2.19. καὶ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς ὁ Ἰησοῦς Μὴ δύνανται οἱ υἱοὶ τοῦ νυμφῶνος ἐν ᾧ ὁ νυμφίος μετʼ αὐτῶν ἐστὶν νηστεύειν; ὅσον χρόνον ἔχουσιν τὸν νυμφίον μετʼ αὐτῶν οὐ δύνανται νηστεύειν· 2.20. ἐλεύσονται δὲ ἡμέραι ὅταν ἀπαρθῇ ἀπʼ αὐτῶν ὁ νυμφίος, καὶ τότε νηστεύσουσιν ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ. 2.23. Καὶ ἐγένετο αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς σάββασιν διαπορεύεσθαι διὰ τῶν σπορίμων, καὶ οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ ἤρξαντο ὁδὸν ποιεῖν τίλλοντες τοὺς στάχυας. 2.24. καὶ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι ἔλεγον αὐτῷ Ἴδε τί ποιοῦσιν τοῖς σάββασιν ὃ οὐκ ἔξεστιν; 2.25. καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς Οὐδέποτε ἀνέγνωτε τί ἐποίησεν Δαυεὶδ ὅτε χρείαν ἔσχεν καὶ ἐπείνασεν αὐτὸς καὶ οἱ μετʼ αὐτοῦ; 2.26. [πῶς] εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τὸν οἶκον τοῦ θεοῦ ἐπὶ Ἀβιάθαρ ἀρχιερέως καὶ τοὺς ἄρτους τῆς προθέσεως ἔφαγεν, οὓς οὐκ ἔξεστιν φαγεῖν εἰ μὴ τοὺς ἱερεῖς, καὶ ἔδωκεν καὶ τοῖς σὺν αὐτῷ οὖσιν; 2.27. καὶ ἔλεγεν αὐτοῖς Τὸ σάββατον διὰ τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐγένετο καὶ οὐχ ὁ ἄνθρωπος διὰ τὸ σάββατον· 2.28. ὥστε κύριός ἐστιν ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου καὶ τοῦ σαββάτου. 3.1. Καὶ εἰσῆλθεν πάλιν εἰς συναγωγήν, καὶ ἦν ἐκεῖ ἄνθρωπος ἐξηραμμένην ἔχων τὴν χεῖρα· 3.2. καὶ παρετήρουν αὐτὸν εἰ τοῖς σάββασιν θεραπεύσει αὐτόν, ἵνα κατηγορήσωσιν αὐτοῦ. 3.3. καὶ λέγει τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ τῷ τὴν χεῖρα ἔχοντι ξηράν Ἔγειρε εἰς τὸ μέσον. 3.4. καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς Ἔξεστιν τοῖς σάββασιν ἀγαθοποιῆσαι ἢ κακοποιῆσαι, ψυχὴν σῶσαι ἢ ἀποκτεῖναι; οἱ δὲ ἐσιώπων. 3.5. καὶ περιβλεψάμενος αὐτοὺς μετʼ ὀργῆς, συνλυπούμενος ἐπὶ τῇ πωρώσει τῆς καρδίας αὐτῶν, λέγει τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ Ἔκτεινον τὴν χεῖρά σου· καὶ ἐξέτεινεν, καὶ ἀπεκατεστάθη ἡ χεὶρ αὐτοῦ. 3.6. Καὶ ἐξελθόντες οἱ Φαρισαῖοι εὐθὺς μετὰ τῶν Ἡρῳδιανῶν συμβούλιον ἐδίδουν κατʼ αὐτοῦ ὅπως αὐτὸν ἀπολέσωσιν. 5.39. καὶ εἰσελθὼν λέγει αὐτοῖς Τί θορυβεῖσθε καὶ κλαίετε; τὸ παιδίον οὐκ ἀπέθανεν ἀλλὰ καθεύδει. 7.1. Καὶ συνἄγονται πρὸς αὐτὸν οἱ Φαρισαῖοι καί τινες τῶν γραμματέων ἐλθόντες ἀπὸ Ἰεροσολύμων 7.2. καὶ ἰδόντες τινὰς τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ ὅτι κοιναῖς χερσίν, τοῦτʼ ἔστιν ἀνίπτοις, ἐσθίουσιν τοὺς ἄρτους. 12.13. Καὶ ἀποστέλλουσιν πρὸς αὐτόν τινας τῶν Φαρισαίων καὶ τῶν Ἡρῳδιανῶν ἵνα αὐτὸν ἀγρεύσωσιν λόγῳ. 13.29. οὕτως καὶ ὑμεῖς, ὅταν ἴδητε ταῦτα γινόμενα, γινώσκετε ὅτι ἐγγύς ἐστιν ἐπὶ θύραις. 16.3. καὶ ἔλεγον πρὸς ἑαυτάς Τίς ἀποκυλίσει ἡμῖν τὸν λίθον ἐκ τῆς θύρας τοῦ μνημείου;

1.33. All the city was gathered together at the door. 2.2. Immediately many were gathered together, so that there was no more room, not even around the door; and he spoke the word to them. 2.15. It happened, that he was reclining at the table in his house, and many tax collectors and sinners sat down with Jesus and his disciples, for there were many, and they followed him. 2.16. The scribes and the Pharisees, when they saw that he was eating with the sinners and tax collectors, said to his disciples, "Why is it that he eats and drinks with tax collectors and sinners?" 2.17. When Jesus heard it, he said to them, "Those who are healthy have no need for a physician, but those who are sick. I came not to call the righteous, but sinners to repentance." 2.18. John's disciples and the Pharisees were fasting, and they came and asked him, "Why do John's disciples and the disciples of the Pharisees fast, but your disciples don't fast?" 2.19. Jesus said to them, "Can the groomsmen fast while the bridegroom is with them? As long as they have the bridegroom with them, they can't fast. 2.20. But the days will come when the bridegroom will be taken away from them, and then will they fast in that day. 2.23. It happened that he was going on the Sabbath day through the grain fields, and his disciples began, as they went, to pluck the ears of grain. 2.24. The Pharisees said to him, "Behold, why do they do that which is not lawful on the Sabbath day?" 2.25. He said to them, "Did you never read what David did, when he had need, and was hungry -- he, and they who were with him? 2.26. How he entered into the house of God when Abiathar was high priest, and ate the show bread, which it is not lawful to eat except for the priests, and gave also to those who were with him?" 2.27. He said to them, "The Sabbath was made for man, not man for the Sabbath. 2.28. Therefore the Son of Man is lord even of the Sabbath." 3.1. He entered again into the synagogue, and there was a man there who had his hand withered. 3.2. They watched him, whether he would heal him on the Sabbath day, that they might accuse him. 3.3. He said to the man who had his hand withered, "Stand up." 3.4. He said to them, "Is it lawful on the Sabbath day to do good, or to do harm? To save a life, or to kill?" But they were silent. 3.5. When he had looked around at them with anger, being grieved at the hardening of their hearts, he said to the man, "Stretch out your hand." He stretched it out, and his hand was restored as healthy as the other. 3.6. The Pharisees went out, and immediately conspired with the Herodians against him, how they might destroy him. 5.39. When he had entered in, he said to them, "Why do you make an uproar and weep? The child is not dead, but is asleep." 7.1. Then the Pharisees, and some of the scribes gathered together to him, having come from Jerusalem. 7.2. Now when they saw some of his disciples eating bread with defiled, that is, unwashed, hands, they found fault. 12.13. They sent some of the Pharisees and of the Herodians to him, that they might trap him with words. 13.29. even so you also, when you see these things coming to pass, know that it is near, at the doors. 16.3. They were saying among themselves, "Who will roll away the stone from the door of the tomb for us?"

56. New Testament, Matthew, 7.16, 28.19, 10.5b, 7.17, 6.6, 7.13, 7.14, 7.15, 7.21, 7.20, 7.19, 7.18, 27.60, 25.10, 7.25, 7.24, 7.23, 7.22, 24.33, 16.18, 5.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 256

7.16. ἀπὸ τῶν καρπῶν αὐτῶν ἐπιγνώσεσθε αὐτούς· μήτι συλλέγουσιν ἀπὸ ἀκανθῶν σταφυλὰς ἢ ἀπὸ τριβόλων σῦκα;

7.16. By their fruits you will know them. Do you gather grapes from thorns, or figs from thistles?

57. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 17, 50 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 330

58. Plutarch, Sayings of Kings And Commanders, 90 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257

59. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, 2.38.4, 2.59, 6.32 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •natural questions, greco-roman cultural contestation Found in books: Williams, The Cosmic Viewpoint: A Study of Seneca's 'Natural Questions' (2012) 333, 334

60. Apollonius of Tyana, Letters, 65 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sexual relations in greco-roman culture Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 27

61. Appian, Civil Wars, 1.10.88, 6.8.76 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 256, 257

62. Tosefta, Sotah, 5.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 272

63. Tosefta, Yevamot, 1.10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greco-roman culture Found in books: Rubenstein, The Culture of the Babylonian Talmud (2003) 63

64. Arrian, Epicteti Dissertationes, 2.16, 3.22.14 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257

65. Epictetus, Discourses, 1.9, 1.14, 2.1, 3.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 258

1.9. IF the things are true which are said by the philosophers about the kinship between God and man, what else remains for men to do than what Socrates did? Never in reply to the question, to what country you belong, say that you are an Athenian or a Corinthian, but that you are a citizen of the world ( κόσμιος ). For why do you say that you are an Athenian, and why do you not say that you belong to the small nook only into which your poor body was cast at birth? Is it not plain that you call yourself an Athenian or Corinthian from the place which has a greater authority and comprises not only that small nook itself and all your family, but even the whole country from which the stock of your progenitors is derived down to you? He then who has observed with intelligence the administration of the world, and has learned that the greatest and supreme and the most comprehensive community is that which is composed of men and God, and that from God have descended the seeds not only to my father and grandfather, but to all beings which are generated on the earth and are produced, and particularly to rational beings—for these only are by their nature formed to have communion with God, being by means of reason conjoined with him—why should not such a man call himself a citizen of the world, why not a son of God, and why should he be afraid of anything which happens among men? Is kinship with Caesar (the emperor) or with any other of the powerful in Rome sufficient to enable us to live in safety, and above ( contempt and without any fear at all? and to have God for your maker ( ποιητήν ), and father and guardian, shall not this release us from sorrows and fears? But a man may say, Whence shall I get bread to eat when I have nothing? And how do slaves, and runaways, on what do they rely when they leave their masters? Do they rely on their lands or slaves, or their vessels of silver? They rely on nothing but themselves; and food does not fail them. In our present society there are thousands who rise in the morning and know not how they shall find something to eat. Some find their food by fraud and theft, some receive it as a gift from others, and some look out for any work that they can find and get their pittance by honest labour. You may see such men everywhere, if you will keep your eyes open. Such men, who live by daily labour, live an heroic life, which puts to shame the well-fed philosopher and the wealthy Christian. Epictetus has made a great misstatement about irrational animals. Millions die annually for want of sufficient food; and many human beings perish in the same way. We can hardly suppose that he did not know these facts. Compare the passage in Matthew (vi. 25–34). It is said, v. 26: Behold the fowls of the air: for they sow not, neither do they reap, nor gather into barns; yet your heavenly Father feedeth them. Are ye not much better than they? The expositors of this passage may be consulted. And shall it be necessary for one among us who is a philosopher to travel into foreign parts, and trust to and rely on others, and not to take care of himself, and shall he be inferior to irrational animals and more cowardly, each of which being self-sufficient, neither fails to get its proper food, nor to find a suitable way of living, and one conformable to nature? I indeed think that the old man ought to be sitting here, not to contrive how you may have no mean thoughts nor mean and ignoble talk about yourselves, but to take care that there be not among us any young men of such a mind, that when they have recognised their kinship to God, and that we are fettered by these bonds, the body, I mean, and its possessions, and whatever else on account of them is necessary to us for the economy and commerce of life, they should intend to throw off these things as if they were burdens painful and intolerable, and to depart to their kinsmen. But this is the labour that your teacher and instructor ought to be employed upon, if he really were what he should be. You should come to him and say, Epictetus, we can no longer endure being bound to this poor body, and feeding it and giving it drink, and rest, and cleaning it, and for the sake of the body complying with the wishes of these and of those. Are not these things indifferent and nothing to us; and is not death no evil? And are we not in a manner kinsmen of God, and did we not come from him? Allow us to depart to the place from which we came; allow us to be released at last from these bonds by which we are bound and weighed down. Here there are robbers and thieves and courts of justice, and those who are named tyrants, and think that they have some power over us by means of the body and its possessions. Permit us to show them that they have no power over any man. And I on my part would say, Friends, wait for God: when He shall give the signal and release you from this service, then go to Him; but for the present endure to dwell in this place where He has put you: short indeed is this time of your dwelling here, and easy to bear for those who are so disposed: for what tyrant or what thief, or what courts of justice, are formidable to those who have thus considered as things of no value the body and the possessions of the body? Wait then, do not depart without a reason. Something like this ought to be said by the teacher to ingenuous youths. But now what happens? The teacher is a lifeless body, and you are lifeless bodies. When you have been well filled to-day, you sit down and lament about the morrow, how you shall get something to eat. Wretch, if you have it, you will have it; if you have it not, you will depart from life. The door is open. Upton has referred to the passages of Epictetus in which this expression is used, i. 24, 20; i. 25, 18; ii. 1, 19, and others; to Seneca, De Provid. c. 6, Ep. 91; to Cicero, De Fin. iii. 18, where there is this conclusion: e quo apparet et sapientis esse aliquando officium excedere e vita, quum beatus sit; et stulti manere in vita quum sit miser. Compare Matthew vi. 31: Therefore take no thought, saying, What shall we eat? or, What shall we drink? or, Wherewithal shall we be clothed? (For after all these things do the Gentiles seek:) for your heavenly Father knoweth that ye have need of all these things, etc. Why do you grieve? where does there remain any room for tears? and where is there occasion for flattery? why shall one man envy another? why should a man admire the rich or the powerful, even if they be both very strong and of violent temper? for what will they do to us? We shall not care for that which they can do; and what we do care for, that they cannot do. How did Socrates behave with respect to these matters? Why, in what other way than a man ought to do who was convinced that he was a kinsman of the gods? If you say to me now, said Socrates to his judges, we will acquit you on the condition that you no longer discourse in the way in which you have hitherto discoursed, nor trouble either our young or our old men, I shall answer, you make yourselves ridiculous by thinking that, if one of our commanders has appointed me to a certain post, it is my duty to keep and maintain it, and to resolve to die a thousand times rather than desert it; but if God has put us in any place and way of life, we ought to desert it. Socrates speaks like a mar who is really a kinsman of the gods. But we think about ourselves, as if we were only stomachs, and intestines, and shameful parts; we fear, we desire; we flatter those who are able to help us in these matters, and we fear them also. A man asked me to write to Rome about him, a man who, as most people thought, had been unfortunate, for formerly he was a man of rank and rich, but had been stripped of all, and was living here. I wrote on his behalf in a submissive manner; but when he had read the letter, he gave it back to me and said, I wished for your help, not your pity: no evil has happened to me. Thus also Musonius Rufus, in order to try me, used to say: This and this will befall you from your master; and when I replied that these were things which happen in the ordinary course of human affairs. Why then, said he, should I ask him for anything when I can obtain it from you? For, in fact, what a man has from himself, it is superfluous and foolish to receive from another?s Shall I then, who am able to receive from myself greatness of soul and a generous spirit, receive from you land and money or a magisterial office? I hope not: I will not be so ignorant about my own possessions. But when a man is cowardly and mean, what else must be done for him than to write letters as you would about a corpse. Please to grant us the body of a certain person and a sextarius of poor blood. For such a person is, in fact, a carcase and a sextarius (a certain quantity) of blood, and nothing more. But if he were anything more, lie would know that one man is not miserable through the means of another. 1.14. WHEN a person asked him how a man could be convinced that all his actions are under the inspection of God, he answered, Do you not think that all things are united in one? do, the person replied. Well, do you not think that earthly things have a natural agreement and union with heavenly things? I do. And how else so regularly as if by God’s command, when He bids the plants to flower, do they flower? when He bids them to send forth shoots, do they shoot? when He bids them to produce fruit, how else do they produce fruit? when He bids the fruit to ripen, does it ripen? when again He bids them to cast down the fruits, how else do they cast them down? and when to shed the leaves, do they shed the leaves? and when He bids them to fold themselves up and to remain quiet and rest, how else do they remain quiet and rest? And how else at the growth and the wane of the moon, and at the approach and recession of the sun, are so great an alteration and change to the contrary seen in earthly things? But are plants and our bodies so bound up and united with the whole, and are not our souls much more? and our souls so bound up and in contact with God as parts of Him and portions of Him; and does not God perceive every motion of these parts as being his own motion connate with himself? Now are you able to think of the divine administration, and about all things divine, and at the same time also about human affairs, and to be moved by ten thousand things at the same time in your senses and in your understanding, and to assent to some, and to dissent from others, and again as to some things to suspend your judgment; and do you retain in your soul so many impressions from so many and various things, and being moved by them, do you fall upon notions similar to those first impressed, and do you retain numerous arts and the memories of ten thousand things; and is not God able to oversee all things, and to be present with all, and to receive from all a certain communication? And is the sun able to illuminate so large a part of the All, and to leave so little not illuminated, that part only which is occupied by the earth’s shadow; and He who made the sun itself and makes it go round, being a small part of himself compared with the whole, cannot He perceive all things? But I cannot, the man may reply, comprehend all these things at once. But who tells you that you have equal power with Zeus? Nevertheless he has placed by every man a guardian, every man’s Daemon, to whom he has committed the care of the man, a guardian who never sleeps, is never deceived. For to what better and more careful guardian could He have intrusted each of us? When then you have shut the doors and made darkness within, remember never to say that you are alone, for you are not; but God is within, and your Daemon is within, and what need have they of light to see what you are doing? To this God you ought to swear an oath just as the soldiers do to Caesar. But they who are hired for pay swear to regard the safety of Caesar before all things; and you who have received so many and such great favors, will you not swear, or when you have sworn, will you not abide by your oath? And what shall you swear? Never to be disobedient, never to make any charges, never to find fault with any thing that he has given, and never unwillingly to do or to suffer any thing that is necessary. Is this oath like the soldier’s oath? The soldiers swear not to prefer any man to Cæsar: in this oath men swear to honour themselves before all. 2.1. THE opinion of the philosophers perhaps seems to some to be a paradox; but still let us examine as well as we can, if it is true that it is possible to do every thing both with caution and with confidence. For caution seems to be in a manner contrary to confidence, and contraries are in no way consistent. That which seems to many to be a paradox in the matter under consideration in my opinion is of this kind: if we asserted that we ought to employ caution and confidence in the same things, men might justly accuse us of bringing together things which cannot be united. But now where is the difficulty in what is said? for if these things are true, which have been often said and often proved, that the nature of good is in the use of appearances, and the nature of evil likewise, and that things independent of our will do not admit either the nature of evil nor of good, what paradox do the philosophers assert if they say that where things are not dependent on the will, there you should employ confidence, but where they are dependent on the will, there you should employ caution? For if the bad consists in a bad exercise of the will, caution ought only to be used where things are dependent on the will. But if things independent of the will and not in our power are nothing to us, with respect to these we must employ confidence; and thus we shall both be cautious and confident, and indeed confident because of our caution. For by employing caution towards things which are really bad, it will result that we shall have confidence with respect to things which are not so. We are then in the condition of deer; when they flee from the huntsmen’s feathers in fright, whither do they turn and in what do they seek refuge as safe? They turn to the nets, and thus they perish by confounding things which are objects of fear with things that they ought not to fear. Thus we also act: in what cases do we fear? In things which are independent of the will. In what cases on the contrary do we behave with confidence, as if there were no danger? In things dependent on the will. To be deceived then, or to act rashly, or shamelessly or with base desire to seek something, does not concern us at all, if we only hit the mark in things which are independent of our will. But where there is death, or exile or pain or infamy, there we attempt to run away, there we are struck with terror. Therefore as we may expect it to happen with those who err in the greatest matters, we convert natural confidence (that is, according to nature) into audacity, desperation, rashness, shamelessness; and we convert natural caution and modesty into cowardice and meanness, which are full of fear and confusion. For if a man should transfer caution to those things in which the will may be exercised and the acts of the will, he will immediately by willing to be cautious have also the power of avoiding what he chooses: but if he transfer it to the things which are not in his power and will, and attempt to avoid the things which are in the power of others, he will of necessity fear, he will be unstable, he will be disturbed. For death or pain is not formidable, but the fear of pain or death. For this reason we commend the poet who said Not death is evil, but a shameful death. Confidence (courage) then ought to be employed against death, and caution against the fear of death. But now we do the contrary, and employ against death the attempt to escape; and to our opinion about it we employ carelessness, rashness and indifference. These things Socrates properly used to call tragic masks; for as to children masks appear terrible and fearful from inexperience, we also are affected in like manner by events (the things which happen in life) for no other reason than children are by masks. For what is a child? Ignorance. What is a child? Want of knowledge. For when a child knows these things, he is in no way inferior to us. What is death? A tragic mask. Turn it and examine it. See, it does not bite. The poor body must be separated from the spirit either now or later as it was separated from it before. Why then are you troubled, if it be separated now? for if it is not separated now, it will he separated afterwards. Why? That the period of the universe may be completed, for it has need of the present, and of the future, and of the past. What is pain? A mask. Turn it and examine it. The poor flesh is moved roughly, then on the contrary smoothly. If this does not satisfy (please) you, the door is open: if it does, bear (with things). For the door ought to be open for all occasions; and so we have no trouble. What then is the fruit of these opinions? It is that which ought to be the most noble and the most becoming to those who are really educated, release from perturbation, release from fear, freedom. For in these matters we must not believe the many, who say that free persons only ought to be educated, but we should rather believe the philosophers who say that the educated only are free. How is this? In this manner. Is freedom any thing else than the power of living as we choose? Nothing else. Tell me then, ye men, do you wish to live in error? We do not. No one then who lives in error is free. Do you wish to live in fear? Do you wish to live in sorrow? Do you wish to live in perturbation? By no means. No one then who is in a state of fear or sorrow or perturbation is free; but whoever is delivered from sorrows and fears and perturbations, he is at the same time also delivered from servitude. How then can we continue to believe you, most dear legislators, when you say, We only allow free persons to be educated? For philosophers say we allow none to be free except the educated; that is, God does not allow it. When then a man has turned round before the praetor his own slave, has he done nothing? He has done something. What? He has turned round his own slave before the praetor. Has he done nothing more? Yes: he is also bound to pay for him the tax called the twentieth. Well then, is not the man who has gone through this ceremony become free? No more than he is become free from perturbations. Have you who are able to turn round (free) others no master? is not money your master, or a girl or a boy, or some tyrant, or some friend of the tyrant? why do you tremble then when you are going off to any trial (danger) of this kind? It is for this reason that I often say, study and hold in readiness these principles by which you may determine what those things are with reference to which you ought to have confidence (courage), and those things with reference to which you ought to be cautious: courageous in that which does not depend on your will; cautious in that which does depend on it. Well have I not read to you, and do you not know what I was doing? In what? In my little dissertations. —Show me how you are with respect to desire and aversion ( ἔκκλισιν ); and show me if you do not fail in getting what you wish, and if you do not fall into the things which you would avoid: but as to these long and labored sentences you will take them and blot them out. What then did not Socrates write? And who wrote so much?—But how? As he could not always have at hand one to argue against his principles or to be argued against in turn, he used to argue with and examine himself, and he was always treating at least some one subject in a practical way. These are the things which a philosopher writes. But little dissertations and that method, which I speak of, he leaves to others, to the stupid, or to those happy men who being free from perturbations have leisure, or to such as are too foolish to reckon con. sequences. And will you now, when the opportunity invites, go and display those things which you possess, and recite them, and make an idle show, and say, See how I make dialogues? Do not so, my man; but rather say; See how I am not disappointed of that which I desire: See how I do not fall into that which I would avoid. Set death before me, and you will see. Set before me pain, prison, disgrace and condemnation. This is the proper display of a young man who is come out of the schools. But leave the rest to others, and let no one ever hear you say a word about these things; and if any man commends you for them, do not allow it; but think that you are nobody and know nothing. Only show that you know this, how never to be disappointed in your desire and how never to fall into that which you would avoid. Let others labour at forensic causes, problems and syllogisms: do you labour at thinking about death, chains, the rack, exile; and do all this with confidence and reliance on him who has called you to these sufferings, who has judged you worthy of the place in which being stationed you will show what things the rational governing power can do when it takes its stand against the forces which are not within the power of our will. And thus this paradox will no longer appear either impossible or a paradox, that a man ought to be at the same time cautious and courageous: courageous towards the things which do not depend on the will, and cautious in things which are within the power of the will. 3.7. WHEN the administrator came to visit him, and the man was an Epicurean, Epictetus said, It is proper for us who are not philosophers to inquire of you who are philosophers, as those who come to a strange city inquire of the citizens and those who are acquainted with it, what is the best thing in the world, in order that we also after inquiry may go in quest of that which is best and look at it, as strangers do with the things in cities. For that there are three things which relate to man, soul, body, and things external, scarcely any man denies. It remains for you philosophers to answer what is the best. What shall we say to men? Is the flesh the best? and was it for this that Maximus Maximus was appointed by Trajan to conduct a campaign against the Parthians, in which he lost his life. Dion Cassius, ii. 1108 , 1126 , Beimarus. Cassiope or Cassope is a city in Epirus, near the sea, and between Pandosia and Nicopolis, where Epictetus lived. sailed as far as Cassiope in winter (or bad weather) with his son, and accompanied him that he might be gratified in the flesh? When the man said that it was not, and added, Far be that from him.—Is it not fit then, Epictetus said, to be actively employed about the best? It is certainly of all things the most fit. What then do we possess which is better than the flesh? The soul, he replied. And the good things of the best, are they better, or the good things of the worse? The good things of the best. And are the good things of the best within the power of the will or not within the power of the will? They are within the power of the will. Is then the pleasure of the soul a thing within the power of the will? It is, he replied. And on what shall this pleasure depend? On itself? But that can not be conceived: for there must first exist a certain substance or nature ( οὐσία ) of good, by obtaining which we shall have pleasure in the soul. He assented to this also. On what then shall we depend for this pleasure of the soul? for if it shall depend on things of the soul, the substance (nature) of the good is discovered; for good can not be one thing, and that at which we are rationally delighted another thing; nor if that which precedes is not good, can that which comes after be good, for in order that the thing which comes after may be good, that which precedes must be good. But you would not affirm this. if you are in your right mind, for you would then say what is inconsistent both with Epicurus and the rest of your doctrines. It remains then that the pleasure of the soul is in the pleasure from things of the body: and again that those bodily things must be the things which precede and the substance (nature) of the good. For this reason Maximus acted foolishly if he made the voyage for any other reason than for the sake of the flesh, that is, for the sake of the best. And also a man acts foolishly if he abstains from that which belongs to others, when he is a judge ( δικαστής ) and able to take it. But, if you please, let us consider this only, how this thing may be done secretly, and safely, and so that no man will know it. For not even does Epicurus himself declare stealing to be bad, but he admits that detection is; and because it is impossible to have security against detection, for this reason he says, Do not steal. But I say to you that if stealing is done cleverly and cautiously, we shall not be detected: further also we have powerful friends in Rome both men and women, and the Hellenes (Greeks) are weak, and no man will venture to go up to Rome for the purpose (of complaining). Why do you refrain from your own good? This is senseless, foolish. But even if you tell me that you do refrain, I will not believe you. For as it is impossible to assent to that which appears false, and to turn away from that which is true, so it is impossible to abstain from that which appears good. But wealth is a good thing, and certainly most efficient in producing pleasure. Why will you not acquire wealth? And why should we not corrupt our neighbor’s wife, if we can do it without detection? and if the husband foolishly prates about the matter, why not pitch him out of the house? If you would be a philosopher such as you ought to be, if a perfect philosopher, if consistent with your own doctrines, [you must act thus]. If you would not, you will not differ at all from us who are called Stoics; for we also say one thing, but we do another: we talk of the things which are beautiful (good), but we do what is base. But you will be perverse in the contrary way, teaching what is bad, practising what is good. In the name of God, are you thinking of a city of Epicureans? [One man says], I do not marry. — Nor I, for a man ought not to marry; nor ought we to beget children, nor engage in public matters. What then will happen? whence will the citizens come? who will bring them up? who will be governor of the youth, who preside over gymnastic exercises? and in what also will the teacher instruct them? will he teach them what the Lacedaemonians were taught, or what the Athenians were taught? Come take a young man, bring him up according to your doctrines. The doctrines are bad, subversive of a state, pernicious to families, and not becoming to women. Dismiss them, man. You live in a chief city: it is your duty to be a magistrate, to judge justly, to abstain from that which belongs to others; no woman ought to seem beautiful to you except your own wife, and no youth, no vessel of silver, no vessel of gold (except your own). Seek for doctrines which are consistent with what I say, and by making them your guide you will with pleasure abstain from things which have such persuasive power to lead us and overpower us. But if to the persuasive power of these things, we also devise such a philosophy as this which helps to push us on towards them and strengthens us to this end, what will be the conesquence? In a piece of toreutic art which is the best part? the silver or the workmanship? The substance of the hand is the flesh; but the work of the hand is the principal part (that which precedes and leads the rest). The duties then are also three: those which are directed towards the existence of a thing; those which are directed towards its existence in a particular kind; and third, the chief or leading things themselves. So also in man we ought not to value the material, the poor flesh, but the principal (leading things, τὰ προηγούμενα ). What are these? Engaging in public business, marrying, begetting children, venerating God, taking care of parents, and generally, having desires, aversions ( ἐκκλίνειν ), pursuits of things and avoidances, in the way in which we ought to do these things, and according to our nature. And how are we constituted by nature? Free, noble, modest: for what other animal blushes? what other is capable of receiving the appearance (the impression) of shame? and we are so constituted by nature as to subject pleasure to these things, as a minister, a servant, in order that it may call forth our activity, in order that it may keep us constant in acts which are conformable to nature. But I am rich and I want nothing.—Why then do you pretend to be a philosopher? Your golden and your silver vessels are enough for you. What need have you of principles (opinions)? But I am also a judge ( κριτής ) of the Greeks.—Do you know how to judge? Who taught you to know? Caesar wrote to me a codicil. Let him write and give you a commission to judge of music; and what will be the use of it to you? Still how did you become a judge? whose hand did you kiss? the hand of Symphorus or Numenius? Before whose bed-chamber have you slept? To whom have you sent gifts? Then do you not see that to be a judge is just of the same value as Numenius is? But I can throw into prison any man whom I please.— So you can do with a stone.—But I can beat with sticks whom I please.—So you may an ass. This is not a governing of men. Govern us as rational animals: show us what is profitable to us, and we will follow it: show us what is unprofitable, and we will turn away from it. Make us imitators of yourself, as Socrates made men imitators of himself. For he was like a governor of men, who made them subject to him their desires, their aversion, their movements towards an object and their turning away from it.—Do this: do not do this: if you do not obey, I will throw you into prison.—This is not governing men like rational animals. But I (say): As Zeus has ordained, so act: if you do not act so, you will feel the penalty, you will be punished.—What will be the punishment? Nothing else than not having done your duty: you will lose the character of fidelity, modesty, propriety. Do not look for greater penalties than these.

66. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, 1.12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 429

67. Plutarch, Roman Questions, 5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257

68. Tertullian, On The Apparel of Women, 1.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greco-roman culture, christian polemics against Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 181

69. Tertullian, Prescription Against Heretics, 7.9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tertullian, on greco-roman culture versus christian faith Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 340

70. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 6.5 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •sexual relations in greco-roman culture Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 27

6.5. ἀνδρὶ δὲ ἐντυχόντες ἐσταλμένῳ τρόπον, ὅνπερ οἱ Μεμφῖται καὶ ἀλύοντι μᾶλλον ἢ ξυντείνοντι ἤροντο οἱ περὶ τὸν Δάμιν, ὅστις εἴη καὶ ̔δἰ̓ ὅ τι πλανῷτο, καὶ ὁ Τιμασίων “ἐμοῦ” ἔφη “πυνθάνεσθε, ἀλλὰ μὴ τούτου, οὗτος μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἂν εἴποι πρὸς ὑμᾶς τὸ ἑαυτοῦ πάθος αἰδοῖ τῆς ξυμφορᾶς, ᾗ κέχρηται, ἐγὼ δέ, γιγνώσκω γὰρ τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ ἐλεῶ, λέξω τὰ περὶ αὐτὸν πάντα: ἀπέκτεινε γὰρ Μεμφίτην τινὰ ἄκων, κελεύουσι δ' οἱ κατὰ Μέμφιν νόμοι τὸν φεύγοντα ἐπ' ἀκουσίῳ, δεῖ δὲ φεύγειν, ἐπὶ τοῖς Γυμνοῖς εἶναι, κἂν ἐκνίψηται τοῦ φόνου, χωρεῖν ἐς ἤθη καθαρὸν ἤδη, βαδίσαντα πρότερον ἐπὶ τὸ τοῦ πεφονευμένου σῆμα καὶ σφάξαντά τι ἐκεῖ οὐ μέγα. τὸν δὲ χρόνον, ὃν οὔπω τοῖς Γυμνοῖς ἐνέτυχεν, ἀλᾶσθαι χρὴ περὶ ταυτὶ τὰ ὅρια, ἔστ' ἂν αἰδέσωνται αὐτόν, ὥσπερ ἱκέτην.” ἤρετο οὖν τὸν Τιμασίωνα ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος, πῶς οἱ Γυμνοὶ περὶ τοῦ φεύγοντος ἐκείνου φρονοῦσιν, ὁ δὲ “οὐκ οἶδα,” εἶπε “μῆνα γὰρ τουτονὶ ἕβδομον ἱκετεύει δεῦρο καὶ οὔπω λύσις.” “οὐ σοφοὺς λέγεις ἄνδρας,” ἔφη “εἰ μὴ καθαίρουσιν αὐτόν, μηδὲ γιγνώσκουσιν, ὅτι Φιλίσκος, ὃν ἀπέκτεινεν οὗτος, ἀνέφερεν ἐν Θαμοῦν τὸν Αἰγύπτιον, ὃς ἐδῄωσέ ποτε τὴν τῶν Γυμνῶν χώραν.” θαυμάσας οὖν ὁ Τιμασίων “πῶς” ἔφη “λέγεις;” “ὥς γε” εἶπεν, “ὦ μειράκιον, καὶ πέπρακται: Θαμοῦν γάρ ποτε νεώτερα ἐπὶ Μεμφίτας πράττοντα ἤλεγξαν οἱ Γυμνοὶ καὶ ἔσχον, ὁ δὲ ὁρμῆς ἁμαρτὼν ἔκειρε πᾶσαν, ἣν οὗτοι νέμονται, λῃστρικῶς γὰρ περὶ Μέμφιν ἔρρωτο: τούτου Φιλίσκον, ὃν οὗτος ἀπέκτεινεν, ὁρῶ ἔκγονον τρίτον ἀπὸ δεκάτου, κατάρατον δηλαδὴ τούτοις, ὧν ὁ Θαμοῦς τότε διεπόρθει τὴν χώραν: καὶ ποῦ σοφόν, ὃν στεφανοῦν ἐχρῆν, εἰ καὶ προνοήσας ἀπέκτεινε, τοῦτον ἀκουσίου φόνου μέν, ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν δ' εἰργασμένου μὴ καθῆραι;” ἐκπλαγὲν οὖν τὸ μειράκιον “ξένε,” εἶπε “τίς εἶ;” καὶ ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος “ὃν ἂν” ἔφη “παρὰ τοῖς Γυμνοῖς εὕροις. ἐπεὶ δὲ οὔπω μοι ὅσιον προσφθέγξασθαι τὸν ἐν τῷ αἵματι, κέλευσον αὐτόν, ὦ μειράκιον, θαρρεῖν, ὡς αὐτίκα δὴ καθαρεύσοντα, εἰ βαδίσειεν οὗ καταλύω.” ἀφικομένῳ δὲ ἐπιδράσας ὅσα ̓Εμπεδοκλῆς τε καὶ Πυθαγόρας ὑπὲρ καθαρσίων νομίζουσιν, ἐκέλευσεν ἐς ἤθη στείχειν ὡς καθαρὸν ἤδη τῆς αἰτίας.

6.5. On the way they met a man wearing the garb of the inhabitants of Memphis, but who was wandering about rather than wending his steps to a fixed point; so Damis asked him who he was and why he was roving about like that. But Timasion said: You had better ask me, and not him; for he will never tell you what is the matter with him, because he is ashamed of the plight in which he finds himself; but as for me, I know the poor man and pity him, and I will tell you all about him. For he has slain unwittingly a certain inhabitant of Memphis, and the laws of Memphis prescribe that a person exiled for an involuntary offense of this kind, — and the penalty is exile, — should remain with the naked philosophers until he has washed away the guilt of bloodshed, and then he may return home as soon as he is pure, though he must first go to the tomb of the slain man and sacrifice there some trifling victim. Now until he has been received by the naked philosophers, so long he must roam about these marches, until they take pity upon him as if he were a suppliant. Apollonius therefore put the question to Timasion: What do the naked philosophers think of this particular exile? And he answered: I do not know anything more than that this is the seventh month that he has remained here as a suppliant, and that he has not yet obtained redemption. Said Apollonius: You don't call men wise, who refuse to purify him, and are not aware that Philiscus whom he slew was a descendant of Thamus the Egyptian, who long ago laid waste the country of these naked philosophers. Thereat Timasion said in surprise: What do you mean? I mean, said the other, my good youth, what was actually the fact; for this Thamus once on a time was intriguing against the inhabitants of Memphis, and these philosophers detected his plot and prevented him; and he having failed in his enterprise retaliated by laying waste all the land upon which they live, for by his brigandage he tyrannized the country round Memphis. I perceive that Philiscus whom this man slew was the thirteenth in descent from this Thamus, and was obviously an object of execration to those whose country the latter so thoroughly ravaged at the time in question. Where then is their wisdom? Here is a man that they ought to crown, even if he had slain the other intentionally; and yet they refuse to purge him of a murder which he committed involuntarily on their behalf.. The youth then was astounded and said: Stranger, who are you? And Apollonius replied: He whom you shall find among these naked philosophers. But as it is not allowed me by my religion to address one who is stained with blood, I would ask you, my good boy, to encourage him, and tell him that he will at once be purged of guilt, if he will come to the place where I am lodging. And when the man in question came, Apollonius went through the rites over him which Empedocles and Pythagoras prescribe for the purification of such offenses, and told him to return home, for that he was now pure of guilt.

71. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 9.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257

72. Palestinian Talmud, Bikkurim, 3.3 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greco-roman culture Found in books: Rubenstein, The Culture of the Babylonian Talmud (2003) 192

73. Palestinian Talmud, Shabbat, 1.5 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greco-roman culture Found in books: Rubenstein, The Culture of the Babylonian Talmud (2003) 63

74. Anon., Genesis Rabba, 34.8 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •book of the watchers, and greco-roman culture Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 38

34.8. וְכָל הַחַיָּה אֲשֶׁר אִתְּךָ וגו' <>(בראשית ח, יז)<>, אָמַר רַבִּי יוּדָן הַוְצֵא כְּתִיב הַיְצֵא קְרִי. וְשָׁרְצוּ בָאָרֶץ, וְלֹא בַתֵּבָה. וּפָרוּ בָאָרֶץ, וְלֹא בַתֵּבָה. <>(בראשית ח, יט)<>: כָּל הַחַיָּה [ו] כָל הָרֶמֶשׂ וגו', כֹּל רוֹמֵשׁ, אָמַר רַבִּי אַיְּבוּ רוֹמֵשׂ מָלֵא פְּרַט לְכִלְאָיִם. לְמִשְׁפְּחֹתֵיהֶם, פְּרַט לְסִירוּס. עַל שִׁבְעָה דְּבָרִים נִצְטַוּוּ בְּנֵי נֹחַ, עַל עֲבוֹדַת כּוֹכָבִים, וְעַל גִּלּוּי עֲרָיוֹת, וְעַל שְׁפִיכוּת דָּמִים, וְעַל בִּרְכַּת הַשֵּׁם, וְעַל הַדִּין, וְעַל הַגָּזֵל, וְעַל אֵבָר מִן הֶחָי. רַבִּי חֲנִינָא בֶּן גַּמְלִיאֵל אוֹמֵר אַף עַל הַדָּם מִן הֶחָי. רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר אוֹמֵר אַף עַל הַכִּלְאָיִם. רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן יוֹחָאי אוֹמֵר אַף עַל הַכְּשָׁפִים. רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן בֶּן בְּרוֹקָא אוֹמֵר אַף עַל הַסֵּרוּס. אָמַר רַבִּי אַסֵּי עַל כָּל הָאָמוּר בַּפָּרָשָׁה נִצְטַוּוּ בְּנֵי נֹחַ <>(דברים יח, י)<>: לֹא יִמָּצֵא בְךָ מַעֲבִיר בְּנוֹ וּבִתּוֹ וגו', וּכְתִיב בַּתְרֵיהּ <>(דברים יח, יב)<>: כִּי תוֹעֲבַת ה' כָּל עוֹשֵׂה אֵלֶּה. 34.8. וְכָל הַחַיָּה אֲשֶׁר אִתְּךָ וגו' (בראשית ח, יז), אָמַר רַבִּי יוּדָן הַוְצֵא כְּתִיב הַיְצֵא קְרִי. וְשָׁרְצוּ בָאָרֶץ, וְלֹא בַתֵּבָה. וּפָרוּ בָאָרֶץ, וְלֹא בַתֵּבָה. (בראשית ח, יט): כָּל הַחַיָּה [ו] כָל הָרֶמֶשׂ וגו', כֹּל רוֹמֵשׁ, אָמַר רַבִּי אַיְּבוּ רוֹמֵשׂ מָלֵא פְּרַט לְכִלְאָיִם. לְמִשְׁפְּחֹתֵיהֶם, פְּרַט לְסִירוּס. עַל שִׁבְעָה דְּבָרִים נִצְטַוּוּ בְּנֵי נֹחַ, עַל עֲבוֹדַת כּוֹכָבִים, וְעַל גִּלּוּי עֲרָיוֹת, וְעַל שְׁפִיכוּת דָּמִים, וְעַל בִּרְכַּת הַשֵּׁם, וְעַל הַדִּין, וְעַל הַגָּזֵל, וְעַל אֵבָר מִן הֶחָי. רַבִּי חֲנִינָא בֶּן גַּמְלִיאֵל אוֹמֵר אַף עַל הַדָּם מִן הֶחָי. רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר אוֹמֵר אַף עַל הַכִּלְאָיִם. רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן יוֹחָאי אוֹמֵר אַף עַל הַכְּשָׁפִים. רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן בֶּן בְּרוֹקָא אוֹמֵר אַף עַל הַסֵּרוּס. אָמַר רַבִּי אַסֵּי עַל כָּל הָאָמוּר בַּפָּרָשָׁה נִצְטַוּוּ בְּנֵי נֹחַ (דברים יח, י): לֹא יִמָּצֵא בְךָ מַעֲבִיר בְּנוֹ וּבִתּוֹ וגו', וּכְתִיב בַּתְרֵיהּ (דברים יח, יב): כִּי תוֹעֲבַת ה' כָּל עוֹשֵׂה אֵלֶּה.

34.8. "Bring forth (hayetze) with you every living thing that is with you…that they may swarm in the earth (Gen. 8:18). R. Yudan said: havtze is written, but it is read hayetze: that they may swarm in the earth - but not in the Ark. And be fruitful and multiply upon the earth - but not in the Ark. 'Every beast, every creeping thing, and every fowl, whatsoever moves (kol romes) upon the earth (Gen 8:19). R. Aivu said: Kol romes is written fully [with a vav] - it excludes kilayim [mixing species]. After their families: this excludes emasculation. The children of Noah were enjoined concerning seven tings: Idolatry, incest, murder, cursing the Divine Name [blasphemy], civil law, and a limb torn from a living animal. Rabbi Chanina ben Gamliel says: also concerning blood from a living animal. Rabbi Eleazar says: also against mixing species. Rabbi Shime'on ben Yochai says: also against witchcraft. Rabbi Yocha ben Beroka says: also against emasculation. Rabbi Assi said: The children of Noah were ordered regarding everything stated in the sentence: 'There shall not be found among you any one that makes his son or his daughter to pass through the fire, etc.' (Deut. 18:10) and afterwards 'because it is an abomination for Ad-nai all that do this.' (Deut. 18:12)",

75. Justin, First Apology, 15, 21, 25, 46, 5, 54-56, 58, 62-63, 69-70, 41 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 165

41. And again, in another prophecy, the Spirit of prophecy, through the same David, intimated that Christ, after He had been crucified, should reign, and spoke as follows: Sing to the Lord, all the earth, and day by day declare His salvation. For great is the Lord, and greatly to be praised, to be feared above all the gods. For all the gods of the nations are idols of devils; but God made the heavens. Glory and praise are before His face, strength and glorying are in the habitation of His holiness. Give Glory to the Lord, the Father everlasting. Receive grace, and enter His presence, and worship in His holy courts. Let all the earth fear before His face; let it be established, and not shaken. Let them rejoice among the nations. The Lord has reigned from the tree.

76. Justin, Second Apology, 1.2, 1.7 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 162, 165, 170, 171, 172, 174

6. But to the Father of all, who is unbegotten there is no name given. For by whatever name He be called, He has as His elder the person who gives Him the name. But these words Father, and God, and Creator, and Lord, and Master, are not names, but appellations derived from His good deeds and functions. And His Son, who alone is properly called Son, the Word who also was with Him and was begotten before the works, when at first He created and arranged all things by Him, is called Christ, in reference to His being anointed and God's ordering all things through Him; this name itself also containing an unknown significance; as also the appellation God is not a name, but an opinion implanted in the nature of men of a thing that can hardly be explained. But Jesus, His name as man and Saviour, has also significance. For He was made man also, as we before said, having been conceived according to the will of God the Father, for the sake of believing men, and for the destruction of the demons. And now you can learn this from what is under your own observation. For numberless demoniacs throughout the whole world, and in your city, many of our Christian men exorcising them in the name of Jesus Christ, who was crucified under Pontius Pilate, have healed and do heal, rendering helpless and driving the possessing devils out of the men, though they could not be cured by all the other exorcists, and those who used incantations and drugs.

77. Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, 100, 102, 108, 119, 121, 125, 131-133, 135, 141, 17, 19, 23, 26-27, 30, 43, 45-46, 49, 55, 73, 76, 78-79, 83, 91-92, 95-96, 18 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 168

18. Justin: For since you have read, O Trypho, as you yourself admitted, the doctrines taught by our Saviour, I do not think that I have done foolishly in adding some short utterances of His to the prophetic statements. Wash therefore, and be now clean, and put away iniquity from your souls, as God bids you be washed in this laver, and be circumcised with the true circumcision. For we too would observe the fleshly circumcision, and the Sabbaths, and in short all the feasts, if we did not know for what reason they were enjoined you - namely, on account of your transgressions and the hardness of your hearts. For if we patiently endure all things contrived against us by wicked men and demons, so that even amid cruelties unutterable, death and torments, we pray for mercy to those who inflict such things upon us, and do not wish to give the least retort to any one, even as the new Lawgiver commanded us: how is it, Trypho, that we would not observe those rites which do not harm us- I speak of fleshly circumcision, and Sabbaths, and feasts?

78. Chariton, Chaereas And Callirhoe, 3.1.1-3.1.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257

79. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, 56a, 82a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rubenstein, The Culture of the Babylonian Talmud (2003) 61

82a. לא פגעו בו קנאין מהו אינשייה רב לגמריה אקריוהו לרב כהנא בחלמיה (מלאכי ב, יא) בגדה יהודה ותועבה נעשתה בישראל ובירושלים כי חלל יהודה קדש ה' אשר אהב ובעל בת אל נכר אתא א"ל הכי אקריון,אדכריה רב לגמריה בגדה יהודה זו עבודת כוכבים וכן הוא אומר (ירמיהו ג, כ) [כן] בגדתם בי בית ישראל נאום ה' ותועבה נעשתה בישראל ובירושלים זה משכב זכור וכן הוא אומר (ויקרא יח, כב) ואת זכר לא תשכב משכבי אשה תועבה היא כי חלל יהודה קדש ה' זו זונה וכן הוא אומר (דברים כג, יח) לא (יהיה קדש) ובעל בת אל נכר זה הבא על הכותית,וכתיב בתריה (מלאכי ב, יב) יכרת ה' לאיש אשר יעשנה ער ועונה (מאלהי) יעקב ומגיש מנחה לה' צבאות אם ת"ח הוא לא יהיה לו ער בחכמים ועונה בתלמידים אם כהן הוא לא יהיה לו בן מגיש מנחה לה' צבאות,א"ר חייא בר אבויה כל הבא על הכותית כאילו מתחתן בעבודת כוכבים דכתיב ובעל בת אל נכר וכי בת יש לו לאל נכר אלא זה הבא על הכותית,וא"ר חייא בר אבויה כתוב על גלגלתו של יהויקים זאת ועוד אחרת זקינו דרבי פרידא אשכח ההוא גולגלתא דהות שדיא בשערי ירושלים והוה כתוב עילויה זאת ועוד אחרת קברה והדר נבוג קברה והדר נבוג אמר האי גולגלתא של יהויקים דכתיב ביה (ירמיהו כב, יט) קבורת חמור יקבר סחוב והשלך מהלאה לשערי ירושלים,אמר מלכא הוא ולאו אורח ארעא לבזויי שקלה כרכה בשיראי ואותביה בסיפטא אתאי דביתהו חזיתה נפקת אמרה להו לשיבבתהא אמרי לה האי דאיתתא קמייתא היא דלא קא מנשי לה שגרתא לתנורא וקלתה כי אתא אמר היינו דכתיב עילויה זאת ועוד אחרת,כי אתא רב דימי אמר בית דינו של חשמונאי גזרו הבא על הכותית חייב עליה משום נשג"א,כי אתא רבין אמר משום נשג"ז נדה שפחה גויה זונה אבל משום אישות לית להו ואידך נשייהו ודאי לא מיפקרי,א"ר חסדא הבא לימלך אין מורין לו איתמר נמי אמר רבה בר בר חנה א"ר יוחנן הבא לימלך אין מורין לו,ולא עוד אלא שאם פירש זמרי והרגו פנחס נהרג עליו נהפך זמרי והרגו לפנחס אין נהרג עליו שהרי רודף הוא,(במדבר כה, ה) ויאמר משה אל שופטי ישראל וגו' הלך שבטו של שמעון אצל זמרי בן סלוא אמרו לו הן דנין דיני נפשות ואתה יושב ושותק מה עשה עמד וקיבץ כ"ד אלף מישראל והלך אצל כזבי אמר לה השמיעי לי אמרה לו בת מלך אני וכן צוה לי אבי לא תשמעי אלא לגדול שבהם אמר לה אף הוא נשיא שבט הוא ולא עוד אלא שהוא גדול ממנו שהוא שני לבטן והוא שלישי לבטן,תפשה בבלוריתה והביאה אצל משה אמר לו בן עמרם זו אסורה או מותרת ואם תאמר אסורה בת יתרו מי התירה לך נתעלמה ממנו הלכה געו כולם בבכיה והיינו דכתיב (במדבר כה, ו) והמה בוכים פתח אהל מועד וכתיב (במדבר כה, ז) וירא פנחס בן אלעזר,מה ראה אמר רב ראה מעשה ונזכר הלכה אמר לו אחי אבי אבא לא כך לימדתני ברדתך מהר סיני הבועל את כותית קנאין פוגעין בו אמר לו קריינא דאיגרתא איהו ליהוי פרוונקא,ושמואל אמר ראה שאין (משלי כא, ל) חכמה ואין תבונה ואין עצה נגד ה' כל מקום שיש חילול השם אין חולקין כבוד לרב ר' יצחק אמר ר"א ראה שבא מלאך והשחית בעם,ויקם מתוך העדה ויקח רומח בידו מיכן שאין נכנסין בכלי זיין לבית המדרש שלף שננה והניחה באונקלו והיה

82a. If zealots did not strike him, what is the halakha? Rav forgot that which he learned through tradition concerning this matter. They read this verse to Rav Kahana in his dream: “Judah has dealt treacherously and an abomination is committed in Israel and in Jerusalem, as Judah has profaned the sacred of the Lord, which he loves, and has engaged in intercourse with the daughter of a strange god” (Malachi 2:11). Rav Kahana came and said to Rav: This is what they read to me in my dream.,Rav then remembered that which he learned through tradition and said: “Judah has dealt treacherously,” this is a reference to the sin of idol worship. And likewise it says: But as a wife who treacherously departs her husband, you have dealt treacherously with Me, house of Israel, says the Lord (Jeremiah 3:20). “And an abomination is committed in Israel and in Jerusalem,” this is a reference to male homosexual intercourse, and likewise it says: “You shall not lie with a man as one lies with a woman; it is an abomination” (Leviticus 18:22). “As Judah has profaned the sacred [kodesh] of the Lord,” this is a reference to a prostitute, and likewise it says: “There shall be no harlot [kedesha] of the daughters of Israel” (Deuteronomy 23:18). “And has engaged in intercourse with the daughter of a strange god,” this is a reference to one who engages in intercourse with a gentile woman.,And it is written thereafter with regard to those enumerated in the verse: “May the Lord excise the man who does this, who calls and who answers from the tents of Jacob, and he who sacrifices a meal-offering to the Lord of hosts” (Malachi 2:12). The Gemara interprets the verse: If he is a Torah scholar, he will have neither one among his descendants who calls and initiates discourse among the Sages, nor one who answers among the students, i.e., one who is capable of answering questions posed by the Sages. If he is a priest, he will not have among his descendants a son who sacrifices a meal-offering to the Lord of hosts.,Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Avuya says: With regard to anyone who engages in intercourse with a gentile woman it is as though he married the object of idol worship itself, as it is written: “And has engaged in intercourse with the daughter of a strange god.” Does a strange god have a daughter? Rather, this is a reference to one who engages in intercourse with a gentile woman who is an adherent of a strange god.,§ The Gemara cites another of Rav Ḥiyya bar Avuya’s statements. Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Avuya says: It was written on the skull of Jehoiakim king of Judea: This and yet another, indicating that he will suffer a punishment in addition to the punishment that he already received. The Gemara relates: The grandfather of Rabbi Perida, Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Avuya, found a skull that was cast at the gates of Jerusalem, and upon it was written: This and yet another. He buried it, and it then emerged [navug] from beneath the soil. He buried it and it then emerged from beneath the soil again. He said: This is the skull of Jehoiakim, as it is written in his regard: “With the burial of a donkey he shall be buried, drawn and cast beyond the gates of Jerusalem” (Jeremiah 22:19). He will find no rest in a grave.,Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Avuya said: He is a king and it is not proper conduct to treat him contemptuously. He took the skull, wrapped it in silk [beshira’ei] and placed it in a chest [besifta]. His wife came and saw the skull, went out and told her neighbors and asked them what it was. The neighbors said to her: This is the skull of the first wife to whom he was married, as he has not forgotten her and he keeps her skull in her memory. That angered his wife, and she kindled the oven and burned the skull. When Rabbi Ḥiyya son of Avuya came and learned what she had done, he said: That is the fulfillment of that which is written about him: This and yet another. Having his remains cast beyond the gates of Jerusalem did not complete the punishment of Jehoiakim. He suffered the additional indignity of having his remains burned.,§ When Rav Dimi came from Eretz Yisrael to Babylonia, he said: The court of the Hasmoneans issued a decree that one who engages in intercourse with a gentile woman is liable due to his violation of prohibitions represented by the letters: Nun, shin, gimmel, alef. He is liable for engaging in intercourse with a menstruating woman [nidda] who did not immerse in a ritual bath and remains impure. Although by Torah law there is no impurity of menstruation with regard to gentiles, it has been decreed that one must distance himself from them as he does from a menstruating woman. He is liable for engaging in intercourse with a Canaanite maidservant [shifḥa], as relative to a Jewish woman, the status of a gentile woman is that of a maidservant. He is liable for engaging in intercourse with a gentile woman [goya] and with a married woman [eshet ish].,When Ravin came from Eretz Yisrael to Babylonia, he said: He is liable due to his violation of prohibitions represented by the letters: Nun, shin, gimmel, zayin. Ravin agreed with Rav Dimi that the Hasmoneans decreed that one who engages in intercourse with a gentile woman is liable for engaging in intercourse with a menstruating woman, a maidservant, and a gentile woman. He adds that the individual is liable for engaging in intercourse with a zona. But he disagrees with Rav Dimi and holds that one is not liable due to the violation of the prohibition involving matrimony, i.e., of engaging in intercourse with a married woman, because the halakhic framework of matrimony does not exist among gentiles. Their relationships are fundamentally temporary. And the other amora, Rav Dimi, holds that gentiles certainly do not forsake their wives; therefore, the status of the wife of a gentile is that of a married woman.,Rav Ḥisda says: Concerning one who comes to consult with the court when he sees a Jewish man engaging in intercourse with a gentile woman, the court does not instruct him that it is permitted to kill the transgressor. It was also stated that Rabba bar bar Ḥana says that Rabbi Yoḥa says: Concerning one who comes to consult with the court, the court does not instruct him that it is permitted to kill the Jewish man engaging in intercourse with a gentile woman.,Moreover, if Zimri son of Salu (see Numbers 25:1–9) had separated himself from the woman and only then Pinehas killed him, Pinehas would have been executed for killing him, because it is permitted for zealots to kill only while the transgressor is engaged in the act of intercourse. Furthermore, if Zimri would have turned and killed Pinehas in self-defense, he would not have been executed for killing him, as Pinehas was a pursuer. One is allowed to kill a pursuer in self-defense, provided that the pursued is not liable to be executed by the court.,It is stated: “And Moses said to the judges of Israel: Each of you shall slay his men who have adhered unto Ba’al-Peor” (Numbers 25:5). The tribe of Simeon went to Zimri, son of Salu, their leader, and said to him: They are judging cases of capital law and executing us and you are sitting and are silent? What did Zimri do? He arose and gathered twenty-four thousand people from the children of Israel, and went to Cozbi, daughter of Zur, princess of Midian, and said to her: Submit to me and engage in intercourse with me. She said to him: I am the daughter of a king, and this is what my father commanded me: Submit only to the greatest of them. Zimri said to her: He, too, referring to himself, is the head of a tribe; moreover, he is greater than Moses, as he is the second of the womb, as he descends from Simeon, the second son of Jacob, and Moses is the third of the womb, as he descends from Levi, the third son of Jacob.,He seized her by her forelock and brought her before Moses. Zimri said to Moses: Son of Amram, is this woman forbidden or permitted? And if you say that she is forbidden, as for the daughter of Yitro to whom you are married, who permitted her to you? The halakha with regard to the proper course of action when encountering a Jewish man engaging in intercourse with a gentile woman eluded Moses. All of the members of the Sanhedrin bawled in their weeping, and that is the meaning of that which is written: “And they are crying at the entrance of the Tent of Meeting” (Numbers 25:6). And it is written thereafter: “And Pinehas, son of Elazar, son of Aaron the priest, saw and arose from the midst of the congregation and took a spear in his hand” (Numbers 25:7).,The Gemara asks: What did Pinehas see that led him to arise and take action? Rav says: He saw the incident taking place before him and he remembered the halakha. He said to Moses: Brother of the father of my father, as Moses was the brother of his grandfather Aaron, did you not teach me this during your descent from Mount Sinai: One who engages in intercourse with a gentile woman, zealots strike him? Moses said to him: Let the one who reads the letter be the agent [parvanka] to fulfill its contents.,And Shmuel says: Pinehas saw and considered the meaning of the verse: “There is neither wisdom nor understanding nor counsel against the Lord” (Proverbs 21:30), which the Sages interpreted to mean: Anywhere that there is desecration of the Lord’s name, one does not show respect to the teacher. In those situations, one need not consult his teacher, but must immediately proceed to right the wrong that is transpiring. Therefore, he took the spear and took immediate action. Rabbi Yitzḥak says that Rabbi Eliezer says: He saw that an angel came and destroyed among the people in punishment for the sin of Zimri, and he realized that he must take immediate action to ameliorate the situation.,It is written with regard to Pinehas: “He arose from amidst the assembly and he took a spear in his hand” (Numbers 25:7). From here, where it is written that he took the spear only after he arose from the assembly, it is derived that one does not enter the study hall with a weapon. The assembly in this context is referring to the seat of the Sanhedrin. Pinehas removed the blade of the spear and placed it in his garment [be’unkalo] and held the shaft of the spear like a walking stick, and he was

80. Babylonian Talmud, Shabbat, 116a, 116b, 17a, 75a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hayes, The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning (2022) 402

75a. שכן יריעה שנפל בה דרנא קורעין בה ותופרין אותה,אמר רב זוטרא בר טוביה אמר רב המותח חוט של תפירה בשבת חייב חטאת והלומד דבר אחד מן המגוש חייב מיתה והיודע לחשב תקופות ומזלות ואינו חושב אסור לספר הימנו,מגושתא רב ושמואל חד אמר חרשי וחד אמר גדופי תסתיים דרב דאמר גדופי דאמר רב זוטרא בר טוביה אמר רב הלומד דבר אחד מן המגוש חייב מיתה דאי ס"ד חרשי הכתיב (דברים יח, ט) לא תלמד לעשות אבל אתה למד להבין ולהורות תסתיים,אר"ש בן פזי א"ר יהושע בן לוי משום בר קפרא כל היודע לחשב בתקופות ומזלות ואינו חושב עליו הכתוב אומר (ישעיהו ה, יב) ואת פועל ה' לא יביטו ומעשה ידיו לא ראו א"ר שמואל בר נחמני א"ר יוחנן מנין שמצוה על האדם לחשב תקופות ומזלות שנאמר (דברים ד, ו) ושמרתם ועשיתם כי היא חכמתכם ובינתכם לעיני העמים איזו חכמה ובינה שהיא לעיני העמים הוי אומר זה חישוב תקופות ומזלות:,הצד צבי וכו': ת"ר הצד חלזון והפוצעו אינו חייב אלא אחת רבי יהודה אומר חייב שתים שהיה ר' יהודה אומר פציעה בכלל דישה אמרו לו אין פציעה בכלל דישה אמר רבא מ"ט דרבנן קסברי אין דישה אלא לגדולי קרקע וליחייב נמי משום נטילת נשמה אמר רבי יוחנן שפצעו מת,רבא אמר אפילו תימא שפצעו חי מתעסק הוא אצל נטילת נשמה והא אביי ורבא דאמרי תרווייהו מודה ר"ש בפסיק רישא ולא ימות שאני הכא דכמה דאית ביה נשמה טפי ניחא ליה כי היכי דליציל ציבעיה:,השוחטו: שוחט משום מאי חייב רב אמר משום צובע ושמואל אמר משום נטילת נשמה

75a. As, when a curtain had a worm which made a tear in it, they would tear the curtain further to lengthen the tear, and that enabled them to then sew it in a manner that obscured the tear.,Rav Zutra bar Toviya said that Rav said: One who tightens the thread of a stitch on Shabbat is liable to bring a sin-offering. If two parts of a garment that were sewn together begin to separate, and one pulls the thread to reattach them, it is tantamount to having sewn them. The Gemara cites additional halakhot cited by Rav Zutra in the name of Rav. And one who learns even one matter from a magosh, a Persian priest, is liable to receive the death penalty. And one who knows how to calculate astronomical seasons and the movement of constellations, and does not do so, one may not speak with him because his actions are improper.,The Gemara proceeds to discuss the additional halakhot cited by Rav Zutra bar Toviya. With regard to the magosh, Rav and Shmuel disagreed. One said that they are sorcerers, while the other said they are heretics. The Gemara adds: Conclude that Rav is the one who said that they are heretics, as Rav Zutra bar Toviya said that Rav said: One who learns one matter from the magosh is liable to receive the death penalty. As, if it should enter your mind that they are sorcerers, wasn’t it written: “When you come into the land which the Lord your God gives you, you shall not learn to do after the abominations of those nations. There shall not be found among you any one that makes his son or his daughter to pass through the fire, one that uses divination, a soothsayer, or an enchanter, or a sorcerer” (Deuteronomy 18:9–10)? And the Sages inferred: You shall not learn to do, but you may learn to understand and to teach the topic of sorcery. Apparently, merely learning about sorcery does not violate a prohibition. Only acting upon that learning is prohibited. Rav, who prohibited learning even a single matter from a magosh, must hold that they are heretics, not merely sorcerers. The Gemara states: Indeed, conclude that Rav is the one who said that they are heretics.,Rabbi Shimon ben Pazi said that Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said in the name of bar Kappara: Anyone who knows how to calculate astronomical seasons and the movement of constellations and does not do so, the verse says about him: “They do not take notice of the work of God, and they do not see His handiwork” (Isaiah 5:12). And Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani said that Rabbi Yoḥa said: From where is it derived that there is a mitzva incumbent upon a person to calculate astronomical seasons and the movement of constellations? As it was stated: “And you shall guard and perform, for it is your wisdom and understanding in the eyes of the nations” (Deuteronomy 4:6). What wisdom and understanding is there in the Torah that is in the eyes of the nations, i.e., appreciated and recognized by all? You must say: This is the calculation of astronomical seasons and the movement of constellations, as the calculation of experts is witnessed by all.,We learned in the mishna, among those liable for performing primary categories of labor: One who traps a deer or any other living creature. The Sages taught in a Tosefta: One who traps a ḥilazon and breaks its shell to remove its blood for the dye is liable to bring only one sin-offering. He is not liable for breaking the shell. Rabbi Yehuda says: He is liable to bring two, for performing the prohibited labors of trapping and for threshing, as Rabbi Yehuda would say: The breaking of a ḥilazon is included in the primary category of threshing, as its objective is to extract the matter that he desires from the shell that he does not. The Rabbis said to him: Breaking the shell is not included in the primary category of threshing. Rava said: What is the rationale for the opinion of the Rabbis? They hold: Threshing applies only to produce that grows from the ground. One who extracts other materials from their covering is exempt. The Gemara asks: Even if extracting blood is not considered threshing, let him be liable for taking a life as well. Rabbi Yoḥa said: This is referring to a case where he broke its shell after it was dead.,Rava said: Even if you say that he broke it when it was alive, he is exempt. Since he had no intention of killing the ḥilazon, he is considered as one who is acting unawares with regard to taking a life. The Gemara raises a difficulty: Didn’t Abaye and Rava both say that Rabbi Shimon, who rules that an unintentional act is permitted, agrees that in a case of: Cut off its head and will it not die, one is liable? One who performs an action that will inevitably result in a prohibited labor cannot claim that he did not intend for his action to lead to that result. Lack of intention is only a valid claim when the result is merely possible, not inevitable. Since one who extracts blood from a ḥilazon inevitably takes its life, how can Rava claim that his action is unintentional? The Gemara answers: Here it is different, as the longer the ḥilazon lives, the better it is for the trapper, so that its dye will become clear. Dye extracted from a live ḥilazon is a higher quality than that which is extracted from a dead one. Rabbi Shimon agrees that one who performs an action with inevitable consequences is liable only in a case where the consequences are not contrary to his interests. Since he prefers that the ḥilazon remain alive as long as possible, he is not liable for the inevitable consequences.,We learned in the mishna, among those liable for performing primary categories of labor: And one who slaughters an animal on Shabbat. The Gemara asks: As there was no slaughter necessary for construction of the Tabernacle, one who slaughters an animal, due to what prohibited labor is he liable? Rav said: He is liable due to dyeing, as in the course of the slaughter the hide is dyed with blood. And Shmuel said: He is liable due to taking a life.

81. Nag Hammadi, The Gospel of Thomas, 102, 39, 89 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 73

82. Athanasius, Life of Anthony, 72-74, 76-80, 75 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 340

83. Babylonian Talmud, Yevamot, 63a, 61b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rubenstein, The Culture of the Babylonian Talmud (2003) 192

61b. ויש לו בנים לא ישא אילונית שהיא זונה האמורה בתורה דאזונה כהנים הוא דמפקדי וישראל לא מפקדי משום הכי קתני כהן,אמר רב הונא מאי טעמא דר' יהודה דכתיב (הושע ד, י) אכלו ולא ישבעו הזנו ולא יפרוצו כל ביאה שאין בה פירצה אינה אלא בעילת זנות,תניא רבי אליעזר אומר כהן לא ישא את הקטנה אמר ליה רב חסדא לרבה פוק עיין בה דלאורתא בעי לה רב הונא מינך נפק עיין בה רבי אליעזר סבר לה כרבי מאיר וסבר לה כרבי יהודה,סבר לה כרבי מאיר דחייש למיעוטא וסבר לה כרבי יהודה דאמר אילונית זונה הויא,וכרבי מאיר מי סבר לה והתניא קטן וקטנה לא חולצין ולא מיבמין דברי רבי מאיר אמרו לו לרבי מאיר יפה אמרת שאין חולצין (דברים כה, ז) איש כתיב בפרשה ומקשינן אשה לאיש אלא מאי טעמא אין מיבמין,[א"ל] קטן שמא ימצא סריס קטנה שמא תמצא אילונית ונמצאו פוגעין בערוה ותניא קטנה מתייבמת ואינה חולצת דברי רבי אליעזר,וכרבי יהודה מי סבר לה והתניא זונה זונה כשמה דברי רבי אליעזר רבי עקיבא אומר זונה זו מופקרת רבי מתיא בן חרש אומר אפי' הלך בעלה להשקותה ובא עליה בדרך עשאה זונה,רבי יהודה אומר זונה זו אילונית וחכמים אומרים אין זונה אלא גיורת ומשוחררת ושנבעלה בעילת זנות ר' אליעזר אומר פנוי הבא על הפנויה שלא לשם אישות עשאה זונה,אלא אמר רב אדא בר אהבה הכא בכ"ג עסקינן לאימת קני לה לכי גדלה בעולה היא,אמר רבא מכלי לב אי דקדשה אבוה מההיא שעתא הוא דקני לה ואי דקדשה נפשה הא רבי אליעזר היא ולא רבנן,אלא אמר רבא לעולם בכהן הדיוט וחיישינן שמא תתפתה עליו א"ה ישראל נמי פתויי קטנה אונס הוא ואונס בישראל מישרא שרי,רב פפא אמר בכ"ג והאי תנא הוא דתניא (ויקרא כא, ג) בתולה יכול קטנה ת"ל אשה אי אשה יכול בוגרת ת"ל בתולה הא כיצד יצתה מכלל קטנות ולכלל בגרות לא באתה,רב נחמן בר יצחק אמר האי תנא הוא דתניא בתולה אין בתולה אלא נערה וכן הוא אומר (בראשית כד, טז) והנערה טובת מראה מאד בתולה,ר' אלעזר אומר פנוי הבא על הפנויה שלא לשם אישות עשאה זונה אמר רב עמרם אין הלכה כרבי אלעזר:,

61b. and he has children, he may not marry a sexually underdeveloped woman, as she is the zona about whom it is stated in the Torah that a priest may not marry her. It is priests who were commanded not to marry a zona, but Israelites were not commanded this. It is due to that reason that he taught the first clause of the mishna about a priest, even though that halakha applies equally to Israelites.,Rav Huna said: What is the reason for the opinion of Rabbi Yehuda? As it is written: “And they shall eat, and not have enough, they shall commit harlotry, and shall not increase” (Hosea 4:10). He expounds the verse as follows: Any intercourse that does not have the possibility to increase the population because the woman is incapable of having children, is nothing other than licentious sexual intercourse.,§ It is taught in a baraita that Rabbi Eliezer says: A priest may not marry a minor. Rav Ḥisda said to Rabba: Go and investigate this halakha, as in the evening Rav Huna will ask you the reason for Rabbi Eliezer’s ruling. He went and investigated it, and arrived at the following conclusion: Rabbi Eliezer holds in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Meir, and he also holds in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yehuda.,Rabba explains: He holds in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Meir, who says that one must be concerned for the minority. Rabbi Meir does not allow one to assume that an unknown case is similar to the majority of cases. Consequently, one must take into account the possibility that a minor will turn out to be sexually underdeveloped, although this will not be true of most individuals. And he also holds in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yehuda, who said that a sexually underdeveloped woman is a zona and therefore forbidden to a priest.,The Gemara challenges Rabba’s explanation: And does Rabbi Eliezer hold in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Meir? Isn’t it taught in a baraita: A boy minor and a girl minor may not perform ḥalitza or levirate marriage; this is the statement of Rabbi Meir. The Rabbis said to Rabbi Meir: You spoke well when you said that they may not perform ḥalitza, as the term “man” is written in the passage of ḥalitza (Deuteronomy 25:7–10), which limits the halakha to an adult male, and we compare a woman to a man and therefore limit ḥalitza to an adult woman. However, what is the reason that they may not perform levirate marriage?,Rabbi Meir said to them: A boy minor may not perform levirate marriage lest he be found to be a eunuch, i.e., one who is incapable of fathering children for his late brother. Similarly, a girl minor may not perform levirate marriage lest she be found to be sexually underdeveloped when she grows up. In either case, the mitzva of levirate marriage does not apply, and they turn out to have encountered a forbidden relative. And it was taught in a different baraita: A girl minor enters into levirate marriage but does not perform ḥalitza; this is the statement of Rabbi Eliezer. This proves that Rabbi Eliezer disagrees with Rabbi Meir and is not concerned that a girl may turn out to be sexually underdeveloped.,The Gemara continues to challenge Rabba’s explanation of Rabbi Eliezer’s ruling. And does Rabbi Eliezer hold in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yehuda? Wasn’t it is taught in a baraita: The zona forbidden to a priest is as the name zona implies, i.e., a married woman who committed adultery; this is the statement of Rabbi Eliezer. Rabbi Akiva says: A zona is a woman, even an unmarried woman, who is available to all, i.e., she has intercourse with whoever is interested. Rabbi Matya ben Ḥarash says: Even if her husband went to make her drink the bitter waters after she disregarded his warning not to seclude herself with a certain man, and he had intercourse with her on the way, he has thereby caused her to become a zona because she was forbidden to him at the time, despite the fact that she is his wife.,Rabbi Yehuda says: A zona is a sexually underdeveloped woman. And the Rabbis say: The term zona applies only to a female convert, a freed maidservant, and one who engaged in licentious sexual intercourse. Rabbi Elazar says: Even in the case of an unmarried man who had intercourse with an unmarried woman not for the purpose of marriage, he has thereby caused her to become a zona. This baraita proves that Rabbi Eliezer does not agree with Rabbi Yehuda.,Rather, Rav Adda bar Ahava said that Rabbi Eliezer’s ruling that a priest may not marry a minor must be explained differently: Here we are dealing with a High Priest, and the problem is as follows: When can he acquire her as his wife? Only when she is grown up. However, if they had started living together as husband and wife when she was a minor, then when she is grown up and the marriage can legally take effect, she is already a non-virgin, and a High Priest is commanded to marry a virgin.,Rava said: This explanation is without reason. If her father betrothed her to her husband, her husband acquired her from that time, as betrothal that a father carries out on his daughter’s behalf when she is a minor is effective by Torah law. And if the minor betrothed herself, is this Rabbi Eliezer’s opinion and not that of the Rabbis? The Rabbis would certainly agree that a High Priest may not marry a minor under these circumstances.,Rather, Rava said: Actually, Rabbi Eliezer’s ruling includes a common priest, and the reason he cannot marry a minor is that we are concerned lest she be seduced by another man, due to her tender age and naïveté, while married to him. The Gemara asks: If so, the same concern should apply to an Israelite also. The Gemara answers: The seduction of a minor is considered rape, and a rape victim remains permitted to her husband in a case where she is married to an Israelite, but not if she is married to a priest.,Rav Pappa said: Rabbi Eliezer’s ruling applies specifically to a High Priest, and it is the opinion of this tanna, as it is taught in a baraita that when the verse states: “A virgin of his own people shall he take for a wife [isha]” (Leviticus 21:14), one might have thought a High Priest may marry a minor; the verse therefore states that he must marry a woman [isha], i.e., an adult. If he must marry a woman, one might have thought it means a grown woman. The verse therefore states that he must marry a virgin, which excludes a grown woman, who is considered only a partial virgin because her hymen is not fully intact. How so? He must marry a woman who has left the class of minority but who has not yet reached the class of grown womanhood, i.e., he must marry a maiden.,Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak said: It is the opinion of this tanna, as it is taught in a baraita: The High Priest must marry a virgin, and the term virgin refers only to a maiden. And a verse similarly states: “And the maiden was very fair to look upon, a virgin, and no man had known her” (Genesis 24:16).,The baraita cited above mentioned that Rabbi Elazar says: In the case of an unmarried man who had intercourse with an unmarried woman not for the purpose of marriage, he has caused her to become a zona. Rav Amram said: The halakha is not in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Elazar.,A man may not neglect the mitzva to be fruitful and multiply unless he already has children. Beit Shammai say: One fulfills this mitzva with two males, and Beit Hillel say: A male and a female, as it is stated: “Male and female He created them” (Genesis 5:2).,he already has children he may neglect the mitzva to be fruitful and multiply, but he may not neglect the mitzva to have a wife. This supports what Rav Naḥman said in the name of Shmuel, who said: Even if a man has several children, it is prohibited to remain without a wife, as it is stated: “It is not good that the man should be alone” (Genesis 2:18).,And some say a different version of the inference from the mishna: If he already has children, he may neglect the mitzva to be fruitful and multiply and he may also neglect the mitzva to have a wife. Shall we say this is a conclusive refutation of what Rav Naḥman said that Shmuel said? The Gemara responds: No, it means that if he does not have children he must marry a woman capable of bearing children, whereas if he has children he may marry a woman who is not capable of bearing children. A practical difference between a man who has children and one who does not is whether he is permitted to sell a Torah scroll in order to marry a woman capable of having children. This is permitted only for one who does not yet have children.,§ The mishna states that Beit Shammai say that one fulfills the mitzva to be fruitful and multiply when he has two males. The Gemara asks: What is the reason of Beit Shammai? The Gemara answers: We learn this from Moses as it is written: “The sons of Moses, Gershom and Eliezer” (I Chronicles 23:15). Since Moses did not have any other children, two sons must be sufficient to fulfill the mitzva. And the reason of Beit Hillel is that we learn from the creation of the world, as mankind was created male and female. The Gemara asks: And Beit Shammai, let them learn from the creation of the world as well. The Gemara answers that Beit Shammai could say to you: We do not derive a case where it is possible

84. Babylonian Talmud, Berachot, 27b, 63b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rubenstein, The Culture of the Babylonian Talmud (2003) 192

63b. ואמרו לאחינו שבגולה אם שומעין מוטב ואם לאו יעלו להר אחיה יבנה מזבח חנניה ינגן בכנור ויכפרו כולם ויאמרו אין להם חלק באלהי ישראל,מיד געו כל העם בבכיה ואמרו חס ושלום יש לנו חלק באלהי ישראל,וכל כך למה משום שנאמר (ישעיהו ב, ג) כי מציון תצא תורה ודבר ה' מירושלים,בשלמא הוא מטהר והם מטמאין לחומרא אלא הוא מטמא והם מטהרין היכי הוי והא תניא חכם שטמא אין חברו רשאי לטהר אסר אין חברו רשאי להתיר קסברי כי היכי דלא נגררו בתריה:,תנו רבנן כשנכנסו רבותינו לכרם ביבנה היו שם רבי יהודה ורבי יוסי ור' נחמיה ור' אליעזר בנו של רבי יוסי הגלילי פתחו כולם בכבוד אכסניא ודרשו,פתח רבי יהודה ראש המדברים בכל מקום בכבוד תורה ודרש (שמות לג, ז) ומשה יקח את האהל ונטה לו מחוץ למחנה והלא דברים קל וחומר ומה ארון ה' שלא היה מרוחק אלא שנים עשר מיל אמרה תורה (שמות לג, ז) והיה כל מבקש ה' יצא אל אהל מועד תלמידי חכמים שהולכים מעיר לעיר וממדינה למדינה ללמוד תורה על אחת כמה וכמה,(שמות לג, יא) ודבר ה' אל משה פנים אל פנים אמר ר' יצחק אמר לו הקדוש ברוך הוא למשה משה אני ואתה נסביר פנים בהלכה איכא דאמרי כך אמר לו הקדוש ברוך הוא למשה כשם שאני הסברתי לך פנים כך אתה הסבר פנים לישראל והחזר האהל למקומו,(שמות לג, יא) ושב אל המחנה וגו' אמר רבי אבהו אמר לו הקדוש ברוך הוא למשה עכשו יאמרו הרב בכעס ותלמיד בכעס ישראל מה תהא עליהם אם אתה מחזיר האהל למקומו מוטב ואם לאו יהושע בן נון תלמידך משרת תחתיך,והיינו דכתיב ושב אל המחנה אמר רבא אף על פי כן לא יצא הדבר לבטלה שנאמר (שמות לג, יא) ומשרתו יהושע בן נון נער לא ימיש מתוך האהל:,ועוד פתח ר' יהודה בכבוד תורה ודרש (דברים כז, ט) הסכת ושמע ישראל היום הזה נהיית לעם וכי אותו היום נתנה תורה לישראל והלא אותו יום סוף ארבעים שנה היה אלא ללמדך שחביבה תורה על לומדיה בכל יום ויום כיום שנתנה מהר סיני,אמר ר' תנחום בריה דר' חייא איש כפר עכו תדע שהרי אדם קורא קריאת שמע שחרית וערבית וערב אחד אינו קורא דומה כמי שלא קרא קריאת שמע מעולם,הסכת עשו כתות כתות ועסקו בתורה לפי שאין התורה נקנית אלא בחבורה כדר' יוסי ברבי חנינא דאמר ר' יוסי ברבי חנינא מאי דכתיב (ירמיהו נ, לו) חרב (על) הבדים ונואלו חרב על שונאיהם של תלמידי חכמים שיושבים בד בבד ועוסקים בתורה ולא עוד אלא שמטפשים כתיב הכא ונואלו וכתיב התם (במדבר יב, יא) אשר נואלנו ולא עוד אלא שחוטאים שנאמר ואשר חטאנו,איבעית אימא מהכא (ישעיהו יט, יג) נואלו שרי צוען,דבר אחר הסכת ושמע ישראל כתתו עצמכם על דברי תורה כדאמר ריש לקיש דאמר ריש לקיש מנין שאין דברי תורה מתקיימין אלא במי שממית עצמו עליה שנאמר (במדבר יט, יד) זאת התורה אדם כי ימות באהל,דבר אחר הסכת ושמע ישראל הס ואחר כך כתת כדרבא דאמר רבא לעולם ילמוד אדם תורה ואחר כך יהגה,אמרי דבי ר' ינאי מאי דכתיב (משלי ל, לג) כי מיץ חלב יוציא חמאה ומיץ אף יוציא דם ומיץ אפים יוציא ריב,במי אתה מוצא חמאה של תורה במי שמקיא חלב שינק משדי אמו עליה,ומיץ אף יוציא דם כל תלמיד שכועס עליו רבו פעם ראשונה ושותק זוכה להבחין בין דם טמא לדם טהור,ומיץ אפים יוציא ריב כל תלמיד שכועס עליו רבו פעם ראשונה ושניה ושותק זוכה להבחין בין דיני ממונות לדיני נפשות דתנן ר' ישמעאל אומר הרוצה שיתחכם יעסוק בדיני ממונות שאין לך מקצוע בתורה יותר מהן שהן כמעין נובע,אמר ר' שמואל בר נחמני מאי דכתיב (משלי ל, לב) אם נבלת בהתנשא ואם זמות יד לפה כל המנבל עצמו על דברי תורה סופו להתנשא ואם זמם יד לפה:,פתח ר' נחמיה בכבוד אכסניא ודרש מאי דכתיב (שמואל א טו, ו) ויאמר שאול אל הקיני לכו סורו רדו מתוך עמלקי פן אוסיפך עמו ואתה עשיתה חסד עם כל בני ישראל והלא דברים קל וחומר ומה יתרו שלא קרב את משה אלא לכבוד עצמו כך המארח תלמיד חכם בתוך ביתו ומאכילו ומשקהו ומהנהו מנכסיו על אחת כמה וכמה:,פתח ר' יוסי בכבוד אכסניא ודרש (דברים כג, ח) לא תתעב אדומי כי אחיך הוא לא תתעב מצרי כי גר היית בארצו והלא דברים קל וחומר ומה מצריים שלא קרבו את ישראל אלא לצורך עצמן שנאמר (בראשית מז, ו) ואם ידעת ויש בם אנשי חיל ושמתם שרי מקנה על אשר לי כך המארח תלמיד חכם בתוך ביתו ומאכילו ומשקהו ומהנהו מנכסיו על אחת כמה וכמה:,פתח ר' אליעזר בנו של ר' יוסי הגלילי בכבוד אכסניא ודרש (שמואל ב ו, יא) ויברך ה' את עובד אדום (הגתי) בעבור ארון האלהים והלא דברים ק"ו ומה ארון שלא אכל ושתה אלא כבד ורבץ לפניו כך המארח תלמיד חכם בתוך ביתו ומאכילו ומשקהו ומהנהו מנכסיו עאכ"ו,מאי היא ברכה שברכו אמר רב יהודה בר זבידא זו חמות וח' כלותיה שילדו ששה ששה בכרס אחד

63b. And in order to underscore this, tell our brethren in exile: If they obey the Sages of Eretz Yisrael to excommunicate Ḥanina, fine; and if they do not obey us, it is as if they are seceding from the Jewish people. They should climb a mountain; Aḥiya, one of the leaders of the Babylonian Jewish community, will build an altar, Ḥaya, son of Rabbi Yehoshua’s brother, who was a Levite, will play the lute, and all will proclaim heresy and say that they have no portion in the God of Israel.,This message had a profound impact on the people, and immediately the entire nation burst into tears, saying: God forbid. We do have a portion in the God of Israel. They reconsidered their plans to establish Babylonia as the center of the Jewish people.,The Gemara asks: Why did the Sages of Eretz Yisrael go to that extent to stop Ḥanina? The Gemara answers: Because it is stated: “For out of Zion shall go forth the Torah, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem” (Isaiah 2:3).,The Gemara considers the details of this event: Granted, Ḥanina would rule an item pure and the Sages from Eretz Yisrael would rule it impure; they ruled stringently. But in a case where he ruled an item impure and they ruled it pure, what are the circumstances? How could they rule pure that which he ruled impure? Was it not taught in a baraita: If a Sage ruled an item impure, his colleague is not permitted to rule it pure; if he prohibited it, his colleague may not permit it? The Gemara explains: They held that they must do so in this case, so that people would not be drawn after him; due to the exigencies of the time they overturned his rulings.,The Sages taught: When our Rabbis, the Sages of the Mishna, entered the vineyard, the academy, in Yavne, Rabbi Yehuda, Rabbi Yosei, Rabbi Neḥemya, and Rabbi Eliezer, son of Rabbi Yosei HaGelili, were there presiding over the Sages. They all began to speak in honor of their hosts, the local population hosting them and their students as guests, and they taught.,Rabbi Yehuda, head of the speakers in every place, opened his speech in honor of Torah, and taught: It is stated: “Now Moses used to take the tent and pitch it outside the camp, far off from the camp; and he called it the Tent of Meeting. And it came to pass, that every seeker of God went out unto the Tent of Meeting, which was outside the camp” (Exodus 33:7). He said: Isn’t this an a fortiori inference? Just as the Torah says of the ark of God, which was only twelve mil from the camp: “Every seeker of God went out unto the Tent of Meeting”; all the more so should Torah scholars, who wander great distances and go from city to city and country to country to study Torah, be called seekers of God.,The Gemara continues: It is stated: “And the Lord spoke unto Moses, face to face” (Exodus 33:11). Rabbi Yitzḥak said: The Holy One, Blessed be He, said to Moses: Moses, you and I will show cheerful faces in the study of halakha to those who come to study. Some say that the Holy One, Blessed be He, told Moses: Just as I showed you a cheerful face, so too you will show Israel a cheerful face and restore the tent to its place in the camp.,It is said: “And he would return into the camp; but his minister, Joshua bin-Nun, a young man, departed not out of the Tent” (Exodus 33:11). Rabbi Abbahu said: The Holy One, Blessed be He, told Moses: Now, they will say: The Master, God, is angry and the student, Moses, is also angry, and what will happen to Israel? Rather, you must restore the tent to its place among the people. If you restore the tent to its place, fine; and if not, Joshua bin-Nun, your student, will serve as Israel’s leader in your place.,And that is what is written: “And he would return into the camp; but his minister, Joshua bin-Nun, a young man, departed not out of the Tent.” Rava said: Nevertheless, though Moses obeyed and restored the tent, the statement written with regard to the role of Joshua was not uttered for naught. Joshua bin-Nun remained as deputy to Moses, and ultimately served in his place, as it is stated: “But his minister, Joshua bin-Nun, a young man, departed not out of the Tent.”,And Rabbi Yehuda again began to speak in honor of Torah and taught: When Moses took leave of Israel on his last day in this world, he said: “Keep silence [hasket] and hear, Israel; this day you have become a people unto the Lord your God” (Deuteronomy 27:9). This is surprising: Was the Torah given to Israel on that day? Wasn’t that day at the end of forty years since the Torah was given? Rather, it comes to teach that each and every day the Torah is as dear to those who study it, as it was on the day it was given from Mount Sinai.,Rabbi Tanḥum, son of Rabbi Ḥiyya, of the village of Akko, said: Know that the Torah is indeed beloved, as one who recites Shema, morning and evening, for his entire life, and does not recite it one evening, it is as if he never recited Shema. He cannot compensate for what he missed.,The Gemara interprets the word hasket in this verse homiletically, as an acronym of the words as, make, and kat, group. Form [asu] many groups [kitot] and study Torah, for the Torah is only acquired through study in a group. This is in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Yosei, son of Rabbi Ḥanina; as Rabbi Yosei, son of Rabbi Ḥanina, said: What is the meaning of that which is written: “A sword is upon the boasters [habaddim], and they shall become fools [noalu]” (Jeremiah 50:36)? This verse can be interpreted homiletically: A sword upon the enemies of Torah scholars, a euphemism for the Torah scholars themselves, who sit alone [bad bevad] and study Torah. And furthermore, those who study alone grow foolish, as it is written here, noalu, and elsewhere it is written that after Miriam was afflicted with leprosy, Aaron told Moses: “For that we have done foolishly [noalnu]” (Numbers 12:11). And furthermore, they sin due to that ignorance, as at the end of that same verse it is stated: “For that we have done foolishly, and for that we have sinned.”,If you wish, say instead that it is derived from here: “The princes of Tzoan are become fools [noalu]” (Isaiah 19:13).,The Gemara offers an alternative explanation of this verse: “Keep silence [hasket] and hear, Israel”; break [kattetu] yourselves over words of the Torah. This is in accordance with the opinion of Reish Lakish, as Reish Lakish said: From where is it derived that matters of Torah are only retained by one who kills himself over it? As it is stated: “This is the Torah: When one dies in a tent” (Numbers 19:14); true Torah study demands the total devotion of one who is willing to dedicate his life in the tent of Torah.,The Gemara offers yet another alternative explanation of this verse: “Keep silence [hasket] and hear, Israel”; first be silent [has] and listen and then study intensively in order to analyze [kattet] and clarify the details. This is in accordance with the opinion of Rava, as Rava said: One must always study Torah and gain expertise in it, and only then analyze and delve into it.,In the school of Rabbi Yannai they said: What is the meaning of that which is written: “For the churning of milk brings forth curd, and the wringing of the nose [af] brings forth blood, so the forcing of wrath [appayim] brings forth strife” (Proverbs 30:33)?,With regard to the beginning of the verse: For the churning of milk brings forth curd; in whom do you find the cream of Torah? With one who spits out the milk that he nursed from his mother’s breasts over it; one who struggles with all his might to study Torah.,With regard to: And the wringing of the nose brings forth blood, any student whose rabbi is angry [af] with him the first time and he is silent and does not react, will merit to be able to distinguish between blood that is ritually impure and blood that is ritually pure.,As for: And the forcing of wrath [appayim] brings forth strife; any student whose rabbi is angry with him for the first and second times, appayim being the plural of af, and he is silent, merits to distinguish between monetary cases, strife, and capital cases, as that is the highest level of learning. As we learned in a mishna: Rabbi Yishmael says: One who seeks to become wise should engage in monetary laws, as there is no greater discipline in Torah, as they are like a flowing well in which innovations constantly spring forth.,Similarly, Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani said: What is the meaning of that which is written: “If you have done foolishly in lifting up yourself, or if you have planned devices [zamota], lay your hand over your mouth” (Proverbs 30:32)? Anyone who abases himself over matters of Torah, asking questions despite the shame he feels for his ignorance, will ultimately be exalted. And if he muzzles [zamam] himself due to embarrassment, he will end up with his hand over his mouth, unable to answer.,The Gemara returns to the homilies offered by the Sages in the vineyard of Yavne. Rabbi Neḥemya began to speak in honor of the hosts and taught: What is the meaning of that which is written: “And Saul said unto the Kenites: Go, depart, get you down from among the Amalekites lest I destroy you with them, for you showed kindness to all the Children of Israel when they came up out of Egypt” (I Samuel 15:6)? Isn’t this an a fortiori inference: Just as Jethro, the forbearer of the Kenite tribe, who only befriended Moses for his own honor, is treated in this way and rewarded that his merit would protect his descendants; all the more so should one who hosts a Torah scholar in his home, providing him with food and drink and availing him of his possessions, be rewarded with that protection.,Rabbi Yosei began to speak in honor of the hosts, and taught: It is said: “You shall not abhor an Edomite, for he is your brother; you shall not abhor an Egyptian, because you were a stranger in his land” (Deuteronomy 23:8). Isn’t this an a fortiori inference: Just as the Egyptians, who only befriended Israel, even when they hosted them, for their own benefit, as Pharaoh said to Joseph, as it is stated: “And if you know any able men among them, then make them rulers over my cattle” (Genesis 47:6), are treated this way, all the more so should one who hosts a Torah scholar in his home, providing him with food and drink and availing him of his possessions without concern for personal gain, be treated this way.,Rabbi Eliezer, son of Rabbi Yosei HaGelili, began to speak in honor of the hosts, and taught: It is stated: “The Lord has blessed the house of Oved-edom…because of the ark of God” (II Samuel 6:12). Isn’t this an a fortiori inference: Just as in reward for honoring the ark, which neither ate nor drank, but before which Oved-edom simply swept and sprinkled water to settle the dust, he was treated this way and merited a blessing, all the more so should one who hosts a Torah scholar in his home, providing him with food and drink and availing him of his possessions without concern for his personal gain, be rewarded with such a blessing.,The Gemara asks: What is that blessing with which Oved-edom was blessed? Rav Yehuda bar Zevida said: This is Ḥamot and her eight daughters-in-law, each of whom bore six in a single womb,

85. Babylonian Talmud, Eruvin, 54b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greco-roman culture Found in books: Rubenstein, The Culture of the Babylonian Talmud (2003) 192

54b. כל זמן שאדם ממשמש בה מוצא בה תאנים אף דברי תורה כל זמן שאדם הוגה בהן מוצא בהן טעם,א"ר שמואל בר נחמני מאי דכתיב (משלי ה, יט) אילת אהבים ויעלת חן וגו' למה נמשלו דברי תורה לאילת לומר לך מה אילה רחמה צר וחביבה על בועלה כל שעה ושעה כשעה ראשונה אף דברי תורה חביבין על לומדיהן כל שעה ושעה כשעה ראשונה,ויעלת חן שמעלת חן על לומדיה דדיה ירווך בכל עת למה נמשלו דברי תורה כדד מה דד זה כל זמן שהתינוק ממשמש בו מוצא בו חלב אף דברי תורה כל זמן שאדם הוגה בהן מוצא בהן טעם,באהבתה תשגה תמיד כגון רבי (אליעזר) בן פדת אמרו עליו על רבי (אליעזר) שהיה יושב ועוסק בתורה בשוק התחתון של ציפורי וסדינו מוטל בשוק העליון של ציפורי (תניא) א"ר יצחק בן אלעזר פעם אחת בא אדם ליטלו ומצא בו שרף,תנא דבי רב ענן מאי דכתיב (שופטים ה, י) רוכבי אתונות צחורות יושבי על מדין [והולכי על דרך שיחו] רוכבי אתונות אלו תלמידי חכמים שמהלכין מעיר לעיר וממדינה למדינה ללמוד (בו) תורה צחורות שעושין אותה כצהרים יושבי על מדין שדנין דין אמת לאמיתו והולכי אלו בעלי מקרא על דרך אלו בעלי משנה שיחו אלו בעלי תלמוד שכל שיחתן דברי תורה,אמר רב שיזבי משום רבי אלעזר בן עזריה מאי דכתיב (משלי יב, כז) לא יחרוך רמיה צידו לא יחיה ולא יאריך ימים צייד הרמאי,רב ששת אמר צייד הרמאי יחרוך,כי אתא רב דימי אמר משל לצייד שצד צפרים אם ראשון ראשון משבר כנפיו משתמר ואם לאו אין משתמר,אמר (רבה) אמר רב סחורה אמר רב הונא מאי דכתיב (משלי יג, יא) הון מהבל ימעט וקובץ על יד ירבה אם עושה אדם תורתו חבילות חבילות מתמעט ואם לאו קובץ על יד ירבה,אמר (רבה) ידעי רבנן להא מלתא ועברי עלה אמר רב נחמן בר יצחק אנא עבדתה ואיקיים בידאי:,ת"ר כיצד סדר משנה משה למד מפי הגבורה נכנס אהרן ושנה לו משה פירקו נסתלק אהרן וישב לשמאל משה נכנסו בניו ושנה להן משה פירקן נסתלקו בניו אלעזר ישב לימין משה ואיתמר לשמאל אהרן רבי יהודה אומר לעולם אהרן לימין משה חוזר נכנסו זקנים ושנה להן משה פירקן נסתלקו זקנים נכנסו כל העם ושנה להן משה פירקן נמצאו ביד אהרן ארבעה ביד בניו שלשה וביד הזקנים שנים וביד כל העם אחד,נסתלק משה ושנה להן אהרן פירקו נסתלק אהרן שנו להן בניו פירקן נסתלקו בניו שנו להן זקנים פירקן נמצא ביד הכל ארבעה,מכאן א"ר אליעזר חייב אדם לשנות לתלמידו ארבעה פעמים וקל וחומר ומה אהרן שלמד מפי משה ומשה מפי הגבורה כך הדיוט מפי הדיוט על אחת כמה וכמה,ר"ע אומר מניין שחייב אדם לשנות לתלמידו עד שילמדנו שנאמר (דברים לא, יט) ולמדה את בני ישראל ומניין עד שתהא סדורה בפיהם שנאמר שימה בפיהם,ומניין שחייב להראות לו פנים שנאמר (שמות כא, א) ואלה המשפטים אשר תשים לפניהם,וליגמרו כולהו ממשה כדי לחלוק כבוד לאהרן ובניו וכבוד לזקנים,וניעול אהרן וניגמר ממשה וליעיילו בניו וליגמרו מאהרן וליעיילו זקנים ולילפו מבניו וליזלו וליגמרינהו לכולהו ישראל כיון דמשה מפי הגבורה גמר מסתייעא מלתיה,אמר מר רבי יהודה אומר לעולם אהרן לימין משה חוזר כמאן אזלא הא דתניא שלשה שהיו מהלכין בדרך הרב באמצע וגדול בימינו וקטן בשמאלו לימא רבי יהודה היא ולא רבנן,אפילו תימא רבנן משום טירחא דאהרן,רבי פרידא הוה ליה ההוא תלמידא דהוה תני ליה ארבע מאה זימני וגמר יומא חד בעיוה למלתא דמצוה תנא ליה ולא גמר,א"ל האידנא מאי שנא א"ל מדההיא שעתא דא"ל למר איכא מילתא דמצוה אסחאי לדעתאי וכל שעתא אמינא השתא קאי מר השתא קאי מר א"ל הב דעתיך ואתני ליך הדר תנא ליה ד' מאה זימני [אחריני],נפקא בת קלא וא"ל ניחא ליך דליספו לך ד' מאה שני או דתיזכו את ודרך לעלמא דאתי אמר דניזכו אנא ודריי לעלמא דאתי אמר להן הקב"ה תנו לו זו וזו,אמר רב חסדא אין תורה נקנית אלא בסימנין שנאמר שימה בפיהם אל תקרי שימה אלא סימנה,שמעה רב תחליפא ממערבא אזל אמרה קמיה דר' אבהו אמר אתון מהתם מתניתו לה אנן מהכא מתנינן לה (ירמיהו לא, כא) הציבי לך ציונים שימי לך וגו' עשו ציונים לתורה ומאי משמע דהאי ציון לישנא דסימנא הוא דכתיב (יחזקאל לט, טו) וראה עצם אדם ובנה אצלו ציון,ר' אליעזר אמר מהכא (משלי ז, ד) אמור לחכמה אחותי את ומודע לבינה תקרא עשה מודעים לתורה רבא אמר עשה מועדים לתורה

54b. whenever a person searches it for figs to eat, he finds figs in it, as the figs on a tree do not ripen all at once, so that one can always find a recently ripened fig, so too, with matters of Torah. Whenever a person meditates upon them, he finds in them new meaning.,Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani said: What is the meaning of that which is written: “A loving hind and a graceful roe, let her breasts satisfy you at all times, and be you ravished always with her love” (Proverbs 5:19)? Why were matters of Torah compared to a hind? To tell you that just as with a hind, its womb is narrow and it is cherished by its mate each and every hour like the first hour, so too, matters of Torah are cherished by those who study them each and every hour like the first hour.,“And a graceful roe” is expounded as follows: That the Torah bestows grace upon those who study it. “Let her breasts satisfy you at all times”; why were matters of Torah compared to a breast? Just as with a breast, whenever a baby searches it for milk to suckle, he finds milk in it, so too, with matters of Torah. Whenever a person meditates upon them, he finds new meaning in them.,“And be you ravished always with her love”; your love for Torah should always distract you from worldly matters, as was the case with Rabbi Elazar ben Pedat. They said of him, of Rabbi Elazar, that he would sit and engage in Torah study in the lower marketplace of Tzippori, and his cloak was lying in the upper marketplace of Tzippori. His mind was so focused on Torah study that he would act in this unusual manner. In this regard, the Gemara relates that it was taught in a baraita that Rabbi Yitzḥak ben Elazar said: One time a person came to take this cloak for himself and found a serpent on it guarding it.,In further praise of the Torah and those who study it, a Sage of the school of Rav A taught: What is the meaning of that which is written: “You that ride on white donkeys, you that sit on rich cloths, and you that walk by the way, tell of it” (Judges 5:10)? “You that ride on white donkeys”; these are Torah scholars, who travel from city to city and from province to province to study Torah. “White [tzeḥorot]” are those who make it clear as noon [tzahorayim], i.e., who make the Torah comprehensible. “You that sit on couches [midin]” refers to those who judge [danin] an absolutely true judgment. “And you that walk”; these are the masters of Bible, who are the least important of the scholars. “By the way”; these are the more important masters of Mishna. “Tell of it”; these are the masters of Talmud, the most important of all, as all their conversation is about matters of Torah.,The Gemara continues with this topic: Rav Sheizvi said in the name of Rabbi Elazar ben Azarya: What is the meaning of that which is written: “The slothful man [remiyya] will not roast [yaḥarokh] his catch” (Proverbs 12:27)? The deceitful [rammai] hunter will not live [yiḥyeh] a long life [ya’arikh]. A deceitful hunter continues to hunt more and more animals without holding on to the animals he has already caught. Similarly, someone who continues to study new material without reviewing what he has already learned will not be successful.,Rav Sheshet said: Will a deceitful hunter have something to roast? One who acts in this way is a fool, but it is hard to describe him as deceitful.,When Rav Dimi came from Eretz Yisrael to Babylonia, he said: This is comparable to a hunter who is hunting birds; if he breaks the wings of the birds one by one as he captures them so that they will be unable to fly off again, his prey will be secured, and if not, they will not be secured. According to this explanation, the word rammai is interpreted as cunning rather than deceitful. A cunning hunter secures his prey; similarly, a cunning student reviews each lesson and thereby retains that which he learns.,Similarly, Rabba said that Rav Seḥora said that Rav Huna said: What is the meaning of that which is written: “Wealth gotten through vanity [hevel] shall be diminished; but he that gathers little by little shall increase” (Proverbs 13:11)? If a person turns his Torah into bundles [ḥavilot, derived from the word hevel by replacing the heh with a ḥet], studying large amounts at the same time, his Torah will diminish. And if not, i.e., if he learns little by little and reviews what he has learned, he that gathers little by little shall increase.,Rabba said: The Sages know this, but nevertheless transgress it, i.e., they fail to heed this advice. Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak said: I did this, learning little by little and regularly reviewing what I had learned, and my learning has indeed endured.,The Gemara continues to discuss methods of Torah study. The Sages taught the following baraita: What was the order of teaching the Oral Law? How was the Oral Law first taught? Moses learned directly from the mouth of the Almighty. Aaron entered and sat before him, and Moses taught him his lesson as he had learned it from God. Aaron moved aside and sat to the left of Moses. Aaron’s sons entered, and Moses taught them their lesson while Aaron listened. Aaron’s sons moved aside; Elazar sat to the right of Moses and Itamar sat to the left of Aaron. Rabbi Yehuda disagreed with the first tanna with regard to the seating arrangements and said: Actually, Aaron would return to sit to the right of Moses. The elders entered and Moses taught them their lesson. The elders moved aside, and the entire nation entered and Moses taught them their lesson. Therefore, Aaron had heard the lesson four times, his sons heard it three times, the elders heard it twice, and the entire nation heard it once.,Moses then departed to his tent, and Aaron taught the others his lesson as he had learned it from Moses. Aaron then departed and his sons taught the others their lesson. His sons then departed and the elders taught the rest of the people their lesson. Hence everyone, Aaron, his sons, the elders and all the people, heard the lesson taught by God four times.,From here Rabbi Eliezer said: A person is obligated to teach his student his lesson four times. And it follows by way of an a fortiori inference: If Aaron, who learned from Moses himself, and Moses had received the Torah directly from the mouth of the Almighty, needed this regimen; an ordinary student learning from the mouth of an ordinary teacher, how much more so must he review his studies four times.,Rabbi Akiva says: From where do we derive that a person is obligated to teach his student until he learns the material and understands it? As it is stated: “Now therefore write this song for you, and teach it to the children of Israel; put it in their mouths, that this song may be a witness for me against the children of Israel” (Deuteronomy 31:19). This verse indicates that one must teach Torah to others. And from where do we derive that one must teach his students until the material is organized in their mouths? As it is stated: “Put it in their mouths,” so that they should be capable of teaching it to others.,And from where do we derive that a teacher must show his students the reasons for the teachings? As it is stated: “Now these are the judgments which you shall set before them” (Exodus 21:1), which indicates that the lesson must be set out in logical fashion for the students.,With regard to the manner in which the Oral Law was taught, the Gemara asks: They should all have studied from Moses himself four times. The Gemara answers: The teaching was divided in this manner in order to give honor to Aaron and his sons, and also to give honor to the elders.,The Gemara asks why a different method was not adopted, one which would have involved less trouble for Moses: Aaron should have entered and studied from Moses; his sons should then have entered and studied from Aaron; the elders should then have entered and studied from Aaron’s sons; and then they should have gone out and taught all of the Jewish people. The Gemara answers: Since Moses had studied directly from the mouth of the Almighty, it would be more effective for everyone to hear the Torah at least once from Moses himself.,The Master said in the baraita that Rabbi Yehuda says: Actually, Aaron would return to sit to the right of Moses, i.e., no matter how many people were present Aaron always sat to Moses’ right. The Gemara asks: In accordance with whose opinion was it taught in a baraita dealing with the rules of etiquette: If three people were walking along the way, the teacher should walk in the middle and the greater of the two students should be to his right and the lesser one should be to his left? Shall we say that it is the opinion of Rabbi Yehuda and not that of the Sages? According to the Sages, the greater of the two students should be positioned to the left of the teacher so that the student’s right side faces his teacher.,The Gemara answers: You can even say that this baraita was taught in accordance with the opinion of the Sages, and the reason they said that Aaron remained to Moses’ left even after the others entered is due to the trouble to Aaron if he would have to stand up and sit down again.,Having discussed the importance of reviewing one’s Torah study, the Gemara relates that Rabbi Perida had a certain student whom he would have to teach four hundred times, and only then would he learn the material, as he was incapable of understanding it otherwise. One day they requested Rabbi Perida’s presence for a mitzva matter after the lesson. Rabbi Perida taught his student four hundred times as usual, but this time the student did not successfully learn the material.,Rabbi Perida said to him: What is different now that you are unable to grasp the lesson? He said to him: From the time that they said to the Master that there is a mitzva matter for which he is needed, my mind was distracted from the lesson and every moment I said: Now the Master will get up, now the Master will get up to go and perform the mitzva and he will not complete the lesson. Rabbi Perida said to him: Pay attention this time and I will teach you, and know that I will not leave until you have fully mastered the lesson. He taught him again an additional four hundred times.,Due to the merit of Rabbi Perida’s great devotion to his students, a Divine Voice emerged and said to him: Is it preferable to you that four hundred years be added to your life, or that you and the rest of your generation will merit the World-to-Come? He said: I prefer that I and my generation merit the World-to-Come. The Holy One, Blessed be He, said to the angels: Give him both; he shall live a very long life and he and the rest of his generation will merit the World-to-Come.,The Gemara continues its discussion with regard to methods of Torah study: Rav Ḥisda said: The Torah can be acquired only with mnemonic signs that aid the memory, as it is stated: “Put it in their mouths.” Do not read the phrase as: Put it [simah], but rather as: Its sign [simanah], thus indicating that mnemonic signs aid in memorizing the material.,Rav Taḥalifa of the West, i.e., from Eretz Yisrael, heard this statement and went and said it before Rabbi Abbahu, who said: You learn this idea from there; we learn it from here, as the verse states: “Set up signposts [tziyyunim] for yourself; establish you markers” (Jeremiah 31:20), which is understood to mean: Establish mnemonic signs for the Torah. And from where may it be inferred that this term tziyyun denotes a sign? As it is written in a different verse: “And when they that pass through shall pass through the land, and any sees a human bone, he shall set up a sign [tziyyun] by it” (Ezekiel 39:15), i.e., a sign that there is a source of ritual impurity at that spot.,Rabbi Eliezer said that we learn this same idea from here: “Say to wisdom, you are my sister, and call understanding, your kinswoman [moda]” (Proverbs 7:4), which means: Establish signs [moda’im] that convey knowledge of the Torah. Rava said with regard to this verse: Set appointed times [mo’adim] for Torah study.

86. Babylonian Talmud, Gittin, 57 (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greco-roman culture Found in books: Rubenstein, The Culture of the Babylonian Talmud (2003) 192

87. Babylonian Talmud, Qiddushin, 29b (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •greco-roman culture Found in books: Rubenstein, The Culture of the Babylonian Talmud (2003) 192

29b. כל היכא דליכא אלא חמש סלעים הוא קודם לבנו מאי טעמא מצוה דגופיה עדיפא כי פליגי היכא דאיכא חמש משועבדים וחמש בני חורין,ר' יהודה סבר מלוה דכתיב בתורה ככתובה בשטר דמיא בהני חמש פריק לבריה ואזיל כהן וטריף ליה לחמש משועבדים לדידיה,ורבנן סברי מלוה דכתיב באורייתא לאו ככתובה בשטר דמיא והילכך מצוה דגופיה עדיף,ת"ר לפדות את בנו ולעלות לרגל פודה את בנו ואחר כך עולה לרגל ר' יהודה אומר עולה לרגל ואח"כ פודה את בנו שזו מצוה עוברת וזו מצוה שאינה עוברת,בשלמא לר' יהודה כדקאמר טעמא אלא רבנן מאי טעמייהו דאמר קרא (שמות לד, כ) כל בכור בניך תפדה והדר לא יראו פני ריקם,ת"ר מנין שאם היו לו חמשה בנים מחמש נשים שחייב לפדות כולן ת"ל כל בכור בניך תפדה פשיטא בפטר רחם תלא רחמנא,מהו דתימא נילף בכור בכור מנחלה מה להלן ראשית אונו אף כאן ראשית אונו קמ"ל:,ללמדו תורה: מנלן דכתיב (דברים יא, יט) ולמדתם אותם את בניכם והיכא דלא אגמריה אבוה מיחייב איהו למיגמר נפשיה דכתיב ולמדתם,איהי מנלן דלא מיחייבא דכתיב ולימדתם ולמדתם כל שמצווה ללמוד מצווה ללמד וכל שאינו מצווה ללמוד אינו מצווה ללמד,ואיהי מנלן דלא מיחייבה למילף נפשה דכתיב ולימדתם ולמדתם כל שאחרים מצווין ללמדו מצווה ללמד את עצמו וכל שאין אחרים מצווין ללמדו אין מצווה ללמד את עצמו ומנין שאין אחרים מצווין ללמדה דאמר קרא ולמדתם אותם את בניכם ולא בנותיכם,ת"ר הוא ללמוד ובנו ללמוד הוא קודם לבנו ר' יהודה אומר אם בנו זריז וממולח ותלמודו מתקיים בידו בנו קודמו כי הא דרב יעקב בריה דרב אחא בר יעקב שדריה אבוה לקמיה דאביי כי אתא חזייה דלא הוה מיחדדין שמעתיה א"ל אנא עדיפא מינך תוב את דאיזיל אנא,שמע אביי דקא הוה אתי הוה ההוא מזיק בי רבנן דאביי דכי הוו עיילי בתרין אפי' ביממא הוו מיתזקי אמר להו לא ליתיב ליה אינש אושפיזא אפשר דמתרחיש ניסא,על בת בההוא בי רבנן אידמי ליה כתנינא דשבעה רישוותיה כל כריעה דכרע נתר חד רישיה אמר להו למחר אי לא איתרחיש ניסא סכינתין,ת"ר ללמוד תורה ולישא אשה ילמוד תורה ואח"כ ישא אשה ואם א"א לו בלא אשה ישא אשה ואח"כ ילמוד תורה אמר רב יהודה אמר שמואל הלכה נושא אשה ואח"כ ילמוד תורה,ר' יוחנן אמר ריחיים בצוארו ויעסוק בתורה ולא פליגי הא לן והא להו:,משתבח ליה רב חסדא לרב הונא בדרב המנונא דאדם גדול הוא א"ל כשיבא לידך הביאהו לידי כי אתא חזייה דלא פריס סודרא א"ל מאי טעמא לא פריסת סודרא א"ל דלא נסיבנא אהדרינהו לאפיה מיניה א"ל חזי דלא חזית להו לאפי עד דנסבת,רב הונא לטעמיה דאמר בן עשרים שנה ולא נשא אשה כל ימיו בעבירה בעבירה סלקא דעתך אלא אימא כל ימיו בהרהור עבירה,אמר רבא וכן תנא דבי ר' ישמעאל עד כ' שנה יושב הקב"ה ומצפה לאדם מתי ישא אשה כיון שהגיע כ' ולא נשא אומר תיפח עצמותיו,אמר רב חסדא האי דעדיפנא מחבראי דנסיבנא בשיתסר ואי הוה נסיבנא בארביסר

29b. that anywhere that there are only five sela available, i.e., enough to redeem only one man, and one is obligated to redeem both himself and his son, he, the father, takes precedence over his son. What is the reason? It is that his own mitzva is preferable to one that he performs on behalf of others. When they disagree is in a case where there is land worth five sela that is liened property that has been sold, i.e., he sold this land to other people but it can be reclaimed by his prior creditor, and five sela which is entirely unsold property.,And the reasoning behind the dispute is as follows: Rabbi Yehuda maintains that a loan that is written in the Torah, i.e., any ficial obligation that applies by Torah law, is considered as though it is written in a document, and therefore it can be collected from liened property, like any loan recorded in a document. This means that the liened property worth five sela is available for one’s own redemption, but not for that of his son, as the sale of the property occurred before the birth of his firstborn. Consequently, with these five sela upon which there is no lien he redeems his son, and the priest goes and repossesses the land worth five sela that is liened property for his own redemption. In this manner one can fulfill both mitzvot.,And the Rabbis maintain: A loan that is written in the Torah is not considered as though it is written in a document, since buyers will not be aware of this obligation, so that they should be aware that the land may be repossessed. And therefore there is no advantage for this man to redeem his son with the five sela upon which there is no lien, and his own mitzva is preferable, which means he redeems himself with the free land. With the liened property that is left he cannot redeem his son, as the land was sold before the birth of his firstborn.,The Sages taught: If one has money to redeem his son and to ascend to Jerusalem on the pilgrimage Festival, he redeems his son and then ascends to Jerusalem on the pilgrimage Festival. Rabbi Yehuda says: He ascends to Jerusalem on the pilgrimage Festival and then redeems his son. His reasoning is that this trip to Jerusalem for the pilgrimage Festival is a mitzva whose time soon passes, and this, the redemption of the firstborn son, is a mitzva whose time does not soon pass, as it can be fulfilled later.,The Gemara asks: Granted, according to the opinion of Rabbi Yehuda, it is as he stated in his reasoning, i.e., Rabbi Yehuda provided the rationale for his opinion. But what is the reasoning of the Rabbis, who say that he should first redeem his son? The Gemara answers that the reason is that the verse states: “All the firstborn of your sons you shall redeem” (Exodus 34:20), and it then states, in the same verse: “And none shall appear before me empty,” referring to the pilgrimage Festival in Jerusalem. The order of the verse indicates that one should redeem his firstborn son before traveling to Jerusalem on the pilgrimage Festival.,The Sages taught: From where is it derived that if one had five firstborn sons, from five different women, he is obligated to redeem them all? The verse states: “All the firstborn of your sons you shall redeem” (Exodus 34:20), and the emphasis of “all” includes any of one’s firstborn sons. The Gemara asks: Isn’t it obvious this is the case? After all, the Merciful One made this mitzva dependent upon the opening of the womb, as it states: “Sanctify to Me all the firstborn, whoever opens the womb” (Exodus 13:2). Since each of these sons is the firstborn of his mother, it is clear that the father is required to redeem each of them.,The Gemara answers that this ruling is necessary lest you say that we should derive a verbal analogy between “firstborn” stated here and “firstborn” from the verses dealing with inheritance: Just as there, the verse describes a firstborn who receives a double portion of the inheritance as: “The first fruit of his strength” (Deuteronomy 21:17), i.e., he is the firstborn son to his father, and not the first child born to his mother; so too here, with regard to the redemption of the firstborn son, it is referring to the first fruit of his strength, which would mean that the father need redeem only his oldest child. Therefore, this baraita teaches us that this is not the case. Rather, every firstborn son to his mother must be redeemed.,§ The baraita teaches that a father is obligated to teach his son Torah. The Gemara asks: From where do we derive this requirement? As it is written: “And you shall teach them [velimadtem] to your sons” (Deuteronomy 11:19). And in a case where his father did not teach him he is obligated to teach himself, as it is written, i.e., the verse can be read with a different vocalization: And you shall study [ulmadtem].,From where do we derive that a woman is not obligated to teach her son Torah? As it is written: “And you shall teach [velimadtem],” which can be read as: And you shall study [ulmadtem]. This indicates that whoever is commanded to study Torah is commanded to teach, and whoever is not commanded to study is not commanded to teach. Since a woman is not obligated to learn Torah, she is likewise not obligated to teach it.,The Gemara asks: And from where do we derive that she is not obligated to teach herself? The Gemara answers: As it is written: “And you shall teach [velimadtem],” which can be read as: And you shall study [ulmadtem], which indicates that whoever others are commanded to teach is commanded to teach himself, and whoever others are not commanded to teach is not commanded to teach himself. And from where is it derived that others are not commanded to teach a woman? As the verse states: “And you shall teach them to your sons” (Deuteronomy 11:19), which emphasizes: Your sons and not your daughters.,The Sages taught: If one wishes to study Torah himself and his son also wants to study, he takes precedence over his son. Rabbi Yehuda says: If his son is diligent and sharp, and his study will endure, his son takes precedence over him. This is like that anecdote which is told about Rav Ya’akov, son of Rav Aḥa bar Ya’akov, whose father sent him to Abaye to study Torah. When the son came home, his father saw that his studies were not sharp, as he was insufficiently bright. Rav Aḥa bar Ya’akov said to his son: I am preferable to you, and it is better that I go and study. Therefore, you sit and handle the affairs of the house so that I can go and study.,Abaye heard that Rav Aḥa bar Ya’akov was coming. There was a certain demon in the study hall of Abaye, which was so powerful that when two people would enter they would be harmed, even during the day. Abaye said to the people of the town: Do not give Rav Aḥa bar Ya’akov lodging [ushpiza] so that he will be forced to spend the night in the study hall. Since Rav Aḥa bar Ya’akov is a righteous man, perhaps a miracle will occur on his behalf and he will kill the demon.,Rav Aḥa found no place to spend the night, and he entered and spent the night in that study hall of the Sages. The demon appeared to him like a serpent with seven heads. Rav Aḥa bar Ya’akov began to pray, and with every bow that he bowed one of the demon’s heads fell off, until it eventually died. The next day Rav Aḥa said to the townspeople: If a miracle had not occurred, you would have placed me in danger.,The Sages taught: If one has to decide whether to study Torah or to marry a woman, which should he do first? He should study Torah and afterward marry a woman. And if it is impossible for him to be without a wife, he should marry a woman and then study Torah. Rav Yehuda says that Shmuel says: The halakha is that one should marry a woman and afterward study Torah.,Rabbi Yoḥa says: How can one do this? With a millstone hanging from his neck, i.e., with the responsibility of providing for his family weighing upon him, can he engage in Torah study? The Gemara comments: And the amora’im do not disagree; this is for us and that is for them. In other words, one statement applies to the residents of Babylonia, whereas the other is referring to those living in Eretz Yisrael.,§ With regard to marriage, the Gemara relates: Rav Ḥisda would praise Rav Hamnuna to Rav Huna by saying that he is a great man. Rav Huna said to him: When he comes to you, send him to me. When Rav Hamnuna came before him, Rav Huna saw that he did not cover his head with a cloth, as Torah scholars did. Rav Huna said to him: What is the reason that you do not cover your head with a cloth? Rav Hamnuna said to him: The reason is that I am not married, and it was not customary for unmarried men to cover their heads with a cloth. Rav Huna turned his face away from him in rebuke, and he said to him: See to it that you do not see my face until you marry.,The Gemara notes: Rav Huna conforms to his standard line of reasoning, as he says: If one is twenty years old and has not yet married a woman, all of his days will be in a state of sin concerning sexual matters. The Gemara asks: Can it enter your mind that he will be in a state of sin all of his days? Rather, say that this means the following: All of his days will be in a state of thoughts of sin, i.e., sexual thoughts. One who does not marry in his youth will become accustomed to thoughts of sexual matters, and the habit will remain with him the rest of his life.,Rava said, and similarly, the school of Rabbi Yishmael taught: Until one reaches the age of twenty years the Holy One, Blessed be He, sits and waits for a man, saying: When will he marry a woman? Once he reaches the age of twenty and has not married, He says: Let his bones swell, i.e., he is cursed and God is no longer concerned about him.,Rav Ḥisda said: The fact that I am superior to my colleagues is because I married at the age of sixteen, and if I would have married at the age of fourteen,

88. Gregory of Nyssa, De Vita Mosis, 2.12, 2.14 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •tertullian, on greco-roman culture versus christian faith Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 340

90. Synkellos, Ecloga Chronographica, 14.1-14.14 Tagged with subjects: •christianity, and greco-roman culture Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 185

91. Anon., Mekhilta D’Rabbi Ishmael Kaspa Mishpatim, 120.2-120.3 Tagged with subjects: •sexual relations in greco-roman culture Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 27

92. Epigraphy, I.Ephesos, i450.2, 3016, 1150, 1151, 1579, 2288b, 3014, 1145, 936, 724, 6, 965, i363.3, 1020, 2323, 366 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kalinowski, Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos (2021) 322

93. Epigraphy, Ephesos, 1151, 3016, 1579, 2288b, i363.3, 3014, 1150, 936, 724, 965, 6, 1020, i450.2, 1145 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kalinowski, Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos (2021) 323

94. Epigraphy, Lss, 33, 91 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 27

96. Pseudo-Eupolemus, Apud Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica, 9.17.8-9.17.9 Tagged with subjects: •greco-roman culture, jewish polemics against Found in books: Reed, Fallen Angels and the History of Judaism and Christianity: The Reception of Enochic Literature (2005) 107

97. Dio Chrysostom, Melancomas Ii, 28 Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257

98. Dio Chrysostom, Caridemus, 22 Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257

99. New Testament3, 36, 38B, 7.12, 7.30, 9.51-9.55, 10.8, 10.25-10.37, 11.7, 11.39-11.44, 13.22-13.30, 17.11-17.16 Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 73, 74, 256, 257, 258, 261

100. Gregory of Nyssa, In Laudem Basilii Fratris, 808-809 m Tagged with subjects: •tertullian, on greco-roman culture versus christian faith Found in books: Ayres Champion and Crawford, The Intellectual World of Late Antique Christianity: Reshaping Classical Traditions (2023) 340

101. Epigraphy, Lsam, 20, 16 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 27

102. Epigraphy, Agora, 5476 Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 106

103. Epigraphy, Lscg, 124, 55 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blidstein, Purity Community and Ritual in Early Christian Literature (2017) 27

104. Demosthenes, In Evergum Et Mnesibulum, 47.38 Tagged with subjects: •culture, greco-roman Found in books: Weissenrieder, Borders: Terminologies, Ideologies, and Performances (2016) 257

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database