Home About Network of subjects Linked subjects heatmap Book indices included Search by subject Search by reference Browse subjects Browse texts

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

   Search:  
validated results only / all results

and or

Filtering options: (leave empty for all results)
By author:     
By work:        
By subject:
By additional keyword:       



Results for
Please note: the results are produced through a computerized process which may frequently lead to errors, both in incorrect tagging and in other issues. Please use with caution.
Due to load times, full text fetching is currently attempted for validated results only.
Full texts for Hebrew Bible and rabbinic texts is kindly supplied by Sefaria; for Greek and Latin texts, by Perseus Scaife, for the Quran, by Tanzil.net

For a list of book indices included, see here.





149 results for "cornelius"
1. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 23.7-23.10 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius tacitus Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 175
23.7. "וַיִּשָּׂא מְשָׁלוֹ וַיֹּאמַר מִן־אֲרָם יַנְחֵנִי בָלָק מֶלֶךְ־מוֹאָב מֵהַרְרֵי־קֶדֶם לְכָה אָרָה־לִּי יַעֲקֹב וּלְכָה זֹעֲמָה יִשְׂרָאֵל׃", 23.8. "מָה אֶקֹּב לֹא קַבֹּה אֵל וּמָה אֶזְעֹם לֹא זָעַם יְהוָה׃", 23.9. "כִּי־מֵרֹאשׁ צֻרִים אֶרְאֶנּוּ וּמִגְּבָעוֹת אֲשׁוּרֶנּוּ הֶן־עָם לְבָדָד יִשְׁכֹּן וּבַגּוֹיִם לֹא יִתְחַשָּׁב׃", 23.7. "And he took up his parable, and said: From Aram Balak bringeth me, The king of Moab from the mountains of the East: ‘Come, curse me Jacob, And come, execrate Israel.’", 23.8. "How shall I curse, whom God hath not cursed? And how shall I execrate, whom the LORD hath not execrated?", 23.9. "For from the top of the rocks I see him, And from the hills I behold him: Lo, it is a people that shall dwell alone, And shall not be reckoned among the nations.", 23.10. "Who hath counted the dust of Jacob, Or numbered the stock of Israel? Let me die the death of the righteous, And let mine end be like his!",
2. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 12.1-12.3 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius tacitus Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 175
12.1. "וַיְהִי רָעָב בָּאָרֶץ וַיֵּרֶד אַבְרָם מִצְרַיְמָה לָגוּר שָׁם כִּי־כָבֵד הָרָעָב בָּאָרֶץ׃", 12.1. "וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה אֶל־אַבְרָם לֶךְ־לְךָ מֵאַרְצְךָ וּמִמּוֹלַדְתְּךָ וּמִבֵּית אָבִיךָ אֶל־הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר אַרְאֶךָּ׃", 12.2. "וַיְצַו עָלָיו פַּרְעֹה אֲנָשִׁים וַיְשַׁלְּחוּ אֹתוֹ וְאֶת־אִשְׁתּוֹ וְאֶת־כָּל־אֲשֶׁר־לוֹ׃", 12.2. "וְאֶעֶשְׂךָ לְגוֹי גָּדוֹל וַאֲבָרֶכְךָ וַאֲגַדְּלָה שְׁמֶךָ וֶהְיֵה בְּרָכָה׃", 12.3. "וַאֲבָרֲכָה מְבָרְכֶיךָ וּמְקַלֶּלְךָ אָאֹר וְנִבְרְכוּ בְךָ כֹּל מִשְׁפְּחֹת הָאֲדָמָה׃", 12.1. "Now the LORD said unto Abram: ‘Get thee out of thy country, and from thy kindred, and from thy father’s house, unto the land that I will show thee.", 12.2. "And I will make of thee a great nation, and I will bless thee, and make thy name great; and be thou a blessing.", 12.3. "And I will bless them that bless thee, and him that curseth thee will I curse; and in thee shall all the families of the earth be blessed.’",
3. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 6.7, 23.24, 33.16 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius tacitus Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 175
6.7. "וְלָקַחְתִּי אֶתְכֶם לִי לְעָם וְהָיִיתִי לָכֶם לֵאלֹהִים וִידַעְתֶּם כִּי אֲנִי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם הַמּוֹצִיא אֶתְכֶם מִתַּחַת סִבְלוֹת מִצְרָיִם׃", 23.24. "לֹא־תִשְׁתַּחֲוֶה לֵאלֹהֵיהֶם וְלֹא תָעָבְדֵם וְלֹא תַעֲשֶׂה כְּמַעֲשֵׂיהֶם כִּי הָרֵס תְּהָרְסֵם וְשַׁבֵּר תְּשַׁבֵּר מַצֵּבֹתֵיהֶם׃", 33.16. "וּבַמֶּה יִוָּדַע אֵפוֹא כִּי־מָצָאתִי חֵן בְּעֵינֶיךָ אֲנִי וְעַמֶּךָ הֲלוֹא בְּלֶכְתְּךָ עִמָּנוּ וְנִפְלֵינוּ אֲנִי וְעַמְּךָ מִכָּל־הָעָם אֲשֶׁר עַל־פְּנֵי הָאֲדָמָה׃", 6.7. "and I will take you to Me for a people, and I will be to you a God; and ye shall know that I am the LORD your God, who brought you out from under the burdens of the Egyptians.", 23.24. "Thou shalt not bow down to their gods, nor serve them, nor do after their doings; but thou shalt utterly overthrow them, and break in pieces their pillars.", 33.16. "For wherein now shall it be known that I have found grace in Thy sight, I and Thy people? is it not in that Thou goest with us, so that we are distinguished, I and Thy people, from all the people that are upon the face of the earth?’",
4. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 7.6, 10.15, 12.2-12.4, 12.31, 14.2 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius tacitus Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 175
7.6. "כִּי עַם קָדוֹשׁ אַתָּה לַיהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ בְּךָ בָּחַר יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ לִהְיוֹת לוֹ לְעַם סְגֻלָּה מִכֹּל הָעַמִּים אֲשֶׁר עַל־פְּנֵי הָאֲדָמָה׃", 10.15. "רַק בַּאֲבֹתֶיךָ חָשַׁק יְהוָה לְאַהֲבָה אוֹתָם וַיִּבְחַר בְּזַרְעָם אַחֲרֵיהֶם בָּכֶם מִכָּל־הָעַמִּים כַּיּוֹם הַזֶּה׃", 12.2. "כִּי־יַרְחִיב יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ אֶת־גְּבוּלְךָ כַּאֲשֶׁר דִּבֶּר־לָךְ וְאָמַרְתָּ אֹכְלָה בָשָׂר כִּי־תְאַוֶּה נַפְשְׁךָ לֶאֱכֹל בָּשָׂר בְּכָל־אַוַּת נַפְשְׁךָ תֹּאכַל בָּשָׂר׃", 12.2. "אַבֵּד תְּאַבְּדוּן אֶת־כָּל־הַמְּקֹמוֹת אֲשֶׁר עָבְדוּ־שָׁם הַגּוֹיִם אֲשֶׁר אַתֶּם יֹרְשִׁים אֹתָם אֶת־אֱלֹהֵיהֶם עַל־הֶהָרִים הָרָמִים וְעַל־הַגְּבָעוֹת וְתַחַת כָּל־עֵץ רַעֲנָן׃", 12.3. "הִשָּׁמֶר לְךָ פֶּן־תִּנָּקֵשׁ אַחֲרֵיהֶם אַחֲרֵי הִשָּׁמְדָם מִפָּנֶיךָ וּפֶן־תִּדְרֹשׁ לֵאלֹהֵיהֶם לֵאמֹר אֵיכָה יַעַבְדוּ הַגּוֹיִם הָאֵלֶּה אֶת־אֱלֹהֵיהֶם וְאֶעֱשֶׂה־כֵּן גַּם־אָנִי׃", 12.3. "וְנִתַּצְתֶּם אֶת־מִזְבּחֹתָם וְשִׁבַּרְתֶּם אֶת־מַצֵּבֹתָם וַאֲשֵׁרֵיהֶם תִּשְׂרְפוּן בָּאֵשׁ וּפְסִילֵי אֱלֹהֵיהֶם תְּגַדֵּעוּן וְאִבַּדְתֶּם אֶת־שְׁמָם מִן־הַמָּקוֹם הַהוּא׃", 12.4. "לֹא־תַעֲשׂוּן כֵּן לַיהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם׃", 12.31. "לֹא־תַעֲשֶׂה כֵן לַיהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ כִּי כָּל־תּוֹעֲבַת יְהוָה אֲשֶׁר שָׂנֵא עָשׂוּ לֵאלֹהֵיהֶם כִּי גַם אֶת־בְּנֵיהֶם וְאֶת־בְּנֹתֵיהֶם יִשְׂרְפוּ בָאֵשׁ לֵאלֹהֵיהֶם׃", 14.2. "כִּי עַם קָדוֹשׁ אַתָּה לַיהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ וּבְךָ בָּחַר יְהוָה לִהְיוֹת לוֹ לְעַם סְגֻלָּה מִכֹּל הָעַמִּים אֲשֶׁר עַל־פְּנֵי הָאֲדָמָה׃", 14.2. "כָּל־עוֹף טָהוֹר תֹּאכֵלוּ׃", 7.6. "For thou art a holy people unto the LORD thy God: the LORD thy God hath chosen thee to be His own treasure, out of all peoples that are upon the face of the earth.", 10.15. "Only the LORD had a delight in thy fathers to love them, and He chose their seed after them, even you, above all peoples, as it is this day.", 12.2. "Ye shall surely destroy all the places, wherein the nations that ye are to dispossess served their gods, upon the high mountains, and upon the hills, and under every leafy tree.", 12.3. "And ye shall break down their altars, and dash in pieces their pillars, and burn their Asherim with fire; and ye shall hew down the graven images of their gods; and ye shall destroy their name out of that place.", 12.4. "Ye shall not do so unto the LORD your God.", 12.31. "Thou shalt not do so unto the LORD thy God; for every abomination to the LORD, which He hateth, have they done unto their gods; for even their sons and their daughters do they burn in the fire to their gods.", 14.2. "For thou art a holy people unto the LORD thy God, and the LORD hath chosen thee to be His own treasure out of all peoples that are upon the face of the earth.",
5. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 20.26 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius tacitus Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 175
20.26. "וִהְיִיתֶם לִי קְדֹשִׁים כִּי קָדוֹשׁ אֲנִי יְהוָה וָאַבְדִּל אֶתְכֶם מִן־הָעַמִּים לִהְיוֹת לִי׃", 20.26. "And ye shall be holy unto Me; for I the LORD am holy, and have set you apart from the peoples, that ye should be Mine.",
6. Herodotus, Histories, 1.8-1.14, 4.82 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 198, 279
1.8. This Candaules, then, fell in love with his own wife, so much so that he believed her to be by far the most beautiful woman in the world; and believing this, he praised her beauty beyond measure to Gyges son of Dascylus, who was his favorite among his bodyguard; for it was to Gyges that he entrusted all his most important secrets. ,After a little while, Candaules, doomed to misfortune, spoke to Gyges thus: “Gyges, I do not think that you believe what I say about the beauty of my wife; men trust their ears less than their eyes: so you must see her naked.” Gyges protested loudly at this. ,“Master,” he said, “what an unsound suggestion, that I should see my mistress naked! When a woman's clothes come off, she dispenses with her modesty, too. ,Men have long ago made wise rules from which one ought to learn; one of these is that one should mind one's own business. As for me, I believe that your queen is the most beautiful of all women, and I ask you not to ask of me what is lawless.” 1.9. Speaking thus, Gyges resisted: for he was afraid that some evil would come of it for him. But this was Candaules' answer: “Courage, Gyges! Do not be afraid of me, that I say this to test you, or of my wife, that you will have any harm from her. I will arrange it so that she shall never know that you have seen her. ,I will bring you into the chamber where she and I lie and conceal you behind the open door; and after I have entered, my wife too will come to bed. There is a chair standing near the entrance of the room: on this she will lay each article of her clothing as she takes it off, and you will be able to look upon her at your leisure. ,Then, when she moves from the chair to the bed, turning her back on you, be careful she does not see you going out through the doorway.” 1.10. As Gyges could not escape, he consented. Candaules, when he judged it to be time for bed, brought Gyges into the chamber; his wife followed presently, and when she had come in and was laying aside her garments, Gyges saw her; ,when she turned her back upon him to go to bed, he slipped from the room. The woman glimpsed him as he went out, and perceived what her husband had done. But though shamed, she did not cry out or let it be seen that she had perceived anything, for she meant to punish Candaules; ,since among the Lydians and most of the foreign peoples it is felt as a great shame that even a man be seen naked. 1.11. For the present she made no sign and kept quiet. But as soon as it was day, she prepared those of her household whom she saw were most faithful to her, and called Gyges. He, supposing that she knew nothing of what had been done, answered the summons; for he was used to attending the queen whenever she summoned him. ,When Gyges came, the lady addressed him thus: “Now, Gyges, you have two ways before you; decide which you will follow. You must either kill Candaules and take me and the throne of Lydia for your own, or be killed yourself now without more ado; that will prevent you from obeying all Candaules' commands in the future and seeing what you should not see. ,One of you must die: either he, the contriver of this plot, or you, who have outraged all custom by looking on me uncovered.” Gyges stood awhile astonished at this; presently, he begged her not to compel him to such a choice. ,But when he could not deter her, and saw that dire necessity was truly upon him either to kill his master or himself be killed by others, he chose his own life. Then he asked: “Since you force me against my will to kill my master, I would like to know how we are to lay our hands on him.” ,She replied, “You shall come at him from the same place where he made you view me naked: attack him in his sleep.” 1.12. When they had prepared this plot, and night had fallen, Gyges followed the woman into the chamber (for Gyges was not released, nor was there any means of deliverance, but either he or Candaules must die). She gave him a dagger and hid him behind the same door; ,and presently he stole out and killed Candaules as he slept. Thus he made himself master of the king's wife and sovereignty. He is mentioned in the iambic verses of Archilochus of Parus who lived about the same time. 1.13. So he took possession of the sovereign power and was confirmed in it by the Delphic oracle. For when the Lydians took exception to what was done to Candaules, and took up arms, the faction of Gyges came to an agreement with the rest of the people that if the oracle should ordain him king of the Lydians, then he would reign; but if not, then he would return the kingship to the Heraclidae. ,The oracle did so ordain, and Gyges thus became king. However, the Pythian priestess declared that the Heraclidae would have vengeance on Gyges' posterity in the fifth generation; an utterance to which the Lydians and their kings paid no regard until it was fulfilled. 1.14. Thus the Mermnadae robbed the Heraclidae of the sovereignty and took it for themselves. Having gotten it, Gyges sent many offerings to Delphi : there are very many silver offerings of his there; and besides the silver, he dedicated a hoard of gold, among which six golden bowls are the offerings especially worthy of mention. ,These weigh thirty talents and stand in the treasury of the Corinthians; although in truth it is not the treasury of the Corinthian people but of Cypselus son of Eetion. This Gyges then was the first foreigner whom we know who placed offerings at Delphi after the king of Phrygia , Midas son of Gordias. ,For Midas too made an offering: namely, the royal seat on which he sat to give judgment, and a marvellous seat it is. It is set in the same place as the bowls of Gyges. This gold and the silver offered by Gyges is called by the Delphians “Gygian” after its dedicator. 4.82. As for marvels, there are none in the land, except that it has by far the greatest and the most numerous rivers in the world; and over and above the rivers and the great extent of the plains there is one most marvellous thing for me to mention: they show a footprint of Heracles by the Tyras river stamped on rock, like the mark of a man's foot, but forty inches in length. Having described this, I will now return to the story which I began to tell.
7. Xenophon, Hellenica, 3.3.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 215
8. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.21.2, 1.97.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, cornelius •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 157; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 279
1.21.2. καὶ ὁ πόλεμος οὗτος, καίπερ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐν ᾧ μὲν ἂν πολεμῶσι τὸν παρόντα αἰεὶ μέγιστον κρινόντων, παυσαμένων δὲ τὰ ἀρχαῖα μᾶλλον θαυμαζόντων, ἀπ’ αὐτῶν τῶν ἔργων σκοποῦσι δηλώσει ὅμως μείζων γεγενημένος αὐτῶν. 1.97.2. ἔγραψα δὲ αὐτὰ καὶ τὴν ἐκβολὴν τοῦ λόγου ἐποιησάμην διὰ τόδε, ὅτι τοῖς πρὸ ἐμοῦ ἅπασιν ἐκλιπὲς τοῦτο ἦν τὸ χωρίον καὶ ἢ τὰ πρὸ τῶν Μηδικῶν Ἑλληνικὰ ξυνετίθεσαν ἢ αὐτὰ τὰ Μηδικά: τούτων δὲ ὅσπερ καὶ ἥψατο ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ ξυγγραφῇ Ἑλλάνικος, βραχέως τε καὶ τοῖς χρόνοις οὐκ ἀκριβῶς ἐπεμνήσθη. ἅμα δὲ καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀπόδειξιν ἔχει τῆς τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐν οἵῳ τρόπῳ κατέστη. 1.21.2. To come to this war; despite the known disposition of the actors in a struggle to overrate its importance, and when it is over to return to their admiration of earlier events, yet an examination of the facts will show that it was much greater than the wars which preceded it. 1.97.2. My excuse for relating these events, and for venturing on this digression, is that this passage of history has been omitted by all my predecessors, who have confined themselves either to Hellenic history before the Median war, or to the Median war itself. Hellanicus, it is true, did touch on these events in his Athenian history; but he is somewhat concise and not accurate in his dates. Besides, the history of these events contains an explanation of the growth of the Athenian empire.
9. Aristotle, Poetics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 199
10. Ennius, Annales, None (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, cornelius Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 157
11. Cicero, On Friendship, 24 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 208
12. Cicero, Pro Flacco, 68, 67 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 183
67. Italia et ex omnibus nostris provinciis Hierosolymam exportari soleret, Flaccus sanxit edicto ne ex Asia exportari liceret. quis est, iudices, qui hoc non vere laudare possit? exportari aurum non oportere cum saepe antea senatus tum me consule gravissime iudicavit. huic autem barbarae superstitioni resistere severitatis, multitudinem Iudaeorum flagrantem non numquam in contionibus pro re publica contemnere gravitatis summae fuit. at Cn. Pompeius captis Hierosolymis victor ex illo fano nihil attigit.
13. Cicero, On Laws, 1.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus), principate, attitude towards Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 58
14. Cicero, Orator, 167, 131 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 216
15. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.1.1-2.1.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 216
16. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 26.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 232
17. Cicero, Letters, 12.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 180
18. Cicero, Republic, 4.11-4.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 210
4.11. August. C.D. 2.9 Numquam comoediae, nisi consuetudo vitae pateretur, probare sua theatris flagitia potuissent. quem illa non adtigit vel potius quem non vexavit? cui pepercit? Esto, populares homines inprobos, in re publica seditiosos, Cleonem, Cleophontem, Hyperbolum laesit. Patiamur, etsi eius modi cives a censore melius est quam a poeta notari; sed Periclen, cum iam suae civitati maxima auctoritate plurimos annos domi et belli praefuisset, violari versibus, et eos agi in scaena non plus decuit, quam si Plautus noster voluisset aut Naevius Publio et Gnaeo Scipioni aut Caecilius Marco Catoni male dicere 4.12. Nostrae contra duo decim tabulae cum perpaucas res capite sanxissent, in his hanc quoque sanciendam putaverunt, si quis occentavisset sive carmen condidisset, quod infamiam faceret flagitiumve alteri. Praeclare; iudiciis enim magistratuum, disceptationibus legitimis propositam vitam, non poetarum ingeniis, habere debemus nec probrum audire nisi ea lege, ut respondere liceat et iudicio defendere. veteribus displicuisse Romanis vel laudari quemquam in scaena vivum hominem vel vituperari. 4.13. August. C.D. 2.11 Aeschines Atheniensis, vir eloquentissimus, cum adulescens tragoedias actitavisset, rem publicam capessivit, et Aristodemum, tragicum item actorem, maximis de rebus pacis et belli legatum ad Philippum Athenienses saepe miserunt.
19. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.18, 2.51-2.53, 2.358 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 18; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 43, 210
1.18. Nam quid ego de actione ipsa plura dicam? quae motu corporis, quae gestu, quae vultu, quae vocis conformatione ac varietate moderanda est; quae sola per se ipsa quanta sit, histrionum levis ars et scaena declarat; in qua cum omnes in oris et vocis et motus moderatione laborent, quis ignorat quam pauci sint fuerintque, quos animo aequo spectare possimus? Quid dicam de thesauro rerum omnium, memoria? Quae nisi custos inventis cogitatisque rebus et verbis adhibeatur, intellegimus omnia, etiam si praeclarissima fuerint in oratore, peritura. 2.51. 'Plane' inquit Catulus 'adsentior.' 'Age vero,' inquit Antonius 'qualis oratoris et quanti hominis in dicendo putas esse historiam scribere?' 'Si, ut Graeci scripserunt, summi,' inquit Catulus; 'si, ut nostri, nihil opus est oratore; satis est non esse mendacem.' 'Atqui, ne nostros contemnas,' inquit Antonius, 'Graeci quoque ipsi sic initio scriptitarunt, ut noster Cato, ut Pictor, ut Piso; 2.52. erat enim historia nihil aliud nisi annalium confectio, cuius rei memoriaeque publicae retinendae causa ab initio rerum Romanarum usque ad P. Mucium pontificem maximum res omnis singulorum annorum mandabat litteris pontifex maximus referebatque in album et proponebat tabulam domi, potestas ut esset populo cognoscendi, eique etiam nunc annales maximi nomitur. 2.53. Hanc similitudinem scribendi multi secuti sunt, qui sine ullis ornamentis monumenta solum temporum, hominum, locorum gestarumque rerum reliquerunt; itaque qualis apud Graecos Pherecydes, Hellanicus, Acusilas fuit aliique permulti, talis noster Cato et Pictor et Piso, qui neque tenent, quibus rebus ornetur oratio—modo enim huc ista sunt importata—et, dum intellegatur quid dicant, unam dicendi laudem putant esse brevitatem. 2.358. His autem formis atque corporibus, sicut omnibus, quae sub aspectum veniunt, admonetur memoria nostra atque excitatur; sede opus est, etenim corpus intellegi sine loco non potest. Qua re ne in re nota et pervulgata multus et insolens sim, locis est utendum multis, inlustribus, explicatis, modicis intervallis; imaginibus autem agentibus, acribus, insignitis, quae occurrere celeriterque percutere animum possint; quam facultatem et exercitatio dabit, ex qua consuetudo gignitur, et similium verborum conversa et immutata casibus aut traducta ex parte ad genus notatio et unius verbi imagine totius sententiae informatio pictoris cuiusdam summi ratione et modo formarum varietate locos distinguentis.
20. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 5.1.1-5.1.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 18, 27
21. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.58 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus (p. [?] cornelius tacitus), fecunditas of agrippina the elder Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 78
22. Varro, On The Latin Language, 6.49 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 18
23. Cicero, De Domo Sua, 34-35 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 118
35. tres sunt res, quantum ego existimare possum, quae obstent hoc tempore Sex. Roscio, crimen adversariorum et audacia et potentia. criminis confictionem accusator Erucius accusator Erucius Erucius del. Madvig : accusator del. A. Eberhard ( contra Victorinum, Rhet. M. p. 210) suscepit, audaciae partis Roscii sibi poposcerunt depoposcerunt Victorinus , Chrysogonus autem, is qui plurimum potest, potentia pugnat. de hisce omnibus rebus me dicere oportere intellego. quid igitur est?
24. Polybius, Histories, 6.11.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus), government, analysis of Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 51
6.11.11. ἦν μὲν δὴ τρία μέρη τὰ κρατοῦντα τῆς πολιτείας, ἅπερ εἶπα πρότερον ἅπαντα· οὕτως δὲ πάντα κατὰ μέρος ἴσως καὶ πρεπόντως συνετέτακτο καὶ διῳκεῖτο διὰ τούτων ὥστε μηδένα ποτʼ ἂν εἰπεῖν δύνασθαι βεβαίως μηδὲ τῶν ἐγχωρίων πότερʼ ἀριστοκρατικὸν τὸ πολίτευμα σύμπαν ἢ δημοκρατικὸν ἢ μοναρχικόν. 6.11.11.  The three kinds of government that I spoke of above all shared in the control of the Roman state. And such fairness and propriety in all respects was shown in the use of these three elements for drawing up the constitution and in its subsequent administration that it was impossible even for a native to pronounce with certainty whether the whole system was aristocratic, democratic, or monarchical. This was indeed only natural.
25. Anon., Jubilees, 20.4, 22.16-22.20 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius tacitus Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 175
20.4. And if any woman or maid commit fornication amongst you, burn her with fire, and let them not commit fornication with her after their eyes and their heart; 22.16. May nations serve thee, And all the nations bow themselves before thy seed. 22.17. Be strong in the presence of men, And exercise authority over all the seed of Seth. Then thy ways and the ways of thy sons will be justified, So that they shall become a holy nation. 22.18. May the Most High God give thee all the blessings Wherewith he hath blessed me And wherewith He blessed Noah and Adam; May they rest on the sacred head of thy seed from generation to generation for ever. 22.19. And may He cleanse thee from all unrighteousness and impurity, That thou mayest be forgiven all (thy) transgressions; (and) thy sins of ignorance. 22.20. And may He strengthen thee, And bless thee. And mayest thou inherit the whole earth, br And may He renew His covet with thee, That thou mayest be to Him a nation for His inheritance for all the ages,
26. Horace, Odes, 2.1.6-2.1.8, 3.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus) •cornelius tacitus Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 20; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 43
27. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 3.22.35-3.22.37 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 18
28. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 13 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius tacitus Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 193
29. Sallust, Catiline, 4.1, 5.9, 20.15, 51.4, 58.12, 60.3, 60.7, 61.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 48; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 279; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 59
30. Sallust, Historiae, 1.9-1.10 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus) Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 54
31. Sallust, Historiarum Frr. Ampliora, 1.9-1.10 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus) Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 54
32. Sallust, Iugurtha, 1.1, 4.3, 4.5-4.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 44; Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 157; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 59
33. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 78
1.7.8. etiam uictoria mea: si non tenuero causam, fame moriar; si tenuero, hoc tantum consequar ne fame moriar. Duxi uxorem nimium fecundam: peperit mihi tria nescio quae prodigia uariis generibus inter se et me , iudices, furentia: alium qui patriam posset opprimere, alium qui fratrem uiolare , alium qui patrem. Testor, iudices, omnes ciues meos: una seruiuimus, nemo tyrannidem me uno sensit magis. argumentum habeo maximum quod uiuo: non pepercissetis mihi, si putassetis me partem tyranni. Dum inter se pugt, uicit respublica. Reliqui duo, quia non poterant in nos, inter se tyrannidem exercuerunt. habebat iste nescio quam uxorem, quam in arce cognouerat. Si alligare te possem, proficiscentem alligassem.
34. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 5.6-5.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 211
35. Livy, Per., 112.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 232
36. Livy, History, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 157
37. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 10.30, 15.796 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 174, 184
10.30. per chaos hoc ingens vastique silentia regni, 15.796. Inque foro circumque domos et templa deorum
38. Ovid, Fasti, 1.619-1.628, 3.809-3.876 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus (p. [?] cornelius tacitus), on childlessness •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 44; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 203
1.619. Nam prius Ausonias matres carpenta vehebant 1.620. (haec quoque ab Evandri dicta parente reor); 1.621. mox honor eripitur, matronaque destinat omnis 1.622. ingratos nulla prole novare viros, 1.623. neve daret partus, ictu temeraria caeco 1.624. visceribus crescens excutiebat onus. 1.625. corripuisse patres ausas immitia nuptas, 1.626. ius tamen ereptum restituisse ferunt; 1.627. binaque nunc pariter Tegeaeae sacra parenti 1.628. pro pueris fieri virginibusque iubent, 3.809. Una dies media est, et fiunt sacra Minervae, 3.810. nomina quae iunctis quinque diebus habent, 3.811. sanguine prima vacat, nec fas concurrere ferro: 3.812. causa, quod est illa nata Minerva die. 3.813. altera tresque super strata celebrantur harena: 3.814. ensibus exertis bellica laeta dea est. 3.815. Pallada nunc pueri teneraeque orate puellae: 3.816. qui bene placarit Pallada, doctus erit. 3.817. Pallade placata lanam mollire puellae 3.818. discant et plenas exonerare colos. 3.819. illa etiam stantis radio percurrere telas 3.820. erudit et rarum pectine denset opus. 3.821. hanc cole, qui maculas laesis de vestibus aufers, 3.822. hanc cole, velleribus quisquis aena paras; 3.823. nec quisquam invita faciet bene vincula plantae 3.824. Pallade, sit Tychio doctior ille licet; 3.825. et licet antiquo manibus conlatus Epeo 3.826. sit prior, irata Pallade manens erit. 3.827. vos quoque, Phoebea morbos qui pellitis arte, 3.828. munera de vestris pauca referte deae: 3.829. nec vos, turba fere censu fraudata, 1 magistri, 3.830. spernite; discipulos attrahit illa novos: 3.831. quique moves caelum, tabulamque coloribus uris, 3.832. quique facis docta mollia saxa manu. 3.833. mille dea est operum: certe dea carminis illa est; 3.834. si mereor, studiis adsit amica meis, 3.835. Caelius ex alto qua mons descendit in aequum, 3.836. hic, ubi non plana est, sed prope plana via, 3.837. parva licet videas Captae delubra Minervae, 3.838. quae dea natali coepit habere suo. 3.839. nominis in dubio causa est. capitale vocamus 3.840. ingenium sollers: ingeniosa dea est. 3.841. an quia de capitis fertur sine matre paterni 3.842. vertice cum clipeo prosiluisse suo? 3.843. an quia perdomitis ad nos captiva Faliscis 3.844. venit? et hoc ipsum littera prisca docet. 3.845. an quod habet legem, capitis quae pendere poenas 3.846. ex illo iubeat furta reperta loco? 3.847. a quacumque trahis ratione vocabula, Pallas, 3.848. pro ducibus nostris aegida semper habe. 23. B TVBIL — NP 3.849. Summa dies e quinque tubas lustrare canoras 3.850. admonet et forti sacrificare deae. 3.851. nunc potes ad solem sublato dicere voltu 3.852. hic here Phrixeae vellera pressit ovis. 3.853. seminibus tostis sceleratae fraude novercae 3.854. sustulerat nullas, ut solet, herba comas. 3.855. mittitur ad tripodas, certa qui sorte reportet, 3.856. quam sterili terrae Delphicus edat opem. 3.857. hic quoque corruptus cum semine nuntiat Helles 3.858. et iuvenis Phrixi funera sorte peti; 3.859. utque recusantem cives et tempus et Ino 3.860. compulerunt regem iussa nefanda pati, 3.861. et soror et Phrixus, velati tempora vittis, 3.862. stant simul ante aras iunctaque fata gemunt. 3.863. aspicit hos, ut forte pependerat aethere, mater 3.864. et ferit attonita pectora nuda manu, 3.865. inque draconigenam nimbis comitantibus urbem 3.866. desilit et natos eripit inde suos; 3.867. utque fugam capiant, aries nitidissimus auro 3.868. traditur: ille vehit per freta longa duos. 3.869. icitur infirma cornu tenuisse sinistra 3.870. femina, cum de se nomina fecit aquae. 3.871. paene simul periit, dum volt succurrere lapsae 3.872. frater, et extentas porrigit usque manus, 3.873. flebat, ut amissa gemini consorte pericli, 3.874. caeruleo iunctam nescius esse deo. 3.875. litoribus tactis aries fit sidus, at huius 3.876. pervenit in Colchas aurea lana domos. 24. C Q — REX — C — F 25. DC 26. EC 1.619. (These I think were named after Evander’s mother). 1.620. The honour was later taken from them, so every woman 1.621. Vowed not to renew their ungrateful husband’s line, 1.622. And to avoid giving birth, unwisely, she expelled 1.623. Her womb’s growing burden, using unpredictable force. 1.624. They say the senate reproved the wives for their coldness, 1.625. But restored the right which had been taken from them: 1.626. And they ordered two like festivals for the Tegean mother, 1.627. To promote the birth of both boys and girls. 1.628. It is not lawful to take leather into her shrine, 3.809. Which take their name from the sequence of five days. 3.810. The first day is bloodless, and sword fights are unlawful, 3.811. Because Minerva was born on that very day. 3.812. The next four are celebrated with gladiatorial shows, 3.813. The warlike goddess delights in naked swords. 3.814. Pray now you boys and tender girls to Pallas: 3.815. He who can truly please Pallas, is learned. 3.816. Pleasing Pallas let girls learn to card wool, 3.817. And how to unwind the full distaff. 3.818. She shows how to draw the shuttle through the firm 3.819. Warp, and close up loose threads with the comb. 3.820. Worship her, you who remove stains from damaged clothes, 3.821. Worship her, you who ready bronze cauldrons for fleeces. 3.822. If Pallas frowns, no one could make good shoes, 3.823. Even if he were more skilled than Tychius: 3.824. And even if he were cleverer with his hand 3.825. Than Epeus once was, he’ll be useless if Pallas is angry. 3.826. You too who drive away ills with Apollo’s art, 3.827. Bring a few gifts of your own for the goddess: 3.828. And don’t scorn her, you schoolmasters, a tribe 3.829. So often cheated of its pay: she attracts new pupils: 3.830. Nor you engravers, and painters with encaustics, 3.831. Nor you who carve the stone with a skilful hand. 3.832. She’s the goddess of a thousand things: and song for sure: 3.833. If I’m worthy may she be a friend to my endeavours. 3.834. Where the Caelian Hill slopes down to the plain, 3.835. At the point where the street’s almost, but not quite, level, 3.836. You can see the little shrine of Minerva Capta, 3.837. Which the goddess first occupied on her birthday. 3.838. The source of the name is doubtful: we speak of 3.839. ‘Capital’ ingenuity: the goddess is herself ingenious. 3.840. Or is it because, motherless, she leapt, with a shield 3.841. From the crown of her father’s head (caput)? 3.842. Or because she came to us as a ‘captive’ from the conquest 3.843. of Falerii? This, an ancient inscription claims. 3.844. Or because her law ordains ‘capital’ punishment 3.845. For receiving things stolen from that place? 3.846. By whatever logic your title’s derived, Pallas, 3.847. Shield our leaders with your aegis forever. 3.848. The last day of the five exhorts us to purify 3.849. The tuneful trumpets, and sacrifice to the mighty god. 3.850. Now you can turn your face to the Sun and say: 3.851. ‘He touched the fleece of the Phrixian Ram yesterday’. 3.852. The seeds having been parched, by a wicked stepmother’ 3.853. Guile, the corn did not sprout in the usual way. 3.854. They sent to the oracle, to find by sure prophecy, 3.855. What cure the Delphic god would prescribe for sterility. 3.856. But tarnished like the seed, the messenger brought new 3.857. That the oracle sought the death of Helle and young Phrixus: 3.858. And when citizens, season, and Ino herself compelled 3.859. The reluctant king to obey that evil order, 3.860. Phrixus and his sister, brows covered with sacred bands, 3.861. Stood together before the altar, bemoaning their mutual fate. 3.862. Their mother saw them, as she hovered by chance in the air, 3.863. And, stunned, she beat her naked breasts with her hand: 3.864. Then, with the clouds as her companions, she leapt down 3.865. Into serpent-born Thebes, and snatched away her children: 3.866. And so that they could flee a ram, shining and golden, 3.867. Was brought, and it carried them over the wide ocean. 3.868. They say the sister held too weakly to the left-hand horn, 3.869. And so gave her own name to the waters below. 3.870. Her brother almost died with her, trying to help her 3.871. As she fell, stretching out his hands as far as he could. 3.872. He wept at losing her, his friend in their twin danger, 3.873. Not knowing she was now wedded to a sea-green god. 3.874. Reaching the shore the Ram was raised as a constellation, 3.875. While his golden fleece was carried to the halls of Colchis. 3.876. When the Morning Star has three times heralded the dawn,
39. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 34.5.1-34.5.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius tacitus Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 175
40. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.8.2, 2.3-2.4, 2.7-2.17, 4.71-4.75 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus), government, analysis of Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 51
1.8.2.  and I bring the narrative down to the beginning of the First Punic War, which fell in the third year of the one hundred and twenty-eighth Olympiad. I relate all the foreign wars that the city waged during that period and all the internal seditions with which she was agitated, showing from what causes they sprang and by what methods and by what arguments they were brought to an end. I give an account also of all the forms of government Rome used, both during the monarchy and after its overthrow, and show what was the character of each. I describe the best customs and the most remarkable laws; and, in short, I show the whole life of the ancient Romans. 2.3. 1.  When, therefore, the ditch was finished, the rampart completed and the necessary work on the houses done, and the situation required that they should consider also what form of government they were going to have, Romulus called an assembly of the people by the advice of his grandfather, who had instructed him what to say, and told them that the city, considering that it was newly built, was sufficiently adorned both with public and private buildings; but he asked them all to bear in mind that these were not the most valuable things in cities.,2.  For neither in foreign wars, he said, are deep ditches and high ramparts sufficient to give the inhabitants an undisturbed assurance of their safety, but guarantee one thing only, namely, that they shall suffer no harm through being surprised by an incursion of the enemy; nor, again, when civil commotions afflict the State, do private houses and dwellings afford anyone a safe retreat.,3.  For these have been contrived by men for the enjoyment of leisure and tranquillity in their lives, and with them neither those of their neighbours who plot against them are prevented from doing mischief nor do those who are plotted against feel any confidence that they are free from danger; and no city that has gained splendour from these adornments only has ever yet become prosperous and great for a long period, nor, again, has any city from a want of magnificence either in public or in private buildings ever been hindered from becoming great and prosperous. But it is other things that preserve cities and make them great from small beginnings:,4.  in foreign wars, strength in arms, which is acquired by courage and exercise; and in civil commotions, uimity among the citizens, and this, he showed, could be most effectually achieved for the commonwealth by the prudent and just life of each citizen.,5.  Those who practise warlike exercises and at the same time are masters of their passions are the greatest ornaments to their country, and these are the men who provide both the commonwealth with impregnable walls and themselves in their private lives with safe refuges; but men of bravery, justice and the other virtues are the result of the form of government when this has been established wisely, and, on the other hand, men who are cowardly, rapacious and the slaves of base passions are the product of evil institutions.,6.  He added that he was informed by men who were older and had wide acquaintance with history that of many large colonies planted in fruitful regions some had been immediately destroyed by falling into seditions, and others, after holding out for a short time, had been forced to become subject to their neighbours and to exchange their more fruitful country for a worse fortune, becoming slaves instead of free men; while others, few in numbers and settling in places that were by no means desirable, had continued, in the first place, to be free themselves, and, in the second place, to command others; and neither the successes of the smaller colonies nor the misfortunes of those that were large were due to any other cause than their form of government.,7.  If, therefore, there had been but one mode of life among all mankind which made cities prosperous, the choosing of it would not have been difficult for them; but, as it was, he understood there were many types of government among both the Greeks and barbarians, and out of all of them he heard three especially commended by those who had lived under them, and of these systems none was perfect, but each had some fatal defects inherent in it, so that the choice among them was difficult. He therefore asked them to deliberate at leisure and say whether they would be governed by one man or by a few, or whether they would establish laws and entrust the protection of the public interests to the whole body of the people.,8.  "And whichever form of government you establish," he said, "I am ready to comply with your desire, for I neither consider myself unworthy to command nor refuse to obey. So far as honours are concerned, I am satisfied with those you have conferred on me, first, by appointing me leader of the colony, and, again, by giving my name to the city. For of these neither a foreign war nor civil dissension nor time, that destroyer of all that is excellent, nor any other stroke of hostile fortune can deprive me; but both in life and in death these honours will be mine to enjoy for all time to come." Such was the speech that Romulus, following the instructions of his grandfather, as I have said, made to the people. And they, having consulted together by themselves, returned this answer: "We have no need of a new form of government and we are not going to change the one which our ancestors approved of as the best and handed down to us. In this we show both a deference for the judgment of our elders, whose superior wisdom we recognize in establishing it, and our own satisfaction with our present condition. For we could not reasonably complain of this form of government, which has afforded us under our kings the greatest of human blessings — liberty and the rule over others. 2.4. 2.  Concerning the form of government, then, this is our decision; and to this honour we conceive none has so good a title as you yourself by reason both of your royal birth and of your merit, but above all because we have had you as the leader of our colony and recognize in you great ability and great wisdom, which we have seen displayed quite as much in your actions as in your words." Romulus, hearing this, said it was a great satisfaction to him to be judged worthy of the kingly office by his fellow men, but that he would not accept the honour until Heaven, too, had given its sanction by favourable omens. 2.7. 1.  Romulus, who was thus chosen king by both men and gods, is allowed to have been a man of great military ability and personal bravery and of the greatest sagacity in instituting the best kind of government. I shall relate such of his political and military achievements as may be thought worthy of mention in a history;,2.  and first I shall speak of the form of government that he instituted, which I regard as the most self-sufficient of all political systems both for peace and for war. This was the plan of it: He divided all the people into three groups, and set over each as leader its most distinguished man. Then he subdivided each of these three groups into ten others, and appointed as many of the bravest men to be the leaders of these also. The larger divisions he called tribes and the smaller curiae, as they are still termed even in our day.,3.  These names may be translated into Greek as follows: a tribe by phylê and trittys, and a curia by phratra and lochos; the commanders of the tribes, whom the Romans call tribunes, by phylarchoi and trittyarchoi; and the commanders of the curiae, whom they call curiones, by phratriarchoi and lochagoi.,4.  These curiae were again divided by him into ten parts, each commanded by its own leader, who was called decurio in the native language. The people being thus divided and assigned to tribes and curiae, he divided the land into thirty equal portions and assigned one of them to each curia, having first set apart as much of it as was sufficient for the support of the temples and shrines and also reserved some part of the land for the use of the public. This was one division made by Romulus, both of the men and of the land, which involved the greatest equality for all alike. 2.8. 1.  But there was another division again of the men only, which assigned kindly services and honours in accordance with merit, of which I am now going to give an account. He distinguished those who were eminent for their birth, approved for their virtue and wealthy for those times, provided they already had children, from the obscure, the lowly and the poor. Those of the lower rank he called "plebeians" (the Greek would call them dêmotikoi or "men of the people"), and those of the higher rank "fathers," either because they had children or from their distinguished birth or for all these reasons. One may suspect that he found his model in the system of government which at that time still prevailed at Athens.,2.  For the Athenians had divided their population into two parts, the eupatridai or "well-born," as they called those who were of the noble families and power­ful by reason of their wealth, to whom the government of the city was committed, and the agroikoi or "husbandmen," consisting of the rest of the citizens, who had no voice in public affairs, though in the course of time these, also, were admitted to the offices.,3.  Those who give the most probable account of the Roman government say it was for the reasons I have given that those men were called "fathers" and their posterity "patricians"; but others, considering the matter in the light of their own envy and desirous of casting reproach on the city for the ignoble birth of its founders, say they were not called patricians for the reasons just cited, but because these men only could point out their fathers, — as if all the rest were fugitives and unable to name free men as their fathers.,4.  As proof of this they cite the fact that, whenever the kings thought proper to assemble the patricians, the heralds called them both by their own names and by the names of their fathers, whereas public servants summoned the plebeians en masse to the assemblies by the sound of ox horns. But in reality neither the calling of the patricians by the heralds is any proof of their nobility nor is the sound of the horn any mark of the obscurity of the plebeians; but the former was an indication of honour and the latter of expedition, since it was not possible in a short time to call every one of the multitude by name. 2.9. 1.  After Romulus had distinguished those of superior rank from their inferiors, he next established laws by which the duties of each were prescribed. The patricians were to be priests, magistrates and judges, and were to assist him in the management of public affairs, devoting themselves to the business of the city. The plebeians were excused from these duties, as being unacquainted with them and because of their small means wanting leisure to attend to them, but were to apply themselves to agriculture, the breeding of cattle and the exercise of gainful trades. This was to prevent them from engaging in seditions, as happens in other cities when either the magistrates mistreat the lowly, or the common people and the needy envy those in authority.,2.  He placed the plebeians as a trust in the hands of the patricians, by allowing every plebeian to choose for his patron any patrician whom he himself wished. In this he improved upon an ancient Greek custom that was in use among the Thessalians for a long time and among the Athenians in the beginning. For the former treated their clients with haughtiness, imposing on them duties unbecoming to free men; and whenever they disobeyed any of their commands, they beat them and misused them in all other respects as if had been slaves they had purchased. The Athenians called their clients thêtes or "hirelings," because they served for hire, and the Thessalians called theirs penestai or "toilers," by the very name reproaching them with their condition.,3.  But Romulus not only recommended the relationship by a handsome designation, calling this protection of the poor and lowly a "patronage," but he also assigned friendly offices to both parties, thus making the connexion between them a bond of kindness befitting fellow citizens. The regulations which he then instituted concerning patronage and which long continued in use among the Romans were as follows: It was the duty of the patricians to explain to their clients the laws, of which they were ignorant; to take the same care of them when absent as present, doing everything for them that fathers do for their sons with regard both to money and to the contracts that related to money; to bring suit on behalf of their clients when they were wronged in connexion with contracts, and to defend them against any who brought charges against them; and, to put the matter briefly, to secure for them both in private and in public affairs all that tranquillity of which they particularly stood in need. 2.10. 2.  It was the duty of the clients to assist their patrons in providing dowries for their daughters upon their marriage if the fathers had not sufficient means; to pay their ransom to the enemy if any of them or of their children were taken prisoner; to discharge out of their own purses their patrons' losses in private suits and the pecuniary fines which they were condemned to pay to the State, making these contributions to them not as loans but as thank-offerings; and to share with their patrons the costs incurred in their magistracies and dignities and other public expenditures, in the same manner as if they were their relations.,3.  For both patrons and clients alike it was impious and unlawful to accuse each other in law-suits or to bear witness or to give their votes against each other or to be found in the number of each other's enemies; and whoever was convicted of doing any of these things was guilty of treason by virtue of the law sanctioned by Romulus, and might lawfully be put to death by any man who so wished as a victim devoted to the Jupiter of the infernal regions. For it was customary among the Romans, whenever they wished to put people to death without incurring any penalty, to devote their persons to some god or other, and particularly to the gods of the lower world; and this was the course what Romulus then adopted.,4.  Accordingly, the connexions between the clients and patrons continued for many generations, differing in no wise from the ties of blood-relationship and being handed down to their children's children. And it was a matter of great praise to men of illustrious families to have as many clients as possible and not only to preserve the succession of hereditary patronages but also by their own merit to acquire others. And it is incredible how great the contest of goodwill was between the patrons and clients, as each side strove not to be outdone by the other in kindness, the clients feeling that they should render all possible services to their patrons and the patrons wishing by all means not to occasion any trouble to their clients and accepting no gifts of money. So superior was their manner of life to all pleasure; for they measured their happiness by virtue, not by fortune. It was not only in the city itself that the plebeians were under the protection of the patricians, but every colony of Rome and every city that had joined in alliance and friendship with her and also every city conquered in war had such protectors and patrons among the Romans as they wished. And the senate has often referred the controversies of these cities and nations to their Roman patrons and regarded their decisions binding. 2.11. 2.  And indeed, so secure was the Romans' harmony, which owed its birth to the regulations of Romulus, that they never in the course of six hundred and thirty years proceeded to bloodshed and mutual slaughter, though many great controversies arose between the populace and their magistrates concerning public policy, as is apt to happen in all cities, whether large or small;,3.  but by persuading and informing one another, by yielding in some things and gaining other things from their opponents, who yielded in turn, they settled their disputes in a manner befitting fellow citizens. But from the time that Gaius Gracchus, while holding the tribunician power, destroyed the harmony of the government they have been perpetually slaying and banishing one another from the city and refraining from no irreparable acts in order to gain the upper hand. However, for the narration of these events another occasion will be more suitable. 2.12. 1.  As soon as Romulus had regulated these matters he determined to appoint senators to assist him in administering the public business, and to this end he chose a hundred men from among the patricians, selecting them in the following manner. He himself appointed one, the best out of their whole number, to whom he thought fit to entrust the government of the city whenever he himself should lead the army beyond the borders.,2.  He next ordered each of the tribes to choose three men who were then at the age of greatest prudence and were distinguished by their birth. After these nine were chosen he ordered each curia likewise to name three patricians who were the most worthy. Then adding to the first nine, who had been named by the tribes, the ninety who were chosen by the curiae, and appointing as their head the man he himself had first selected, he completed the number of a hundred senators.,3.  The name of this council may be expressed in Greek by gerousia or "council of elders," and it is called by the Romans to this day; but whether it received its name from the advanced age of the men who were appointed to it or from their merit, I cannot say for certain. For the ancients used to call the older men and those of greatest merit gerontes or "elders." The members of the senate were called Conscript Fathers, and they retained that name down to my time. This council, also, was a Greek institution.,4.  At any rate, the Greek kings, both those who inherited the realms of their ancestors and those who were elected by the people themselves to be their rulers, had a council composed of the best men, as both Homer and the most ancient of the poets testify; and the authority of the ancient kings was not arbitrary and absolute as it is in our days. 2.13. 1.  After Romulus had also instituted the senatorial body, consisting of the hundred men, he perceived, we may suppose, that he would also require a body of young men whose services he could use both for the guarding of his person and for urgent business, and accordingly he chose three hundred men, the most robust of body and from the most illustrious families, whom the curiae named in the same manner that they had named the senators, each curia choosing ten young men; and these he kept always about his person.,2.  They were all called by one common name, celeres; according to most writers this was because of the "celerity" required in the services they were to perform (for those who are ready and quick at their tasks the Romans call celeres), but Valerius Antias says that they were thus named after their commander.,3.  For among them, also, the most distinguished man was their commander; under him were three centurions, and under these in turn were others who held the inferior commands. In the city these celeres constantly attended Romulus, armed with spears, and executed his orders; and on campaigns they charged before him and defended his person. And as a rule it was they who gave a favourable issue to the contest, as they were the first to engage in battle and the last of all to desist. They fought on horseback where there was level ground favourable for cavalry manoeuvres, and on foot where it was rough and inconvenient for horses.,4.  This custom Romulus borrowed, I believe, from the Lacedaemonians, having learned that among them, also, three hundred of the noblest youths attended the kings as their guards and also as their defenders in war, fighting both on horseback and on foot. 2.14. 1.  Having made these regulations, he distinguished the honours and powers which he wished each class to have. For the king he had reserved these prerogatives: in the first place, the supremacy in religious ceremonies and sacrifices and the conduct of everything relating to the worship of the gods; secondly, the guardianship of the laws and customs of the country and the general oversight of justice in all cases, whether founded on the law of nature or the civil law; he was also the judge in person the greatest crimes, leaving the lesser to the senators, but seeing to it that no error was made in their decisions; he was to summon the senate and call together the popular assembly, to deliver his opinion first and carry out the decision of the majority. These prerogatives he granted to the king and, in addition, the absolute command in war.,2.  To the senate he assigned honour and authority as follows: to deliberate and give their votes concerning everything the king should refer to them, the decision of the majority to prevail. This also Romulus took over from the constitution of the Lacedaemonians; for their kings, too, did not have arbitrary power to do everything they wished, but the gerousia exercised complete control of public affairs.,3.  To the populace he granted these three privileges: to choose magistrates, to ratify laws, and to decide concerning war whenever the king left the decision to them; yet even in these matters their authority was not unrestricted, since the concurrence of the senate was necessary to give effect to their decisions. The people did not give their votes all at the same time, but were summoned to meet by curiae, and whatever was resolved upon by the majority of the curiae was reported to the senate. But in our day this practice is reversed, since the senate does not deliberate upon the resolutions passed by the people, but the people have full power over the decrees of the senate; and which of the two customs is better I leave it open to others to determine.,4.  By this division of authority not only were the civil affairs administered in a prudent and orderly manner, but the business of war also was carried on with dispatch and strict obedience. For whenever the king thought proper to lead out his army there was then no necessity for tribunes to be chosen by tribes, or centurions by centuries, or commanders of the horse appointed, nor was it necessary for the army to be numbered or to be divided into centuries or for every man to be assigned to his appropriate post. But the king gave his orders to the tribunes and these to the centurions and they in turn to the decurions, each of whom led out those who were under his command; and whether the whole army or part of it was called, at a single summons they presented themselves ready with arms in hand at the designated post. 2.15. 1.  By these institutions Romulus sufficiently regulated and suitably disposed the city both for peace and for war: and he made it large and populous by the following means.,2.  In the first place, he obliged the inhabitants to bring up all their male children and the first-born of the females, and forbade them to destroy any children under three years of age unless they were maimed or monstrous from their very birth. These he did not forbid their parents to expose, provided they first showed them to their five nearest neighbours and these also approved. Against those who disobeyed this law he fixed various penalties, including the confiscation of half their property.,3.  Secondly, finding that many of the cities in Italy were very badly governed, both by tyrannies and by oligarchies, he undertook to welcome and attract to himself the fugitives from these cities, who were very numerous, paying no regard either to their calamities or to their fortunes, provided only they were free men. His purpose was to increase the power of the Romans and to lessen that of their neighbours; but he invented a specious pretext for his course, making it appear that he was showing honour to a god.,4.  For he consecrated the place between the Capitol and the citadel which is now called in the language of the Romans "the space between the two groves,"  â€” a term that was really descriptive at that time of the actual conditions, as the place was shaded by thick woods on both sides where it joined the hills, — and made it an asylum for suppliants. And built a temple there, — but to what god or divinity he dedicated it I cannot say for certain, — he engaged, under the colour of religion, to protect those who fled to it from suffering any harm at the hands of their enemies; and if they chose to remain with him, he promised them citizenship and a share of the land he should take from the enemy. And people came flocking thither from all parts, fleeing from their calamities at home; nor had they afterwards any thought of removing to any other place, but were held there by daily instances of his sociability and kindness. 2.16. 1.  There was yet a third policy of Romulus, which the Greeks ought to have practised above all others, it being, in my opinion, the best of all political measures, as it laid the most solid foundation for the liberty of the Romans and was no slight factor in raising them to their position of supremacy. It was this: not to slay all the men of military age or to enslave the rest of the population of the cities captured in war or to allow their land to go back to pasturage for sheep, but rather to send settlers thither to possess some part of the country by lot and to make the conquered cities Roman colonies, and even to grant citizenship to some of them.,2.  By these and other like measures he made the colony great from a small beginning, as the actual results showed; for the number of those who joined with him in founding Rome did not amount to more than three thousand foot nor quite to three hundred horse, whereas he left behind him when he disappeared from among men forty-six thousand foot and about a thousand horse.,3.  Romulus having instituted these measures, not alone the kings who ruled the city after him but also the annual magistrates after them pursued the same policy, with occasional additions, so successfully that the Roman people became inferior in numbers to none of the nations that were accounted the most populous. 2.17. 1.  When I compare the customs of the Greeks with these, I can find no reason to extol either those of the Lacedaemonians or of the Thebans or of the Athenians, who pride themselves most on their wisdom; all of whom, jealous of their noble birth and granting citizenship to none or to very few (I say nothing of the fact that some even expelled foreigners), not only received no advantage from this haughty attitude, but actually suffered the greatest harm because of it.,2.  Thus, the Spartans after their defeat at Leuctra, where they lost seventeen hundred men, were no longer able to restore their city to its former position after that calamity, but shamefully abandoned their supremacy. And the Thebans and Athenians through the single disaster at Chaeronea were deprived by the Macedonians not only of the leadership of Greece but at the same time of the liberty they had inherited from their ancestors.,3.  But Rome, while engaged in great wars both in Spain and Italy and employed in recovering Sicily and Sardinia, which had revolted, at a time when the situation in Macedonia and Greece had become hostile to her and Carthage was again contending for the supremacy, and when all but a small portion of Italy was not only in open rebellion but was also drawing upon her the Hannibalic war, as it was called, — though surrounded, I say, by so many dangers at one and the same time, Rome was so far from being overcome by these misfortunes that she derived from them a strength even greater than she had had before, being enabled to meet every danger, thanks to the number of her soldiers, and not, as some imagine, to the favour of Fortune;,4.  since for all of Fortune's assistance the city might have been utterly submerged by the single disaster at Cannae, where of six thousand horse only three hundred and seventy survived, and of eighty thousand foot enrolled in the army of the commonwealth little more than three thousand escaped. 4.71. 1.  Having said this, he called upon all the rest also to take the same oath; and they, no longer hesitating, rose up, and receiving the dagger from one another, swore. After they had taken the oath they at once considered in what manner they should go about their undertaking. And Brutus advised them as follows: "First, let us keep the gates under guard, so that Tarquinius may have no intelligence of what is being said and done in the city against the tyranny till everything on our side is in readiness.,2.  After that, let us carry the body of this woman, stained as it is with blood, into the Forum, and exposing it to the public view, call an assembly of the people. When they are assembled and we see the Forum crowded, let Lucretius and Collatinus come forward and bewail their misfortunes, after first relating everything that has happened.,3.  Next, let each of the others come forward, inveigh against the tyranny, and summon the citizens to liberty. It will be what all Romans have devoutly wished if they see us, the patricians, making the first move on behalf of liberty. For they have suffered many dreadful wrongs at the hands of the tyrant and need but slight encouragement. And when we find the people ager to overthrow the monarchy, let us give them an opportunity to vote that Tarquinius shall no longer rule over the Romans, and let us send their decree to this effect to the soldiers in the camp in all haste.,4.  For when those who have arms in their hands hear that the whole city is alienated from the tyrant they will become zealous for the liberty of their country and will no longer, as hitherto, be restrained by bribes or able to bear the insolent acts of the sons and flatterers of Tarquinius.",5.  After he had spoken thus, Valerius took up the discussion and said: "In other respects you seem to me to reason well, Junius; but concerning the assembly of the people, I wish to know further who is to summon it according to law and propose the vote to the curiae. For this is the business of a magistrate and none of us holds a magistracy.",6.  To this Brutus answered: "I will, Valerius; for I am commander of the celeres and I have the power by law of calling an assembly of the people when I please. The tyrant gave me this most important magistracy in the belief that I was a fool and either would not be aware of the power attaching to it or, if I did recognize it, would not use it. And I myself will deliver the first speech against the tyrant." 4.72. 1.  Upon hearing this they all applauded him for beginning with an honourable and lawful principle, and they asked him to tell the rest of his plans. And he continued: "Since you have resolved to follow this course, let us further consider what magistracy shall govern the commonwealth after the expulsion of the kings, and by what man it shall be created, and, even before that, what form of government we shall establish as we get rid of the tyrant. For it is better to have considered everything before attempting so important an undertaking and to have left nothing unexamined or unconsidered. Let each one of you, accordingly, declare his opinion concerning these matters.",2.  After this many speeches were made by many different men. Some were any other the opinion that they ought to establish a monarchical government again, and they recounted the great benefits the state had received from all the former kings. Others believed that they ought no longer to entrust the government to a single ruler, and they enumerated the tyrannical excesses which many other kings and Tarquinius, last of all, had committed against their own people; but they thought they ought to make the senate supreme in all matters, according to the practice of many Greek cities.,3.  And still others liked neither of these forms of government, but advised them to establish a democracy like at Athens; they pointed to the insolence and avarice of the few and to the seditions usually stirred up by the lower classes against their superiors, and they declared that for a free commonwealth the equality of the citizens was of all forms of government the safest and the most becoming. 4.73. 1.  The choice appearing to all of them difficult and hard to decide upon by reason of the evils attendant upon each form of government, Brutus took up the discussion as the final speaker and said: "It is my opinion, Lucretius, Collatinus, and all of you here present, good men yourselves and descended from good men, that we ought not in the present situation to establish any new form of government. For the time to which we are limited by the circumstances is short, so that it is not easy to reform the constitution of the state, and the very attempt to change it, even though we should happen to be guided by the very best counsels, is precarious and not without danger. And besides, it will be possible later, when we are rid of the tyranny, to deliberate with greater freedom and at leisure and thus choose a better form of government in place of a poorer one — if, indeed, there is any constitution better than the one which Romulus, Pompilius and all the succeeding kings instituted and handed down to us, by means of which our commonwealth has continued to be great and prosperous and to rule over many subjects.,2.  But as for the evils which generally attend monarchies and because of which they degenerate into a tyrannical cruelty and are abhorred by all mankind, I advise you to correct these now and at the same time to take precautions that they shall never again occur hereafter.,3.  And what are these evils? In the first place, since most people look at the names of things and, influenced by them, either admit some that are hurtful or shrink from others that are useful, of which monarchy happens to be one, I advise you to change the name of the government and no longer to call those who shall have the supreme power either kings or monarchs, but to give them a more modest and humane title.,4.  In the next place, I advise you not to make one man's judgment the supreme authority over all, but to entrust the royal power to two men, as I am informed the Lacedaemonians have been doing now for many generations, in consequence of which form of government they are said to be the best governed and the most prosperous people among the Greeks. For the rulers will be less arrogant and vexatious when the power is divided between two and each has the same authority; moreover, mutual respect, the ability of each to prevent the other from living as suits his pleasure, and a rivalry between them for the attainment of a reputation for virtue would be most likely to result from such equality of power and honour. 4.74. 1.  "And inasmuch as the insignia which have been granted to the kings are numerous, I believe that if any of these are grievous and invidious in the eyes of the multitude we ought to modify some of them and abolish others — I mean these sceptres and golden crowns, the purple and gold-embroidered robes — unless it be upon certain festal occasions and in triumphal processions, when the rulers will assume them in honour of the gods; for they will offend no one if they are seldom used. But I think we ought to leave to the men the ivory chair, in which they will sit in judgment, and also the white robe bordered with purple, together with the twelve axes to be carried before them when they appear in public.,2.  There is one thing more which in my opinion will be of greater advantage than all that I have mentioned and the most effectual means of preventing those who shall receive this magistracy from committing many errors, and that is, not to permit the same persons to hold office for life (for a magistracy unlimited in time and not obliged to give any account of its actions is grievous to all and productive of tyranny), but to limit the power of the magistracy to a year, as the Athenians do.,3.  For this principle, by which the same person both rules and is ruled in turn and surrenders his authority before his mind has been corrupted, restrains arrogant dispositions and does not permit men's natures to grow intoxicated with power. If we establish these regulations we should be able to enjoy all the benefits that flow from monarchy and at the same time to be rid of the evils that attend it.,4.  But to the end that the name, too, of the kingly power, which is traditional with us and made its way into our commonwealth with favourable auguries that manifested the approbation of the gods, may be preserved for form's sake, let there always be appointed a king of sacred rites, who shall enjoy the honour for life exempt from all military and civil duties and, like the "king" at Athens, exercising this single function, the superintendence of the sacrifices, and no other. 4.75. 1.  "In what manner each of these measures shall be effected I will now tell you. I will summon the assembly, as I said, since this power is accorded me by law, and will propose this resolution: That Tarquinius be banished with his wife and children, and that they and their posterity as well be forever debarred both from the city and from the Roman territory. After the citizens have passed this vote I will explain to them the form of government we propose to establish; next, I will choose an interrex to appoint the magistrates who are to take over the administration of public affairs, and I will then resign the command of the celeres.,2.  Let the interrex appointed by me call together the centuriate assembly, and having nominated the persons who are to hold the annual magistracy, let him permit the citizens to vote upon them; and if the majority of the centuries are in favour of ratifying his choice of men and the auguries concerning them are favourable, let these men assume the axes and the other insignia of royalty and see to it that our country shall enjoy its liberty and that the Tarquinii shall nevermore return. For they will endeavour, be assured, by persuasion, violence, fraud and every other means to get back into power unless we are upon our guard against them.,3.  "These are the most important and essential measures that I have to propose to you at present and to advise you to adopt. As for the details, which are many and not easy to examine with precision at the present time (for we are brought to an acute crisis), I think we leave them to the men themselves who are to take over the magistracy.,4.  But I do say that these magistrates ought to consult with the senate in everything, as the kings formerly did, and to do nothing without your advice, and that they ought to lay before the people the decrees of the senate, according to the practice of our ancestors, depriving them of none of the privileges which they possessed in earlier times. For thus their magistracy will be most secure and most excellent." After Junius Brutus had delivered this opinion they all approved it, and straightway consulting about the persons who were to take over the magistracies, they decided that Spurius Lucretius, the father of the woman who had killed herself, will be appointed interrex, and that Lucius Junius Brutus and Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus should be nominated by him to exercise the power of the kings.
41. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 203
42. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 12.125-12.126, 14.191, 14.194, 14.196, 14.199, 14.212, 14.223, 14.226, 14.241-14.242, 14.245-14.246, 14.260-14.261, 14.263-14.264, 14.320, 14.323 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius tacitus Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 183
12.125. 2. We also know that Marcus Agrippa was of the like disposition towards the Jews: for when the people of Ionia were very angry at them, and besought Agrippa that they, and they only, might have those privileges of citizens which Antiochus, the grandson of Seleucus, (who by the Greeks was called The God,) had bestowed on them, and desired that, if the Jews were to be joint-partakers with them, 12.126. they might be obliged to worship the gods they themselves worshipped: but when these matters were brought to the trial, the Jews prevailed, and obtained leave to make use of their own customs, and this under the patronage of Nicolaus of Damascus; for Agrippa gave sentence that he could not innovate. 14.191. I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. 14.194. for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our particular friends. 14.196. 3. “The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured; 14.199. 4. “Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath granted, That out of regard to the honor, and virtue, and kindness of the man, and for the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be high priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by the same right, and according to the same laws, by which their progenitors have held the priesthood.” 14.212. Since those imperators that have been in the provinces before me have borne witness to Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and to the Jews themselves, and this before the senate and people of Rome, when the people and senate returned their thanks to them, it is good that we now also remember the same, and provide that a requital be made to Hyrcanus, to the nation of the Jews, and to the sons of Hyrcanus, by the senate and people of Rome, and that suitably to what good-will they have shown us, and to the benefits they have bestowed upon us.” 14.223. 11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers, and to permit them to live according to them. 14.226. Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the Sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers;— 14.241. 20. “The magistrates of the Laodiceans to Caius Rubilius, the son of Caius, the consul, sendeth greeting. Sopater, the ambassador of Hyrcanus the high priest, hath delivered us an epistle from thee, whereby he lets us know that certain ambassadors were come from Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and brought an epistle written concerning their nation, 14.242. wherein they desire that the Jews may be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and other sacred rites, according to the laws of their forefathers, and that they may be under no command, because they are our friends and confederates, and that nobody may injure them in our provinces. Now although the Trallians there present contradicted them, and were not pleased with these decrees, yet didst thou give order that they should be observed, and informedst us that thou hadst been desired to write this to us about them. 14.245. Prytanes, the son of Hermes, a citizen of yours, came to me when I was at Tralles, and held a court there, and informed me that you used the Jews in a way different from my opinion, and forbade them to celebrate their Sabbaths, and to perform the sacred rites received from their forefathers, and to manage the fruits of the land, according to their ancient custom; and that he had himself been the promulger of your decree, according as your laws require: 14.246. I would therefore have you know, that upon hearing the pleadings on both sides, I gave sentence that the Jews should not be prohibited to make use of their own customs.” 14.260. and desired of the people, that upon the restitution of their law and their liberty, by the senate and people of Rome, they may assemble together, according to their ancient legal custom, and that we will not bring any suit against them about it; and that a place may be given them where they may have their congregations, with their wives and children, and may offer, as did their forefathers, their prayers and sacrifices to God. 14.261. Now the senate and people have decreed to permit them to assemble together on the days formerly appointed, and to act according to their own laws; and that such a place be set apart for them by the praetors, for the building and inhabiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for that purpose; and that those that take care of the provision for the city, shall take care that such sorts of food as they esteem fit for their eating may be imported into the city.” 14.263. Since the Jews that dwell in this city have petitioned Marcus Julius Pompeius, the son of Brutus, the proconsul, that they might be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and to act in all things according to the customs of their forefathers, without impediment from any body, the praetor hath granted their petition. 14.264. Accordingly, it was decreed by the senate and people, that in this affair that concerned the Romans, no one of them should be hindered from keeping the Sabbath day, nor be fined for so doing, but that they may be allowed to do all things according to their own laws.” 14.320. Marcus Antonius, imperator, one of the triumvirate over the public affairs, made this declaration: Since Caius Cassius, in this revolt he hath made, hath pillaged that province which belonged not to him, and was held by garrisons there encamped, while they were our confederates, and hath spoiled that nation of the Jews that was in friendship with the Roman people, as in war; 14.323. 6. The same thing did Antony write to the Sidonians, and the Antiochians, and the Aradians. We have produced these decrees, therefore, as marks for futurity of the truth of what we have said, that the Romans had a great concern about our nation.
43. Mela, De Chorographia, 3.95 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 177
44. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 26 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 214
45. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 48 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 232
46. Martial, Epigrams, 4.63, 11.55 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius •tacitus (p. [?] cornelius tacitus), on childlessness Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 45; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 198
47. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 2.65, 2.79 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius tacitus Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 183
2.65. 6. But besides this, Apion objects to us thus:—“If the Jews (says he) be citizens of Alexandria, why do they not worship the same gods with the Alexandrians?” To which I give this answer: Since you are yourselves Egyptians, why do you fight out one against another, and have implacable wars about your religion? 2.79. 7. However, I cannot but admire those other authors who furnished this man with such his materials; I mean Posidonius and Apollonius [the son of] Molo, who while they accuse us for not worshipping the same gods whom others worship, they think themselves not guilty of impiety when they tell lies of us, and frame absurd and reproachful stories about our temple; whereas it is a most shameful thing for freemen to forge lies on any occasion, and much more so to forge them about our temple, which was so famous over all the world, and was preserved so sacred by us;
48. Josephus Flavius, Life, 361-367 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 41, 47
49. Juvenal, Satires, 1.1, 1.18-1.19, 1.51, 3.220-3.222, 4.18-4.19, 6.162-6.163, 14.103-14.104 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 45, 84; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 50; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 175
50. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 1-4 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 60
51. Plutarch, On Superstition, 3.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius tacitus Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 183
52. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.408-1.417, 2.38-2.42, 7.778, 9.964-9.999, 9.1010-9.1108 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius, agricola •tacitus, p. cornelius •cornelius tacitus Found in books: Blum and Biggs (2019), The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature, 255; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206, 232, 244; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 21
53. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 79
54. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 10.1.31 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 12, 199
55. Suetonius, Augustus, 15.1, 35.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 43, 44
56. Suetonius, Domitianus, 6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius, accounts of false nero Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 145
57. Suetonius, Claudius, 25.3, 41.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius tacitus, historian •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus) •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus), histories •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus), government, analysis of •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus), partiality of Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 220; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 44, 45
58. Suetonius, Caligula, 16.1, 24.2-24.3, 30.1, 49.2.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206, 217, 244; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 20; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45
59. Statius, Siluae, 2.2.13-2.2.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 212
60. Silius Italicus, Punica, 13.820-13.836 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 218
61. Seneca The Younger, Thyestes, 1, 10-14, 16-19, 2, 20, 3-5, 546-599, 6, 600-622, 7-9, 15 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 204
62. Seneca The Younger, Phoenissae, 447 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 205
447. hunc petite ventrem, qui dedit fratres viro.
63. Seneca The Younger, Phaedra, 720-735, 896-900, 719 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 217
719. Deprensa culpa est. anime, quid segnis stupes?
64. Seneca The Younger, Oedipus, 1039, 1038 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 205
65. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, 6.1.1, 6.32.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 302, 311
66. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 30.1-30.3, 30.14, 71.12, 80.7, 88.22 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 47, 210, 214; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 46
67. Seneca The Younger, Dialogi, 6.14.3, 6.15.3, 11.15.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 174, 232, 234, 238
68. Seneca The Younger, De Constantia Sapientis, 6.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus (p. [?] cornelius tacitus), on childlessness Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 44
69. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Helviam, 16.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus (p. [?] cornelius tacitus), fecunditas of agrippina the elder Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 86
70. Seneca The Younger, De Clementia, 1.11, 1.12.4, 2.2.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus), government, analysis of •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 44
71. Suetonius, Iulius, 7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8
72. Suetonius, Nero, 6.4, 21.2, 33.1, 34.2-34.4, 39.2-39.3, 46.1, 47.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 197, 198, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 209, 210, 214
73. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.3, 2.250, 2.355-2.357, 7.66, 7.77-7.79, 7.133, 7.157, 7.159-7.162 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius tacitus •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 198; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 188, 190, 193, 194
1.3. I have proposed to myself, for the sake of such as live under the government of the Romans, to translate those books into the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed in the language of our country, and sent to the Upper Barbarians; I, Joseph, the son of Matthias, by birth a Hebrew, a priest also, and one who at first fought against the Romans myself, and was forced to be present at what was done afterward [am the author of this work]. 2.250. 1. Now as to the many things in which Nero acted like a madman, out of the extravagant degree of the felicity and riches which he enjoyed, and by that means used his good fortune to the injury of others; and after what manner he slew his brother, and wife, and mother, from whom his barbarity spread itself to others that were most nearly related to him; 2.355. However, as to the desire of recovering your liberty, it is unseasonable to indulge it so late; whereas you ought to have labored earnestly in old time that you might never have lost it; for the first experience of slavery was hard to be endured, and the struggle that you might never have been subject to it would have been just; 2.356. but that slave who hath been once brought into subjection, and then runs away, is rather a refractory slave than a lover of liberty; for it was then the proper time for doing all that was possible, that you might never have admitted the Romans [into your city], when Pompey came first into the country. 2.357. But so it was, that our ancestors and their kings, who were in much better circumstances than we are, both as to money, and [strong] bodies, and [valiant] souls, did not bear the onset of a small body of the Roman army. And yet you, who have now accustomed yourselves to obedience from one generation to another, and who are so much inferior to those who first submitted, in your circumstances will venture to oppose the entire empire of the Romans. 7.66. Moreover, the people had been so harassed by their civil miseries, that they were still more earnest for his coming immediately, as supposing they should then be firmly delivered from their calamities, and believed they should then recover their secure tranquillity and prosperity; 7.77. The motives that induced the Germans to this attempt for a revolt, and for beginning the war, were these: In the first place, the nature [of the people], which was destitute of just reasonings, and ready to throw themselves rashly into danger, upon small hopes; 7.78. in the next place, the hatred they bore to those that were their governors, while their nation had never been conscious of subjection to any but to the Romans, and that by compulsion only. Besides these motives, it was the opportunity that now afforded itself, which above all the rest prevailed with them so to do; 7.79. for when they saw the Roman government in a great internal disorder, by the continual changes of its rulers, and understood that every part of the habitable earth under them was in an unsettled and tottering condition, they thought this was the best opportunity that could afford itself for themselves to make a sedition, when the state of the Romans was so ill. 7.133. for almost all such curiosities as the most happy men ever get by piecemeal were here one heaped on another, and those both admirable and costly in their nature; and all brought together on that day demonstrated the vastness of the dominions of the Romans; 7.157. for this was a festival day to the city of Rome, as celebrated for the victory obtained by their army over their enemies, for the end that was now put to their civil miseries, and for the commencement of their hopes of future prosperity and happiness. 7.159. for he having now by Providence a vast quantity of wealth, besides what he had formerly gained in his other exploits, he had this temple adorned with pictures and statues; 7.160. for in this temple were collected and deposited all such rarities as men aforetime used to wander all over the habitable world to see, when they had a desire to see one of them after another; 7.161. he also laid up therein, as ensigns of his glory, those golden vessels and instruments that were taken out of the Jewish temple. 7.162. But still he gave order that they should lay up their Law, and the purple veils of the holy place, in the royal palace itself, and keep them there.
74. Tacitus, Dialogus De Oratoribus, 2.1, 9.6, 12.1, 38.2, 39.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 180, 183
75. Plutarch, Romulus, 1.1.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius tacitus Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 21
76. Plutarch, Table Talk, 5-6, 4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 183
77. Appian, Civil Wars, 1.2, 1.6, 5.48-5.49 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus), principate, attitude towards •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus), government, analysis of Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 44, 51, 64
78. Plutarch, Roman Questions, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus (p. [?] cornelius tacitus), on childlessness Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 44
278b. it became their custom on that day to strut through the city clad in this manner. Why are the matrons supposed to have founded the temple of Carmenta originally, and why do they reverence it now above all others? There is a certain tale repeated that the women were prevented by the senate from using horse-drawn vehicles; they therefore made an agreement with one another not to conceive nor to bear children, and they kept their husbands at a distance, until the husbands changed their minds and made the concession to them. When children were born to them, they, as mothers of a fair and numerous progeny, founded the temple of Carmenta. Some assert that Carmenta was the mother of Evander and that she came to Italy;
79. Plutarch, Pompey, 80 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 232
80. Tacitus, Histories, 1.1-1.11, 1.1.4, 1.4.1, 1.8.1, 1.10.3, 1.15-1.16, 1.16.2-1.16.3, 1.23.1, 1.24.1, 1.25.2, 1.50.4, 1.77, 1.78.2, 1.84.2, 2.8, 2.38, 2.50.2, 2.53.1, 2.91.2, 2.101, 3.51.2, 3.72, 3.74.1, 3.84.4, 4.1, 4.2.1, 4.3-4.8, 4.3.3-4.3.4, 4.7.1, 4.18.2, 4.40.1, 4.52, 4.54, 4.57.1, 4.73.2, 4.86.2, 5.1.1, 5.4.2, 5.5.1-5.5.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius •tacitus, p. cornelius, accounts of false nero •tacitus, p. cornelius, remarks on own practice •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus) •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus), annals •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus), histories •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus), government, analysis of •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus), historical approach of •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus), partiality of •cornelius tacitus •tacitus (p. [?] cornelius tacitus), on imperial adoptions Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 59, 60, 154, 156, 157, 158, 160, 161, 162; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 234, 235; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48, 49, 76, 77, 78, 79, 170, 177, 179, 201, 215, 238, 305; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 21, 175, 188, 190, 193, 194; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45, 46, 49
1.77.  Since the armies and provinces were thus divided, Vitellius for his part needed to fight to gain the imperial fortune; but Otho was performing the duties of an emperor as if in profound peace. Some things he did in accordance with the dignity of the state, but often he acted contrary to its honour in the haste that was prompted by present need. He himself was consul with his brother Titianus until the first of March. The next months were allotted to Verginius as a sop to the army in Germany. With Verginius he associated Pompeius Vopiscus under the pretext of their ancient friendship; but most interpreted the act as an honour shown the people of Vienne. The rest of the consulships for the year remained as Nero and Galba had assigned them: Caelius Sabinus and Flavius Sabinus until July; Arrius Antoninus and Marius Celsus till September; their honours not even Vitellius vetoed when he became victor. But Otho assigned pontificates and augurships as a crowning distinction to old men who had already gone through the list of offices, or solaced young nobles recently returned from exile with priesthoods which their fathers and ancestors had held. Cadius Rufus, Pedius Blaesus, and Saevinus P. . . were restored to senatorial rank, which they had lost under Claudius and Nero on account of charges of bribery made against them; those who pardoned them decided to shift the name so that what had really been greed should seem treason, which was now so odious that it made even good laws null and useless. 2.8.  About this time Achaia and Asia were terrified by a false rumour of Nero's arrival. The reports with regard to his death had been varied, and therefore many people imagined and believed that he was alive. The forces and attempts of other pretenders we shall tell as we proceed; but at this time, a slave from Pontus or, as others have reported, a freedman from Italy, who was skilled in playing on the cithara and in singing, gained the readier belief in his deceit through these accomplishments and his resemblance to Nero. He recruited some deserters, poor tramps whom he had bribed by great promises, and put to sea. A violent storm drove him to the island of Cythnus, where he called to his standard some soldiers who were returning from the East on leave, or ordered them to be killed if they refused. Then he robbed the merchants, and armed all the ablest-bodied of their slaves. A centurion, Sisenna, who was carrying clasped right hands, the symbol of friendship, to the praetorians in the name of the army in Syria, the pretender approached with various artifices, until Sisenna in alarm and fearing violence secretly left the island and made his escape. Then the alarm spread far and wide. Many came eagerly forward at the famous name, prompted by their desire for a change and their hatred of the present situation. The fame of the pretender was increasing from day to day when a chance shattered it. 2.38.  The old greed for power, long ingrained in mankind, came to full growth and broke bounds as the empire became great. When resources were moderate, equality was easily maintained; but when the world had been subjugated and rival states or kings destroyed, so that men were free to covet wealth without anxiety, then the first quarrels between patricians and plebeians broke out. Now the tribunes made trouble, again the consuls usurped too much power; in the city and forum the first essays at civil war were made. Later Gaius Marius, who had sprung from the dregs of the people, and that most cruel of nobles, Lucius Sulla, defeated liberty with arms and turned it into tyranny. After them came Gnaeus Pompey, no better man than they, but one who concealed his purpose more cleverly; and thenceforth there was never any aim but supreme power. The legions made up of Roman citizens did not lay down their arms at Pharsalia or Philippi; much less were the armies of Otho and Vitellius likely to abandon war voluntarily. The same divine wrath, the same human madness, the same motives to crime drove them on to strife. The fact that these wars were ended by a single blow, so to speak, was due to the worthlessness of the emperors. However, my reflections on the character of antiquity and of modern times have taken me too far afield; now I return to my narrative. 3.72.  This was the saddest and most shameful crime that the Roman state had ever suffered since its foundation. Rome had no foreign foe; the gods were ready to be propitious if our characters had allowed; and yet the home of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, founded after due auspices by our ancestors as a pledge of empire, which neither Porsenna, when the city gave itself up to him, nor the Gauls when they captured it, could violate — this was the shrine that the mad fury of emperors destroyed! The Capitol had indeed been burned before in civil war, but the crime was that of private individuals. Now it was openly besieged, openly burned — and what were the causes that led to arms? What was the price paid for this great disaster? This temple stood intact so long as we fought for our country. King Tarquinius Priscus had vowed it in the war with the Sabines and had laid its foundations rather to match his hope of future greatness than in accordance with what the fortunes of the Roman people, still moderate, could supply. Later the building was begun by Servius Tullius with the enthusiastic help of Rome's allies, and afterwards carried on by Tarquinius Superbus with the spoils taken from the enemy at the capture of Suessa Pometia. But the glory of completing the work was reserved for liberty: after the expulsion of the kings, Horatius Pulvillus in his second consulship dedicated it; and its magnificence was such that the enormous wealth of the Roman people acquired thereafter adorned rather than increased its splendour. The temple was built again on the same spot when after an interval of four hundred and fifteen years it had been burned in the consulship of Lucius Scipio and Gaius Norbanus. The victorious Sulla undertook the work, but still he did not dedicate it; that was the only thing that his good fortune was refused. Amid all the great works built by the Caesars the name of Lutatius Catulus kept its place down to Vitellius's day. This was the temple that then was burned. 4.1.  The death of Vitellius was rather the end of war than the beginning of peace. The victors ranged through the city in arms, pursuing their defeated foes with implacable hatred: the streets were full of carnage, the fora and temples reeked with blood; they slew right and left everyone whom chance put in their way. Presently, as their licence increased, they began to hunt out and drag into the light those who had concealed themselves; did they espy anyone who was tall and young, they cut him down, regardless whether he was soldier or civilian. Their ferocity, which found satisfaction in bloodshed while their hatred was fresh, turned then afterwards to greed. They let no place remain secret or closed, pretending that Vitellians were in hiding. This led to the forcing of private houses or, if resistance was made, became an excuse for murder. Nor was there any lack of starvelings among the mob or of the vilest slaves ready to betray their rich masters; others were pointed out by their friends. Everywhere were lamentations, cries of anguish, and the misfortunes that befall a captured city; so that the citizens actually longed for the licence of Otho's and Vitellius's soldiers, which earlier they had detested. The generals of the Flavian party, who had been quick to start the conflagration of civil war, were unequal to the task of controlling their victory, for in times of violence and civil strife the worst men have the greatest power; peace and quiet call for honest arts. 4.3.  During these same days Lucilius Bassus was sent with a force of light armed cavalry to restore order in Campania, where the people of the towns were rather at variance with one another than rebellious toward the emperor. The sight of the soldiers restored order, and the smaller towns escaped punishment. Capua, however, had the Third legion quartered on it for the winter, and its nobler houses were ruined; while the people of Tarracina, on the other hand, received no assistance: so much easier is it to repay injury than to reward kindness, for gratitude is regarded as a burden, revenge as gain. The Tarracines, however, found comfort in the fact that the slave of Verginius Capito, who had betrayed them, was crucified wearing the very rings that he had received from Vitellius. But at Rome the senators voted to Vespasian all the honours and privileges usually given the emperors. They were filled with joy and confident hope, for it seemed to them that civil warfare, which, breaking out in the Gallic and Spanish provinces, had moved to arms first the Germanies, then Illyricum, and which had traversed Egypt, Judea, Syria, and all provinces and armies, was now at an end, as if the expiation of the whole world had been completed: their zeal was increased by a letter from Vespasian, written as if war were still going on. That at least was the impression that it made at first; but in reality Vespasian spoke as an emperor, with humility of himself, magnificently of the state. Nor did the senate fail in homage: it elected Vespasian consul with his son Titus, and bestowed a praetorship with consular power on Domitian. 4.4.  Mucianus also had sent a letter to the senate that gave occasion for comment. "If," they said, "he were a private citizen, why this official language? He might have said the same things a few days later, speaking in the senate." Even his attack on Vitellius came too late and showed no independence. But they thought it a haughty thing toward the state and an act of insolence toward the emperor for him to boast that he had had the empire in his own hand and had presented it to Vespasian. Yet their discontent was concealed; their flattery was open: in magnificent terms the senators gave Mucianus the insignia of a triumph, in reality for civil war, although his expedition against the Sarmatae was made the pretext. They also voted Antonius Primus the insignia of consular rank, Cornelius Fuscus and Arrius Varus of praetorian. Then they took thought for the gods: they voted to restore the Capitol. All these measures were proposed by Valerius Asiaticus, consul elect; the rest of the senators showed their approval by their looks and hands; a few of conspicuous dignity or whose nature was well trained in flattery expressed themselves in formal speeches. When the turn came to Helvidius Priscus, praetor elect, he spoke in terms which, while honourable to a good emperor, . . . There was no false flattery in his speech, which was received with enthusiasm by the senate. This was the day that stood out in his career as marking the beginning of great disfavour and of great glory. 4.5.  Since I have again had occasion to mention a man of whom I shall have cause to speak many times, I think that I ought to give a brief account of his life and interests, and of the vicissitudes of fortune that he experienced. Helvidius Priscus was born in the town of Cluviae [in the district of Caracina]. His father had been a centurion of the first rank. In his early youth Helvidius devoted his extraordinary talents to the higher studies, not as most youths do, in order to cloak a useless leisure with a pretentious name, but that he might enter public life better fortified against the chances of fortune. He followed those teachers of philosophy who count only those things "good" which are morally right and only those things "evil" which are base, and who reckon power, high birth, and everything else that is beyond the control of the will as neither good nor bad. After he had held only the quaestorship, he was selected by Paetus Thrasea to be his son-in‑law; from the character of his father-in‑law he derived above everything the spirit of freedom; as citizen, senator, husband, son-in‑law, and friend he showed himself equal to all of life's duties, despising riches, determined in the right, unmoved by fear. 4.6.  Some thought that he was rather too eager for fame, since the passion for glory is that from which even philosophers last divest themselves. Driven into exile by the ruin of his father, he returned under Galba and brought charges against Marcellus Eprius, who had informed against Thrasea. This attempt to avenge him, at once notable and just, divided the senators: for if Marcellus fell, it was the ruin of a host of the guilty. At first the struggle was threatening, as is proved by the elsewhere speeches on both sides; later, since Galba's attitude was uncertain, Priscus yielded to many appeals from his fellow senators and gave up the prosecution. This action called forth varied comments according to the nature of those who made them, some praising his moderation, others regretting his lack of firmness. However, at the meeting of the senate at which Vespasian was voted the imperial power, the senators decided to send a delegation to the emperor. This gave rise to a sharp difference between Helvidius and Eprius, for Helvidius demanded that the representatives be chosen by the magistrates under oath, Marcellus demanded a selection by lot, as the consul designate had proposed. 4.7.  The interest that Marcellus felt was prompted by his personal vanity and his fear that others might be chosen and so he might seem neglected. Gradually the disputants were swept on in their wrangling to make long and bitter speeches. Helvidius asked Marcellus why he was so afraid of the decision of the magistrates. "You have," he said, "wealth and eloquence in which you would be superior to many, if you were not burdened with men's memory of your crimes. The lot and urn do not judge character; voting and the judgment of the senate have been devised as means to penetrate into the life and reputation of the individual. It is for the interests of the state and it touches the honour to be done Vespasian to have the delegation that meets him made up of the men whom the senate considers freest from reproach, that they may fill the emperor's ears with honourable counsels. Vespasian was once the friend of Thrasea, Soranus, and Sentius. Even if it is not well to punish their accusers, we ought not to make a display of them. By its decision in this matter the senate will, in a way, suggest to the emperor whom to approve, whom to fear. For a good government there is no greater instrument at hand than the possession of good friends. You, Marcellus, must be satisfied with the fact that you induced Nero to put to death so many innocent men. Enjoy your rewards and immunity; leave Vespasian to better men." 4.8.  Marcellus replied that it was not his proposal, but that of the consul designate that was attacked; and it was a proposal that conformed to the ancient precedents, which prescribed that delegates should be chosen by lot, that there might be no room for self-seeking or for hate. Nothing had occurred to give reason for abandoning long-established customs or for turning the honour due an emperor into an insult to any man: they could all pay homage. What they must try to avoid was allowing the wilfulness of certain individuals to irritate the mind of the emperor, who was as yet unbiassed, being newly come to power and watchful of every look and every word. For his own part he remembered the time in which he was born, the form of government that their fathers and grandfathers had established; he admired the earlier period, but adapted himself to the present; he prayed for good emperors, but endured any sort. It was not by his speech any more than by the judgment of the senate that Thrasea had been brought to ruin; Nero's cruel nature found its delight in such shows of justice, and such a friendship caused him no less anxiety than exile in others. In short, let them set Helvidius on an equality with Cato and Brutus in firmness and courage: for himself, he was only one of a senate which accepted a common servitude. He would also advise Priscus not to exalt himself above an emperor, not to try to check by his precepts a man of ripe age as Vespasian was, a man who had gained the insignia of a triumph, and who had sons grown to man's estate. Just as the worst emperors wish for absolute tyrannical power, even the best desire some limit to the freedom of their subjects. These arguments, which were hurled back and forth with great vehemence, were received with different feelings. The party prevailed that favoured the selection of the envoys by lot, for even the ordinary senators were eager to preserve precedent, and all the most prominent also inclined to the same course, fearing to excite envy if they should be selected themselves. 4.52.  It is said that Titus, before leaving, in a long interview with his father begged him not to be easily excited by the reports of those who calumniated Domitian, and urged him to show himself impartial and forgiving toward his son. "Neither armies nor fleets," he argued, "are so strong a defence of the imperial power as a number of children; for friends are chilled, changed, and lost by time, fortune, and sometimes by inordinate desires or by mistakes: the ties of blood cannot be severed by any man, least of all by princes, whose success others also enjoy, but whose misfortunes touch only their nearest kin. Not even brothers will always agree unless the father sets the example." Not so much reconciled toward Domitian as delighted with Titus's show of brotherly affection, Vespasian bade him be of good cheer and to magnify the state by war and arms; he would himself care for peace and his house. Then he had some of the swiftest ships laden with grain and entrusted to the sea, although it was still dangerous: for, in fact, Rome was in such a critical condition that she did not have more than ten days' supplies in her granaries when the supplies from Vespasian came to her relief. 4.54.  In the meantime the news of the death of Vitellius, spreading through the Gallic and German provinces, had started a second war; for Civilis, now dropping all pretence, openly attacked the Roman people, and the legions of Vitellius preferred to be subject even to foreign domination rather than to obey Vespasian as emperor. The Gauls had plucked up fresh courage, believing that all our armies were everywhere in the same case, for the rumour had spread that our winter quarters in Moesia and Pannonia were being besieged by the Sarmatae and Dacians; similar stories were invented about Britain. But nothing had encouraged them to believe that the end of our rule was at hand so much as the burning of the Capitol. "Once long ago Rome was captured by the Gauls, but since Jove's home was unharmed, the Roman power stood firm: now this fatal conflagration has given a proof from heaven of the divine wrath and presages the passage of the sovereignty of the world to the peoples beyond the Alps." Such were the vain and superstitious prophecies of the Druids. Moreover, the report had gone abroad that the Gallic chiefs, when sent by Otho to oppose Vitellius, had pledged themselves before their departure not to fail the cause of freedom in case an unbroken series of civil wars and internal troubles destroyed the power of the Roman people.
81. Plutarch, Sulla, 6.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 301
6.3. ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἔπαθε ταὐτὸ Τιμοθέῳ τῷ τοῦ Κόνωνος, ὅς, εἰς τὴν τύχην αὐτοῦ τὰ κατορθώματα τῶν ἐχθρῶν τιθεμένων καὶ γραφόντων ἐν πίναξι; κοιμώμενον ἐκεῖνον, τὴν δὲ Τύχην δικτύῳ τὰς πόλεις περιβάλλουσαν, ἀγροικιζόμενος καὶ χαλεπαίνων πρὸς τοὺς ταῦτα ποιοῦντας ὡς ἀποστερούμενος ὑπʼ αὐτῶν τῆς ἐπὶ ταῖς πράξεσι δόξης, ἔφη ποτὲ πρὸς τόν δῆμον, ἐπανήκων ἐκ στρατείας εὖ κεχωρηκέναι δοκούσης, ἀλλὰ ταύτης γε τῆς στρατείας οὐδέν, ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τῇ τύχῃ μέτεστι. 6.3.
82. Tacitus, Agricola, 1, 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.3-3.1, 2.4, 3.1, 10.3, 10.4, 10.5, 10.6, 21.1, 29.1, 29.4, 30.1-32.3, 30.5, 42.3, 43.3, 44.5-45.2, 46.3, 46.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Blum and Biggs (2019), The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature, 254, 255
83. Suetonius, Vitellius, 10.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 217
84. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 8.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius tacitus Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 188
85. Suetonius, Tiberius, 59.2, 61.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 43
86. Tacitus, Annals, 1, 1.1.1, 1.1.3, 1.1.2, 1.2, 1.4.2, 1.4.1, 1.6.1, 1.7, 1.8, 1.8.6, 1.8.5, 1.9, 1.10.4, 1.10, 1.11, 1.12, 1.13, 1.14, 1.16, 1.17.4, 1.17, 1.18, 1.19, 1.20, 1.21, 1.22, 1.23, 1.24, 1.25, 1.26, 1.27, 1.28, 1.29, 1.30, 1.31, 1.32, 1.33, 1.33.2, 1.34, 1.35, 1.36, 1.37, 1.38, 1.39, 1.40, 1.41, 1.41.2, 1.42, 1.43, 1.43.3, 1.44, 1.44.4, 1.45, 1.46, 1.46.3, 1.47, 1.48, 1.49, 1.72, 1.76.4, 2.8, 2.9, 2.28, 2.29, 2.37, 2.38, 2.52.2, 2.53, 2.69-3.19, 2.72, 2.73, 2.73.3, 2.75, 2.82, 2.83, 3.1.3, 3.1, 3.1.4, 3.2, 3.2.3, 3.3.1, 3.5.2, 3.5, 3.6, 3.15, 3.22.2, 3.25, 3.33, 3.34, 3.44.3, 3.55.5, 3.74.3, 4.8, 4.9, 4.11.3, 4.12, 4.15.3, 4.21.2, 4.31, 4.32, 4.32.1, 4.33.4, 4.33, 4.33.3, 4.34, 4.34.5, 4.34.4, 4.35, 4.35.2, 4.35.5, 4.39, 4.40, 4.41.3, 4.53.1, 4.53.2, 4.53, 4.67.2, 4.69.1, 4.70.2, 5.1, 5.2, 6.1.1, 6.6.2, 6.10.1, 6.19, 6.25.3, 6.50, 11.4.1, 11.11.3, 11.22.1, 11.23.4, 11.23.3, 11.23.2, 11.24, 11.24.6, 11.27.1, 11.31.3, 11.32.3, 11.36.2, 11.36.1, 12.27.2, 12.27.1, 12.33, 12.47, 12.56.3, 12.58.1, 13.1.1, 13.3.2, 13.4.1, 13.4.2, 13.12.1, 13.21, 14.1.1, 14.1, 14.2, 14.3.3, 14.3.1, 14.3, 14.4.4, 14.4.2, 14.4, 14.4.3, 14.4.1, 14.5, 14.6, 14.6.1, 14.6.3, 14.7, 14.7.6, 14.8, 14.8.4, 14.8.3, 14.8.5, 14.8.1, 14.9, 14.10, 14.10.1, 14.10.2, 14.11, 14.12, 14.12.1, 14.12.2, 14.13, 14.13.1, 14.17, 14.18, 14.20, 14.48, 14.49, 14.49.1, 14.51.2, 14.57, 14.63, 14.64.3, 14.64, 15.12.6, 15.19, 15.22, 15.23, 15.32, 15.36, 15.39.3, 15.42.1, 15.43.1, 15.46.2, 15.48, 15.50.4, 15.51.1, 15.53.2, 16.7, 16.7.7, 16.8, 16.9, 16.10, 16.11, 16.21.2, 16.21.3-22.5, 16.21.1, 16.21, 16.22, 16.23, 16.24.2, 16.24.1, 16.24, 16.25, 16.26, 16.27, 16.28.3, 16.28.2, 16.28.1, 16.28, 16.29, 16.30, 16.31, 16.32, 16.33, 16.34, 16.35.2, 16.35 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 157
87. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 28.16.6, 38.28.1-38.28.3, 42.8.1-42.8.3, 43.15.5, 43.17.2, 44.1.1, 44.2.1-44.2.4, 44.35.1, 45.18.2, 45.25.2, 45.31.2, 45.33.2, 45.34.3, 45.35.1, 45.37.3, 46.19.8, 48.14.4, 52.1.2, 52.5.1, 52.9.3-52.9.5, 52.13.6, 52.19-52.30, 52.20.3, 52.31.5-52.31.10, 52.32, 52.34.1, 52.37.1, 53.2.6-53.2.7, 53.11.5, 53.12, 53.12.1, 53.13.1, 53.15, 53.16.2, 53.16.7-53.16.8, 53.19, 53.19.1-53.19.6, 53.21.1-53.21.2, 53.21.4-53.21.6, 55.2.1, 55.14.4-55.14.8, 55.15.1, 55.15.3, 55.16.3-55.16.6, 55.22.2, 56.1-56.10, 56.27.1, 56.33.4-56.33.5, 56.34.4, 56.43.4, 56.44.1-56.44.2, 57.1.1-57.1.5, 57.18.6, 57.24.2-57.24.3, 58.2, 59.2.4-59.2.5, 59.3.8, 59.7.1, 59.7.7, 59.9.1, 59.13.6, 59.24.1, 59.25.2-59.25.5, 59.26.1-59.26.4, 59.26.6-59.26.7, 59.30.1, 60.2.1, 60.3.5-60.3.6, 60.4.1-60.4.4, 60.6.2, 60.10.1, 61.2.4, 61.11.4, 61.12-61.14, 61.12.2, 61.13.2-61.13.5, 61.14.2, 61.16.2, 61.35.2, 62.15, 63.14.3, 63.27.2, 66.15.1-66.15.2, 67.2.6-67.2.7, 67.17, 69.2.5, 69.20.1-69.20.3, 77.16.7, 7473.12.2-7473.12.5, 7473.13.2-7473.13.5, 7574.2.1-7574.2.6, 7574.9, 7675.4.2, 7675.15.3, 7877.17.1-7877.17.4, 7978.17.1-7978.17.3, 7978.20, 8079.2.5-8079.2.6, 8080.5.2-8080.5.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 193
88. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 1.11.3, 4.14.7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius tacitus, historian •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 220; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 244
89. Polyaenus, Stratagems, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 201, 202, 279
90. Apuleius, Apology, 85.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus (p. [?] cornelius tacitus), fecunditas of agrippina the elder Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 78
91. Gellius, Attic Nights, 2.28.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 44
92. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 5.8.12-5.8.13 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus) Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 41
93. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.12.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius tacitus Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 21
1.12.1. οὕτω Πύρρος ἐστὶν ὁ πρῶτος ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος τῆς πέραν Ἰονίου διαβὰς ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους· διέβη δὲ καὶ οὗτος ἐπαγαγομένων Ταραντίνων. τούτοις γὰρ πρότερον ἔτι πρὸς Ῥωμαίους συνειστήκει πόλεμος· ἀδύνατοι δὲ κατὰ σφᾶς ὄντες ἀντισχεῖν, προϋπαρχούσης μὲν ἐς αὐτὸν εὐεργεσίας, ὅτι οἱ πολεμοῦντι τὸν πρὸς Κόρκυραν πόλεμον ναυσὶ συνήραντο, μάλιστα δὲ οἱ πρέσβεις τῶν Ταραντίνων ἀνέπεισαν τὸν Πύρρον, τήν τε Ἰταλίαν διδάσκοντες ὡς εὐδαιμονίας ἕνεκα ἀντὶ πάσης εἴη τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ ὡς οὐχ ὅσιον αὐτῷ παραπέμψαι σφᾶς φίλους τε καὶ ἱκέτας ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἥκοντας. ταῦτα λεγόντων τῶν πρέσβεων μνήμη τὸν Πύρρον τῆς ἁλώσεως ἐσῆλθε τῆς Ἰλίου, καί οἱ κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἤλπιζε χωρήσειν πολεμοῦντι· στρατεύειν γὰρ ἐπὶ Τρώων ἀποίκους Ἀχιλλέως ὢν ἀπόγονος. 1.12.1. So Pyrrhus was the first to cross the Ionian Sea from Greece to attack the Romans. 280 B.C. And even he crossed on the invitation of the Tarentines. For they were already involved in a war with the Romans, but were no match for them unaided. Pyrrhus was already in their debt, because they had sent a fleet to help him in his war with Corcyra , but the most cogent arguments of the Tarentine envoys were their accounts of Italy , how its prosperity was equal to that of the whole of Greece , and their plea that it was wicked to dismiss them when they had come as friends and suppliants in their hour of need. When the envoys urged these considerations, Pyrrhus remembered the capture of Troy , which he took to be an omen of his success in the war, as he was a descendant of Achilles making war upon a colony of Trojans.
94. Lucian, How To Write History, 13, 2, 38, 7, 9, 61 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 26
95. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 5.8.12-5.8.13 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus) Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 41
96. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Severus, 21, 20 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 235, 236
97. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 7.1-7.2, 9.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 81
98. Augustine, The City of God, 4.31, 6.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius tacitus Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 183
4.31. What says Varro himself, whom we grieve to have found, although not by his own judgment, placing the scenic plays among things divine? When in many passages he is exhorting, like a religious man, to the worship of the gods, does he not in doing so admit that he does not in his own judgment believe those things which he relates that the Roman state has instituted; so that he does not hesitate to affirm that if he were founding a new state, he could enumerate the gods and their names better by the rule of nature? But being born into a nation already ancient, he says that he finds himself bound to accept the traditional names and surnames of the gods, and the histories connected with them, and that his purpose in investigating and publishing these details is to incline the people to worship the gods, and not to despise them. By which words this most acute man sufficiently indicates that he does not publish all things, because they would not only have been contemptible to himself, but would have seemed despicable even to the rabble, unless they had been passed over in silence. I should be thought to conjecture these things, unless he himself, in another passage, had openly said, in speaking of religious rites, that many things are true which it is not only not useful for the common people to know, but that it is expedient that the people should think otherwise, even though falsely, and therefore the Greeks have shut up the religious ceremonies and mysteries in silence, and within walls. In this he no doubt expresses the policy of the so-called wise men by whom states and peoples are ruled. Yet by this crafty device the malign demons are wonderfully delighted, who possess alike the deceivers and the deceived, and from whose tyranny nothing sets free save the grace of God through Jesus Christ our Lord. The same most acute and learned author also says, that those alone seem to him to have perceived what God is, who have believed Him to be the soul of the world, governing it by design and reason. And by this, it appears, that although he did not attain to the truth - for the true God is not a soul, but the maker and author of the soul - yet if he could have been free to go against the prejudices of custom, he could have confessed and counselled others that the one God ought to be worshipped, who governs the world by design and reason; so that on this subject only this point would remain to be debated with him, that he had called Him a soul, and not rather the creator of the soul. He says, also, that the ancient Romans, for more than a hundred and seventy years, worshipped the gods without an image. And if this custom, he says, could have remained till now, the gods would have been more purely worshipped. In favor of this opinion, he cites as a witness among others the Jewish nation; nor does he hesitate to conclude that passage by saying of those who first consecrated images for the people, that they have both taken away religious fear from their fellow citizens, and increased error, wisely thinking that the gods easily fall into contempt when exhibited under the stolidity of images. But as he does not say they have transmitted error, but that they have increased it, he therefore wishes it to be understood that there was error already when there were no images. Wherefore, when he says they alone have perceived what God is who have believed Him to be the governing soul of the world, and thinks that the rites of religion would have been more purely observed without images, who fails to see how near he has come to the truth? For if he had been able to do anything against so inveterate an error, he would certainly have given it as his opinion both that the one God should be worshipped, and that He should be worshipped without an image; and having so nearly discovered the truth, perhaps he might easily have been put in mind of the mutability of the soul, and might thus have perceived that the true God is that immutable nature which made the soul itself. Since these things are so, whatever ridicule such men have poured in their writings against the plurality of the gods, they have done so rather as compelled by the secret will of God to confess them, than as trying to persuade others. If, therefore, any testimonies are adduced by us from these writings, they are adduced for the confutation of those who are unwilling to consider from how great and maligt a power of the demons the singular sacrifice of the shedding of the most holy blood, and the gift of the imparted Spirit, can set us free. 6.11. Seneca, among the other superstitions of civil theology, also found fault with the sacred things of the Jews, and especially the sabbaths, affirming that they act uselessly in keeping those seventh days, whereby they lose through idleness about the seventh part of their life, and also many things which demand immediate attention are damaged. The Christians, however, who were already most hostile to the Jews, he did not dare to mention, either for praise or blame, lest, if he praised them, he should do so against the ancient custom of his country, or, perhaps, if he should blame them, he should do so against his own will. When he was speaking concerning those Jews, he said, When, meanwhile, the customs of that most accursed nation have gained such strength that they have been now received in all lands, the conquered have given laws to the conquerors. By these words he expresses his astonishment; and, not knowing what the providence of God was leading him to say, subjoins in plain words an opinion by which he showed what he thought about the meaning of those sacred institutions: For, he says, those, however, know the cause of their rites, while the greater part of the people know not why they perform theirs. But concerning the solemnities of the Jews, either why or how far they were instituted by divine authority, and afterwards, in due time, by the same authority taken away from the people of God, to whom the mystery of eternal life was revealed, we have both spoken elsewhere, especially when we were treating against the Manich ans, and also intend to speak in this work in a more suitable place.
99. Orosius Paulus, Historiae Adversum Paganos, 7.3.7-7.3.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius tacitus Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 193
100. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 15.12.6 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 279
15.12.6. Now the whole of Gaul (except where, as the authority of Sallust Hist. i. 11, Maurenbrecher. informs us, it was impassable with marshes), after losses on both sides during ten years of war the dictator Caesar subdued and joined to us in an everlasting covet of alliance. I have digressed too far, but I shall at last return to my subject.
101. Justinian, Digest, 50.6.6(5).2 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus (p. [?] cornelius tacitus), on m. hortalus Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 64
102. Justinian, Codex Justinianus, 7.33.8 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus (p. [?] cornelius tacitus), on ‘fake’ adoptions Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 122
106. Justinus, Epitome Historiarum Philippicarum, 28.1  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 220
108. Papyri, P.Oxy., 23.2382  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 198
111. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 8.5.3  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 86
112. Suda, Geography, None  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 46
113. Fronto, Ad Antoninum Pium Epistulae, 5.51  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 366
114. Pseudo-Seneca, Letters, 30.1-30.3, 30.14  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus), histories Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 46
115. Schol. Ad Septem 680 258 And 258N17, Ammianus Marcellinus, 57  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius, accounts of false nero Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 145
116. Epigraphy, Ils, 264  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius tacitus Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 188
117. Epigraphy, Cil, 6.944, 10.7852.12, 13.1668, 13.8706  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius tacitus •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8, 170; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 126, 188
118. Anon., 4 Ezra, 11-12  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 53, 55
119. Digesta, Digesta, 50.6.6(5).2  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus (p. [?] cornelius tacitus), on m. hortalus Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 64
120. Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni, 8.3.1-8.3.15, 8.8.10, 9.2.24  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 173, 204
8.3.1. Dahas deinde statuerat petere: ibi namque Spitamenen esse cognoverat. Sed hanc quoque expeditionem, ut pleraque alia, fortuna indulgendo ei numquam fatigata pro absente transegit. Spitamenes uxoris inmodico amore flagrabat, quam aegre fugam et nova subinde exilia tolerantem in omne discrimen comitem trahebat. 8.3.2. Illa malis fatigata identidem muliebres adhibere blanditias, ut tandem fugam sisteret victorisque Alexandri clementiam expertus placaret, quem effugere non posset. 8.3.3. Tres adulti erant liberi ex eo geniti: quos cum pectori patris admovisset, ut saltem eorum misereri vellet, orabat: et, quo efficaciores essent. preces, haud procul erat Alexander. 8.3.4. Ille se prodi, non moneri ratus et formae profecto fiducia cupere eam quam primum dedi Alexandro acinacem strinxit percussurus uxorem, 8.3.5. nisi prohibitus esset fratrum eius occursu. Ceterum abire e conspectu iubet addito metu mortis, si se oculis eius obtulisset, et ad desiderium levandum noctes agere inter pelices coepit. 8.3.6. Sed penitus haerens amor fastidio praesentium accensus est. Itaque rursus uni ei deditus orare non destitit, ut tali consilio abstineret patereturque sortem, quamcumque iis fortuna fecisset: 8.3.7. sibi mortem deditione esse leviorem. At illa purgare se, quod, quae utilia esse censebat, muliebriter forsitan, sed fida tamen mente suasisset: de cetero futuram in viri potestate. 8.3.8. Spitamenes simulato captus obsequio de die convivium apparari iubet vinoque et epulis gravis et semisomnus in cubiculum fertur. 8.3.9. Quem ut alto et gravi somno sopitum esse sensit uxor, gladium, quem veste occultaverat, stringit caputque eius abscisum cruore respersa servo suo conscio facinoris tradit. 8.3.10. Eodem comitante, sicuti erat cruenta veste, in Macedonum castra pervenit nuntiarique Alexandro iubet, esse, quae ex ipsa deberet agnoscere. 8.3.11. Ille protinus barbaram iussit admitti. Quam ut respersam cruore conspexit, 8.3.12. ratus ad deplorandam contumeliam venisse, dicere, quae vellet, iubet. At illa servum, quem in vestibulo stare iusserat, introduci desideravit. Qui, quia caput Spitamenis veste tectum habebat, suspectus scrutantibus, quid occuleret, ostendit. 8.3.13. Confuderat oris exsanguis notas pallor, nec, quis esset, nosci satis poterat: ergo rex certior factus, humanum caput adferre eum, tabernaculo excessit percontatusque, quid rei sit, illo profitente cognoscit. 8.3.14. Variae hinc cogitationes invicem animum diversa agitantem commoverant. Meritum ingens in semet esse credebat, quod transfuga et proditor, tantis rebus, si vixisset, iniecturus moram, interfectus esset: contra facinus ingens aversabatur, cum virum optime meritum de ipsa, communium parentem liberum per insidias interemisset. 8.3.15. Vicit tamen gratiam meriti sceleris atrocitas, denuntiarique iussit, ut excederet castris, ne licentiae barbarae exemplar in Graecorum mores et mitia ingenia transferret. 8.8.10. At enim Persae, quos vicimus, in magno honore sunt apud me! Mihi quidem moderationis meae certissimum indicium est, quod ne victis quidem superbe impero. Veni enim in Asiam, non ut funditus everterem gentes nec ut dimidiam partem terrarum solitudinem facerem, 9.2.24. Sero hostium legiones numerare coepistis, postquam solitudinem in Asia vincendo fecistis. Cum per Hellespontum navigaremus, de paucitate nostra cogitandum fuit: nunc nos Scythae sequuntur, Bactriana auxilia praesto sunt, Dahae Sogdianique inter nos militant.
121. Photius, Bibliotheca (Library, Bibl.), 71  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus), principate, attitude towards Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 73
122. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 131-139  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 175
139. 'Now our Lawgiver being a wise man and specially endowed by God to understand all things, took a comprehensive view of each particular detail, and fenced us round with impregnable ramparts and walls of iron, that we might not mingle at all with any of the other nations, but remain pure in body and soul, free from all vain imaginations, worshiping the one Almighty God above the whole
123. Vergil, Aeneis, 2.3, 4.89, 5.604-5.699  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius •cornelius tacitus Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 211, 218; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 21
2.3. Father Aeneas with these words began :— 4.89. the eyes of gods upon her, worshipping 5.604. in soothing words: “Ill-starred! What mad attempt 5.605. is in thy mind? Will not thy heart confess 5.606. thy strength surpassed, and auspices averse? 5.607. Submit, for Heaven decrees!” With such wise words 5.608. he sundered the fell strife. But trusty friends 5.609. bore Dares off: his spent limbs helpless trailed, 5.610. his head he could not lift, and from his lips 5.611. came blood and broken teeth. So to the ship 5.612. they bore him, taking, at Aeneas' word, 5.613. the helmet and the sword—but left behind 5.614. Entellus' prize of victory, the bull. 5.615. He, then, elate and glorying, spoke forth: 5.616. “See, goddess-born, and all ye Teucrians, see, 5.617. what strength was mine in youth, and from what death 5.618. ye have clelivered Dares.” Saying so, 5.619. he turned him full front to the bull, who stood 5.620. for reward of the fight, and, drawing back 5.621. his right hand, poising the dread gauntlet high, 5.622. wung sheer between the horns and crushed the skull; 5.623. a trembling, lifeless creature, to the ground 5.624. the bull dropped forward dead. Above the fallen 5.625. Entellus cried aloud, “This victim due 5.626. I give thee, Eryx , more acceptable 5.627. than Dares' death to thy benigt shade. 5.628. For this last victory and joyful day, 5.630. Forthwith Aeneas summons all who will 5.631. to contest of swift arrows, and displays 5.632. reward and prize. With mighty hand he rears 5.633. a mast within th' arena, from the ship 5.634. of good Sergestus taken; and thereto 5.635. a fluttering dove by winding cord is bound 5.636. for target of their shafts. Soon to the match 5.637. the rival bowmen came and cast the lots 5.638. into a brazen helmet. First came forth 5.639. Hippocoon's number, son of Hyrtacus, 5.640. by cheers applauded; Mnestheus was the next, 5.641. late victor in the ship-race, Mnestheus crowned 5.642. with olive-garland; next Eurytion, 5.643. brother of thee, O bowman most renowned, 5.644. Pandarus, breaker of the truce, who hurled 5.645. his shaft upon the Achaeans, at the word 5.646. the goddess gave. Acestes' Iot and name 5.647. came from the helmet last, whose royal hand 5.648. the deeds of youth dared even yet to try. 5.649. Each then with strong arm bends his pliant bow, 5.650. each from the quiver plucks a chosen shaft. 5.651. First, with loud arrow whizzing from the string, 5.652. the young Hippocoon with skyward aim 5.653. cuts through the yielding air; and lo! his barb 5.654. pierces the very wood, and makes the mast 5.655. tremble; while with a fluttering, frighted wing 5.656. the bird tugs hard,—and plaudits fill the sky. 5.657. Boldly rose Mnestheus, and with bow full-drawn 5.658. aimed both his eye and shaft aloft; but he 5.659. failing, unhappy man, to bring his barb 5.660. up to the dove herself, just cut the cord 5.661. and broke the hempen bond, whereby her feet 5.662. were captive to the tree: she, taking flight, 5.663. clove through the shadowing clouds her path of air. 5.664. But swiftly—for upon his waiting bow 5.665. he held a shaft in rest—Eurytion 5.666. invoked his brother's shade, and, marking well 5.667. the dove, whose happy pinions fluttered free 5.668. in vacant sky, pierced her, hard by a cloud; 5.669. lifeless she fell, and left in light of heaven 5.670. her spark of life, as, floating down, she bore 5.671. the arrow back to earth. Acestes now 5.672. remained, last rival, though the victor's palm 5.673. to him was Iost; yet did the aged sire, 5.674. to show his prowess and resounding bow, 5.675. hurl forth one shaft in air; then suddenly 5.676. all eyes beheld such wonder as portends 5.677. events to be (but when fulfilment came, 5.678. too late the fearful seers its warning sung): 5.679. for, soaring through the stream of cloud, his shaft 5.680. took fire, tracing its bright path in flame, 5.681. then vanished on the wind,—as oft a star 5.682. will fall unfastened from the firmament, 5.683. while far behind its blazing tresses flow. 5.684. Awe-struck both Trojan and Trinacrian stood, 5.685. calling upon the gods. Nor came the sign 5.686. in vain to great Aeneas. But his arms 5.687. folded the blest Acestes to his heart, 5.688. and, Ioading him with noble gifts, he cried: 5.689. “Receive them, sire! The great Olympian King 5.690. ome peerless honor to thy name decrees 5.691. by such an omen given. I offer thee 5.692. this bowl with figures graven, which my sire, 5.693. good gray Anchises, for proud gift received 5.694. of Thracian Cisseus, for their friendship's pledge 5.695. and memory evermore.” Thereon he crowned 5.696. his brows with garland of the laurel green, 5.697. and named Acestes victor over all. 5.698. Nor could Eurytion, noble youth, think ill 5.699. of honor which his own surpassed, though he,
124. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.86.3, 2.93.2  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus (p. cornelius tacitus) •tacitus (p. [?] cornelius tacitus), fecunditas of agrippina the elder Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 79; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 43
125. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 5.1.10, 5.3.3, 7.1.1, 7.7.5  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius •tacitus (p. [?] cornelius tacitus), fecunditas of agrippina the elder •tacitus (p. [?] cornelius tacitus), on m. hortalus Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 64, 86; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 232, 234
126. Strabo, Geography, 5.4.8  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 300
5.4.8. Next after Neapolis comes the Heracleian Fortress, with a promontory which runs out into the sea and so admirably catches the breezes of the southwest wind that it makes the settlement a healthful place to live in. Both this settlement and the one next after it, Pompaia (past which flows the River Sarnus), were once held by the Osci; then, by the Tyrrheni and the Pelasgi; and after that, by the Samnitae; but they, too, were ejected from the places. Pompaia, on the River Sarnus — a river which both takes the cargoes inland and sends them out to sea — is the port-town of Nola, Nuceria, and Acherrae (a place with name like that of the settlement Cremona). Above these places lies Mt. Vesuvius, which, save for its summit, has dwellings all round, on farm-lands that are absolutely beautiful. As for the summit, a considerable part of it is flat, but all of it is unfruitful, and looks ash-coloured, and it shows pore-like cavities in masses of rock that are soot-coloured on the surface, these masses of rock looking as though they had been eaten out by fire; and hence one might infer that in earlier times this district was on fire and had craters of fire, and then, because the fuel gave out, was quenched. Perhaps, too, this is the cause of the fruitfulness of the country all round the mountain; just as at Catana, it is said, that part of the country which had been covered with ash-dust from the hot ashes carried up into the air by the fire of Aetna made the land suited to the vine; for it contains the substance that fattens both the soil which is burnt out and that which produces the fruits; so then, when it acquired plenty of fat, it was suited to burning out, as is the case with all sulphur-like substances, and then when it had been evaporated and quenched and reduced to ash-dust, it passed into a state of fruitfulness. Next after Pompaia comes Surrentum, a city of the Campani, whence the Athenaeum juts forth into the sea, which some call the Cape of the Sirenussae. There is a sanctuary of Athene, built by Odysseus, on the tip of the Cape. It is only a short voyage from here across to the island of Capreae; and after doubling the cape you come to desert, rocky isles, which are called the Sirens. On the side of the Cape toward Surrentum people show you a kind of temple, and offerings dedicated there long ago, because the people in the neighbourhood hold the place in honour. Here, then, the gulf that is called the Crater comes to an end, being marked off by two capes that face the south, namely, Misenum and Athenaeum. And the whole of the gulf is garnished, in part by the cities which I have just mentioned, and in part by the residences and plantations, which, since they intervene in unbroken succession, present the appearance of a single city.
131. Epigraphy, Ilb, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 126
133. Anon., Consolatio Ad Liuiam, 86-90  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 234
134. Plin., Pan., 48.5, 57.4, 58.3, 66.2-66.4  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 47, 178, 183
135. Caesar, Bg, 4.18.4, 6.23.1-6.23.3  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 177, 178
136. Sha, M. Ant., 3  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 244
137. Sha, Geta, 7  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 244
139. Javol., Dig., 4.8.39  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 170
141. Plin., Ep., 1.13, 2.14, 3.16, 3.21, 4.13.1, 6.16, 6.20, 7.33, 8.22, 9.23, 10.2.2-10.2.3, 10.57.2  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 49, 50, 71, 75, 76, 170, 184, 302
144. Eutrop., Flor. Epit., None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 63
145. Mela, Nepos, None  Tagged with subjects: •tacitus, p. cornelius Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 210
147. Petronius, Fr., 37  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius tacitus Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 183
148. Eutrop., Fragments, Frhist., None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 203
149. Pseudo-Seneca, Octauia, 127-130, 179-180, 279-280, 309-367, 369-376, 533-537, 929-957, 368  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 15, 198, 205, 217, 218