1. Polybius, Histories, 38.3.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, lucius, and oropos •oropos, and cornelius sulla, lucius Found in books: Wilding (2022) 203, 204| 38.3.8. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς ὑποκειμένους καιροὺς ἠτύχησαν ἅμα Πελοποννήσιοι, Βοιωτοί, Φωκεῖς, εῖς, Λοκροί, τινὲς τῶν τὸν Ἰόνιον κατοικούντων κόλπον, μετὰ δὲ τούτους ἔτι Μακεδόνες· | 38.3.8. In the time I am speaking of a common misfortune befel the Peloponnesians, the Boeotians, the Phocians, the Euboeans, the Locrians, some of the cities on the Ionian Gulf, and finally the Macedonians . . . not resulting merely from the number of defeats they suffered, far from it, but by their whole conduct they brought on themselves no misfortune, but a disaster as disgraceful and discreditable as it could be. |
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| 2. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.4.69 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., and the capitol Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 135 |
| 3. Cicero, Letters, 2.6.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, lucius, general and dictator Found in books: Marek (2019) 258 |
| 4. Cicero, On The Haruspices, 18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., and postumius Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 112 |
5. Cicero, On Divination, 1.72, 1.88, 1.91, 1.105, 1.132, 2.65, 2.70-2.71 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., and postumius •cornelius sulla, lucius, and amphiaraos •cornelius sulla, l., and the daimonion Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 70, 94; Wilding (2022) 197| 1.72. in quo haruspices, augures coniectoresque numerantur. Haec inprobantur a Peripateticis, a Stoicis defenduntur. Quorum alia sunt posita in monumentis et disciplina, quod Etruscorum declarant et haruspicini et fulgurales et rituales libri, vestri etiam augurales, alia autem subito ex tempore coniectura explicantur, ut apud Homerum Calchas, qui ex passerum numero belli Troiani annos auguratus est, et ut in Sullae scriptum historia videmus, quod te inspectante factum est, ut, cum ille in agro Nolano inmolaret ante praetorium, ab infima ara subito anguis emergeret, cum quidem C. Postumius haruspex oraret illum, ut in expeditionem exercitum educeret; id cum Sulla fecisset, tum ante oppidum Nolam florentissuma Samnitium castra cepit. 1.88. Amphilochus et Mopsus Argivorum reges fuerunt, sed iidem augures, iique urbis in ora marituma Ciliciae Graecas condiderunt; atque etiam ante hos Amphiaraus et Tiresias non humiles et obscuri neque eorum similes, ut apud Ennium est, Quí sui quaestus caúsa fictas súscitant senténtias, sed clari et praestantes viri, qui avibus et signis admoniti futura dicebant; quorum de altero etiam apud inferos Homerus ait solum sapere, ceteros umbrarum vagari modo ; Amphiaraum autem sic honoravit fama Graeciae, deus ut haberetur, atque ut ab eius solo, in quo est humatus, oracla peterentur. 1.91. nec quisquam rex Persarum potest esse, qui non ante magorum disciplinam scientiamque perceperit. Licet autem videre et genera quaedam et nationes huic scientiae deditas. Telmessus in Caria est, qua in urbe excellit haruspicum disciplina; itemque Elis in Peloponneso familias duas certas habet, Iamidarum unam, alteram Clutidarum, haruspicinae nobilitate praestantes. In Syria Chaldaei cognitione astrorum sollertiaque ingeniorum antecellunt. 1.105. Quid de auguribus loquar? Tuae partes sunt, tuum inquam, auspiciorum patrocinium debet esse. Tibi App. Claudius augur consuli nuntiavit addubitato Salutis augurio bellum domesticum triste ac turbulentum fore; quod paucis post mensibus exortum paucioribus a te est diebus oppressum. Cui quidem auguri vehementer adsentior; solus enim multorum annorum memoria non decantandi augurii, sed dividi tenuit disciplinam. Quem inridebant collegae tui eumque tum Pisidam, tum Soranum augurem esse dicebant; quibus nulla videbatur in auguriis aut praesensio aut scientia veritatis futurae; sapienter aiebant ad opinionem imperitorum esse fictas religiones. Quod longe secus est; neque enim in pastoribus illis, quibus Romulus praefuit, nec in ipso Romulo haec calliditas esse potuit, ut ad errorem multitudinis religionis simulacra fingerent. Sed difficultas laborque discendi disertam neglegentiam reddidit; malunt enim disserere nihil esse in auspiciis quam, quid sit, ediscere. 1.132. Nunc illa testabor, non me sortilegos neque eos, qui quaestus causa hariolentur, ne psychomantia quidem, quibus Appius, amicus tuus, uti solebat, agnoscere; non habeo denique nauci Marsum augurem, non vicanos haruspices, non de circo astrologos, non Isiacos coniectores, non interpretes somniorum; non enim sunt ii aut scientia aut arte divini, Séd superstitiósi vates ínpudentesque hárioli Aút inertes aút insani aut quíbus egestas ímperat, Quí sibi semitám non sapiunt, álteri monstránt viam; Quíbus divitias póllicentur, áb iis drachumam ipsí petunt. De hís divitiis síbi deducant dráchumam, reddant cétera. Atque haec quidem Ennius, qui paucis ante versibus esse deos censet, sed eos non curare opinatur, quid agat humanum genus. Ego autem, qui et curare arbitror et monere etiam ac multa praedicere, levitate, vanitate, malitia exclusa divinationem probo. Quae cum dixisset Quintus, Praeclare tu quidem, inquam, paratus 2.65. Cur autem de passerculis coniecturam facit, in quibus nullum erat monstrum, de dracone silet, qui, id quod fieri non potuit, lapideus dicitur factus? postremo quid simile habet passer annis? Nam de angue illo, qui Sullae apparuit immolanti, utrumque memini, et Sullam, cum in expeditionem educturus esset, immolavisse, et anguem ab ara extitisse, eoque die rem praeclare esse gestam non haruspicis consilio, sed imperatoris. 2.70. Satis multa de ostentis; auspicia restant et sortes eae, quae ducuntur, non illae, quae vaticinatione funduntur, quae oracla verius dicimus; de quibus tum dicemus, cum ad naturalem divinationem venerimus. Restat etiam de Chaldaeis; sed primum auspicia videamus. Difficilis auguri locus ad contra dicendum. Marso fortasse, sed Romano facillumus. Non enim sumus ii nos augures, qui avium reliquorumve signorum observatione futura dicamus. Et tamen credo Romulum, qui urbem auspicato condidit, habuisse opinionem esse in providendis rebus augurandi scientiam (errabat enim multis in rebus antiquitas), quam vel usu iam vel doctrina vel vetustate immutatam videmus; retinetur autem et ad opinionem vulgi et ad magnas utilitates rei publicae mos, religio, disciplina, ius augurium, collegii auctoritas. 2.71. Nec vero non omni supplicio digni P. Claudius L. Iunius consules, qui contra auspicia navigaverunt; parendum enim religioni fuit nec patrius mos tam contumaciter repudiandus. Iure igitur alter populi iudicio damnatus est, alter mortem sibi ipse conscivit. Flaminius non paruit auspiciis, itaque periit cum exercitu. At anno post Paulus paruit; num minus cecidit in Cannensi pugna cum exercitu? Etenim, ut sint auspicia, quae nulla sunt, haec certe, quibus utimur, sive tripudio sive de caelo, simulacra sunt auspiciorum, auspicia nullo modo. Q. Fabi, te mihi in auspicio esse volo ; respondet: audivi . Hic apud maiores nostros adhibebatur peritus, nunc quilubet. Peritum autem esse necesse est eum, qui, silentium quid sit, intellegat; id enim silentium dicimus in auspiciis, quod omni vitio caret. | 1.72. But those methods of divination which are dependent on conjecture, or on deductions from events previously observed and recorded, are, as I have said before, not natural, but artificial, and include the inspection of entrails, augury, and the interpretation of dreams. These are disapproved of by the Peripatetics and defended by the Stoics. Some are based upon records and usage, as is evident from the Etruscan books on divination by means of inspection of entrails and by means of thunder and lightning, and as is also evident from the books of your augural college; while others are dependent on conjecture made suddenly and on the spur of the moment. An instance of the latter kind is that of Calchas in Homer, prophesying the number of years of the Trojan War from the number of sparrows. We find another illustration of conjectural divination in the history of Sulla in an occurrence which you witnessed. While he was offering sacrifices in front of his head-quarters in the Nolan district a snake suddenly came out from beneath the altar. The soothsayer, Gaius Postumius, begged Sulla to proceed with his march at once. Sulla did so and captured the strongly fortified camp of the Samnites which lay in front of the town of Nola. 1.88. Amphilochus and Mopsus were kings of Argos, but they were augurs too, and they founded Greek cities on the coasts of Cilicia. And even before them were Amphiaraus and Tiresias. They were no lowly and unknown men, nor were they like the person described by Ennius,Who, for their own gain, uphold opinions that are false,but they were eminent men of the noblest type and foretold the future by means of augural signs. In speaking of Tiresias, even when in the infernal regions, Homer says that he alone was wise, that the rest were mere wandering shadows. As for Amphiaraus, his reputation in Greece was such that he was honoured as a god, and oracular responses were sought in the place where he was buried. 1.91. Indeed, no one can become king of the Persians until he has learned the theory and the practice of the magi. Moreover, you may see whole families and tribes devoted to this art. For example, Telmessus in Caria is a city noted for its cultivation of the soothsayers art, and there is also Elis in Peloponnesus, which has permanently set aside two families as soothsayers, the Iamidae and the Clutidae, who are distinguished for superior skill in their art. In Syria the Chaldeans are pre-eminent for their knowledge of astronomy and for their quickness of mind. 1.105. Why need I speak of augurs? That is your rôle; the duty to defend auspices, I maintain, is yours. For it was to you, while you were consul, that the augur Appius Claudius declared that because the augury of safety was unpropitious a grievous and violent civil war was at hand. That war began few months later, but you brought it to an end in still fewer days. Appius is one augur of whom I heartily approve, for not content merely with the sing-song ritual of augury, he, alone, according to the record of many years, has maintained a real system of divination. I know that your colleagues used to laugh at him and call him the one time a Pisidian and at another a Soran. They did not concede to augury any power of prevision or real knowledge of the future, and used to say that it was a superstitious practice shrewdly invented to gull the ignorant. But the truth is far otherwise, for neither those herdsmen whom Romulus governed, nor Romulus himself, could have had cunning enough to invent miracles with which to mislead the people. It is the trouble and hard work involved in mastering the art that has induced this eloquent contempt; for men prefer to say glibly that there is nothing in auspices rather than to learn what auspices are. 1.132. I will assert, however, in conclusion, that I do not recognize fortune-tellers, or those who prophesy for money, or necromancers, or mediums, whom your friend Appius makes it a practice to consult.In fine, I say, I do not care a figFor Marsian augurs, village mountebanks,Astrologers who haunt the circus grounds,Or Isis-seers, or dream interpreters:— for they are not diviners either by knowledge or skill, —But superstitious bards, soothsaying quacks,Averse to work, or mad, or ruled by want,Directing others how to go, and yetWhat road to take they do not know themselves;From those to whom they promise wealth they begA coin. From what they promised let them takeTheir coin as toll and pass the balance on.Such are the words of Ennius who only a few lines further back expresses the view that there are gods and yet says that the gods do not care what human beings do. But for my part, believing as I do that the gods do care for man, and that they advise and often forewarn him, I approve of divination which is not trivial and is free from falsehood and trickery.When Quintus had finished I remarked, My dear Quintus, you have come admirably well prepared. 2.65. But, pray, by what principle of augury does he deduce years rather than months or days from the number of sparrows? Again, why does he base his prophecy on little sparrows which are not abnormal sights and ignore the alleged fact — which is impossible — that the dragon was turned to stone? Finally, what is there about a sparrow to suggest years? In connexion with your story of the snake which appeared to Sulla when he was offering sacrifices, I recall two facts: first, that when Sulla offered sacrifices, as he was about to begin his march against the enemy, a snake came out from under the altar; and, second, that the glorious victory won by him that day was due not to the soothsayers art, but to the skill of the general. [31] 2.70. Enough has been said of portents; auspices remain and so do lots — I mean lots that are drawn, and not those uttered by prophets, and more correctly styled oracles. I shall speak of oracles when I get to natural divination. In addition I must discuss the Chaldeans. But first let us consider auspices. To argue against auspices is a hard thing, you say, for an augur to do. Yes, for a Marsian, perhaps; but very easy for a Roman. For we Roman augurs are not the sort who foretell the future by observing the flights of birds and other signs. And yet, I admit that Romulus, who founded the city by the direction of auspices, believed that augury was an art useful in seeing things to come — for the ancients had erroneous views on many subjects. But we see that the art has undergone a change, due to experience, education, or the long lapse of time. However, out of respect for the opinion of the masses and because of the great service to the State we maintain the augural practices, discipline, religious rites and laws, as well as the authority of the augural college. 2.71. In my opinion the consuls, Publius Claudius and Lucius Junius, who set sail contrary to the auspices, were deserving of capital punishment; for they should have respected the established religion and should not have treated the customs of their forefathers with such shameless disdain. Therefore it was a just retribution that the former was condemned by a vote of the people and that the latter took his own life. Flaminius, you say, did not obey the auspices, therefore he perished with his army. But a year later Paulus did obey them; and did he not lose his army and his life in the battle of Cannae? Granting that there are auspices (as there are not), certainly those which we ordinarily employ — whether by the tripudium or by the observation of the heavens — are not auspices in any sense, but are the mere ghosts of auspices.[34] Quintus Fabius, I wish you to assist me at the auspices. He answers, I will. (In our forefathers time the magistrates on such occasions used to call in some expert person to take the auspices — but in these days anyone will do. But one must be an expert to know what constitutes silence, for by that term we mean free of every augural defect. |
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6. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 3.69.1, 3.70.3, 4.62.6 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, lucius, and the amphiareion •cornelius sulla, lucius, treatment of cities and sanctuaries •euboia, and cornelius sulla, lucius •oropos, and cornelius sulla, lucius •cornelius sulla, l., and the capitol Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 135; Wilding (2022) 210 | 3.69.1. This king also undertook to construct the temple to Jupiter, Juno and Minerva, in fulfilment of the vow he had made to these gods in his last battle against the Sabines. Having, therefore, surrounded the hill on which he proposed to build the temple with high retaining walls in many places, since it required much preparation (for it was neither easy of access nor level, but steep, and terminated in a sharp peak), he filled in the space between the retaining walls and the summit with great quantities of earth and, by levelling it, made the place most suitable for receiving temples. 3.70.3. And having found the swine shortly afterwards, he wished to perform his vow to the heroes, but found himself in great perplexity, being unable to discover the largest cluster of grapes. In his anxiety over the matter he prayed to the gods to reveal to him by omens what he sought. Then by a divine inspiration he divided the vineyard into two parts, taking one on his right hand and the other on his left, after which he observed the omens that showed over each; and when there appeared in one of them such birds as he desired, he again divided that into two parts and distinguished in the same manner the birds that came to it. Having continued this method of dividing the places and coming up to the last vine that was pointed out by the birds, he found an incredibly huge cluster. As he was carrying it to the chapel of the heroes he was observed by his father; 4.62.6. But when the temple was burned after the close of the one hundred and seventy-third Olympiad, either purposely, as some think, or by accident, these oracles together with all the offerings consecrated to the god were destroyed by the fire. Those which are now extant have been scraped together from many places, some from the cities of Italy, others from Erythrae in Asia (whither three envoys were sent by vote of the senate to copy them), and others were brought from other cities, transcribed by private persons. Some of these are found to be interpolations among the genuine Sibylline oracles, being recognized as such by means of the soâcalled acrostics. In all this I am following the account given by Terentius Varro in his work on religion. |
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7. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 20.7.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, lucius, and the amphiareion •cornelius sulla, lucius, treatment of cities and sanctuaries •euboia, and cornelius sulla, lucius •oropos, and cornelius sulla, lucius Found in books: Wilding (2022) 210 | 20.7.3. Therefore it was well, since they had succeeded in gaining safety, that they should pay the vow. In place of these ships he promised to restore many times the number if they would but fight boldly; and in truth, he added, the goddesses by omens from the victims had foretold victory in the entire war. |
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8. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 1.102-1.111 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., and postumius Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 112| 1.102. Tutemet a nobis iam quovis tempore vatum 1.103. terriloquis victus dictis desciscere quaeres. 1.104. quippe etenim quam multa tibi iam fingere possunt 1.105. somnia, quae vitae rationes vertere possint 1.106. fortunasque tuas omnis turbare timore! 1.107. et merito; nam si certam finem esse viderent 1.108. aerumnarum homines, aliqua ratione valerent 1.109. religionibus atque minis obsistere vatum. 1.110. nunc ratio nulla est restandi, nulla facultas, 1.111. aeternas quoniam poenas in morte timendum. | |
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| 9. Livy, History, 40.34.4-40.34.5 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., and the monument of bocchus Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 151 |
| 10. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 7.44 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., and the capitol Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 135 |
11. Plutarch, Marius, 32.2, 40.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., and the monument of bocchus Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 151| 32.2. καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἧττον ἤχθετο παρευδοκιμούμενος, σφόδρα δὲ αὐτὸν ἠνία Σύλλας ἐκ τοῦ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον αὐξανόμενος φθόνου τῶν δυνατῶν καὶ τὰς πρὸς ἐκεῖνον διαφορὰς ἀρχὴν πολιτείας ποιούμενος, ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ Βόκχος ὁ Νομὰς σύμμαχος Ῥωμαίων ἀναγεγραμμένος ἔστησεν ἐν Καπετωλίῳ Νίκας τροπαιοφόρους καὶ παρʼ αὐταῖς ἐν εἰκόσι χρυσαῖς Ἰουγούρθαν ἐγχειριζόμενον ὐπὸ αὐτοῦ Σύλλᾳ, τοῦτο ἐξέστησεν ὀργῇ καὶ φιλονεικίᾳ Μάριον, ὡς Σύλλα περισπῶντος εἰς ἑαυτὸν τὰ ἔργα, καὶ παρεσκευάζετο βίᾳ τὰ ἀναθήματα καταβάλλειν. 40.1. τοιαύτῃ προθυμίᾳ ταχὺ πάντων συμπορισθέντων καὶ Βηλαίου τινὸς ναῦν τῷ Μαρίῳ παρασχόντος, ὃς ὕστερον πίνακα τῶν πράξεων ἐκείνων γραψάμενος ἀνέθηκεν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν ὅθεν ἐμβὰς ὁ Μάριος ἀνήχθη, τῷ πνεύματι φέροντι χρώμενος ἐφέρετό πως κατὰ τύχην πρὸς Αἰναρίαν τὴν νῆσον, ὅπου τὸν Γράνιον καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους φίλους εὑρών ἔπλει μετʼ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ Λιβύης. | 32.2. 40.1. |
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| 12. Appian, The Mithridatic Wars, 30, 45, 50, 55, 62, 29 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022) 206, 207 |
| 13. Appian, Civil Wars, 1.83, 1.97, 5.1.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., and the capitol •cornelius sulla, l., and the monument of bocchus •cornelius sulla, lucius, general and dictator Found in books: Marek (2019) 258; Rutledge (2012) 151; Santangelo (2013) 135 |
14. Tacitus, Histories, 3.72, 3.72.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., and the capitol Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 135 | 3.72. This was the saddest and most shameful crime that the Roman state had ever suffered since its foundation. Rome had no foreign foe; the gods were ready to be propitious if our characters had allowed; and yet the home of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, founded after due auspices by our ancestors as a pledge of empire, which neither Porsenna, when the city gave itself up to him, nor the Gauls when they captured it, could violate â this was the shrine that the mad fury of emperors destroyed! The Capitol had indeed been burned before in civil war, but the crime was that of private individuals. Now it was openly besieged, openly burned â and what were the causes that led to arms? What was the price paid for this great disaster? This temple stood intact so long as we fought for our country. King Tarquinius Priscus had vowed it in the war with the Sabines and had laid its foundations rather to match his hope of future greatness than in accordance with what the fortunes of the Roman people, still moderate, could supply. Later the building was begun by Servius Tullius with the enthusiastic help of Rome's allies, and afterwards carried on by Tarquinius Superbus with the spoils taken from the enemy at the capture of Suessa Pometia. But the glory of completing the work was reserved for liberty: after the expulsion of the kings, Horatius Pulvillus in his second consulship dedicated it; and its magnificence was such that the enormous wealth of the Roman people acquired thereafter adorned rather than increased its splendour. The temple was built again on the same spot when after an interval of four hundred and fifteen years it had been burned in the consulship of Lucius Scipio and Gaius Norbanus. The victorious Sulla undertook the work, but still he did not dedicate it; that was the only thing that his good fortune was refused. Amid all the great works built by the Caesars the name of Lutatius Catulus kept its place down to Vitellius's day. This was the temple that then was burned. |
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15. Tacitus, Annals, 4.55-4.56 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, lucius, and the amphiareion Found in books: Wilding (2022) 240| 4.55. Sed Caesar quo famam averteret adesse frequens senatui legatosque Asiae ambigentis quanam in civitate templum statueretur pluris per dies audivit. undecim urbes certabant, pari ambitione, viribus diversae. neque multum distantia inter se memorabant de vetustate generis, studio in populum Romanum per bella Persi et Aristonici aliorumque regum. verum Hypaepeni Trallianique Laodicenis ac Magnetibus simul tramissi ut parum validi; ne Ilienses quidem, cum parentem urbis Romae Troiam referrent, nisi antiquitatis gloria pollebant. paulum addubitatum quod Halicarnasii mille et ducentos per annos nullo motu terrae nutavisse sedes suas vivoque in saxo fundamenta templi adseveraverant. Pergamenos (eo ipso nitebantur) aede Augusto ibi sita satis adeptos creditum. Ephesii Milesiique, hi Apollinis, illi Dianae caerimonia occupavisse civitates visi. ita Sardianos inter Zmyrnaeosque deliberatum. Sardiani decretum Etruriae recitavere ut consanguinei: nam Tyrrhenum Lydumque Atye rege genitos ob multitudinem divisisse gentem; Lydum patriis in terris resedisse, Tyrrheno datum novas ut conderet sedes; et ducum e nominibus indita vocabula illis per Asiam, his in Italia; auctamque adhuc Lydorum opulentiam missis in Graeciam populis cui mox a Pelope nomen. simul litteras imperatorum et icta nobiscum foedera bello Macedonum ubertatemque fluminum suorum, temperiem caeli ac ditis circum terras memorabant. 4.56. At Zmyrnaei repetita vetustate, seu Tantalus Iove ortus illos, sive Theseus divina et ipse stirpe, sive una Amazonum condidisset, transcendere ad ea, quis maxime fidebant, in populum Romanum officiis, missa navali copia non modo externa ad bella sed quae in Italia tolerabantur; seque primos templum urbis Romae statuisse, M. Porcio consule, magnis quidem iam populi Romani rebus, nondum tamen ad summum elatis, stante adhuc Punica urbe et validis per Asiam regibus. simul L. Sullam testem adferebant, gravissimo in discrimine exercitus ob asperitatem hiemis et penuriam vestis, cum id Zmyrnam in contionem nuntiatum foret, omnis qui adstabant detraxisse corpori tegmina nostrisque legionibus misisse. ita rogati sententiam patres Zmyrnaeos praetulere. censuitque Vibius Marsus ut M'. Lepido, cui ea provincia obvenerat, super numerum legaretur qui templi curam susciperet. et quia Lepidus ipse deligere per modestiam abnuebat, Valerius Naso e praetoriis sorte missus est. | 4.55. To divert criticism, the Caesar attended the senate with frequency, and for several days listened to the deputies from Asia debating which of their communities was to erect his temple. Eleven cities competed, with equal ambition but disparate resources. With no great variety each pleaded national antiquity, and zeal for the Roman cause in the wars with Perseus, Aristonicus, and other kings. But Hypaepa and Tralles, together with Laodicea and Magnesia, were passed over as inadequate to the task: even Ilium, though it appealed to Troy as the parent of Rome, had no significance apart from the glory of its past. Some little hesitation was caused by the statement of the Halicarnassians that for twelve hundred years no tremors of earthquake had disturbed their town, and the temple foundations would rest on the living rock. The Pergamenes were refuted by their main argument: they had already a sanctuary of Augustus, and the distinction was thought ample. The state-worship in Ephesus and Miletus was considered to be already centred on the cults of Diana and Apollo respectively: the deliberations turned, therefore, on Sardis and Smyrna. The Sardians read a decree of their "kindred country" of Etruria. "Owing to its numbers," they explained, "Tyrrhenus and Lydus, sons of King Atys, had divided the nation. Lydus had remained in the territory of his fathers, Tyrrhenus had been allotted the task of creating a new settlement; and the Asiatic and Italian branches of the people had received distinctive titles from the names of the two leaders; while a further advance in the Lydian power had come with the despatch of colonists to the peninsula which afterwards took its name from Pelops." At the same time, they recalled the letters from Roman commanders, the treaties concluded with us in the Macedonian war, their ample rivers, tempered climate, and the richness of the surrounding country. 4.56. The deputies from Smyrna, on the other hand, after retracing the antiquity of their town â whether founded by Tantalus, the seed of Jove; by Theseus, also of celestial stock; or by one of the Amazons â passed on to the arguments in which they rested most confidence: their good offices towards the Roman people, to whom they had sent their naval force to aid not merely in foreign wars but in those with which we had to cope in Italy, while they had also been the first to erect a temple to the City of Rome, at a period (the consulate of Marcus Porcius) when the Roman fortunes stood high indeed, but had not yet mounted to their zenith, as the Punic capital was yet standing and the kings were still powerful in Asia. At the same time, Sulla was called to witness that "with his army in a most critical position through the inclement winter and scarcity of clothing, the news had only to be announced at a public meeting in Smyrna, and the whole of the bystanders stripped the garments from their bodies and sent them to our legions." The Fathers accordingly, when their opinion was taken, gave Smyrna the preference. Vibius Marsus proposed that a supernumerary legate, to take responsibility for the temple, should be assigned to Manius Lepidus, to whom the province of Asia had fallen; and since Lepidus modestly declined to make the selection himself, Valerius Naso was chosen by lot among the ex-praetors and sent out. |
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| 16. Suetonius, Tiberius, 6.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., and the monument of bocchus Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 152 |
| 17. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., and the monument of bocchus Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 151 |
18. Plutarch, Sulla, 5.5, 6.1-6.2, 9.5-9.6, 12.3-12.6, 12.9, 16.8, 17.1-17.4, 19.4, 19.6, 23.2, 25.2, 26.3-26.5, 27.7, 27.12-27.13, 37.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, lucius, and the amphiareion •cornelius sulla, lucius, treatment of cities and sanctuaries •oropos, and cornelius sulla, lucius •cornelius sulla, l., and the monument of bocchus •cornelius sulla, l., and postumius •delphi, and cornelius sulla, lucius •epidauros, and cornelius sulla, lucius •olympia, and cornelius sulla, lucius •thebes, and cornelius sulla, lucius •euboia, and cornelius sulla, lucius •cornelius sulla, lucius, and oropos •cornelius sulla, l., and the capitol Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 151; Santangelo (2013) 94, 135; Wilding (2022) 206, 207, 208, 210, 213, 214, 215, 252| 5.5. ἐφʼ ᾧ τὸν μέν Ὀρόβαζον ὕστερον ὁ τῶν Πάρθων βασιλεὺς ἀπέκτεινε, τὸν δὲ Σύλλαν οἱ μέν ἐπῄνεσαν ἐντρυφήσαντα τοῖς βαρβάροις, οἱ δὲ ὡς φορτικὸν ᾐτιάσαντο καὶ ἀκαίρως φιλότιμον. ἱστορεῖται δέ τις ἀνὴρ τῶν μετὰ Ὀροβάζου καταβεβηκότων, Χαλδαῖος, εἰς τὸ τοῦ Σύλλα πρόσωπον ἀπιδὼν καὶ ταῖς κινήσεσι τῆς τε διανοίας καὶ τοῦ σώματος οὐ παρέργως ἐπιστήσας, 6.1. ἡ μέντοι πρὸς Μάριον αὐτῷ στάσις ἀνερριπίζετο καινὴν ὑπόθεσιν λαβοῦσα τὴν Βόκχου φιλοτιμίαν, ὃς τόν τε δῆμον ἅμα θεραπεύων ἐν Ῥώμῃ καὶ τῷ Σύλλᾳ χαριζόμενος ἀνέθηκε εἰκόνας εἰκόνας Coraës, Sintenis 1 , and Bekker, with the MSS. Sintenis 2 adopts Cobet’s correction to Νίκας ( Victories ), to agree with Marius , xxxii. 2. ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ τροπαιοφόρους καὶ παρʼ αὐταῖς χρυσοῦν Ἰογόρθαν ὑφʼ ἑαυτοῦ Σύλλᾳ παραδιδόμενον. 6.2. ἐφʼ ᾧ τοῦ Μαρίου βαρυθυμουμένου καὶ καθαιρεῖν ἐπιχειροῦντος, ἑτέρων δὲ ἀμύνειν τῷ Σύλλᾳ, καὶ τῆς πόλεως ὅσον οὔπω διακεκαυμένης ὑπʼ ἀμφοῖν, ὁ συμμαχικὸς πόλεμος πάλαι τυφόμενος ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀναλάμψας τότε τὴν στάσιν ἐπέσχεν. ἐν τούτῳ, μεγίστῳ καὶ ποικιλωτάτῳ γενομένῳ καὶ πλεῖστα κακὰ καὶ βαρυτάτους παρασχόντι κινδύνους Ῥωμαίοις, Μάριος μὲν οὐδὲν ἀποδεῖξαι μέγα δυνηθεὶς ἤλεγχε τὴν πολεμικὴν ἀρετὴν ἀκμῆς καὶ ῥώμης δεομένην, Σύλλας δὲ πολλὰ δράσας ἄξια λόγου δόξαν ἔσχεν ἡγεμόνος μεγάλου μὲν παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις, μεγίστου δὲ παρὰ τοῖς φίλοις, εὐτυχεστάτου δὲ καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς. 9.5. καὶ περὶ Πικτὰς αὐτῷ πρεσβείας ἐντυχούσης καὶ δεομένης μὴ βαδίζειν εὐθὺς ἐξ ἐφόδου, πάντα γὰρ ἔσεσθαι τὰ δίκαια τῆς βουλῆς ψηφισαμένης, ὡμολόγησε μὲν αὐτοῦ καταστρατοπεδεύσειν καὶ διαμετρεῖν ἐκέλευε χώρας, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας, ὥστε τοὺς πρέσβεις ἀπελθεῖν πιστεύσαντας· ἐκείνων δὲ ἀπελθόντων εὐθὺς ἐκπέμψας Λεύκιον Βάσιλλον καὶ Γάϊον Μόμμιον καταλαμβάνει τὴν πύλην διʼ αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ τείχη τὰ περὶ τὸν λόφον τὸν Αἰσκυλῖνον· εἶτʼ αὐτὸς ἁπάσῃ σπουδῇ συνῆπτε. 9.6. τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Βάσιλλον εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐμπεσόντων καὶ κρατούντων, ὁ πολὺς καὶ ἄνοπλος δῆμος ἀπὸ τῶν τεγῶν κεράμῳ καὶ λίθῳ βάλλοντες ἐπέσχον αὐτοὺς τοῦ πρόσω χωρεῖν καὶ συνέστειλαν εἰς τὸ τεῖχος, ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ὁ Σύλλας παρῆν ἤδη, καὶ συνιδὼν τὸ γινόμενον ἐβόα τὰς οἰκίας ὑφάπτειν, καὶ λαβὼν δᾷδα καιομένην ἐχώρει πρῶτος αὐτός, καὶ τοὺς τοξότας ἐκέλευε χρῆσθαι τοῖς πυροβόλοις ἄνω τῶν στεγασμάτων ἐφιεμένους, κατʼ οὐδένα λογισμόν, 12.3. ἐπιλειπούσης δὲ τῆς ὕλης διὰ τὸ κόπτεσθαι πολλὰ τῶν ἔργων περικλώμενα τοῖς αὑτῶν βρίθεσι καὶ πυρπολεῖσθαι βαλλόμενα συνεχῶς ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, ἐπεχείρησε τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἄλσεσι, καὶ τήν τε Ἀκαδήμειαν ἔκειρε δενδροφορωτάτην προαστείων οὖσαν καὶ τὸ Λύκειον. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ χρημάτων ἔδει πολλῶν πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, ἐκίνει τὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἄσυλα, τοῦτο μὲν ἐξ Ἐπιδαύρου, τοῦτο δὲ ἐξ Ὀλυμπίας, τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ πολυτελέστατα τῶν ἀναθημάτων μεταπεμπόμενος. 12.4. ἔγραψε δὲ καὶ τοῖς Ἀμφικτύοσιν εἰς Δελφοὺς ὅτι τὰ χρήματα τοῦ θεοῦ βέλτιον εἴη κομισθῆναι πρὸς αὐτόν ἢ γὰρ φυλάξειν ἀσφαλέστερον ἢ καὶ ἀποχρησάμενος ἀποδώσειν οὐκ ἐλάττω· καὶ τῶν φίλων ἀπέστειλε Κάφιν τὸν Φωκέα κελεύσας σταθμῷ παραλαβεῖν ἕκαστον. ὁ δὲ Κάφις ἧκε μὲν εἰς Δελφούς, ὤκνει δὲ τῶν ἱερῶν θιγεῖν, καὶ πολλὰ τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων παρόντων ἀπεδάκρυσε τήν ἀνάγκην. 12.5. ἐνίων δὲ φασκόντων ἀκοῦσαι φθεγγομένης τῆς ἐν τοῖς ἀνακτόροις κιθάρας, εἴτε πιστεύσας εἴτε τὸν Σύλλαν βουλόμενος ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς δεισιδαιμονίαν, ἐπέστειλε πρὸς αὐτόν, ὁ δὲ σκώπτων ἀντέγραψε θαυμάζειν τὸν Κάφιν, εἰ μὴ συνίησιν ὅτι χαίροντος, οὐ χαλεπαίνοντος, εἴη τὸ ᾅδειν· ὥστε θαρροῦντα λαμβάνειν ἐκέλευσεν, ὡς ἡδομένου τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ διδόντος. 12.6. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἄλλα διέλαθε τούς γε πολλοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐκπεμπόμενα, τὸν δὲ ἀργυροῦν πίθον, ὃς ἦν ὑπόλοιπος ἔτι τῶν βασιλικῶν, διὰ βάρος καὶ μέγεθος οὐ δυναμένων ἀναλαβεῖν τῶν ὑποζυγίων, ἀναγκαζόμενοι κατακόπτειν οἱ Ἀμφικτύονες εἰς μνήμην ἐβάλοντο τοῦτο μὲν Τίτον Φλαμινῖνον καὶ Μάνιον Ἀκύλιον, τοῦτο δὲ Αἰμίλιον Παῦλον, ὧν ὁ μὲν Ἀντίοχον ἐξελάσας τῆς Ἑλλάδος, οἱ δὲ τούς Μακεδόνων βασιλεῖς καταπολεμήσαντες οὐ μόνον ἀπέσχοντο τῶν ἱερῶν τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δῶρα καὶ τιμὴν αὐτοῖς καὶ σεμνότητα πολλὴν προσέθεσαν. 12.9. ὧν οὐχ ἥκιστα Σύλλας ἐνέδωκεν ἀρχάς, ἐπὶ τῷ διαφθείρειν καὶ μετακαλεῖν τούς ὑπʼ ἄλλοις ταττομένους καταχορηγῶν εἰς τούς ὑφʼ αὑτῷ καὶ δαπανώμενος, ὥστε ἅμα τούς ἄλλους μὲν εἰς προδοσίαν, τούς δὲ ὑφʼ αὑτῷ εἰς ἀσωτίαν διαφθείρων χρημάτων δεῖσθαι πολλῶν, καὶ μάλιστα πρὸς τὴν πολιορκίαν ἐκείνην. 16.8. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀποκρουσθεὶς ἐκεῖθεν ὁ Ἀρχέλαος ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τήν Χαιρώνειαν, οἱ δὲ συστρατευσάμενοι τῶν Χαιρωνέων ἐδέοντο τοῦ Σύλλα μὴ προέσθαι τήν πόλιν, ἐκπέμπει τῶν χιλιάρχων ἕνα Γαβίνιον μετὰ τάγματος ἑνὸς καὶ τοὺς Χαιρωνεῖς ἀφίησι, βουληθέντας μέν, οὐ μὴν δυνηθέντας φθῆναι τόν Γαβίνιον. οὕτως ἦν ἀγαθὸς καὶ προθυμότερος εἰς τὸ σῶσαι τῶν σωθῆναι δεομένων. ὁ δὲ Ἰόβας οὐ Γαβίνιόν φησι πεμφθῆναι, ἀλλὰ Ἐρίκιον. ἡ μὲν οὖν πόλις ἡμῶν παρὰ τοσοῦτον ἐξέφυγε τόν κίνδυνον. 17.1. ἐκ δὲ Λεβαδείας καὶ τοῦ Τροφωνίου φῆμαί τε χρησταὶ καὶ νικηφόρα μαντεύματα τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἐξεπέμποντο. περὶ ὧν οἱ μὲν ἐπιχώριοι πλείονα λέγουσιν ὡς δὲ Σύλλας αὐτὸς ἐν δεκάτῳ τῶν ὑπομνημάτων γέγραφε, Κόϊντος Τίτιος, οὐκ ἀφανὴς ἀνὴρ τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι πραγματευομένων, ἧκε πρὸς αὐτὸν ἤδη τὴν ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ νενικηκότα μάχην, ἀπαγγέλλων ὅτι καὶ δευτέραν ὁ Τροφώνιος αὐτόθι μάχην καὶ νίκην προσημαίνει ἐντὸς ὀλίγου χρόνου. 17.2. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον ἀνὴρ τῶν ἐν τάξει στρατευομένων ὄνομα Σαλουήνιος ἀνήνεγκε παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τέλος οἷον αἱ κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν πράξεις ἔμελλον ἕξειν. ἀμφότεροι δὲ ταὐτὰ περὶ τῆς ὀμφῆς ἔφραζον τῷ γὰρ Ὀλυμπίῳ Διῒ καὶ τὸ κάλλος καὶ τὸ μέγεθος παραπλήσιον ἰδεῖν ἔφασαν. 17.3. ἐπειδὴ δὲ διέβη τὸν Ἄσσον ὁ Σύλλας, παρελθὼν ὑπὸ τὸ Ἡδύλιον τῷ Ἀρχελάῳ παρεστρατοπέδευσε, βεβλημένῳ χάρακα καρτερὸν ἐν μέσῳ τοῦ Ἀκοντίου καὶ τοῦ Ἡδυλίου πρὸς τοῖς λεγομένοις Ἀσσίοις. ὁ μέντοι τόπος ἐν ᾧ κατεσκήνωσεν ἄχρι νῦν Ἀρχέλαος ἀπʼ ἐκείνου καλεῖται, διαλιπὼν δὲ μίαν ἡμέραν ὁ Σύλλας Μουρήναν μὲν ἔχοντα τάγμα καὶ σπείρας δύο πρὸς τὸ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐνοχλῆσαι παραταττομένοις ἀπέλιπεν, 17.4. αὐτὸς δὲ παρὰ τὸν Κηφισὸν ἐσφαγιάζετο, καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν γενομένων ἐχώρει πρὸς τὴν Χαιρώνειαν, ἀναληψόμενός τε τὴν αὐτόθι στρατιὰν καὶ κατοψόμενος τὸ καλούμενον Θούριον ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων προκατειλημμένον. ἔστι δὲ κορυφὴ τραχεῖα καὶ στροβιλῶδες ὄρος, ὃ καλοῦμεν Ὀρθόπαγον, ὑπὸ δὲ αὐτὸ τὸ ῥεῦμα τοῦ Μόλου καὶ Θουρίου νεὼς Ἀπόλλωνος. ὠνόμασται δὲ ὁ θεὸς ἀπὸ Θουροῦς, τῆς Χαίρωνος μητρός, ὃν οἰκιστὴν γεγονέναι τῆς Χαιρωνείας ἱστοροῦσιν. 19.4. οὐ μὴν ὅ γε Σύλλας ἠμέλησε Μουρήνα κινδυνεύοντος, ἀλλὰ ὥρμησε τοῖς ἐκεῖ βοηθεῖν ἰδὼν δὲ νικῶντας, τότε τῆς διώξεως μετεῖχε. πολλοὶ μὲν οὖν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τῶν βαρβάρων ἀνῃροῦντο, πλεῖστοι δὲ τῷ χάρακι προσφερόμενοι κατεκόπησαν, ὥστε μυρίους διαπεσεῖν εἰς Χαλκίδα μόνους ἀπὸ τοσούτων μυριάδων, ὁ δὲ Σύλλας λέγει τέσσαρας καὶ δέκα ἐπιζητῆσαι τῶν αὐτοῦ στρατιωτῶν, εἶτα καὶ τούτων δύο πρός τὴν ἑσπέραν παραγενέσθαι. 19.6. ταύτης τὰ ἐπινίκια τῆς μάχης ἦγεν ἐν Θήβαις, περὶ τὴν Οἰδιπόδειον κρήνην κατασκευάσας θυμέλην. οἱ δὲ κρίνοντες ἦσαν Ἕλληνες ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων ἀνακεκλημένοι πόλεων, ἐπεὶ πρός γε Θηβαίους ἀδιαλλάκτως εἶχε, καὶ τῆς χώρας αὐτῶν ἀποτεμόμενος τὴν ἡμίσειαν τῷ Πυθίῳ καὶ τῷ Ὀλυμπίῳ καθιέρωσεν, ἐκ τῶν προσόδων κελεύσας ἀποδίδοσθαι τὰ χρήματα τοῖς θεοῖς ἅπερ αὐτὸς εἰλήφει. 23.2. ταῦτά τε δὴ διέβαλλε τὸ περὶ Χαιρώνειαν ἔργον ὡς οὐχὶ καθαρῶς ἀγωνισθέν, καὶ ὅτι τοὺς ἄλλους Μιθριδάτῃ φίλους, οὓς εἶχεν αἰχμαλώτους, ἀποδοὺς ὁ Σύλλας Ἀριστίωνα μόνον τὸν τύραννον ἀνεῖλε διὰ φαρμάκων Ἀρχελάῳ διάφορον ὄντα· μάλιστα δʼ ἡ δοθεῖσα γῆ τῷ Καππαδόκῃ μυρίων πλέθρων ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ, καὶ τὸ Ῥωμαίων φίλον αὐτὸν καὶ σύμμαχον ὑπὸ Σύλλα ἀναγραφῆναι. περὶ μὲν οὖν τούτων αὐτὸς ὁ Σύλλας ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν ἀπολογεῖται. 25.2. Σύλλας δὲ κοινῇ μὲν ἐζημίωσε τὴν Ἀσίαν δισμυρίοις ταλάντοις, ἰδίᾳ δὲ τοὺς οἴκους ἐξέτριψεν ὕβρει καὶ πολιορκίᾳ πολιορκίᾳ MSS., Coraës, Sintenis 1 , Bekker: πλεονεξίᾳ after Solanus. τῶν ἐπισταθμευόντων. ἐτέτακτο γὰρ ἑκάστης ἡμέρας τῷ καταλύτῃ τὸν ξένον διδόναι τέσσαρα τετράδραχμα καὶ παρέχειν δεῖπνον αὐτῷ καὶ φίλοις, ὅσους ἂν ἐθέλῃ καλεῖν, ταξίαρχον δὲ πεντήκοντα δραχμὰς λαμβάνειν τῆς ἡμέρας, ἐσθῆτα δὲ ἄλλην μὲν οἰκουρῶν, ἄλλην δὲ εἰς ἀγορὰν προερχόμενος. 26.3. Σύλλᾳ δὲ διατρίβοντι περὶ τὰς Ἀθήνας ἄλγημα ναρκῶδες μετὰ βάρους εἰς τοὺς πόδας ἐνέπεσεν, ὅ φησιν ὁ Στράβων ποδάγρας ψελλισμὸν εἶναι. διαπλεύσας οὖν εἰς Αἴδηψον ἐχρῆτο τοῖς θερμοῖς ὕδασι, ῥᾳθυμῶν ἅμα καὶ συνδιημερεύων τοῖς περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον τεχνίταις. περιπατοῦντος δὲ πρὸς τὴν θάλατταν ἁλιεῖς τινες ἰχθῦς αὐτῷ παγκάλους προσήνεγκαν. ἡσθεὶς δὲ τοῖς δώροις, καὶ πυθόμενος ὡς ἐξ Ἁλῶν Ἁλῶν, Ἁλὰς with Coraës (in notes): Ἁλαιῶν, Ἁλαίας . εἶεν, ἔτι γὰρ ζῇ τις Ἁλαίων; ἔφη· 26.4. ἐτύγχανε γάρ, ὅτε τὴν πρὸς Ὀρχομενῷ μάχην νενικηκὼς ἐδίωκε τοὺς πολεμίους, ἅμα τρεῖς πόλεις τῆς Βοιωτίας, Ἀνθηδόνα, Λάρυμναν, Ἁλὰς Ἁλῶν, Ἁλὰς with Coraës (in notes): Ἁλαιῶν, Ἁλαίας . ἀνῃρηκώς. τῶν δʼ ἀνθρώπων ὑπὸ δέους ἀφώνων γενομένων, διαμειδιάσας ἐκέλευσεν ἀπιέναι χαίροντας, ὡς οὐ μετὰ φαύλων οὐδὲ ἀξίων ὀλιγωρίας ἥκοντας παραιτητῶν. Ἁλαῖοι μὲν ἐκ τούτου λέγουσι θαρρήσαντες αὖθις εἰς τὴν πόλιν συνελθεῖν. 27.7. ἔτι δὲ Μάρκος Λεύκολλος, εἷς τῶν ὑπὸ Σύλλᾳ στρατηγούντων, περὶ Φιδεντίαν ἑκκαίδεκα σπείραις πρὸς πεντήκοντα τῶν πολεμίων ἀντιταχθεὶς τῇ μὲν προθυμίᾳ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐπίστευεν, ἀνόπλους δὲ τοὺς πολλοὺς ἔχων ὤκνει. βουλευομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ καὶ διαμέλλοντος, ἀπὸ τοῦ πλησίον πεδίου λειμῶνα ἔχοντος αὔρα φέρουσα μαλακὴ πολλὰ τῶν ἀνθέων ἐπέβαλε τῇ στρατιᾷ καὶ κατέσπειρεν, αὐτομάτως ἐπιμένοντα καὶ περιπίπτοντα τοῖς θυρεοῖς καὶ τοῖς κράνεσιν αὑτῶν, ὥστε φαίνεσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐστεφανωμένους. 37.2. λέγει δὲ καί τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ, τεθνηκότα μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν τῆς Μετέλλης, φανῆναι κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἐν ἐσθῆτι φαύλῃ παρεστῶτα καί δεόμενον τοῦ πατρὸς παύσασθαι τῶν φροντίδων, ἰόντα δὲ σὺν αὐτῷ παρὰ τὴν μητέρα Μετέλλαν ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ καί ἀπραγμόνως ζῆν μετʼ αὐτῆς, οὐ μὴν ἐπαύσατό γε τοῦ πράττειν τὰ δημόσια. | 5.5. 6.1. 6.2. 9.5. 9.6. 12.3. 12.4. 12.5. 12.6. 12.9. 16.8. 17.1. 17.2. 17.3. 17.4. 19.4. 19.6. 23.2. 25.2. 26.3. 26.4. 27.7. 37.2. |
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19. Plutarch, Lucullus, 2.2, 4.1, 20.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, lucius, treatment of cities and sanctuaries •euboia, and cornelius sulla, lucius •oropos, and cornelius sulla, lucius •cornelius sulla, lucius, and the amphiareion •delphi, and cornelius sulla, lucius •epidauros, and cornelius sulla, lucius •olympia, and cornelius sulla, lucius Found in books: Wilding (2022) 207, 208| 2.2. διʼ ἐκείνου γὰρ ἐκόπη τὸ πλεῖστον ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ περὶ τὸν Μιθριδατικὸν πόλεμον, καὶ Λουκούλλειον ἀπʼ ἐκείνου προσηγορεύθη, καὶ διετέλεσεν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον, ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτικῶν χρειῶν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ λαμβάνον ἀμοιβὴν ταχεῖαν. ἐκ τούτου τῆς μὲν γῆς ἐπικρατῶν ὁ Σύλλας ἐν ταῖς Ἀθήναις, περικοπτόμενος δὲ τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐκ τῆς θαλάττης ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ναυκρατούντων, ἐξέπεμψεν ἐπʼ Αἰγύπτου καὶ Λιβύης τὸν Λούκουλλον ἄξοντα ναῦς ἐκεῖθεν. 4.1. ἐκεῖθεν δὲ Σύλλᾳ περὶ Χερρόνησον ἤδη μέλλοντι διαβαίνειν συμβαλὼν τόν τε πόρον ἀσφαλῆ παρεῖχε καὶ τήν στρατιὰν συνδιεβίβαζεν, ἐπεὶ δὲ συνθηκῶν γενομένων Μιθριδάτης μὲν ἀπέπλευσεν εἰς τὸν Εὔξεινον πόντον, Σύλλας δὲ τήν Ἀσίαν δισμυρίοις ταλάντοις ἐζημίωσε, προσταχθὲν οὕτω τά τε χρήματα ταῦτα πρᾶξαι καὶ νόμισμα κόψαι, παραμύθιόν τι δοκεῖ τῆς Σύλλα χαλεπότητος γενέσθαι ταῖς πόλεσιν, οὐ μόνον καθαρὸν καὶ δίκαιον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρᾷον εἰς οὕτω βαρὺ καὶ σκυθρωπὸν ὑπηρέτημα παρασχὼν ἑαυτόν. 20.4. ὥστʼ ἐν ἐλάττονι χρόνῳ τετραετίας διαλυθῆναι τὰ χρέα πάντα καὶ τὰς κτήσεις ἐλευθέρας ἀποδοθῆναι τοῖς δεσπόταις. ἦν δὲ τοῦτο κοινὸν δάνειον ἐκ τῶν δισμυρίων ταλάντων, οἷς τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐξημίωσεν ὁ Σύλλας καὶ διπλοῦν ἀπεδόθη τοῖς δανείσασιν, ὑπʼ ἐκείνων ἀνηγμένον ἤδη τοῖς τόκοις εἰς δώδεκα μυριάδας ταλάντων. | 2.2. 4.1. 20.4. |
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20. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 7.11.4-7.11.8, 7.16.9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, lucius, and oropos •oropos, and cornelius sulla, lucius Found in books: Wilding (2022) 202, 203, 204| 7.11.4. ὁ μὲν δὴ τὰ ἐντεταλμένα ἐποίει, Ἀθηναίων δὲ ὁ δῆμος ἀνάγκῃ πλέον ἢ ἑκουσίως διαρπάζουσιν Ὠρωπὸν ὑπήκοόν σφισιν οὖσαν· πενίας γὰρ ἐς τὸ ἔσχατον Ἀθηναῖοι τηνικαῦτα ἧκον ἅτε ὑπὸ Μακεδόνων πολέμῳ πιεσθέντες μάλιστα Ἑλλήνων. καταφεύγουσιν οὖν ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥωμαίων βουλὴν οἱ Ὠρώπιοι· καὶ δόξαντες παθεῖν οὐ δίκαια, καὶ ἐπεστάλη Σικυωνίοις ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἐπιβάλλειν σφᾶς Ἀθηναίοις ἐς Ὠρωπίους ζημίαν κατὰ τῆς βλάβης ἧς ἦρξαν τὴν ἀξίαν. 7.11.5. Σικυώνιοι μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἀφικομένοις ἐς καιρὸν τῆς κρίσεως Ἀθηναίοις ζημίαν πεντακόσια τάλαντα ἐπιβάλλουσι, Ῥωμαίων δὲ ἡ βουλὴ δεηθεῖσιν Ἀθηναίοις ἀφίησι πλὴν ταλάντων ἑκατὸν τὴν ἄλλην ζημίαν· ἐξέτισαν δὲ οὐδὲ ταῦτα οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἀλλὰ ὑποσχέσεσι καὶ δώροις ὑπελθόντες Ὠρωπίους ὑπάγονται σφᾶς ἐς ὁμολογίαν φρουράν τε Ἀθηναίων ἐσελθεῖν ἐς Ὠρωπὸν καὶ ὁμήρους λαβεῖν παρὰ Ὠρωπίων Ἀθηναίους· ἢν δὲ αὖθις ἐς Ἀθηναίους γένηται ἔγκλημα Ὠρωπίοις, τὴν φρουρὰν τότε ἀπάγειν παρʼ αὐτῶν Ἀθηναίους, ἀποδοῦναι δὲ καὶ ὀπίσω τοὺς ὁμήρους. 7.11.6. χρόνος τε δὴ οὐ πολὺς ὁ μεταξὺ ἤνυστο, καὶ τῶν φρουρῶν ἀδικοῦσιν ἄνδρες Ὠρωπίους. οἱ μὲν δὴ ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας ἀπέστελλον ὁμήρους τε ἀπαιτήσοντας καὶ φρουράν σφισιν ἐξάγειν κατὰ τὰ συγκείμενα ἐροῦντας· Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ οὐδέτερα ἔφασαν ποιήσειν, ἀνθρώπων γὰρ τῶν ἐπὶ τῇ φρουρᾷ καὶ οὐ τοῦ Ἀθηναίων δήμου τὸ ἁμάρτημα εἶναι· τοὺς μέντοι αὐτὰ εἰργασμένους ἐπηγγέλλοντο ὑφέξειν δίκην. 7.11.7. οἱ δὲ Ὠρώπιοι καταφεύγοντες ἐπὶ Ἀχαιοὺς ἐδέοντο τιμωρῆσαί σφισιν· Ἀχαιοῖς δὲ ἤρεσκε μὴ τιμωρεῖν φιλίᾳ τε καὶ αἰδοῖ τῇ Ἀθηναίων. ἐνταῦθα οἱ Ὠρώπιοι Μεναλκίδᾳ, Λακεδαιμονίῳ μὲν γένος, στρατηγοῦντι δὲ ἐν τῷ τότε Ἀχαιῶν, ὑπισχνοῦνται δέκα ταλάντων δόσιν, ἤν σφισιν ἐπικουρεῖν Ἀχαιοὺς ἄγῃ· ὁ δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν χρημάτων μεταδώσειν Καλλικράτει τὸ ἥμισυ ὑπισχνεῖτο, ἰσχύοντι διὰ φιλίαν τὴν Ρωμαίων ἐν Ἀχαιοῖς μέγιστον. 7.11.8. προσγενομένου δὲ τοῦ Καλλικράτους πρὸς τὴν Μεναλκίδου γνώμην ἐκεκύρωτο κατὰ Ἀθηναίων ἀμύνειν Ὠρωπίοις. καί τις ἐξαγγέλλει ταῦτα ἐς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους· οἱ δὲ ὡς ἕκαστος τάχους εἶχεν ἐς τὸν Ὠρωπὸν ἐλθόντες καὶ αὖθις κατασύραντες εἴ τι ἐν ταῖς προτέραις παρεῖτό σφισιν ἁρπαγαῖς, ἀπάγουσι τὴν φρουράν. Ἀχαιοὺς δὲ ὑστερήσαντας τῆς βοηθείας Μεναλκίδας μὲν καὶ Καλλικράτης ἐσβάλλειν ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἔπειθον· ἀνθισταμένων δὲ ἄλλων τε αὐτοῖς καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα τῶν ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος, ἀνεχώρησεν ὀπίσω τὸ στράτευμα. 7.16.9. πόλεων δέ, ὅσαι Ῥωμαίων ἐναντία ἐπολέμησαν, τείχη μὲν ὁ Μόμμιος κατέλυε καὶ ὅπλα ἀφῃρεῖτο πρὶν ἢ καὶ συμβούλους ἀποσταλῆναι παρὰ Ῥωμαίων· ὡς δὲ ἀφίκοντο οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ βουλευσόμενοι, ἐνταῦθα δημοκρατίας μὲν κατέπαυε, καθίστα δὲ ἀπὸ τιμημάτων τὰς ἀρχάς· καὶ φόρος τε ἐτάχθη τῇ Ἑλλάδι καὶ οἱ τὰ χρήματα ἔχοντες ἐκωλύοντο ἐν τῇ ὑπερορίᾳ κτᾶσθαι· συνέδριά τε κατὰ ἔθνος τὰ ἑκάστων, Ἀχαιῶν καὶ τὸ ἐν Φωκεῦσιν ἢ Βοιωτοῖς ἢ ἑτέρωθί που τῆς Ἑλλάδος, κατελέλυτο ὁμοίως πάντα. | 7.11.4. While he was carrying out his instructions, the Athenian populace sacked Oropus, a state subject to them. The act was one of necessity rather than of free-will, as the Athenians at the time suffered the direst poverty, because the Macedonian war had crushed them more than any other Greeks. So the Oropians appealed to the Roman senate. It decided that an injustice had been committed, and instructed the Sicyonians to inflict a fine on the Athenians commensurate with the unprovoked harm done by them to Oropus. 7.11.5. When the Athenians did not appear in time for the trial, the Sicyonians inflicted on them a fine of five hundred talents, which the Roman senate on the appeal of the Athenians remitted with the exception of one hundred talents. Not even this reduced fine did the Athenians pay, but by promises and bribes they beguiled the Oropians into an agreement that an Athenian garrison should enter Oropus, and that the Athenians should take hostages from the Oropians. If in the future the Oropians should have any complaint to make against the Athenians, then the Athenians were to withdraw their garrison from Oropus and give the hostages back again. 7.11.6. After no long interval the Oropians were wronged by certain of the garrison. They accordingly despatched envoys to Athens to ask for the restoration of their hostages and to request that the garrison be withdrawn according to the agreement. The Athenians refused to do either of these things, saying that the blame lay, not with the Athenian people, but with the men of the garrison. They promised, however, that the culprits should he brought to account. 7.11.7. The Oropians then appealed to the Achaeans for aid, but these refused to give it out of friendship and respect for the Athenians. Thereupon the Oropians promised Menalcidas, a Lacedaemonian who was then general of the Achaeans, a gift of ten talents if he would induce the Achaeans to help them. Menalcidas promised half of the money to Callicrates, who on account of his friendship with the Romans had most influence among the Achaeans. 7.11.8. Callicrates was persuaded to adopt the plan of Menalcidas, and it was decided to help the Oropians against the Athenians. News of this was brought to the Athenians, who, with all the speed each could, came to Oropus, again dragged away anything they had overlooked in the previous raids, and brought away the garrison. As the Achaeans were too late to render help, Menalcidas and Callicrates urged them to invade Attica . But they met with opposition, especially from Lacedaemon , and the army withdrew. 7.16.9. The walls of all the cities that had made war against Rome Mummius demolished, disarming the inhabitants, even before assistant commissioners were despatched from Rome, and when these did arrive, he proceeded to put down democracies and to establish governments based on a property qualification. Tribute was imposed on Greece , and those with property were forbidden to acquire possessions in a foreign country. Racial confederacies, whether of Achaeans, or Phocians, or Boeotians, or of any other Greek people, were one and all put down. |
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| 21. Obsequens, De Prodigiis, 57 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., and the capitol Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 135 |
| 22. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 6.73 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., and the capitol Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 135 |
23. Augustine, The City of God, 2.24 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., and postumius Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 94 | 2.24. It is certain that Sylla - whose rule was so cruel that, in comparison with it, the preceding state of things which he came to avenge was regretted - when first he advanced towards Rome to give battle to Marius, found the auspices so favourable when he sacrificed, that, according to Livy's account, the augur Postumius expressed his willingness to lose his head if Sylla did not, with the help of the gods, accomplish what he designed. The gods, you see, had not departed from every fane and sacred shrine, since they were still predicting the issue of these affairs, and yet were taking no steps to correct Sylla himself. Their presages promised him great prosperity but no threatenings of theirs subdued his evil passions. And then, when he was in Asia conducting the war against Mithridates, a message from Jupiter was delivered to him by Lucius Titius, to the effect that he would conquer Mithridates; and so it came to pass. And afterwards, when he was meditating a return to Rome for the purpose of avenging in the blood of the citizens injuries done to himself and his friends, a second message from Jupiter was delivered to him by a soldier of the sixth legion, to the effect that it was he who had predicted the victory over Mithridates, and that now he promised to give him power to recover the republic from his enemies, though with great bloodshed. Sylla at once inquired of the soldier what form had appeared to him; and, on his reply, recognized that it was the same as Jupiter had formerly employed to convey to him the assurance regarding the victory over Mithridates. How, then, can the gods be justified in this matter for the care they took to predict these shadowy successes, and for their negligence in correcting Sylla, and restraining him from stirring up a civil war so lamentable and atrocious, that it not merely disfigured, but extinguished, the republic? The truth is, as I have often said, and as Scripture informs us, and as the facts themselves sufficiently indicate, the demons are found to look after their own ends only, that they may be regarded and worshipped as gods, and that men may be induced to offer to them a worship which associates them with their crimes, and involves them in one common wickedness and judgment of God. Afterwards, when Sylla had come to Taranto, and had sacrificed there, he saw on the head of the victim's liver the likeness of a golden crown. Thereupon the same soothsayer Postumius interpreted this to signify a signal victory, and ordered that he only should eat of the entrails. A little afterwards, the slave of a certain Lucius Pontius cried out, I am Bellona's messenger; the victory is yours, Sylla! Then he added that the Capitol should be burned. As soon as he had uttered this prediction he left the camp, but returned the following day more excited than ever, and shouted, The Capitol is fired! And fired indeed it was. This it was easy for a demon both to foresee and quickly to announce. But observe, as relevant to our subject, what kind of gods they are under whom these men desire to live, who blaspheme the Saviour that delivers the wills of the faithful from the dominion of devils. The man cried out in prophetic rapture, The victory is yours, Sylla! And to certify that he spoke by a divine spirit, he predicted also an event which was shortly to happen, and which indeed did fall out, in a place from which he in whom this spirit was speaking was far distant. But he never cried, Forbear your villanies, Sylla! - the villanies which were committed at Rome by that victor to whom a golden crown on the calf's liver had been shown as the divine evidence of his victory. If such signs as this were customarily sent by just gods, and not by wicked demons, then certainly the entrails he consulted should rather have given Sylla intimation of the cruel disasters that were to befall the city and himself. For that victory was not so conducive to his exaltation to power, as it was fatal to his ambition; for by it he became so insatiable in his desires, and was rendered so arrogant and reckless by prosperity, that he may be said rather to have inflicted a moral destruction on himself than corporal destruction on his enemies. But these truly woeful and deplorable calamities the gods gave him no previous hint of, neither by entrails, augury, dream, nor prediction. For they feared his amendment more than his defeat. Yea, they took good care that this glorious conqueror of his own fellow citizens should be conquered and led captive by his own infamous vices, and should thus be the more submissive slave of the demons themselves. |
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| 24. Cassiodorus, Chronicon, 132.486 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., and the capitol Found in books: Santangelo (2013) 135 |
| 25. Justinus, Epitome Historiarum Philippicarum, 1-3.4, 38.2, 38.3.2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019) 271 |
| 26. Epigraphy, I. Thespiai, 172 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, lucius, and the amphiareion Found in books: Wilding (2022) 239, 240 |
| 27. Memnon, Bnj 434, None Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, lucius, and oropos •cornelius sulla, lucius, treatment of cities and sanctuaries •euboia, and cornelius sulla, lucius •oropos, and cornelius sulla, lucius Found in books: Wilding (2022) 206 |
| 28. Isocrates, La Carie, 5 Tagged with subjects: •asylia, and cornelius sulla, lucius •cornelius sulla, lucius, and the amphiareion •cornelius sulla, lucius, treatment of cities and sanctuaries •euboia, and cornelius sulla, lucius •oropos, and cornelius sulla, lucius Found in books: Wilding (2022) 210, 211, 212 |
| 29. Epigraphy, Seg, 38.539, 39.1276 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, lucius, and the amphiareion •oropos, and cornelius sulla, lucius Found in books: Wilding (2022) 209 |
| 30. Epigraphy, Ig Vii, 2727, 3195 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022) 239, 240 |
| 31. Epigraphy, Epigr. Tou Oropou, 111, 113-115, 175, 293-294, 297, 307, 434, 441-443, 451, 520-521, 523-525, 528-529, 534, 87-88, 308 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022) 12, 13, 126, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 204, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 216, 236, 239, 240, 249, 263 |
| 32. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.43.4 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., and the monument of bocchus Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 151 |
| 33. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.6.4, 2.5.1 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., and postumius •cornelius sulla, l., and the monument of bocchus Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 151; Santangelo (2013) 94 |
34. Strabo, Geography, 5.2.2, 13.4.12, 14.1.38 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., and the daimonion •cornelius sulla, lucius, general and dictator Found in books: Marek (2019) 260; Santangelo (2013) 70 | 5.2.2. The Tyrrheni have now received from the Romans the surname of Etrusci and Tusci. The Greeks thus named them from Tyrrhenus the son of Atys, as they say, who sent hither a colony from Lydia. Atys, who was one of the descendants of Hercules and Omphale, and had two sons, in a time of famine and scarcity determined by lot that Lydus should remain in the country, but that Tyrrhenus, with the greater part of the people, should depart. Arriving here, he named the country after himself, Tyrrhenia, and founded twelve cities, having appointed as their governor Tarcon, from whom the city of Tarquinia [received its name], and who, on account of the sagacity which he had displayed from childhood, was feigned to have been born with hoary hair. Placed originally under one authority, they became flourishing; but it seems that in after-times, their confederation being broken up and each city separated, they yielded to the violence of the neighbouring tribes. Otherwise they would never have abandoned a fertile country for a life of piracy on the sea. roving from one ocean to another; since, when united they were able not only to repel those who assailed them, but to act on the offensive, and undertake long campaigns. After the foundation of Rome, Demaratus arrived here, bringing with him people from Corinth. He was received at Tarquinia, where he had a son, named Lucumo, by a woman of that country. Lucumo becoming the friend of Ancus Marcius, king of the Romans, succeeded him on the throne, and assumed the name of Lucius Tarquinius Priscus. Both he and his father did much for the embellishment of Tyrrhenia, the one by means of the numerous artists who had followed him from their native country; the other having the resources of Rome. It is said that the triumphal costume of the consuls, as well as that of the other magistrates, was introduced from the Tarquinii, with the fasces, axes, trumpets, sacrifices, divination, and music employed by the Romans in their public ceremonies. His son, the second Tarquin, named Superbus, who was driven from his throne, was the last king [of Rome ]. Porsena, king of Clusium, a city of Tyrrhenia, endeavoured to replace him on the throne by force of arms, but not being able he made peace with the Romans, and departed in a friendly way, with honour and loaded with gifts. 13.4.12. The parts situated next to this region towards the south as far as the Taurus are so inwoven with one another that the Phrygian and the Carian and the Lydian parts, as also those of the Mysians, since they merge into one another, are hard to distinguish. To this confusion no little has been contributed by the fact that the Romans did not divide them according to tribes, but in another way organized their jurisdictions, within which they hold their popular assemblies and their courts. Mt. Tmolus is a quite contracted mass of mountain and has only a moderate circumference, its limits lying within the territory of the Lydians themselves; but the Mesogis extends in the opposite direction as far as Mycale, beginning at Celaenae, according to Theopompus. And therefore some parts of it are occupied by the Phrygians, I mean the parts near Celaenae and Apameia, and other parts by Mysians and Lydians, and other parts by Carians and Ionians. So, also, the rivers, particularly the Maeander, form the boundary between some of the tribes, but in cases where they flow through the middle of countries they make accurate distinction difficult. And the same is to be said of the plains that are situated on either side of the mountainous territory and of the river-land. Neither should I, perhaps, attend to such matters as closely as a surveyor must, but sketch them only so far as they have been transmitted by my predecessors. 14.1.38. After Smyrna one comes to Leucae, a small town, which after the death of Attalus Philometor was caused to revolt by Aristonicus, who was reputed to belong to the royal family and intended to usurp the kingdom. Now he was banished from Smyrna, after being defeated in a naval battle near the Cymaean territory by the Ephesians, but he went up into the interior and quickly assembled a large number of resourceless people, and also of slaves, invited with a promise of freedom, whom he called Heliopolitae. Now he first fell upon Thyateira unexpectedly, and then got possession of Apollonis, and then set his efforts against other fortresses. But he did not last long; the cities immediately sent a large number of troops against him, and they were assisted by Nicomedes the Bithynian and by the kings of the Cappadocians. Then came five Roman ambassadors, and after that an army under Publius Crassus the consul, and after that Marcus Perpernas, who brought the war to an end, having captured Aristonicus alive and sent him to Rome. Now Aristonicus ended his life in prison; Perpernas died of disease; and Crassus, attacked by certain people in the neighborhood of Leucae, fell in battle. And Manius Aquillius came over as consul with ten lieutets and organized the province into the form of government that still now endures. After Leucae one comes to Phocaea, on a gulf, concerning which I have already spoken in my account of Massalia. Then to the boundaries of the Ionians and the Aeolians; but I have already spoken of these. In the interior above the Ionian Sea board there remain to be described the places in the neighborhood of the road that leads from Ephesus to Antiocheia and the Maeander River. These places are occupied by Lydians and Carians mixed with Greeks. |
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| 35. Epigraphy, Stratonikeia, 507-508, 505 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022) 210, 211, 212 |
| 36. Epigraphy, Cil, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022) 205, 206 |
