Home About Network of subjects Linked subjects heatmap Book indices included Search by subject Search by reference Browse subjects Browse texts

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

   Search:  
validated results only / all results

and or

Filtering options: (leave empty for all results)
By author:     
By work:        
By subject:
By additional keyword:       



Results for
Please note: the results are produced through a computerized process which may frequently lead to errors, both in incorrect tagging and in other issues. Please use with caution.
Due to load times, full text fetching is currently attempted for validated results only.
Full texts for Hebrew Bible and rabbinic texts is kindly supplied by Sefaria; for Greek and Latin texts, by Perseus Scaife, for the Quran, by Tanzil.net

For a list of book indices included, see here.





228 results for "cornelius"
1. Plato, Timaeus, 34.140 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, publius (cornelius) Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 156
2. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.20-1.22 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla (l. cornelius sulla) Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 12
3. Aristotle, Eudemian Ethics, 2.9 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla p. cornelius Found in books: Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 12
4. Philochorus, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 130
5. Plautus, Persa, 395, 394 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 53
6. Cicero, On Duties, 1.92, 1.123, 2.41-2.42, 3.3, 3.89, 3.112, 5.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius •sulla, lucius cornelius felix •sulla p. cornelius •cornelius sulla felix, l. Found in books: Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 128; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 101; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 12; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 37
1.92. Illud autem sic est iudicandum, maximas geri res et maximi animi ab iis, qui res publicas regant, quod earum administratio latissime pateat ad plurimosque pertineat; esse autem magni animi et fuisse multos etiam in vita otiosa, qui aut investigarent aut conarentur magna quaedam seseque suarum rerum finibus continerent aut interiecti inter philosophos et eos, qui rem publicam administrarent, delectarentur re sua familiari non eam quidem omni ratione exaggerantes neque excludentes ab eius usu suos potiusque et amicis impertientes et rei publicae, si quando usus esset. Quae primum bene parta sit nullo neque turpi quaestu neque odioso, deinde augeatur ratione, diligentia, parsimonia, tum quam plurimis, modo dignis, se utilem praebeat nec libidini potius luxuriaeque quam liberalitati et beneficentiae pareat. Haec praescripta servantem licet magnifice, graviter animoseque vivere atque etiam simpliciter, fideliter, ° vere hominum amice. 1.123. Senibus autem labores corporis minuendi, exercitationes animi etiam augendae videntur; danda vero opera, ut et amicos et iuventutem et maxime rem publicam consilio et prudentia quam plurimum adiuvent. Nihil autem magis cavendum est senectuti, quam ne languori se desidiaeque dedat; luxuria vero cum omni aetati turpis, tum senectuti foedissima est; sin autem etiam libidinum intemperantia accessit, duplex malum est, quod et ipsa senectus dedecus concipit et facit adulescentium impudentioren intemperantiarn. 2.41. Mihi quidem non apud Medos solum, ut ait Herodotus, sed etiam apud maiores nostros iustitiae fruendae causa videntur olim bene morati reges constituti. Nam cum premeretur inops multitudo ab iis, qui maiores opes habebant, ad unum aliquem confugiebant virtute praestantem; qui cum prohiberet iniuria tenuiores, aequitate constituenda summos cum infimis pari iure retinebat. Eademque constituendarum legum fuit causa, quae regum. 2.42. Ius enim semper est quaesitum aequabile; neque enim aliter esset ius. Id si ab uno iusto et bono viro consequebantur, erant eo contenti; cum id minus contingeret, leges sunt inventae, quae cum omnibus semper una atque eadem voce loquerentur. Ergo hoc quidem perspicuum est, eos ad imperandum deligi solitos, quorum de iustitia magna esset opinio multitudinis. Adiuncto vero, ut idem etiam prudentes haberentur, nihil erat, quod homines iis auctoribus non posse consequi se arbitrarentur. Omni igitur ratione colenda et retinenda iustitia est cum ipsa per sese (nam aliter iustitia non esset), tum propter amplificationem honoris et gloriae. Sed ut pecuniae non quaerendae solum ratio est, verum etiam collocandae, quae perpetuos sumptus suppeditet, nec solum necessaries, sed etiam liberales, sic gloria et quaerenda et collocanda ratione est. 3.3. Ita, qui in maxima celebritate atque in oculis civium quondam vixerimus, nunc fugientes conspectum sceleratorum, quibus omnia redundant, abdimus nos, quantum licet, et saepe soli sumus. Sed quia sic ab hominibus doctis accepimus, non solum ex malis eligere minima oportere, sed etiam excerpere ex his ipsis, si quid inesset boni, propterea et otio fruor, non illo quidem, quo debebat is, qui quondam peperisset otium civitati, nec eam solitudinem languere patior, quam mihi affert necessitas, non voluntas. 3.89. Plenusestsextus liber de officiis Hecatonis talium quaestionum: sitne boni viri in maxima caritate annonae familiam non alere. In utramque partem disputat, sed tamen ad extremum utilitate, ut putat, officium dirigit magis quam humanitate. Quaerit, si in mari iactura facienda sit, equine pretiosi potius iacturam faciat an servoli vilis. Hic alio res familiaris, alio ducit humanitas. Si tabulam de naufragio stultus arripuerit, extorquebitne eam sapiens, si potuerit? Negat, quia sit iniurium. Quid? dominus navis eripietne suum? Minime, non plus quam navigantem in alto eicere de navi velit, quia sua sit. Quoad enim perventum est eo, quo sumpta navis est, non domini est navis, sed navigantium. 3.112. L. Manlio A. f., cum dictator fuisset, M. Pomponius tr. pl. diem dixit, quod is paucos sibi dies ad dictaturam gerendam addidisset; criminabatur etiam, quod Titum filium, qui postea est Torquatus appellatus, ab hominibus relegasset et ruri habitare iussisset. Quod cum audivisset adulescens filius, negotium exhiberi patri, accurrisse Romam et cum primo luci Pomponi domum venisse dicitur. Cui cum esset nuntiatum, qui illum iratum allaturum ad se aliquid contra patrem arbitraretur, surrexit e lectulo remotisque arbitris ad se adulescentem iussit venire. At ille, ut ingressus est, confestim gladium destrinxit iuravitque se illum statim interfecturum, nisi ius iurandum sibi dedisset se patrem missum esse facturum. Iuravit hoc terrore coactus Pomponius; rem ad populum detulit, docuit, cur sibi causa desistere necesse esset, Manlium missum fecit. Tantum temporibus illis ius iurandum valebat. Atque hic T. Manlius is est, qui ad Anienem Galli, quem ab eo provocatus occiderat, torque detracto cognomen invenit, cuius tertio consulatu Latini ad Veserim fusi et fugati, magnus vir in primis et, qui perindulgens in patrem, idem acerbe severus in filium. 1.92.  To revert to the original question — we must decide that the most important activities, those most indicative of a great spirit, are performed by the men who direct the affairs of nations; for such public activities have the widest scope and touch the lives of the most people. But even in the life of retirement there are and there have been many high-souled men who have been engaged in important inquiries or embarked on most important enterprises and yet kept themselves within the limits of their own affairs; or, taking a middle course between philosophers on the one hand and statesmen on the other, they were content with managing their own property — not increasing it by any and every means nor debarring their kindred from the enjoyment of it, but rather, if ever there were need, sharing it with their friends and with the state. Only let it, in the first place, be honestly acquired, by the use of no dishonest or fraudulent means; let it, in the second place, increase by wisdom, industry, and thrift; and, finally, let it be made available for the use of as many as possible (if only they are worthy) and be at the service of generosity and beneficence rather than of sensuality and excess. By observing these rules, one may live in magnificence, dignity, and independence, and yet in honour, truth and charity toward all. 1.123.  The old, on the other hand, should, it seems, have their physical labours reduced; their mental activities should be actually increased. They should endeavour, too, by means of their counsel and practical wisdom to be of as much service as possible to their friends and to the young, and above all to the state. But there is nothing against which old age has to be more on its guard than against surrendering to feebleness and idleness, while luxury, a vice in any time of life, is in old age especially scandalous. But if excess in sensual indulgence is added to luxurious living, it is a twofold evil; for old age not only disgraces itself; it also serves to make the excesses of the young more shameless. 2.41.  Now it seems to me, at least, that not only among the Medes, as Herodotus tells us, but also among our own ancestors, men of high moral character were made kings in order that the people might enjoy justice. For, as the masses in their helplessness were oppressed by the strong, they appealed for protection to some one man who was conspicuous for his virtue; and, as he shielded the weaker classes from wrong, he managed by establishing equitable conditions to hold the higher and the lower classes in an equality of right. The reason for making constitutional laws was the same as that for making kings. 2.42.  For what people have always sought is equality of rights before the law. For rights that were not open to all alike would be no rights. If the people secured their end at the hands of one just and good man, they were satisfied with that; but when such was not their good fortune, laws were invented, to speak to all men at all times in one and the same voice. This, then, is obvious: nations used to select for their rulers those men whose reputation for justice was high in the eyes of the people. If in addition they were also thought wise, there was nothing that men did not think they could secure under such leadership. Justice is, therefore, in every way to be cultivated and maintained, both for its own sake (for otherwise it would not be justice) and for the enhancement of personal honour and glory. But as there is a method not only of acquiring money but also of investing it so as to yield an income to meet our continuously recurring expenses — both for the necessities and for the more refined comforts of life — so there must be a method of gaining glory and turning it to account. And yet, as Socrates used to express it so admirably, 3.3.  So, although I once lived amid throngs of people and in the greatest publicity, I am now shunning the sight of the miscreants with whom the world abounds and withdrawing from the public eye as far as I may, and I am often alone. But I have learned from philosophers that among evils one ought not only to choose the least, but also to extract even from these any element of good that they may contain. For that reason, I am turning my leisure to account — though it is not such repose as the man should be entitled to who once brought the state repose from civil strife — and I am not letting this solitude, which necessity and not my will imposes on me, find me idle. 3.89.  The sixth book of Hecaton's "Moral Duties" is full of questions like the following: "Is it consistent with a good man's duty to let his slaves go hungry when provisions are at famine price?" Hecaton gives the argument on both sides of the question; but still in the end it is by the standard of expediency, as he conceives it, rather than by one of human feeling, that he decides the question of duty. Then he raises this question: supposing a man had to throw part of his cargo overboard in a storm, should he prefer to sacrifice a high-priced horse or a cheap and worthless slave? In this case regard for his property interest inclines him one way, human feeling the other."Suppose that a foolish man has seized hold of a plank from a sinking ship, shall a wise man wrest it away from him if he can?" "No," says Hecaton; "for that would be unjust." "But how about the owner of the ship? Shall he take the plank away because it belongs to him?""Not at all; no more than he would be willing when far out at sea to throw a passenger overboard on the ground that the ship was his. For until they reach the place for which the ship is chartered, she belongs to the passengers, not to the owner." 3.112.  Marcus Pomponius, a tribune of the people, brought an indictment against Lucius Manlius, Aulus's son, for having extended the term of his dictatorship a few days beyond its expiration. He further charged him with having banished his own son Titus (afterward surnamed Torquatus) from all companionship with his fellow-men, and with requiring him to live in the country. When the son, who was then a young man, heard that his father was in trouble on his account, he hastened to Rome — so the story goes — and at daybreak presented himself at the house of Pomponius. The visitor was announced to Pomponius. Inasmuch as he thought that the son in his anger meant to bring him some new evidence to use against the father, he arose from his bed, asked all who were present to leave the room, and sent word to the young man to come in. Upon entering, he at once drew a sword and swore that he would kill the tribune on the spot, if he did not swear an oath to withdraw the suit against his father. Constrained by the terror of the situation, Pomponius gave his oath. He reported the matter to the people, explaining why he was obliged to drop the prosecution, and withdrew his suit against Manlius. Such was the regard for the sanctity of an oath in those days. And that lad was the Titus Manlius who in the battle on the Anio killed the Gaul by whom he had been challenged to single combat, pulled off his torque and thus won his surname. And in his third consulship he routed the Latins and put them to flight in the battle on the Veseris. He was one of the greatest of the great, and one who, while more than generous toward his father, could yet be bitterly severe toward his son.
7. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 1.10, 1.12, 2.168 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla p. cornelius Found in books: Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 12, 111
1.10. Those however who seek to learn my personal opinion on the various questions show an unreasonable degree of curiosity. In discussion it is not so much weight of authority as force of argument that should be demanded. Indeed the authority of those who profess to teach is often a positive hindrance to those who desire to learn; they cease to employ their own judgement, and take what they perceive to be the verdict of their chosen master as settling the question. In fact I am not disposed to approve the practice traditionally ascribed to the Pythagoreans, who, when questioned as to the grounds of any assertion that they advanced in debate, are said to have been accustomed to reply 'He himself said so,' 'he himself' being Pythagoras. So potent was an opinion already decided, making authority prevail unsupported by reason. 1.12. In an undertaking so extensive and so arduous, I do not profess to have attained success, though I do claim to have attempted it. At the same time it would be impossible for the adherents of this method to dispense altogether with any standard of guidance. This matter it is true I have discussed elsewhere more thoroughly; but some people are so dull and slow of apprehension that they appear to require repeated explanations. Our position is not that we hold that nothing is true, but that we assert that all true sensations are associated with false ones so closely resembling them that they contain no infallible mark to guide our judgement and assent. From this followed the corollary, that many sensations are probable, that is, though not amounting to a full perception they are yet possessed of a certain distinctness and clearness, and so can serve to direct the conduct of the wise man. 2.168. "These are more or less the things that occurred to me which I thought proper to be said upon the subject of the nature of the gods. And for your part, Cotta, would you but listen to me, you would plead the same cause, and reflect that you are a leading citizen and a pontife, and you would take advantage of the liberty enjoyed by your school of arguing both pro and contra to choose to espouse my side, and preferably to devote to this purpose those powers of eloquence which your rhetorical exercises have bestowed upon you and which the Academy has fostered. For the habit of arguing in support of atheism, whether it be done from conviction or in pretence, is a wicked and impious practice."
8. Cicero, On Laws, 2.59, 2.64, 3.19-3.26 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius •sulla, lucius cornelius felix Found in books: Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 128; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 105
9. Cicero, On The Haruspices, 18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., and postumius Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 112
10. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 2.22-2.23, 3.3, 3.75, 4.18, 5.2, 5.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius •sulla p. cornelius •sulla, publius (cornelius) •sulla, l. cornelius, departures from protocol Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 221; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 156; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 12; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 36
2.22. sed tamen nonne reprehenderes, Epicure, luxuriosos ob eam ipsam causam, quod ita viverent, ut persequerentur cuiusque modi voluptates, cum esset praesertim, ut ais tu, summa voluptas nihil dolere? atqui reperiemus asotos primum ita non religiosos, ut edint edint Mdv. edient A 1 RN edent A 2 edant V om. BE de patella, deinde ita mortem mortem ita BE non timentes, ut illud in ore habeant ex Hymnide: 'Mihi sex menses sa/tis sunt vitae, se/ptimum Orco spo/ndeo'. iam doloris medicamenta illa Epicurea tamquam de narthecio proment: Si gravis, brevis; si longus, levis. Unum nescio, quo modo possit, si luxuriosus sit, finitas cupiditates habere. 2.23. quid ergo attinet dicere: 'Nihil haberem, quod reprehenderem, si finitas cupiditates haberent'? hoc est dicere: Non reprehenderem asotos, si non essent asoti. isto modo ne improbos quidem, si essent boni viri. hic homo severus luxuriam ipsam per se reprehendendam non putat, et hercule, Torquate, ut verum loquamur, si summum bonum voluptas est, rectissime non putat. Noli noli Se. nolui N nolim rell. codd. enim mihi fingere asotos, ut soletis, qui in mensam vomant, et qui de conviviis auferantur crudique postridie se rursus ingurgitent, qui solem, ut aiunt, nec occidentem umquam viderint nec orientem, qui consumptis patrimoniis egeant. nemo nostrum istius generis asotos iucunde putat vivere. mundos, elegantis, optimis cocis, pistoribus, piscatu, aucupio, venatione, his omnibus exquisitis, vitantes cruditatem, quibus vinum quibus vinum et q. s. cf. Lucilii carm. rell. rec. Marx. I p. 78, II p. 366 sq. defusum e pleno sit chrysizon, chrysizon Marx.; hirsizon A hrysizon vel heysizon B hrysizon E hyrsi|hon R hyrsizon N hrysiron V ut ait Lucilius, cui nihildum situlus et nihildum situlus et (situlus = situla, sitella) Se. nihil (nichil BE) dum sit vis et ABE nichil dum sit viset R nichil dempsit (e vid. corr. ex u, psit in ras. ) vis (post s ras.) et (in ras.) N nichil dempsit vis et V sacculus sacculus ABE saculos V sarculos R, N (a ex corr. m. alt., r superscr. ab alt. m. ) abstulerit, adhibentis ludos et quae sequuntur, illa, quibus detractis clamat Epicurus se nescire quid sit bonum; adsint etiam formosi pueri, qui ministrent, respondeat his vestis, argentum, Corinthium, locus ipse, aedificium—hos ergo ergo BER ego ANV asotos bene quidem vivere aut aut at BE beate numquam dixerim. 3.3. ipse etiam dicit dicit cf. p. 13, 24—29 Epicurus ne ne nec RNV argumentandum quidem esse de voluptate, quod sit positum iudicium eius in sensibus, ut commoneri nos satis sit, nihil attineat doceri. quare illa nobis simplex fuit in utramque partem disputatio. nec enim in Torquati sermone quicquam sermone quicquam VN 2 sermone nec quicquam (quitquam ABE) implicatum inpl. R aut tortuosum fuit, nostraque, ut mihi videtur, dilucida oratio. Stoicorum autem non ignoras quam sit subtile vel spinosum potius disserendi genus, idque cum Graecis tum magis nobis, quibus etiam verba parienda sunt inponendaque nova rebus novis nomina. quod quidem nemo mediocriter doctus mirabitur cogitans in omni arte, cuius usus vulgaris communisque non sit, multam novitatem nominum esse, cum constituantur earum rerum vocabula, quae in quaque arte versentur. 3.75. quam gravis vero, quam magnifica, quam constans conficitur persona sapientis! qui, cum ratio docuerit, quod honestum esset, id esse solum bonum, semper sit necesse est beatus vereque omnia ista nomina possideat, quae irrideri ab inperitis solent. rectius enim appellabitur rex quam Tarquinius, qui nec se nec suos regere potuit, rectius magister populi—is enim est dictator dictator est BE —quam Sulla, qui trium pestiferorum vitiorum, luxuriae, avaritiae, crudelitatis, magister fuit, rectius dives quam Crassus, qui nisi eguisset, numquam Euphraten nulla belli causa transire voluisset. recte eius omnia dicentur, qui scit uti solus omnibus, recte etiam pulcher appellabitur— animi enim liniamenta sunt pulchriora quam corporis quam corporis NV quam corporibus ABE corporibus ( om. quam) R —, recte solus liber nec dominationi cuiusquam parens nec oboediens cupiditati, recte invictus, cuius etiamsi corpus constringatur, animo tamen vincula inici nulla possint, nec expectet ullum tempus aetatis, uti tum uti tum Se. ut tum (ut in ras., sequente ras. 2 vel 3 litt. ) N virtutum ABE ututū R ubi tum V denique iudicetur beatusne fuerit, cum extremum vitae diem morte confecerit, quod ille unus e septem sapientibus non sapienter Croesum monuit; 4.18. Principiis autem a natura datis amplitudines quaedam bonorum excitabantur partim profectae a contemplatione rerum occultiorum, occultorum R quod erat insitus menti cognitionis amor, e quo etiam rationis explicandae disserendique cupiditas consequebatur; quodque hoc solum animal natum est pudoris ac verecundiae particeps appetensque coniunctionum coniunctionum RNV coniunctium (coniunct iu pro coniunct iu m = coniunctionum) BE hominum ad ad R et B ac ENV societatem societatem R societatum BENV cf. III 66 inter nos natura ad civilem communitatem coniuncti et consociati sumus et p. 128, 15 sq., ubi de cognitione rerum respicit ad p. 127,23 (erat insitus menti cognitionis amor) et de coniunctione generis humani ad p. 127, 26 sq. (coniunctionum hominum ad societatem) animadvertensque in omnibus rebus, quas ageret aut aut RN 2 ut BEN 1 V diceret, ut ne quid ab eo fieret nisi honeste ac ac BER et NV decore, his initiis, ut ante dixi, et et V om. BERN ( ad initiis, ut ante dixi, et seminibus cf. p. 127, 14 et 9 ) seminibus a natura datis temperantia, modestia, iustitia et omnis honestas perfecte absoluta est. 5.2. tum Piso: Naturane nobis hoc, inquit, datum dicam an errore quodam, ut, cum ea loca videamus, in quibus memoria dignos viros acceperimus multum esse versatos, magis moveamur, quam si quando eorum ipsorum aut facta audiamus aut scriptum aliquod aliquid R legamus? velut ego nunc moveor. venit enim mihi Platonis in mentem, quem accepimus primum hic disputare solitum; cuius etiam illi hortuli propinqui propinqui hortuli BE non memoriam solum mihi afferunt, sed ipsum videntur in conspectu meo ponere. hic Speusippus, hic Xenocrates, hic eius auditor Polemo, cuius illa ipsa sessio fuit, quam videmus. Equidem etiam curiam nostram—Hostiliam dico, non hanc novam, quae minor mihi esse esse mihi B videtur, posteaquam est maior—solebam intuens Scipionem, Catonem, Laelium, nostrum vero in primis avum cogitare; tanta vis admonitionis inest in locis; ut non sine causa ex iis memoriae ducta sit disciplina. 5.10. persecutus est est N 2 om. BERN 1 V Non. p. 232 Aristoteles animantium omnium ortus, victus, figuras, Theophrastus autem stirpium naturas omniumque fere rerum, quae e terra gignerentur, causas atque rationes; qua ex cognitione facilior facta est investigatio rerum occultissimarum. Disserendique ab isdem non dialectice solum, sed etiam oratorie praecepta sunt tradita, ab Aristoteleque principe de singulis rebus in utramque partem dicendi exercitatio est instituta, ut non contra omnia semper, sicut Arcesilas, diceret, et tamen ut in omnibus rebus, quicquid ex utraque parte dici posset, expromeret. exprimeret R 2.22.  All the same, Epicurus, would not you blame sensualists for the very reason that their one object in life is the pursuit of pleasure of any and every sort, especially as according to you the highest pleasure is to feel no pain? Yet we shall find profligates in the first place so devoid of religious scruples that they will 'eat the food on the paten,' and secondly so fearless of death as to be always quoting the lines from the Hymnis: Enough for me six months of life, the seventh to Hell I pledge! Or if they want an antidote to pain, out comes from their phial the great Epicurean panacea, 'Short if it's strong, light if it's long.' Only one point I can't make out: how can a man at once be a sensualist and keep his desires within bounds? 2.23.  "What then is the point of saying 'I should have no fault to find with them if they kept their desires within bounds'? That is tantamount to saying 'I should not blame the profligate if they were not profligate.' He might as well say he would not blame the dishonest either, if they were upright men. Here is our rigid moralist maintaining that sensuality is not in itself blameworthy! And I profess, Torquatus, on the hypothesis that pleasure is the Chief Good he is perfectly justified in thinking so. I should be sorry to picture to myself, as you are so fond of doing, debauchees who are sick at table, have to be carried home from dinner-parties, and next day gorge themselves again before they have recovered from the effects of the night before; men who, as the saying goes, have never seen either sunset or sunrise; men who run through their inheritance and sink into penury. None of us supposes that profligates of that description live pleasantly. No, but men of taste and refinement, with first-rate chefs and confectioners, fish, birds, game and the like of the choicest; careful of their digestion; with Wine in flask Decanted from a new‑broach'd cask, . . . as Lucilius has it, Wine of tang bereft, All harshness in the strainer left; with the accompaniment of dramatic performances and their usual sequel, the pleasures apart from which Epicurus, as he loudly proclaims, does not what Good is; give them also beautiful boys to wait upon them, with drapery, silver, Corinthian bronzes, and the scene of the feast, the banqueting-room, all in keeping; take profligates of this sort; that these live well or enjoy happiness I will never allow. 3.3.  In fact Epicurus himself declares that there is no occasion to argue about pleasure at all: its criterion resides in the senses, so that proof is entirely superfluous; a reminder of the facts is all that is needed. Therefore our preceding debate consisted of a simple statement of the case on either side. There was nothing abstruse or intricate in the discourse of Torquatus, and my own exposition was, I believe, as clear as daylight. But the Stoics, as you are aware, affect an exceedingly subtle or rather crabbed style of argument; and if the Greeks find it so, still more must we, who have actually to create a vocabulary, and to invent new terms to convey new ideas. This necessity will cause no surprise to anyone of moderate learning, when he reflects that in every branch of science lying outside the range of common everyday practice there must always be a large degree of novelty in the vocabulary, when it comes to fixing a terminology to denote the conceptions with which the science in question deals. 3.75.  "Then, how dignified, how lofty, how consistent is the character of the Wise Man as they depict it! Since reason has proved that moral worth is the sole good, it follows that he must always be happy, and that all those titles which the ignorant are so fond of deriding do in very truth belong to him. For he will have a better claim to the title of King than Tarquin, who could not rule either himself or his subjects; a better right to the name of 'Master of the People' (for that is what a dictator is) than Sulla, who was a master of three pestilential vices, licentiousness, avarice and cruelty; a better right to be called rich than Crassus, who had he lacked nothing could never have been induced to cross the Euphrates with no pretext for war. Rightly will he be said to own all things, who alone knows how to use all things; rightly also will he be styled beautiful, for the features of the soul are fairer than those of the body; rightly the one and only free man, as subject to no man's authority, and slave of no appetite; rightly unconquerable, for though his body be thrown into fetters, no bondage can enchain his soul. 4.18.  Again, from the elements given by nature arose certain lofty excellences, springing partly from the contemplation of the secrets of nature, since the mind possessed an innate love of knowledge, whence also resulted the passion for argument and for discussion; and also, since man is the only animal endowed with a sense of modesty and shame, with a desire for intercourse and society with his fellows, and with a scrupulous care in all his words and actions to avoid any conduct that is not honourable and seemly, from these beginnings or germs, as I called them before, of nature's bestowal, were developed Temperance, Self-control, Justice and moral virtue generally in full flower and perfection. 5.2.  Thereupon Piso remarked: "Whether it is a natural instinct or a mere illusion, I can't say; but one's emotions are more strongly aroused by seeing the places that tradition records to have been the favourite resort of men of note in former days, than by hearing about their deeds or reading their writings. My own feelings at the present moment are a case in point. I am reminded of Plato, the first philosopher, so we are told, that made a practice of holding discussions in this place; and indeed the garden close at hand yonder not only recalls his memory but seems to bring the actual man before my eyes. This was the haunt of Speusippus, of Xenocrates, and of Xenocrates' pupil Polemo, who used to sit on the very seat we see over there. For my own part even the sight of our senate-house at home (I mean the Curia Hostilia, not the present new building, which looks to my eyes smaller since its enlargement) used to call up to me thoughts of Scipio, Cato, Laelius, and chief of all, my grandfather; such powers of suggestion do places possess. No wonder the scientific training of the memory is based upon locality." 5.10.  Aristotle gave a complete account of the birth, nutrition and structure of all living creatures, Theophrastus of the natural history of plants and the causes and constitution of vegetable organisms in general; and the knowledge thus attained facilitated the investigation of the most obscure questions. In Logic their teachings include the rules of rhetoric as well as of dialectic; and Aristotle their founder started the practice of arguing both pro and contra upon every topic, not like Arcesilas, always controverting every proposition, but setting out all the possible arguments on either side in every subject.
11. Cicero, De Finibus, 2.22-2.23, 3.75, 4.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius •sulla, publius (cornelius) Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 156; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 36
2.22.  All the same, Epicurus, would not you blame sensualists for the very reason that their one object in life is the pursuit of pleasure of any and every sort, especially as according to you the highest pleasure is to feel no pain? Yet we shall find profligates in the first place so devoid of religious scruples that they will 'eat the food on the paten,' and secondly so fearless of death as to be always quoting the lines from the Hymnis: Enough for me six months of life, the seventh to Hell I pledge! Or if they want an antidote to pain, out comes from their phial the great Epicurean panacea, 'Short if it's strong, light if it's long.' Only one point I can't make out: how can a man at once be a sensualist and keep his desires within bounds? 2.23.  "What then is the point of saying 'I should have no fault to find with them if they kept their desires within bounds'? That is tantamount to saying 'I should not blame the profligate if they were not profligate.' He might as well say he would not blame the dishonest either, if they were upright men. Here is our rigid moralist maintaining that sensuality is not in itself blameworthy! And I profess, Torquatus, on the hypothesis that pleasure is the Chief Good he is perfectly justified in thinking so. I should be sorry to picture to myself, as you are so fond of doing, debauchees who are sick at table, have to be carried home from dinner-parties, and next day gorge themselves again before they have recovered from the effects of the night before; men who, as the saying goes, have never seen either sunset or sunrise; men who run through their inheritance and sink into penury. None of us supposes that profligates of that description live pleasantly. No, but men of taste and refinement, with first-rate chefs and confectioners, fish, birds, game and the like of the choicest; careful of their digestion; with Wine in flask Decanted from a new‑broach'd cask, . . . as Lucilius has it, Wine of tang bereft, All harshness in the strainer left; with the accompaniment of dramatic performances and their usual sequel, the pleasures apart from which Epicurus, as he loudly proclaims, does not what Good is; give them also beautiful boys to wait upon them, with drapery, silver, Corinthian bronzes, and the scene of the feast, the banqueting-room, all in keeping; take profligates of this sort; that these live well or enjoy happiness I will never allow. 3.75.  "Then, how dignified, how lofty, how consistent is the character of the Wise Man as they depict it! Since reason has proved that moral worth is the sole good, it follows that he must always be happy, and that all those titles which the ignorant are so fond of deriding do in very truth belong to him. For he will have a better claim to the title of King than Tarquin, who could not rule either himself or his subjects; a better right to the name of 'Master of the People' (for that is what a dictator is) than Sulla, who was a master of three pestilential vices, licentiousness, avarice and cruelty; a better right to be called rich than Crassus, who had he lacked nothing could never have been induced to cross the Euphrates with no pretext for war. Rightly will he be said to own all things, who alone knows how to use all things; rightly also will he be styled beautiful, for the features of the soul are fairer than those of the body; rightly the one and only free man, as subject to no man's authority, and slave of no appetite; rightly unconquerable, for though his body be thrown into fetters, no bondage can enchain his soul. 4.18.  Again, from the elements given by nature arose certain lofty excellences, springing partly from the contemplation of the secrets of nature, since the mind possessed an innate love of knowledge, whence also resulted the passion for argument and for discussion; and also, since man is the only animal endowed with a sense of modesty and shame, with a desire for intercourse and society with his fellows, and with a scrupulous care in all his words and actions to avoid any conduct that is not honourable and seemly, from these beginnings or germs, as I called them before, of nature's bestowal, were developed Temperance, Self-control, Justice and moral virtue generally in full flower and perfection.
12. Cicero, De Domo Sua, 79 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 49
79. nunc, Eruci, ad te venio. conveniat mihi tecum necesse est, si ad hunc maleficium istud pertinet, aut ipsum sua manu fecisse, id quod negas, aut per aliquos liberos aut servos. liberosne ? quos neque ut convenire convenire ed. Guar. : conveniret (-em ω ) codd. potuerit neque qua ratione inducere neque ubi neque per quos neque qua spe aut quo pretio potes ostendere. ego contra ostendo non modo nihil eorum fecisse Sex. Roscium sed ne potuisse quidem facere, quod neque Romae multis annis fuerit neque de praediis umquam temere discesserit. restare tibi videbatur servorum nomen, quo quasi in portum reiectus a ceteris suspicionibus confugere posses; ubi scopulum offendis ' eius modi ut non modo ab hoc crimen crimine σφω resilire videas verum omnem suspicionem in vosmet ipsos recidere intellegas.
13. Cicero, Republic, 1.43, 1.47-1.50, 1.63, 5.6, 6.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, lucius cornelius felix •cornelius sulla felix, l. •sulla, publius (cornelius) •cornelius sulla, p. (sulla), as salus rerum Found in books: Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 128; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 156; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 87; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
1.43. Sed et in regnis nimis expertes sunt ceteri communis iuris et consilii, et in optimatium dominatu vix particeps libertatis potest esse multitudo, cum omni consilio communi ac potestate careat, et cum omnia per populum geruntur quamvis iustum atque moderatum, tamen ipsa aequabilitas est iniqua, cum habet nullos gradus dignitatis. Itaque si Cyrus ille Perses iustissimus fuit sapientissimusque rex, tamen mihi populi res (ea enim est, ut dixi antea, publica) non maxime expetenda fuisse illa videtur, cum regeretur unius nutu ac modo; si Massilienses, nostri clientes, per delectos et principes cives summa iustitia reguntur, inest tamen in ea condicione populi similitudo quaedam servitutis; si Athenienses quibusdam temporibus sublato Areopago nihil nisi populi scitis ac decretis agebant, quoniam distinctos dignitatis gradus non habebant, non tenebat ornatum suum civitas. 1.47. et talis est quaeque res publica, qualis eius aut natura aut voluntas, qui illam regit. Itaque nulla alia in civitate, nisi in qua populi potestas summa est, ullum domicilium libertas habet; qua quidem certe nihil potest esse dulcius, et quae, si aequa non est, ne libertas quidem est. Qui autem aequa potest esse, omitto dicere in regno, ubi ne obscura quidem est aut dubia servitus, sed in istis civitatibus, in quibus verbo sunt liberi omnes? ferunt enim suffragia, mandant inperia, magistratus, ambiuntur, rogantur, sed ea dant, quae, etiamsi nolint, danda sint, et quae ipsi non habent, unde alii petunt; sunt enim expertes imperii, consilii publici, iudicii delectorum iudicum, quae familiarum vetustatibus aut pecuniis ponderantur. In libero autem populo, ut Rhodi, ut Athenis, nemo est civium, qui 1.48. po pulo aliquis unus pluresve divitiores opulentioresque extitissent, tum ex eorum fastidio et superbia nata esse commemorant cedentibus ignavis et inbecillis et adrogantiae divitum succumbentibus. Si vero ius suum populi teneant, negant quicquam esse praestantius, liberius, beatius, quippe qui domini sint legum, iudiciorum, belli, pacis, foederum, capitis unius cuiusque, pecuniae. Hanc unam rite rem publicam, id est rem populi, appellari putant. Itaque et a regum et a patrum dominatione solere in libertatem rem populi vindicari, non ex liberis populis reges requiri aut potestatem atque opes optimatium. 1.49. Et vero negant oportere indomiti populi vitio genus hoc totum liberi populi repudiari, concordi populo et omnia referente ad incolumitatem et ad libertatem suam nihil esse inmutabilius, nihil firmius; facillimam autem in ea re publica esse concordiam, in qua idem conducat omnibus; ex utilitatis varietatibus, cum aliis aliud expediat, nasci discordias; itaque, cum patres rerum potirentur, numquam constitisse civitatis statum; multo iam id in regnis minus, quorum, ut ait Ennius, 'nulla regni sancta societas nec fides est.' Quare cum lex sit civilis societatis vinculum, ius autem legis aequale, quo iure societas civium teneri potest, cum par non sit condicio civium? Si enim pecunias aequari non placet, si ingenia omnium paria esse non possunt, iura certe paria debent esse eorum inter se, qui sunt cives in eadem re publica. Quid est enim civitas nisi iuris societas? 1.50. Ceteras vero res publicas ne appellandas quidem putant iis nominibus, quibus illae sese appellari velint. Cur enim regem appellem Iovis optimi nomine hominem domidi cupidum aut imperii singularis, populo oppresso domitem, non tyrannum potius? tam enim esse clemens tyrannus quam rex inportunus potest; ut hoc populorum intersit, utrum comi domino an aspero serviant; quin serviant quidem, fieri non potest. Quo autem modo adsequi poterat Lacedaemo illa tum, cum praestare putabatur disciplina rei publicae, ut bonis uteretur iustisque regibus, cum esset habendus rex, quicumque genere regio natus esset? Nam optimatis quidem quis ferat, qui non populi concessu, sed suis comitiis hoc sibi nomen adrogaverunt? Qui enim iudicatur iste optimus? doctrina, artibus, studiis 1.63. Est vero, inquit Scipio, in pace et otio; licet enim lascivire, dum nihil metuas, ut in navi ac saepe etiam in morbo levi. Sed ut ille, qui navigat, cum subito mare coepit horrescere, et ille aeger ingravescente morbo unius opem inplorat, sic noster populus in pace et domi imperat et ipsis magistratibus minatur, recusat, appellat, provocat, in bello sic paret ut regi; valet enim salus plus quam libido. Gravioribus vero bellis etiam sine collega omne imperium nostri penes singulos esse voluerunt, quorum ipsum nomen vim suae potestatis indicat. Nam dictator quidem ab eo appellatur, quia dicitur, sed in nostris libris vides eum, Laeli, magistrum populi appellari. L. Video, inquit. Et Scipio: Sapienter igitur illi vete res 5.6. civi tatibus, in quibus expetunt laudem optumi et decus, ignominiam fugiunt ac dedecus. Nec vero tam metu poenaque terrentur, quae est constituta legibus, quam verecundia, quam natura homini dedit quasi quendam vituperationis non iniustae timorem. Hanc ille rector rerum publicarum auxit opinionibus perfecitque institutis et disciplinis, ut pudor civis non minus a delictis arceret quam metus. Atque haec quidem ad laudem pertinent, quae dici latius uberiusque potuerunt. 6.12. Hic tu, Africane, ostendas oportebit patriae lumen animi, ingenii consiliique tui. Sed eius temporis ancipitem video quasi fatorum viam. Nam cum aetas tua septenos octiens solis anfractus reditusque converterit, duoque ii numeri, quorum uterque plenus alter altera de causa habetur, circuitu naturali summam tibi fatalem confecerint, in te unum atque in tuum nomen se tota convertet civitas, te senatus, te omnes boni, te socii, te Latini intuebuntur, tu eris unus, in quo nitatur civitatis salus, ac, ne multa, dictator rem publicam constituas oportet, si impias propinquorum manus effugeris. Hic cum exclamasset Laelius ingemuissentque vehementius ceteri, leniter arridens Scipio: St! quaeso, inquit, ne me e somno excitetis, et parumper audite cetera.
14. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.82, 6.49, 6.61 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla felix, l. •sulla, l. cornelius •sulla, l. cornelius, retirement from public life Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 216; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 87
15. Varro, Fragments, 2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 91
16. Varro, On Agriculture, a b c d\n0 "1.2.9" "1.2.9" "1 2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 56
17. Cicero, On Divination, 1.51, 1.72, 1.88, 1.91-1.92, 1.99, 1.105, 1.132, 2.65, 2.70-2.71 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. •cornelius sulla, l., dreams •cornelius sulla, l., and postumius •cornelius sulla, lucius, and amphiaraos •cornelius sulla, l., and the daimonion Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 70, 71, 89, 94, 96; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 197
1.51. At vero P. Decius ille Q. F., qui primus e Deciis consul fuit, cum esset tribunus militum M. Valerio A. Cornelio consulibus a Samnitibusque premeretur noster exercitus, cum pericula proeliorum iniret audacius monereturque, ut cautior esset, dixit, quod extat in annalibus, se sibi in somnis visum esse, cum in mediis hostibus versaretur, occidere cum maxuma gloria. Et tum quidem incolumis exercitum obsidione liberavit; post triennium autem, cum consul esset, devovit se et in aciem Latinorum inrupit armatus. Quo eius facto superati sunt et deleti Latini. Cuius mors ita gloriosa fuit, ut eandem concupisceret filius. 1.72. in quo haruspices, augures coniectoresque numerantur. Haec inprobantur a Peripateticis, a Stoicis defenduntur. Quorum alia sunt posita in monumentis et disciplina, quod Etruscorum declarant et haruspicini et fulgurales et rituales libri, vestri etiam augurales, alia autem subito ex tempore coniectura explicantur, ut apud Homerum Calchas, qui ex passerum numero belli Troiani annos auguratus est, et ut in Sullae scriptum historia videmus, quod te inspectante factum est, ut, cum ille in agro Nolano inmolaret ante praetorium, ab infima ara subito anguis emergeret, cum quidem C. Postumius haruspex oraret illum, ut in expeditionem exercitum educeret; id cum Sulla fecisset, tum ante oppidum Nolam florentissuma Samnitium castra cepit. 1.88. Amphilochus et Mopsus Argivorum reges fuerunt, sed iidem augures, iique urbis in ora marituma Ciliciae Graecas condiderunt; atque etiam ante hos Amphiaraus et Tiresias non humiles et obscuri neque eorum similes, ut apud Ennium est, Quí sui quaestus caúsa fictas súscitant senténtias, sed clari et praestantes viri, qui avibus et signis admoniti futura dicebant; quorum de altero etiam apud inferos Homerus ait solum sapere, ceteros umbrarum vagari modo ; Amphiaraum autem sic honoravit fama Graeciae, deus ut haberetur, atque ut ab eius solo, in quo est humatus, oracla peterentur. 1.91. nec quisquam rex Persarum potest esse, qui non ante magorum disciplinam scientiamque perceperit. Licet autem videre et genera quaedam et nationes huic scientiae deditas. Telmessus in Caria est, qua in urbe excellit haruspicum disciplina; itemque Elis in Peloponneso familias duas certas habet, Iamidarum unam, alteram Clutidarum, haruspicinae nobilitate praestantes. In Syria Chaldaei cognitione astrorum sollertiaque ingeniorum antecellunt. 1.92. Etruria autem de caelo tacta scientissume animadvertit eademque interpretatur, quid quibusque ostendatur monstris atque portentis. Quocirca bene apud maiores nostros senatus tum, cum florebat imperium, decrevit, ut de principum filiis x ex singulis Etruriae populis in disciplinam traderentur, ne ars tanta propter tenuitatem hominum a religionis auctoritate abduceretur ad mercedem atque quaestum. Phryges autem et Pisidae et Cilices et Arabum natio avium significationibus plurimum obtemperant, quod idem factitatum in Umbria accepimus. 1.99. Caeciliae Q. filiae somnio modo Marsico bello templum est a senatu Iunoni Sospitae restitutum. Quod quidem somnium Sisenna cum disputavisset mirifice ad verbum cum re convenisse, tum insolenter, credo ab Epicureo aliquo inductus, disputat somniis credi non oportere. Idem contra ostenta nihil disputat exponitque initio belli Marsici et deorum simulacra sudavisse, et sanguinem fluxisse, et discessisse caelum, et ex occulto auditas esse voces, quae pericula belli nuntiarent, et Lanuvii clipeos, quod haruspicibus tristissumum visum esset, a muribus esse derosos. 1.105. Quid de auguribus loquar? Tuae partes sunt, tuum inquam, auspiciorum patrocinium debet esse. Tibi App. Claudius augur consuli nuntiavit addubitato Salutis augurio bellum domesticum triste ac turbulentum fore; quod paucis post mensibus exortum paucioribus a te est diebus oppressum. Cui quidem auguri vehementer adsentior; solus enim multorum annorum memoria non decantandi augurii, sed dividi tenuit disciplinam. Quem inridebant collegae tui eumque tum Pisidam, tum Soranum augurem esse dicebant; quibus nulla videbatur in auguriis aut praesensio aut scientia veritatis futurae; sapienter aiebant ad opinionem imperitorum esse fictas religiones. Quod longe secus est; neque enim in pastoribus illis, quibus Romulus praefuit, nec in ipso Romulo haec calliditas esse potuit, ut ad errorem multitudinis religionis simulacra fingerent. Sed difficultas laborque discendi disertam neglegentiam reddidit; malunt enim disserere nihil esse in auspiciis quam, quid sit, ediscere. 1.132. Nunc illa testabor, non me sortilegos neque eos, qui quaestus causa hariolentur, ne psychomantia quidem, quibus Appius, amicus tuus, uti solebat, agnoscere; non habeo denique nauci Marsum augurem, non vicanos haruspices, non de circo astrologos, non Isiacos coniectores, non interpretes somniorum; non enim sunt ii aut scientia aut arte divini, Séd superstitiósi vates ínpudentesque hárioli Aút inertes aút insani aut quíbus egestas ímperat, Quí sibi semitám non sapiunt, álteri monstránt viam; Quíbus divitias póllicentur, áb iis drachumam ipsí petunt. De hís divitiis síbi deducant dráchumam, reddant cétera. Atque haec quidem Ennius, qui paucis ante versibus esse deos censet, sed eos non curare opinatur, quid agat humanum genus. Ego autem, qui et curare arbitror et monere etiam ac multa praedicere, levitate, vanitate, malitia exclusa divinationem probo. Quae cum dixisset Quintus, Praeclare tu quidem, inquam, paratus 2.65. Cur autem de passerculis coniecturam facit, in quibus nullum erat monstrum, de dracone silet, qui, id quod fieri non potuit, lapideus dicitur factus? postremo quid simile habet passer annis? Nam de angue illo, qui Sullae apparuit immolanti, utrumque memini, et Sullam, cum in expeditionem educturus esset, immolavisse, et anguem ab ara extitisse, eoque die rem praeclare esse gestam non haruspicis consilio, sed imperatoris. 2.70. Satis multa de ostentis; auspicia restant et sortes eae, quae ducuntur, non illae, quae vaticinatione funduntur, quae oracla verius dicimus; de quibus tum dicemus, cum ad naturalem divinationem venerimus. Restat etiam de Chaldaeis; sed primum auspicia videamus. Difficilis auguri locus ad contra dicendum. Marso fortasse, sed Romano facillumus. Non enim sumus ii nos augures, qui avium reliquorumve signorum observatione futura dicamus. Et tamen credo Romulum, qui urbem auspicato condidit, habuisse opinionem esse in providendis rebus augurandi scientiam (errabat enim multis in rebus antiquitas), quam vel usu iam vel doctrina vel vetustate immutatam videmus; retinetur autem et ad opinionem vulgi et ad magnas utilitates rei publicae mos, religio, disciplina, ius augurium, collegii auctoritas. 2.71. Nec vero non omni supplicio digni P. Claudius L. Iunius consules, qui contra auspicia navigaverunt; parendum enim religioni fuit nec patrius mos tam contumaciter repudiandus. Iure igitur alter populi iudicio damnatus est, alter mortem sibi ipse conscivit. Flaminius non paruit auspiciis, itaque periit cum exercitu. At anno post Paulus paruit; num minus cecidit in Cannensi pugna cum exercitu? Etenim, ut sint auspicia, quae nulla sunt, haec certe, quibus utimur, sive tripudio sive de caelo, simulacra sunt auspiciorum, auspicia nullo modo. Q. Fabi, te mihi in auspicio esse volo ; respondet: audivi . Hic apud maiores nostros adhibebatur peritus, nunc quilubet. Peritum autem esse necesse est eum, qui, silentium quid sit, intellegat; id enim silentium dicimus in auspiciis, quod omni vitio caret. 1.51. And yet let me cite another: the famous Publius Decius, son of Quintus, and the first of that family to become consul, was military tribune in the consulship of Marcus Valerius and Aulus Cornelius while our army was being hard pressed by the Samnites. When, because of his rushing too boldly into the dangers of battle, he was advised to be more cautious, he replied, according to the annals, I dreamed that by dying in the midst of the enemy I should win immortal fame. And though he was unharmed at that time and extricated the army from its difficulties, yet three years later, when consul, he devoted himself to death and rushed full-armed against the battle-line of the Latins. By this act of his the Latins were overcome and destroyed; and so glorious was his death that his son sought the same fate. 1.72. But those methods of divination which are dependent on conjecture, or on deductions from events previously observed and recorded, are, as I have said before, not natural, but artificial, and include the inspection of entrails, augury, and the interpretation of dreams. These are disapproved of by the Peripatetics and defended by the Stoics. Some are based upon records and usage, as is evident from the Etruscan books on divination by means of inspection of entrails and by means of thunder and lightning, and as is also evident from the books of your augural college; while others are dependent on conjecture made suddenly and on the spur of the moment. An instance of the latter kind is that of Calchas in Homer, prophesying the number of years of the Trojan War from the number of sparrows. We find another illustration of conjectural divination in the history of Sulla in an occurrence which you witnessed. While he was offering sacrifices in front of his head-quarters in the Nolan district a snake suddenly came out from beneath the altar. The soothsayer, Gaius Postumius, begged Sulla to proceed with his march at once. Sulla did so and captured the strongly fortified camp of the Samnites which lay in front of the town of Nola. 1.88. Amphilochus and Mopsus were kings of Argos, but they were augurs too, and they founded Greek cities on the coasts of Cilicia. And even before them were Amphiaraus and Tiresias. They were no lowly and unknown men, nor were they like the person described by Ennius,Who, for their own gain, uphold opinions that are false,but they were eminent men of the noblest type and foretold the future by means of augural signs. In speaking of Tiresias, even when in the infernal regions, Homer says that he alone was wise, that the rest were mere wandering shadows. As for Amphiaraus, his reputation in Greece was such that he was honoured as a god, and oracular responses were sought in the place where he was buried. 1.91. Indeed, no one can become king of the Persians until he has learned the theory and the practice of the magi. Moreover, you may see whole families and tribes devoted to this art. For example, Telmessus in Caria is a city noted for its cultivation of the soothsayers art, and there is also Elis in Peloponnesus, which has permanently set aside two families as soothsayers, the Iamidae and the Clutidae, who are distinguished for superior skill in their art. In Syria the Chaldeans are pre-eminent for their knowledge of astronomy and for their quickness of mind. 1.92. Again, the Etruscans are very skilful in observing thunderbolts, in interpreting their meaning and that of every sign and portent. That is why, in the days of our forefathers, it was wisely decreed by the Senate, when its power was in full vigour, that, of the sons of the chief men, six should be handed over to each of the Etruscan tribes for the study of divination, in order that so important a profession should not, on account of the poverty of its members, be withdrawn from the influence of religion, and converted into a means of mercenary gain. On the other hand the Phrygians, Pisidians, Cilicians, and Arabians rely chiefly on the signs conveyed by the flights of birds, and the Umbrians, according to tradition, used to do the same. [42] 1.99. In recent times, during the Marsian war, the temple of Juno Sospita was restored because of a dream of Caecilia, the daughter of Quintus Caecilius Metellus. This is the same dream that Sisenna discussed as marvellous, in that its prophecies were fulfilled to the letter, and yet later — influenced no doubt by some petty Epicurean — he goes on inconsistently to maintain that dreams are not worthy of belief. This writer, however, has nothing to say against prodigies; in fact he relates that, at the outbreak of the Marsian War, the statues of the gods dripped with sweat, rivers ran with blood, the heavens opened, voices from unknown sources were heard predicting dangerous wars, and finally — the sign considered by the soothsayers the most ominous of all — the shields at Lanuvium were gnawed by mice. 1.105. Why need I speak of augurs? That is your rôle; the duty to defend auspices, I maintain, is yours. For it was to you, while you were consul, that the augur Appius Claudius declared that because the augury of safety was unpropitious a grievous and violent civil war was at hand. That war began few months later, but you brought it to an end in still fewer days. Appius is one augur of whom I heartily approve, for not content merely with the sing-song ritual of augury, he, alone, according to the record of many years, has maintained a real system of divination. I know that your colleagues used to laugh at him and call him the one time a Pisidian and at another a Soran. They did not concede to augury any power of prevision or real knowledge of the future, and used to say that it was a superstitious practice shrewdly invented to gull the ignorant. But the truth is far otherwise, for neither those herdsmen whom Romulus governed, nor Romulus himself, could have had cunning enough to invent miracles with which to mislead the people. It is the trouble and hard work involved in mastering the art that has induced this eloquent contempt; for men prefer to say glibly that there is nothing in auspices rather than to learn what auspices are. 1.132. I will assert, however, in conclusion, that I do not recognize fortune-tellers, or those who prophesy for money, or necromancers, or mediums, whom your friend Appius makes it a practice to consult.In fine, I say, I do not care a figFor Marsian augurs, village mountebanks,Astrologers who haunt the circus grounds,Or Isis-seers, or dream interpreters:— for they are not diviners either by knowledge or skill, —But superstitious bards, soothsaying quacks,Averse to work, or mad, or ruled by want,Directing others how to go, and yetWhat road to take they do not know themselves;From those to whom they promise wealth they begA coin. From what they promised let them takeTheir coin as toll and pass the balance on.Such are the words of Ennius who only a few lines further back expresses the view that there are gods and yet says that the gods do not care what human beings do. But for my part, believing as I do that the gods do care for man, and that they advise and often forewarn him, I approve of divination which is not trivial and is free from falsehood and trickery.When Quintus had finished I remarked, My dear Quintus, you have come admirably well prepared. 2.65. But, pray, by what principle of augury does he deduce years rather than months or days from the number of sparrows? Again, why does he base his prophecy on little sparrows which are not abnormal sights and ignore the alleged fact — which is impossible — that the dragon was turned to stone? Finally, what is there about a sparrow to suggest years? In connexion with your story of the snake which appeared to Sulla when he was offering sacrifices, I recall two facts: first, that when Sulla offered sacrifices, as he was about to begin his march against the enemy, a snake came out from under the altar; and, second, that the glorious victory won by him that day was due not to the soothsayers art, but to the skill of the general. [31] 2.70. Enough has been said of portents; auspices remain and so do lots — I mean lots that are drawn, and not those uttered by prophets, and more correctly styled oracles. I shall speak of oracles when I get to natural divination. In addition I must discuss the Chaldeans. But first let us consider auspices. To argue against auspices is a hard thing, you say, for an augur to do. Yes, for a Marsian, perhaps; but very easy for a Roman. For we Roman augurs are not the sort who foretell the future by observing the flights of birds and other signs. And yet, I admit that Romulus, who founded the city by the direction of auspices, believed that augury was an art useful in seeing things to come — for the ancients had erroneous views on many subjects. But we see that the art has undergone a change, due to experience, education, or the long lapse of time. However, out of respect for the opinion of the masses and because of the great service to the State we maintain the augural practices, discipline, religious rites and laws, as well as the authority of the augural college. 2.71. In my opinion the consuls, Publius Claudius and Lucius Junius, who set sail contrary to the auspices, were deserving of capital punishment; for they should have respected the established religion and should not have treated the customs of their forefathers with such shameless disdain. Therefore it was a just retribution that the former was condemned by a vote of the people and that the latter took his own life. Flaminius, you say, did not obey the auspices, therefore he perished with his army. But a year later Paulus did obey them; and did he not lose his army and his life in the battle of Cannae? Granting that there are auspices (as there are not), certainly those which we ordinarily employ — whether by the tripudium or by the observation of the heavens — are not auspices in any sense, but are the mere ghosts of auspices.[34] Quintus Fabius, I wish you to assist me at the auspices. He answers, I will. (In our forefathers time the magistrates on such occasions used to call in some expert person to take the auspices — but in these days anyone will do. But one must be an expert to know what constitutes silence, for by that term we mean free of every augural defect.
18. Cicero, On Friendship, 12 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, p. (sulla), as salus rerum Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
19. Cicero, Brutus, 110-111, 313-314, 78, 112 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 105
112. hoc dicendi genus ad patrocinia mediocriter aptum videbatur, ad senatoriam vero sententiam, cuius erat ille princeps, vel maxime; significabat enim non prudentiam solum, sed quod maxime rem continebat continet maluit Campe , fidem. Habebat hoc a natura ipsa, quod a doctrina non facile posset; quamquam huius quoque ipsius rei, quem ad modum scis, praecepta sunt. Huius et orationes sunt et tres ad L. Fufidium libri scripti de vita ipsius acta acta L : lectu Geel sane utiles, quos nemo legit; at Cyri vitam et disciplinam legunt, praeclaram illam quidem, sed neque tam nostris rebus aptam nec tamen Scauri laudibus anteponendam. ipse etiam Fufidius in aliquo patronorum numero fuit. Rutilius autem in quodam tristi et severo genere dicendi versatus est. Erat uterque erat uterque Jahn : et uterque L natura vehemens et acer; itaque cum una consulatum petivissent, non ille solum, qui repulsam tulerat, accusavit ambitus designatum competitorem, sed Scaurus etiam absolutus Rutilium in iudicium vocavit. Multaque opera multaque industria Rutilius fuit, quae erat propterea gratior, quod idem magnum munus de iure respondendi sustinebat.
20. Cicero, On Fate, 1, 18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
21. Cicero, Letters, a b c d\n0 10.10.5 10.10.5 10 10\n1 9.4.3 9.4.3 9 4 \n2 1.17.6 1.17.6 1 17\n3 9.10.33 9.10.33 9 10\n4 11.7.1 11.7.1 11 7 \n5 11.6.2 11.6.2 11 6 \n6 9.7.5 9.7.5 9 7 \n7 9.15.2 9.15.2 9 15\n8 11.22.2 11.22.2 11 22\n9 9.9.3 9.9.3 9 9 \n10 2.6.2 2.6.2 2 6 \n11 13.7 13.7 13 7 \n12 "1.19.4" "1.19.4" "1 19\n13 1.19.4 1.19.4 1 19 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 105
22. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.263, 2.170, 2.266, 3.80, 3.107 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla p. cornelius •cornelius sulla, p. (sulla), as salus rerum •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 229; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 12; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
1.263. Tum Crassus 'operarium nobis quendam, Antoni, oratorem facis atque haud scio an aliter sentias et utare tua illa mirifica ad refellendum consuetudine, qua tibi nemo umquam praestitit; cuius quidem ipsius facultatis exercitatio oratorum propria est, sed iam in philosophorum consuetudine versatur maximeque eorum, qui de omni re proposita in utramque partem solent copiosissime dicere. 2.170. "si Gracchus nefarie, praeclare Opimius." Ex consequentibus: "si et ferro interfectus ille et tu inimicus eius cum gladio cruento comprehensus in illo ipso loco et nemo praeter te ibi visus est et causa nemini et tu semper audax, quid est quod de facinore dubitare possimus?" Ex consentaneis et ex praecurrentibus et ex repugtibus, ut olim Crassus adulescens: "non si Opimium defendisti, Carbo, idcirco te isti bonum civem putabunt: simulasse te et aliquid quaesisse perspicuum est, quod Ti. Gracchi mortem saepe in contionibus deplorasti, quod P. Africani necis socius fuisti, quod eam legem in tribunatu tulisti, quod 2.266. quisque optime Graece sciret, ita esse nequissimum." Valde autem ridentur etiam imagines, quae fere in deformitatem aut in aliquod vitium corporis ducuntur cum similitudine turpioris: ut meum illud in Helvium Manciam "iam ostendam cuius modi sis," cum ille "ostende, quaeso"; demonstravi digito pictum Gallum in Mariano scuto Cimbrico sub Novis distortum, eiecta lingua, buccis fluentibus; risus est commotus; nihil tam Manciae simile visum est; ut cum Tito Pinario mentum in dicendo intorquenti: "tum ut 3.80. sin aliquis exstiterit aliquando, qui Aristotelio more de omnibus rebus in utramque partem possit dicere et in omni causa duas contrarias orationes, praeceptis illius cognitis, explicare aut hoc Arcesilae modo et Carneadi contra omne, quod propositum sit, disserat, quique ad eam rationem adiungat hunc rhetoricum usum moremque exercitationemque dicendi, is sit verus, is perfectus, is solus orator. Nam neque sine forensibus nervis satis vehemens et gravis nec sine varietate doctrinae satis politus et sapiens esse orator potest. 3.107. alii autem habent deprecationem aut miserationem; alii vero ancipitis disputationes, in quibus de universo genere in utramque partem disseri copiose licet. Quae exercitatio nunc propria duarum philosophiarum, de quibus ante dixi, putatur, apud antiquos erat eorum, a quibus omnis de rebus forensibus dicendi ratio et copia petebatur; de virtute enim, de officio, de aequo et bono, de dignitate, utilitate, honore, ignominia, praemio, poena similibusque de rebus in utramque partem dicendi etiam nos et vim et artem habere debemus.
23. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 1.9.25, 2.16.2, 6.6, 7.31.2, 8.4.1, 8.16.4, 11.27.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla felix, l. •cornelius sulla, l. •cornelius sulla, faustus •sulla p. cornelius Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 70, 71, 138; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 12; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 53; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 69; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 49
24. Polybius, Histories, 2.18.2-2.18.3, 2.22.4-2.22.5, 3.87.7-3.87.9, 30.10, 38.3.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla felix, l., camillus, model for •sulla, l. cornelius •cornelius sulla, lucius, and oropos •cornelius sulla, lucius, statue base of •oropos, and cornelius sulla, lucius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 52; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 110; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 203, 204
2.18.2. μετὰ δέ τινα χρόνον μάχῃ νικήσαντες Ῥωμαίους καὶ τοὺς μετὰ τούτων παραταξαμένους, ἑπόμενοι τοῖς φεύγουσι τρισὶ τῆς μάχης ἡμέραις ὕστερον κατέσχον αὐτὴν τὴν Ῥώμην πλὴν τοῦ Καπετωλίου. 2.18.3. γενομένου δʼ ἀντισπάσματος, καὶ τῶν Οὐενέτων ἐμβαλόντων εἰς τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν, τότε μὲν ποιησάμενοι συνθήκας πρὸς Ῥωμαίους καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀποδόντες ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν. 2.22.4. ἐν ᾗ ʼκεῖνοι στρατεύσαντες οὐ μόνον ἐνίκησαν μαχόμενοι Ῥωμαίους, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετὰ τὴν μάχην ἐξ ἐφόδου κατέσχον αὐτὴν τὴν Ῥώμην· 2.22.5. γενόμενοι δὲ καὶ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ἁπάντων ἐγκρατεῖς καὶ τῆς πόλεως αὐτῆς ἑπτὰ μῆνας κυριεύσαντες, τέλος ἐθελοντὶ καὶ μετὰ χάριτος παραδόντες τὴν πόλιν, ἄθραυστοι καὶ ἀσινεῖς ἔχοντες τὴν ὠφέλειαν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐπανῆλθον. 3.87.7. ὁ δὲ δικτάτωρ ταύτην ἔχει τὴν διαφορὰν τῶν ὑπάτων· τῶν μὲν γὰρ ὑπάτων ἑκατέρῳ δώδεκα πελέκεις ἀκολουθοῦσι, 3.87.8. τούτῳ δʼ εἴκοσι καὶ τέτταρες, κἀκεῖνοι μὲν ἐν πολλοῖς προσδέονται τῆς συγκλήτου πρὸς τὸ συντελεῖν τὰς ἐπιβολάς, οὗτος δʼ ἔστιν αὐτοκράτωρ στρατηγός, οὗ κατασταθέντος παραχρῆμα διαλύεσθαι συμβαίνει πάσας τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ πλὴν τῶν δημάρχων. 3.87.9. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἐν ἄλλοις ἀκριβεστέραν ποιησόμεθα τὴν διαστολήν. ἅμα δὲ τῷ δικτάτορι κατέστησαν ἱππάρχην Μάρκον Μινύκιον. οὗτος δὲ τέτακται μὲν ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτοκράτορα, γίνεται δʼ οἱονεὶ διάδοχος τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐν τοῖς ἐκείνου περισπασμοῖς. 38.3.8. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς ὑποκειμένους καιροὺς ἠτύχησαν ἅμα Πελοποννήσιοι, Βοιωτοί, Φωκεῖς, εῖς, Λοκροί, τινὲς τῶν τὸν Ἰόνιον κατοικούντων κόλπον, μετὰ δὲ τούτους ἔτι Μακεδόνες· 2.18.2.  Not long afterwards they defeated the Romans and their allies in a pitched battle, and pursuing the fugitives, occupied, three days after the battle, the whole of Rome with the exception of the Capitol, 2.18.3.  but being diverted by an invasion of their own country by the Veneti, they made on this occasion a treaty with the Romans, and evacuating the city, returned home. 2.22.4.  who had not only overcome the Romans in combat, but, after the battle, had assaulted and taken Rome itself, 2.22.5.  possessing themselves of all it contained, and, after remaining masters of the city for seven months, had finally given it up of their own free will and as an act of grace, and had returned home with their spoil, unbroken and unscathed. 3.87.7.  A dictator differs from the Consuls in these respects, that while each of the Consuls is attended by twelve lictors, the Dictator has twenty-four, 3.87.8.  and that while the Consuls require in many matters the co-operation of the Senate, the Dictator is a general with absolute powers, all the magistrates in Rome, except the Tribunes, ceasing to hold office on his appointment. 3.87.9.  However, I will deal with this subject in greater detail later. At the same time they appointed Marcus Minucius Master of the Horse. The Master of the Horse is subordinate to the Dictator but becomes as it were his successor when the Dictator is otherwise occupied. 30.10. 1.  We can most clearly perceive both the abruptness and the uncertainty of Fortune from those instances where a man who thinks that he is undoubtedly labouring at certain objects for his own benefit suddenly finds out that he is preparing them for his enemies.,2.  For Perseus was constructing columns, and Lucius Aemilius, finding them unfinished, completed them and set statues of himself on them. Aemilius in the Peloponnese (Suid.; cp. Livy XLV.28.2),3.  He admired the situation of Corinth and the favourable position of its acropolis as regards the command of both districts, that inside the Isthmus and that outside. (Suid.; cp. Livy XLV.28.3),4.  After noting the strength of the fortifications of Sicyon and the power of the city of Argos, he came to Epidaurus. (Suid.; cp. Livy XLV.28.4),5.  He hastened now to pay the visit to Olympia to which he had long looked forward. (Suid.; cp. Livy XLV.28.5),6.  Lucius Aemilius visited the temple in Olympia, and when he saw the statue of Zeus was awestruck, and said simply that Pheidias seemed to him to have been the only artist who had made a likeness of Homer's Zeus; for he himself had come to Olympia with high expectations but the reality had far surpassed his expectations. State of Aetolia (Cp. Livy XLV.28.6) 38.3.8.  In the time I am speaking of a common misfortune befel the Peloponnesians, the Boeotians, the Phocians, the Euboeans, the Locrians, some of the cities on the Ionian Gulf, and finally the Macedonians . . . not resulting merely from the number of defeats they suffered, far from it, but by their whole conduct they brought on themselves no misfortune, but a disaster as disgraceful and discreditable as it could be.
25. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 1.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla p. cornelius Found in books: Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 12
1.8. itaque dierum quinque scholas, ut Graeci appellant, in totidem libros contuli. fiebat autem ita ut, cum is his G 1 V 1 H qui audire audiri X ( corr. V 2 l e ss. K 2 ) vellet dixisset, quid quod K 1 V 2 sibi videretur, tum ego contra dicerem. haec est enim, ut scis, vetus et et om. V 1 add. 2 Socratica ratio contra alterius opinionem disserendi. nam ita facillime, quid veri simillimum esset, inveniri posse Socrates arbitrabatur. Sed quo commodius disputationes nostrae explicentur, sic eas exponam, quasi agatur res, non quasi narretur. Philosophia ... 221, 7 narretur H (27 fieri 220, 5 litteris et 220,13 adulescentes 220, 18 dicere bis ) ergo ergo et primam lit- teram verbi malum om. R 1 V 1 spatio rubicatori relicto ; ergo add. R al. m ergo et m V c ita nasce- in r. V 1 nascatur corr. V c ita nascetur exordium: Malum ergo et primam lit- teram verbi malum om. R 1 V 1 spatio rubicatori relicto ; ergo add. R al. m ergo et m V c ita nasce- in r. V 1 nascatur corr. V c mihi videtur esse mors.
26. Cicero, Pro Sulla, 2, 46 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 156
46. fero ego te, Torquate, iam dudum fero iam dudum, fero Naugerius (i), et non numquam animum incitatum ad ulciscendam orationem tuam revoco ipse et reflecto, permitto aliquid iracundiae tuae, do adulescentiae, cedo amicitiae, tribuo parenti. sed nisi tibi aliquem modum tute tute TE π : vitae cett. constitueris, coges oblitum me me oblitum π k : oblitum om. T nostrae amicitiae habere rationem meae dignitatis. nemo umquam me tenuissima suspicione perstrinxit perstrinxerit T quem non perverterim praeverterim E : perculerim π ac ac (aut T : fort. atque) perfregerim TE π : om. cett. perfregerim. sed mihi hoc credas velim: non eis libentissime soleo respondere quos mihi videor facillime posse superare.
27. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 138, 144, 98, 71 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 105
28. Cicero, Letters, 1.5.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla felix, l., dictator Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 171
29. Cicero, Pro Rabirio Perduellionis Reo, 27, 29, 19 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
19. already discussed, that Lucius Saturninus was shun by the band of Caius Rabirius; and I should think it a most glorious deed. But since I cannot do that, I will confess this, which will have less weight with regard to our credit, but not less with regard to the accusation—I confess that Caius Rabirius took up arms for the purpose of slaying Saturninus. What is the matter, Labienus? What more weighty confession do you expect from me; or what greater charge did you expect me to furnish against him? Unless you think that there is any difference between him who slew the man, and him who was in arms for the purpose of slaying him. If it was wrong for Saturninus to be slain, then arms cannot have been taken up against Saturninus without guilt;—if you admit that arms were lawfully taken up,—then you must inevitably confess that he was rightly slain.
30. Cicero, Pro Quinctio, 55, 93-94, 92 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 247
31. Cicero, Pro Plancio, 6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, publius (cornelius) Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 156
32. Cicero, Pro S. Roscio Amerino, 131, 148, 150-151, 153-154, 29, 3, 5, 66-67, 7, 70-72, 8, 76 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 26
33. Cicero, Pro Ligario, 7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla felix, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 70
34. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.62, 2.76, 4.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla felix, l., dictator •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135, 136; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 36, 98
35. Cicero, Partitiones Oratoriae, 79 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, publius (cornelius) Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 156
79. nihil est enim aliud eloquentia nisi copiose loquens sapientia; quae ex eodem hausta genere, quo illa quae in disputando, est uberior atque latior et ad motus animorum vulgique sensus accommodatior. Custos vero virtutum omnium dedecus fugiens laudemque maxime consequens verecundia est. Atque hi quidem sunt fere quasi quidam habitus animi sic adfecti et constituti, ut sint singuli inter se proprio virtutis genere distincti; a quibus ut quaeque res gesta est, ita sit honesta necesse est summeque laudabilis.
36. Cicero, Orator, 46 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla p. cornelius Found in books: Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 12
37. Cicero, Lucullus, 104, 108, 124, 133, 7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 12
38. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.4.3-2.4.7, 2.4.69, 2.4.126, 5.41, 9.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. •cornelius sulla, l., and the capitol •sulla, l. cornelius •sulla, l. cornelius, retirement from public life Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 216, 219, 222, 223; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 135
39. Cicero, In Catilinam, 3.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 144
40. Cicero, Pro Milone, 12, 14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 184
41. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 14.117, 16.39.8, 17.74.1, 19.76.3-19.76.5, 20.7.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla felix, l., camillus, model for •sulla, l. cornelius •cornelius sulla felix, l. •cornelius sulla, lucius, and the amphiareion •cornelius sulla, lucius, treatment of cities and sanctuaries •euboia, and cornelius sulla, lucius •oropos, and cornelius sulla, lucius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 26; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 87, 110, 128; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 210
14.117. 1.  While the Romans were in a weakened condition because of the misfortune we have described, the Volscians went to war against them. Accordingly the Roman military tribunes enrolled soldiers, took the field with their army, and pitched camp on the Campus Martius, as it is called, two hundred stades distant from Rome.,2.  Since the Volscians lay over against them with a larger force and were assaulting the camp, the citizens in Rome, fearing for the safety of those in the encampment, appointed Marcus Furius dictator.  . . .,3.  These armed all the men of military age and marched out during the night. At day-break they caught the Volscians as they were assaulting the camp, and appearing on their rear easily put them to flight. When the troops in the camp then sallied forth, the Volscians were caught in the middle and cut down almost to a man. Thus a people that passed for powerful in former days was by this disaster reduced to the weakest among the neighbouring tribes.,4.  After the battle the dictator, on hearing that Bola was being besieged by the Aeculani, who are now called the Aequicoli, led forth his troops and slew most of the besieging army. From here he marched to the territory of Sutrium, a Roman colony, which the Tyrrhenians had forcibly occupied. Falling unexpectedly upon the Tyrrhenians, he slew many of them and recovered the city for the people of Sutrium.,5.  The Gauls on their way from Rome laid siege to the city of Veascium which was an ally of the Romans. The dictator attacked them, slew the larger number of them, and got possession of all their baggage, included in which was the gold which they had received for Rome and practically all the booty which they had gathered in the seizure of the city.,6.  Despite the accomplishment of such great deeds, envy on the part of the tribunes prevented his celebrating a triumph. There are some, however, who state that he celebrated a triumph for his victory over the Tuscans in a chariot drawn by four white horses, for which the people two years later fined him a large sum of money. But we shall recur to this in the appropriate period of time.,7.  Those Celts who had passed into Iapygia turned back through the territory of the Romans; but soon thereafter the Cerii made a crafty attack on them by night and cut all of them to pieces in the Trausian Plain.,8.  The historian Callisthenes began his history with the peace of this year between the Greeks and Artaxerxes, the King of the Persians. His account embraced a period of thirty years in ten Books and he closed the last Book of his history with the seizure of the Temple of Delphi by Philomelus the Phocian.,9.  But for our part, since we have arrived at the peace between the Greeks and Artaxerxes, and at the threat to Rome offered by the Gauls, we shall make this the end of this Book, as we proposed at the beginning. 16.39.8.  But Phalaecus, who was lingering in Boeotia, seized Chaeroneia and when the Thebans came to its rescue, was expelled from the city. Then the Boeotians, who now with a large army invaded Phocis, sacked the greater portion of it and plundered the farms throughout the countryside; and having taken also some of the small towns and gathered an abundance of booty, they returned to Boeotia. 17.74.1.  After this year was over, Cephisophoron became archon at Athens, and Gaius Valerius and Marcus Clodius consuls in Rome. In this year, now that Dareius was dead, Bessus with Nabarnes and Barxaës and many others of the Iranian nobles got to Bactria, eluding the hands of Alexander. Bessus had been appointed satrap of this region by Dareius and being known to everyone because of his administration, now called upon the population to defend their freedom. 19.76.3.  While this battle was still unknown to them, the Campanians, scorning the Romans, rose in rebellion; but the people at once sent an adequate force against them with the dictator Gaius Manius as commander and accompanying him, according to the national custom, Manius Fulvius as master-of‑horse. 19.76.4.  When these were in position near Capua, the Campanians at first endeavoured to fight; but afterwards, hearing of the defeat of the Samnites and believing that all the forces would come against themselves, they made terms with the Romans. 19.76.5.  They surrendered those guilty of the uprising, who without awaiting the judgement of the trial that was instituted killed themselves. But the cities gained pardon and were reinstated in their former alliance. 20.7.3.  Therefore it was well, since they had succeeded in gaining safety, that they should pay the vow. In place of these ships he promised to restore many times the number if they would but fight boldly; and in truth, he added, the goddesses by omens from the victims had foretold victory in the entire war.
42. Horace, Sermones, 1.17.25 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, p. Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 163
43. Ovid, Epistulae (Heroides), 16.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, publius (cornelius) Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 156
44. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 1.102-1.111 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., and postumius Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 112
1.102. Tutemet a nobis iam quovis tempore vatum 1.103. terriloquis victus dictis desciscere quaeres. 1.104. quippe etenim quam multa tibi iam fingere possunt 1.105. somnia, quae vitae rationes vertere possint 1.106. fortunasque tuas omnis turbare timore! 1.107. et merito; nam si certam finem esse viderent 1.108. aerumnarum homines, aliqua ratione valerent 1.109. religionibus atque minis obsistere vatum. 1.110. nunc ratio nulla est restandi, nulla facultas, 1.111. aeternas quoniam poenas in morte timendum.
45. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 1.580-1.583, 2.21.3, 2.21.5, 3.96.1-3.96.2, 3.105.3-3.105.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla felix, l. •cornelius sulla felix, l., dictator •sulla, l. cornelius •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 123; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 143, 171, 172; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 37; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 113
46. Nepos, Cato, 2.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 105
47. Livy, History, a b c d\n0 37.37 37.37 37 37\n1 9.38.2 9.38.2 9 38\n2 35.16.7 35.16.7 35 16\n3 2.10.12 2.10.12 2 10\n4 2.10.13 2.10.13 2 10\n.. ... ... .. ..\n130 8.6.13 8.6.13 8 6 \n131 7.6.3 7.6.3 7 6 \n132 8.6.9 8.6.9 8 6 \n133 8.6.10 8.6.10 8 6 \n134 7.6.1 7.6.1 7 6 \n\n[135 rows x 4 columns] (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 21
48. Ovid, Fasti, 1.261-1.262 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
1.261. utque levis custos armillis capta Sabinos 1.262. ad summae tacitos duxerit arcis iter. 1.261. And how the treacherous keeper, Tarpeia, bribed with bracelets, 1.262. Led the silent Sabines to the heights of the citadel.
49. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.213-1.228 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 119
1.213. Ergo erit illa dies, qua tu, pulcherrime rerum, 1.214. rend= 1.215. Ibunt ante duces onerati colla catenis, 1.216. rend= 1.217. Spectabunt laeti iuvenes mixtaeque puellae, 1.218. rend= 1.219. Atque aliqua ex illis cum regum nomina quaeret, 1.220. rend= 1.221. Omnia responde, nec tantum siqua rogabit; 1.222. rend= 1.223. Hic est Euphrates, praecinctus harundine frontem: 1.224. rend= 1.225. Hos facito Armenios; haec est Danaëia Persis: 1.226. rend= 1.227. Ille vel ille, duces; et erunt quae nomina dicas, 1.228. rend=
50. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 1.484 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, publius (cornelius) Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 156
1.484. pulchra verecundo suffunditur ora rubore,
51. Propertius, Elegies, 2.31.8 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
52. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 2.34, 2.34.2, 3.69.1, 3.70.3, 4.40.5, 4.62.6, 5.25.1-5.25.2, 5.75.2, 6.2.1-6.2.3, 6.39.2, 7.68 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius •cornelius sulla felix, l. •cornelius sulla, lucius, and the amphiareion •cornelius sulla, lucius, treatment of cities and sanctuaries •euboia, and cornelius sulla, lucius •oropos, and cornelius sulla, lucius •l. cornelius sulla felix •cornelius sulla, l., and the capitol Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 66; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 89; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 218; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 87, 128; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 245; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 135; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 210
2.34. 1.  The town being taken in this manner, he ordered the prisoners to deliver up their arms, and taking such of their children for hostages as he thought fit, he marched against the Antemnates. And having conquered their army also, in the same manner as the other, by falling upon them unexpectedly while they were still dispersed in foraging, and having accorded the same treatment to the prisoners, he led his army home, carrying with him the spoils of those who had been slain in battle and the choicest part of the booty as an offering to the gods; and he offered many sacrifices besides.,2.  Romulus himself came last in the procession, clad in a purple robe and wearing a crown of laurel upon his head, and, that he might maintain the royal dignity, he rode in a chariot drawn by four horses. The rest of the army, both foot and horse, followed, ranged in their several divisions, praising the gods in songs of their country and extolling their general in improvised verses. They were met by the citizens with their wives and children, who, ranging themselves on each side of the road, congratulated them upon their victory and expressed their welcome in every other way. When the army entered the city, they found mixing bowls filled to the brim with wine and tables loaded down with all sorts of viands, which were placed before the most distinguished houses in order that all who pleased might take their fill.,3.  Such was the victorious procession, marked by the carrying of trophies and concluding with a sacrifice, which the Romans call a triumph, as it was first instituted by Romulus. But in our day the triumph had become a very costly and ostentatious pageant, being attended with a theatrical pomp that is designed rather as a display of wealth than as approbation of valour, and it has departed in every respect from its ancient simplicity.,4.  After the procession and the sacrifice Romulus built a small temple on the summit of the Capitoline hill to Jupiter whom the Romans call Feretrius; indeed, the ancient traces of it still remain, of which the longest sides are less than fifteen feet. In this temple he consecrated the spoils of the king of the Caeninenses, whom he had slain with his own hand. As for Jupiter Feretrius, to whom Romulus dedicated these arms, one will not err from the truth whether one wishes to call him Tropaiouchos, or Skylophoros, as some will have it, or, since he excels all things and comprehends universal nature and motion, Hyperpheretês. 2.34.2.  Romulus himself came last in the procession, clad in a purple robe and wearing a crown of laurel upon his head, and, that he might maintain the royal dignity, he rode in a chariot drawn by four horses. The rest of the army, both foot and horse, followed, ranged in their several divisions, praising the gods in songs of their country and extolling their general in improvised verses. They were met by the citizens with their wives and children, who, ranging themselves on each side of the road, congratulated them upon their victory and expressed their welcome in every other way. When the army entered the city, they found mixing bowls filled to the brim with wine and tables loaded down with all sorts of viands, which were placed before the most distinguished houses in order that all who pleased might take their fill. 3.69.1.  This king also undertook to construct the temple to Jupiter, Juno and Minerva, in fulfilment of the vow he had made to these gods in his last battle against the Sabines. Having, therefore, surrounded the hill on which he proposed to build the temple with high retaining walls in many places, since it required much preparation (for it was neither easy of access nor level, but steep, and terminated in a sharp peak), he filled in the space between the retaining walls and the summit with great quantities of earth and, by levelling it, made the place most suitable for receiving temples. 3.70.3.  And having found the swine shortly afterwards, he wished to perform his vow to the heroes, but found himself in great perplexity, being unable to discover the largest cluster of grapes. In his anxiety over the matter he prayed to the gods to reveal to him by omens what he sought. Then by a divine inspiration he divided the vineyard into two parts, taking one on his right hand and the other on his left, after which he observed the omens that showed over each; and when there appeared in one of them such birds as he desired, he again divided that into two parts and distinguished in the same manner the birds that came to it. Having continued this method of dividing the places and coming up to the last vine that was pointed out by the birds, he found an incredibly huge cluster. As he was carrying it to the chapel of the heroes he was observed by his father; 4.40.5.  The death of Tullius having occasioned a great tumult and lamentation throughout the whole city, Tarquinius was afraid lest, if the body should be carried through the Forum, according to the custom of the Romans, adorned with the royal robes and the other marks of honour usual in royal funerals, some attack might be made against him by the populace before he had firmly established his authority; and accordingly he would not permit any of the usual ceremonies to be performed in his honour. But the wife of Tullius, who was daughter to Tarquinius, the former king, with a few of her friends carried the body out of the city at night as if it had been that of some ordinary person; and after uttering many lamentations over the fate both of herself and of her husband and heaping countless imprecations upon her son-in‑law and her daughter, she buried the body in the ground. 4.62.6.  But when the temple was burned after the close of the one hundred and seventy-third Olympiad, either purposely, as some think, or by accident, these oracles together with all the offerings consecrated to the god were destroyed by the fire. Those which are now extant have been scraped together from many places, some from the cities of Italy, others from Erythrae in Asia (whither three envoys were sent by vote of the senate to copy them), and others were brought from other cities, transcribed by private persons. Some of these are found to be interpolations among the genuine Sibylline oracles, being recognized as such by means of the so‑called acrostics. In all this I am following the account given by Terentius Varro in his work on religion. 5.25.1.  This deed gained him immortal glory. For the Romans immediately crowned him and conducted him into the city with songs, as one of the heroes; and all the inhabitants poured out of their houses, desiring to catch the last sight of him while he was yet alive, since they supposed he would soon succumb to his wounds. 5.25.2.  And when he escaped death, the people erected a bronze statue of him fully armed in the principal part of the Forum and gave him as much of the public land as he himself could plough round in one day with a yoke of oxen. Besides these things bestowed upon him by the public, every person, both man and woman, at a time when they were all most sorely oppressed by a dreadful scarcity of provisions, gave him a day's ratio of food; and the number of people amounted to more than three hundred thousand in all. 5.75.2.  As soon, therefore, as Larcius had assumed this power, he appointed as his Master of the Horse Spurius Cassius, who had been consul about the seventieth Olympiad. This custom has been observed by the Romans down to my generation and no one appointed dictator has thus far gone through his magistracy without a Master of the Horse. After that, desiring to show how great was the extent of his power, he ordered the lictors, more to inspire terror than for any actual use, to carry the axes with the bundles of rods through the city, thereby reviving once more a custom that had been observed by the kings but abandoned by the consuls after Valerius Publicola in his first consulship had lessened the hatred felt for that magistracy. 6.2.1.  They were succeeded in the consulship by Aulus Postumius and Titus Verginius, under whom the year's truce with the Latins expired; and great preparations for the war were made by both nations. On the Roman side the whole population entered upon the struggle voluntarily and with great enthusiasm; but the greater part of the Latins were lacking in enthusiasm and acted under compulsion, the powerful men in the cities having been almost all corrupted with bribes and promises by Tarquinius and Mamilius, while those among the common people who were not in favour of the war were excluded from a share in the public counsels; for permission to speak was no longer granted to all who desired it. 6.2.2.  Indeed, many, resenting this treatment, were constrained to leave their cities and desert to the Romans; for the men who had got the cities in their power did not choose to stop them, but thought themselves much obliged to their adversaries for submitting to a voluntary banishment. These the Romans received, and such of them as came with their wives and children they employed in military services inside the walls, incorporating them in the centuries of citizens, and the rest they sent out to the fortresses near the city or distributed among their colonies, keeping them under guard, so that they should create no disturbance. 6.2.3.  And since all men had come to the same conclusion, that the situation once more called for a single magistrate free to deal with all matters according to his own judgment and subject to no accounting for his actions, Aulus Postumius, the younger of the consuls, was appointed dictator by his colleague Verginius, and following the example of the former dictator, chose his own Master of the Horse, naming Titus Aebutius Elva. And having in a short time enlisted all the Romans who were of military age, he divided his army into four parts, one of which he himself commanded, while he gave another to his colleague Verginius, the third to Aebutius, the Master of the Horse, and left the command of the fourth to Aulus Sempronius, whom he appointed to guard the city. 6.39.2.  After this, when most people expected that Appius would be appointed dictator as the only person who would be capable of quelling the sedition, the consuls, acting with one mind, excluded him and appointed Manius Valerius, a brother of Publius Valerius, the first man to be made consul, who, it was thought, would be most favourable to the people and moreover was an old man. For they thought the terror alone of the dictator's power was sufficient, and that the present situation required a person equitable in all respects, that he might occasion no fresh disturbances. 7.68. 7.68. 1.  A few days after this the time came for the election of magistrates, and Quintus Sulpicius Camerinus and Spurius Larcius Flavus were chosen consuls by the people, the latter for the second time. Sundry disturbances fell upon the commonwealth as the result of prodigies, and these were many; for unusual sights appeared to many, and voices too were heard, though no one uttered them; births of children and cattle, so very abnormal as to approach the incredible and the monstrous, were reported; oracles were uttered in many places; and women possessed with a divine frenzy foretold lamentable and dreadful misfortunes to the commonwealth.,2.  A kind of pestilence also visited the population and destroyed great numbers of cattle; however, not many persons died of it, the mischief going no farther than sickness. Some thought that these things had occurred by the will of Heaven, which was angry with them for having banished from the country the most deserving of all their citizens, while others held that nothing that took place was the work of Heaven, but that both these and all other human events were due to chance.,3.  Afterwards, a certain man named Titus Latinius, being ill, was brought to the senate-chamber in a litter; he was a man advanced in years and possessed of a competent fortune, a farmer who did his own work and passed the greater part of his life in the country. This man, having been carried into the senate, said that Jupiter Capitolinus had, as he thought, appeared to him in a dream and said to him: "Go, Latinius, and tell your fellow-citizens that in the recent procession they did not give me an acceptable leader of the dance, in order that they may renew the rites and perform them over again; for I have not accepted these.",4.  He added that after awaking he had disregarded the vision, looking upon it as one of the deceitful dreams that are so common. Later, he said, the same vision of the god, appearing to him again in his sleep, was angry and displeased with him for not having reported to the senate the orders he had received, and threatened him that, if he did not do so promptly, he should learn by the experience of some great calamity not to neglect supernatural injunctions. After seeing this second dream also he had formed the same opinion of it, and at the same time had felt ashamed, being a farmer who did his own work and old, to report to the senate dreams full of foreboding and terrors, for fear of being laughed at.,5.  But a few days later, he said, his son, who was young and handsome, had been suddenly snatched away by death without any sickness or any other obvious cause. And once more the vision of the god had appeared to him in his sleep and declared that he had already been punished in part for his contempt and neglect of the god's words by the loss of his son, and should soon suffer the rest of his punishment.,6.  When he heard this, he said, he had received the threats with pleasure, in the hope that death would come to him, weary of life as he was; but the god did not inflict this punishment upon him, but sent such intolerable and cruel pains into all his limbs that he could not move a joint without the greatest effort. Then at last he had informed his friends of what had happened, and by their advice had now come to the senate. While he was giving this account his pains seemed to leave him by degrees; and after he had related everything, he rose from the litter, and having invoked the god, went home on foot through the city in perfect health.
53. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 2.34 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 26
2.34.  Again, the Proposition is defective if it is based on a false enumeration and we present fewer possibilities than there are in reality, as follows: "There are two things, men of the jury, which ever impel men to crime: luxury and greed." "But what about love?," some one will say, "ambition, superstition, the fear of death, the passion for power, and, in short, the great multitude of other motives?" Again the enumeration is false when the possibilities are fewer than we present, as follows: "There are three emotions that agitate all men: fear, desire, and worry." Indeed it had been enough to say fear and desire, since worry is necessarily conjoined with both. Again, the Proposition is defective if it traces things too far back, as follows: "Stupidity is the mother and matter of all evils. She gives birth to boundless desires. Furthermore, boundless desires have neither end nor limit. They breed avarice. Avarice, further, drives men to any crime you will. Thus it is avarice which has led our adversaries to take this crime upon themselves." Here what was said last was enough for a Proposition, lest we copy Ennius and the other poets, who are licensed to speak as follows: "O that in Pelion's woods the firwood timbers had not fallen to the ground, cut down by axes, and that therefrom had not commenced the undertaking to begin the ship which now is named with the name of Argo, because in it sailed the picked Argive heroes who were seeking the golden fleece of the ram from the Colchians, with guile, at King Pelias' command. For then never would my mistress, misled, have set foot away from home." Indeed here it were adequate, if poets had a care for mere adequacy, to say: "Would that my misled mistress had not set foot away from home." In the Proposition, then, we must also carefully guard against this tracing of things back to their remotest origin; for the Proposition does not, like many others, need to be refuted, but is on its own account defective.
54. Sallust, Catiline, 2.5, 3.3-3.5, 4.1, 5.1, 5.8, 8.1, 10.1, 10.4, 11.5, 12.5, 16.4, 20.15, 47.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 47; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 42, 47; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 182, 185, 190; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 59
55. Sallust, Historiae, 1.9-1.10, 5.20 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla (l. cornelius sulla) •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 160; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 54
56. Sallust, Historiarum Frr. Ampliora, 1.9-1.10 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla (l. cornelius sulla) Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 54
57. Sallust, Iugurtha, 2.4, 4.3, 4.5-4.6, 5.5, 6.1, 32.4, 41.4, 44.5, 61.3, 85.43, 85.48, 87.1, 89.7, 93.3, 94.7, 95.3, 114.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 47; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 42, 47, 48, 215; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 189, 190; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 59
58. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 2.1.12-2.1.13, 2.4.9, 2.6, 2.6.4, 7.2.1-7.2.9, 9.2, 9.2.1, 9.2.19 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius •cornelius sulla, p. (sulla), plunging swords into the republic Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 98; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 118
2.1.12. luxuriae lapis omnis eruitur, caeduntur ubi que gentium siluae; aeris ferrique usus, iam auri quoque in extruendis et decorandis domibus; nempe ut anxii et interdiu et nocte ruinam ignemque metuant, qui siue tectis iniectus est siue fortuitus, laquearia et tablina illa urbium excidia sunt: quippe non defendunt sua sed in communi periculo adprehendunt, † hostesque aliena, et in suis dominia ualidiora ceduntur alia, ipsique cum maxume flagrant spolium ex alienis ruinis ferunt. In hos ergo exitus uarius ille secatur lapis et tenui fronte parietem tegit, † quam umetis seuere? in hoc pauimentum tesselatum et infusum tectis aurum? 2.1.13. quam ignotum bonum es! Quin etiam montes siluasque in domibus marcidis et in umbra fumoque uiridia aut maria amnesque imitantur. uix possum credere quemquam eorum uidisse siluas patentisque † eamme campos, quos rapidus amnis ex praecipitio uel cum per plana infusus est placidus interfluit; non maria umquam ex colle uidisse lata aut hiberna, cum uentis penitus agitata sunt. quis enim tam prauis oblectare animum imitamentis possit, si uera cognouerit? Videlicet ut infantibus quae tangi conprehendique manibus aut sinu possunt nam magna non capit exigua mens; ex hoc littoribus quoque moles inuehuntur congestisque in alto terris exaggerant sinus. alii fossis inducunt mare: adeo nullis gaudere ueris sciunt, sed aduersum naturam aliena loco, aut terra aut mare mutata, aegris oblectamento sunt. et miraberis si fastidio rerum naturae laborantibus iam ne liberi quidem nisi alieni placent? 2.4.9. placuit. Quidam personam eius qualem acceperant introduxerunt duram et asperam, ex quibus fuit et Hispo ROMANIVS : hoc unum aiebat efficiendum, ut non durus uideretur, sed seuerus. in hac parte dixit nobilem illam sententiam, quam Fabius Maximus circumferebat: uenit adsidue in domum meretrix, non recedit, paulum abest quin nouerca sit. CESTIVS bella figura egit: “dementia,” inquit, “res est sanitati contraria. non quaeram extra exemplum sani hominis ad quod patrem exigam: ipsum sibi comparabo. fuit aliquando sanus: tunc quid faciebat? oderat luxuriam, uitia castigabat. hunc tam seuerum senem putabitis sanum si uobis in lupanari ostendero?” Sic declamauit ut fratri accusatorem patrem daret et illum argueret sibi ipsi conparando. 2.6.4. incipiam. Fuit adulescens temperatissimus et lubricum tempus sine infamia transiit; duxit uxorem, filium sustulit, ad aetatem perduxit. iam senex factus est, nisi quod sibi nondum uidetur; luxuria usque eo profecit, ut accusem. Senex amans, senex ebrius, circumdatus sertis et delibutus unguentis et in praeteritos annos se retro agens et ualidius in uoluptatibus quam iuuenis exultans, nonne portentum est? Luxuriosus adulescens peccat; at senex luxuriosus insanit; aetas exhaurit, uitia lasciuiunt. Papiri FABIANI. Nauem in portu mergis. Alter solito tempore labitur, alter insolito; alter alieno, alter suo; alter annos sequitur, alter senectuti repugnat. Non est luxuria tua qualem uideri uelis: non simulas enim ista, sed facis, nec amantem agis, sed amas, nec potantem adumbras, sed bibis, nec dedoces bona dissipare, sed dissipas. Nemo, puto, uitia quae odit imitatur. quis imperator ob hoc ipse de proelio fugit, ut bene pugnaret exercitus? quis ut ambitum comprimeret, ipse honores mercatus est? quis ut seditionem leniret, turbauit rem publicam? Non coercet uitia qui prouocat. 7.2.1. Si accusasset Cicero Popillium, uiueret. Occidit Ciceronem Popillius: puto iam creditis occisum ab isto patrem. Vt uno ictu pereat tantum dabo: pro Cicerone sic liceat pacisci ? GAVI Sabini. Quod unum potuimus effecimus, ut ueniret tempus quo Popillius Ciceronem desideraret. “Popilli, potes,” inquit, “Ciceronem occidere; potes uel patrem.” Porci Latronis. Prorsus occisurus Ciceronem debebat incipere a patre. “Antonius, inquit, me iussit.” Non pudet te, Popilli? imperator te tuus credidit posse parricidium facere. Abscidit caput, amputauit manum, effecit ut minimum in illo esset crimen quod Ciceronem occidit. Facinus indignum! felicissime licet cedat actio, id solum proficiemus, ut qui Ciceronem occidit tantum erubescat. 7.2.2. occisum Ciceronem malo s mores uoco . ALBVCI SILI. Caedit ceruices tanti uiri et umero tenus recisum amputat caput. I nunc et nega te parricidam. hoc unum tamen feliciter fecisti, quod ante occidisti patrem quam Ciceronem. Facilius pro parricida iudices mouit quam pro se clientem. Ad uos hoc, patroni, exemplum pertinet: nullos magis odit Popillius quam quibus plurimum debet. Vbicunque estis, iudices, qui in istum reum sederatis, ecquid poenitet absoluisse? ARGENTARI. Impius est, ingratus est; audeo dicere, parricida est : sensit qui defenderat. Respice forum: hic sub Cicerone sedisti; respice rostra: hic supra Ciceronem stetisti. Quantum eloquentia tua, Cicero, potuit! Popillius de moribus reus est. Abscidit ceruices loquentis: haec est absoluti clientis post longum tempus salutatio. Parce iam, quaeso, Popilli: nihil tibi nisi occidendum Ciceronem mandauit Antonius . Duo fecit parricidia quorum alterum audistis, alterum uidistis. 7.2.3. est, infamis pueritia, respondebit: iam ista Cicero Cic. pro Rosc. Am. 26, 72. defendit. Non pudet, Popilli? accusator tuus uiuit. “Quid tam commune quam spiritus uiuis, terra mortuis, mare fluctuantibus, litus eiectis?” Parricida, sic etiam tu perisses. FVLVI Sparsi. Non credidisset Popillium fecisse Antonius, nisi in mentem illi uenisset illum et parricidium fecisse. Facinus indignum! a me defenditur Cicero, cum Popillium Cicero defenderit. MENTONIS. Non magis quisquam alius occidere Ciceronem potuit praeter Popillium, quam nemo Popillium praeter Ciceronem defendere. parricidam quem uiuos negarat Cicero occisus ostendit. Fortunam Ciceronis! Antonius illum proscripsit qui accusatus est, Popillius occidit qui defensus est. Si damnatus esses, carnifex te culleo tum insuisset. Video quid respondeat: non credet Antonius occisum Ciceronem a Popillio, nisi ei signum attulerit. 7.2.4. quod propinqui Catilinae, quod amici Verris, quod clientes Clodii praestiterunt: proscriptum transi. Ne a mortuo quidem manus abstinet, lacerat occisum. Popilli, hoc parricidium tertium tuum est. Pompei SILONIS. Numquid magis exonerare te possum? praesta Ciceroni quod Antonius. CORNELI Hispani. Dic: Antoni, ego istud scelus facere possum: et patrem occidi. Securi erant amici Ciceronis postquam ad illum Popillius missus est. ARELLI FVSCI patris. Potuisti Ciceronem occidere? at quam nobis bene persuaserat Cicero parricidium te facere non posse! Occidisti tu Ciceronem loquentem: numquid, inquit, est aliquis ex tuis uerendus index? an nemo Ciceroni timendus est qui cum Popillio uenit? Q. 7.2.5. relatus est nunc sic a Popillio refertur? proposito in rostris capite Ciceronis, quamuis omnia metu tenerentur, gemitus tamen populi liber fuit. IVLI BASSI. “Proscriptus, inquit, erat Cicero.” pater certe tuus proscriptus non fuit. Blandi. Di manes Popilli senis et inultae te patris, Cicero, persecuntur animae, ut quem negasti parricidam sentias. Capitonis. Deduxi ad uos reum omnium quos terra sustinet nocentissimum, ingratum, inpium, percussorem, bis parricidam; nec tamen timeo; patroni uiderint: nemo a Popillio nisi post beneficium occiditur. Ne damnationem quidem istius despero; non enim a Cicerone defenditur. Timeo ne causae non satisfaciam. maior causa est occisum a Popillio Ciceronem queri quam fuit aliquando probare non occisum patrem. 7.2.6. occidere qui audiit? Minturnensis palus exulem Marium non hausit; Cimber etiam in capto uidit imperantem; praetor iter a conspectu exulis flexit; qui in crepidine uiderat Marium in sella figurauit. Non possumus de Popillio queri: eodem loco patronum habuit quo patrem. Cn. Pompeius terrarum marisque domitor Hortensi se clientem libenter professus est; et Hortensius bona Pompei, non Pompeium defenderat. Romulus, horum moenium conditor et sacratus caelo parens, non tantam urbem fecit quantam Cicero seruauit. 7.2.7. incendium, Cicero Romae. glorietur deuicto Annibale Scipio, Pyrrho Fabricius, Antiocho alter Scipio, Perse Paulus, Spartaco Crassus, Sertorio et Mithridate Pompeius: nemo hostis Catilina propius accessit. Fertur adprensum coma caput et defluente sanguine hunc ipsum inquinat locum in quo pro Popillio dixerat. BVTEONIS. Quantae fuit eloquentiae! probauit ab eo non occisum patrem a quo occidi poterat etiam Cicero. MARVLLI. Si inimicus essem patronis, optarem ut reus absolueretur. Turpe iudico in ea ciuitate Ciceronem non defendi in qua defendi potuit etiam Popillius. 7.2.8. interfectorem Ciceronis et hi quoque non parricidi reum a Cicerone defensum, sed in priuato iudicio: declamatoribus placuit parricidi reum fuisse. Sic autem eum accusant tamquam defendi non possit, cum adeo possit absolui, ut ne accusari quidem potuerit. Latroni non placebat illum sic accusari quomodo quidam accusauerunt: obicio tibi, quod occidisti hominem, quod ciuem, quod senatorem, quod consularem, quod Ciceronem, quod patronum tuum. hac enim ratione non adgrauari indignationem, sed fatigari. statim illo ueniendum est ad quod properat auditor; nam in reliquis adeo bonam causam habet Popillius, ut detracto eo quod patronum occidit, nihil negoti habiturus sit; patrocinium eius est ciuilis belli necessitas. itaque nolo per illos reum gradus ducere quos potest totiens euadere. licuit enim in bello et ciuem et senatorem et consularem occidere, ne in hoc quidem crimen est quod Ciceronem, sed quod patronum. Naturale est autem, ut quod in nullo patrono fieri oportuit, indignius sit factum in Cicerone patrono. 7.2.9. illum de moribus: primum quod sic uixisset, ut causam parricidi diceret; deinde quod patronum suum occidisset. et fecit has quaestiones: an non possit eo nomine accusari quo absolutus est. Si “quis, inquit, uolet hodie parricidi me postulare, non poterit. quomodo quod crimen obici non potest, puniri potest?” An in bello ciuili acta obici non possint. Honeste dixit cum hunc locum tractaret VARIVS GEMINVS: si illa, inquit, tempora in crimen uocas, dicis non de hominis, sed de reipublicae moribus. Si potest quod ciuili bello actum est obici, an hoc obici debeat. Hanc quaestionem in illa diuisit: an etiamsi necesse ei fuit facere, non sit tamen ignoscendum. ad quaedam enim nulla nos debet necessitas conpellere. Hoc loco Lateo dixit summis clamoribus: ita tu, Popilli, si Antonius iussisset, et patrem tuum occideres? Deinde an non fuerit illi necesse. Potuisti excusare te, potuisti praemittere aliquem ad Ciceronem, ut sciret et fugeret;
59. Seneca The Elder, Suasoriae, 6.4, 6.7, 6.26, 7.5 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, p. (sulla), plunging swords into the republic •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 98; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 118
60. Strabo, Geography, 1.1.23, 2.5.3, 5.2.2, 12.3.16, 13.1.54, 13.4.12, 14.1.38, 14.1.48, 14.5.4, 14.5.14, 16.4.21 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius •cornelius sulla, l. •cornelius sulla, l., and the daimonion •cornelius sulla, lucius, general and dictator Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 240; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 260; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 70
1.1.23. Having already compiled our Historical Memoirs, which, as we conceive, are a valuable addition both to political and moral philosophy, we have now determined to follow it up with the present work, which has been prepared on the same system as the former, and for the same class of readers, but more particularly for those who are in high stations of life. And as our former production contains only the most striking events in the lives of distinguished men, omitting trifling and unimportant incidents; so here it will be proper to dismiss small and doubtful particulars, and merely call attention to great and remarkable transactions, such in fact as are useful, memorable, and entertaining. In the colossal works of the sculptor we do not descend into a minute examination of particulars, but look principally for perfection in the general ensemble. This is the only method of criticism applicable to the present work. Its proportions, so to speak, are colossal; it deals in the generalities and main outlines of things, except now and then, when some minor detail can be selected, calculated to be serviceable to the seeker after knowledge, or the man of business. We now think we have demonstrated that our present undertaking is one that requires great care, and is well worthy of a philosopher. 2.5.3. The heavens and the earth must be supposed to be divided each into five zones, and the celestial zones to possess the same names as those below. The motives for such a division into zones we have already detailed. These zones may be distinguished by circles drawn parallel to the equator, on either side of it. Two of these will separate the torrid from the temperate zones, and the remaining two, the temperate from the frigid. To each celestial circle there shall be one corresponding on earth, and bearing the same name, and likewise zone for zone. The [two] zones capable of being inhabited, are styled temperate. The remaining [three] are uninhabitable, one on account of the heat, the others because of the extreme cold. The same is the case with regard to the tropical, and also to the arctic circles, in respect of those countries for which arctic circles can be said to exist. Circles on the earth are supposed, corresponding to those in the heavens, and bearing the same name, one for one. As the whole heaven is separated into two parts by its equator, it follows that the earth must, by its equator, be similarly divided. The two hemispheres, both celestial and terrestrial, are distinguished into north and south. Likewise the torrid zone, which is divided into two halves by the equator, is distinguished as having a northern and southern side. Hence it is evident that of the two temperate zones, one should be called northern, the other southern, according to the hemisphere to which it belongs. The northern hemisphere is that containing the temperate zone, in which looking from east to west, you will have the pole on your right hand, and the equator on the left, or, in which, looking south, the west will be on the right hand, and the east on the left. The southern hemisphere is exactly the contrary to this. It is clear that we are in one or other of these hemispheres, namely, the north; we cannot be in both: Broad rivers roll, and awful floods between, But chief the ocean. [Od. xi.] 156, 157. And next is the torrid zone. But neither is there any ocean in the midst of the earth wherein we dwell, dividing the whole thereof, nor yet have we any torrid region. Nor is there any portion of it to be found in which the climata are opposite to those which have been described as characterizing the northern temperate zone. 5.2.2. The Tyrrheni have now received from the Romans the surname of Etrusci and Tusci. The Greeks thus named them from Tyrrhenus the son of Atys, as they say, who sent hither a colony from Lydia. Atys, who was one of the descendants of Hercules and Omphale, and had two sons, in a time of famine and scarcity determined by lot that Lydus should remain in the country, but that Tyrrhenus, with the greater part of the people, should depart. Arriving here, he named the country after himself, Tyrrhenia, and founded twelve cities, having appointed as their governor Tarcon, from whom the city of Tarquinia [received its name], and who, on account of the sagacity which he had displayed from childhood, was feigned to have been born with hoary hair. Placed originally under one authority, they became flourishing; but it seems that in after-times, their confederation being broken up and each city separated, they yielded to the violence of the neighbouring tribes. Otherwise they would never have abandoned a fertile country for a life of piracy on the sea. roving from one ocean to another; since, when united they were able not only to repel those who assailed them, but to act on the offensive, and undertake long campaigns. After the foundation of Rome, Demaratus arrived here, bringing with him people from Corinth. He was received at Tarquinia, where he had a son, named Lucumo, by a woman of that country. Lucumo becoming the friend of Ancus Marcius, king of the Romans, succeeded him on the throne, and assumed the name of Lucius Tarquinius Priscus. Both he and his father did much for the embellishment of Tyrrhenia, the one by means of the numerous artists who had followed him from their native country; the other having the resources of Rome. It is said that the triumphal costume of the consuls, as well as that of the other magistrates, was introduced from the Tarquinii, with the fasces, axes, trumpets, sacrifices, divination, and music employed by the Romans in their public ceremonies. His son, the second Tarquin, named Superbus, who was driven from his throne, was the last king [of Rome ]. Porsena, king of Clusium, a city of Tyrrhenia, endeavoured to replace him on the throne by force of arms, but not being able he made peace with the Romans, and departed in a friendly way, with honour and loaded with gifts. 12.3.16. After Themiscyra one comes to Sidene, which is a fertile plain, though it is not well-watered like Themiscyra. It has strongholds on the seaboard: Side, after which Sidene was named, and Chabaca and Phabda. Now the territory of Amisus extends to this point; and the city has produced men note-worthy for their learning, Demetrius, the son of Rhathenus, and Dionysodorus, the mathematicians, the latter bearing the same name as the Melian geometer, and Tyrranion the grammarian, of whom I was a pupil. 13.1.54. From Scepsis came the Socratic philosophers Erastus and Coriscus and Neleus the son of Coriscus, this last a man who not only was a pupil of Aristotle and Theophrastus, but also inherited the library of Theophrastus, which included that of Aristotle. At any rate, Aristotle bequeathed his own library to Theophrastus, to whom he also left his school; and he is the first man, so far as I know, to have collected books and to have taught the kings in Egypt how to arrange a library. Theophrastus bequeathed it to Neleus; and Neleus took it to Scepsis and bequeathed it to his heirs, ordinary people, who kept the books locked up and not even carefully stored. But when they heard bow zealously the Attalic kings to whom the city was subject were searching for books to build up the library in Pergamum, they hid their books underground in a kind of trench. But much later, when the books had been damaged by moisture and moths, their descendants sold them to Apellicon of Teos for a large sum of money, both the books of Aristotle and those of Theophrastus. But Apellicon was a bibliophile rather than a philosopher; and therefore, seeking a restoration of the parts that had been eaten through, he made new copies of the text, filling up the gaps incorrectly, and published the books full of errors. The result was that the earlier school of Peripatetics who came after Theophrastus had no books at all, with the exception of only a few, mostly exoteric works, and were therefore able to philosophize about nothing in a practical way, but only to talk bombast about commonplace propositions, whereas the later school, from the time the books in question appeared, though better able to philosophise and Aristotelise, were forced to call most of their statements probabilities, because of the large number of errors. Rome also contributed much to this; for, immediately after the death of Apellicon, Sulla, who had captured Athens, carried off Apellicon's library to Rome, where Tyrannion the grammarian, who was fond of Aristotle, got it in his hands by paying court to the librarian, as did also certain booksellers who used bad copyists and would not collate the texts — a thing that also takes place in the case of the other books that are copied for selling, both here and at Alexandria. However, this is enough about these men. 13.4.12. The parts situated next to this region towards the south as far as the Taurus are so inwoven with one another that the Phrygian and the Carian and the Lydian parts, as also those of the Mysians, since they merge into one another, are hard to distinguish. To this confusion no little has been contributed by the fact that the Romans did not divide them according to tribes, but in another way organized their jurisdictions, within which they hold their popular assemblies and their courts. Mt. Tmolus is a quite contracted mass of mountain and has only a moderate circumference, its limits lying within the territory of the Lydians themselves; but the Mesogis extends in the opposite direction as far as Mycale, beginning at Celaenae, according to Theopompus. And therefore some parts of it are occupied by the Phrygians, I mean the parts near Celaenae and Apameia, and other parts by Mysians and Lydians, and other parts by Carians and Ionians. So, also, the rivers, particularly the Maeander, form the boundary between some of the tribes, but in cases where they flow through the middle of countries they make accurate distinction difficult. And the same is to be said of the plains that are situated on either side of the mountainous territory and of the river-land. Neither should I, perhaps, attend to such matters as closely as a surveyor must, but sketch them only so far as they have been transmitted by my predecessors. 14.1.38. After Smyrna one comes to Leucae, a small town, which after the death of Attalus Philometor was caused to revolt by Aristonicus, who was reputed to belong to the royal family and intended to usurp the kingdom. Now he was banished from Smyrna, after being defeated in a naval battle near the Cymaean territory by the Ephesians, but he went up into the interior and quickly assembled a large number of resourceless people, and also of slaves, invited with a promise of freedom, whom he called Heliopolitae. Now he first fell upon Thyateira unexpectedly, and then got possession of Apollonis, and then set his efforts against other fortresses. But he did not last long; the cities immediately sent a large number of troops against him, and they were assisted by Nicomedes the Bithynian and by the kings of the Cappadocians. Then came five Roman ambassadors, and after that an army under Publius Crassus the consul, and after that Marcus Perpernas, who brought the war to an end, having captured Aristonicus alive and sent him to Rome. Now Aristonicus ended his life in prison; Perpernas died of disease; and Crassus, attacked by certain people in the neighborhood of Leucae, fell in battle. And Manius Aquillius came over as consul with ten lieutets and organized the province into the form of government that still now endures. After Leucae one comes to Phocaea, on a gulf, concerning which I have already spoken in my account of Massalia. Then to the boundaries of the Ionians and the Aeolians; but I have already spoken of these. In the interior above the Ionian Sea board there remain to be described the places in the neighborhood of the road that leads from Ephesus to Antiocheia and the Maeander River. These places are occupied by Lydians and Carians mixed with Greeks. 14.1.48. Famous men born at Nysa are: Apollonius the Stoic philosopher, best of the disciples of Panaetius; and Menecrates, pupil of Aristarchus; and Aristodemus, his son, whose entire course, in his extreme old age, I in my youth took at Nysa; and Sostratus, the brother of Aristodemus, and another Aristodemus, his cousin, who trained Pompey the Great, proved themselves notable grammarians. But my teacher also taught rhetoric and had two schools, both in Rhodes and in his native land, teaching rhetoric in the morning and grammar in the evening; at Rome, however, when he was in charge of the children of Pompey the Great, he was content with the teaching of grammar. 14.5.4. Then one comes to Holmi, where the present Seleuceians formerly lived; but when Seleucia on the Calycadnus was founded, they migrated there; for immediately on doubling the shore, which forms a promontory called Sarpedon, one comes to the outlet of the Calycadnus. Near the Calycadnus is also Zephyrium, likewise a promontory. The river affords a voyage inland to Seleucia, a city which is well-peopled and stands far aloof from the Cilician and Pamphylian usages. Here were born in my time noteworthy men of the Peripatetic sect of philosophers, Athenaeus and Xenarchus. of these, Athenaeus engaged also in affairs of state and was for a time leader of the people in his native land; and then, having fallen into a friendship with Murena, he was captured along with Murena when in flight with him, after the plot against Augustus Caesar had been detected, but, being clearly proven guiltless, he was released by Caesar. And when, on his return to Rome, the first men who met him were greeting him and questioning him, he repeated the following from Euripides: I am come, having left the vaults of the dead and the gates of darkness. But he survived his return only a short time, having been killed in the collapse, which took place in the night, of the house in which he lived. Xenarchus, however, of whom I was a pupil, did not tarry long at home, but resided at Alexandria and at Athens and finally at Rome, having chosen the life of a teacher; and having enjoyed the friendship both of Areius and of Augustus Caesar, he continued to be held in honor down to old age; but shortly before the end he lost his sight, and then died of a disease. 14.5.14. The following men were natives of Tarsus: among the Stoics, Antipater and Archedemus and Nestor; and also the two Athenodoruses, one of whom, called Cordylion, lived with Marcus Cato and died at his house; and the other, the son of Sandon, called Caites after some village, was Caesar's teacher and was greatly honored by him; and when he returned to his native land, now an old man, he broke up the government there established, which was being badly conducted by Boethus, among others, who was a bad poet and a bad citizen, having prevailed there by currying the favour of the people. He had been raised to prominence by Antony, who at the outset received favorably the poem which he had written upon the victory at Philippi, but still more by that facility prevalent among the Tarsians whereby he could instantly speak offhand and unceasingly on any given subject. Furthermore, Antony promised the Tarsians an office of gymnasiarch, but appointed Boethus instead of a gymnasiarch, and entrusted to him the expenditures. But Boethus was caught secreting, among other things, the olive-oil; and when he was being proven guilty by his accusers in the presence of Antony he deprecated Antony's wrath, saying, among other things, that Just as Homer had hymned the praises of Achilles and Agamemnon and Odysseus, so I have hymned thine. It is not right, therefore, that I should be brought before you on such slanderous charges. When, however, the accuser caught the statement, he said, Yes, but Homer did not steal Agamemnon's oil, nor yet that of Achilles, but you did; and therefore you shall be punished. However, he broke the wrath of Antony by courteous attentions, and no less than before kept on plundering the city until the overthrow of Antony. Finding the city in this plight, Athenodorus for a time tried to induce both Boethus and his partisans to change their course; but since they would abstain from no act of insolence, he used the authority given him by Caesar, condemned them to exile, and expelled them. These at first indicted him with the following inscription on the walls: Work for young men, counsels for the middle-aged, and flatulence for old men; and when he, taking the inscription as a joke, ordered the following words to be inscribed beside it, thunder for old men, someone, contemptuous of all decency and afflicted with looseness of the bowels, profusely bespattered the door and wall of Athenodorus' house as he was passing by it at night. Athenodorus, while bringing accusations in the assembly against the faction, said: One may see the sickly plight and the disaffection of the city in many ways, and in particular from its excrements. These men were Stoics; but the Nestor of my time, the teacher of Marcellus, son of Octavia the sister of Caesar, was an Academician. He too was at the head of the government of Tarsus, having succeeded Athenodorus; and he continued to be held in honor both by the prefects and in the city. 16.4.21. The Nabataeans and Sabaeans, situated above Syria, are the first people who occupy Arabia Felix. They were frequently in the habit of overrunning this country before the Romans became masters of it, but at present both they and the Syrians are subject to the Romans.The capital of the Nabataeans is called Petra. It is situated on a spot which is surrounded and fortified by a smooth and level rock (petra), which externally is abrupt and precipitous, but within there are abundant springs of water both for domestic purposes and for watering gardens. Beyond the enclosure the country is for the most part a desert, particularly towards Judaea. Through this is the shortest road to Jericho, a journey of three or four days, and five days to the Phoenicon (or palm plantation). It is always governed by a king of the royal race. The king has a minister who is one of the Companions, and is called Brother. It has excellent laws for the administration of public affairs.Athenodorus, a philosopher, and my friend, who had been at Petra, used to relate with surprise, that he found many Romans and also many other strangers residing there. He observed the strangers frequently engaged in litigation, both with one another and with the natives; but the natives had never any dispute amongst themselves, and lived together in perfect harmony.
61. Tibullus, Elegies, 2.5.69-2.5.70, 63.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 75
62. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.257-1.296, 5.604-5.699 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 219; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 21
1.257. in panic through the leafy wood, nor ceased 1.258. the victory of his bow, till on the ground 1.259. lay seven huge forms, one gift for every ship. 1.260. Then back to shore he sped, and to his friends 1.261. distributed the spoil, with that rare wine 1.262. which good Acestes while in Sicily 1.263. had stored in jars, and prince-like sent away 1.264. with his Ioved guest;—this too Aeneas gave; 1.266. “Companions mine, we have not failed to feel 1.267. calamity till now. O, ye have borne 1.268. far heavier sorrow: Jove will make an end 1.269. also of this. Ye sailed a course hard by 1.270. infuriate Scylla's howling cliffs and caves. 1.271. Ye knew the Cyclops' crags. Lift up your hearts! 1.272. No more complaint and fear! It well may be 1.273. ome happier hour will find this memory fair. 1.274. Through chance and change and hazard without end, 1.275. our goal is Latium ; where our destinies 1.276. beckon to blest abodes, and have ordained 1.277. that Troy shall rise new-born! Have patience all! 1.279. Such was his word, but vexed with grief and care, 1.280. feigned hopes upon his forehead firm he wore, 1.281. and locked within his heart a hero's pain. 1.282. Now round the welcome trophies of his chase 1.283. they gather for a feast. Some flay the ribs 1.284. and bare the flesh below; some slice with knives, 1.285. and on keen prongs the quivering strips impale, 1.286. place cauldrons on the shore, and fan the fires. 1.287. Then, stretched at ease on couch of simple green, 1.288. they rally their lost powers, and feast them well 1.289. on seasoned wine and succulent haunch of game. 1.290. But hunger banished and the banquet done, 1.291. in long discourse of their lost mates they tell, 1.292. 'twixt hopes and fears divided; for who knows 1.293. whether the lost ones live, or strive with death, 1.294. or heed no more whatever voice may call? 1.295. Chiefly Aeneas now bewails his friends, 1.296. Orontes brave and fallen Amycus, 5.604. in soothing words: “Ill-starred! What mad attempt 5.605. is in thy mind? Will not thy heart confess 5.606. thy strength surpassed, and auspices averse? 5.607. Submit, for Heaven decrees!” With such wise words 5.608. he sundered the fell strife. But trusty friends 5.609. bore Dares off: his spent limbs helpless trailed, 5.610. his head he could not lift, and from his lips 5.611. came blood and broken teeth. So to the ship 5.612. they bore him, taking, at Aeneas' word, 5.613. the helmet and the sword—but left behind 5.614. Entellus' prize of victory, the bull. 5.615. He, then, elate and glorying, spoke forth: 5.616. “See, goddess-born, and all ye Teucrians, see, 5.617. what strength was mine in youth, and from what death 5.618. ye have clelivered Dares.” Saying so, 5.619. he turned him full front to the bull, who stood 5.620. for reward of the fight, and, drawing back 5.621. his right hand, poising the dread gauntlet high, 5.622. wung sheer between the horns and crushed the skull; 5.623. a trembling, lifeless creature, to the ground 5.624. the bull dropped forward dead. Above the fallen 5.625. Entellus cried aloud, “This victim due 5.626. I give thee, Eryx , more acceptable 5.627. than Dares' death to thy benigt shade. 5.628. For this last victory and joyful day, 5.630. Forthwith Aeneas summons all who will 5.631. to contest of swift arrows, and displays 5.632. reward and prize. With mighty hand he rears 5.633. a mast within th' arena, from the ship 5.634. of good Sergestus taken; and thereto 5.635. a fluttering dove by winding cord is bound 5.636. for target of their shafts. Soon to the match 5.637. the rival bowmen came and cast the lots 5.638. into a brazen helmet. First came forth 5.639. Hippocoon's number, son of Hyrtacus, 5.640. by cheers applauded; Mnestheus was the next, 5.641. late victor in the ship-race, Mnestheus crowned 5.642. with olive-garland; next Eurytion, 5.643. brother of thee, O bowman most renowned, 5.644. Pandarus, breaker of the truce, who hurled 5.645. his shaft upon the Achaeans, at the word 5.646. the goddess gave. Acestes' Iot and name 5.647. came from the helmet last, whose royal hand 5.648. the deeds of youth dared even yet to try. 5.649. Each then with strong arm bends his pliant bow, 5.650. each from the quiver plucks a chosen shaft. 5.651. First, with loud arrow whizzing from the string, 5.652. the young Hippocoon with skyward aim 5.653. cuts through the yielding air; and lo! his barb 5.654. pierces the very wood, and makes the mast 5.655. tremble; while with a fluttering, frighted wing 5.656. the bird tugs hard,—and plaudits fill the sky. 5.657. Boldly rose Mnestheus, and with bow full-drawn 5.658. aimed both his eye and shaft aloft; but he 5.659. failing, unhappy man, to bring his barb 5.660. up to the dove herself, just cut the cord 5.661. and broke the hempen bond, whereby her feet 5.662. were captive to the tree: she, taking flight, 5.663. clove through the shadowing clouds her path of air. 5.664. But swiftly—for upon his waiting bow 5.665. he held a shaft in rest—Eurytion 5.666. invoked his brother's shade, and, marking well 5.667. the dove, whose happy pinions fluttered free 5.668. in vacant sky, pierced her, hard by a cloud; 5.669. lifeless she fell, and left in light of heaven 5.670. her spark of life, as, floating down, she bore 5.671. the arrow back to earth. Acestes now 5.672. remained, last rival, though the victor's palm 5.673. to him was Iost; yet did the aged sire, 5.674. to show his prowess and resounding bow, 5.675. hurl forth one shaft in air; then suddenly 5.676. all eyes beheld such wonder as portends 5.677. events to be (but when fulfilment came, 5.678. too late the fearful seers its warning sung): 5.679. for, soaring through the stream of cloud, his shaft 5.680. took fire, tracing its bright path in flame, 5.681. then vanished on the wind,—as oft a star 5.682. will fall unfastened from the firmament, 5.683. while far behind its blazing tresses flow. 5.684. Awe-struck both Trojan and Trinacrian stood, 5.685. calling upon the gods. Nor came the sign 5.686. in vain to great Aeneas. But his arms 5.687. folded the blest Acestes to his heart, 5.688. and, Ioading him with noble gifts, he cried: 5.689. “Receive them, sire! The great Olympian King 5.690. ome peerless honor to thy name decrees 5.691. by such an omen given. I offer thee 5.692. this bowl with figures graven, which my sire, 5.693. good gray Anchises, for proud gift received 5.694. of Thracian Cisseus, for their friendship's pledge 5.695. and memory evermore.” Thereon he crowned 5.696. his brows with garland of the laurel green, 5.697. and named Acestes victor over all. 5.698. Nor could Eurytion, noble youth, think ill 5.699. of honor which his own surpassed, though he,
63. Horace, Epodes, 17.21 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, publius (cornelius) Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 156
64. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 1.7, 8.23-8.29 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 93
65. Plutarch, Roman Questions, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 75
66. Plutarch, Table Talk, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 39
67. Plutarch, Romulus, 1.1.7, 16.7-16.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. •cornelius sulla felix, l. •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 66; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 87; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 21
16.7. ὀπίμια δὲ τὰ σκῦλα, φησὶ Βάρρων, καθότι καὶ τὴν περιουσίαν ὄπεμ λέγουσι. πιθανώτερον δʼ ἄν τις εἴποι διὰ τὴν πρᾶξιν· ὄπους γὰρ ὀνομάζεται τὸ ἔργον, αὐτουργῷ δʼ ἀριστείας στρατηγῷ, στρατηγὸν ἀνελόντι, δέδοται καθιέρωσις ὀπιμίων. καὶ τρισὶ μόνοις τούτου τυχεῖν ὑπῆρξε Ῥωμαίοις ἡγεμόσι, πρώτῳ Ῥωμύλῳ κτείναντι τὸν Καινινήτην Ἄκρωνα, δευτέρῳ Κορνηλίῳ Κόσσῳ Τυρρηνὸν ἀνελόντι Τολούμνιον, ἐπὶ πᾶσι δὲ Κλαυδίῳ Μαρκέλλῳ Βριτομάρτου κρατήσαντι Γαλατῶν βασιλέως. 16.8. Κόσσος μὲν οὖν καὶ Μάρκελλος ἤδη τεθρίπποις εἰσήλαυνον, αὐτοὶ τὰ τρόπαια φέροντες· Ῥωμύλον δʼ οὐκ ὀρθῶς φησιν ἅρματι χρήσασθαι Διονύσιος. Ταρκύνιον γὰρ ἱστοροῦσι τὸν Δημαράτου τῶν βασιλέων πρῶτον εἰς τοῦτο τὸ σχῆμα καὶ τὸν ὄγκον ἐξᾶραι τοὺς θριάμβους· ἕτεροι δὲ πρῶτον ἐφʼ ἅρματος θριαμβεῦσαι Ποπλικόλαν. τοῦ δὲ Ῥωμύλου τὰς εἰκόνας ὁρᾶν ἔστιν ἐν Ῥώμῃ τὰς τροπαιοφόρους πεζὰς ἁπάσας. 16.7. And such spoils were called opima, because as Varro says, opes is the Roman word for richness; but it would be more plausible to say that they were so called from the deed of valour involved, since opus is the Roman word for deed or exploit. And only to a general who with his own hand has performed the exploit of slaying an opposing general, has the privilege of dedicating the spolia opima been granted. Furthermore, only three Roman leaders have attained this honour: Romulus first, for slaying Acron the Caeninensian; next, Cornelius Cossus, for killing Tolumnius the Tuscan In 436 B.C., according to Livy, iv. 19, 1-5. and lastly, Claudius Marcellus, for overpowering Britomartus, king of the Gauls. In 222 B.C. See Plutarch’s Marcellus , vii. 16.8. Cossus indeed, and Marcellus, already used a four-horse chariot for their entrance into the city, carrying the trophies themselves, but Dionysius Antiq. Rom. ii. 34. is incorrect in saying that Romulus used a chariot. For it is matter of history that Tarquin, the son of Demaratus, was first of the kings to lift triumphs up to such pomp and ceremony, although others say that Publicola was first to celebrate a triumph riding on a chariot. Cf. Publicola , ix. 5. And the statues of Romulus bearing the trophies are, as may be seen in Rome, all on foot.
68. Plutarch, Sulla, 2.3, 3, 5.5, 6, 6.1, 6.2, 6.3, 6.10, 7.4, 7.5, 7.6, 7.7, 7.8, 7.9, 7.10, 7.11, 7.12, 7.13, 9.5, 9.6, 9.7, 9.8, 12.3, 12.4, 12.5, 12.6, 12.7, 12.8, 12.9, 14.3, 15, 15.5, 16, 16.8, 17, 17.1, 17.2, 17.3, 17.4-19.10, 17.4, 18, 19, 19.4, 19.5, 19.6, 20, 21, 23.2, 25.2, 26.1, 26.2, 26.3, 26.4, 26.5, 27.7, 27.12, 27.13, 28.7, 28.8, 32.2, 33.1, 33.2, 33.3, 34, 35.2, 37.2, 37.3, 38.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 105
32.2. ἔδοξε δὲ καινότατον γενέσθαι τὸ περὶ Λεύκιον Κατιλίναν. οὗτος γὰρ οὔπω τῶν πραγμάτων κεκριμένων ἀνῃρηκὼς ἀδελφὸν ἐδεήθη τοῦ Σύλλα τότε προγράψαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον ὡς ζῶντα καὶ προεγράφη. τούτου δὲ τῷ Σύλλᾳ χάριν ἐκτίνων Μάρκον τινὰ Μάριον τῶν ἐκ τῆς ἐναντίας στάσεως ἀποκτείνας τὴν μὲν κεφαλὴν ἐν ἀγορᾷ καθεζομένῳ τῷ Σύλλᾳ προσήνεγκε, τῷ δὲ περιρραντηρίῳ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ἐγγὺς ὄντι προσελθὼν ἀπενίψατο τὰς χεῖρας. 32.2.
69. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 10.4-10.5, 13.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41, 42
70. Martial, Epigrams, 3.20.9, 4.23.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 53
71. Martial, Epigrams, 3.20.9, 4.23.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 53
72. Plutarch, Brutus, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 66
1.1. Μάρκου δὲ Βρούτουπρόγονος ἦν Ἰούνιος Βροῦτος, ὃν ἀνέστησαν ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ χαλκοῦν οἱ πάλαι Ῥωμαῖοι μέσον τῶν βασιλέων, ἐσπασμένον ξίφος, ὡς βεβαιότατα καταλύσαντα Ταρκυνίους. 1.1.
73. Plutarch, Agesilaus, 17.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 26
17.2. οἱ δὲ ἐν τῇ πόλει Λακεδαιμόνιοι τιμῶντες αὐτὸν ἐκήρυξαν τῶν νέων ἀπογράφεσθαι τὸν βουλόμενον τῷ βασιλεῖ βοηθεῖν. ἀπογραψαμένων δὲ πάντων προθύμως, οἱ ἄρχοντες πεντήκοντα τοὺς ἀκμαιοτάτους καὶ ῥωμαλεωτάτους ἐκλέξαντες ἀπέστειλαν. ὁ δὲ Ἀγησίλαος εἴσω Πυλῶν παρελθὼν καὶ διοδεύσας τὴν Φωκίδα φίλην οὖσαν, ἐπεὶ τῆς Βοιωτίας πρῶτον ἐπέβη καὶ περὶ τὴν Χαιρώνειαν κατεστρατοπέδευσεν, ἅμα μὲν τὸν ἥλιον ἐκλείποντα καὶ γινόμενον μηνοειδῆ κατεῖδεν, ἅμα δὲ ἤκουσε τεθνάναι Πείσανδρον ἡττημένον ναυμαχίᾳ περὶ Κνίδον ὑπὸ Φαρναβάζου καὶ Κόνωνος. 17.2.
74. Longinus, On The Sublime, 44.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 26
75. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 28.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 52
28.4. ἐν δὲ Δελφοῖς ἰδὼν κίονα μέγαν τετράγωνον ἐκ λίθων λευκῶν συνηρμοσμένον, ἐφʼ οὗ Περσέως ἔμελλε χρυσοῦς ἀνδριὰς τίθεσθαι, προσέταξε τὸν αὐτοῦ τεθῆναι· τοὺς γὰρ ἡττημένους τοῖς νικῶσιν ἐξίστασθαι χώρας προσήκειν. 28.4. At Delphi, he saw a tall square pillar composed of white marble stones, on which a golden statue of Perseus was intended to stand, and gave orders that his own statue should be set there, for it was meet that the conquered should make room for their conquerors.
76. Juvenal, Satires, 6.156-6.157 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 119, 135
77. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 7.158 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 119
7.158. 7. After these triumphs were over, and after the affairs of the Romans were settled on the surest foundations, Vespasian resolved to build a temple to Peace, which was finished in so short a time, and in so glorious a manner, as was beyond all human expectation and opinion:
78. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 2.57, 7.44, 7.75, 7.138, 8.82, 8.221, 13.83, 13.92, 15.77, 28.60, 28.146, 33.15, 33.57, 33.147, 34.11-34.12, 34.21-34.22, 34.33, 34.43, 34.59, 34.79, 34.84, 35.24-35.26, 35.108, 36.13, 36.32, 36.45, 37.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. •cornelius sulla, l., and the capitol •sulla, l. cornelius •cornelius sulla felix, l. •sulla, l. cornelius, role in civil/numidian wars Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 160; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 217, 218, 223, 225, 229; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 87; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 105; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67, 119, 135; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 89, 135, 185
79. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 35, 52, 88-89 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 119
80. Plutarch, Publicola, 16.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 218
81. Plutarch, Aratus, 16.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 28
16.1. ὁ δὲ Ἄρατος αἱρεθεὶς στρατηγὸς τὸ πρῶτον ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν τὴν μὲν ἀντιπέρας Λοκρίδα καὶ Καλυδωνίαν ἐπόρθησε, Βοιωτοῖς δὲ μετὰ μυρίων στρατιωτῶν βοηθῶν ὑστέρησε τῆς μάχης, ἣν ὑπὸ Αἰτωλῶν περὶ Χαιρώνειαν ἡττήθησαν, Ἀβοιωκρίτου τε τοῦ βοιωτάρχου καὶ χιλίων σὺν αὐτῷ πεσόντων. 16.1.
82. Plutarch, Pompey, 9.2-9.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., marriage of aemilia scaura to pompey Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 107, 108
9.2. συμβουλομένης δὲ τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ τῆς Μετέλλης, πείθουσι τὸν Πομπήϊον ἀπαλλαγέντα τῆς Ἀντιστίας λαβεῖν γυναῖκα τὴν Σύλλα πρόγονον Αἰμιλίαν, ἐκ Μετέλλης καὶ Σκαύρου γεγενημένην, ἀνδρὶ δὲ συνοικοῦσαν ἤδη καὶ κύουσαν τότε. ἦν οὖν τυραννικὰ τὰ τὸν γάμου καὶ τοῖς Σύλλα καιροῖς μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς Πομπηΐου τρόποις πρέποντα, τῆς μὲν Αἰμιλίας ἀγομένης ἐγκύμονος παρʼ ἑτέρου πρὸς αὐτόν, 9.3. ἐξελαυνομένης δὲ τῆς Ἀντιστίας ἀτίμως καὶ οἰκτρῶς, ἅτε δὴ καὶ τοῦ πατρὸς ἔναγχος ἐστερημένης διὰ τὸν ἄνδρα· κατεσφάγη γὰρ ὁ Ἀντίστιος ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ δοκῶν τὰ Σύλλα φρονεῖν διὰ Πομπήϊον ἡ δὲ μήτηρ αὐτῆς ἐπιδοῦσα ταῦτα προήκατο τὸν βίον ἑκουσίως, ὥστε καὶ τοῦτο τὸ πάθος τῇ περὶ τὸν γάμον ἐκεῖνον τραγῳδίᾳ προσγενέσθαι καὶ νὴ Δία τὸ τὴν Αἰμιλίαν εὐθὺς διαφθαρῆναι παρὰ τῷ Πομπηΐῳ τίκτουσαν. 9.2. 9.3.
83. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 8.4, 71.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla felix, l., dictator •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 61; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 136
71.3. τὸ δὲ ἀπόρφυρον καὶ τέλειον ἱμάτιον Ἀντύλλῳ τῷ ἐκ Φουλβίας περιτιθείς, ἐφʼ οἷς ἡμέρας πολλὰς συμπόσια καὶ κῶμοι καὶ θαλίαι τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν κατεῖχον. αὐτοὶ δὲ τὴν μὲν τῶν ἀμιμητοβίων ἐκείνην σύνοδον κατέλυσαν, ἑτέραν δὲ συνέταξαν οὐδέν τι λειπομένην ἐκείνης ἁβρότητι καὶ τρυφαῖς καὶ πολυτελείαις, ἣν συναποθανουμένων ἐκάλουν. ἀπεγράφοντο γὰρ οἱ φίλοι συναποθανουμένους ἑαυτούς, καὶ διῆγον εὐπαθοῦντες ἐν δείπνων περιόδοις. 71.3.
84. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 47.1-47.2, 51.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. •cornelius sulla felix, l., dictator Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135, 136, 144; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 113
47.1. σημείων δὲ πολλῶν γενομένων τῆς Νίκης ἐπιφανέστατον ἱστορεῖται τὸ περὶ Τράλλεις. ἐν γὰρ ἱερῷ Νίκης ἀνδριὰς εἱστήκει Καίσαρος, καὶ τὸ περὶ αὐτῷ χωρίον αὐτό τε στερεὸν φύσει καὶ λίθῳ σκληρῷ κατεστρωμένον ἦν ἄνωθεν ἐκ τούτου λέγουσιν ἀνατεῖλαι φοίνικα παρὰ τὴν βάσιν τοῦ ἀνδριάντος. ἐν δὲ Παταβίῳ Γάϊος Κορνήλιος, ἀνὴρ εὐδόκιμος ἐπὶ μαντικῇ, Λιβίου τοῦ συγγραφέως πολίτης καὶ γνώριμος, ἐτύγχανεν ἐπʼ οἰωνοῖς καθήμενος ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν. 47.2. καὶ πρῶτον μέν, ὡς Λίβιός φησι, τὸν καιρὸν ἔγνω τῆς μάχης, καὶ πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας εἶπεν ὅτι καὶ δὴ περαίνεται τὸ χρῆμα καὶ συνίασιν εἰς ἔργον οἱ ἄνδρες, αὖθις δὲ πρὸς τῇ θέᾳ γενόμενος καὶ τὰ σημεῖα κατιδών ἀνήλατο μετʼ ἐνθουσιασμοῦ βοῶν, νικᾷς, ὦ Καῖσαρ ἐκπλαγέντων δὲ τῶν παρατυχόντων περιελὼν τὸν στέφανον ἀπὸ τῆς κεφαλῆς ἐνωμότως ἔφη μὴ πρὶν ἐπιθήσεσθαι πάλιν ἢ τῇ τέχνῃ μαρτυρῆσαι τὸ ἔργον, ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ Λίβιος οὕτως γενέσθαι καταβεβαιοῦται. 51.1. ἐκ τούτου διαβαλὼν εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἀνέβαινεν εἰς Ῥώμην, τοῦ μὲν ἐνιαυτοῦ καταστρέφοντος εἰς ὃν ᾕρητο δικτάτωρ τὸ δεύτερον, οὐδέποτε τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκείνης πρότερον ἐνιαυσίου γενομένης· εἰς δὲ τοὐπιὸν ὕπατος ἀπεδείχθη, καὶ κακῶς ἤκουσεν ὅτι τῶν στρατιωτῶν στασιασάντων καὶ δύο στρατηγικοὺς ἄνδρας ἀνελόντων, Κοσκώνιον καὶ Γάλβαν, ἐπετίμησε μὲν αὐτοῖς τοσοῦτον ὅσον ἀντὶ στρατιωτῶν πολίτας προσαγορεῦσαι, χιλίας δὲ διένειμεν ἑκάστῳ δραχμὰς καὶ χώραν τῆς Ἰταλίας ἀπεκλήρωσε πολλήν. 47.1. 47.2. 51.1.
85. Lucan, Pharsalia, 2.140-2.143, 2.221, 9.964-9.999 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, p. (sulla), as salus rerum •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 21; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41, 42
86. Plutarch, Camillus, 19.3-19.12, 30.1, 31.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius •cornelius sulla felix, l., camillus, model for Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 28; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 110
19.3. τοῦτο δʼ αὖ πάλιν Πέρσαι μηνὸς Βοηδρομιῶνος ἕκτῃ μὲν ἐν Μαραθῶνι, τρίτῃ δʼ ἐν Πλαταιαῖς ἅμα καὶ περὶ Μυκάλην ἡττήθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων, πέμπτῃ δὲ φθίνοντος ἐν Ἀρβήλοις. οἱ δʼ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ τήν περὶ Νάξον ἐνίκων ναυμαχίαν, ἧς Χαβρίας ἐστρατήγει, τοῦ Βοηδρομιῶνος περὶ τήν πανσέληνον, ἐν δὲ Σαλαμῖνι περὶ τὰς εἰκάδας, ὡς ἡμῖν ἐν τῷ Περὶ ἡμερῶν ἀποδέδεικται. 19.4. ἐνήνοχε δὲ καὶ ὁ Θαργηλιὼν μὴν τοῖς βαρβάροις ἐπιδήλως ἀτυχίας· καὶ γὰρ Ἀλέξανδρος ἐπὶ Γρανικῷ τοὺς βασιλέως στρατηγοὺς Θαργηλιῶνος ἐνίκησε, καὶ Καρχηδόνιοι περὶ Σικελίαν ὑπὸ Τιμολέοντος ἡττῶντο τῇ ἑβδόμῃ φθίνοντος, περὶ ἣν δοκεῖ καὶ τὸ Ἴλιον ἁλῶναι, Θαργηλιῶνος, Θαργηλιῶνος deleted by Bekker, after Reiske. ὡς Ἔφορος καὶ Καλλισθένης καὶ Δαμάστης καὶ Φύλαρχος ἱστορήκασιν. 19.5. ἀνάπαλιν δʼ ὁ Μεταγειτνιών, ὃν Βοιωτοὶ Πάνεμον καλοῦσιν, τοῖς Ἕλλησιν οὐκ εὐμενὴς γέγονε. τούτου γὰρ τοῦ μηνὸς ἑβδόμῃ καὶ τήν ἐν Κρανῶνι μάχην ἡττηθέντες ὑπʼ Ἀντιπάτρου τελέως ἀπώλοντο, καὶ πρότερον ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ μαχόμενοι πρὸς Φίλιππον ἠτύχησαν. τῆς δʼ αὐτῆς ἡμέρας ταύτης ἐν τῷ Μεταγειτνιῶνι κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν ἐνιαυτὸν οἱ μετʼ Ἀρχιδάμου διαβάντες εἰς Ἰταλίαν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκεῖ βαρβάρωνδιεφθάρησαν. 19.6. Καρχηδόνιοι δὲ τὴν ἐνάτην φθίνοντος ὡς τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ μέγιστα τῶν ἀτυχημάτων αὐτοῖς ἀεὶ φέρουσαν παραφυλάττουσιν. οὐκ ἀγνοῶ δʼ ὅτι περὶ τὸν τῶν μυστηρίων καιρὸν αὖθις Θῆβαί τε κατεσκάφησαν ὑπὸ Ἀλεξάνδρου, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα φρουρὰν Ἀθηναῖοι Μακεδόνων ἐδέξαντο περὶ αὐτὴν τήν εἰκάδα τοῦ Βοηδρομιῶνος, ᾗ τὸν μυστικὸν Ἴακχον ἐξάγουσιν. 19.7. ὁμοίως δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τῆς αὐτῆς ἡμέρας πρότερον μὲν ὑπὸ Κίμβρων τὸ μετὰ Καιπίωνος ἀπέβαλον στρατόπεδον, ὕστερον δὲ Λουκούλλου στρατηγοῦντος Ἀρμενίους καὶ Τιγράνην ἐνίκησαν. Ἄτταλος δʼ ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ Πομπήιος Μᾶγνος ἐν τοῖς ἑαυτῶν γενεθλίοις ἀπέθανον. καὶ ὅλως ἐστὶ πολλοὺς ἐπʼ ἀμφότερα ταῖς αὐταῖς χρησαμένους ἀποδεῖξαι περιόδοις. 19.8. ἀλλὰ Ῥωμαίοις αὕτη μία τῶν μάλιστα ἀποφράδων ἐστί, καὶ διʼ αὐτὴν ἑκάστου μηνὸς ἕτεραι δύο, τῆς πρὸς τὸ συμβὰν εὐλαβείας καὶ δεισιδαιμονίας ἐπὶ πλεῖον, ὥσπερ εἴωθε, ῥυείσης. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐν τῷ Περὶ αἰτίων Ῥωμαϊκῶν ἐπιμελέστερον διῄρηται. 30.1. οὕτω μὲν ἡ Ῥώμη παραλόγως ἥλω καὶ παραλογώτερον ἐσώθη, μῆνας ἑπτὰ τοὺς πάντας ὑπὸ τοῖς βαρβάροις γενομένη, παρελθόντες γὰρ εἰς αὐτὴν ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις ὕστερον τῶν Κυϊντιλίων εἰδῶν περὶ τὰς Φεβρουαρίας εἰδοὺς ἐξέπεσον. ὁ δὲ Κάμιλλος ἐθριάμβευσε μέν, ὡς εἰκὸς ἦν, τὸν ἀπολωλυίας σωτῆρα πατρίδος γενόμενον καὶ κατάγοντα τὴν πόλιν αὐτὴν εἰς ἑαυτήν· 31.3. ἐκ τούτου φοβηθεῖσα τὸν θόρυβον ἡ βουλὴ τὸν μὲν Κάμιλλον οὐκ εἴασε βουλόμενον ἀποθέσθαι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐντὸς ἐνιαυτοῦ καίπερ ἓξ μῆνας οὐδενὸς ὑπερβαλόντος ἑτέρου δικτάτορος, αὐτὴ δὲ παρεμυθεῖτο καί κατεπράυνε πείθουσα καί δεξιουμένη τὸν δῆμον, ἐπιδεικνυμένη μὲν ἠρία καί τάφους πατέρων, ὑπομιμνῄσκουσα δὲ χωρίων ἱερῶν καί τόπων ἁγίων, οὓς Ῥωμύλος ἢ Νομᾶς ἤ τις ἄλλος αὐτοῖς τῶνβασιλέων ἐπιθειάσας παρέδωκεν. 19.3. Again, on the sixth day of the month of Boedromion the Greeks defeated the Persians at Marathon, on the third day at Plataea and Mycale together, and on the twenty-sixth day at Arbela. Moreover, it was about full moon of the same month that the Athenians won their sea-fight off Naxos, under the command of Chabrias, and about the twentieth, that at Salamis, as has been set forth in my treatise On days. 19.4. Further, the month of Thargelion has clearly been a disastrous one for the Barbarians, for in that month the generals of the King were conquered by Alexander at the Granicus, and on the twenty-fourth of the month the Carthaginians were worsted by Timoleon off Sicily. On this day, too, of Thargelion, it appears that Ilium was taken, as Ephorus, Callisthenes, Damastes, and Phylarchus have stated. 19.5. Contrary-wise, the month of Metageitnion (which the Boeotians call Panemus) has not been favourable to the Greeks. On the seventh of this month they were worsted by Antipater in the battle of Crannon, and utterly undone; before this they had fought Philip unsuccessfully at Chaeroneia on that day of the month; and in the same year, and on the same day of Metageitnion, Archidamus and his army, who had crossed into Italy, were cut to pieces by the Barbarians there. 19.6. The Carthaginians also regard with fear the twenty-second of this month, because it has ever brought upon them the worst and greatest of their misfortunes. I am not unaware that, at about the time when the mysteries are celebrated, Thebes was razed to the ground for the second time by Alexander, and that afterwards the Athenians were forced to receive a Macedonian garrison on the twentieth of Boedromion, the very day on which they escort the mystic Iacchus forth in procession. 19.7. And likewise the Romans, on the self-same day, saw their army under Caepio destroyed by the Cimbri, and later, when Lucullus was their general, conquered Tigranes and the Armenians. Both King Attalus and Pompey the Great died on their own birthdays. In short, one can adduce many cases where the same times and seasons have brought opposite fortunes upon the same men. 19.8. But this day of the Allia is regarded by the Romans as one of the unluckiest, and its influence extends over two other days of each month throughout the year, since in the presence of calamity, timidity and superstition often overflow all bounds. However, this subject has been more carefully treated in my Roman Questions. Morals , pp. 269 f. 30.1. So strangely was Rome taken, and more strangely still delivered, after the Barbarians had held it seven months in all. They entered it a few days after the Ides of July, and were driven out about the Ides of February. Camillus celebrated a triumph, as it was meet that a man should do who had saved a country that was lost, and who now brought the city back again to itself. 31.3. The Senate, therefore, fearful of this clamour, would not suffer Camillus, much as he wished it, to lay down his office within a year, although no other dictator had served more than six months. Meanwhile the Senators, by dint of kindly greetings and persuasive words, tried to soften and convert the people, pointing out the sepulchres and tombs of their fathers, and calling to their remembrance the shrines and holy places which Romulus, or Numa, or some other king, had consecrated and left to their care.
87. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, 18.2-18.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 105
18.2. ὀχήματος, κόσμου γυναικείου, σκευῶν τῶν περὶ δίαιταν, ὧν ἑκάστου τὸ τίμημα δραχμὰς χιλίας καὶ πεντακοσίας ὑπερέβαλλεν, ἀποτιμᾶσθαι τὴν ἀξίαν εἰς τὸ δεκαπλάσιον, βουλόμενος ἀπὸ μειζόνων τιμημάτων αὐτοῖς μείζονας καὶ τὰς εἰσφορὰς εἶναι, καὶ προσετίμησε τρεῖς χαλκοῦς πρὸς τοῖς χιλίοις, ὅπως βαρυνόμενοι ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς καὶ Τοὺς εὐσταλεῖς καὶ λιτοὺς ὁρῶντες ἀπὸ τῶν ἴσων ἐλάττονα τελοῦντας εἰς τὸ δημόσιον ἀπαγορεύωσιν. 18.3. ἦσαν οὖν αὐτῷ χαλεποὶ μὲν οἱ τὰς εἰσφορὰς διὰ τὴν τρυφὴν ὑπομένοντες, χαλεποὶ δʼ αὖ πάλιν οἱ τὴν τρυφὴν ἀποτιθέμενοι διὰ τὰς εἰσφοράς, πλούτου γὰρ ἀφαίρεσιν οἱ πολλοὶ νομίζουσι τὴν κώλυσιν αὐτοῦ τῆς ἐπιδείξεως, ἐπιδείκνυσθαι δὲ τοῖς περιττοῖς, οὐ τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις. ὃ δὴ καὶ μάλιστά φασι τὸν φιλόσοφον Ἀρίστωνα θαυμάζειν, ὅτι Τοὺς τὰ περιττὰ κεκτημένους μᾶλλον ἡγοῦνται μακαρίους ἢ Τοὺς τῶν ἀναγκαίων καὶ χρησίμων εὐποροῦντας. 18.2. 18.3.
88. Plutarch, Cicero, 17.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. •sulla p. cornelius Found in books: Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 10; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 144, 185
89. Plutarch, Cimon, 1.2-2.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 31
90. Plutarch, On The Obsolescence of Oracles, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 56
91. Plutarch, On The E At Delphi, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 52
92. Plutarch, On The Fortune of The Romans, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 30, 31
318d. And Fortune's son Ihold myself to be. In the Latin tongue he was called Felix, but for the Greeks he wrote his name thus: Lucius Cornelius Sulla Epaphroditus. And the trophies at my home in Chaeroneia and those of the Mithridatic Wars are thus inscribed, quite appropriately; for not "Night," as Meder has it, but Fortune has the "greater share in Aphroditê." Might one, then, after proffering this as a suitable introduction, bring on the Romans once more as witnesses in behalf of Fortune, on the ground that they assigned more to Fortune than to Virtue? At least, it was only recently and after many years that Scipio Numantinus built a shrine of Virtue in Rome;
93. Plutarch, On The Sign of Socrates, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 26
94. Plutarch, Fabius, 4.1-4.2, 22.5-22.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla felix, l. •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 66; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 87
4.1. ὡς οὖν ταῦτʼ ἔδοξεν, ἀποδειχθεὶς δικτάτωρ Φάβιος, καὶ ἀποδείξας αὐτὸς ἵππαρχον Μᾶρκον Μινούκιον, πρῶτον μὲν ᾐτήσατο τὴν σύγκλητον ἵππῳ χρῆσθαι παρὰ τάς στρατείας. οὐ γὰρ ἐξῆν, ἀλλʼ ἀπηγόρευτο κατὰ δή τινα νόμον παλαιόν, εἴτε τῆς ἀλκῆς τὸ πλεῖστον ἐν τῷ πεζῷ τιθεμένων καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τὸν στρατηγὸν οἰομένων δεῖν παραμένειν τῇ φάλαγγι καὶ μὴ προλείπειν, εἴθʼ, ὅτι τυραννικὸν εἰς ἅπαντα τἆλλα καὶ μέγα τὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς κράτος ἐστίν, ἔν γε τούτῳ βουλομένων τὸν δικτάτορα τοῦ δήμου φαίνεσθαι δεόμενον. 4.2. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ Φάβιος εὐθὺς ἐνδείξασθαι θέλων τῆς ἀρχῆς τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τὸν ὄγκον, ὡς μᾶλλον ὑπηκόοις χρῷτο καὶ πειθηνίοις τοῖς πολίταις, προῆλθε συνενεγκάμενος εἰς ταὐτὸ ῥαβδουχίας εἰκοσιτέσσαρας· καὶ τοῦ ἑτέρου τῶν ὑπάτων ἀπαντῶντος αὐτῷ τὸν ὑπηρέτην πέμψας ἐκέλευσε τοὺς ῥαβδούχους ἀπαλλάξαι καὶ τὰ παράσημα τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀποθέμενον ἰδιώτην ἀπαντᾶν. 22.5. πάντων δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἀγομένων καὶ φερομένων λέγεται τὸν γραμματέα πυθέσθαι τοῦ Φαβίου περὶ τῶν θεῶν τί κελεύει, τὰς γραφὰς οὕτω προσαγορεύσαντα καὶ τοὺς ἀνδριάντας· τὸν οὖν Φάβιον εἰπεῖν ἀπολείπωμεν τοὺς θεοὺς Ταραντίνοις κεχολωμένους. 22.6. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὸν κολοσσὸν τοῦ Ἡρακλέους μετακομίσας ἐκ Τάραντος ἔστησεν ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ, καὶ πλησίον ἔφιππον εἰκόνα χαλκῆν ἑαυτοῦ, πολὺ Μαρκέλλου φανεὶς ἀτοπώτερος περὶ ταῦτα, μᾶλλον δʼ ὅλως ἐκεῖνον ἄνδρα πρᾳότητι καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ θαυμαστὸν ἀποδείξας, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται. 4.1. Accordingly, this course was adopted, and Fabius was appointed dictator. In the absence of a consul, who alone could appoint a dictator, the people made Fabius pro-dictator ( Livy, xxii. 8. ) He himself appointed Marcus Minucius to be his Master of Horse, and then at once asked permission of the senate to use a horse himself when in the field. For this was not his right, but was forbidden by an ancient law, either because the Romans placed their greatest strength in their infantry, and for this reason thought that their commander ought to be with the phalanx and not leave it; or because they wished, since the power of the office in all other respects is as great as that of a tyrant, that in this point at least the dictator should be plainly dependent on the people. 4.1. Accordingly, this course was adopted, and Fabius was appointed dictator. In the absence of a consul, who alone could appoint a dictator, the people made Fabius pro-dictator ( Livy, xxii. 8. ) He himself appointed Marcus Minucius to be his Master of Horse, and then at once asked permission of the senate to use a horse himself when in the field. For this was not his right, but was forbidden by an ancient law, either because the Romans placed their greatest strength in their infantry, and for this reason thought that their commander ought to be with the phalanx and not leave it; or because they wished, since the power of the office in all other respects is as great as that of a tyrant, that in this point at least the dictator should be plainly dependent on the people. 4.2. However, Fabius himself was minded to show forth at once the magnitude and grandeur of his office, that the citizens might be more submissive and obedient to his commands. He therefore appeared in public attended by a united band of twenty-four lictors with their fasces, Each consul was allowed twelve. and when the remaining consul was coming to meet him, sent his adjutant to him with orders to dismiss his lictors, lay aside the insignia of his office, and meet him as a private person. 22.5. While everything else was carried off as plunder, it is said that the accountant asked Fabius what his orders were concerning the gods, for so he called their pictures and statues; and that Fabius answered: Let us leave their angered gods for the Tarentines. 22.5. While everything else was carried off as plunder, it is said that the accountant asked Fabius what his orders were concerning the gods, for so he called their pictures and statues; and that Fabius answered:Let us leave their angered gods for the Tarentines. 22.6. However, he removed the colossal statue of Heracles from Tarentum, and set it up on the Capitol, and near it an equestrian statue of himself, in bronze. He thus appeared far more eccentric in these matters than Marcellus, nay rather, the mild and humane conduct of Marcellus was thus made to seem altogether admirable by contrast, as has been written in his Life. Chapter xxi. Marcellus had enriched Rome with works of Greek art taken from Syracuse in 212 B.C. Livy’s opinion is rather different from Plutarch’s: sed maiore animo generis eius praeda abstinuit Fabius quam Marcellus, xxvii. 16. Fabius killed the people but spared their gods; Marcellus spared the people but took their gods.
95. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 35, 52, 88-89 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 119
96. Plutarch, Marcellus, 6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 228
97. Plutarch, Marius, 32.2, 32.4, 40.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 228; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 151
32.2. καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἧττον ἤχθετο παρευδοκιμούμενος, σφόδρα δὲ αὐτὸν ἠνία Σύλλας ἐκ τοῦ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον αὐξανόμενος φθόνου τῶν δυνατῶν καὶ τὰς πρὸς ἐκεῖνον διαφορὰς ἀρχὴν πολιτείας ποιούμενος, ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ Βόκχος ὁ Νομὰς σύμμαχος Ῥωμαίων ἀναγεγραμμένος ἔστησεν ἐν Καπετωλίῳ Νίκας τροπαιοφόρους καὶ παρʼ αὐταῖς ἐν εἰκόσι χρυσαῖς Ἰουγούρθαν ἐγχειριζόμενον ὐπὸ αὐτοῦ Σύλλᾳ, τοῦτο ἐξέστησεν ὀργῇ καὶ φιλονεικίᾳ Μάριον, ὡς Σύλλα περισπῶντος εἰς ἑαυτὸν τὰ ἔργα, καὶ παρεσκευάζετο βίᾳ τὰ ἀναθήματα καταβάλλειν. 40.1. τοιαύτῃ προθυμίᾳ ταχὺ πάντων συμπορισθέντων καὶ Βηλαίου τινὸς ναῦν τῷ Μαρίῳ παρασχόντος, ὃς ὕστερον πίνακα τῶν πράξεων ἐκείνων γραψάμενος ἀνέθηκεν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν ὅθεν ἐμβὰς ὁ Μάριος ἀνήχθη, τῷ πνεύματι φέροντι χρώμενος ἐφέρετό πως κατὰ τύχην πρὸς Αἰναρίαν τὴν νῆσον, ὅπου τὸν Γράνιον καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους φίλους εὑρών ἔπλει μετʼ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ Λιβύης. 32.2. 40.1.
98. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
99. Plutarch, Pelopidas, 18.1, 18.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 26
18.1. τὸν δʼ ἱερὸν λόχον, ὥς φασι, συνετάξατο Γοργίδας πρῶτος ἐξ ἀνδρῶν ἐπιλέκτων τριακοσίων, οἷς ἡ πόλις ἄσκησιν καὶ δίαιταν ἐν τῇ Καδμείᾳ στρατοπεδευομένοις παρεῖχε, καὶ διὰ τοῦθʼ ὁ ἐκ πόλεως λόχος ἐκαλοῦντο· τὰς γὰρ ἀκροπόλεις ἐπιεικῶς οἱ τότε πόλεις ὠνόμαζον. ἔνιοι δέ φασιν ἐξ ἐραστῶν καὶ ἐρωμένων γενέσθαι τὸ σύστημα τοῦτο. 18.1. The sacred band, we are told, was first formed by Gorgidas, of three hundred chosen men, to whom the city furnished exercise and maintece, and who encamped in the Cadmeia; for which reason, too, they were called the city band; for citadels in those days were properly called cities. But some say that this band was composed of lovers and beloved.
100. Plutarch, Lucullus, 2.2, 3.6, 4.1, 11.6, 20.4, 23.6, 42.1-42.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 29; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 71; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 207, 208
2.2. διʼ ἐκείνου γὰρ ἐκόπη τὸ πλεῖστον ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ περὶ τὸν Μιθριδατικὸν πόλεμον, καὶ Λουκούλλειον ἀπʼ ἐκείνου προσηγορεύθη, καὶ διετέλεσεν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον, ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτικῶν χρειῶν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ λαμβάνον ἀμοιβὴν ταχεῖαν. ἐκ τούτου τῆς μὲν γῆς ἐπικρατῶν ὁ Σύλλας ἐν ταῖς Ἀθήναις, περικοπτόμενος δὲ τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐκ τῆς θαλάττης ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ναυκρατούντων, ἐξέπεμψεν ἐπʼ Αἰγύπτου καὶ Λιβύης τὸν Λούκουλλον ἄξοντα ναῦς ἐκεῖθεν. 3.6. ὑφʼ ἑαυτοῦ μὲν ἐξεωσμένον τῆς γῆς, ὑπʼ ἐκείνου δὲ τῆς θαλάττης εἰργόμενον ἀμφοτέροις ἀποδώσειν τὸ κατόρθωμα, τὰς δὲ Σύλλα πρὸς Ὀρχομενῷ καὶ περὶ Χαιρώνειαν ὑμνουμένας ἀριστείας ἐν οὐδενὶ λόγῳ θήσεσθαι Ῥωμαίους. καὶ οὐδὲν ἦν ἀπὸ τρόπου τῶν λεγομένων, ἀλλὰ παντὶ δῆλον, ὡς, εἰ Φιμβρίᾳ τότε πεισθεὶς ὁ Λούκουλλος οὐ μακρὰν ὢν περιήγαγεν ἐκεῖσε τὰς ναῦς καὶ συνέφραξε τὸν λιμένα τῷ στόλῳ, πέρας ἂν εἶχεν ὁ πόλεμος καὶ μυρίων ἀπηλλαγμένοι κακῶν ἅπαντες ἦσαν. 4.1. ἐκεῖθεν δὲ Σύλλᾳ περὶ Χερρόνησον ἤδη μέλλοντι διαβαίνειν συμβαλὼν τόν τε πόρον ἀσφαλῆ παρεῖχε καὶ τήν στρατιὰν συνδιεβίβαζεν, ἐπεὶ δὲ συνθηκῶν γενομένων Μιθριδάτης μὲν ἀπέπλευσεν εἰς τὸν Εὔξεινον πόντον, Σύλλας δὲ τήν Ἀσίαν δισμυρίοις ταλάντοις ἐζημίωσε, προσταχθὲν οὕτω τά τε χρήματα ταῦτα πρᾶξαι καὶ νόμισμα κόψαι, παραμύθιόν τι δοκεῖ τῆς Σύλλα χαλεπότητος γενέσθαι ταῖς πόλεσιν, οὐ μόνον καθαρὸν καὶ δίκαιον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρᾷον εἰς οὕτω βαρὺ καὶ σκυθρωπὸν ὑπηρέτημα παρασχὼν ἑαυτόν. 11.6. ἐπιπεσὼν δὲ Λούκουλλος αὐτοῖς περὶ τὸν Γρανικὸν ποταμόν εἷλέ τε παμπόλλους καὶ δισμυρίους ἀπέκτεινε. λέγονται δʼ ἐκ τοῦ παντὸς ἀκολούθων τε καὶ μαχίμων ὄχλου μυριάδες οὐ πολὺ δὴ τῶν τριάκοντα λείπουσαι διαφθαρῆναι. 20.4. ὥστʼ ἐν ἐλάττονι χρόνῳ τετραετίας διαλυθῆναι τὰ χρέα πάντα καὶ τὰς κτήσεις ἐλευθέρας ἀποδοθῆναι τοῖς δεσπόταις. ἦν δὲ τοῦτο κοινὸν δάνειον ἐκ τῶν δισμυρίων ταλάντων, οἷς τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐξημίωσεν ὁ Σύλλας καὶ διπλοῦν ἀπεδόθη τοῖς δανείσασιν, ὑπʼ ἐκείνων ἀνηγμένον ἤδη τοῖς τόκοις εἰς δώδεκα μυριάδας ταλάντων. 23.6. Σύροι γὰρ αὐτὴν κατεῖχον ἀπὸ Σύρου γεγονότες τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος, ὡς λέγεται, καὶ Σινώπης τῆς Ἀσωπίδος. ταῦτʼ ἀκούων ὁ Λούκουλλος ἀνεμιμνῄσκετο τῆς Σύλλα παραινέσεως· παρῄνει δὲ διὰ τῶν ὑπομνημάτων ἐκεῖνος μηδὲν οὕτως ἀξιόπιστον ἡγεῖσθαι καὶ βέβαιον, ὡς ὅ τι ἂν ἀποσημανθῇ διὰ τῶν ἐνυπνίων. 42.1. σπουδῆς δʼ ἄξια καὶ λόγου τὰ περὶ τὴν τῶν βιβλίων κατασκευήν, καὶ γὰρ πολλὰ καὶ γεγραμμένα καλῶς συνῆγεν, ἥ τε χρῆσις ἦν φιλοτιμοτέρα τῆς κτήσεως, ἀνειμένων πᾶσι τῶν βιβλιοθηκῶν, καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὰς περιπάτων καὶ σχολαστηρίων ἀκωλύτως ὑποδεχομένων τοὺς Ἕλληνας ὥσπερ εἰς Μουσῶν τι καταγώγιον ἐκεῖσε φοιτῶντας καὶ συνδιημερεύοντας ἀλλήλοις, ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων χρειῶν ἀσμένως ἀποτρέχοντας. 42.2. πολλάκις δὲ καὶ συνεσχόλαζεν αὐτὸς ἐμβάλλων εἰς τοὺς περιπάτους τοῖς φιλολόγοις καὶ τοῖς πολιτικοῖς συνέπραττεν ὅτου δέοιντο· καὶ ὅλως ἑστία καὶ πρυτανεῖον Ἑλληνικὸν ὁ οἶκος ἦν αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἀφικνουμένοις εἰς Ῥώμην. φιλοσοφίαν δὲ πᾶσαν μὲν ἠσπάζετο καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν εὐμενὴς ἦν καὶ οἰκεῖος, ἴδιον δὲ τῆς Ἀκαδημείας ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἔρωτα καὶ ζῆλον ἔσχεν, οὐ τῆς νέας λεγομένης, 42.3. καίπερ ἀνθούσης τότε τοῖς Καρνεάδου λόγοις διὰ Φίλωνος, ἀλλὰ τῆς παλαιᾶς, πιθανὸν ἄνδρα καὶ δεινὸν εἰπεῖν τότε προστάτην ἐχούσης τὸν Ἀσκαλωνίτην Ἀντίοχον, ὃν πάσῃ σπουδῇ ποιησάμενος φίλον ὁ Λούκουλλος καὶ συμβιωτὴν ἀντέταττε τοῖς Φίλωνος ἀκροαταῖς, ὧν καὶ Κικέρων ἦν. 42.4. καὶ σύγγραμμά γε πάγκαλον ἐποίησεν εἰς τὴν αἵρεσιν, ἐν ᾧ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς καταλήψεως λόγον Λουκούλλῳ περιτέθεικεν, αὑτῷ δὲ τὸν ἐναντίον. Λούκουλλος δʼ ἀναγέγραπται τὸ βιβλίον. ἦσαν δʼ, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, φίλοι σφόδρα καὶ κοινωνοὶ τῆς ἐν πολιτείᾳ προαιρέσεως· οὐδὲ γὰρ αὖ πάμπαν ἀπηλλάχει τῆς πολιτείας ἑαυτὸν ὁ Λούκουλλος, 2.2. 3.6. 4.1. 11.6. 20.4. 23.6. 42.1. 42.2. 42.3. 42.4.
101. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 4.2.88, 11.3.78 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, publius (cornelius) Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 156
102. Suetonius, Vitellius, 10.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 135
103. Cebes of Thebes, Cebetis Tabula, 1.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 119
104. Appian, The Mithridatic Wars, 29-30, 43-45, 50, 55, 62, 42 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 29
105. Appian, Civil Wars, 1.2-1.3, 1.7-1.8, 1.16, 1.20, 1.24, 1.83, 1.97, 1.98.459, 1.99.461, 1.105, 2.4, 5.1.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 42
106. Tacitus, Histories, 1.4, 3.72, 3.72.5, 3.83.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. •cornelius sulla, l., and the capitol •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 21; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 215; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 135
3.72.  This was the saddest and most shameful crime that the Roman state had ever suffered since its foundation. Rome had no foreign foe; the gods were ready to be propitious if our characters had allowed; and yet the home of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, founded after due auspices by our ancestors as a pledge of empire, which neither Porsenna, when the city gave itself up to him, nor the Gauls when they captured it, could violate — this was the shrine that the mad fury of emperors destroyed! The Capitol had indeed been burned before in civil war, but the crime was that of private individuals. Now it was openly besieged, openly burned — and what were the causes that led to arms? What was the price paid for this great disaster? This temple stood intact so long as we fought for our country. King Tarquinius Priscus had vowed it in the war with the Sabines and had laid its foundations rather to match his hope of future greatness than in accordance with what the fortunes of the Roman people, still moderate, could supply. Later the building was begun by Servius Tullius with the enthusiastic help of Rome's allies, and afterwards carried on by Tarquinius Superbus with the spoils taken from the enemy at the capture of Suessa Pometia. But the glory of completing the work was reserved for liberty: after the expulsion of the kings, Horatius Pulvillus in his second consulship dedicated it; and its magnificence was such that the enormous wealth of the Roman people acquired thereafter adorned rather than increased its splendour. The temple was built again on the same spot when after an interval of four hundred and fifteen years it had been burned in the consulship of Lucius Scipio and Gaius Norbanus. The victorious Sulla undertook the work, but still he did not dedicate it; that was the only thing that his good fortune was refused. Amid all the great works built by the Caesars the name of Lutatius Catulus kept its place down to Vitellius's day. This was the temple that then was burned.
107. Tacitus, Annals, 1.10.5, 2.27.1, 2.32-2.33, 2.37, 2.44.1, 3.30.3, 3.33.2, 3.34.5, 3.37.1, 3.55, 4.34.4, 4.55-4.56, 6.7.1, 6.49.1-6.49.2, 13.30.1, 13.34.1, 13.58, 14.12, 14.17, 15.37.1-15.37.4, 15.49.3, 15.53, 15.72, 15.74 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius •cornelius sulla, l. •cornelius sulla, lucius, and the amphiareion •l. cornelius sulla felix •p. cornelius sulla Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 105, 217; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 301; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 215; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67, 69, 135; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 192; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 240
2.32. Bona inter accusatores dividuntur, et praeturae extra ordinem datae iis qui senatorii ordinis erant. tunc Cotta Messalinus, ne imago Libonis exequias posterorum comitaretur, censuit, Cn. Lentulus, ne quis Scribonius cognomentum Drusi adsumeret. supplicationum dies Pomponii Flacci sententia constituti, dona Iovi, Marti, Concordiae, utque iduum Septembrium dies, quo se Libo interfecerat, dies festus haberetur, L. Piso et Gallus Asinius et Papius Mutilus et L. Apronius decrevere; quorum auctoritates adulationesque rettuli ut sciretur vetus id in re publica malum. facta et de mathematicis magisque Italia pellendis senatus consulta; quorum e numero L. Pituanius saxo deiectus est, in P. Marcium consules extra portam Esquilinam, cum classicum canere iussissent, more prisco advertere. 2.33. Proximo senatus die multa in luxum civitatis dicta a Q. Haterio consulari, Octavio Frontone praetura functo; decretumque ne vasa auro solida ministrandis cibis fierent, ne vestis serica viros foedaret. excessit Fronto ac postulavit modum argento, supellectili, familiae: erat quippe adhuc frequens senatoribus, si quid e re publica crederent, loco sententiae promere. contra Gallus Asinius disseruit: auctu imperii adolevisse etiam privatas opes, idque non novum, sed e vetustissimis moribus: aliam apud Fabricios, aliam apud Scipiones pecuniam; et cuncta ad rem publicam referri, qua tenui angustas civium domos, postquam eo magnificentiae venerit, gliscere singulos. neque in familia et argento quaeque ad usum parentur nimium aliquid aut modicum nisi ex fortuna possidentis. distinctos senatus et equitum census, non quia diversi natura, sed ut locis ordi- nibus dignationibus antistent, ita iis quae ad requiem animi aut salubritatem corporum parentur, nisi forte clarissimo cuique pluris curas, maiora pericula subeunda, delenimentis curarum et periculorum carendum esse. facilem adsensum Gallo sub nominibus honestis confessio vitiorum et similitudo audientium dedit. adiecerat et Tiberius non id tempus censurae nec, si quid in moribus labaret, defuturum corrigendi auctorem. 2.37. Censusque quorundam senatorum iuvit. quo magis mirum fuit quod preces Marci Hortali, nobilis iuvenis, in paupertate manifesta superbius accepisset. nepos erat oratoris Hortensii, inlectus a divo Augusto liberalitate decies sestertii ducere uxorem, suscipere liberos, ne clarissima familia extingueretur. igitur quattuor filiis ante limen curiae adstantibus, loco sententiae, cum in Palatio senatus haberetur, modo Hortensii inter oratores sitam imaginem modo Augusti intuens, ad hunc modum coepit: 'patres conscripti, hos, quorum numerum et pueritiam videtis, non sponte sustuli sed quia princeps monebat; simul maiores mei meruerant ut posteros haberent. nam ego, qui non pecuniam, non studia populi neque eloquentiam, gentile domus nostrae bonum, varietate temporum accipere vel parare potuissem, satis habebam, si tenues res meae nec mihi pudori nec cuiquam oneri forent. iussus ab imperatore uxorem duxi. en stirps et progenies tot consulum, tot dictatorum. nec ad invidiam ista sed conciliandae misericordiae refero. adsequentur florente te, Caesar, quos dederis honores: interim Q. Hortensii pronepotes, divi Augusti alumnos ab inopia defende.' 3.55. Auditis Caesaris litteris remissa aedilibus talis cura; luxusque mensae a fine Actiaci belli ad ea arma quis Servius Galba rerum adeptus est per annos centum pro- fusis sumptibus exerciti paulatim exolevere. causas eius mutationis quaerere libet. dites olim familiae nobilium aut claritudine insignes studio magnificentiae prolabebantur. nam etiam tum plebem socios regna colere et coli licitum; ut quisque opibus domo paratu speciosus per nomen et clientelas inlustrior habebatur. postquam caedibus saevitum et magnitudo famae exitio erat, ceteri ad sapientiora convertere. simul novi homines e municipiis et coloniis atque etiam provinciis in senatum crebro adsumpti domesticam parsimoniam intulerunt, et quamquam fortuna vel industria plerique pecuniosam ad senectam pervenirent, mansit tamen prior animus. sed praecipuus adstricti moris auctor Vespasianus fuit, antiquo ipse cultu victuque. obsequium inde in principem et aemulandi amor validior quam poena ex legibus et metus. nisi forte rebus cunctis inest quidam velut orbis, ut quem ad modum temporum vices ita morum vertantur; nec omnia apud priores meliora, sed nostra quoque aetas multa laudis et artium imitanda posteris tulit. verum haec nobis in maiores certamina ex honesto maneant. 4.55. Sed Caesar quo famam averteret adesse frequens senatui legatosque Asiae ambigentis quanam in civitate templum statueretur pluris per dies audivit. undecim urbes certabant, pari ambitione, viribus diversae. neque multum distantia inter se memorabant de vetustate generis, studio in populum Romanum per bella Persi et Aristonici aliorumque regum. verum Hypaepeni Trallianique Laodicenis ac Magnetibus simul tramissi ut parum validi; ne Ilienses quidem, cum parentem urbis Romae Troiam referrent, nisi antiquitatis gloria pollebant. paulum addubitatum quod Halicarnasii mille et ducentos per annos nullo motu terrae nutavisse sedes suas vivoque in saxo fundamenta templi adseveraverant. Pergamenos (eo ipso nitebantur) aede Augusto ibi sita satis adeptos creditum. Ephesii Milesiique, hi Apollinis, illi Dianae caerimonia occupavisse civitates visi. ita Sardianos inter Zmyrnaeosque deliberatum. Sardiani decretum Etruriae recitavere ut consanguinei: nam Tyrrhenum Lydumque Atye rege genitos ob multitudinem divisisse gentem; Lydum patriis in terris resedisse, Tyrrheno datum novas ut conderet sedes; et ducum e nominibus indita vocabula illis per Asiam, his in Italia; auctamque adhuc Lydorum opulentiam missis in Graeciam populis cui mox a Pelope nomen. simul litteras imperatorum et icta nobiscum foedera bello Macedonum ubertatemque fluminum suorum, temperiem caeli ac ditis circum terras memorabant. 4.56. At Zmyrnaei repetita vetustate, seu Tantalus Iove ortus illos, sive Theseus divina et ipse stirpe, sive una Amazonum condidisset, transcendere ad ea, quis maxime fidebant, in populum Romanum officiis, missa navali copia non modo externa ad bella sed quae in Italia tolerabantur; seque primos templum urbis Romae statuisse, M. Porcio consule, magnis quidem iam populi Romani rebus, nondum tamen ad summum elatis, stante adhuc Punica urbe et validis per Asiam regibus. simul L. Sullam testem adferebant, gravissimo in discrimine exercitus ob asperitatem hiemis et penuriam vestis, cum id Zmyrnam in contionem nuntiatum foret, omnis qui adstabant detraxisse corpori tegmina nostrisque legionibus misisse. ita rogati sententiam patres Zmyrnaeos praetulere. censuitque Vibius Marsus ut M'. Lepido, cui ea provincia obvenerat, super numerum legaretur qui templi curam susciperet. et quia Lepidus ipse deligere per modestiam abnuebat, Valerius Naso e praetoriis sorte missus est. 13.58. Eodem anno Ruminalem arborem in comitio, quae octingentos et triginta ante annos Remi Romulique infantiam texerat, mortuis ramalibus et arescente trunco deminutam prodigii loco habitum est, donec in novos fetus revivesceret. 14.12. Miro tamen certamine procerum decernuntur supplicationes apud omnia pulvinaria, utque Quinquatrus quibus apertae insidiae essent ludis annuis celebrarentur; aureum Minervae simulacrum in curia et iuxta principis imago statuerentur; dies natalis Agrippinae inter nefastos esset. Thrasea Paetus silentio vel brevi adsensu priores adulationes transmittere solitus exiit tum senatu ac sibi causam periculi fecit, ceteris libertatis initium non praebuit. prodigia quoque crebra et inrita intercessere: anguem enixa mulier et alia in concubitu mariti fulmine exanimata; iam sol repente obscu- ratus et tactae de caelo quattuordecim urbis regiones. quae adeo sine cura deum eveniebant ut multos post annos Nero imperium et scelera continuaverit. ceterum quo gravaret invidiam matris eaque demota auctam lenitatem suam testificaretur, feminas inlustris Iuniam et Calpurniam, praetura functos Valerium Capitonem et Licinium Gabolum sedibus patriis reddidit, ab Agrippina olim pulsos. etiam Lolliae Paulinae cineres reportari sepulcrumque extrui permisit; quosque ipse nuper relegaverat, Iturium et Calvisium poena exolvit. nam Silana fato functa erat, longinquo ab exilio Tarentum regressa labante iam Agrippina, cuius inimicitiis conciderat, vel mitigata. 14.17. Sub idem tempus levi initio atrox caedes orta inter colonos Nucerinos Pompeianosque gladiatorio spectaculo quod Livineius Regulus, quem motum senatu rettuli, edebat. quippe oppidana lascivia in vicem incessentes probra, dein saxa, postremo ferrum sumpsere, validiore Pompeianorum plebe, apud quos spectaculum edebatur. ergo deportati sunt in urbem multi e Nucerinis trunco per vulnera corpore, ac plerique liberorum aut parentum mortis deflebant. cuius rei iudicium princeps senatui, senatus consulibus permisit. et rursus re ad patres relata, prohibiti publice in decem annos eius modi coetu Pompeiani collegiaque quae contra leges instituerant dissoluta; Livineius et qui alii seditionem conciverant exilio multati sunt. 15.53. Tandem statuere circensium ludorum die, qui Cereri celebratur, exequi destinata, quia Caesar rarus egressu domoque aut hortis clausus ad ludicra circi ventitabat promptioresque aditus erant laetitia spectaculi. ordinem insidiis composuerant, ut Lateranus, quasi subsidium rei familiari oraret, deprecabundus et genibus principis accidens prosterneret incautum premeretque, animi validus et corpore ingens; tum iacentem et impeditum tribuni et centuriones et ceterorum, ut quisque audentiae habuisset, adcurrerent trucidarentque, primas sibi partis expostulante Scaevino, qui pugionem templo Salutis in Etruria sive, ut alii tradidere, Fortunae Ferentino in oppido detraxerat gestabatque velut magno operi sacrum. interim Piso apud aedem Cereris opperiretur, unde eum praefectus Faenius et ceteri accitum ferrent in castra, comitante Antonia, Claudii Caesaris filia, ad eliciendum vulgi favorem, quod C. Plinius memorat. nobis quoquo modo traditum non occultare in animo fuit, quamvis absurdum videretur aut iem ad spem Antoniam nomen et periculum commodavisse aut Pisonem notum amore uxoris alii matrimonio se obstrinxisse, nisi si cupido domidi cunctis adfectibus flagrantior est. 15.72. Quibus perpetratis Nero et contione militum habita bina nummum milia viritim manipularibus divisit addiditque sine pretio frumentum, quo ante ex modo annonae utebantur. tum quasi gesta bello expositurus vocat senatum et triumphale decus Petronio Turpiliano consulari, Cocceio Nervae praetori designato, Tigellino praefecto praetorii tribuit, Tigellinum et Nervam ita extollens ut super triumphalis in foro imagines apud Palatium quoque effigies eorum sisteret. consularia insignia Nymphidioquia nunc primum oblatus est, pauca repetam: nam et ipse pars Romanarum cladium erit. igitur matre libertina ortus quae corpus decorum inter servos libertosque principum vulgaverat, ex G. Caesare se genitum ferebat, quoniam forte quadam habitu procerus et torvo vultu erat, sive G. Caesar, scortorum quoque cupiens, etiam matri eius inlusit 15.74. Tum decreta dona et grates deis decernuntur, propriusque honos Soli, cui est vetus aedes apud circum in quo facinus parabatur, qui occulta coniurationis numine retexisset; utque circensium Cerealium ludicrum pluribus equorum cursibus celebraretur mensisque Aprilis Neronis cognomentum acciperet; templum Saluti extrueretur eo loci *ex quo Scaevinus ferrum prompserat. ipse eum pugionem apud Capitolium sacravit inscripsitque Iovi Vindici: in praesens haud animadversum; post arma Iulii Vindicis ad auspicium et praesagium futurae ultionis trahebatur. reperio in commentariis senatus Cerialem Anicium consulem designatum pro sententia dixisse ut templum divo Neroni quam maturrime publica pecunia poneretur. quod quidem ille decernebat tamquam mortale fastigium egresso et venerationem hominum merito, sed ipse prohibuit, ne interpretatione quorundam ad omen malum sui exitus verteretur: nam deum honor principi non ante habetur quam agere inter homines desierit. 2.32.  His estate was parcelled out among the accusers, and extraordinary praetorships were conferred on those of senatorial status. Cotta Messalinus then moved that the effigy of Libo should not accompany the funeral processions of his descendants; Gnaeus Lentulus, that no member of the Scribonian house should adopt the surname of Drusus. Days of public thanksgiving were fixed at the instance of Pomponius Flaccus. Lucius Piso, Asinius Gallus, Papius Mutilus, and Lucius Apronius procured a decree that votive offerings should be made to Jupiter, Mars, and Concord; and that the thirteenth of September, the anniversary of Libo's suicide, should rank as a festival. This union of sounding names and sycophancy I have recorded as showing how long that evil has been rooted in the State. â€” Other resolutions of the senate ordered the expulsion of the astrologers and magic-mongers from Italy. One of their number, Lucius Pituanius, was flung from the Rock; another — Publius Marcius — was executed by the consuls outside the Esquiline Gate according to ancient usage and at sound of trumpet. 2.33.  At the next session, the ex-consul, Quintus Haterius, and Octavius Fronto, a former praetor, spoke at length against the national extravagance; and it was resolved that table-plate should not be manufactured in solid gold, and that Oriental silks should no longer degrade the male sex. Fronto went further, and pressed for a statutory limit to silver, furniture, and domestics: for it was still usual for a member to precede his vote by mooting any point which he considered to be in the public interest. Asinius Gallus opposed:— "With the expansion of the empire, private fortunes had also grown; nor was this new, but consot with extremely ancient custom. Wealth was one thing with the Fabricii, another with the Scipios; and all was relative to the state. When the state was poor, you had frugality and cottages: when it attained a pitch of splendour such as the present, the individual also throve. In slaves or plate or anything procured for use there was neither excess nor moderation except with reference to the means of the owner. Senators and knights had a special property qualification, not because they differed in kind from their fellow-men, but in order that those who enjoyed precedence in place, rank, and dignity should enjoy it also in the easements that make for mental peace and physical well-being. And justly so — unless your distinguished men, while saddled with more responsibilities and greater dangers, were to be deprived of the relaxations compensating those responsibilities and those dangers." — With his virtuously phrased confession of vice, Gallus easily carried with him that audience of congenial spirits. Tiberius, too, had added that it was not the time for a censorship, and that, if there was any loosening of the national morality, a reformer would be forthcoming. 2.37.  In addition, he gave monetary help to several senators; so that it was the more surprising when he treated the application of the young noble, Marcus Hortalus, with a superciliousness uncalled for in view of his clearly straitened circumstances. He was a grandson of the orator Hortensius; and the late Augustus, by the grant of a million sesterces, had induced him to marry and raise a family, in order to save his famous house from extinction. With his four sons, then, standing before the threshold of the Curia, he awaited his turn to speak; then, directing his gaze now to the portrait of Hortensius among the orators (the senate was meeting in the Palace), now to that of Augustus, he opened in the following manner:— "Conscript Fathers, these children whose number and tender age you see for yourselves, became mine not from any wish of my own, but because the emperor so advised, and because, at the same time, my ancestors had earned the right to a posterity. For to me, who in this changed world had been able to inherit nothing and acquire nothing, — not money, nor popularity, nor eloquence, that general birthright of our house, — to me it seemed enough if my slender means were neither a disgrace to myself nor a burden to my neighbour. At the command of the sovereign, I took a wife; and here you behold the stock of so many consuls, the offspring of so many dictators! I say it, not to awaken odium, but to woo compassion. Some day, Caesar, under your happy sway, they will wear whatever honours you have chosen to bestow: in the meantime, rescue from beggary the great-grandsons of Quintus Hortensius, the fosterlings of the deified Augustus!" 3.55.  When the Caesar's epistle had been read, the aediles were exempted from such a task; and spendthrift epicureanism, after being practised with extravagant prodigality throughout the century between the close of the Actian War and the struggle which placed Servius Galba on the throne, went gradually out of vogue. The causes of that change may well be investigated. Formerly aristocratic families of wealth or outstanding distinction were apt to be led to their downfall by a passion for magnificence. For it was still legitimate to court or be courted by the populace, by the provincials, by dependent princes; and the more handsome the fortune, the palace, the establishment of a man, the more imposing his reputation and his clientèle. After the merciless executions, when greatness of fame was death, the survivors turned to wiser paths. At the same time, the self-made men, repeatedly drafted into the senate from the municipalities and the colonies, and even from the provinces, introduced the plain-living habits of their own hearths; and although by good fortune or industry very many arrived at an old age of affluence, yet their prepossessions persisted to the end. But the main promoter of the stricter code was Vespasian, himself of the old school in his person and table. Thenceforward, deference to the sovereign and the love of emulating him proved more powerful than legal sanctions and deterrents. Or should we rather say there is a kind of cycle in all things — moral as well as seasonal revolutions? Nor, indeed, were all things better in the old time before us; but our own age too has produced much in the sphere of true nobility and much in that of art which posterity well may imitate. In any case, may the honourable competition of our present with our past long remain! 4.55.  To divert criticism, the Caesar attended the senate with frequency, and for several days listened to the deputies from Asia debating which of their communities was to erect his temple. Eleven cities competed, with equal ambition but disparate resources. With no great variety each pleaded national antiquity, and zeal for the Roman cause in the wars with Perseus, Aristonicus, and other kings. But Hypaepa and Tralles, together with Laodicea and Magnesia, were passed over as inadequate to the task: even Ilium, though it appealed to Troy as the parent of Rome, had no significance apart from the glory of its past. Some little hesitation was caused by the statement of the Halicarnassians that for twelve hundred years no tremors of earthquake had disturbed their town, and the temple foundations would rest on the living rock. The Pergamenes were refuted by their main argument: they had already a sanctuary of Augustus, and the distinction was thought ample. The state-worship in Ephesus and Miletus was considered to be already centred on the cults of Diana and Apollo respectively: the deliberations turned, therefore, on Sardis and Smyrna. The Sardians read a decree of their "kindred country" of Etruria. "Owing to its numbers," they explained, "Tyrrhenus and Lydus, sons of King Atys, had divided the nation. Lydus had remained in the territory of his fathers, Tyrrhenus had been allotted the task of creating a new settlement; and the Asiatic and Italian branches of the people had received distinctive titles from the names of the two leaders; while a further advance in the Lydian power had come with the despatch of colonists to the peninsula which afterwards took its name from Pelops." At the same time, they recalled the letters from Roman commanders, the treaties concluded with us in the Macedonian war, their ample rivers, tempered climate, and the richness of the surrounding country. 4.56.  The deputies from Smyrna, on the other hand, after retracing the antiquity of their town — whether founded by Tantalus, the seed of Jove; by Theseus, also of celestial stock; or by one of the Amazons — passed on to the arguments in which they rested most confidence: their good offices towards the Roman people, to whom they had sent their naval force to aid not merely in foreign wars but in those with which we had to cope in Italy, while they had also been the first to erect a temple to the City of Rome, at a period (the consulate of Marcus Porcius) when the Roman fortunes stood high indeed, but had not yet mounted to their zenith, as the Punic capital was yet standing and the kings were still powerful in Asia. At the same time, Sulla was called to witness that "with his army in a most critical position through the inclement winter and scarcity of clothing, the news had only to be announced at a public meeting in Smyrna, and the whole of the bystanders stripped the garments from their bodies and sent them to our legions." The Fathers accordingly, when their opinion was taken, gave Smyrna the preference. Vibius Marsus proposed that a supernumerary legate, to take responsibility for the temple, should be assigned to Manius Lepidus, to whom the province of Asia had fallen; and since Lepidus modestly declined to make the selection himself, Valerius Naso was chosen by lot among the ex-praetors and sent out. 13.58.  In the same year, the tree in the Comitium, known as the Ruminalis, which eight hundred and thirty years earlier had sheltered the infancy of Remus and Romulus, through the death of its boughs and the withering of its stem, reached a stage of decrepitude which was regarded as a portent, until it renewed its verdure in fresh shoots. 14.12.  However, with a notable spirit of emulation among the magnates, decrees were drawn up: thanksgivings were to be held at all appropriate shrines; the festival of Minerva, on which the conspiracy had been brought to light, was to be celebrated with annual games; a golden statue of the goddess, with an effigy of the emperor by her side, was to be erected in the curia, and Agrippina's birthday included among the inauspicious dates. Earlier sycophancies Thrasea Paetus had usually allowed to pass, either in silence or with a curt assent: this time he walked out of the senate, creating a source of danger for himself, but implanting no germ of independence in his colleagues. Portents, also, frequent and futile made their appearance: a woman gave birth to a serpent, another was killed by a thunderbolt in the embraces of her husband; the sun, again, was suddenly obscured, and the fourteen regions of the capital were struck by lightning — events which so little marked the concern of the gods that Nero continued for years to come his empire and his crimes. However, to aggravate the feeling against his mother, and to furnish evidence that his own mildness had increased with her removal, he restored to their native soil two women of high rank, Junia and Calpurnia, along with the ex-praetors Valerius Capito and Licinius Gabolus — all of them formerly banished by Agrippina. He sanctioned the return, even, of the ashes of Lollia Paulina, and the erection of a tomb: Iturius and Calvisius, whom he had himself relegated some little while before, he now released from the penalty. As to Silana, she had died a natural death at Tarentum, to which she had retraced her way, when Agrippina, by whose enmity she had fallen, was beginning to totter or to relent. 14.17.  About the same date, a trivial incident led to a serious affray between the inhabitants of the colonies of Nuceria and Pompeii, at a gladiatorial show presented by Livineius Regulus, whose removal from the senate has been noticed. During an exchange of raillery, typical of the petulance of country towns, they resorted to abuse, then to stones, and finally to steel; the superiority lying with the populace of Pompeii, where the show was being exhibited. As a result, many of the Nucerians were carried maimed and wounded to the capital, while a very large number mourned the deaths of children or of parents. The trial of the affair was delegated by the emperor to the senate; by the senate to the consuls. On the case being again laid before the members, the Pompeians as a community were debarred from holding any similar assembly for ten years, and the associations which they had formed illegally were dissolved. Livineius and the other fomenters of the outbreak were punished with exile. 15.53.  At last they resolved to execute their purpose on the day of the Circensian Games when the celebration is in honour of Ceres; as the emperor who rarely left home and secluded himself in his palace or gardens, went regularly to the exhibitions in the Circus and could be approached with comparative ease owing to the gaiety of the spectacle. They had arranged a set programme for the plot. Lateranus, as though asking ficial help, would fall in an attitude of entreaty at the emperor's feet, overturn him while off his guard, and hold him down, being as he was a man of intrepid character and a giant physically. Then, as the victim lay prostrate and pinned, the tribunes, the centurions, and any of the rest who had daring enough, were to run up and do him to death; the part of protagonist being claimed by Scaevinus, who had taken down a dagger from the temple of Safety — of Fortune, according to other accounts — in the town of Ferentinum, and wore it regularly as the instrument sanctified to a great work. In the interval, Piso was to wait in the temple of Ceres; from which he would be summoned by the prefect Faenius and the others and carried to the camp: he would be accompanied by Claudius' daughter Antonia, with a view to eliciting the approval of the crowd. This is the statement of Pliny. For my own part, whatever his assertion may be worth, I was not inclined to suppress it, absurd as it may seem that either Antonia should have staked her name and safety on an empty expectation, or Piso, notoriously devoted to his wife, should have pledged himself to another marriage — unless, indeed, the lust of power burns more fiercely than all emotions combined. 15.74.  offerings and thanks were then voted to Heaven, the Sun, who had an old temple in the Circus, where the crime was to be staged, receiving special honour for revealing by his divine power the secrets of the conspiracy. The Circensian Games of Ceres were to be celebrated with an increased number of horse-races; the month of April was to take the name of Nero; a temple of Safety was to be erected on the site . . . from which Scaevinus had taken his dagger. That weapon the emperor himself consecrated in the Capitol, and inscribed it:— To Jove the Avenger. At the time, the incident passed unnoticed: after the armed rising of the other"avenger," Julius Vindex, it was read as a token and a presage of coming retribution. I find in the records of the senate that Anicius Cerialis, consul designate, gave it as his opinion that a temple should be built to Nero the Divine, as early as possible and out of public funds. His motion, it is true, merely implied that the prince had transcended mortal eminence and earned the worship of mankind; but it was vetoed by that prince, because by other interpreters it might be wrested into an omen of, and aspiration for, his decease; for the honour of divine is not paid to the emperor until he has ceased to live and move among men.
108. Tacitus, Agricola, 46.3-46.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 47
109. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 9.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 119
110. Suetonius, Tiberius, 6.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 105; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 152
111. Suetonius, Iulius, 75.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius •sulla, l. cornelius, retirement from public life Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 216
112. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 49 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. the dictator, sullan colonies Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 235
113. Suetonius, Caligula, 24.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 135
114. Suetonius, Domitianus, 15.2, 18.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. •sulla, publius (cornelius) Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 156; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 75
115. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.2.1-1.2.4, 1.3.2, 1.4-1.8, 1.6.4, 1.6.13, 1.7.3-1.7.4, 2.5.1, 2.8.3-2.8.7, 3.2.17, 6.3.10, 8.14.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius •cornelius sulla, l., and postumius •cornelius sulla, l. •cornelius sulla, l., dreams •cornelius sulla felix, l. •cornelius sulla, l., and the monument of bocchus •cornelius sulla, l., honoured with equestrian statue •sulla felix, l. cornelius (dict. r. p. c. •cornelius sulla, p. (sulla), as salus rerum •sulla, l. cornelius, role in civil/numidian wars Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 160; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 89; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 105, 225; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 122; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 151; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 71, 94, 113; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
116. Ammianus Epigrammaticus, Epigrams, 16.5.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 105
117. Suetonius, Augustus, 43 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 105
118. Statius, Thebais, 1.56-1.87, 2.102-2.124 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla felix, l. Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 123
119. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 4.2.88, 11.3.78 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, publius (cornelius) Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 156
120. Seneca The Younger, Agamemnon, 1, 10-19, 2, 20-29, 3, 30-39, 4, 40, 42-49, 5, 50-56, 6-9, 41 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 123
41. Iliaca velis maria texerunt suis,
121. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 5.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, p. (sulla), plunging swords into the republic Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 118
122. Statius, Siluae, 4.6.59-4.6.88 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 119, 135
123. Columella, De Re Rustica, 1.3.10-1.3.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 56
1.3.10. Ideoque post reges exactos Liciniana illa septena iugera, quae plebis note target=" 1.3.11. ac plebeia mensura contentus fuit.Mox etiam cum velint Pontedera, Schneider, Lundstrōm: velit SAR, et alii. plebi Schn. retulere SAR. tanta M'. Lundstrōm, praeeunte Madvigio:tanta vel tantam codd. plerique. a Vergil, Georg. II. 412-413. b Cf. Palladius I. 6. 8, Fecundior est culta exiguitas quam magnitudo neglecta. c The first Roman agrarian law, made by Romulus, allotted to every citizen two iugera of land (Varro, R.R. I. 10. 12; cf. Pliny, N.H. XVIII. 7).For the seven iugera, cf. Varro, agrorum vastitatem victoriae nostrae et interneciones hostium fecissent, criminosum tamen senatori fuit supra quinquaginta iugera possedisse, suaque lege C. Licinius damnatus est, quod agri modum, quem in magistratu rogatione tribunicia promulgaverat, immodica possidendi libidine transcendisset, nec magis quia superbum videbatur tantum loci detinere quam quia flagitiosius, note target="
124. Seneca The Younger, Dialogi, 11.17.2-11.17.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •l. cornelius sulla felix Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 245
125. Seneca The Younger, Thyestes, 10, 100-109, 11, 110-119, 12, 120-121, 13-19, 2, 20-29, 3, 30-39, 4, 40-49, 5, 50-59, 6, 60-69, 7, 70-79, 8, 80-89, 9, 90-99, 1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 123
126. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 1.78, 1.237, 1.561, 1.737, 6.66, 7.229, 7.231, 8.76, 8.116, 8.515, 10.34, 10.42, 11.14, 11.347, 11.436, 83.20-83.25, 87.4, 87.12, 114.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 156; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 37, 98
127. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 1.15.2, 2.3.8, 3.1.9, 9.17.3, 10.113 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla (cornelius sulla felix) •cornelius sulla, l. •cornelius sulla, l. the dictator, sullan colonies Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 235; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 213; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 69
128. Lucian, Amores, 8, 15 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 119
129. Censorinus, De Die Natali, 1.7.3-1.7.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 61
130. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 2.3.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 69
131. Lucian, Hercules, 4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 119
132. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.12.1, 1.34.3, 6.9.3, 7.11.4-7.11.8, 7.16.9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. •cornelius sulla, lucius, statue base of •cornelius sulla, lucius, and oropos •oropos, and cornelius sulla, lucius Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 21; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 119; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 66, 202, 203, 204
1.12.1. οὕτω Πύρρος ἐστὶν ὁ πρῶτος ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος τῆς πέραν Ἰονίου διαβὰς ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους· διέβη δὲ καὶ οὗτος ἐπαγαγομένων Ταραντίνων. τούτοις γὰρ πρότερον ἔτι πρὸς Ῥωμαίους συνειστήκει πόλεμος· ἀδύνατοι δὲ κατὰ σφᾶς ὄντες ἀντισχεῖν, προϋπαρχούσης μὲν ἐς αὐτὸν εὐεργεσίας, ὅτι οἱ πολεμοῦντι τὸν πρὸς Κόρκυραν πόλεμον ναυσὶ συνήραντο, μάλιστα δὲ οἱ πρέσβεις τῶν Ταραντίνων ἀνέπεισαν τὸν Πύρρον, τήν τε Ἰταλίαν διδάσκοντες ὡς εὐδαιμονίας ἕνεκα ἀντὶ πάσης εἴη τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ ὡς οὐχ ὅσιον αὐτῷ παραπέμψαι σφᾶς φίλους τε καὶ ἱκέτας ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἥκοντας. ταῦτα λεγόντων τῶν πρέσβεων μνήμη τὸν Πύρρον τῆς ἁλώσεως ἐσῆλθε τῆς Ἰλίου, καί οἱ κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἤλπιζε χωρήσειν πολεμοῦντι· στρατεύειν γὰρ ἐπὶ Τρώων ἀποίκους Ἀχιλλέως ὢν ἀπόγονος. 1.34.3. παρέχεται δὲ ὁ βωμὸς μέρη· τὸ μὲν Ἡρακλέους καὶ Διὸς καὶ Ἀπόλλωνός ἐστι Παιῶνος, τὸ δὲ ἥρωσι καὶ ἡρώων ἀνεῖται γυναιξί, τρίτον δὲ Ἑστίας καὶ Ἑρμοῦ καὶ Ἀμφιαράου καὶ τῶν παίδων Ἀμφιλόχου· Ἀλκμαίων δὲ διὰ τὸ ἐς Ἐριφύλην ἔργον οὔτε ἐν Ἀμφιαράου τινά, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ παρὰ τῷ Ἀμφιλόχῳ τιμὴν ἔχει. τετάρτη δέ ἐστι τοῦ βωμοῦ μοῖρα Ἀφροδίτης καὶ Πανακείας, ἔτι δὲ Ἰασοῦς καὶ Ὑγείας καὶ Ἀθηνᾶς Παιωνίας· πέμπτη δὲ πεποίηται νύμφαις καὶ Πανὶ καὶ ποταμοῖς Ἀχελῴῳ καὶ Κηφισῷ. τῷ δὲ Ἀμφιλόχῳ καὶ παρʼ Ἀθηναίοις ἐστὶν ἐν τῇ πόλει βωμὸς καὶ Κιλικίας ἐν Μαλλῷ μαντεῖον ἀψευδέστατον τῶν ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ. 6.9.3. Ἀριστεὺς δὲ Ἀργεῖος δολίχου μὲν νίκην ἔσχεν αὐτός, πάλης δὲ ὁ πατὴρ τοῦ Ἀριστέως Χείμων· ἑστήκασι μὲν δὴ ἐγγὺς ἀλλήλων, ἐποίησε δὲ τὸν μὲν Παντίας Χῖος παρὰ τῷ πατρὶ δεδιδαγμένος Σωστράτῳ, αἱ δὲ εἰκόνες τοῦ Χείμωνος ἔργον ἐστὶν ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν τῶν δοκιμωτάτων Ναυκύδους , ἥ τε ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ καὶ ἡ ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς Εἰρήνης τὸ ἐν Ῥώμῃ κομισθεῖσα ἐξ Ἄργους. λέγεται δὲ ὡς Ταυροσθένην καταπαλαίσειεν ὁ Χείμων τὸν Αἰγινήτην καὶ ὡς Ταυροσθένης τῇ Ὀλυμπιάδι τῇ ἐφεξῆς καταβάλοι τοὺς ἐσελθόντας ἐς τὴν πάλην καὶ ὡς ἐοικὸς Ταυροσθένει φάσμα ἐπʼ ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέρας ἐν Αἰγίνῃ φανὲν ἀπαγγείλειε τὴν νίκην. 7.11.4. ὁ μὲν δὴ τὰ ἐντεταλμένα ἐποίει, Ἀθηναίων δὲ ὁ δῆμος ἀνάγκῃ πλέον ἢ ἑκουσίως διαρπάζουσιν Ὠρωπὸν ὑπήκοόν σφισιν οὖσαν· πενίας γὰρ ἐς τὸ ἔσχατον Ἀθηναῖοι τηνικαῦτα ἧκον ἅτε ὑπὸ Μακεδόνων πολέμῳ πιεσθέντες μάλιστα Ἑλλήνων. καταφεύγουσιν οὖν ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥωμαίων βουλὴν οἱ Ὠρώπιοι· καὶ δόξαντες παθεῖν οὐ δίκαια, καὶ ἐπεστάλη Σικυωνίοις ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἐπιβάλλειν σφᾶς Ἀθηναίοις ἐς Ὠρωπίους ζημίαν κατὰ τῆς βλάβης ἧς ἦρξαν τὴν ἀξίαν. 7.11.5. Σικυώνιοι μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἀφικομένοις ἐς καιρὸν τῆς κρίσεως Ἀθηναίοις ζημίαν πεντακόσια τάλαντα ἐπιβάλλουσι, Ῥωμαίων δὲ ἡ βουλὴ δεηθεῖσιν Ἀθηναίοις ἀφίησι πλὴν ταλάντων ἑκατὸν τὴν ἄλλην ζημίαν· ἐξέτισαν δὲ οὐδὲ ταῦτα οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἀλλὰ ὑποσχέσεσι καὶ δώροις ὑπελθόντες Ὠρωπίους ὑπάγονται σφᾶς ἐς ὁμολογίαν φρουράν τε Ἀθηναίων ἐσελθεῖν ἐς Ὠρωπὸν καὶ ὁμήρους λαβεῖν παρὰ Ὠρωπίων Ἀθηναίους· ἢν δὲ αὖθις ἐς Ἀθηναίους γένηται ἔγκλημα Ὠρωπίοις, τὴν φρουρὰν τότε ἀπάγειν παρʼ αὐτῶν Ἀθηναίους, ἀποδοῦναι δὲ καὶ ὀπίσω τοὺς ὁμήρους. 7.11.6. χρόνος τε δὴ οὐ πολὺς ὁ μεταξὺ ἤνυστο, καὶ τῶν φρουρῶν ἀδικοῦσιν ἄνδρες Ὠρωπίους. οἱ μὲν δὴ ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας ἀπέστελλον ὁμήρους τε ἀπαιτήσοντας καὶ φρουράν σφισιν ἐξάγειν κατὰ τὰ συγκείμενα ἐροῦντας· Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ οὐδέτερα ἔφασαν ποιήσειν, ἀνθρώπων γὰρ τῶν ἐπὶ τῇ φρουρᾷ καὶ οὐ τοῦ Ἀθηναίων δήμου τὸ ἁμάρτημα εἶναι· τοὺς μέντοι αὐτὰ εἰργασμένους ἐπηγγέλλοντο ὑφέξειν δίκην. 7.11.7. οἱ δὲ Ὠρώπιοι καταφεύγοντες ἐπὶ Ἀχαιοὺς ἐδέοντο τιμωρῆσαί σφισιν· Ἀχαιοῖς δὲ ἤρεσκε μὴ τιμωρεῖν φιλίᾳ τε καὶ αἰδοῖ τῇ Ἀθηναίων. ἐνταῦθα οἱ Ὠρώπιοι Μεναλκίδᾳ, Λακεδαιμονίῳ μὲν γένος, στρατηγοῦντι δὲ ἐν τῷ τότε Ἀχαιῶν, ὑπισχνοῦνται δέκα ταλάντων δόσιν, ἤν σφισιν ἐπικουρεῖν Ἀχαιοὺς ἄγῃ· ὁ δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν χρημάτων μεταδώσειν Καλλικράτει τὸ ἥμισυ ὑπισχνεῖτο, ἰσχύοντι διὰ φιλίαν τὴν Ρωμαίων ἐν Ἀχαιοῖς μέγιστον. 7.11.8. προσγενομένου δὲ τοῦ Καλλικράτους πρὸς τὴν Μεναλκίδου γνώμην ἐκεκύρωτο κατὰ Ἀθηναίων ἀμύνειν Ὠρωπίοις. καί τις ἐξαγγέλλει ταῦτα ἐς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους· οἱ δὲ ὡς ἕκαστος τάχους εἶχεν ἐς τὸν Ὠρωπὸν ἐλθόντες καὶ αὖθις κατασύραντες εἴ τι ἐν ταῖς προτέραις παρεῖτό σφισιν ἁρπαγαῖς, ἀπάγουσι τὴν φρουράν. Ἀχαιοὺς δὲ ὑστερήσαντας τῆς βοηθείας Μεναλκίδας μὲν καὶ Καλλικράτης ἐσβάλλειν ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἔπειθον· ἀνθισταμένων δὲ ἄλλων τε αὐτοῖς καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα τῶν ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος, ἀνεχώρησεν ὀπίσω τὸ στράτευμα. 7.16.9. πόλεων δέ, ὅσαι Ῥωμαίων ἐναντία ἐπολέμησαν, τείχη μὲν ὁ Μόμμιος κατέλυε καὶ ὅπλα ἀφῃρεῖτο πρὶν ἢ καὶ συμβούλους ἀποσταλῆναι παρὰ Ῥωμαίων· ὡς δὲ ἀφίκοντο οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ βουλευσόμενοι, ἐνταῦθα δημοκρατίας μὲν κατέπαυε, καθίστα δὲ ἀπὸ τιμημάτων τὰς ἀρχάς· καὶ φόρος τε ἐτάχθη τῇ Ἑλλάδι καὶ οἱ τὰ χρήματα ἔχοντες ἐκωλύοντο ἐν τῇ ὑπερορίᾳ κτᾶσθαι· συνέδριά τε κατὰ ἔθνος τὰ ἑκάστων, Ἀχαιῶν καὶ τὸ ἐν Φωκεῦσιν ἢ Βοιωτοῖς ἢ ἑτέρωθί που τῆς Ἑλλάδος, κατελέλυτο ὁμοίως πάντα. 1.12.1. So Pyrrhus was the first to cross the Ionian Sea from Greece to attack the Romans. 280 B.C. And even he crossed on the invitation of the Tarentines. For they were already involved in a war with the Romans, but were no match for them unaided. Pyrrhus was already in their debt, because they had sent a fleet to help him in his war with Corcyra , but the most cogent arguments of the Tarentine envoys were their accounts of Italy , how its prosperity was equal to that of the whole of Greece , and their plea that it was wicked to dismiss them when they had come as friends and suppliants in their hour of need. When the envoys urged these considerations, Pyrrhus remembered the capture of Troy , which he took to be an omen of his success in the war, as he was a descendant of Achilles making war upon a colony of Trojans. 1.34.3. The altar shows parts. One part is to Heracles, Zeus, and Apollo Healer, another is given up to heroes and to wives of heroes, the third is to Hestia and Hermes and Amphiaraus and the children of Amphilochus. But Alcmaeon, because of his treatment of Eriphyle, is honored neither in the temple of Amphiaraus nor yet with Amphilochus. The fourth portion of the altar is to Aphrodite and Panacea, and further to Iaso, Health and Athena Healer. The fifth is dedicated to the nymphs and to Pan, and to the rivers Achelous and Cephisus. The Athenians too have an altar to Amphilochus in the city, and there is at Mallus in Cilicia an oracle of his which is the most trustworthy of my day. 6.9.3. Aristeus of Argos himself won a victory in the long-race, while his father Cheimon won the wrestling-match. They stand near to each other, the statue of Aristeus being by Pantias of Chios , the pupil of his father Sostratus. Besides the statue of Cheimon at Olympia there is another in the temple of Peace at Rome , brought there from Argos . Both are in my opinion among the most glorious works of Naucydes. It is also told how Cheimon overthrew at wrestling Taurosthenes of Aegina , how Taurosthenes at the next Festival overthrew all who entered for the wrestling-match, and how a wraith like Taurosthenes appeared on that day in Aegina and announced the victory. 7.11.4. While he was carrying out his instructions, the Athenian populace sacked Oropus, a state subject to them. The act was one of necessity rather than of free-will, as the Athenians at the time suffered the direst poverty, because the Macedonian war had crushed them more than any other Greeks. So the Oropians appealed to the Roman senate. It decided that an injustice had been committed, and instructed the Sicyonians to inflict a fine on the Athenians commensurate with the unprovoked harm done by them to Oropus. 7.11.5. When the Athenians did not appear in time for the trial, the Sicyonians inflicted on them a fine of five hundred talents, which the Roman senate on the appeal of the Athenians remitted with the exception of one hundred talents. Not even this reduced fine did the Athenians pay, but by promises and bribes they beguiled the Oropians into an agreement that an Athenian garrison should enter Oropus, and that the Athenians should take hostages from the Oropians. If in the future the Oropians should have any complaint to make against the Athenians, then the Athenians were to withdraw their garrison from Oropus and give the hostages back again. 7.11.6. After no long interval the Oropians were wronged by certain of the garrison. They accordingly despatched envoys to Athens to ask for the restoration of their hostages and to request that the garrison be withdrawn according to the agreement. The Athenians refused to do either of these things, saying that the blame lay, not with the Athenian people, but with the men of the garrison. They promised, however, that the culprits should he brought to account. 7.11.7. The Oropians then appealed to the Achaeans for aid, but these refused to give it out of friendship and respect for the Athenians. Thereupon the Oropians promised Menalcidas, a Lacedaemonian who was then general of the Achaeans, a gift of ten talents if he would induce the Achaeans to help them. Menalcidas promised half of the money to Callicrates, who on account of his friendship with the Romans had most influence among the Achaeans. 7.11.8. Callicrates was persuaded to adopt the plan of Menalcidas, and it was decided to help the Oropians against the Athenians. News of this was brought to the Athenians, who, with all the speed each could, came to Oropus, again dragged away anything they had overlooked in the previous raids, and brought away the garrison. As the Achaeans were too late to render help, Menalcidas and Callicrates urged them to invade Attica . But they met with opposition, especially from Lacedaemon , and the army withdrew. 7.16.9. The walls of all the cities that had made war against Rome Mummius demolished, disarming the inhabitants, even before assistant commissioners were despatched from Rome, and when these did arrive, he proceeded to put down democracies and to establish governments based on a property qualification. Tribute was imposed on Greece , and those with property were forbidden to acquire possessions in a foreign country. Racial confederacies, whether of Achaeans, or Phocians, or Boeotians, or of any other Greek people, were one and all put down.
133. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 53.3-53.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla (l. cornelius sulla) Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 128
134. Apuleius, Apology, 70.7 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 61
135. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 1.14.2, 4.6.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. •l. cornelius sulla felix Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 245; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 119
136. Gellius, Attic Nights, 2.24.3-2.24.12, 2.24.14, 10.15.3, 10.15.17, 15.8, 16.13.4-16.13.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 115
137. Gaius, Instiutiones, 1.196 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 61
138. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla felix, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 87
139. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 130
211d. Antiochus, who succeeded to the kingdom, would not tolerate the abusive manners of this Diogenes, and ordered his throat to be cut. But Alexander was gentle in all circumstances, and in his conversation fond of literary subjects; and he was not like Athenion, the Peripatetic philosopher, who had been the head of a philosophic school at Athens and in Messene and again at Larisa, in Thessaly, and afterwards usurped rule over the city of Athens. Concerning him Poseidonius of Apamea records detailed information which, though rather long, Iwill set forth, because Iwish to scrutinize carefully
140. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 14.1-14.2, 37.49.3, 38.5.1-38.5.2, 38.28.1-38.28.3, 41.61.3, 42.18.2, 42.20, 42.20.3-42.20.4, 42.21.1-42.21.2, 42.55.4, 43.25.2, 44.1.1, 45.27.5, 46.13.1, 46.18.3, 46.45.3-46.45.4, 47.13.4, 47.20.4, 50.2.5, 51.6.1, 53.19, 54.31.2, 58.7.2, 59.17.3, 59.22.7, 65.15, 73.24.1, 74.5.3, 74.13.2-74.13.5, 75.5.3, 77.2.5-77.2.6, 78.16.6, 7271.28.1, 7675.7.4, 7675.8.1-7675.8.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, lucius, statue base of •cornelius sulla, l., marriage of aemilia scaura to pompey •cornelius sulla, l. •sulla (l. cornelius sulla) •sulla, l. cornelius •sulla, l. cornelius, retirement from public life •cornelius sulla felix, l., dictator •l. cornelius sulla •cornelius sulla felix, l. •l. cornelius sulla felix Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 74; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 61; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 216; Henderson (2020), The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus, 287; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 108; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 123, 135, 136, 143, 144, 171; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 245; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 105; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67, 69, 119, 135; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 113; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 54, 59, 64, 128, 160; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 224
37.49.3.  And as for the consuls themselves, Afranius, who understood how to dance better than to transact any business, did not assist him at all, and Metellus, in anger that Pompey had divorced his sister in spite of having had children by her, vigorously opposed him in everything. 38.5.2.  On the former occasion, to be sure, since the treasury had no great means, the granting of the land was naturally postponed; but at present, since it has become exceedingly rich through my efforts, it is but right that the promise made to the soldiers be fulfilled and that the rest also reap the fruit of the common toils." 38.28.1.  For if you will take my advice, you will be quite satisfied to pick out a little estate in some retired spot on the coast and there carry on at the same time farming and some historical writing, like Xenophon and like Thucydides. 38.28.2.  This form of learning is most enduring and best adapted to every man and to every state; and exile brings with it a kind of leisure that is more fruitful. If, then, you wish to become really immortal, like those historians, emulate them. 38.28.3.  You have the necessary means in sufficiency and you lack no distinction. For if there is any virtue in such honours, you have been consul; nothing more belongs to those who have held office a second, a third, or a fourth time, except an array of idle letters which benefit no man, living or dead. 41.61.3.  And so far did the effects of that contest extend to the rest of mankind that on the very day of the battle collisions of armies and the clash of arms occurred in many places. In Pergamum a noise of drums and cymbals rose from the temple of Dionysus and spread throughout the city; 42.18.2.  But when at last they gave the story credence, they removed the images of Pompey and of Sulla that stood upon the rostra, but did nothing further at the time. Many, indeed, did not wish to do even this, 42.20. 1.  They granted him, then, permission to do whatever he wished to those who had favoured Pompey's cause, not that he had not already received this right from himself, but in order that he might seem to be acting with some show of legal authority. They appointed him arbiter of war and peace with all mankind — using the conspirators in Africa as a pretext — without the obligation even of making any communication on the subject to the people or the senate.,2.  This, of course, also lay in his power before, inasmuch as he had so large an armed force; at any rate the wars he had fought he had undertaken on his own authority in nearly every case. Nevertheless, because they wished still to appear to be free and independent citizens, they voted him these rights and everything else which it was in his power to have even against their will.,3.  Thus he received the privilege of being consul for five consecutive years and of being chosen dictator, not for six months, but for an entire year, and he assumed the tribunician authority practically for life; for he secured the right of sitting with the tribunes upon the same benches and of being reckoned with them for other purposes — a privilege which was permitted to no one.,4.  All the elections except those of the plebs now passed into his hands, and for this reason they were delayed till after his arrival and were held toward the close of the year. In the case of the governorships in subject territory the citizens pretended to allot themselves those which fell to the consuls, but voted that Caesar should give the others to the praetors without the casting of lots; for they had gone back to consuls and praetors again contrary to their decree.,5.  And they also granted another privilege, which was customary, to be sure, but in the corruption of the times might cause hatred and resentment: they decreed that Caesar should hold a triumph for the war against Juba and the Romans who fought with him, just as if had been the victor, although, as a matter of fact, he had not then so much as heard that there was to be such a war. 42.20.3.  Thus he received the privilege of being consul for five consecutive years and of being chosen dictator, not for six months, but for an entire year, and he assumed the tribunician authority practically for life; for he secured the right of sitting with the tribunes upon the same benches and of being reckoned with them for other purposes — a privilege which was permitted to no one. 42.20.4.  All the elections except those of the plebs now passed into his hands, and for this reason they were delayed till after his arrival and were held toward the close of the year. In the case of the governorships in subject territory the citizens pretended to allot themselves those which fell to the consuls, but voted that Caesar should give the others to the praetors without the casting of lots; for they had gone back to consuls and praetors again contrary to their decree. 42.21.1.  In this way these measures were voted and ratified. Caesar entered upon the dictatorship at once, although he was outside of Italy, and chose Antony, although he had not yet been praetor, as his master of horse; and the consuls proposed the latter's name also, although the augurs very strongly opposed him, declaring that no one might be master of the horses for more than six months. 42.21.2.  But for this course they brought upon themselves a great deal of ridicule, because, after having decided that the dictator himself should be chosen for a year, contrary to all precedent, they were now splitting hairs about the master of the horse. 42.55.4. These were the things he did in that year in which he really ruled alone as dictator for the second time, though Calenus and Vatinius, appointed near the close of the year, were said to be the consuls. 43.25.2.  for formerly some of the common people had also joined with them in rendering decisions. The expenditures moreover, of men of means, which had grown to an enormous extent by reason of their prodigality, he not only regulated by law but also practically checked by stern measures. Moreover, since, on account of the multitude of those who had perished there was a serious falling off in population, as was shown both by the censuses (which he attended to, among other things, as if he were censor) and, indeed, by mere observation, he offered prizes for large families of children. 44.1.1.  All this Caesar did as a preliminary step to his campaign against the Parthians; but a baleful frenzy which fell upon certain men through jealousy of his advancement and hatred of his preferment to themselves caused his death unlawfully, while it added a new name to the annals of infamy; it scattered the decrees to the wind 45.27.5.  For when he proposed those astonishing laws, the whole city was filled with thunder and lightning. Yet this accursed fellow paid no attention to all this, though he claims to be an augur, but filled not only the city but also the whole world with evils and with wars, as I have said. "Now after this is there any need of mentioning that he served as master of the horse a whole year, something which had never before occurred? 46.18.3.  Oh no, it is not through modesty that you do this, you who delivered that long screed about Antony's habits. Who is there that does not see these delicate mantles of yours? Who does not scent your carefully combed gray locks? Who does not know that you put away your first wife who had borne you two children, and in your extreme old age married another, a mere girl, in order that you might pay your debts out of her property? 46.45.3.  Thus Caesar took possession of the city without a blow and was appointed consul by the people, after two men had been chosen to act as consuls for holding the elections; for it was impossible, on so short notice, for an -- interrex to be chosen for the purpose, in accordance with precedent, because many men who held the patrician offices were absent from the city. 46.45.4.  For they preferred to submit to this arrangement of having two men named by the praetor urbanus rather to have the consuls elected under his direction, because now these officials would limit their activities to the elections and consequently would appear to have possessed no office greater than his. 47.13.4.  And to the populace they once openly stated they had emulated neither the cruelty of Marius and Sulla, that they should be hated, nor, on the other hand, the mildness of Caesar, that they should be despised and consequently plotted against. 47.20.4.  Then, despairing of the republic and at the same time fearing him, they departed. The Athenians gave them a splendid reception; for, though they were honoured by nearly everybody else for what they had done, the inhabitants of this city voted them bronze images by the side of those of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, thus intimating that Brutus and Cassius had emulated their example. 50.2.5.  But afterwards he returned and convened the senate, surrounding himself with a guard of soldiers and friends who carried concealed daggers; and sitting with the consuls upon his chair of state, he spoke from there at length and with moderation in defence of himself, and brought many accusations against Sosius and Antony. 53.19. 1.  In this way the government was changed at that time for the better and in the interest of greater security; for it was no doubt quite impossible for the people to be saved under a republic. Nevertheless, the events occurring after this time can not be recorded in the same manner as those of previous times.,2.  Formerly, as we know, all matters were reported to the senate and to the people, even if they happened at a distance; hence all learned of them and many recorded them, and consequently the truth regarding them, no matter to what extent fear or favour, friendship or enmity, coloured the reports of certain writers, was always to a certain extent to be found in the works of the other writers who wrote of the same events and in the public records.,3.  But after this time most things that happened began to be kept secret and concealed, and even though some things are perchance made public, they are distrusted just because they can not be verified; for it is suspected that everything is said and done with reference to the wishes of the men in power at the time and of their associates.,4.  As a result, much that never occurs is noised abroad, and much that happens beyond a doubt is unknown, and in the case of nearly every event a version gains currency that is different from the way it really happened. Furthermore, the very magnitude of the empire and the multitude of things that occur render accuracy in regard to them most difficult.,5.  In Rome, for example, much is going on, and much in the subject territory, while, as regards our enemies, there is something happening all the time, in fact, every day, and concerning these things no one except the participants can easily have correct information, and most people do not even hear of them at all.,6.  Hence in my own narrative of later events, so far as they need to be mentioned, everything that I shall say will be in accordance with reports that have been given out, whether it be really the truth or otherwise. In addition to these reports, however, my own opinion will be given, as far as possible, whenever I have been able, from the abundant evidence which I have gathered from my reading, from hearsay, and from what I have seen, to form a judgment that differs from the common report. 54.31.2.  He first made him, as he had made Agrippa, divorce his wife, though she was the daughter of Agrippa by a former marriage and was bringing up one child and was about to give birth to another; and having betrothed Julia to him, he sent him out against the Pannonians. This people had for a time been quiet through fear of Agrippa, but now after his death they had revolted. 58.7.2.  (for he was wont to include himself in such sacrifices), a rope was discovered coiled about the neck of the statue. Again, there was the behaviour of a statue of Fortune, which had belonged, they say, to Tullius, one of the former kings of Rome, but was at this time kept by Sejanus at his house and was a source of great pride to him: 59.17.3.  In building the bridge not merely a passageway was constructed, but also resting-places and lodging-room were built along its course, and these had running water suitable for drinking. When all was ready, he put on the breastplate of Alexander (or so he claimed), and over it a purple silk chlamys, adorned with much gold and many precious stones from India; moreover he girt on a sword, too a shield, and donned a garland of oak leaves. 59.22.7.  and whom he kept declaring he would leave as his successor to the throne. To celebrate this man's death he gave the soldiers money, as though he had defeated some enemies, and sent three daggers to Mars Ultor in Rome. 77.2.5.  Hence Plautianus became very indigt; he had even before this hated Antoninus for slighting his daughter, but now detested him more than ever as being responsible for this slight which had been put upon him, and he began to behave rather harshly toward him.  For these reasons Antoninus, in addition to being disgusted with his wife, who was a most shameless creature, felt resentment against Plautianus as well, because he kept meddling in all his undertakings and rebuking him for everything that he did; and so he conceived the desire to get rid of him in some way or other. 78.16.6.  Antoninus censured and rebuked them all because they asked nothing of him; and he said to them all: "It is evident from the fact that you ask nothing of me that you do not have confidence in me; and if you do not have confidence, you are suspicious of me; and if you are suspicious, you fear me; and if you fear me, you hate me." And he made this an excuse for plotting their destruction.
141. Longinus Cassius, Fragments, 52.1, 83.6, 102.7 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla (l. cornelius sulla) Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 54
142. Obsequens, De Prodigiis, None (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 185
143. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 1.20.27 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 69
144. Philostratus, Pictures, None (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 119
145. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.17.1-3.17.3, 3.17.6, 3.17.11-3.17.12 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 105
146. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Maximinus, 33.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 69
147. Callistratus, Staturam Descriptiones, 6.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 119
148. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.17.1-3.17.3, 3.17.6, 3.17.11-3.17.12 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 105
149. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 1.448, 1.720, 6.73, 7.614, 8.526, 8.552 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla felix, l. •cornelius sulla, l. •cornelius sulla, l., and the capitol •cornelius sulla, p. (sulla), as salus rerum Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 87; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 69; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 89, 135; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
150. Eutropius, Breviarium Ab Urbe Condita (Paeanii Translatio), 1.19.2 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla felix, l., dictator Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 172
151. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 16.10.14 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 119
16.10.14. For he did not (as in the case of other cities) permit the contests to be terminated at his own discretion, but left them (as the custom is) to various chances. Then, as he surveyed the sections of the city and its suburbs, lying within the summits of the seven hills, along their slopes, or on level ground, he thought that whatever first met his gaze towered above all the rest: the sanctuaries of Tarpeian Jove so far surpassing as things divine excel those of earth; the baths built up to the measure of provinces; the huge bulk of the amphitheatre, strengthened by its framework of Tiburtine stone, Travertine. to whose top human eyesight barely ascends; the Pantheon like a rounded city-district, Regio here refers to one of the regions, or districts, into which the city was divided. vaulted over in lofty beauty; and the exalted heights which rise with platforms to which one may mount, and bear the likenesses of former emperors; The columns of Trajan, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius. The platform at the top was reached by a stairway within the column. the Temple of the City, The double temple of Venus and Roma, built by Hadriian and dedicated in A.D. 135 the Forum of Peace, The Forum Pacis, or Vespasiani, was begun by Vespasian in A.D. 71, after the taking of Jerusalem, and dedicated in 75. It lay behind the basilica Aemilia. the Theatre of Pompey, Built in 55 B.C. in the Campus Martius. the Oleum, A building for musical performances, erected by Domitian, probably near his Stadium. the Stadium, The Stadium of Domitian in the Campus Martius, the shape and size of which is almost exactly preserved by the modern Piazza Navona. and amongst these the other adornments of the Eternal City.
152. Augustine, The City of God, 2.24, 22.28 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., and postumius •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 91, 94
2.24. It is certain that Sylla - whose rule was so cruel that, in comparison with it, the preceding state of things which he came to avenge was regretted - when first he advanced towards Rome to give battle to Marius, found the auspices so favourable when he sacrificed, that, according to Livy's account, the augur Postumius expressed his willingness to lose his head if Sylla did not, with the help of the gods, accomplish what he designed. The gods, you see, had not departed from every fane and sacred shrine, since they were still predicting the issue of these affairs, and yet were taking no steps to correct Sylla himself. Their presages promised him great prosperity but no threatenings of theirs subdued his evil passions. And then, when he was in Asia conducting the war against Mithridates, a message from Jupiter was delivered to him by Lucius Titius, to the effect that he would conquer Mithridates; and so it came to pass. And afterwards, when he was meditating a return to Rome for the purpose of avenging in the blood of the citizens injuries done to himself and his friends, a second message from Jupiter was delivered to him by a soldier of the sixth legion, to the effect that it was he who had predicted the victory over Mithridates, and that now he promised to give him power to recover the republic from his enemies, though with great bloodshed. Sylla at once inquired of the soldier what form had appeared to him; and, on his reply, recognized that it was the same as Jupiter had formerly employed to convey to him the assurance regarding the victory over Mithridates. How, then, can the gods be justified in this matter for the care they took to predict these shadowy successes, and for their negligence in correcting Sylla, and restraining him from stirring up a civil war so lamentable and atrocious, that it not merely disfigured, but extinguished, the republic? The truth is, as I have often said, and as Scripture informs us, and as the facts themselves sufficiently indicate, the demons are found to look after their own ends only, that they may be regarded and worshipped as gods, and that men may be induced to offer to them a worship which associates them with their crimes, and involves them in one common wickedness and judgment of God. Afterwards, when Sylla had come to Taranto, and had sacrificed there, he saw on the head of the victim's liver the likeness of a golden crown. Thereupon the same soothsayer Postumius interpreted this to signify a signal victory, and ordered that he only should eat of the entrails. A little afterwards, the slave of a certain Lucius Pontius cried out, I am Bellona's messenger; the victory is yours, Sylla! Then he added that the Capitol should be burned. As soon as he had uttered this prediction he left the camp, but returned the following day more excited than ever, and shouted, The Capitol is fired! And fired indeed it was. This it was easy for a demon both to foresee and quickly to announce. But observe, as relevant to our subject, what kind of gods they are under whom these men desire to live, who blaspheme the Saviour that delivers the wills of the faithful from the dominion of devils. The man cried out in prophetic rapture, The victory is yours, Sylla! And to certify that he spoke by a divine spirit, he predicted also an event which was shortly to happen, and which indeed did fall out, in a place from which he in whom this spirit was speaking was far distant. But he never cried, Forbear your villanies, Sylla! - the villanies which were committed at Rome by that victor to whom a golden crown on the calf's liver had been shown as the divine evidence of his victory. If such signs as this were customarily sent by just gods, and not by wicked demons, then certainly the entrails he consulted should rather have given Sylla intimation of the cruel disasters that were to befall the city and himself. For that victory was not so conducive to his exaltation to power, as it was fatal to his ambition; for by it he became so insatiable in his desires, and was rendered so arrogant and reckless by prosperity, that he may be said rather to have inflicted a moral destruction on himself than corporal destruction on his enemies. But these truly woeful and deplorable calamities the gods gave him no previous hint of, neither by entrails, augury, dream, nor prediction. For they feared his amendment more than his defeat. Yea, they took good care that this glorious conqueror of his own fellow citizens should be conquered and led captive by his own infamous vices, and should thus be the more submissive slave of the demons themselves. 22.28. Some Christians, who have a liking for Plato on account of his magnificent style and the truths which he now and then uttered, say that he even held an opinion similar to our own regarding the resurrection of the dead. Cicero, however, alluding to this in his Republic, asserts that Plato meant it rather as a playful fancy than as a reality; for he introduces a man who had come to life again, and gave a narrative of his experience in corroboration of the doctrines of Plato. Labeo, too, says that two men died on one day, and met at a cross-road, and that, being afterwards ordered to return to their bodies, they agreed to be friends for life, and were so till they died again. But the resurrection which these writers instance resembles that of those persons whom we have ourselves known to rise again, and who came back indeed to this life, but not so as never to die again. Marcus Varro, however, in his work On the Origin of the Roman People, records something more remarkable; I think his own words should be given. Certain astrologers, he says, have written that men are destined to a new birth, which the Greeks call palingenesy. This will take place after four hundred and forty years have elapsed; and then the same soul and the same body, which were formerly united in the person, shall again be reunited. This Varro, indeed, or those nameless astrologers, - for he does not give us the names of the men whose statement he cites - have affirmed what is indeed not altogether true; for once the souls have returned to the bodies they wore, they shall never afterwards leave them. Yet what they say upsets and demolishes much of that idle talk of our adversaries about the impossibility of the resurrection. For those who have been or are of this opinion, have not thought it possible that bodies which have dissolved into air, or dust, or ashes, or water, or into the bodies of the beasts or even of the men that fed on them, should be restored again to that which they formerly were. And therefore, if Plato and Porphyry, or rather, if their disciples now living, agree with us that holy souls shall return to the body, as Plato says, and that, nevertheless, they shall not return to misery, as Porphyry maintains, - if they accept the consequence of these two propositions which is taught by the Christian faith, that they shall receive bodies in which they may live eternally without suffering any misery - let them also adopt from Varro the opinion that they shall return to the same bodies as they were formerly in, and thus the whole question of the eternal resurrection of the body shall be resolved out of their own mouths.
153. Victor, Epitome De Caesaribus, 8.8 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 119
154. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Septimus Severus, 14.8, 16.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 61
155. Victor, De Caesaribus, 9.7 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 119
156. Priscian, Institutio, 8.78 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla felix, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 87
157. Justinian, Codex Justinianus, 5.60.3 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 61
158. Cassiodorus, Chronicon, 132.486 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l., and the capitol Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 135
159. John Malalas, History, 8 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •l. cornelius sulla felix Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 56
160. Phaedrus, Fables, 3.10.9-3.10.10  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 61
161. Epigraphy, Cle, 15  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. the dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 166
162. Various, Anthologia Planudea, 129  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 67
163. Anon., De Viris Illustribus, "73"  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 74
164. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, a b c d\n0 2.25.4 2.25.4 2 25\n1 2.22.1 2.22.1 2 22\n2 2.23 2.23 2 23\n3 2.61.3 2.61.3 2 61\n4 2.43.4 2.43.4 2 43\n5 2.6.1 2.6.1 2 6 \n6 "2.2.3" "2.2.3" "2 2 \n7 2.6.3 2.6.3 2 6 \n8 2.6.2 2.6.2 2 6  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
165. Hyginus Gromaticus, Ed. Campbell, "156", "136"  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 56
166. Various, Fragments of The Roman Historians, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 56
167. Anon., Liber Coloniarum, Ed. Campbell, "166", "168", "164"  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 56
168. Siculus Flaccus, Ed. Campbell, "132", 103, 102  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 56
169. Zonaras, Epitome, 7.13, 7.26, 8.20  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla felix, l. •cornelius sulla, l. •cornelius sulla, l., dreams •cornelius sulla felix, l., dictator Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 87, 266; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 71
170. Epigraphy, Ig, 7.3224, 9.161, 9.1192.1, 9.1192.2, 9.1200  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 43
171. Epigraphy, Illrp, 25, 343, 344, 351, 356, 36, 406, 407, 512, 533, 583, 645, 646, 795, 913, 926, 928-930, 933, 936, 938, 940-941, 943, 951, 374  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 165
172. Epigraphy, Fouilles De Delphes, 4.47  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 43
173. Papyri, Papyri Demoticae Magicae, 132  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, publius (cornelius) Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 156
174. Plutarch, Tiberius Gracchus, a b c d\n0 "8" "8" "8" None\n1 "8.4" "8.4" "8 4" \n2 "8.9" "8.9" "8 9"  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 55
175. Cato The Elder, Fr., None  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 105
176. Anon., Three Gordians, The, 1.451-1.452  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius •sulla, l. cornelius, retirement from public life Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 216
177. Cicero, Schol. Bob., None  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 194
178. Epigraphy, Cil, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 352
179. Pomp., Rom., 27.4  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, p. (sulla), as salus rerum Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
180. Cato The Elder, C. Laelius, 20.5  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, p. (sulla), as salus rerum Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
181. Theopompus of Chios, Commentarii Rerum Gestarum, None  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, p. (sulla), as salus rerum Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
182. Clem., Ira, 3.18  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, p. (sulla), plunging swords into the republic Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 118
184. Phil., Pis., 38  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, p. (sulla), as parricide (φονεὺς τῆς πατρίδος‎) Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 105
186. Cato The Elder, M. Aemilius Scaurus, 43.9-43.10  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, p. (sulla), as parricide (φονεὺς τῆς πατρίδος‎) Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 105
187. Vergil, De Uir. Ill., 26  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. •cornelius sulla, l., dreams Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 71
190. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 1.19.2  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla felix, l., dictator Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 172
191. Zonaras, Poroi, 7.26  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla felix, l. Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 89
192. Epigraphy, Syll. , 823, 652  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 52
193. Epigraphy, Stratonikeia, 507-508, 505  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 210, 211, 212
194. Epigraphy, Seg, 17.75, 24.214, 26.121, 28.455, 38.380, 38.539, 39.1276, 41.448  Tagged with subjects: •l. cornelius sulla •sulla, l. cornelius •cornelius sulla, lucius, and the amphiareion •cornelius sulla, lucius, statue base of •oropos, and cornelius sulla, lucius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 30; Henderson (2020), The Springtime of the People: The Athenian Ephebeia and Citizen Training from Lykourgos to Augustus, 280, 287; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 209
195. Epigraphy, Roesch, Ithesp, 172  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, lucius, and the amphiareion Found in books: Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 239, 240
196. Epigraphy, Ils, 19, 5627, 5636, 5657, 6258, 70-71, 7272, 7833, 7999, 8071, 8395, 8397, 8405, 8411, 867, 870, 873  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 155
198. Epigraphy, Ig Vii, 2727, 3195  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 239, 240
199. Epigraphy, Ig Ii, 7.2712  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 43; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 213
200. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 1.18.5  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla felix, l. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 29
203. Eutrop., Flor. Epit., 1.22.54  Tagged with subjects: •l. cornelius sulla felix Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 56
204. Asconius Pedianus, Works, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 184
205. Epigraphy, Ilpbardo, 163  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. the dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 165
206. Epigraphy, Lex Flavia Municipalis/Lex Irnitana, 51  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. the dictator, sullan colonies Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 235
207. Epigraphy, Eaor, 7.56  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. the dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 48
208. Epigraphy, Epigr. Tou Oropou, 111, 113-115, 175, 290, 293-294, 297, 307, 335, 339-340, 366, 375, 385, 414, 420, 422-423, 434, 441-451, 456, 520-521, 523-525, 528-529, 53, 534, 56-57, 87-88, 308  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 12, 13, 66, 126, 191, 193, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 204, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 216, 236, 239, 240, 249, 260, 263
209. Caesar, B.Alex., 48.1  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla felix, l., dictator Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 143
210. Caesar, B.Afr., 28.2  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, faustus Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 138
211. Censorinus, Chronographer of 354, 0  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla felix, l., dictator Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 172
212. Anon., Fasti Capitolini, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 136
213. Symacchus, Epistulae, 10.78  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, l. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 119
214. Horat., Sat., 1.6.128  Tagged with subjects: •sulla p. cornelius Found in books: Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 16
215. Cicero, Varr., 46  Tagged with subjects: •sulla p. cornelius Found in books: Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 12
216. Epigraphy, Reynolds, None  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, lucius, statue base of Found in books: Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 224
217. Isocrates, La Carie, 5  Tagged with subjects: •asylia, and cornelius sulla, lucius •cornelius sulla, lucius, and the amphiareion •cornelius sulla, lucius, treatment of cities and sanctuaries •euboia, and cornelius sulla, lucius •oropos, and cornelius sulla, lucius Found in books: Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 210, 211, 212
218. Epigraphy, Petrakos 1968, None  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, lucius, statue base of Found in books: Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 66
219. Memnon, Bnj 434, None  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius sulla, lucius, and oropos •cornelius sulla, lucius, treatment of cities and sanctuaries •euboia, and cornelius sulla, lucius •oropos, and cornelius sulla, lucius Found in books: Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 206
220. Justinus, Epitome Historiarum Philippicarum, 1-3.4, 38.2, 38.3.2  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 271
221. Epigraphy, Fdd Iii, 3.232, 4.111  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, l. cornelius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 39, 43
222. Numismatics, Imhof Blumer, 1887, 15  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 52
223. Pseudo-Quintilian, Minor Declamations, 313.1  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, publius (cornelius) Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 156
225. Sha, Geta, 7  Tagged with subjects: •l. cornelius sulla felix Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 245
227. Suetoniusde Vita Caesarum , De Vita Caesarum Divus Iulius, 45.3, 50.1  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 37, 105
228. Philostratus The Athenian, De Amicitia, 83  Tagged with subjects: •sulla, publius (cornelius) Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 156