| 1. Homer, Odyssey, 12.212 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p., image in temple of jupiter capitolinus Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 108 |
2. Homer, Iliad, 6.448-6.449 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus, tears Found in books: Giusti (2018) 256 | 6.448. / always and to fight amid the foremost Trojans, striving to win my father's great glory and mine own. For of a surety know I this in heart and soul: the day shall come when sacred Ilios shall be laid low, and Priam, and the people of Priam with goodly spear of ash. 6.449. / always and to fight amid the foremost Trojans, striving to win my father's great glory and mine own. For of a surety know I this in heart and soul: the day shall come when sacred Ilios shall be laid low, and Priam, and the people of Priam with goodly spear of ash. |
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3. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 1000-1034, 975-976, 978-999, 977 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018) 255| 977. καρδίας τερασκόπου ποτᾶται, | 977. Fronting my heart, the portent-watcher — flits she? |
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4. Herodotus, Histories, 1.1, 7.45-7.46 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus, tears Found in books: Giusti (2018) 256 | 1.1. The Persian learned men say that the Phoenicians were the cause of the dispute. These (they say) came to our seas from the sea which is called Red, and having settled in the country which they still occupy, at once began to make long voyages. Among other places to which they carried Egyptian and Assyrian merchandise, they came to Argos , ,which was at that time preeminent in every way among the people of what is now called Hellas . The Phoenicians came to Argos , and set out their cargo. ,On the fifth or sixth day after their arrival, when their wares were almost all sold, many women came to the shore and among them especially the daughter of the king, whose name was Io (according to Persians and Greeks alike), the daughter of Inachus. ,As these stood about the stern of the ship bargaining for the wares they liked, the Phoenicians incited one another to set upon them. Most of the women escaped: Io and others were seized and thrown into the ship, which then sailed away for Egypt . 7.45. When he saw the whole Hellespont covered with ships, and all the shores and plains of Abydos full of men, Xerxes first declared himself blessed, and then wept. 7.46. His uncle Artabanus perceived this, he who in the beginning had spoken his mind freely and advised Xerxes not to march against Hellas. Marking how Xerxes wept, he questioned him and said, “O king, what a distance there is between what you are doing now and a little while ago! After declaring yourself blessed you weep.” ,Xerxes said, “I was moved to compassion when I considered the shortness of all human life, since of all this multitude of men not one will be alive a hundred years from now.” ,Artabanus answered, “In one life we have deeper sorrows to bear than that. Short as our lives are, there is no human being either here or elsewhere so fortunate that it will not occur to him, often and not just once, to wish himself dead rather than alive. Misfortunes fall upon us and sicknesses trouble us, so that they make life, though short, seem long. ,Life is so miserable a thing that death has become the most desirable refuge for humans; the god is found to be envious in this, giving us only a taste of the sweetness of living.” |
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| 5. Ennius, Annales, None (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018) 73 |
| 6. Ennius, Varia, None (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio africanus, publius cornelius •scipio africanus, publius cornelius, as giant Found in books: Giusti (2018) 74 |
| 7. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 2.16.2, 6.2.2, 15.15.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Walters (2020) 79 |
| 8. Cicero, Letters, 1.8.2, 6.1.17-6.1.18, 8.11.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p., image in temple of jupiter capitolinus •scipio aemilianus, p. cornelius (africanus the younger) •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Galinsky (2016) 173; Rutledge (2012) 108; Walters (2020) 79 |
| 9. Cicero, On Old Age, 61 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 200 |
10. Cicero, Republic, 2.60, 3.33-3.34, 6.12, 6.16 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of •scipio (aemilianus) africanus, (publius, cornelius) Found in books: Kaster(2005) 71; Rutledge (2012) 87; Walters (2020) 41, 79| 2.60. Quo in statu rei publicae Sp. Cassium de occupando regno molientem, summa apud populum gratia florentem, quaestor accusavit, eumque, ut audistis, cum pater in ea culpa esse conperisse se dixisset, cedente populo morte mactavit. Gratamque etiam illam legem quarto circiter et quinquagesimo anno post primos consules de multa et sacramento Sp. Tarpeius et A. Aternius consules comitiis centuriatis tulerunt. Annis postea xx ex eo, quod L. Papirius P. Pinarius censores multis dicendis vim armentorum a privatis in publicum averterant, levis aestumatio pecudum in multa lege C. Iulii P. Papirii consulum constituta est. 3.33. Lactant. Div. Inst. 6.8.6 Est quidem vera lex recta ratio naturae congruens, diffusa in omnes, constans, sempiterna, quae vocet ad officium iubendo, vetando a fraude deterreat; quae tamen neque probos frustra iubet aut vetat nec improbos iubendo aut vetando movet. Huic legi nec obrogari fas est neque derogari ex hac aliquid licet neque tota abrogari potest, nec vero aut per senatum aut per populum solvi hac lege possumus, neque est quaerendus explanator aut interpres eius alius, nec erit alia lex Romae, alia Athenis, alia nunc, alia posthac, sed et omnes gentes et omni tempore una lex et sempiterna et immutabilis continebit, unusque erit communis quasi magister et imperator omnium deus, ille legis huius inventor, disceptator, lator; cui qui non parebit, ipse se fugiet ac naturam hominis aspernatus hoc ipso luet maximas poenas, etiamsi cetera supplicia, quae putantur, effugerit. 3.34. August. C.D. 22.6 nullum bellum suscipi a civitate optima nisi aut pro fide aut pro salute. 3.34. Sed his poenis quas etiam stultissimi sentiunt, egestate, exilio, vinculis, verberibus, elabuntur saepe privati oblata mortis celeritate, civitatibus autem mors ipsa poena est, quae videtur a poena singulos vindicare; debet enim constituta sic esse civitas, ut aeterna sit. Itaque nullus interitus est rei publicae naturalis ut hominis, in quo mors non modo necessaria est, verum etiam optanda persaepe. Civitas autem cum tollitur, deletur, extinguitur, simile est quodam modo, ut parva magnis conferamus, ac si omnis hic mundus intereat et concidat. 6.12. Hic tu, Africane, ostendas oportebit patriae lumen animi, ingenii consiliique tui. Sed eius temporis ancipitem video quasi fatorum viam. Nam cum aetas tua septenos octiens solis anfractus reditusque converterit, duoque ii numeri, quorum uterque plenus alter altera de causa habetur, circuitu naturali summam tibi fatalem confecerint, in te unum atque in tuum nomen se tota convertet civitas, te senatus, te omnes boni, te socii, te Latini intuebuntur, tu eris unus, in quo nitatur civitatis salus, ac, ne multa, dictator rem publicam constituas oportet, si impias propinquorum manus effugeris. Hic cum exclamasset Laelius ingemuissentque vehementius ceteri, leniter arridens Scipio: St! quaeso, inquit, ne me e somno excitetis, et parumper audite cetera. 6.16. Sed sic, Scipio, ut avus hic tuus, ut ego, qui te genui, iustitiam cole et pietatem, quae cum magna in parentibus et propinquis, tum in patria maxima est; ea vita via est in caelum et in hunc coetum eorum, qui iam vixerunt et corpore laxati illum incolunt locum, quem vides, (erat autem is splendidissimo candore inter flammas circus elucens) quem vos, ut a Graiis accepistis, orbem lacteum nuncupatis; ex quo omnia mihi contemplanti praeclara cetera et mirabilia videbantur. Erant autem eae stellae, quas numquam ex hoc loco vidimus, et eae magnitudines omnium, quas esse numquam suspicati sumus, ex quibus erat ea minima, quae ultima a caelo, citima a terris luce lucebat aliena. Stellarum autem globi terrae magnitudinem facile vincebant. Iam ipsa terra ita mihi parva visa est, ut me imperii nostri, quo quasi punctum eius attingimus, paeniteret. | |
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11. Polybius, Histories, 1.2, 6.51.5, 6.53, 6.54.1-6.54.2, 10.2.8-10.2.13, 18.46.12, 38.21-38.22, 39.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus, tears •cornelius scipio africanus, p. •scipio aemilianus, p. cornelius (africanus the younger) •scipio africanus, l. cornelius (major, cos. ii •scipio africanus, publius cornelius •cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus, p. (numantinus) •cornelius scipio africanus, p., rivalry with q. fabius maximus Found in books: Galinsky (2016) 182; Giusti (2018) 54, 254, 255, 256; Mueller (2002) 70; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 23; Rutledge (2012) 38, 86| 6.51.5. καθʼ ὅσον γὰρ ἡ Καρχηδονίων πρότερον ἴσχυε καὶ πρότερον εὐτύχει τῆς Ῥωμαίων, κατὰ τοσοῦτον ἡ μὲν Καρχηδὼν ἤδη τότε παρήκμαζεν, ἡ δὲ Ῥώμη μάλιστα τότʼ εἶχε τὴν ἀκμὴν κατά γε τὴν τῆς πολιτείας σύστασιν. 6.54.1. θέαμα τούτου φανείη; πλὴν ὅ γε λέγων ὑπὲρ τοῦ θάπτεσθαι μέλλοντος, ἐπὰν διέλθῃ τὸν περὶ τούτου λόγον, ἄρχεται τῶν ἄλλων ἀπὸ τοῦ προγενεστάτου τῶν παρόντων, καὶ λέγει τὰς ἐπιτυχίας ἑκάστου καὶ τὰς πράξεις. 6.54.2. ἐξ ὧν καινοποιουμένης ἀεὶ τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν τῆς ἐπʼ ἀρετῇ φήμης ἀθανατίζεται μὲν ἡ τῶν καλόν τι διαπραξαμένων εὔκλεια, γνώριμος δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς καὶ παραδόσιμος τοῖς ἐπιγινομένοις ἡ τῶν εὐεργετησάντων τὴν πατρίδα γίνεται δόξα. τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, 10.2.8. ἐμοὶ δὲ δοκεῖ Πόπλιος Λυκούργῳ τῷ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων νομοθέτῃ παραπλησίαν ἐσχηκέναι φύσιν καὶ προαίρεσιν. 10.2.9. οὔτε γὰρ Λυκοῦργον ἡγητέον δεισιδαιμονοῦντα καὶ πάντα προσέχοντα τῇ Πυθίᾳ συστήσασθαι τὸ Λακεδαιμονίων πολίτευμα, οὔτε Πόπλιον ἐξ ἐνυπνίων ὁρμώμενον καὶ κληδόνων τηλικαύτην περιποιῆσαι τῇ πατρίδι δυναστείαν· 10.2.10. ἀλλʼ ὁρῶντες ἑκάτεροι τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν ἀνθρώπων οὔτε τὰ παράδοξα προσδεχομένους ῥᾳδίως οὔτε τοῖς δεινοῖς τολμῶντας παραβάλλεσθαι χωρὶς τῆς ἐκ τῶν θεῶν ἐλπίδος, 10.2.11. Λυκοῦργος μὲν αἰεὶ προσλαμβανόμενος ταῖς ἰδίαις ἐπιβολαῖς τὴν ἐκ τῆς Πυθίας φήμην εὐπαραδεκτοτέρας καὶ πιστοτέρας ἐποίει τὰς ἰδίας ἐπινοίας, 10.2.12. Πόπλιος δὲ παραπλησίως ἐνεργαζόμενος αἰεὶ δόξαν τοῖς πολλοῖς ὡς μετά τινος θείας ἐπιπνοίας ποιούμενος τὰς ἐπιβολάς, εὐθαρσεστέρους καὶ προθυμοτέρους κατεσκεύαζε τοὺς ὑποταττομένους πρὸς τὰ δεινὰ τῶν ἔργων. 10.2.13. ὅτι δʼ ἕκαστα μετὰ λογισμοῦ καὶ προνοίας ἔπραττε, καὶ διότι πάντα κατὰ λόγον ἐξέβαινε τὰ τέλη τῶν πράξεων αὐτῷ, δῆλον ἔσται διὰ τῶν λέγεσθαι μελλόντων. 18.46.12. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀντοφθαλμῆσαι κατὰ πρόσωπον καὶ σωτῆρα προσφωνῆσαι βουλόμενοι, τινὲς δὲ τῆς δεξιᾶς ἅψασθαι σπουδάζοντες, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ στεφάνους ἐπιρριπτοῦντες καὶ λημνίσκους, παρʼ ὀλίγον διέλυσαν τὸν ἄνθρωπον. | 6.51.5. For by as much as the power and prosperity of Carthage had been earlier than that of Rome, by so much had Carthage already begun to decline; while Rome was exactly at her prime, as far as at least as her system of government was concerned. 6.53. 1. Whenever any illustrious man dies, he is carried at his funeral into the forum to the soâcalled rostra, sometimes conspicuous in an upright posture and more rarely reclined.,2. Here with all the people standing round, a grown-up son, if he has left one who happens to be present, or if not some other relative mounts the rostra and discourses on the virtues and successful achievements of the dead.,3. As a consequence the multitude and not only those who had a part in these achievements, but those also who had none, when the facts are recalled to their minds and brought before their eyes, are moved to such sympathy that the loss seems to be not confined to the mourners, but a public one affecting the whole people.,4. Next after the interment and the performance of the usual ceremonies, they place the image of the departed in the most conspicuous position in the house, enclosed in a wooden shrine.,5. This image is a mask reproducing with remarkable fidelity both the features and complexion of the deceased.,6. On the occasion of public sacrifices they display these images, and decorate them with much care, and when any distinguished member of the family dies they take them to the funeral, putting them on men who seem to them to bear the closest resemblance to the original in stature and carriage.,7. These representatives wear togas, with a purple border if the deceased was a consul or praetor, whole purple if he was a censor, and embroidered with gold if he had celebrated a triumph or achieved anything similar.,8. They all ride in chariots preceded by the fasces, axes, and other insignia by which the different magistrates are wont to be accompanied according to the respective dignity of the offices of state held by each during his life;,9. and when they arrive at the rostra they all seat themselves in a row on ivory chairs. There could not easily be a more ennobling spectacle for a young man who aspires to fame and virtue.,10. For who would not be inspired by the sight of the images of men renowned for their excellence, all together and as if alive and breathing? What spectacle could be more glorious than this? 6.54.1. Besides, he who makes the oration over the man about to be buried, when he has finished speaking of him recounts the successes and exploits of the rest whose images are present, beginning with the most ancient. 6.54.2. By this means, by this constant renewal of the good report of brave men, the celebrity of those who performed noble deeds is rendered immortal, while at the same time the fame of those who did good service to their country becomes known to the people and a heritage for future generations. 10.2.8. To me it seems that the character and principles of Scipio much resembled those of Lycurgus, the Lacedaemonian legislator. 10.2.9. For neither must we suppose that Lycurgus drew up the constitution of Sparta under the influence of superstition and solely prompted by the Pythia, nor that Scipio won such an empire ')" onMouseOut="nd();" for his country by following the suggestion of dreams and omens. 10.2.10. But since both of them saw that most men neither readily accept anything unfamiliar to them, nor venture on great risks without the hope of divine help, Lycurgus made his own scheme more acceptable and more easily believed in by invoking the oracles of the Pythia in support of projects due to himself, 10.2.12. while Scipio similarly made the men under his command more sanguine and more ready to face perilous enterprises by instilling into them the belief that his projects were divinely inspired. 10.2.13. That everything he did was done with calculation and foresight, and that all his enterprises fell out as he had reckoned, will be clear from what I am about to say. 18.46.12. For some of them, longing to look him in the face and call him their saviour, others in their anxiety to grasp his hand, and the greater number throwing crowns and fillets on him, they all but tore the man in pieces. 38.21. 1. Turning round to me at once and grasping my hand Scipio said, "A glorious moment, Polybius; but I have a dread foreboding that some day the same doom will be pronounced on my own country." It would be difficult to mention an utterance more statesmanlike and more profound.,2. For at the moment of our greatest triumph and of disaster to our enemies to reflect on our own situation and on the possible reversal of circumstances, and generally to bear in mind at the season of success the mutability of Fortune, is like a great and perfect man, a man in short worthy to be remembered. (From Appian, Punica, 132) 38.22. 1. Scipio, when he looked upon the city as it was utterly perishing and in the last throes of its complete destruction, is said to have shed tears and wept openly for his enemies.,2. After being wrapped in thought for long, and realizing that all cities, nations, and authorities must, like men, meet their doom; that this happened to Ilium, once a prosperous city, to the empires of Assyria, Media, and Persia, the greatest of their time, and to Macedonia itself, the brilliance of which was so recent, either deliberately or the verses escaping him, he said: A day will come when sacred Troy shall perish, And Priam and his people shall be slain. ,3. And when Polybius speaking with freedom to him, for he was his teacher, asked him what he meant by the words, they say that without any attempt at concealment he named his own country, for which he feared when he reflected on the fate of all things human. Polybius actually heard him and recalls it in his history. 39.6. 1. The Roman general, after the general assembly had left Achaea, repaired the Isthmian course and adorned the temples at Delphi and Olympia, and on the following days visited the different cities, honoured in each of them and receiving testimonies of the gratitude due to him.,2. It was only natural indeed that he should be treated with honour both in public and in private.,3. For his conduct had been unexacting and unsullied and he had dealt leniently with the whole situation, though he had such great opportunities and such absolute power in Greece.,4. If, indeed, he was thought to be guilty of any deflection from his duty I at least put it down not to his own initiative, but to the friends who lived with him.,5. The most notable instance was that of the cavalrymen of Chalcis whom he slew. II. Affairs of Egypt |
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12. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.26, 2.106, 2.170, 2.357, 3.8-3.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), on the murder of ti. gracchus •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 86; Walters (2020) 40, 41, 79| 1.26. Hi primo die de temporibus deque universa re publica, quam ob causam venerant, multum inter se usque ad extremum tempus diei conlocuti sunt; quo quidem sermone multa divinitus a tribus illis consularibus Cotta deplorata et commemorata narrabat, ut nihil incidisset postea civitati mali, quod non impendere illi tanto ante vidissent. 2.106. Saepe etiam res non sit necne, sed qualis sit quaeritur; ut cum L. Opimi causam defendebat apud populum, audiente me, C. Carbo consul, nihil de C. Gracchi nece negabat, sed id iure pro salute patriae factum esse dicebat; ut eidem Carboni tribuno plebis alia tum mente rem publicam capessenti P. Africanus de Ti. Graccho interroganti responderat iure caesum videri; iure autem omnia defenduntur, quae sunt eius generis, ut aut oportuerit aut licuerit aut necesse fuerit aut imprudentia aut casu facta esse videantur. 2.170. "si Gracchus nefarie, praeclare Opimius." Ex consequentibus: "si et ferro interfectus ille et tu inimicus eius cum gladio cruento comprehensus in illo ipso loco et nemo praeter te ibi visus est et causa nemini et tu semper audax, quid est quod de facinore dubitare possimus?" Ex consentaneis et ex praecurrentibus et ex repugtibus, ut olim Crassus adulescens: "non si Opimium defendisti, Carbo, idcirco te isti bonum civem putabunt: simulasse te et aliquid quaesisse perspicuum est, quod Ti. Gracchi mortem saepe in contionibus deplorasti, quod P. Africani necis socius fuisti, quod eam legem in tribunatu tulisti, quod 2.357. verum tamen neque tam acri memoria fere quisquam est, ut, non dispositis notatisque rebus, ordinem verborum omnium aut sententiarum complectatur, neque vero tam hebeti, ut nihil hac consuetudine et exercitatione adiuvetur. Vidit enim hoc prudenter sive Simonides sive alius quis invenit, ea maxime animis effingi nostris, quae essent a sensu tradita atque impressa; acerrimum autem ex omnibus nostris sensibus esse sensum videndi; qua re facillime animo teneri posse ea, quae perciperentur auribus aut cogitatione, si etiam commendatione oculorum animis traderentur; ut res caecas et ab aspectus iudicio remotas conformatio quaedam et imago et figura ita notaret, ut ea, quae cogitando complecti vix possemus, intuendo quasi teneremus. 3.8. Fuit hoc luctuosum suis, acerbum patriae, grave bonis omnibus; sed ei tamen rem publicam casus secuti sunt, ut mihi non erepta L. Crasso a dis immortalibus vita, sed donata mors esse videatur. Non vidit flagrantem bello Italiam, non ardentem invidia senatum, non sceleris nefarii principes civitatis reos, non luctum filiae, non exsilium generi, non acerbissimam C. Mari fugam, non illam post reditum eius caedem omnium crudelissimam, non denique in omni genere deformatam eam civitatem, in qua ipse florentissima multum omnibus gloria praestitisset. 3.9. Et quoniam attigi cogitatione vim varietatemque fortunae, non vagabitur oratio mea longius atque eis fere ipsis definietur viris, qui hoc sermone, quem referre suscepimus, continentur. Quis enim non iure beatam L. Crassi mortem illam, quae est a multis saepe defleta, dixerit, cum horum ipsorum sit, qui tum cum illo postremum fere conlocuti sunt, eventum recordatus? Tenemus enim memoria Q. Catulum, virum omni laude praestantem, cum sibi non incolumem fortunam, sed exsilium et fugam deprecaretur, esse coactum, ut vita se ipse privaret. 3.10. Iam M. Antoni in eis ipsis rostris, in quibus ille rem publicam constantissime consul defenderat quaeque censor imperatoriis manubiis ornarat, positum caput illud fuit, a quo erant multorum civium capita servata; neque vero longe ab eo C. Iuli caput hospitis Etrusci scelere proditum cum L. Iuli fratris capite iacuit, ut ille, qui haec non vidit, et vixisse cum re publica pariter et cum illa simul exstinctus esse videatur. Neque enim propinquum suum, maximi animi virum, P. Crassum, suapte interfectum manu neque conlegae sui, pontificis maximi, sanguine simulacrum Vestae respersum esse vidit; cui maerori, qua mente ille in patriam fuit, etiam C. Carbonis, inimicissimi hominis, eodem illo die mors fuisset nefaria; 3.11. non vidit eorum ipsorum, qui tum adulescentes Crasso se dicarant, horribilis miserosque casus; ex quibus C. Cotta, quem ille florentem reliquerat, paucis diebus post mortem Crassi depulsus per invidiam tribunatu non multis ab eo tempore mensibus eiectus est e civitate; Sulpicius autem, qui in eadem invidiae flamma fuisset, quibuscum privatus coniunctissime vixerat, hos in tribunatu spoliare instituit omni dignitate; cui quidem ad summam gloriam eloquentiae efflorescenti ferro erepta vita est et poena temeritatis non sine magno rei publicae malo constituta. 3.12. Ego vero te, Crasse, cum vitae flore tum mortis opportunitate divino consilio et ornatum et exstinctum esse arbitror; nam tibi aut pro virtute animi constantiaque tua civilis ferri subeunda fuit crudelitas aut, si qua te fortuna ab atrocitate mortis vindicasset, eadem esse te funerum patriae spectatorem coegisset; neque solum tibi improborum dominatus, sed etiam propter admixtam civium caedem bonorum victoria maerori fuisset. | |
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13. Cicero, On Duties, 2.76, 2.116, 3.64 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p., rivalry with q. fabius maximus •cornelius scipio africanus, p. •scipio africanus, l. cornelius (major, cos. ii Found in books: Mueller (2002) 104; Rutledge (2012) 38; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 200| 2.76. Laudat Africanum Panaetius, quod fuerit abstinens. Quidni laudet? Sed in illo alia maiora; laus abstinentiae non hominis est solum, sed etiam temporum illorum. Omni Macedonum gaza, quae fuit maxima, potitus est Paulus tantum in aerarium pecuniae invexit, ut unius imperatoris praeda finem attulerit tributorum. At hic nihil domum suam intulit praeter memoriam nominis sempiternam. Imitatus patrem Africanus nihilo locupletior Carthagine eversa. Quid? qui eius collega fuit in censura. L. Mummius, numquid copiosior, cum copiosissimam urbem funditus sustulisset? Italiam ornare quam domum suam maluit; quamquam Italia ornata domus ipsa mihi videtur ornatior. 3.64. Sed, sive et simulatio et dissimulatio dolus malus est, perpaucae res sunt, in quibus non dolus malus iste versetur, sive vir bonus est is, qui prodest, quibus potest, nocet nemini, certe istum virum bonum non facile reperimus. Numquam igitur est utile peccare, quia semper est turpe, et, quia semper est honestum virum bonum esse, semper est utile. | 2.76. Panaetius praises Africanus for his integrity in public life. Why should he not? But Africanus had other and greater virtues. The boast of official integrity belongs not to that man alone but also to his times. When Paulus got possession of all the wealth of Macedon â and it was enormous â he brought into our treasury so much money that the spoils of a single general did away with the need for a tax on property in Rome for all time to come. But to his own house he brought nothing save the glory of an immortal name. Africanus emulated his father's example and was none the richer for his overthrow of Carthage. And what shall we say of Lucius Mummius, his colleague in the censorship? Was he one penny the richer when he had destroyed to its foundations the richest of cities? He preferred to adorn Italy rather than his own house. And yet by the adornment of Italy his own house was, as it seems to me, still more splendidly adorned. 3.64. Be that as it may, if both pretence and concealment constitute "criminal fraud," there are very few transactions into which "criminal fraud" does not enter; or, if he only is a good man who helps all he can, and harms no one, it will certainly be no easy matter for us to find the good man as thus defined. To conclude, then, it is never expedient to do wrong, because wrong is always immoral; and it is always expedient to be good, because goodness is always moral. |
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| 14. Cicero, On Laws, 2.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 87 |
15. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 2.116, 5.2, 5.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. •scipio africanus, p. cornelius Found in books: Galinsky (2016) 221; Rutledge (2012) 86; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 200| 2.116. Lege laudationes, Torquate, non eorum, qui sunt ab Homero laudati, non Cyri, non Agesilai, non Aristidi aut Themistocli, non Philippi aut aut ( post Philippi) om. R Alexandri, lege nostrorum hominum, lege vestrae familiae; neminem videbis ita laudatum, ut artifex callidus comparandarum voluptatum voluptatum dett. utilitatum diceretur. non elogia elogia edd. eulogia monimentorum id significant, velut hoc ad portam: Hunc unum Hunc unum Ern. uno cum ABER uno cu j (j ex corr. m. alt.; voluisse videtur scriba uno cui) N ymo cum V plurimae consentiunt gentes populi primarium fuisse virum. 5.2. tum Piso: Naturane nobis hoc, inquit, datum dicam an errore quodam, ut, cum ea loca videamus, in quibus memoria dignos viros acceperimus multum esse versatos, magis moveamur, quam si quando eorum ipsorum aut facta audiamus aut scriptum aliquod aliquid R legamus? velut ego nunc moveor. venit enim mihi Platonis in mentem, quem accepimus primum hic disputare solitum; cuius etiam illi hortuli propinqui propinqui hortuli BE non memoriam solum mihi afferunt, sed ipsum videntur in conspectu meo ponere. hic Speusippus, hic Xenocrates, hic eius auditor Polemo, cuius illa ipsa sessio fuit, quam videmus. Equidem etiam curiam nostram—Hostiliam dico, non hanc novam, quae minor mihi esse esse mihi B videtur, posteaquam est maior—solebam intuens Scipionem, Catonem, Laelium, nostrum vero in primis avum cogitare; tanta vis admonitionis inest in locis; ut non sine causa ex iis memoriae ducta sit disciplina. 5.6. Tum Piso: Atqui, Cicero, inquit, ista studia, si ad imitandos summos viros spectant, ingeniosorum sunt; sin tantum modo ad indicia veteris memoriae cognoscenda, curiosorum. te autem hortamur omnes, currentem quidem, ut spero, ut eos, quos novisse vis, imitari etiam velis. Hic ego: Etsi facit hic quidem, inquam, Piso, ut vides, ea, quae praecipis, tamen mihi grata hortatio tua est. Tum ille amicissime, ut solebat: Nos vero, inquit, omnes omnia ad huius adolescentiam conferamus, in primisque ut aliquid suorum studiorum philosophiae quoque impertiat, vel ut te imitetur, quem amat, vel ut illud ipsum, quod studet, facere possit ornatius. sed utrum hortandus es nobis, Luci, inquit, an etiam tua sponte propensus es? mihi quidem Antiochum, quem audis, satis belle videris attendere. Tum ille timide vel potius verecunde: Facio, inquit, equidem, sed audistine modo de Carneade? rapior illuc, revocat autem Antiochus, nec est praeterea, quem audiamus. | 2.116. "Read the panegyrics, Torquatus, not of the heroes praised by Homer, not of Cyrus or Agesilaus, Aristides or Themistocles, Philip or Alexander; but read those delivered upon our own great men, read those of your own family. You will not find anyone extolled for his skill and cunning in procuring pleasures. This is not what is conveyed by epitaphs, like that one near the city gate: Here lyeth one whom many lands agree Rome's first and greatest citizen to be. 5.2. Thereupon Piso remarked: "Whether it is a natural instinct or a mere illusion, I can't say; but one's emotions are more strongly aroused by seeing the places that tradition records to have been the favourite resort of men of note in former days, than by hearing about their deeds or reading their writings. My own feelings at the present moment are a case in point. I am reminded of Plato, the first philosopher, so we are told, that made a practice of holding discussions in this place; and indeed the garden close at hand yonder not only recalls his memory but seems to bring the actual man before my eyes. This was the haunt of Speusippus, of Xenocrates, and of Xenocrates' pupil Polemo, who used to sit on the very seat we see over there. For my own part even the sight of our senate-house at home (I mean the Curia Hostilia, not the present new building, which looks to my eyes smaller since its enlargement) used to call up to me thoughts of Scipio, Cato, Laelius, and chief of all, my grandfather; such powers of suggestion do places possess. No wonder the scientific training of the memory is based upon locality." 5.6. "Well, Cicero," said Piso, "these enthusiasms befit a young man of parts, if they lead him to copy the example of the great. If they only stimulate antiquarian curiosity, they are mere dilettantism. But we all of us exhort you â though I hope it is a case of spurring a willing steed â to resolve to imitate your heroes as well as to know about them." "He is practising your precepts already, Piso," said I, "as you are aware; but all the same thank you for encouraging him." "Well," said Piso, with his usual amiability, "let us all join forces to promote the lad's improvement; and especially let us try to make him spare some of his interest for philosophy, either so as to follow the example of yourself for whom he has such an affection, or in order to be better equipped for the very study to which he is devoted. But, Lucius," he asked, "do you need our urging, or have you a natural leaning of your own towards philosophy? You are keeping Antiochus's lectures, and seem to me to be a pretty attentive pupil." "I try to be," replied Lucius with a timid or rather a modest air; "but have you heard any lectures on Carneades lately? He attracts me immensely; but Antiochus calls me in the other direction; and there is no other lecturer to go to." |
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| 16. Cicero, Brutus, 1.15.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, p. cornelius (africanus the younger) Found in books: Galinsky (2016) 173 |
| 17. Cicero, Brutus, 1.15.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, p. cornelius (africanus the younger) Found in books: Galinsky (2016) 173 |
| 18. Cicero, On Friendship, 12 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of Found in books: Walters (2020) 41 |
19. Cicero, On Divination, 1.88 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio africanus, l. cornelius (major, cos. ii Found in books: Mueller (2002) 95| 1.88. Amphilochus et Mopsus Argivorum reges fuerunt, sed iidem augures, iique urbis in ora marituma Ciliciae Graecas condiderunt; atque etiam ante hos Amphiaraus et Tiresias non humiles et obscuri neque eorum similes, ut apud Ennium est, Quí sui quaestus caúsa fictas súscitant senténtias, sed clari et praestantes viri, qui avibus et signis admoniti futura dicebant; quorum de altero etiam apud inferos Homerus ait solum sapere, ceteros umbrarum vagari modo ; Amphiaraum autem sic honoravit fama Graeciae, deus ut haberetur, atque ut ab eius solo, in quo est humatus, oracla peterentur. | 1.88. Amphilochus and Mopsus were kings of Argos, but they were augurs too, and they founded Greek cities on the coasts of Cilicia. And even before them were Amphiaraus and Tiresias. They were no lowly and unknown men, nor were they like the person described by Ennius,Who, for their own gain, uphold opinions that are false,but they were eminent men of the noblest type and foretold the future by means of augural signs. In speaking of Tiresias, even when in the infernal regions, Homer says that he alone was wise, that the rest were mere wandering shadows. As for Amphiaraus, his reputation in Greece was such that he was honoured as a god, and oracular responses were sought in the place where he was buried. |
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| 20. Cicero, In Pisonem, 60 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p., his triumph Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 206 |
| 21. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.2.114, 2.2.158, 2.2.160, 2.4.126 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p., his house •cornelius scipio africanus, p., image in temple of jupiter capitolinus •scipio africanus, p. cornelius Found in books: Galinsky (2016) 222; Rutledge (2012) 75, 108 |
22. Cicero, Pro Archia, 30 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 87| 30. an vero tam parvi pravi Ee animi videamur esse esse om. E omnes qui in re publica atque in his vitae periculis laboribusque versamur ut, cum usque ad extremum spatium nullum tranquillum atque otiosum spiritum duxerimus, nobiscum simul moritura omnia arbitremur? an an an cum b2 χ statuas et imagines, non animorum simulacra, sed corporum, studiose multi summi homines reliquerunt reliquerint Manutius ; consiliorum relinquere ac virtutum nostrarum effigiem nonne nonne non Lambinus multo malle debemus summis ingeniis expressam et politam? ego vero omnia quae gerebam iam tum in gerendo spargere me ac disseminare arbitrabar in orbis terrae memoriam sempiternam. haec vero sive sive om. GEea a meo sensu post mortem afutura afut. G : abfut. (affut. Ee ) cett. est est GEea : sunt cett. , sive, ut sapientissimi homines putaverunt, ad aliquam animi animi om. cod. Vrsini mei partem pertinebit pertinebunt bp2 χς , nunc quidem certe cogitatione quadam speque delector. | |
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23. Cicero, Partitiones Oratoriae, 106 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), on the murder of ti. gracchus Found in books: Walters (2020) 40| 106. in eis autem causis, ubi aliquid recte factum aut concedendum esse factum factum delet Schütz defenditur, cum est facti subiecta ratio, sicut.ab Opimio: Iure feci, salutis omnium et conservandae rei publicae causa, relatumque ab Decio est: Ne sceleratissimum quidem civem sine iudicio iure ullo necare potuisti, oritur illa disceptatio: Potueritne recte salutis rei publicae causa civem eversorem civitatis indemnatum necare ? Ita disceptationes eae, quae in his controversiis oriuntur, quae sunt certis personis ac temporibus notatae, fiunt rursus infinitae detractis personis et temporibus et rursum ad consultationum formam rationemque revocantur. | |
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| 24. Cicero, Orator, 232 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p., rivalry with q. fabius maximus Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 38 |
| 25. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 140 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), on the murder of ti. gracchus Found in books: Walters (2020) 40 |
26. Cicero, De Finibus, 5.2, 5.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 86 | 5.2. Thereupon Piso remarked: "Whether it is a natural instinct or a mere illusion, I can't say; but one's emotions are more strongly aroused by seeing the places that tradition records to have been the favourite resort of men of note in former days, than by hearing about their deeds or reading their writings. My own feelings at the present moment are a case in point. I am reminded of Plato, the first philosopher, so we are told, that made a practice of holding discussions in this place; and indeed the garden close at hand yonder not only recalls his memory but seems to bring the actual man before my eyes. This was the haunt of Speusippus, of Xenocrates, and of Xenocrates' pupil Polemo, who used to sit on the very seat we see over there. For my own part even the sight of our senate-house at home (I mean the Curia Hostilia, not the present new building, which looks to my eyes smaller since its enlargement) used to call up to me thoughts of Scipio, Cato, Laelius, and chief of all, my grandfather; such powers of suggestion do places possess. No wonder the scientific training of the memory is based upon locality." 5.6. "Well, Cicero," said Piso, "these enthusiasms befit a young man of parts, if they lead him to copy the example of the great. If they only stimulate antiquarian curiosity, they are mere dilettantism. But we all of us exhort you â though I hope it is a case of spurring a willing steed â to resolve to imitate your heroes as well as to know about them." "He is practising your precepts already, Piso," said I, "as you are aware; but all the same thank you for encouraging him." "Well," said Piso, with his usual amiability, "let us all join forces to promote the lad's improvement; and especially let us try to make him spare some of his interest for philosophy, either so as to follow the example of yourself for whom he has such an affection, or in order to be better equipped for the very study to which he is devoted. But, Lucius," he asked, "do you need our urging, or have you a natural leaning of your own towards philosophy? You are keeping Antiochus's lectures, and seem to me to be a pretty attentive pupil." "I try to be," replied Lucius with a timid or rather a modest air; "but have you heard any lectures on Carneades lately? He attracts me immensely; but Antiochus calls me in the other direction; and there is no other lecturer to go to." |
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27. Cicero, Pro Murena, 31, 21 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kaster(2005) 107| 21. honestas, summa dignitas; quam ego, si mihi per Servium liceat, pari pari parem Bake atque eadem in eadem in Lambinus : in eadem codd. laude ponam. sed non licet; agitat rem militarem, insectatur totam hanc legationem, adsiduitatis et operarum harum cotidianarum putat esse consulatum. ' apud exercitum mihi fueris' inquit; 'tot annos forum tot annos, forum Halm : tot annis Quintil v. 13. 27 non attigeris; afueris tam diu et et Quintil. : ut codd., cum longo cum tam longo Quintil. intervallo veneris, cum his qui in foro habitarint habitarint Spy1w : habitarunt A xy2, Quintil. de dignitate contendas?' primum ista nostra adsiduitas, Servi, nescis quantum interdum adferat hominibus fastidi, quantum satietatis. mihi quidem vehementer expediit expediit Lambinus : expedit codd. positam in oculis esse gratiam; sed tamen ego mei satietatem magno meo labore superavi et tu item item Orelli : idem codd. fortasse; verum tamen utrique nostrum desiderium nihil obfuisset. | |
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| 28. Cicero, On Fate, 18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of Found in books: Walters (2020) 41 |
29. Cicero, Pro Rabirio Perduellionis Reo, 33-34, 19 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020) 41| 19. already discussed, that Lucius Saturninus was shun by the band of Caius Rabirius; and I should think it a most glorious deed. But since I cannot do that, I will confess this, which will have less weight with regard to our credit, but not less with regard to the accusation—I confess that Caius Rabirius took up arms for the purpose of slaying Saturninus. What is the matter, Labienus? What more weighty confession do you expect from me; or what greater charge did you expect me to furnish against him? Unless you think that there is any difference between him who slew the man, and him who was in arms for the purpose of slaying him. If it was wrong for Saturninus to be slain, then arms cannot have been taken up against Saturninus without guilt;—if you admit that arms were lawfully taken up,—then you must inevitably confess that he was rightly slain. | |
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30. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 11.37.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 87 | 11.37.7. In Italy the Romans waged a war against the Volscians, and conquering them in battle slew many of them. And Spurius Cassius, who had been consul the preceding year, because he was believed to be aiming at a tyranny and was found guilty, was put to death. These, then, were the events of this year. |
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| 31. Horace, Ars Poetica, 181-182, 180 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 86 |
| 32. Horace, Odes, 2.12 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018) 23 |
| 33. Livy, History, 1.33, 2.28.1, 2.41, 3.50-3.54, 3.67, 4.17.1-4.17.6, 4.59.10, 5.2.1, 5.24-5.28, 5.27.10, 5.28.8, 5.47.3, 7.2, 21.1-21.22, 24.16.16-24.16.19, 26.19, 26.21.7, 27.16.7, 27.25.7, 28.24-28.25, 28.28.11, 28.29.2-28.29.7, 28.40.6-28.40.9, 28.45, 29.11.13, 30.12-30.15, 30.30, 30.31.7-30.31.9, 30.44-30.45, 34.2.8, 34.50.9, 37.3.7, 37.37, 38.43.9, 38.51.13-38.51.14, 38.54-38.60, 38.56.12, 40.29.2-40.29.14, 42.20.1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. •cornelius scipio africanus, p., his house •p. cornelius scipio africanus •cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantius, p. (scipio africanus the younger) •scipio africanus, publius cornelius •scipio africanus, publius cornelius, as aeneas •scipio africanus, publius cornelius, as alexander •scipio africanus, publius cornelius, as hannibal •scipio africanus, l. cornelius (major, cos. ii •cornelius scipio africanus, p., his triumph •cornelius scipio africanus, p., rivalry with q. fabius maximus •scipio africanus, publius cornelius, on eternal rome •scipio africanus, (publius cornelius) •scipio africanus, p. cornelius •cornelius scipio africanus, p. (maior) •cornelius scipio africanus, p., forbids images to himself •cornelius scipio africanus, p., image in temple of jupiter capitolinus Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 173; Galinsky (2016) 179, 180; Giusti (2018) 54, 130, 178, 184, 185, 236, 237, 242, 243, 266; Kaster(2005) 22, 78, 107; Mueller (2002) 70, 76, 77, 78; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 57, 162; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 21; Rutledge (2012) 38, 75, 87, 142, 207, 292, 307 |
| 34. Livy, Per., 29.12 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 57; Walters (2020) 40 |
35. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 2.1-2.6, 3.832-3.837, 3.1025, 3.1029-3.1035 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p., image in temple of jupiter capitolinus •scipio africanus, publius cornelius, in ennius •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus •scipio africanus, publius cornelius, as xerxes Found in books: Giusti (2018) 62, 73; Rutledge (2012) 108| 2.1. Suave, mari magno turbantibus aequora ventis 2.2. e terra magnum alterius spectare laborem; 2.3. non quia vexari quemquamst iucunda voluptas, 2.4. sed quibus ipse malis careas quia cernere suavest. 2.5. per campos instructa tua sine parte pericli; 2.6. suave etiam belli certamina magna tueri 3.832. et vel ut ante acto nihil tempore sensimus aegri, 3.833. ad confligendum venientibus undique Poenis, 3.834. omnia cum belli trepido concussa tumultu 3.835. horrida contremuere sub altis aetheris auris, 3.836. in dubioque fuere utrorum ad regna cadendum 3.837. omnibus humanis esset terraque marique, 3.1025. 'lumina sis oculis etiam bonus Ancus reliquit, 3.1029. ille quoque ipse, viam qui quondam per mare magnum 3.1030. stravit iterque dedit legionibus ire per altum 3.1031. ac pedibus salsas docuit super ire lucunas 3.1032. et contempsit equis insultans murmura ponti, 3.1033. lumine adempto animam moribundo corpore fudit. 3.1034. Scipiadas, belli fulmen, Carthaginis horror, 3.1035. ossa dedit terrae proinde ac famul infimus esset. | |
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| 36. Nepos, Fragments, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Walters (2020) 79 |
37. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.223-1.224 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p., his triumph Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 206| 1.223. Hic est Euphrates, praecinctus harundine frontem: 1.224. rend= | |
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| 38. Ovid, Epistulae (Heroides), 16.215-16.222 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio (aemilianus) africanus, (publius, cornelius) Found in books: Kaster(2005) 71 |
| 39. Horace, Letters, 2.1.192-2.1.193 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p., rivalry with q. fabius maximus Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 38 |
40. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 8.68-8.80 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 87 | 8.68. 1. These consuls were succeeded by Proculus Verginius and Spurius Cassius (the latter being then chosen consul for the third time), who took the field with both the citizen forces and those of the allies. It fell to the lot of Verginius to lead his army against the Aequians and to that of Cassius to march against the Hernicans and the Volscians. The Aequians, having fortified their cities and removed thither out of the country everything that was most valuable, permitted their land to be laid waste and their country-houses to be set on fire, so that Verginius with great ease ravaged and ruined as much of their country as he could, since no one came out to defend it, and then led his army home.,2. The Volscians and the Hernicans, against whom Cassius took the field, had resolved to permit their land to be laid waste and had taken refuge in their cities. Nevertheless, they did not persist in their resolution, being overcome with regret at seeing the desolation of a fertile country which they could not expect to restore easily to its former condition, and at the same time distrusting the defences in which they had taken refuge, as these were not very strong; but they sent ambassadors to the consul to sue for a termination of the war. The Volscians were the first to send envoys and they obtained peace the sooner by giving as much money as the consul ordered and furnishing everything else the army needed; and they agreed to become subject to the Romans without making any further claims to equality.,3. After them the Hernicans, seeing themselves isolated, treated with the consul for peace and friendship. But Cassius made many accusations against them to their ambassadors, and said that they ought first to act like men conquered and subjects and then treat for friendship. When the ambassadors agreed to do everything that was possible and reasonable, he ordered them to furnish the amount of money it was customary to give each soldier as pay for six months, as well as provisions for two months; and in order that they might raise these supplies he granted them a truce, appointing a definite number of days for it to run.,4. When the Hernicans, after supplying them with everything promptly and eagerly, sent ambassadors again to treat for friendship, Cassius commended them and referred them to the senate. The senators after much deliberation resolved to receive this people into their friendship, but as to the terms on which the treaty with them should be made, they voted that Cassius the consul should decide and settle these, and that whatever he approved of should have their sanction. 8.69. 1. The senate having passed this vote, Cassius returned to Rome and demanded a second triumph, as if he had subdued the greatest nations, thus attempting to seize the honour as a favour rather than to receive it as a right, since, though he had neither taken any cities by storm nor put to rout an army of enemies in the field, he was to lead home captives and spoils, the adornments of a triumph. Accordingly, this action first brought him a reputation for presumption and for no longer entertaining thoughts like those of his fellow citizens.,2. Then, when he had secured for himself the granting of a triumph, he produced the treaty he had made with the Hernicans, which was a copy of the one that had been made with the Latins. At this the oldest and most honoured of the senators were very indigt and regarded him with suspicion; for they were unwilling that the Hernicans, an alien race, should obtain the same honour as their kinsmen, the Latins, and that those who had done them the least service should be treated with the same kindness as those who had shown them many instances of their goodwill. They were also displeased at the arrogance of the man, who, after being honoured by the senate, had not shown equal honour to that body, but had produced a treaty drawn up according to his own pleasure and not with the general approval of the senate.,3. But it seems that to be successful in many undertakings is a dangerous and prejudicial thing for a man; for to many it is the hidden source of senseless pride and the secret author of desires that are too ambitious for our human nature. And so it was with Cassius. For, being the only man at that time who had been honoured by his country with three consulships and two triumphs, he now conducted himself in a more pompous manner and conceived a desire for monarchical power. And bearing in mind that the easiest and safest way of all for those who aim at monarchy or tyranny is to draw the multitude to oneself by sundry gratifications and to accustom them to feed themselves out of the hands of the one who distributes the possessions of the public, he took that course; and at once, without communicating this intention to anyone, he determined to divide among the people a certain large tract of land belonging to the state which had been neglected and was then in the possession of the richest men.,4. Now if he had been content to stop there, the business might perhaps have gone according to his wish; but as it was, by grasping for more, he raised a violent sedition, the outcome of which proved anything but fortunate for him. For he thought fit in assigning the land to include not only the Latins, but also the Hernicans, who had only recently been admitted to citizenship, and thus to attach these nations to himself. 8.70. 1. Having formed this plan, the day after his triumph he called the multitude together in assembly, and coming forward to the tribunal, according to the custom of those who have triumphed, he first gave his account of his achievements, the sum of which was as follows:,2. that in his first consulship he had defeated in battle the Sabines, who were laying claim to the supremacy, and compelled them to become subject to the Romans; that upon being chosen consul for the second time he had appeased the sedition in the state and restored the populace to the fatherland, and had caused the Latins, who, though kinsmen of the Romans, had always envied them their supremacy and glory, to become their friends by conferring upon them equal rights of citizenship, so that they looked upon Rome no longer as a rival, but as their fatherland;,3. that being for the third time invested with the same magistracy, he had not only compelled the Volscians to become their friends instead of enemies, but had also brought about the voluntary submission of the Hernicans, a great and warlike nation situated near them and quite capable of doing them either the greatest mischief or the greatest service.,4. After recounting these and similar achievements he asked the populace to pay good heed to him, as to one who then had and always would have a greater concern for the commonwealth than any others. He concluded his speech by saying that he would confer upon the populace so many benefits and so great as to surpass all those who were commended for befriending and saving the plebeians; and these things he said he would soon accomplish.,5. He then dismissed the assembly, and without even the slightest delay called a meeting the next day of the senate, which was already in suspense and terrified at his words. And before taking up any other subject he proceeded to lay before them openly the purpose which he had kept concealed in the popular assembly, asking of the senators that, inasmuch as the populace had rendered the commonwealth great service by aiding it, not only to retain its liberty, but also to rule over other peoples, they should show their concern for them by dividing among them the land conquered in war, which, though nominally the property of the state, was in reality possessed by the most shameless patricians, who had occupied it without any legal claim; and that the price paid for the corn sent them by Gelon, the tyrant of Sicily, as a present, which, though it ought to have been divided among all the citizens as a free gift, the poor had got by purchase, should be repaid to the purchasers from the funds held in the public treasury. 8.71. 1. At once, while he was still speaking, a great tumult arose, the senators to a man disliking his proposal and refusing to countece it. And when he had done, not only his colleague Verginius, but the oldest and the most honoured of the senators as well, particularly Appius Claudius, inveighed against him vehemently for attempting to stir up a sedition; and until a late hour these men continued to be beside themselves with rage and to utter the severest reproaches against one another.,2. During the following days Cassius assembled the populace continually and attempted to win them over by his harangues, introducing the arguments in favour of the allotment of the land and laying himself out in invectives against his opponents. Verginius, for his part, assembled the senate every day and in concert with the patricians prepared legal safeguards and hindrances against the other's designs.,3. Each of the consuls had a strong body of men attending him and guarding his person; the needy and the unwashed and such as were prepared for any daring enterprise were ranged under Cassius, and those of the noblest birth and the most immaculate under Verginius.,4. For some time the baser element prevailed in the assemblies, being far more numerous than the others; then they became evenly balanced when the tribunes joined the better element. This change of front on the part of the tribunes was due perhaps to their feeling that it was not best for the commonwealth that the multitude should be corrupted by bribes of money and distributions of the public lands and so be idle and depraved, and perhaps also to envy, since it was not they themselves, the leaders of the populace, who had been the authors of this liberality, but someone else; however, there is no reason why their action was not due also to the fear they felt at the increase in Cassius' power, which had grown greater than was to the interest of the commonwealth.,5. At any rate, these men in the meetings of the assembly now began to oppose with all their power the laws which Cassius was introducing, showing the people that it was not fair if the possessions which they had acquired in the course of many wars were not to be distributed among the Romans alone, but were to be shared equally not only by the Latins, who had not been present in those wars, but also by the Hernicans, who had but lately entered into friendship with them, and having been brought to it by war, would be content not to be deprived of their own territory.,6. The people, as they listened, would now assent to the representations of the tribunes, when they recalled that the portion of the public land which would fall to the lot of each man would be small and inconsiderable if they shared it with the Hernicans and the Latins, and again would change their minds as Cassius in his harangues charged that the tribunes were betraying them to the patricians and using his proposal to give an equal share of the land to the Hernicans and the Latins as a specious pretence for their opposition; whereas, he said, he had included these peoples in his law with a view to adding strength to the poor and of hindering any attempt that might thereafter be made to deprive them of what had been once granted to them since he regarded it as better and safer for the masses to get little, but to keep that little undiminished, than to expect a great deal and to be disappointed of everything. 8.72. 1. While Cassius by these arguments frequently changed the minds of the multitude in the meetings of the assembly, one of the tribunes, Gaius Rabuleius, a man not lacking in intelligence, came forward and promised that he would soon put an end to the dissension between the consuls and would also make it clear to the populace what they ought to do. And when a great demonstration of approval followed, and then silence, he said: "Are not these, Cassius and Verginius, the chief issues of this law â first, whether the public land should be distributed with an equal portion for everyone, and second, whether the Latins and the Hernicans should receive a share of it?",2. And when they assented, he continued: "Very well. You, Cassius, ask the people to vote for both provisions. But as for you, Verginius, tell us, for Heaven's sake, whether you oppose that part of Cassius' proposal which relates to the allies, believing that we ought not to make the Hernicans and the Latins equal sharers with us, or whether you oppose the other also, holding that we should not distribute the property of the state even among ourselves. Just answer these questions for me without concealing anything.",3. When Verginius said that he opposed giving an equal share of the land to the Hernicans and the Latins, but consented to its being divided among the Roman citizens, if all were of that opinion, the tribune, turning to the multitude, said: "Since, then, one part of the proposed measure is approved of by both consuls and the other is opposed by one of them, and as both men are equal in rank and neither can use compulsion on the other, let us accept now the part which both are ready to grant us, and postpone the other, concerning which they differ.",4. The multitude signified by their acclamations that his advice was most excellent and demanded that he strike out of the law that part which gave occasion for discord; whereupon Cassius was at a loss what to do, and being neither willing to withdraw his proposal nor able to adhere to it while the tribunes opposed him, he dismissed the assembly for that time. During the following days he feigned illness and no longer went down to the Forum; but remaining at home, he set about getting the law passed by force and violence, and sent for as many of the Latins and Hernicans as he could to come and vote for it.,5. These assembled in great numbers and presently the city was full of strangers. Verginius, being informed of this, ordered proclamation to be made in the streets that all who were not residents of the city should depart; and he set an early time limit. But Cassius ordered the contrary to be proclaimed â that all who possessed the rights of citizens should remain till the law was passed. 8.73. 1. There being no end of these contests, the patricians, fearing that when the law came to be proposed there would be stealing of votes, recourse to violence, and all the other forcible means that are wont to be employed in factious assemblies, met in the senate-house to deliberate concerning all these matters once and for all.,2. Appius, upon being asked his opinion first, refused to grant the distribution of land to the people, pointing out that an idle multitude accustomed to devour the public stores would prove troublesome and unprofitable fellow citizens and would never allow any of the common possessions, whether property or money, to continue to be held in common. He did note that it would be a shameful thing if the senators, who had been accusing Cassius of introducing mischievous and disadvantageous measures and of corrupting the populace, should then themselves by common consent ratify these measures as just and advantageous. He asked them also to bear in mind that even the gratitude of the poor, if they should divide up among themselves the public possessions, would not be shown to those who gave their consent and sanction to this law, but to Cassius alone, who had proposed it and was believed to have compelled the senators to ratify it against their will.,3. After saying this and other things to the same purport, he ended by giving them this advice â to choose ten of the most distinguished senators to go over the public land and fix its bounds, and if they found that any private persons were by fraud or force grazing or tilling any part of it, to take cognizance of this abuse and restore the land to the state. And he further advised that when the land thus delimited by them had been divided into allotments, of whatever number, and marked off by pillars duly inscribed, one part of it should be sold, particularly the part about which there was any dispute with private persons, so that the purchasers might be involved in litigation over it with any who should lay claim to it, and the other part should be let for five years; and that the money coming in from these rents should be used for the payment of the troops and the purchase of the supplies needed for the wars.,4. "For, as things now stand," he said, "the envy of the poor against the rich who have appropriated and continue to occupy the public possessions is justified, and it is not at all to be wondered at if they demand that the public property should be divided among all the citizens rather than held by a few, and those the most shameless. Whereas, if they see the persons who are now enjoying them give them up and the public possessions become really public, they will cease to envy us and will give up their eagerness for the distribution of our fields to individuals, once they have learnt that joint ownership by all the citizens will be of greater advantage to them than the small portion that would be allotted to each.,5. Let us show them, in fact," he said, "what a great difference it makes, and that if each one of the poor receives a small plot of ground and happens to have troublesome neighbours, he neither will be able to cultivate it himself, by reason of his poverty, nor will he find anyone to lease it of him but that neighbour, whereas if large allotments offering varied and worthwhile tasks for the husbandmen are let out by the state, they will bring in large revenues; and that it is better for them, when they set out for the wars, to receive both their provisions and their pay from the public treasury than to pay in their individual contributions each time to the treasury out of their private estates, when, as sometimes happens, their means of livelihood are scanty and will be still further cramped by providing this money." 8.74. 1. After Appius had introduced this motion and appeared to win great approval, Aulus Sempronius Atratinus, who was called upon next, said: "This is not the first time that I have had occasion to praise Appius as a man highly capable of grasping eventualities long in advance, and as one always offering the most excellent and useful opinions, a man who is firm and unshaken in his judgements and neither yields to fear nor is swayed by favour. For I have never ceased to praise and admire him both for his prudence and the noble spirit he shows in the presence of danger. And it is not a different motion that I offer, but I too make the same one, merely adding a few details which Appius seemed to me to omit.,2. As regards the Hernicans and the Latins, to whom we recently granted equal rights of citizenship, I too think they ought not to share in the allotment of our lands; for it was not after they entered into friendship with us that we acquired this land which we now occupy, but still earlier, when by our own perilous efforts, without the assistance of anyone else, we took it from our enemies. Let us give them this answer: that the possessions which each of us already had when we entered into the treaty of friendship must remain the peculiar and inalienable property of each, but that in the case of all that we may come to possess through war when taking the field together, from the time we made this treaty, each shall have his share.,3. For this arrangement will neither afford our allies any just excuses for anger, as being wronged, nor cause the populace any fear of appearing to prefer their own interests to their good name. As to the appointment of the men proposed by Appius to delimit the public land, I quite agree with him. For this will afford us great frankness in dealing with the plebeians, since they are now displeased on both accounts â because they themselves reap no benefit from the public possessions and because some of us enjoy them contrary to justice. But if they see them restored to the public and the revenues therefrom applied to the necessary uses of the commonwealth, they will not suppose that it makes any difference to them whether it is the land or its produce that they share.,4. I need not mention, of course, that some of the poor are more delighted with the losses of others than with their own advantages. However, I do not regard the entering of these two provisions in the decree as enough; but we ought in my opinion to gain the goodwill of the populace and relieve them by another moderate favour also, one which I shall presently name, after I have first shown you the reason, or rather the necessity, for our doing this also. 8.75. 1. "You are aware, no doubt, of the words spoken by the tribune in the assembly when he asked one of the consuls, Verginius here, what his opinion was concerning the allotment of the land, whether he consented to divide the public possessions among the citizens but not among the allies, or would not consent that even we should receive a share of what belongs to us all in common. And Verginius admitted that he was not attempting to hinder the allotting of the land so far as it related to us Romans, if this seemed best to everybody. This concession not only caused the tribunes to espouse our cause, but also rendered the populace more reasonable.,2. What has come over us, then, that we are now to change our mind about what we then conceded? Or what advantage shall we gain by pursuing our noble and excellent principles of government, principles worthy of our supremacy, if we cannot persuade those who are to make use of them? But we shall not persuade them, and this not one of you fails to know. For, of all who fail to get what they want, those will feel the harshest resentment who are cheated of their hopes and are not getting what has been agreed upon. Surely the politician whose principle it is to please will run off with them again, and after that not one even of the tribunes will stand by us.,3. Hear, therefore, what I advise you to do, and the amendment I add to the motion of Appius; but do not rise up or create any disturbance before you have heard all I have to say. After you have appointed commissioners, whether ten or whatever number, to inspect the land and fix its boundaries, empower them to determine which and how great a part of it should be held in common and, by being let for five years, increase the revenues of the treasury, and again, how great a part and which should be divided among our plebeians. And whatever land they appoint to be allotted you should allot after determining whether it shall be distributed among all the citizens, or among those who have no land as yet, or among those who have the lowest property rating, or in whatever manner you shall think proper. As regards the men who are to fix the bounds of the land and the decree you will publish concerning its division and everything else that is necessary, I advise, since the present consuls have but a short time to continue in office, that their successors shall carry out these purposes in such manner as they think will be for the best.,4. For not only do matters of such moment require no little time, but the present consuls, who are at variance, can hardly be expected to show greater insight in discovering what is advantageous than their successors, if, as we hope, the latter shall be harmonious. For delay is in many cases a useful thing and anything but dangerous, and time brings about many changes in a single day; furthermore, the absence of dissension among those who preside over the public business is the cause of all the blessings enjoyed by states. As for me, this is the opinion I have to express; but if anyone has anything better to propose, let him speak." 8.76. 1. When Sempronius had ended, there was much applause from those present, and not one of the senators who were asked their opinion after him expressed any different view. Thereupon the decree of the senate was drawn up to this effect: that the ten oldest ex-consuls should be appointed to determine the boundaries of the public land and to declare how much of it ought to be let and how much divided among the people;,2. that those enjoying the rights of citizens and the allies, in case they later acquired more land by a joint campaign, should each have their allotted share, according to the treaties; and that the appointment of the decemvirs, the distribution of the allotments, and everything else that was necessary should be carried out by the incoming consuls. When this decree was laid before the populace, it not only put a stop to the demagoguery of Cassius, but also prevented the sedition that was being rekindled by the orator from going any farther. 8.77. 1. The following year, at the beginning of the seventy-fourth Olympiad (the one at which Astylus of Syracuse won the foot-race), when Leostratus was archon at Athens, and Quintus Fabius and Servius Cornelius had succeeded to the consulship, two patricians, young indeed in years, but the most distinguished of their body because of the prestige of their ancestors, men of great influence both on account of their bands of supporters and because of their wealth, and, for young men, inferior to none of mature age for their ability in civil affairs, namely, Caeso Fabius, brother of the then consul, and Lucius Valerius Publicola, brother to the man who overthrew the kings, being quaestors at the same time and therefore having authority to assemble the populace, denounced before them Spurius Cassius, the consul of the preceding year, who had dared to propose the laws concerning the distribution of land, charging him with having aimed at tyranny; and appointing a day, they summoned him to make his defence before the populace.,2. When a very large crowd has assembled upon the day appointed, the two quaestors called the multitude together in assembly, and recounting all his overt actions, showed that they were calculated for no good purpose. First, in the case of the Latins, who would have been content with being accounted worthy of a common citizenship with the Romans, esteeming it a great piece of good luck to get even so much, he had as consul not only bestowed on them the citizenship they asked for, but had furthermore caused a vote to be passed that they should be given also the third part of the spoils of war on the occasion of any joint campaign. Again, in the case of the Hernicans, who, having been subdued in war, ought to have been content not to be punished by the loss of some part of their territory, he had made them friends instead of subjects, and citizens instead of tributaries, and had ordered that they should receive the second third of any land and booty that the Romans might acquire from any source.,3. Thus the spoils were to be divided into three portions, the subjects of the Romans and aliens receiving two of them and the natives and domit race the third part. They pointed out that as a result of this procedure one or the other of two most absurd situations would come about in case they should choose to honour any other nation, in return for many great services, by granting the same privileges with which they had honoured not only the Latins, but also the Hernicans, who had never done them the least service. For, as there would be but one third left for them, they would either have no part to bestow upon their benefactors or, if they granted them the like favour, they would have nothing for themselves. 8.78. 1. Besides this they went on to relate that Cassius, in proposing to give to the people the common possessions of the state without a decree of the senate or the consent of his colleague, had intended to get the law passed by force â a law that was inexpedient and unjust, not for this reason alone, that, though the senate ought to have considered the measure first, and, in case they approved of it, it ought to have been a joint concession on the part of all the authorities, he was making it the favour of one man,,2. but also for the further reason â the most outrageous of all â that, though it was in name a grant of the public land to the citizens, it was in reality a deprivation, since the Romans, who had acquired it, were to receive but one third, while the Hernicans and the Latins, who had no claim to it at all, would get the other two thirds. They further charged that even when the tribunes opposed him and asked him to strike out the part of the law granting equal shares to the aliens, he had paid no heed to them, but continued to act in opposition to the tribunes, to his colleague, to the senate, and to all who consulted the best interests of the commonwealth.,3. After they had enumerated these charges and named as witnesses to their truth the whole body of the citizens, they then at length proceeded to present the secret evidences of his having aimed at tyranny, showing that the Latins and the Hernicans had contributed money to him and provided themselves with arms, and that the most daring young men from their cities were resorting to him, making secret plans, and serving him in many other ways besides. And to prove the truth of these charges they produced many witnesses, both residents of Rome and others from the cities in alliance with her, persons who were neither mean nor obscure.,4. In these the populace put confidence; and without either being moved now by the speech which the man delivered â a speech which he had prepared with much care, â or yielding to compassion when his three young sons contributed much to his appeal for sympathy and many others, both relations and friends, joined in bewailing his fate, or paying any regard to his exploits in war, by which he had attained to the greatest honour, they condemned him.,5. Indeed, they were so exasperated at the name of tyranny that they did not moderate their resentment even in the degree of his punishment, but sentenced him to death. For they were afraid that if a man who was the ablest general of his time should be driven from his country into exile, he might follow the example of Marcius in dividing his own people and uniting their enemies, and bring a relentless war upon his country. This being the outcome of his trial, the quaestors led him to the top of the precipice that overlooks the Forum and in the presence of all the citizens hurled him down from the rock. For this was the traditional punishment at that time among the Romans for those who were condemned to death. 8.79. 1. Such is the more probable of the accounts that have been handed down concerning this man; but I must not omit the less probable version, since this also has been believed by many and is recorded in histories of good authority. It is said, then, by some that while the plan of Cassius to make himself tyrant was as yet concealed from all the world, his father was the first to suspect him, and that after making the strictest inquiry into the matter he went to the senate; then, ordering his son to appear, he became both informer and accuser, and when the senate also had condemned him, he took him home and put him to death.,2. The harsh and inexorable anger of fathers against their offending sons, particularly among the Romans of that time, does not permit us to reject even this account. For earlier Brutus, who expelled the kings, condemned both his sons to die in accordance with the law concerning malefactors, and they were beheaded because they were believed to have been helping to bring about the restoration of the kings. And at a later time Manlius, when he was commander in the Gallic war and his son distinguished himself in battle, honoured him, indeed, for his bravery with the crowns given for superior valour, but at the same time accused him of disobedience in not staying in the fort in which he was posted but leaving it, contrary to the command of his general, in order to take part in the struggle; and he put him to death as a deserter.,3. And many other fathers, some for greater and others for lesser faults, have shown neither mercy nor compassion to their sons. For this reason I do not feel, as I said, that this account should be rejected as improbable. But the following considerations, which are arguments of no small weight and are not lacking in probability, draw me in the other direction and lead me to agree with the first tradition. In the first place, after the death of Cassius his house was razed to the ground and to this day its site remains vacant, except for that part of it on which the state afterwards built the temple of Tellus, which stands in the street leading to the Carinae; and again, his goods were confiscated by the state, which dedicated first-offerings for them in various temples, especially the bronze statues to Ceres, which by their inscriptions show of whose possessions they are the first-offerings.,4. But if his father had been at once the informer, the accuser and the executioner of his son, neither his house would have been razed nor his estate confiscated. For the Romans have no property of their own while their fathers are still living, but fathers are permitted to dispose both of the goods and the persons of their sons as they wish. Consequently the state would surely never have seen fit, because of the crimes of the son, to take away and confiscate the estate of his father who had given information of his plan to set up a tyranny. For these reasons, therefore, I agree rather with the former of the two accounts; but I have given both, to the end that my readers may adopt whichever one they please. 8.80. 1. When the attempt was made by some to put to death the sons of Cassius also, the senators looked upon the custom as cruel and harmful; and having assembled, they voted that the penalty should be remitted in the case of the boys and that they should live in complete security, being punished by neither banishment, disfranchisement, nor any other misfortune. And from that time this custom has become established among the Romans and is observed down to our day, that the sons shall be exempt from all punishment for any crimes committed by their fathers, whether they happen to be the sons of tyrants, of parricides, or of traitors â treason being among the Romans the greatest crime.,2. And those who attempted to abolish this custom in our times, after the end of the Marsic and civil wars, and took away from the sons of fathers who had been proscribed under Sulla the privilege of standing for the magistracies held by their fathers and of being members of the senate as long as their own domination lasted, were regarded as having done a thing deserving both the indignation of men and the vengeance of the gods. Accordingly, in the course of time a justifiable retribution dogged their steps as the avenger of their crimes, by which the perpetrators were reduced from the greatest height of glory they had once enjoyed to the lowest depths, and not even their posterity, except of the female line, now survives;,3. but the custom was restored to its original status by the man who brought about their destruction. Among some of the Greeks, however, this is not the practice, but certain of them think it proper to put to death the sons of tyrants together with their fathers; and others punish them with perpetual banishment, as if Nature would not permit virtuous sons to be the offspring of wicked fathers or evil sons of good fathers. But concerning these matters, I leave to the consideration of anyone who is so minded the question whether the practice prevalent among the Greeks is better or the custom of the Romans is superior; and I now return to the events that followed. |
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| 41. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 5.25 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mueller (2002) 104 |
| 42. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 8.2.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p., rivalry with q. fabius maximus Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 38 |
| 43. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 8.2 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p., image in temple of jupiter capitolinus Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 108 |
| 44. Sallust, Iugurtha, 4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 86 |
45. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 3.16-3.24 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 86 | 3.16. Since it is through the Arrangement that we set in order the topics we have invented so that there may be a definite place for each in the delivery, we must see how kind of method one should follow in the process of arranging. The kinds of Arrangement are two: one arising from the principles of rhetoric, the other accommodated to particular circumstances. Our Arrangement will be based on the principles of rhetoric when we observe instructions that I have set forth in Book I â to use the Introduction, Statement of Facts, Division, Proof, Refutation, and Conclusion, and in speaking to follow the order enjoined above. It is likewise on the principles of the art that we shall be basing our Arrangement, not only of the whole case throughout the discourse, but also of the individual arguments, according to Proposition, Reason, Proof of the Reason, Embellishment, and Résumé, as I have explained in Book II. 3.17. This Arrangement, then, is twofold â one for the whole speech, and the other for the individual arguments â and is based upon the principles of rhetoric. But there is also another Arrangement, which, when we must depart from the order imposed by the rules of the art, is accommodated to circumstance in accordance with the speaker's judgement; for example, if we should begin our speech with the Statement of Facts, or with some very strong argument, or the reading of some documents; or if straightway after the Introduction we should use the Proof and then the Statement of Facts; or if we should make some other change of this kind in the order. But none of these changes ought to be made except when our cause demands them. For if the ears of the audience seem to have been deafened and their attention wearied by the wordiness of our adversaries, we can advantageously omit the Introduction, and begin the speech with either the Statement of Facts or some strong argument. Then, if it is advantageous â for it is not always necessary â one may recur to the idea intended for the Introduction. If our cause seems to present so great a difficulty that no one can listen to the Introduction with patience, we shall begin with the Statement of Facts and then recur to the idea intended for the Introduction. If the Statement of Facts is not quite plausible, we shall begin with some strong argument. It is often necessary to employ such changes and transpositions when the cause itself obliges us to modify with art the Arrangement prescribed by the rules of the art. 3.18. In the Proof and Refutation of arguments it is appropriate to adopt an Arrangement of the following sort: (1) the strongest arguments should be placed at the beginning and at the end of the pleading; (2) those of medium force, and also those that are neither useless to the discourse nor essential to the proof, which are weak if presented separately and individually, but become strong and plausible when conjoined with the others, should be placed in the middle. For immediately after the facts have been stated the hearer waits to see whether the cause can by some means be proved, and that is why we ought straightway to present some strong argument. (3) And as for the rest, since what has been said last is easily committed to memory, it is useful, when ceasing to speak, to leave some very strong argument fresh in the hearer's mind. This arrangement of topics in speaking, like the arraying of soldiers in battle, can readily bring victory. 3.19. Many have said that the faculty of greatest use to the speaker and the most valuable for persuasion is Delivery. For my part, I should not readily say that any one of the five faculties is the most important; that an exceptionally great usefulness resides in the delivery I should boldly affirm. For skilful invention, elegant style, the artistic management of the parts comprising the case, and the careful memory of all these will be of no more value without delivery, than delivery alone and independent of these. Therefore, because no one has written carefully on this subject â all have thought it scarcely possible for voice, mien, and gesture to be lucidly described, as appertaining to our sense-experience â and because the mastery of delivery is a very important requisite for speaking, the whole subject, as I believe, deserves serious consideration. Delivery, then, includes Voice Quality and Physical Movement. Voice Quality has a certain character of its own, acquired by method and application. 3.20. It has three aspects: Volume, Stability, and Flexibility. Vocal volume is primarily the gift of nature; cultivation augments it somewhat, but chiefly conserves it. Stability is primarily gained by cultivation; declamatory exercise augments it somewhat, but chiefly conserves it. Vocal flexibility â the ability in speaking to vary the intonations of the voice at pleasure â is primarily achieved by declamatory exercise. Thus with regard to vocal volume, and in a degree also to stability, since one is the gift of nature and the other is acquired by cultivation, it is pointless to give any other advice than that the method of cultivating the voice should be sought from those skilled in this art. It seems, however, that I must discuss stability in the degree that it is conserved by a system of declamation, and also vocal flexibility (this is especially necessary to the speaker), because it too is acquired by the discipline of declamation. 3.21. We can, then, in speaking conserve stability mainly by using for the Introduction a voice as calm and composed as possible. For the windpipe is injured if filled with a violent outburst of sound before it has been soothed by soft intonations. And it is appropriate to use rather long pauses â the voice is refreshed by respiration and the windpipe is rested by silence. We should also relax from continual use of the full voice and pass to the tone of conversation; for, as the result of changes, no one kind of tone is spent, and we are complete in the entire range. Again, we ought to avoid piercing exclamations, for a shock that wounds the windpipe is produced by shouting which is excessively sharp and shrill, and the brilliance of the voice is altogether used up by one outburst. Again, at the end of the speech it is proper to deliver long periods in one unbroken breath, for then the throat becomes warm, the windpipe is filled, and the voice, which has been used in a variety of tones, is restored to a kind of uniform and constant tone. How often must we be duly thankful to nature, as here! Indeed what we declare to be beneficial for conserving the voice applies also to agreeableness of delivery, and, as a result, what benefits our voice likewise finds favour in the hearer's taste. 3.22. A useful thing for stability is a calm tone in the Introduction. What is more disagreeable than the full voice in the Introduction to a discourse? Pauses strengthen the voice. They also render the thoughts more clear-cut by separating them, and leave the hearer time to think. Relaxation from a continuous full tone conserves the voice, and the variety gives extreme pleasure to the hearer too, since now the conversational tone holds the attention and now the full voice rouses it. Sharp exclamation injures the voice and likewise jars the hearer, for it has about it something ignoble, suited rather to feminine outcry than to manly dignity in speaking. At the end of the speech a sustained flow is beneficial to the voice. And does not this, too, most vigorously stir the hearer at the Conclusion of the entire discourse? Since, then, the same means serve stability of the voice and agreeableness of delivery, my present discussion will have dealt with both at once, offering as it does the observations that have seemed appropriate on stability, and the related observations on agreeableness. The rest I shall set forth somewhat later, in its proper place. 3.23. Now the flexibility of the voice, since it depends entirely on rhetorical rules, deserves our more careful consideration. The aspects of Flexibility are Conversational Tone, Tone of Debate, and Tone of Amplification. The Tone of Conversation is relaxed, and is closest to daily speech. The Tone of Debate is energetic, and is suited to both proof and refutation. The Tone of Amplification either rouses the hearer to wrath or moves him to pity. Conversational Tone comprises four kinds: the Dignified, The Explicative, the Narrative, and the Facetious. The Dignified, or Serious, Tone of Conversation is marked by some degree of impressiveness and by vocal restraint. The Explicative in a calm voice explains how something could or could not have been brought to pass. The Narrative sets forth events that have occurred or might have occurred. The Facetious can on the basis of some circumstance elicit a laugh which is modest and refined. In the Tone of Debate are distinguishable the Sustained and the Broken. The Sustained is full-voiced and accelerated delivery. The Broken Tone of Debate is punctuated repeatedly with short, intermittent pauses, and is vociferated sharply. 3.24. The Tone of Amplification includes the Hortatory and the Pathetic. The Hortatory, by amplifying some fault, incites the hearer to indignation. The Pathetic, by amplifying misfortunes, wins the hearer over to pity. Since, then, vocal flexibility is divided into three tones, and these in turn subdivide into eight others, it appears that we must explain what delivery is appropriate to each of these eight subdivisions. (1) For the Dignified Conversational Tone it will be proper to use the full throat but the calmest and most subdued voice possible, yet not in such a fashion that we pass from the practice of the orator to that of the tragedian. (2) For the Explicative Conversational Tone one ought to use a rather thin-toned voice, and frequent pauses and intermissions, so that we seem by means of the delivery itself to implant and engrave in the hearer's mind the points we are making in our explanation. (3) For the Narrative Conversational Tone varied intonations are necessary, so that we seem to recount everything just as it took place. Our delivery will be somewhat rapid when we narrate what we wish to show was done vigorously, and it will be slower when we narrate something else done in leisurely fashion. Then, corresponding to the content of the words, we shall modify the delivery in all the kinds of tone, now to sharpness, now to kindness, or now to sadness, and now to gaiety. If in the Statement of Facts there occur any declarations, demands, replies, or exclamations of astonishment concerning the facts we are narrating, we shall give careful attention to expressing with the voice the feelings and thoughts of each personage. |
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| 46. Silius Italicus, Punica, 17.635-17.642 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p., his triumph Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 206 |
| 47. Josephus Flavius, Life, 342 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 142 |
| 48. Juvenal, Satires, 14.256-14.262 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 307 |
| 49. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 7.64.9-7.64.10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p., image in temple of jupiter capitolinus Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 108 |
| 50. Seneca The Younger, Dialogi, 7.28.1, 10.20.3, 11.14.2, 11.15.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. •p. cornelius scipio africanus Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 234; Rutledge (2012) 307 |
| 51. Lucan, Pharsalia, 2.22, 2.121, 2.221, 9.964-9.999, 10.31-10.32, 10.34 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of •cornelius scipio africanus, p. (maior) •scipio africanus, publius cornelius, as alexander Found in books: Giusti (2018) 184; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 21; Rutledge (2012) 307; Walters (2020) 41, 79 |
52. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 1.12.5, 2.4.29, 9.1.21, 9.3.3, 11.2.17-11.2.22 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio africanus, (publius cornelius) •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Kaster(2005) 107; Rutledge (2012) 86 | 1.12.5. However manifold our activities, in a certain sense we come fresh to each new subject. Who can maintain his attention, if he has to listen for a whole day to one teacher harping on the same subject, be it what it may? Change of studies is like change of foods: the stomach is refreshed by their variety and derives greater nourishment from variety of viands. 2.4.29. And when they produce the same passage in a number of different cases, they must come to loathe it like food that has grown cold or stale, and they can hardly avoid a feeling of shame at displaying this miserable piece of furniture to an audience whose memory must have detected it so many times already: like the furniture of the ostentatious poor, it is sure to shew signs of wear through being used for such a variety of different purposes. |
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| 53. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 50 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p., rivalry with q. fabius maximus Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 38 |
| 54. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 50 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p., rivalry with q. fabius maximus Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 38 |
| 55. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kaster(2005) 107 |
56. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 32.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 307| 32.3. πᾶς δὲ ναὸς ἀνέῳκτο καὶ στεφάνων καὶ θυμιαμάτων ἦν πλήρης, ὑπηρέται τε πολλοὶ καὶ ῥαβδονόμοι τοὺς ἀτάκτως συρρέοντας εἰς τὸ μέσον καὶ διαθέοντας ἐξείργοντες ἀναπεπταμένας τὰς ὁδοὺς καὶ καθαρὰς παρεῖχον. | 32.3. Every temple was open and filled with garlands and incense, while numerous servitors and lictors restrained the thronging and scurrying crowds and kept the streets open and clear. |
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57. Plutarch, Camillus, 10.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 162| 10.3. ἀχθεὶς δὲ καὶ καταστὰς εἰς μέσον ἔλεγε παιδευτὴς μέν εἶναι καὶ διδάσκαλος, τὴν δὲ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον χάριν ἀντὶ τούτων ἑλόμενος τῶν δικαίων, ἥκειν αὐτῷ τὴν πόλιν ἐν τοῖς παισὶ κομίζων, δεινὸν οὖν ἀκούσαντι τὸ ἔργον ἐφάνη Καμίλλῳ· καὶ πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας εἰπών, ὡς χαλεπὸν μέν ἐστι πόλεμος καὶ διὰ πολλῆς ἀδικίας καὶ βιαίων περαινόμενος ἔργων, | 10.3. So led, and in that presence, he said he was a boys’ school-teacher, but chose rather to win the general’s favour than to fulfil the duties of his office, and so had come bringing to him the city in the persons of its boys. It seemed to Camillus, on hearing him, that the man had done a monstrous deed, and turning to the bystanders he said: War is indeed a grievous thing, and is waged with much injustice and violence; |
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| 58. Plutarch, Cato The Younger, 43 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 154 |
59. Plutarch, Fabius, 22.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p., rivalry with q. fabius maximus Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 38| 22.6. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὸν κολοσσὸν τοῦ Ἡρακλέους μετακομίσας ἐκ Τάραντος ἔστησεν ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ, καὶ πλησίον ἔφιππον εἰκόνα χαλκῆν ἑαυτοῦ, πολὺ Μαρκέλλου φανεὶς ἀτοπώτερος περὶ ταῦτα, μᾶλλον δʼ ὅλως ἐκεῖνον ἄνδρα πρᾳότητι καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ θαυμαστὸν ἀποδείξας, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται. | 22.6. However, he removed the colossal statue of Heracles from Tarentum, and set it up on the Capitol, and near it an equestrian statue of himself, in bronze. He thus appeared far more eccentric in these matters than Marcellus, nay rather, the mild and humane conduct of Marcellus was thus made to seem altogether admirable by contrast, as has been written in his Life. Chapter xxi. Marcellus had enriched Rome with works of Greek art taken from Syracuse in 212 B.C. Livy’s opinion is rather different from Plutarch’s: sed maiore animo generis eius praeda abstinuit Fabius quam Marcellus, xxvii. 16. Fabius killed the people but spared their gods; Marcellus spared the people but took their gods. |
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60. Plutarch, Marcellus, 21.2-21.5, 28.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 38| 21.2. ὅπλων δὲ βαρβαρικῶν καὶ λαφύρων ἐναίμων ἀνάπλεως οὖσα καὶ περιεστεφανωμένη θριάμβων ὑπομνήμασι καὶ τροπαίοις οὐχ ἱλαρὸν οὐδʼ ἄφοβον οὐδὲ δειλῶν ἦν θέαμα καὶ τρυφώντων θεατῶν, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ Ἐπαμεινώνδας τὸ Βοιώτιον πεδίον Ἄρεως ὀρχήστραν, Ξενοφῶν δὲ τὴν Ἔφεσον πολέμου ἐργαστήριον, οὕτως ἄν μοι δοκεῖ τις τότε τὴν Ῥώμην κατὰ Πίνδαρον βαθυπτολέμου τέμενος Ἄρεως προσειπεῖν. 21.3. διὸ καὶ μᾶλλον εὐδοκίμησε παρὰ μὲν τῷ δήμῳ Μάρκελλος ἡδονὴν ἐχούσαις καὶ χάριν Ἑλληνικὴν καὶ πιθανότητα διαποικίλας ὄψεσι τὴν πόλιν, παρὰ δὲ τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις Φάβιος Μάξιμος, οὐδὲν γὰρ ἐκίνησε τοιοῦτον οὐδὲ μετήνεγκεν ἐκ τῆς Ταραντίνοις πόλεως ἁλούσης, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα χρήματα καὶ τὸν πλοῦτον ἐξεφόρησε, τὰ δὲ ἀγάλματα μένειν εἴασεν, ἐπειπὼν τὸ μνημονευόμενον· 21.4. ἀπολείπωμεν γὰρ ἔφη, τοὺς θεοὺς τούτους τοῖς Ταραντίνοις κεχολωμένους. Μάρκελλον δʼ ᾐτιῶντο πρῶτον μὲν ὡς ἐπίφθονον ποιοῦντα τὴν πόλιν, οὐ μόνον ἀνθρώπων, ἀλλὰ καὶ θεῶν οἷον αἰχμαλώτων ἀγομένων ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ πομπευομένων, ἔπειτα ὅτι τὸν δῆμον εἰθισμένον πολεμεῖν ἢ γεωργεῖν, 21.5. τρυφῆς δὲ καὶ ῥᾳθυμίας ἄπειρον ὄντα καὶ κατὰ τὸν Εὐριπίδειον Ἡρακλέα, φαῦλον, ἄκομψον, τὰ μέγιστʼ ἀγαθόν, μέγιστʼ ἀγαθόν with Coraës, as in the Cimon , iv. 4: μέγιστά τε ἀγαθόν . σχολῆς ἐνέπλησε καὶ λαλιᾶς περὶ τεχνῶν καὶ τεχνιτῶν, ἀστεϊζόμενον καὶ διατρίβοντα πρὸς τούτῳ πολὺ μέρος τῆς ἡμέρας, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τούτοις ἐσεμνύνετο καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ὡς τὰ καλὰ καὶ θαυμαστὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος οὐκ ἐπισταμένους τιμᾶν καὶ θαυμάζειν Ῥωμαίους διδάξας. 28.1. παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν ἀρχήν πρῶτον μὲν ἐν Τυρρηνίᾳ μέγα κίνημα πρὸς ἀπόστασιν ἔπαυσε καὶ κατεπράϋνεν ἐπελθὼν τὰς πόλεις· ἔπειτα ναὸν ἐκ τῶν Σικελικῶν λαφύρων ᾠκοδομημένον ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ Δόξης καὶ Ἀρετῆς καθιερῶσαι βουλόμενος, καὶ κωλυθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἱερέων οὐκ ἀξιούντων ἑνὶ ναῷ δύο θεοὺς περιέχεσθαι, πάλιν ἤρξατο προσοικοδομεῖν ἕτερον, οὐ ῥᾳδίως φέρων τὴν γεγενημένην ἀντίκρουσιν, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ οἰωνιζόμενος. | 21.2. but filled full of barbaric arms and bloody spoils, and crowned round about with memorials and trophies of triumphs, she was not a gladdening or a reassuring sight, nor one for unwarlike and luxurious spectators. Indeed, as Epaminondas called the Boeotian plain a dancing floor of Ares, and as Xenophon Hell. iii. 4,17. speaks of Ephesus as a work-shop of war, so, it seems to me, one might at that time have called Rome, in the language of Pindar, a precinct of much-warring Ares. Pyth. ii. 1 f. 21.3. Therefore with the common people Marcellus won more favour because he adorned the city with objects that had Hellenic grace and charm and fidelity; but with the elder citizens Fabius Maximus was more popular. For he neither disturbed nor brought away anything of this sort from Tarentum, when that city was taken, but while he carried off the money and the other valuables, he suffered the statues to remain in their places, adding the well-known saying: 21.4. Let us leave these gods in their anger for the Tarentines. Cf. the Fabius Maximus , xxii. 5. And they blamed Marcellus, first, because he made the city odious, in that not only men, but even gods were led about in her triumphal processions like captives; and again, because, when the people was accustomed only to war or agriculture, 21.5. and was inexperienced in luxury and ease, but, like the Heracles of Euripides, was Plain, unadorned, in a great crisis brave and true, A fragment of the lost Licymnius of Euripides (Nauck, Trag. Graec. Frag. 2 p. 507). he made them idle and full of glib talk about arts and artists, so that they spent a great part of the day in such clever disputation. Notwithstanding such censure, Marcellus spoke of this with pride even to the Greeks, declaring that he had taught the ignorant Romans to admire and honour the wonderful and beautiful productions of Greece. 28.1. After assuming his office, he first quelled a great agitation for revolt in Etruria, and visited and pacified the cities there; next, he desired to dedicate to Honour and Virtue a temple that he had built out of his Sicilian spoils, hut was prevented by the priests, who would not consent that two deities should occupy one temple; he therefore began to build another temple adjoining the first, although he resented the priests’ opposition and regarded it as ominous. |
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61. Plutarch, Marius, 12.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p., forbids images to himself •cornelius scipio africanus, p., image in temple of jupiter capitolinus Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 292| 12.5. μετὰ δὲ τὴν πομπὴν ὁ Μάριος σύγκλητον ἤθροισεν ἐν Καπετωλίῳ· καὶ παρῆλθε μὲν εἴτε λαθὼν αὑτὸν εἴτε τῇ τύχῃ χρώμενος ἀγροικότερον ἐν τῇ θριαμβικῇ κατασκευῇ, ταχὺ δὲ τὴν βουλὴν ἀχθεσθεῖσαν αἰσθόμενος ἐξανέστη καὶ μεταλαβὼν τὴν περιπόρφυρον αὖθις ἦλθεν. | 12.5. |
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| 62. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020) 41 |
63. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 22.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p., rivalry with q. fabius maximus Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 38| 22.2. πυρὶ μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἔδοσαν τὸν νεκρὸν αὐτοῦ κωλύσαντος, ὡς λέγεται, δύο δὲ ποιησάμενοι λιθίνας σοροὺς ὑπὸ τὸ Ἰάνοκλον ἔθηκαν, τὴν μὲν ἑτέραν ἔχουσαν τὸ σῶμα, τὴν δὲ ἑτέραν τὰς ἱερὰς βίβλους ἃς ἐγράψατο μὲν αὐτός, ὥσπερ οἱ τῶν Ἑλλήνων νομοθέται τοὺς κύρβεις, ἐκδιδάξας δὲ τοὺς ἱερεῖς ἔτι ζῶν τὰ γεγραμμένα καὶ πάντων ἕξιν τε καὶ γνώμην ἐνεργασάμενος αὐτοῖς, ἐκέλευσε συνταφῆναι μετὰ τοῦ σώματος, ὡς οὐ καλῶς ἐν ἀψύχοις γράμμασι φρουρουμένων τῶν ἀπορρήτων. | 22.2. They did not burn his body, because, as it is said, he forbade it; but they made two stone coffins and buried them under the Janiculum. One of these held his body, and the other the sacred books which he had written out with his own hand, as the Greek lawgivers their tablets. But since, while he was still living, he had taught the priests the written contents of the books, and had inculcated in their hearts the scope and meaning of them all, he commanded that they should be buried with his body, convinced that such mysteries ought not to be entrusted to the care of lifeless documents. 22.2. They did not burn his body, because, as it is said, he forbade it; but they made two stone coffins and buried them under the Janiculum. One of these held his body, and the other the sacred books which he had written out with his own hand, as the Greek lawgivers their tablets. But since, while he was still living, he had taught the priests the written contents of the books, and had inculcated in their hearts the scope and meaning of them all, he commanded that they should be buried with his body, convinced that such mysteries ought not to be entrusted to the care of lifeless documents. |
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| 64. Plutarch, Romulus, 1.1.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. (maior) Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 21 |
| 65. Suetonius, Augustus, 72.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 143 |
| 66. Suetonius, Tiberius, 10.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kaster(2005) 107; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 234 |
| 67. Suetonius, Galba, 10.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 154 |
| 68. Suetonius, Titus, 8.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 86 |
| 69. Appian, The Punic Wars, 66, 132 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018) 255 |
| 70. Appian, The Mithridatic Wars, 117 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 143 |
| 71. Appian, The Spanish Wars, 23 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio africanus, l. cornelius (major, cos. ii Found in books: Mueller (2002) 70 |
| 72. Appian, Civil Wars, 1.16, 1.20, 1.26, 2.101, 5.130 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of •cornelius scipio africanus, p. •cornelius scipio africanus, p., forbids images to himself •cornelius scipio africanus, p., image in temple of jupiter capitolinus Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 142, 154, 292; Walters (2020) 41 |
73. Tacitus, Histories, 1.4, 1.82, 2.55, 3.38, 3.51 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. (maior) •cornelius scipio africanus, p. •scipio africanus, l. cornelius (major, cos. ii •scipio africanus, (publius cornelius) Found in books: Kaster(2005) 78; Mueller (2002) 73; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 21; Rutledge (2012) 154, 307 | 1.82. The excited soldiers were not kept even by the doors of the palace from bursting into the banquet. They demanded to be shown Otho, and they wounded Julius Martialis, the tribune, and Vitellius Saturninus, prefect of the legion, when they opposed their onrush. On every side were arms and threats directed now against the centurions and tribunes, now against the whole senate, for all were in a state of blind panic, and since they could not fix upon any individual as the object of their wrath, they claimed licence to proceed against all. Finally Otho, disregarding the dignity of his imperial position, stood on his couch and barely succeeded in restraining them with appeals and tears. Then they returned to camp neither willingly nor with guiltless hands. The next day private houses were closed as if the city were in the hands of the enemy; few respectable people were seen in the streets; the rabble was downcast. The soldiers turned their eyes to the ground, but were sorrowful rather than repentant. Licinius Proculus and Plotius Firmus, the prefects, addressed their companies, the one mildly, the other severely, each according to his nature. They ended with the statement that five thousand sesterces were to be paid to each soldier. Only then did Otho dare to enter the camp. He was surrounded by tribunes and centurions, who tore away the insignia of their rank and demanded discharge and safety from their dangerous service. The common soldiers perceived the bad impression that their action had made and settled down to obedience, demanding of their own accord that the ringleaders of the mutiny should be punished. 2.55. Yet at Rome there was no disorder. The festival of Ceres was celebrated in the usual manner. When it was announced in the theatre on good authority that Otho was no more and that Flavius Sabinus, the city prefect, had administered to all the soldiers in the city the oath of allegiance to Vitellius, the audience greeted the name of Vitellius with applause. The people, bearing laurel and flowers, carried busts of Galba from temple to temple, and piled garlands high in the form of a burial mound by the Lacus Curtius, which the dying Galba had stained with his blood. The senate at once voted for Vitellius all the honours that had been devised during the long reigns of other emperors; besides they passed votes of praise and gratitude to the troops from Germany and dispatched a delegation to deliver this expression of their joy. Letters from Fabius Valens to the consuls were read, written in quite moderate style; but greater satisfaction was felt at Caecina's modesty in not writing at all. 3.38. The death of Junius Blaesus, becoming known at the time, caused much gossip. The story, as we learn it, is this. When Vitellius was seriously ill in the gardens of Servilius, he noticed that a tower near by was brilliantly lighted at night. On asking the reason he was told that Caecina Tuscus was giving a large dinner at which Junius Blaesus was the guest of honour; and his informants went on to exaggerate the elaborate preparations made for this dinner and to speak of the guests' extravagant enjoyment. There was no lack of men ready to accuse Tuscus and others; but they blamed Blaesus most severely because he spent his days in pleasure while his emperor was sick. When the people, who have a keen eye for the angry moods of princes, saw that Vitellius was exasperated and that Blaesus could be destroyed, Lucius Vitellius was assigned the rôle of informant. His hatred for Blaesus sprang from base jealousy, for, stained as he was by every infamy, Blaesus surpassed him by his eminent reputation. So now, bursting into the emperor's bedroom, Lucius embraced the son of Vitellius and fell on his knees. When Vitellius asked the reason for his trepidation, Lucius replied that he had no personal fear and was not anxious for himself, but that it was on behalf of his brother and his brother's children that he brought his prayers and tears. "There is no point," he said, "in fearing Vespasian, whose approach is blocked by all the German legions, by all the brave and loyal provinces, and in short by boundless stretches of sea and land. The enemy against whom you must be on your guard is in the city, in your own bosom: he boasts that the Junii and Antonii are his ancestors; and, claiming imperial descent, he parades before the soldiers his courtesy and magnificence. Everyone's thoughts are attracted to him, while you, failing to distinguish between friend and foe, cherish a rival who watches his emperor's distress from a dinner-table. To pay him for his unseasonable joy, he should suffer a night of sorrow and doom, that he may know and feel that Vitellius is alive and emperor, and furthermore that, if any misfortune happens to him, he still has a son." 3.51. I have it from the best authorities that the victors had come to disregard the difference between right and wrong so completely that a common soldier declared that he had killed his brother in the last battle and actually asked the generals for a reward. The common dictates of humanity did not permit them to honour such a murder or military policy to punish it. They put off the soldier on the ground that he deserved a reward greater than could be repaid at once; nor is anything further told concerning the case. And yet a similar crime had happened in civil war before. In the struggle against Cinna on the Janiculum, as Sisenna relates, one of Pompey's soldiers killed his own brother and then, on realizing his crime, committed suicide. So much livelier among our ancestors was repentance for guilt as well as glory in virtuous action. Such deeds as this and others like them, drawn from our earlier history, I shall not improperly insert in my work whenever the theme or situation demands examples of the right or solace for the wrong. |
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74. Tacitus, Annals, 2.32, 2.53-2.54, 2.82, 3.23, 3.76, 4.38, 4.42, 5.1-5.2, 5.4, 6.50, 14.61, 16.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio africanus, p. cornelius •cornelius scipio africanus, p. •cornelius scipio africanus, p., image in temple of jupiter capitolinus •scipio africanus, l. cornelius (major, cos. ii •p. cornelius scipio africanus Found in books: Galinsky (2016) 105; Mueller (2002) 78, 104; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 234; Rutledge (2012) 86, 87, 108, 154, 307| 2.32. Bona inter accusatores dividuntur, et praeturae extra ordinem datae iis qui senatorii ordinis erant. tunc Cotta Messalinus, ne imago Libonis exequias posterorum comitaretur, censuit, Cn. Lentulus, ne quis Scribonius cognomentum Drusi adsumeret. supplicationum dies Pomponii Flacci sententia constituti, dona Iovi, Marti, Concordiae, utque iduum Septembrium dies, quo se Libo interfecerat, dies festus haberetur, L. Piso et Gallus Asinius et Papius Mutilus et L. Apronius decrevere; quorum auctoritates adulationesque rettuli ut sciretur vetus id in re publica malum. facta et de mathematicis magisque Italia pellendis senatus consulta; quorum e numero L. Pituanius saxo deiectus est, in P. Marcium consules extra portam Esquilinam, cum classicum canere iussissent, more prisco advertere. 2.53. Sequens annus Tiberium tertio, Germanicum iterum consules habuit. sed eum honorem Germanicus iniit apud urbem Achaiae Nicopolim, quo venerat per Illyricam oram viso fratre Druso in Delmatia agente, Hadriatici ac mox Ionii maris adversam navigationem perpessus. igitur paucos dies insumpsit reficiendae classi; simul sinus Actiaca victoria inclutos et sacratas ab Augusto manubias castraque Antonii cum recordatione maiorum suorum adiit. namque ei, ut memoravi, avunculus Augustus, avus Antonius erant, magnaque illic imago tristium laetorumque. hinc ventum Athenas, foederique sociae et vetustae urbis datum ut uno lictore uteretur. excepere Graeci quaesitissimis honoribus, vetera suorum facta dictaque praeferentes quo plus dignationis adulatio haberet. 2.54. Petita inde Euboea tramisit Lesbum ubi Agrippina novissimo partu Iuliam edidit. tum extrema Asiae Perinthumque ac Byzantium, Thraecias urbes, mox Propontidis angustias et os Ponticum intrat, cupidine veteres locos et fama celebratos noscendi; pariterque provincias internis certaminibus aut magistratuum iniuriis fessas refovebat. atque illum in regressu sacra Samothracum visere nitentem obvii aquilones depulere. igitur adito Ilio quaeque ibi varietate fortunae et nostri origine veneranda, relegit Asiam adpellitque Colophona ut Clarii Apollinis oraculo uteretur. non femina illic, ut apud Delphos, sed certis e familiis et ferme Mileto accitus sacerdos numerum modo consultantium et nomina audit; tum in specum degressus, hausta fontis arcani aqua, ignarus plerumque litterarum et carminum edit responsa versibus compositis super rebus quas quis mente concepit. et ferebatur Germanico per ambages, ut mos oraculis, maturum exitum cecinisse. 2.82. At Romae, postquam Germanici valetudo percrebuit cunctaque ut ex longinquo aucta in deterius adferebantur, dolor ira, et erumpebant questus. ideo nimirum in extremas terras relegatum, ideo Pisoni permissam provinciam; hoc egisse secretos Augustae cum Plancina sermones. vera prorsus de Druso seniores locutos: displicere regtibus civilia filiorum ingenia, neque ob aliud interceptos quam quia populum Romanum aequo iure complecti reddita libertate agitaverint. hos vulgi sermones audita mors adeo incendit ut ante edictum magistratuum, ante senatus consultum sumpto iustitio desererentur fora, clauderentur domus. passim silentia et gemitus, nihil compositum in ostentationem; et quamquam neque insignibus lugentium abstinerent, altius animis maerebant. forte negotiatores vivente adhuc Germanico Syria egressi laetiora de valetudine eius attulere. statim credita, statim vulgata sunt: ut quisque obvius, quamvis leviter audita in alios atque illi in plures cumulata gaudio transferunt. cursant per urbem, moliuntur templorum foris; iuvat credulitatem nox et promptior inter tenebras adfirmatio. nec obstitit falsis Tiberius donec tempore ac spatio vanescerent: et populus quasi rursum ereptum acrius doluit. 3.23. Lepida ludorum diebus qui cognitionem intervene- rant theatrum cum claris feminis ingressa, lamentatione flebili maiores suos ciens ipsumque Pompeium, cuius ea monimenta et adstantes imagines visebantur, tantum misericordiae permovit ut effusi in lacrimas saeva et detestanda Quirinio clamitarent, cuius senectae atque orbitati et obscurissimae domui destinata quondam uxor L. Caesari ac divo Augusto nurus dederetur. dein tormentis servorum patefacta sunt flagitia itumque in sententiam Rubelli Blandi a quo aqua atque igni arcebatur. huic Drusus adsensit quamquam alii mitius censuissent. mox Scauro, qui filiam ex ea genuerat, datum ne bona publicarentur. tum demum aperuit Tiberius compertum sibi etiam ex P. Quirinii servis veneno eum a Lepida petitum. 3.76. Et Iunia sexagesimo quarto post Philippensem aciem anno supremum diem explevit, Catone avunculo genita, C. Cassii uxor, M. Bruti soror. testamentum eius multo apud vulgum rumore fuit, quia in magnis opibus cum ferme cunctos proceres cum honore nominavisset Caesarem omisit. quod civiliter acceptum neque prohibuit quo minus laudatione pro rostris ceterisque sollemnibus funus cohonestaretur. viginti clarissimarum familiarum imagines antelatae sunt, Manlii, Quinctii aliaque eiusdem nobilitatis nomina. sed praefulgebant Cassius atque Brutus eo ipso quod effigies eorum non visebantur. 4.38. Ego me, patres conscripti, mortalem esse et hominum officia fungi satisque habere si locum principem impleam et vos testor et meminisse posteros volo; qui satis superque memoriae meae tribuent, ut maioribus meis dignum, rerum vestrarum providum, constantem in periculis, offensionum pro utilitate publica non pavidum credant. haec mihi in animis vestris templa, hae pulcherrimae effigies et mansurae. nam quae saxo struuntur, si iudicium posterorum in odium vertit, pro sepulchris spernuntur. proinde socios civis et deos ipsos precor, hos ut mihi ad finem usque vitae quietam et intellegentem humani divinique iuris mentem duint, illos ut, quandoque concessero, cum laude et bonis recordationibus facta atque famam nominis mei prosequantur.' perstititque posthac secretis etiam sermonibus aspernari talem sui cultum. quod alii modestiam, multi, quia diffideret, quidam ut degeneris animi interpretabantur. optumos quippe mortalium altissima cupere: sic Herculem et Liberum apud Graecos, Quirinum apud nos deum numero additos: melius Augustum, qui speraverit. cetera principibus statim adesse: unum insatiabiliter parandum, prosperam sui memoriam; nam contemptu famae contemni virtutes. 4.42. Ac forte habita per illos dies de Votieno Montano, celebris ingenii viro, cognitio cunctantem iam Tiberium perpulit ut vitandos crederet patrum coetus vocesque quae plerumque verae et graves coram ingerebantur. nam postulato Votieno ob contumelias in Caesarem dictas, testis Aemilius e militaribus viris, dum studio probandi cuncta refert et quamquam inter obstrepentis magna adseveratione nititur, audivit Tiberius probra quis per occultum lacerabatur, adeoque perculsus est ut se vel statim vel in cognitione purgaturum clamitaret precibusque proximorum, adulatione omnium aegre componeret animum. et Votienus quidem maiestatis poenis adfectus est: Caesar obiectam sibi adversus reos inclementiam eo pervicacius amplexus, Aquiliam adulterii delatam cum Vario Ligure, quamquam Lentulus Gaetulicus consul designatus lege Iulia damnasset, exilio punivit Apidiumque Merulam quod in acta divi Augusti non iuraverat albo senatorio erasit. 5.1. Rubellio et Fufio consulibus, quorum utrique Geminus cognomentum erat, Iulia Augusta mortem obiit, aetate extrema, nobilitatis per Claudiam familiam et adoptione Liviorum Iuliorumque clarissimae. primum ei matrimonium et liberi fuere cum Tiberio Nerone, qui bello Perusino profugus pace inter Sex. Pompeium ac triumviros pacta in urbem rediit. exim Caesar cupidine formae aufert marito, incertum an invitam, adeo properus ut ne spatio quidem ad enitendum dato penatibus suis gravidam induxerit. nullam posthac subolem edidit sed sanguini Augusti per coniunctionem Agrippinae et Germanici adnexa communis pronepotes habuit. sanctitate domus priscum ad morem, comis ultra quam antiquis feminis probatum, mater impotens, uxor facilis et cum artibus mariti, simulatione filii bene composita. funus eius modicum, testamentum diu inritum fuit. laudata est pro rostris a G. Caesare pronepote qui mox rerum potitus est. 5.2. At Tiberius, quod supremis in matrem officiis defuisset, nihil mutata amoenitate vitae, magnitudinem negotiorum per litteras excusavit honoresque memoriae eius ab senatu large decretos quasi per modestiam imminuit, paucis admodum receptis et addito ne caelestis religio decerneretur: sic ipsam maluisse. quin et parte eiusdem epistulae increpuit amicitias muliebris, Fufium consulem oblique perstringens. is gratia Augustae floruerat, aptus adliciendis feminarum animis, dicax idem et Tiberium acerbis facetiis inridere solitus quarum apud praepotentis in longum memoria est. 5.4. Fuit in senatu Iunius Rusticus, componendis patrum actis delectus a Caesare eoque meditationes eius introspicere creditus. is fatali quodam motu (neque enim ante specimen constantiae dederat) seu prava sollertia, dum imminentium oblitus incerta pavet, inserere se dubitantibus ac monere consules ne relationem inciperent; disserebatque brevibus momentis summa verti: posse quandoque domus Germanici exitium paenitentiae esse seni. simul populus effigies Agrippinae ac Neronis gerens circumsistit curiam faustisque in Caesarem ominibus falsas litteras et principe invito exitium domui eius intendi clamitat. ita nihil triste illo die patratum. ferebantur etiam sub nominibus consularium fictae in Seianum sententiae, exercentibus plerisque per occultum atque eo procacius libidinem ingeniorum. unde illi ira violentior et materies crimidi: spretum dolorem principis ab senatu, descivisse populum; audiri iam et legi novas contiones, nova patrum consulta: quid reliquum nisi ut caperent ferrum et, quorum imagines pro vexillis secuti forent, duces imperatoresque deligerent? 14.61. Exim laeti Capitolium scandunt deosque tandem venerantur. effigies Poppaeae proruunt, Octaviae imagines gestant umeris, spargunt floribus foroque ac templis statuunt. †itur etiam in principis laudes repetitum venerantium†. iamque et Palatium multitudine et clamoribus complebant, cum emissi militum globi verberibus et intento ferro turbatos disiecere. mutataque quae per seditionem verterant et Poppaeae honos repositus est. quae semper odio, tum et metu atrox ne aut vulgi acrior vis ingrueret aut Nero inclinatione populi mutaretur, provoluta genibus eius, non eo loci res suas agi ut de matrimonio certet, quamquam id sibi vita potius, sed vitam ipsam in extremum adductam a clientelis et servitiis Octaviae quae plebis sibi nomen indiderint, ea in pace ausi quae vix bello evenirent. arma illa adversus principem sumpta; ducem tantum defuisse qui motis rebus facile reperiretur, omitteret modo Campaniam et in urbem ipsa pergeret ad cuius nutum absentis tumultus cierentur. quod alioquin suum delictum? quam cuiusquam offensionem? an quia veram progeniem penatibus Caesarum datura sit? malle populum Romanum tibicinis Aegyptii subolem imperatorio fastigio induci? denique, si id rebus conducat, libens quam coactus acciret dominam, vel consuleret securitati. iusta ultione et modicis remediis primos motus consedisse: at si desperent uxorem Neronis fore Octaviam, illi maritum daturos. 16.7. Mortem Poppaeae ut palam tristem, ita recordantibus laetam ob impudicitiam eius saevitiamque, nova insuper invidia Nero complevit prohibendo C. Cassium officio exequiarum, quod primum indicium mali. neque in longum dilatum est, sed Silanus additur, nullo crimine nisi quod Cassius opibus vetustis et gravitate morum, Silanus claritudine generis et modesta iuventa praecellebant. igitur missa ad senatum oratione removendos a re publica utrosque disseruit, obiectavitque Cassio quod inter imagines maiorum etiam C. Cassi effigiem coluisset, ita inscriptam 'duci partium': quippe semina belli civilis et defectionem a domo Caesarum quaesitam; ac ne memoria tantum infensi nominis ad discordias uteretur, adsumpsisse L. Silanum, iuvenem genere nobilem, animo praeruptum, quem novis rebus ostentaret. | 2.32. His estate was parcelled out among the accusers, and extraordinary praetorships were conferred on those of senatorial status. Cotta Messalinus then moved that the effigy of Libo should not accompany the funeral processions of his descendants; Gnaeus Lentulus, that no member of the Scribonian house should adopt the surname of Drusus. Days of public thanksgiving were fixed at the instance of Pomponius Flaccus. Lucius Piso, Asinius Gallus, Papius Mutilus, and Lucius Apronius procured a decree that votive offerings should be made to Jupiter, Mars, and Concord; and that the thirteenth of September, the anniversary of Libo's suicide, should rank as a festival. This union of sounding names and sycophancy I have recorded as showing how long that evil has been rooted in the State. â Other resolutions of the senate ordered the expulsion of the astrologers and magic-mongers from Italy. One of their number, Lucius Pituanius, was flung from the Rock; another â Publius Marcius â was executed by the consuls outside the Esquiline Gate according to ancient usage and at sound of trumpet. 2.53. The following year found Tiberius consul for a third time; Germanicus, for a second. The latter, however, entered upon that office in the Achaian town of Nicopolis, which he had reached by skirting the Illyrian coast after a visit to his brother Drusus, then resident in Dalmatia: the passage had been stormy both in the Adriatic and, later, in the Ionian Sea. He spent a few days, therefore, in refitting the fleet; while at the same time, evoking the memory of his ancestors, he viewed the gulf immortalized by the victory of Actium, together with the spoils which Augustus had consecrated, and the camp of Antony. For Augustus, as I have said, was his great-uncle, Antony his grandfather; and before his eyes lay the whole great picture of disaster and of triumph. â He next arrived at Athens; where, in deference to our treaty with an allied and time-honoured city, he made use of one lictor alone. The Greeks received him with most elaborate compliments, and, in order to temper adulation with dignity, paraded the ancient doings and sayings of their countrymen. 2.54. From Athens he visited Euboea, and crossed over to Lesbos; where Agrippina, in her last confinement, gave birth to Julia. Entering the outskirts of Asia, and the Thracian towns of Perinthus and Byzantium, he then struck through the straits of the Bosphorus and the mouth of the Euxine, eager to make the acquaintance of those ancient and storied regions, though simultaneously he brought relief to provinces outworn by internecine feud or official tyranny. On the return journey, he made an effort to visit the Samothracian Mysteries, but was met by northerly winds, and failed to make the shore. So, after an excursion to Troy and those venerable remains which attest the mutability of fortune and the origin of Rome, he skirted the Asian coast once more, and anchored off Colophon, in order to consult the oracle of the Clarian Apollo. Here it is not a prophetess, as at Delphi, but a male priest, chosen out of a restricted number of families, and in most cases imported from Miletus, who hears the number and the names of the consultants, but no more, then descends into a cavern, swallows a draught of water from a mysterious spring, and â though ignorant generally of writing and of metre â delivers his response in set verses dealing with the subject each inquirer had in mind. Rumour said that he had predicted to Germanicus his hastening fate, though in the equivocal terms which oracles affect. 2.82. But at Rome, when the failure of Germanicus' health became current knowledge, and every circumstance was reported with the aggravations usual in news that has travelled far, all was grief and indignation. A storm of complaints burst out:â "So for this he had been relegated to the ends of earth; for this Piso had received a province; and this had been the drift of Augusta's colloquies with Plancina! It was the mere truth, as the elder men said of Drusus, that sons with democratic tempers were not pleasing to fathers on a throne; and both had been cut off for no other reason than because they designed to restore the age of freedom and take the Roman people into a partnership of equal rights." The announcement of his death inflamed this popular gossip to such a degree that before any edict of the magistrates, before any resolution of the senate, civic life was suspended, the courts deserted, houses closed. It was a town of sighs and silences, with none of the studied advertisements of sorrow; and, while there was no abstention from the ordinary tokens of bereavement, the deeper mourning was carried at the heart. Accidentally, a party of merchants, who had left Syria while Germanicus was yet alive, brought a more cheerful account of his condition. It was instantly believed and instantly disseminated. No man met another without proclaiming his unauthenticated news; and by him it was passed to more, with supplements dictated by joy. Crowds were running in the streets and forcing temple-doors. Credulity throve â it was night, and affirmation is boldest in the dark. Nor did Tiberius check the fictions, but left them to die out with the passage of time; and the people added bitterness for what seemed a second bereavement. 3.23. In the course of the Games, which had interrupted the trial, Lepida entered the theatre with a number of women of rank; and there, weeping, wailing, invoking her ancestors and Pompey himself, whom that edifice commemorated, whose statues were standing before their eyes, she excited so much sympathy that the crowd burst into tears, with a fierce and ominous outcry against Quirinius, to whose doting years, barren bed, and petty family they were betraying a woman once destined for the bride of Lucius Caesar and the daughter-inâlaw of the deified Augustus. Then, with the torture of her slaves, came the revelation of her crimes; and the motion of Rubellius Blandus, who pressed for her formal outlawry, was carried. Drusus sided with him, though others had proposed more lenient measures. Later, as a concession to Scaurus, who had a son by her, it was decided not to confiscate her property. And now at last Tiberius disclosed that he had ascertained from Quirinius' own slaves that Lepida had attempted their master's life by poison. 3.76. Junia, too, born niece to Cato, wife of Caius Cassius, sister of Marcus Brutus, looked her last on life, sixty-three full years after the field of Philippi. Her will was busily discussed by the crowd; because in disposing of her great wealth she mentioned nearly every patrician of note in complimentary terms, but omitted the Caesar. The slur was taken in good part, and he offered no objection to the celebration of her funeral with a panegyric at the Rostra and the rest of the customary ceremonies. The effigies of twenty great houses preceded her to the tomb â members of the Manlian and Quinctian families, and names of equal splendour. But Brutus and Cassius shone brighter than all by the very fact that their portraits were unseen. 4.38. "As for myself, Conscript Fathers, that I am mortal, that my functions are the functions of men, and that I hold it enough if I fill the foremost place among them â this I call upon you to witness, and I desire those who shall follow us to bear it in mind. For they will do justice, and more, to my memory, if they pronounce me worthy of my ancestry, provident of your interests, firm in dangers, not fearful of offences in the cause of the national welfare. These are my temples in your breasts, these my fairest and abiding effigies: for those that are reared of stone, should the judgement of the future turn to hatred, are scorned as sepulchres! And so my prayer to allies and citizens and to Heaven itself is this: to Heaven, that to the end of my life it may endow me with a quiet mind, gifted with understanding of law human and divine; and to my fellow-men, that, whenever I shall depart, their praise and kindly thoughts may still attend my deeds and the memories attached to my name." And, in fact, from now onward, even in his private conversations, he persisted in a contemptuous rejection of these divine honours to himself: an attitude by some interpreted as modesty, by many as self-distrust, by a few as degeneracy of soul:â "The best of men," they argued, "desired the greatest heights: so Hercules and Liber among the Greeks, and among ourselves Quirinus, had been added to the number of the gods. The better way had been that of Augustus â who hoped! To princes all other gratifications came instantly: for one they must toil and never know satiety â the favourable opinion of the future. For in the scorn of fame was implied the scorn of virtue!" 4.42. As chance would have it, the trial at this juncture of the popular and talented Votienus Montanus forced Tiberius (who was already wavering) to the conviction that he must avoid the meetings of the senate and the remarks, often equally true and mordant, which were there repeated to his face. For, during the indictment of Votienus for the use of language offensive to the emperor, the witness Aemilius, a military man, in his anxiety to prove the case, reported the expressions in full, and, disregarding the cries of protest, struggled on with his tale with great earnestness. Tiberius thus heard the scurrilities with which he was attacked in private; and such was the shock that he kept crying out he would refute them, either on the spot or in charge of the trial his equanimity being restored with difficulty by the entreaties of his friends and the adulation of all. Votienus himself suffered the penalties of treason. The Caesar, as he had been reproached with recklessness to defendants, adhered to his methods with all the more tenacity; punishing Aquilia by exile on the charge of adultery with Varius Ligus, though Lentulus Gaetulicus, the consul designate, had pressed only for conviction under the Julian Law; and expunging Apidius Merula from the senatorial register because he had not sworn allegiance to the acts of the deified Augustus. 5.1. In the consulate of Rubellius and Fufius, both surnamed Geminus, Julia Augusta departed this life in extreme old age; by membership of the Claudian family and by adoption into the Livian and Julian houses, associated with the proudest nobility of Rome. Her first marriage and only children were to Tiberius Nero; who, exiled in the Perusian War, returned to the capital on the conclusion of peace between Sextus Pompeius and the triumvirate. In the sequel, Augustus, smitten by her beauty, took her from her husband. Her regrets are doubtful, and his haste was such that, without even allowing an interval for her confinement, he introduced her to his hearth while pregt. After this, she had no issue; but the union of Agrippina and Germanicus created a blood connection between herself and Augustus, so that her great-grandchildren were shared with the prince. In domestic virtue she was of the old school, though her affability went further than was approved by women of the elder world. An imperious mother, she was an accommodating wife, and an excellent match for the subtleties of her husband and the insincerity of her son. Her funeral was plain, her will long unexecuted: her eulogy was delivered at the rostra by her great-grandson Gaius Caesar, soon to occupy the throne. 5.2. Tiberius, however, without altering the amenities of his life, excused himself by letter, on the score of important affairs, for neglecting to pay the last respects to his mother, and, with a semblance of modesty, curtailed the lavish tributes decreed to her memory by the senate. Extremely few passed muster, and he added a stipulation that divine honours were not to be voted: such, he observed, had been her own wish. More than this, in a part of the same missive he attacked "feminine friendships": an indirect stricture upon the consul Fufius, who had risen by the favour of Augusta, and, besides his aptitude for attracting the fancy of the sex, had a turn for wit and a habit of ridiculing Tiberius with those bitter pleasantries which linger long in the memory of potentates. 5.4. There was in the senate a certain Julius Rusticus, chosen by the Caesar to compile the official journal of its proceedings, and therefore credited with some insight into his thoughts. Under some fatal impulse â for he had never before given an indication of courage â or possibly through a misapplied acuteness which made him blind to dangers imminent and terrified of dangers uncertain, Rusticus insinuated himself among the doubters and warned the consuls not to introduce the question â "A touch," he insisted, "could turn the scale in the gravest of matters: it was possible that some day the extinction of the house of Germanicus might move the old man's penitence." At the same time, the people, carrying effigies of Agrippina and Nero, surrounded the curia, and, cheering for the Caesar, clamoured that the letter was spurious and that it was contrary to the Emperor's wish that destruction was plotted against his house. On that day, therefore, no tragedy was perpetrated. There were circulated, also, under consular names, fictitious attacks upon Sejanus: for authors in plenty exercised their capricious imagination with all the petulance of anonymity. The result was to fan his anger and to supply him with the material for fresh charges:â "The senate had spurned the sorrow of its emperor, the people had forsworn its allegiance. Already disloyal harangues, disloyal decrees of the Fathers, were listened to and perused: what remained but to take the sword and in the persons whose effigies they had followed as their ensigns to choose their generals and their princes?" 6.50. By now his constitution and his strength were failing Tiberius, but not yet his powers of dissimulation. The unbending mind remained; still energetic in word and look, he strove every now and then to cover the manifest breaking-up by a forced sociability. After repeated changes of residence, he came to rest at last on the promontory of Misenum, in a villa which once had Lucius Lucullus for its master. There it was discovered, by the following means, that he was nearing the end. There was a doctor, of repute in his calling, by the name of Charicles, who had been accustomed not to treat the illnesses of the emperor but to offer him opportunities for consulting him. While taking his departure on the plea of private business, he clasped the Caesar's hand, apparently as an act of respect, and felt the pulse. The device was detected. Tiberius â possibly offended, and therefore making a special effort to conceal his anger â ordered the dinner to proceed, and, ostensibly out of compliment to a departing friend, remained at table until after his usual hour. Still, Charicles assured Macro that the respiration was failing and that he would not last above a couple of days. Immediately all arrangements were hurried through; at interviews, if the parties were present; by couriers, in the case of the generals and the armies. On the sixteenth of March, owing to a stoppage in his breathing, it was believed that he had paid the debt of nature; and Gaius Caesar, in the midst of a gratulatory crowd, was leaving the villa to enter on the preliminaries of empire, when suddenly word came that Tiberius was recovering his speech and sight and calling for someone to bring him food as a restorative after his swoon. A general panic followed: the others began to scatter in all directions, each face counterfeiting grief or ignorance; only the Caesar, frozen into silence, stood dashed from the height of hope and expecting the worst. Macro, undaunted, ordered the old man to be suffocated under a pile of bedclothes, while all left the threshold. â Thus Tiberius made an end in the seventy-eighth year of his age. 14.61. At once exulting crowds scaled the Capitol, and Heaven at last found itself blessed. They hurled down the effigies of Poppaea, they carried the statues of Octavia shoulder-high, strewed them with flowers, upraised them in the forum and the temples. Even the emperor's praises were essayed with vociferous loyalty. Already they were filling the Palace itself with their numbers and their cheers, when bands of soldiers emerged and scattered them in disorder with whipcuts and levelled weapons. All the changes effected by the outbreak were rectified, and the honours of Poppaea were reinstated. She herself, always cruel in her hatreds, and now rendered more so by her fear that either the violence of the multitude might break out in a fiercer storm or Nero follow the trend of popular feeling, threw herself at his knees:â "Her affairs," she said, "were not in a position in which she could fight for her marriage, though it was dearer to her than life: that life itself had been brought to the verge of destruction by those retainers and slaves of Octavia who had conferred on themselves the name of the people and dared in peace what would scarcely happen in war. Those arms had been lifted against the sovereign; only a leader had been lacking, and, once the movement had begun, a leader was easily come by, â the one thing necessary was an excursion from Campania, a personal visit to the capital by her whose distant nod evoked the storm! And apart from this, what was Poppaea's transgression? in what had she offended anyone? Or was the reason that she was on the point of giving an authentic heir to the hearth of the Caesars? Did the Roman nation prefer the progeny of an Egyptian flute-player to be introduced to the imperial throne? â In brief, if policy so demanded, then as an act of grace, but not of compulsion, let him send for the lady who owned him â or else take thought for his security! A deserved castigation and lenient remedies had allayed the first commotion; but let the mob once lose hope of seeing Octavia Nero's wife and they would soon provide her with a husband!" 16.7. To the death of Poppaea, outwardly regretted, but welcome to all who remembered her profligacy and cruelty, Nero added a fresh measure of odium by prohibiting Gaius Cassius from attendance at the funeral. It was the first hint of mischief. Nor was the mischief long delayed. Silanus was associated with him; their only crime being that Cassius was eminent for a great hereditary fortune and an austere character, Silanus for a noble lineage and a temperate youth. Accordingly, the emperor sent a speech to the senate, arguing that both should be removed from public life, and objecting to the former that, among his other ancestral effigies, he had honoured a bust of Gaius Cassius, inscribed:â "To the leader of the cause." The seeds of civil war, and revolt from the house of the Caesars, â such were the objects he had pursued. And, not to rely merely on the memory of a hated name as an incentive to faction, he had taken to himself a partner in Lucius Silanus, a youth of noble family and headstrong temper, who was to be his figure-head for a revolution. |
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| 75. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 10.4-10.5, 15.1, 18.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of •cornelius scipio africanus, p. •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), on the murder of ti. gracchus Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 142; Walters (2020) 40, 41 |
| 76. Tacitus, Agricola, 46 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 86 |
77. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 1.12.5, 2.4.29, 9.1.21, 9.3.3, 11.2.17-11.2.22 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio africanus, (publius cornelius) •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Kaster(2005) 107; Rutledge (2012) 86 | 1.12.5. However manifold our activities, in a certain sense we come fresh to each new subject. Who can maintain his attention, if he has to listen for a whole day to one teacher harping on the same subject, be it what it may? Change of studies is like change of foods: the stomach is refreshed by their variety and derives greater nourishment from variety of viands. 2.4.29. And when they produce the same passage in a number of different cases, they must come to loathe it like food that has grown cold or stale, and they can hardly avoid a feeling of shame at displaying this miserable piece of furniture to an audience whose memory must have detected it so many times already: like the furniture of the ostentatious poor, it is sure to shew signs of wear through being used for such a variety of different purposes. |
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78. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 5.19, 43.45.3-43.45.4, 44.4.4, 49.43.8, 51.19.2, 53.22.3, 54.35.2, 55.2.1, 56.29.1, 56.34.2, 58.2, 75.4.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. •scipio aemilianus, p. cornelius (africanus the younger) •cornelius scipio africanus, p., forbids images to himself •cornelius scipio africanus, p., image in temple of jupiter capitolinus •p. cornelius scipio africanus •cornelius scipio africanus, p., rivalry with q. fabius maximus •cornelius scipio africanus, p., his triumph Found in books: Galinsky (2016) 173; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 234; Rutledge (2012) 38, 87, 206, 292 | 5.19. 1. Cassius after benefiting the Romans was put to death by that very people. Thus it was demonstrated anew in his case that there is no sense of loyalty in multitudes. On the contrary, they destroy men who are altogether devoted to them no less than men guilty of the greatest wrongs. For in each event they deem those great who are the cause of benefits to them, but when they have profited to the full by such men's services, they no longer regard them as having any nearer claims than bitterest foes. For Cassius, although he humoured them, was nevertheless slain by them because of the very matters on which he prided himself, and they made it clear that he perished through envy and not as the result of any wrong he had committed.,1. Now the consuls (it is said that this is the first time they were styled consuls, having been previously called praetors; and they were Valerius and Horatius) both then and later favoured the populace and strengthened their cause rather than that of the patricians. The patricians, though defeated, would not readily convene or put matters entirely in the power of the consuls, but they permitted the tribunes also to take the auspices in the assemblies; nominally this was an honour and distinction for them, since from very ancient times this privilege had been accorded the patricians alone, yet in reality it was a hindrance. The nobles intended that the tribunes and the populace should not accomplish easily everything they pleased, but should sometimes be prevented under the pretext of the auspices. The patricians and the senate were both displeased at the consuls, whom they regarded as favourable to the popular case, and so did not vote a triumph for them, though each had won a war, nor assign to each a day as had been the custom. The populace, however, both held a festival for two days and voted a triumph to the consuls. The Loeb Edition's Notes: The second "Manlius" is evidently an error of Zonaras. The name should be Fabius. â previous next ⸠Images with borders lead to more information. The thicker the border, the more information. (Details here.) UP TO: Cassius Dio Classical Texts LacusCurtius Home A page or image on this site is in the public domain ONLY if its URL has a total of one *asterisk. If the URL has two **asterisks, the item is copyright someone else, and used by permission or fair use. If the URL has none the item is © Bill Thayer. See my copyright page for details and contact information. Page updated: 3 Sep 17 43.45.3. Another likeness they set up in the temple of Quirinus with the inscription, "To the Invincible God," and another on the Capitol beside the former kings of Rome. 43.45.4. Now it occurs to me to marvel at the coincidence: there were eight such statues, â seven to the kings, and an eighth to the Brutus who overthrew the Tarquins, â and they set up the statue of Caesar beside the last of these; and it was from this cause chiefly that the other Brutus, Marcus, was roused to plot against him. 44.4.4. In addition to these remarkable privileges they named him father of his country, stamped this title on the coinage, voted to celebrate his birthday by public sacrifice, ordered that he should have a statue in the cities and in all the temples of Rome, 49.43.8. And after the Dalmatians had been utterly subjugated, he erected from the spoils thus gained the porticos and the libraries called the Octavian, after his sister. 51.19.2. Moreover, they decreed that the foundation of the shrine of Julius should be adorned with the beaks of the captured ships and that a festival should be held every four years in honour of Octavius; that there should also be a thanksgiving on his birthday and on the anniversary of the announcement of his victory; also that when he should enter the city the Vestal Virgins and the senate and the people with their wives and children should go out to meet him. 53.22.3. For I am unable to distinguish between the two funds, no matter how extensively Augustus coined into money silver statues of himself which had been set up by certain of his friends and by certain of the subject peoples, purposing thereby to make it appear that all the expenditures which he claimed to be making were from his own means. 54.35.2. When the senate and the people once more contributed money for statues of Augustus, he would set up no statue of himself, but instead set up statues of Salus Publica, Concordia, and Pax. The citizens, it seems, were nearly always and on every pretext collecting money for this same object, and at last they ceased paying it privately, as one might call it, but would come to him on the very first day of the year and give, some more, some less, into his own hands; 56.29.1. During a horse-race at the Augustalia, which were celebrated in honour of his birthday, a madman seated himself in the chair which was dedicated to Julius Caesar, and taking his crown, put it on. This incident disturbed everybody, for it seemed to have some bearing upon Augustus, as, indeed, proved true. 56.34.2. This image was borne from the palace by the officials elected for the following year, and another of gold from the senate-house, and still another upon a triumphal chariot. Behind these came the images of his ancestors and of his deceased relatives (except that of Caesar, because he had been numbered among the demigods) and those of other Romans who had been prominent in any way, beginning with Romulus himself. 58.2. 1. At this time also Livia passed away at the age of eighty-six. Tiberius neither paid her any visits during her illness nor did he himself lay out her body; in fact, he made no arrangements at all in her honour except for the public funeral and images and some other matters of no importance. As for her being deified, he forbade that absolutely.,2. The senate, however, did not content itself with voting merely the measures that he had commanded, but ordered mourning for her during the whole year on the part of the women, although it approved the course of Tiberius in not abandoning the conduct of the public business even at this time.,3. They furthermore voted an arch in her honour â a distinction conferred upon no other woman â because she had saved the lives of not a few of them, had reared the children of many, and had helped many to pay their daughters' dowries, in consequence of all which some were calling her Mother of her Country. She was buried in the (Opens in another window)')" onMouseOut="nd();" mausoleum of Augustus.,3a. Among the many excellent utterances of hers that are reported are the following. Once, when some naked men met her and were to be put to death in consequence, she saved their lives by saying that to chaste women such men are no whit different from statues.,5. When someone asked her how and by what course of action she had obtained such a commanding influence over Augustus, she answered that it was by being scrupulously chaste herself, doing gladly whatever pleased him, not meddling with any of his affairs, and, in particular, by pretending neither to hear or nor to notice the favourites of his passion.,6. Such was the character of Livia. The arch voted to her, however, was not built, for the reason that Tiberius promised to construct it at his own expense; for, as he hesitated to annul the decree in so many words, he made it void in this way, by not allowing the work to be done at public expense nor yet attending to it himself.,7. Sejanus was rising to still greater heights. It was voted that his birthday should be publicly observed, and the multitude of statues that the senate and the equestrian order, the tribes and the foremost citizens set up, would have passed anyone's power to count.,8. Separate envoys were sent to him and to Tiberius by the senate, by the knights, and also by the people, who selected theirs from the tribunes and from the plebeian aediles. For both of them alike they offered prayers and sacrifices and they took oaths by their Fortunes. |
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79. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 1.17, 3.7.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p., image in temple of jupiter capitolinus Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 108 | 1.17. To Cornelius Titianus. Faith and loyalty are not yet extinct among men 0 |
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| 80. Gellius, Attic Nights, 6.1.6 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •scipio africanus, l. cornelius (major, cos. ii •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Mueller (2002) 70; Rutledge (2012) 307 |
81. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 1.17, 3.7.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p., image in temple of jupiter capitolinus Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 108 | 1.17. To Cornelius Titianus. Faith and loyalty are not yet extinct among men 0 |
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82. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.12.1, 9.27.2-9.27.4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. (maior) •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 21; Rutledge (2012) 87| 1.12.1. οὕτω Πύρρος ἐστὶν ὁ πρῶτος ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος τῆς πέραν Ἰονίου διαβὰς ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους· διέβη δὲ καὶ οὗτος ἐπαγαγομένων Ταραντίνων. τούτοις γὰρ πρότερον ἔτι πρὸς Ῥωμαίους συνειστήκει πόλεμος· ἀδύνατοι δὲ κατὰ σφᾶς ὄντες ἀντισχεῖν, προϋπαρχούσης μὲν ἐς αὐτὸν εὐεργεσίας, ὅτι οἱ πολεμοῦντι τὸν πρὸς Κόρκυραν πόλεμον ναυσὶ συνήραντο, μάλιστα δὲ οἱ πρέσβεις τῶν Ταραντίνων ἀνέπεισαν τὸν Πύρρον, τήν τε Ἰταλίαν διδάσκοντες ὡς εὐδαιμονίας ἕνεκα ἀντὶ πάσης εἴη τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ ὡς οὐχ ὅσιον αὐτῷ παραπέμψαι σφᾶς φίλους τε καὶ ἱκέτας ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἥκοντας. ταῦτα λεγόντων τῶν πρέσβεων μνήμη τὸν Πύρρον τῆς ἁλώσεως ἐσῆλθε τῆς Ἰλίου, καί οἱ κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἤλπιζε χωρήσειν πολεμοῦντι· στρατεύειν γὰρ ἐπὶ Τρώων ἀποίκους Ἀχιλλέως ὢν ἀπόγονος. 9.27.2. Ἔρωτα δὲ ἄνθρωποι μὲν οἱ πολλοὶ νεώτατον θεῶν εἶναι καὶ Ἀφροδίτης παῖδα ἥγηνται· Λύκιος δὲ Ὠλήν, ὃς καὶ τοὺς ὕμνους τοὺς ἀρχαιοτάτους ἐποίησεν Ἕλλησιν, οὗτος ὁ Ὠλὴν ἐν Εἰλειθυίας ὕμνῳ μητέρα Ἔρωτος τὴν Εἰλείθυιάν φησιν εἶναι. Ὠλῆνος δὲ ὕστερον Πάμφως τε ἔπη καὶ Ὀρφεὺς ἐποίησαν· καί σφισιν ἀμφοτέροις πεποιημένα ἐστὶν ἐς Ἔρωτα, ἵνα ἐπὶ τοῖς δρωμένοις Λυκομίδαι καὶ ταῦτα ᾄδωσιν· ἐγὼ δὲ ἐπελεξάμην ἀνδρὶ ἐς λόγους ἐλθὼν δᾳδουχοῦντι. καὶ τῶν μὲν οὐ πρόσω ποιήσομαι μνήμην· Ἡσίοδον δὲ ἢ τὸν Ἡσιόδῳ Θεογονίαν ἐσποιήσαντα οἶδα γράψαντα ὡς Χάος πρῶτον, ἐπὶ δὲ αὐτῷ Γῆ τε καὶ Τάρταρος καὶ Ἔρως γένοιτο· 9.27.3. Σαπφὼ δὲ ἡ Λεσβία πολλά τε καὶ οὐχ ὁμολογοῦντα ἀλλήλοις ἐς Ἔρωτα ᾖσε. Θεσπιεῦσι δὲ ὕστερον χαλκοῦν εἰργάσατο Ἔρωτα Λύσιππος , καὶ ἔτι πρότερον τούτου Πραξιτέλης λίθου τοῦ Πεντελῆσι. καὶ ὅσα μὲν εἶχεν ἐς Φρύνην καὶ τὸ ἐπὶ Πραξιτέλει τῆς γυναικὸς σόφισμα, ἑτέρωθι ἤδη μοι δεδήλωται· πρῶτον δὲ τὸ ἄγαλμα κινῆσαι τοῦ Ἔρωτος λέγουσι Γάιον δυναστεύσαντα ἐν Ῥώμῃ, Κλαυδίου δὲ ὀπίσω Θεσπιεῦσιν ἀποπέμψαντος Νέρωνα αὖθις δεύτερα ἀνάσπαστον ποιῆσαι. 9.27.4. καὶ τὸν μὲν φλὸξ αὐτόθι διέφθειρε· τῶν δὲ ἀσεβησάντων ἐς τὸν θεὸν ὁ μὲν ἀνθρώπῳ στρατιώτῃ διδοὺς ἀεὶ τὸ αὐτὸ σύνθημα μετὰ ὑπούλου χλευασίας ἐς τοσοῦτο προήγαγε θυμοῦ τὸν ἄνθρωπον ὥστε σύνθημα διδόντα αὐτὸν διεργάζεται, Νέρωνι δὲ παρὲξ ἢ τὰ ἐς τὴν μητέρα ἐστὶ καὶ ἐς γυναῖκας γαμετὰς ἐναγῆ τε καὶ ἀνέραστα τολμήματα. τὸν δὲ ἐφʼ ἡμῶν Ἔρωτα ἐν Θεσπιαῖς ἐποίησεν Ἀθηναῖος Μηνόδωρος , τὸ ἔργον τὸ Πραξιτέλους μιμούμενος. | 1.12.1. So Pyrrhus was the first to cross the Ionian Sea from Greece to attack the Romans. 280 B.C. And even he crossed on the invitation of the Tarentines. For they were already involved in a war with the Romans, but were no match for them unaided. Pyrrhus was already in their debt, because they had sent a fleet to help him in his war with Corcyra , but the most cogent arguments of the Tarentine envoys were their accounts of Italy , how its prosperity was equal to that of the whole of Greece , and their plea that it was wicked to dismiss them when they had come as friends and suppliants in their hour of need. When the envoys urged these considerations, Pyrrhus remembered the capture of Troy , which he took to be an omen of his success in the war, as he was a descendant of Achilles making war upon a colony of Trojans. 9.27.2. Most men consider Love to be the youngest of the gods and the son of Aphrodite. But Olen the Lycian, who composed the oldest Greek hymns, says in a hymn to Eileithyia that she was the mother of Love. Later than Olen , both Pamphos and Orpheus wrote hexameter verse, and composed poems on Love, in order that they might be among those sung by the Lycomidae to accompany the ritual. I read them after conversation with a Torchbearer. of these things I will make no further mention. Hesiod, Hes. Th. 116 foll. or he who wrote the Theogony fathered on Hesiod, writes, I know, that Chaos was born first, and after Chaos, Earth, Tartarus and Love. 9.27.3. Sappho of Lesbos wrote many poems about Love, but they are not consistent. Later on Lysippus made a bronze Love for the Thespians, and previously Praxiteles one of Pentelic marble. The story of Phryne and the trick she played on Praxiteles I have related in another place. See Paus. 1.20.1 . The first to remove the image of Love, it is said, was Gaius the Roman Emperor; Claudius, they say, sent it back to Thespiae , but Nero carried it away a second time. 9.27.4. At Rome the image perished by fire. of the pair who sinned against the god, Gaius was killed by a private soldier, just as he was giving the password; he had made the soldier very angry by always giving the same password with a covert sneer. The other, Nero, in addition to his violence to his mother, committed accursed and hateful crimes against his wedded wives. The modern Love at Thespiae was made by the Athenian Menodorus, who copied the work of Praxiteles. |
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| 83. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 142 |
84. Augustine, The City of God, 3.17 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 142 | 3.17. After this, when their fears were gradually diminished - not because the wars ceased, but because they were not so furious - that period in which things were ordered with justice and moderation drew to an end, and there followed that state of matters which Sallust thus briefly sketches: Then began the patricians to oppress the people as slaves, to condemn them to death or scourging, as the kings had done, to drive them from their holdings, and to tyrannize over those who had no property to lose. The people, overwhelmed by these oppressive measures, and most of all by usury, and obliged to contribute both money and personal service to the constant wars, at length took arms and seceded to Mount Aventine and Mount Sacer, and thus secured for themselves tribunes and protective laws. But it was only the second Punic war that put an end on both sides to discord and strife. But why should I spend time in writing such things, or make others spend it in reading them? Let the terse summary of Sallust suffice to intimate the misery of the republic through all that long period till the second Punic war - how it was distracted from without by unceasing wars, and torn with civil broils and dissensions. So that those victories they boast were not the substantial joys of the happy, but the empty comforts of wretched men, and seductive incitements to turbulent men to concoct disasters upon disasters. And let not the good and prudent Romans be angry at our saying this; and indeed we need neither deprecate nor denounce their anger, for we know they will harbor none. For we speak no more severely than their own authors, and much less elaborately and strikingly; yet they diligently read these authors, and compel their children to learn them. But they who are angry, what would they do to me were I to say what Sallust says? Frequent mobs, seditions, and at last civil wars, became common, while a few leading men on whom the masses were dependent, affected supreme power under the seemly pretence of seeking the good of senate and people; citizens were judged good or bad without reference to their loyalty to the republic (for all were equally corrupt); but the wealthy and dangerously powerful were esteemed good citizens, because they maintained the existing state of things. Now, if those historians judged that an honorable freedom of speech required that they should not be silent regarding the blemishes of their own state, which they have in many places loudly applauded in their ignorance of that other and true city in which citizenship is an everlasting dignity; what does it become us to do, whose liberty ought to be so much greater, as our hope in God is better and more assured, when they impute to our Christ the calamities of this age, in order that men of the less instructed and weaker sort may be alienated from that city in which alone eternal and blessed life can be enjoyed? Nor do we utter against their gods anything more horrible than their own authors do, whom they read and circulate. For, indeed, all that we have said we have derived from them, and there is much more to say of a worse kind which we are unable to say. Where, then, were those gods who are supposed to be justly worshipped for the slender and delusive prosperity of this world, when the Romans, who were seduced to their service by lying wiles, were harassed by such calamities? Where were they when Valerius the consul was killed while defending the Capitol, that had been fired by exiles and slaves? He was himself better able to defend the temple of Jupiter, than that crowd of divinities with their most high and mighty king, whose temple he came to the rescue of were able to defend him. Where were they when the city, worn out with unceasing seditions, was waiting in some kind of calm for the return of the ambassadors who had been sent to Athens to borrow laws, and was desolated by dreadful famine and pestilence? Where were they when the people, again distressed with famine, created for the first time a prefect of the market; and when Spurius Melius, who, as the famine increased, distributed grain to the famishing masses, was accused of aspiring to royalty, and at the instance of this same prefect, and on the authority of the superannuated dictator L. Quintius, was put to death by Quintus Servilius, master of the horse - an event which occasioned a serious and dangerous riot? Where were they when that very severe pestilence visited Rome, on account of which the people, after long and wearisome and useless supplications of the helpless gods, conceived the idea of celebrating Lectisternia, which had never been done before; that is to say, they set couches in honor of the gods, which accounts for the name of this sacred rite, or rather sacrilege? Where were they when, during ten successive years of reverses, the Roman army suffered frequent and great losses among the Veians and would have been destroyed but for the succor of Furius Camillus, who was afterwards banished by an ungrateful country? Where were they when the Gauls took sacked, burned, and desolated Rome? Where were they when that memorable pestilence wrought such destruction, in which Furius Camillus too perished, who first defended the ungrateful republic from the Veians, and afterwards saved it from the Gauls? Nay, during this plague, they introduced a new pestilence of scenic entertainments, which spread its more fatal contagion, not to the bodies, but the morals of the Romans? Where were they when another frightful pestilence visited the city - I mean the poisonings imputed to an incredible number of noble Roman matrons, whose characters were infected with a disease more fatal than any plague? Or when both consuls at the head of the army were beset by the Samnites in the Caudine Forks, and forced to strike a shameful treaty, 600 Roman knights being kept as hostages; while the troops, having laid down their arms, and being stripped of everything, were made to pass under the yoke with one garment each? Or when, in the midst of a serious pestilence, lightning struck the Roman camp and killed many? Or when Rome was driven, by the violence of another intolerable plague, to send to Epidaurus for Æsculapius as a god of medicine; since the frequent adulteries of Jupiter in his youth had not perhaps left this king of all who so long reigned in the Capitol, any leisure for the study of medicine? Or when, at one time, the Lucanians, Brutians, Samnites, Tuscans, and Senonian Gauls conspired against Rome, and first slew her ambassadors, then overthrew an army under the pr tor, putting to the sword 13,000 men, besides the commander and seven tribunes? Or when the people, after the serious and long-continued disturbances at Rome, at last plundered the city and withdrew to Janiculus; a danger so grave, that Hortensius was created dictator, - an office which they had recourse to only in extreme emergencies; and he, having brought back the people, died while yet he retained his office - an event without precedent in the case of any dictator, and which was a shame to those gods who had now Æsculapius among them? At that time, indeed, so many wars were everywhere engaged in, that through scarcity of soldiers they enrolled for military service the proletarii, who received this name, because, being too poor to equip for military service, they had leisure to beget offspring. Pyrrhus, king of Greece, and at that time of widespread renown, was invited by the Tarentines to enlist himself against Rome. It was to him that Apollo, when consulted regarding the issue of his enterprise, uttered with some pleasantry so ambiguous an oracle, that whichever alternative happened, the god himself should be counted divine. For he so worded the oracle that whether Pyrrhus was conquered by the Romans, or the Romans by Pyrrhus, the soothsaying god would securely await the issue. And then what frightful massacres of both armies ensued! Yet Pyrrhus remained conqueror, and would have been able now to proclaim Apollo a true diviner, as he understood the oracle, had not the Romans been the conquerors in the next engagement. And while such disastrous wars were being waged, a terrible disease broke out among the women. For the pregt women died before delivery. And Æsculapius, I fancy, excused himself in this matter on the ground that he professed to be arch-physician, not midwife. Cattle, too, similarly perished; so that it was believed that the whole race of animals was destined to become extinct. Then what shall I say of that memorable winter in which the weather was so incredibly severe, that in the Forum frightfully deep snow lay for forty days together, and the Tiber was frozen? Had such things happened in our time, what accusations we should have heard from our enemies! And that other great pestilence, which raged so long and carried off so many; what shall I say of it? Spite of all the drugs of Æsculapius, it only grew worse in its second year, till at last recourse was had to the Sibylline books - a kind of oracle which, as Cicero says in his De Divinatione, owes significance to its interpreters, who make doubtful conjectures as they can or as they wish. In this instance, the cause of the plague was said to be that so many temples had been used as private residences. And thus Æsculapius for the present escaped the charge of either ignominious negligence or want of skill. But why were so many allowed to occupy sacred tenements without interference, unless because supplication had long been addressed in vain to such a crowd of gods, and so by degrees the sacred places were deserted of worshippers, and being thus vacant, could without offense be put at least to some human uses? And the temples, which were at that time laboriously recognized and restored that the plague might be stayed, fell afterwards into disuse, and were again devoted to the same human uses. Had they not thus lapsed into obscurity, it could not have been pointed to as proof of Varro's great erudition, that in his work on sacred places he cites so many that were unknown. Meanwhile, the restoration of the temples procured no cure of the plague, but only a fine excuse for the gods. |
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| 85. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.14.7, 3.14.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantius, p. (scipio africanus the younger) Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 173 |
| 86. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 7.614, 8.721 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of •cornelius scipio africanus, p., his triumph Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 206, 207; Walters (2020) 41 |
| 87. Zosimus, New History, 2.30.1 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus, p. (numantinus) Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 23 |
| 88. John Malalas, History, 8 Tagged with subjects: •p. cornelius scipio africanus Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 56 |
89. Vergil, Georgics, 2.170-2.172 Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus •scipio africanus, publius cornelius Found in books: Giusti (2018) 44| 2.170. Scipiadas duros bello et te, maxume Caesar, 2.171. qui nunc extremis Asiae iam victor in oris 2.172. inbellem avertis Romanis arcibus Indum. | |
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90. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.39-1.41, 1.202-1.206, 1.298, 1.366, 1.418-1.429, 1.628-1.629, 4.68-4.73, 4.93, 4.96-4.97, 4.135, 4.142, 4.167, 4.169-4.170, 4.206-4.218, 4.259, 4.265-4.276, 4.326, 4.330, 4.590-4.621, 5.3-5.4, 5.604-5.699, 6.836-6.837, 8.728 Tagged with subjects: •scipio africanus, publius cornelius, as aeneas •cornelius scipio africanus, p., image in temple of jupiter capitolinus •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus, curse •scipio africanus, publius cornelius, as hannibal •scipio africanus, publius cornelius •cornelius scipio africanus, p. (maior) •cornelius scipio africanus, p., rivalry with q. fabius maximus •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus Found in books: Giusti (2018) 44, 185, 200, 236, 237, 242, 243, 262; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 21; Rutledge (2012) 38, 108 | 1.39. its griefs and wrongs: the choice by Paris made; 1.40. her scorned and slighted beauty; a whole race 1.41. rebellious to her godhead; and Jove's smile 1.202. till rocks and blazing torches fill the air 1.203. (rage never lacks for arms)—if haply then 1.204. ome wise man comes, whose reverend looks attest 1.205. a life to duty given, swift silence falls; 1.206. all ears are turned attentive; and he sways 1.366. (Ilus it was while Ilium 's kingdom stood), 1.418. his many cares, when first the cheerful dawn 1.419. upon him broke, resolved to take survey 1.420. of this strange country whither wind and wave 1.421. had driven him,—for desert land it seemed,— 1.422. to learn what tribes of man or beast possess 1.423. a place so wild, and careful tidings bring 1.424. back to his friends. His fleet of ships the while, 1.425. where dense, dark groves o'er-arch a hollowed crag, 1.426. he left encircled in far-branching shade. 1.427. Then with no followers save his trusty friend 1.428. Achates, he went forth upon his way, 1.429. two broad-tipped javelins poising in his hand. 1.628. which calmed Aeneas' fears, and made him bold 1.629. to hope for safety, and with lifted heart 4.68. how far may not our Punic fame extend 4.69. in deeds of power? Call therefore on the gods 4.70. to favor thee; and, after omens fair, 4.71. give queenly welcome, and contrive excuse 4.72. to make him tarry, while yon wintry seas 4.73. are loud beneath Orion's stormful star, 4.93. How blind the hearts of prophets be! Alas! 4.96. love's fire burns inward to her bones; she feels 4.97. quick in her breast the viewless, voiceless wound. 4.135. and counselled thus: “How noble is the praise, 4.142. of Carthage thy vexation and annoy. 4.167. may soon be sped, I will in brief unfold 4.169. in sylvan shades unhappy Dido gives 4.170. for her Aeneas, when to-morrow's dawn 4.206. the choirs of many islands, with the pied, 4.207. fantastic Agathyrsi; soon the god 4.208. moves o'er the Cynthian steep; his flowing hair 4.209. he binds with laurel garland and bright gold; 4.210. upon his shining shoulder as he goes 4.211. the arrows ring:—not less uplifted mien 4.212. aeneas wore; from his illustrious brow 4.213. uch beauty shone. Soon to the mountains tall 4.214. the cavalcade comes nigh, to pathless haunts 4.215. of woodland creatures; the wild goats are seen, 4.216. from pointed crag descending leap by leap 4.217. down the steep ridges; in the vales below 4.218. are routed deer, that scour the spreading plain, 4.259. a peering eye abides; and, strange to tell, 4.265. but with the morn she takes her watchful throne 4.266. high on the housetops or on lofty towers, 4.267. to terrify the nations. She can cling 4.268. to vile invention and maligt wrong, 4.269. or mingle with her word some tidings true. 4.270. She now with changeful story filled men's ears, 4.271. exultant, whether false or true she sung: 4.272. how, Trojan-born Aeneas having come, 4.273. Dido, the lovely widow, Iooked his way, 4.274. deigning to wed; how all the winter long 4.275. they passed in revel and voluptuous ease, 4.276. to dalliance given o'er; naught heeding now 4.326. twice did she shield him from the Greeks in arms: 4.330. and bring beneath its law the whole wide world. 4.590. my sorrow asks thee, Anna! Since of thee, 4.591. thee only, did that traitor make a friend, 4.592. and trusted thee with what he hid so deep — 4.593. the feelings of his heart; since thou alone 4.594. hast known what way, what hour the man would yield 4.595. to soft persuasion—therefore, sister, haste, 4.596. and humbly thus implore our haughty foe: 4.597. ‘I was not with the Greeks what time they swore 4.598. at Aulis to cut off the seed of Troy ; 4.599. I sent no ships to Ilium . Pray, have I 4.600. profaned Anchises' tomb, or vexed his shade?’ 4.601. Why should his ear be deaf and obdurate 4.602. to all I say? What haste? May he not make 4.603. one last poor offering to her whose love 4.604. is only pain? O, bid him but delay 4.605. till flight be easy and the winds blow fair. 4.606. I plead no more that bygone marriage-vow 4.607. by him forsworn, nor ask that he should lose 4.608. his beauteous Latium and his realm to be. 4.609. Nothing but time I crave! to give repose 4.610. and more room to this fever, till my fate 4.611. teach a crushed heart to sorrow. I implore 4.612. this last grace. (To thy sister's grief be kind!) 4.614. Such plaints, such prayers, again and yet again, 4.615. betwixt the twain the sorrowing sister bore. 4.616. But no words move, no lamentations bring 4.617. persuasion to his soul; decrees of Fate 4.618. oppose, and some wise god obstructs the way 4.619. that finds the hero's ear. oft-times around 4.620. the aged strength of some stupendous oak 4.621. the rival blasts of wintry Alpine winds 5.3. on his unswerving course, and ploughed the waves, 5.4. ped by a driving gale; but when his eyes 5.604. in soothing words: “Ill-starred! What mad attempt 5.605. is in thy mind? Will not thy heart confess 5.606. thy strength surpassed, and auspices averse? 5.607. Submit, for Heaven decrees!” With such wise words 5.608. he sundered the fell strife. But trusty friends 5.609. bore Dares off: his spent limbs helpless trailed, 5.610. his head he could not lift, and from his lips 5.611. came blood and broken teeth. So to the ship 5.612. they bore him, taking, at Aeneas' word, 5.613. the helmet and the sword—but left behind 5.614. Entellus' prize of victory, the bull. 5.615. He, then, elate and glorying, spoke forth: 5.616. “See, goddess-born, and all ye Teucrians, see, 5.617. what strength was mine in youth, and from what death 5.618. ye have clelivered Dares.” Saying so, 5.619. he turned him full front to the bull, who stood 5.620. for reward of the fight, and, drawing back 5.621. his right hand, poising the dread gauntlet high, 5.622. wung sheer between the horns and crushed the skull; 5.623. a trembling, lifeless creature, to the ground 5.624. the bull dropped forward dead. Above the fallen 5.625. Entellus cried aloud, “This victim due 5.626. I give thee, Eryx , more acceptable 5.627. than Dares' death to thy benigt shade. 5.628. For this last victory and joyful day, 5.630. Forthwith Aeneas summons all who will 5.631. to contest of swift arrows, and displays 5.632. reward and prize. With mighty hand he rears 5.633. a mast within th' arena, from the ship 5.634. of good Sergestus taken; and thereto 5.635. a fluttering dove by winding cord is bound 5.636. for target of their shafts. Soon to the match 5.637. the rival bowmen came and cast the lots 5.638. into a brazen helmet. First came forth 5.639. Hippocoon's number, son of Hyrtacus, 5.640. by cheers applauded; Mnestheus was the next, 5.641. late victor in the ship-race, Mnestheus crowned 5.642. with olive-garland; next Eurytion, 5.643. brother of thee, O bowman most renowned, 5.644. Pandarus, breaker of the truce, who hurled 5.645. his shaft upon the Achaeans, at the word 5.646. the goddess gave. Acestes' Iot and name 5.647. came from the helmet last, whose royal hand 5.648. the deeds of youth dared even yet to try. 5.649. Each then with strong arm bends his pliant bow, 5.650. each from the quiver plucks a chosen shaft. 5.651. First, with loud arrow whizzing from the string, 5.652. the young Hippocoon with skyward aim 5.653. cuts through the yielding air; and lo! his barb 5.654. pierces the very wood, and makes the mast 5.655. tremble; while with a fluttering, frighted wing 5.656. the bird tugs hard,—and plaudits fill the sky. 5.657. Boldly rose Mnestheus, and with bow full-drawn 5.658. aimed both his eye and shaft aloft; but he 5.659. failing, unhappy man, to bring his barb 5.660. up to the dove herself, just cut the cord 5.661. and broke the hempen bond, whereby her feet 5.662. were captive to the tree: she, taking flight, 5.663. clove through the shadowing clouds her path of air. 5.664. But swiftly—for upon his waiting bow 5.665. he held a shaft in rest—Eurytion 5.666. invoked his brother's shade, and, marking well 5.667. the dove, whose happy pinions fluttered free 5.668. in vacant sky, pierced her, hard by a cloud; 5.669. lifeless she fell, and left in light of heaven 5.670. her spark of life, as, floating down, she bore 5.671. the arrow back to earth. Acestes now 5.672. remained, last rival, though the victor's palm 5.673. to him was Iost; yet did the aged sire, 5.674. to show his prowess and resounding bow, 5.675. hurl forth one shaft in air; then suddenly 5.676. all eyes beheld such wonder as portends 5.677. events to be (but when fulfilment came, 5.678. too late the fearful seers its warning sung): 5.679. for, soaring through the stream of cloud, his shaft 5.680. took fire, tracing its bright path in flame, 5.681. then vanished on the wind,—as oft a star 5.682. will fall unfastened from the firmament, 5.683. while far behind its blazing tresses flow. 5.684. Awe-struck both Trojan and Trinacrian stood, 5.685. calling upon the gods. Nor came the sign 5.686. in vain to great Aeneas. But his arms 5.687. folded the blest Acestes to his heart, 5.688. and, Ioading him with noble gifts, he cried: 5.689. “Receive them, sire! The great Olympian King 5.690. ome peerless honor to thy name decrees 5.691. by such an omen given. I offer thee 5.692. this bowl with figures graven, which my sire, 5.693. good gray Anchises, for proud gift received 5.694. of Thracian Cisseus, for their friendship's pledge 5.695. and memory evermore.” Thereon he crowned 5.696. his brows with garland of the laurel green, 5.697. and named Acestes victor over all. 5.698. Nor could Eurytion, noble youth, think ill 5.699. of honor which his own surpassed, though he, 6.836. Or smites with ivory point his golden lyre. 6.837. Here Trojans be of eldest, noblest race, 8.728. adored, as yesterday, the household gods |
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| 91. Cato The Elder, C. Laelius, 20.5 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of Found in books: Walters (2020) 41 |
| 92. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020) 41 |
| 93. Epigraphy, Rcc, None Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), on the murder of ti. gracchus Found in books: Walters (2020) 40 |
| 94. Zonaras, Epitome, 13.3.1 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus, p. (numantinus) Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 23 |
| 96. Theopompus of Chios, Commentarii Rerum Gestarum, None Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of Found in books: Walters (2020) 41 |
| 97. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 1.11.3-1.11.4, 2.14.3, 2.22.1, 2.25.4, 2.61.3, 2.126.2-2.126.3 Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, p. cornelius (africanus the younger) •cornelius scipio africanus, p. •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of •cornelius scipio africanus, p., forbids images to himself •cornelius scipio africanus, p., image in temple of jupiter capitolinus •scipio africanus, l. cornelius (major, cos. ii Found in books: Galinsky (2016) 173; Mueller (2002) 77; Rutledge (2012) 292, 307; Walters (2020) 41 |
| 98. Alcaeus of Messene, Anth. Pal., 9.518, 16.5-16.6 Tagged with subjects: •scipio africanus, publius cornelius •scipio africanus, publius cornelius, as giant Found in books: Giusti (2018) 54, 74 |
99. Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni, 9.7.25-9.7.26 Tagged with subjects: •scipio africanus, (publius cornelius) Found in books: Kaster(2005) 78| 9.7.25. quod amoverant, regem adeunt. Saepe minus est constantiae in rubore, quam in culpa: coniectum oculorum, quibus ut fur destinabatur, Dioxippus ferre non potuit et, cum excessisset convivio, litteris conscriptis, quae regi redderentur, ferro se interemit. 9.7.26. Graviter mortem eius tulit rex existimans indignationis esse, non paenitentiae testem, utique postquam falso insimulatum eum nimium invidorum gaudium ostendit. | |
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| 100. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Letters, 1.17.25 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 87 |
101. Strabo, Geography, 6.3.1, 9.2.25, 14.1.14 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p., rivalry with q. fabius maximus •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 38, 86, 87 | 6.3.1. Iapygia Now that I have traversed the regions of Old Italy as far as Metapontium, I must speak of those that border on them. And Iapygia borders on them. The Greeks call it Messapia, also, but the natives, dividing it into two parts, call one part (that about the Iapygian Cape) the country of the Salentini, and the other the country of the Calabri. Above these latter, on the north, are the Peucetii and also those people who in the Greek language are called Daunii, but the natives give the name Apulia to the whole country that comes after that of the Calabri, though some of them, particularly the Peucetii, are called Poedicli also. Messapia forms a sort of peninsula, since it is enclosed by the isthmus that extends from Brentesium as far as Taras, three hundred and ten stadia. And the voyage thither around the Iapygian Cape is, all told, about four hundred stadia. The distance from Metapontium is about two hundred and twenty stadia, and the voyage to it is towards the rising sun. But though the whole Tarantine Gulf, generally speaking, is harborless, yet at the city there is a very large and beautiful harbor, which is enclosed by a large bridge and is one hundred stadia in circumference. In that part of the harbor which lies towards the innermost recess, the harbor, with the outer sea, forms an isthmus, and therefore the city is situated on a peninsula; and since the neck of land is low-lying, the ships are easily hauled overland from either side. The ground of the city, too, is low-lying, but still it is slightly elevated where the acropolis is. The old wall has a large circuit, but at the present time the greater part of the city — the part that is near the isthmus — has been forsaken, but the part that is near the mouth of the harbor, where the acropolis is, still endures and makes up a city of noteworthy size. And it has a very beautiful gymnasium, and also a spacious market-place, in which is situated the bronze colossus of Zeus, the largest in the world except the one that belongs to the Rhodians. Between the marketplace and the mouth of the harbor is the acropolis, which has but few remts of the dedicated objects that in early times adorned it, for most of them were either destroyed by the Carthaginians when they took the city or carried off as booty by the Romans when they took the place by storm. Among this booty is the Heracles in the Capitol, a colossal bronze statue, the work of Lysippus, dedicated by Maximus Fabius, who captured the city. 9.2.25. The Thespiae of today is by Antimachus spelled Thespeia; for there are many names of places which are used in both ways, both in the singular and in the plural, just as there are many which are used both in the masculine and in the feminine, whereas there are others which are used in either one or the other number only. Thespiae is a city near Mt. Helicon, lying somewhat to the south of it; and both it and Helicon are situated on the Crisaean Gulf. It has a seaport Creusa, also called Creusis. In the Thespian territory, in the part lying towards Helicon, is Ascre, the native city of Hesiod; it is situated on the right of Helicon, on a high and rugged place, and is about forty stadia distant from Thespiae. This city Hesiod himself has satirized in verses which allude to his father, because at an earlier time his father changed his abode to this place from the Aeolian Cyme, saying: And he settled near Helicon in a wretched village, Ascre, which is bad in winter, oppressive in summer, and pleasant at no time. Helicon is contiguous to Phocis in its northerly parts, and to a slight extent also in its westerly parts, in the region of the last harbor belonging to Phocis, the harbor which, from the fact in the case, is called Mychus (inmost depth); for, speaking generally, it is above this harbor of the Crisaean Gulf that Helicon and Ascre, and also Thespiae and its seaport Creusa, are situated. This is also considered the deepest recess of the Crisaean Gulf, and in general of the Corinthian Gulf. The length of the coastline from the harbor Mychus to Creusa is ninety stadia; and the length from Creusa as far as the promontory called Holmiae is one hundred and twenty; and hence Pagae and Oinoe, of which I have already spoken, are situated in the deepest recess of the gulf. Now Helicon, not far distant from Parnassus, rivals it both in height and in circuit; for both are rocky and covered with snow, and their circuit comprises no large extent of territory. Here are the sanctuary of the Muses and Hippu-crene and the cave of the nymphs called the Leibethrides; and from this fact one might infer that those who consecrated Helicon to the Muses were Thracians, the same who dedicated Pieris and Leibethrum and Pimpleia to the same goddesses. The Thracians used to be called Pieres, but, now that they have disappeared, the Macedonians hold these places. It has been said that Thracians once settled in this part of Boeotia, having overpowered the Boeotians, as did also Pelasgians and other barbarians. Now in earlier times Thespiae was well known because of the Eros of Praxiteles, which was sculptured by him and dedicated by Glycera the courtesan (she had received it as a gift from the artist) to the Thespians, since she was a native of the place. Now in earlier times travellers would go up to Thespeia, a city otherwise not worth seeing, to see the Eros; and at present it and Tanagra are the only Boeotian cities that still endure; but of all the rest only ruins and names are left. 14.1.14. The distance from the Trogilian promontory to Samos is forty stadia. Samos faces the south, both it and its harbor, which latter has a naval station. The greater part of it is on level ground, being washed by the sea, but a part of it reaches up into the mountain that lies above it. Now on the right, as one sails towards the city, is the Poseidium, a promontory which with Mt. Mycale forms the seven-stadia strait; and it has a temple of Poseidon; and in front of it lies an isle called Narthecis; and on the left is the suburb near the Heraion, and also the Imbrasus River, and the Heraion, an ancient sanctuary and large temple, which is now a picture gallery. Apart from the number of the paintings placed inside, there are other picture galleries and some little temples [naiskoi] full of ancient art. And the area open to the sky is likewise full of most excellent statues. of these, three of colossal size, the work of Myron, stood upon one base; Antony took these statues away, but Augustus Caesar restored two of them, those of Athena and Heracles, to the same base, although he transferred the Zeus to the Capitolium, having erected there a small chapel for that statue. |
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| 102. Cato Maior, Orat., None Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 200 |
| 103. Eutrop., Flor. Epit., 1.1.15, 1.3, 1.6.3, 1.6.8, 1.22.54, 1.48 Tagged with subjects: •p. cornelius scipio africanus Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 56, 57 |
| 104. Anon., Consolatio Ad Liuiam, 87-90, 86 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 234 |
| 105. Dem., Dem., 43497 Tagged with subjects: •scipio africanus, p. cornelius Found in books: Galinsky (2016) 179, 180 |
| 106. Pomp., Rom., 27.4 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of Found in books: Walters (2020) 41 |
| 107. Anon., Three Gordians, The, 3.51 Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, p. cornelius (africanus the younger) Found in books: Galinsky (2016) 173 |
| 108. Aurelius Victor, De Viris Illustribus, 21.3 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 142 |
| 109. Epigraphy, Cil, None Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 200 |
| 110. Cicero, Diu., 1.49 Tagged with subjects: •scipio africanus, publius cornelius, as alexander Found in books: Giusti (2018) 184 |
| 112. Epigraphy, Ig Ii², 7.2712 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantius, p. (scipio africanus the younger) Found in books: Cosgrove (2022) 173 |
| 113. Aristotle, Acharnians, 1452 Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus, tears Found in books: Giusti (2018) 255 |
| 114. Various, Anthologia Planudea, 203-206, 167 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 87 |
| 115. Marc., Marc., 22 Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus, p. Found in books: Walters (2020) 79 |
