Home About Network of subjects Linked subjects heatmap Book indices included Search by subject Search by reference Browse subjects Browse texts

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

   Search:  
validated results only / all results

and or

Filtering options: (leave empty for all results)
By author:     
By work:        
By subject:
By additional keyword:       



Results for
Please note: the results are produced through a computerized process which may frequently lead to errors, both in incorrect tagging and in other issues. Please use with caution.
Due to load times, full text fetching is currently attempted for validated results only.
Full texts for Hebrew Bible and rabbinic texts is kindly supplied by Sefaria; for Greek and Latin texts, by Perseus Scaife, for the Quran, by Tanzil.net

For a list of book indices included, see here.





140 results for "cornelius"
1. Homer, Iliad, 6.448-6.449 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus, tears Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 256
6.448. / always and to fight amid the foremost Trojans, striving to win my father's great glory and mine own. For of a surety know I this in heart and soul: the day shall come when sacred Ilios shall be laid low, and Priam, and the people of Priam with goodly spear of ash. 6.449. / always and to fight amid the foremost Trojans, striving to win my father's great glory and mine own. For of a surety know I this in heart and soul: the day shall come when sacred Ilios shall be laid low, and Priam, and the people of Priam with goodly spear of ash.
2. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 1000-1034, 975-976, 978-999, 977 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 255
977. καρδίας τερασκόπου ποτᾶται, 977. Fronting my heart, the portent-watcher — flits she?
3. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 5.105, 6.85.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. Found in books: Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 59, 147
6.85.1. ἀνδρὶ δὲ τυράννῳ ἢ πόλει ἀρχὴν ἐχούσῃ οὐδὲν ἄλογον ὅτι ξυμφέρον οὐδ’ οἰκεῖον ὅτι μὴ πιστόν: πρὸς ἕκαστα δὲ δεῖ ἢ ἐχθρὸν ἢ φίλον μετὰ καιροῦ γίγνεσθαι. καὶ ἡμᾶς τοῦτο ὠφελεῖ ἐνθάδε, οὐκ ἢν τοὺς φίλους κακώσωμεν, ἀλλ’ ἢν οἱ ἐχθροὶ διὰ τὴν τῶν φίλων ῥώμην ἀδύνατοι ὦσιν. 6.85.1. Besides, for tyrants and imperial cities nothing is unreasonable if expedient, no one a kinsman unless sure; but friendship or enmity is everywhere an affair of time and circumstance. Here, in Sicily , our interest is not to weaken our friends, but by means of their strength to cripple our enemies. Why doubt this? In Hellas we treat our allies as we find them useful.
4. Herodotus, Histories, 1.1, 7.45-7.46, 8.143.2, 9.122.3 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus, tears •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 256; Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 59, 147
1.1. The Persian learned men say that the Phoenicians were the cause of the dispute. These (they say) came to our seas from the sea which is called Red, and having settled in the country which they still occupy, at once began to make long voyages. Among other places to which they carried Egyptian and Assyrian merchandise, they came to Argos , ,which was at that time preeminent in every way among the people of what is now called Hellas . The Phoenicians came to Argos , and set out their cargo. ,On the fifth or sixth day after their arrival, when their wares were almost all sold, many women came to the shore and among them especially the daughter of the king, whose name was Io (according to Persians and Greeks alike), the daughter of Inachus. ,As these stood about the stern of the ship bargaining for the wares they liked, the Phoenicians incited one another to set upon them. Most of the women escaped: Io and others were seized and thrown into the ship, which then sailed away for Egypt . 7.45. When he saw the whole Hellespont covered with ships, and all the shores and plains of Abydos full of men, Xerxes first declared himself blessed, and then wept. 7.46. His uncle Artabanus perceived this, he who in the beginning had spoken his mind freely and advised Xerxes not to march against Hellas. Marking how Xerxes wept, he questioned him and said, “O king, what a distance there is between what you are doing now and a little while ago! After declaring yourself blessed you weep.” ,Xerxes said, “I was moved to compassion when I considered the shortness of all human life, since of all this multitude of men not one will be alive a hundred years from now.” ,Artabanus answered, “In one life we have deeper sorrows to bear than that. Short as our lives are, there is no human being either here or elsewhere so fortunate that it will not occur to him, often and not just once, to wish himself dead rather than alive. Misfortunes fall upon us and sicknesses trouble us, so that they make life, though short, seem long. ,Life is so miserable a thing that death has become the most desirable refuge for humans; the god is found to be envious in this, giving us only a taste of the sweetness of living.” 8.143.2. Now carry this answer back to Mardonius from the Athenians, that as long as the sun holds the course by which he now goes, we will make no agreement with Xerxes. We will fight against him without ceasing, trusting in the aid of the gods and the heroes whom he has disregarded and burnt their houses and their adornments. 9.122.3. Cyrus heard them, and found nothing to marvel at in their design; “Go ahead and do this,” he said; “but if you do so, be prepared no longer to be rulers but rather subjects. Soft lands breed soft men; wondrous fruits of the earth and valiant warriors grow not from the same soil.”
5. Ennius, Annales, None (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 73
6. Cicero, Paradoxa Stoicorum, "48" (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 284
7. Cicero, Diuinatio In Q. Caecilium, "69" (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 301
8. Cicero, On Old Age, 14, 61 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 200
9. Cicero, Republic, 3.5-3.6, 3.40, 5.2, 6.9, 6.12, 6.16 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •scipio, publius cornelius africanus aemilianus •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of •scipio (aemilianus) africanus, (publius, cornelius) Found in books: Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 47, 153; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 71; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 209; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
3.5. Quodsi quis ad ea instrumenta animi, quae natura quaeque civilibus institutis habuit, adiungendam sibi etiam doctrinam et uberiorem rerum cognitionem putavit, ut ii ipsi, qui in horum librorum disputatione versantur, nemo est, quin eos anteferre omnibus debeat. Quid enim potest esse praeclarius, quam cum rerum magnarum tractatio atque usus cum illarum artium studiis et cognitione coniungitur? aut quid P. Scipione, quid C. Laelio, quid L. Philo perfectius cogitari potest? qui, ne quid praetermitterent, quod ad summam laudem clarorum virorum pertineret, ad domesticum maiorumque morem etiam hanc a Socrate adventiciam doctrinam adhibuerunt. 3.5. Prisc. GL 2.255K nisi si quis Athonem pro monumento vult funditus efficere. Quis enim est Athos aut Olympus tantus? 3.6. Quare qui utrumque voluit et potuit, id est ut cum maiorum institutis, tum doctrina se instrueret, ad laudem hunc omnia consecutum puto. Sin altera est utra via prudentiae deligenda, tamen, etiamsi cui videbitur illa in optimis studiis et artibus quieta vitae ratio beatior, haec civilis laudabilior est certe et inlustrior, ex qua vita sic summi viri ortur, ut vel M'. Curius, Quem nemo ferro potuit superare nec auro, vel 3.40. Lactant. Div. Inst. 5.18.4 Vult plane virtus honorem, nec est virtutis ulla alia merces . Quam tamen illa accipit facile, exigit non acerbe . Huic tu viro quas divitias obicies? quae imperia? quae regna? qui ista putat humana, sua bona divina iudicat . Sed si aut ingrati universi aut invidi multi aut inimici potentes suis virtutem praemiis spoliant, ne illa se multis solaciis oblectat maximeque suo decore se ipsa sustentat. August. C.D. 22.4 Quorum non corpora sunt in caelum elata; neque enim natura pateretur, ut id, quod esset e terra, nisi in terra maneret. Non. 125M Numquam viri fortissimi fortitudinis, inpigritatis, patientiae Non. 132M Pyrrhi videlicet largitas Fabricio aut Samnitium copiae Curio defuerunt. Non. 522M,68M Cuius etiam focum Cato ille noster, cum venerat ad se in Sabinos, ut ex ipso audiebamus, visere solebat, apud quem sedens ille Samnitium, quondam hostium, tum iam clientium suorum, dona repudiaverat. 6.9. OMNIUM Cum in Africam venissem M'. Manilio consuli ad quartam legionem tribunus, ut scitis, militum, nihil mihi fuit potius, quam ut Masinissam convenirem regem, familiae nostrae iustis de causis amicissimum. Ad quem ut veni, conplexus me senex conlacrimavit aliquantoque post suspexit ad caelum et: Grates, inquit, tibi ago, summe Sol, vobisque, reliqui Caelites, quod, ante quam ex hac vita migro, conspicio in meo regno et his tectis P. Cornelium Scipionem, cuius ego nomine ipso recreor; itaque numquam ex animo meo discedit illius optimi atque invictissimi viri memoria. Deinde ego illum de suo regno, ille me de nostra re publica percontatus est, multisque verbis ultro citroque habitis ille nobis consumptus est dies. 6.12. Hic tu, Africane, ostendas oportebit patriae lumen animi, ingenii consiliique tui. Sed eius temporis ancipitem video quasi fatorum viam. Nam cum aetas tua septenos octiens solis anfractus reditusque converterit, duoque ii numeri, quorum uterque plenus alter altera de causa habetur, circuitu naturali summam tibi fatalem confecerint, in te unum atque in tuum nomen se tota convertet civitas, te senatus, te omnes boni, te socii, te Latini intuebuntur, tu eris unus, in quo nitatur civitatis salus, ac, ne multa, dictator rem publicam constituas oportet, si impias propinquorum manus effugeris. Hic cum exclamasset Laelius ingemuissentque vehementius ceteri, leniter arridens Scipio: St! quaeso, inquit, ne me e somno excitetis, et parumper audite cetera. 6.16. Sed sic, Scipio, ut avus hic tuus, ut ego, qui te genui, iustitiam cole et pietatem, quae cum magna in parentibus et propinquis, tum in patria maxima est; ea vita via est in caelum et in hunc coetum eorum, qui iam vixerunt et corpore laxati illum incolunt locum, quem vides, (erat autem is splendidissimo candore inter flammas circus elucens) quem vos, ut a Graiis accepistis, orbem lacteum nuncupatis; ex quo omnia mihi contemplanti praeclara cetera et mirabilia videbantur. Erant autem eae stellae, quas numquam ex hoc loco vidimus, et eae magnitudines omnium, quas esse numquam suspicati sumus, ex quibus erat ea minima, quae ultima a caelo, citima a terris luce lucebat aliena. Stellarum autem globi terrae magnitudinem facile vincebant. Iam ipsa terra ita mihi parva visa est, ut me imperii nostri, quo quasi punctum eius attingimus, paeniteret.
10. Cicero, De Oratore, a b c d\n0 2.170 2.170 2 170 \n1 2.106 2.106 2 106 \n2 2.249 2.249 2 249 \n3 3.226 3.226 3 226 \n4 1.38 1.38 1 38 \n5 "3.73" "3.73" "3 73" \n6 "2.155" "2.155" "2 155" (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
2.170. "si Gracchus nefarie, praeclare Opimius." Ex consequentibus: "si et ferro interfectus ille et tu inimicus eius cum gladio cruento comprehensus in illo ipso loco et nemo praeter te ibi visus est et causa nemini et tu semper audax, quid est quod de facinore dubitare possimus?" Ex consentaneis et ex praecurrentibus et ex repugtibus, ut olim Crassus adulescens: "non si Opimium defendisti, Carbo, idcirco te isti bonum civem putabunt: simulasse te et aliquid quaesisse perspicuum est, quod Ti. Gracchi mortem saepe in contionibus deplorasti, quod P. Africani necis socius fuisti, quod eam legem in tribunatu tulisti, quod
11. Cicero, On Duties, 1.15-1.17, 1.138, 2.116 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 200, 203, 350
1.15. Formam quidem ipsam, Marce fili, et tamquam faciem honesti vides, quae si oculis cerneretur, mirabiles amores, ut ait Plato, excitaret sapientiae. Sed omne, quod est honestum, id quattuor partium oritur ex aliqua: aut enim in perspicientia veri sollertiaque versatur aut in hominum societate tuenda tribuendoque suum cuique et rerum contractarum fide aut in animi excelsi atque invicti magnitudine ac robore aut in omnium, quae fiunt quaeque dicuntur, ordine et modo, in quo inest modestia et temperantia. Quae quattuor quamquam inter se colligata atque implicata sunt, tamen ex singulis certa officiorum genera nascuntur, velut ex ea parte, quae prima discripta est, in qua sapientiam et prudentiam ponimus, inest indagatio atque inventio veri, eiusque virtutis hoc munus est proprium. 1.16. Ut enim quisque maxime perspicit, quid in re quaque verissimum sit. quique acutissime et celerrime potest et videre et explicare rationem, is prudentissimus et sapientissimus rite haberi solet. Quocirca huic quasi materia, quam tractet et in qua versetur, subiecta est veritas. 1.17. Reliquis autem tribus virtutibus necessitates propositae sunt ad eas res parandas tuendasque, quibus actio vitae continetur, ut et societas hominum coniunctioque servetur et animi excellentia magnitudoque cum in augendis opibus utilitatibusque et sibi et suis comparandis, tum multo magis in his ipsis despiciendis eluceat. Ordo autem et constantia et moderatio et ea, quae sunt his similia, versantur in eo genere, ad quod est adhibenda actio quaedam, non solum mentis agitatio. Iis enim rebus, quae tractantur in vita, modum quendam et ordinem adhibentes honestatem et decus conservabimus. 1.138. Et quoniam omnia persequimur, volumus quidem certe, dicendum est etiam, qualem hominis honorati et principis domum placeat esse, cuius finis est usus, ad quem accommodanda est aedificandi descriptio et tamen adhibenda commoditatis dignitatisque diligentia. Cn. Octavio, qui primus ex illa familia consul factus est, honori fuisse accepimus, quod praeclaram aedificasset in Palatio et plenam dignitatis domum; quae cum vulgo viseretur, suffragata domino, novo homini, ad consulatum putabatur; hanc Scaurus demolitus accessionem adiunxit aedibus. Itaque ille in suam domum consulatum primus attulit, hic, summi et clarissimi viri filius, in domum multiplicatam non repulsam solum rettulit, sed ignominiam etiam et calamitatem. 1.138.  But since I am investigating this subject in all its phases (at least, that is my purpose), I must discuss also what sort of house a man of rank and station should, in my opinion, have. Its prime object is serviceableness. To this the plan of the building should be adapted; and yet careful attention should be paid to its convenience and distinction. We have heard that Gnaeus Octavius — the first of that family to be elected consul — distinguished himself by building upon the Palatine an attractive and imposing house. Everybody went to see it, and it was thought to have gained votes for the owner, a new man, in his canvass for the consulship. That house Scaurus demolished, and on its site he built an addition to his own house. Octavius, then, was the first of his family to bring the honour of a consulship to his house; Scaurus, thought the son of a very great and illustrious man, brought to the same house, when enlarged, not only defeat, but disgrace and ruin.
12. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, a b c d\n0 2.116 2.116 2 116\n1 "1.24" "1.24" "1 24" (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 200
2.116. Lege laudationes, Torquate, non eorum, qui sunt ab Homero laudati, non Cyri, non Agesilai, non Aristidi aut Themistocli, non Philippi aut aut ( post Philippi) om. R Alexandri, lege nostrorum hominum, lege vestrae familiae; neminem videbis ita laudatum, ut artifex callidus comparandarum voluptatum voluptatum dett. utilitatum diceretur. non elogia elogia edd. eulogia monimentorum id significant, velut hoc ad portam: Hunc unum Hunc unum Ern. uno cum ABER uno cu j (j ex corr. m. alt.; voluisse videtur scriba uno cui) N ymo cum V plurimae consentiunt gentes populi primarium fuisse virum. 2.116.  "Read the panegyrics, Torquatus, not of the heroes praised by Homer, not of Cyrus or Agesilaus, Aristides or Themistocles, Philip or Alexander; but read those delivered upon our own great men, read those of your own family. You will not find anyone extolled for his skill and cunning in procuring pleasures. This is not what is conveyed by epitaphs, like that one near the city gate: Here lyeth one whom many lands agree Rome's first and greatest citizen to be.
13. Cicero, On Laws, a b c d\n0 "3.35" "3.35" "3 35"\n1 "2.58" "2.58" "2 58" (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 251
14. Cicero, Letters, 6.1.17-6.1.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, p. cornelius (africanus the younger) •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 173; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 117, 127
15. Cicero, De Finibus, a b c d\n0 "1.24" "1.24" "1 24" (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 301
16. Cicero, On Fate, 18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
17. Cicero, Brutus, 1.15.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 173
18. Cicero, Brutus, 1.15.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 173; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 351
117. et quoniam Stoicorum est facta mentio, Q. Aelius Tubero fuit illo tempore, L. Paulli nepos; nullo in oratorum numero, sed vita severus et congruens cum ea disciplina quam colebat, paulo etiam durior; qui quidem quidem om. BHM tribunatu Schütz : triumviratu L in tribunatu iudicaverit iudicaverat BHMG contra P. Africani avunculi sui testimonium vacationem augures quo minus iudiciis operam darent non habere; sed ut sed ut L : et ut Bake vita sic oratione durus incultus horridus; itaque honoribus maiorum respondere non potuit. Fuit autem constans civis et fortis et in primis Graccho C. Graccho maluit Stangl molestus, quod indicat Gracchi in eum oratio. Sunt Sunt... disputando secl. Simon etiam in Gracchum Tuberonis ; is fuit is fuit... disputando secl. Kayser mediocris in dicendo, doctissimus in disputando Sunt... disputando secl. Simon . Tum Brutus:
19. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, a b c d\n0 "2.61" "2.61" "2 61" (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •p. cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 209
20. Cicero, In Verrem, a b c d\n0 2.2.86 2.2.86 2 2\n1 2.2.108 2.2.108 2 2\n2 2.2.89 2.2.89 2 2\n3 2.2.107 2.2.107 2 2\n4 2.2.106 2.2.106 2 2\n5 2.2.105 2.2.105 2 2\n6 2.2.103 2.2.103 2 2\n7 2.2.109 2.2.109 2 2\n8 2.2.110 2.2.110 2 2\n9 2.2.111 2.2.111 2 2\n10 2.2.112 2.2.112 2 2\n11 2.2.113 2.2.113 2 2\n12 2.2.114 2.2.114 2 2\n13 2.2.102 2.2.102 2 2\n14 2.2.87 2.2.87 2 2\n15 2.2.101 2.2.101 2 2\n16 2.2.99 2.2.99 2 2\n17 2.2.98 2.2.98 2 2\n18 2.2.97 2.2.97 2 2\n19 2.2.96 2.2.96 2 2\n20 2.2.95 2.2.95 2 2\n21 2.2.94 2.2.94 2 2\n22 2.2.93 2.2.93 2 2\n23 2.2.92 2.2.92 2 2\n24 2.2.91 2.2.91 2 2\n25 2.2.90 2.2.90 2 2\n26 2.2.100 2.2.100 2 2\n27 2.2.104 2.2.104 2 2\n28 2.4.73 2.4.73 2 4\n29 2.2.116 2.2.116 2 2\n30 2.5.127 2.5.127 2 5\n31 2.4.135 2.4.135 2 4\n32 2.1.11 2.1.11 2 1\n33 2.1.58 2.1.58 2 1\n34 2.2.85 2.2.85 2 2\n35 2.2.117 2.2.117 2 2\n36 2.2.118 2.2.118 2 2\n37 2.2.119 2.2.119 2 2\n38 2.4.133 2.4.133 2 4\n39 2.5.124 2.5.124 2 5\n40 2.4.98 2.4.98 2 4\n41 2.2.115 2.2.115 2 2\n42 2.4.74 2.4.74 2 4\n43 2.4.75 2.4.75 2 4\n44 2.4.80 2.4.80 2 4\n45 2.4.82 2.4.82 2 4\n46 2.4.84 2.4.84 2 4\n47 2.4.85 2.4.85 2 4\n48 2.4.93 2.4.93 2 4\n49 2.4.97 2.4.97 2 4\n50 2.4.72 2.4.72 2 4\n51 "2.1.111" "2.1.111" "2 1\n52 "2.1.107" "2.1.107" "2 1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53, 54
21. Cicero, Partitiones Oratoriae, 106 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), on the murder of ti. gracchus Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 40
106. in eis autem causis, ubi aliquid recte factum aut concedendum esse factum factum delet Schütz defenditur, cum est facti subiecta ratio, sicut.ab Opimio: Iure feci, salutis omnium et conservandae rei publicae causa, relatumque ab Decio est: Ne sceleratissimum quidem civem sine iudicio iure ullo necare potuisti, oritur illa disceptatio: Potueritne recte salutis rei publicae causa civem eversorem civitatis indemnatum necare ? Ita disceptationes eae, quae in his controversiis oriuntur, quae sunt certis personis ac temporibus notatae, fiunt rursus infinitae detractis personis et temporibus et rursum ad consultationum formam rationemque revocantur.
22. Varro, On Agriculture, a b c d\n0 "1.2.9" "1.2.9" "1 2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 327
23. Polybius, Histories, None (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 254, 255, 256; Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 147
38.21. 1.  Turning round to me at once and grasping my hand Scipio said, "A glorious moment, Polybius; but I have a dread foreboding that some day the same doom will be pronounced on my own country." It would be difficult to mention an utterance more statesmanlike and more profound.,2.  For at the moment of our greatest triumph and of disaster to our enemies to reflect on our own situation and on the possible reversal of circumstances, and generally to bear in mind at the season of success the mutability of Fortune, is like a great and perfect man, a man in short worthy to be remembered. (From Appian, Punica, 132)
24. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, a b c d\n0 "4.51" "4.51" "4 51" (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 327
25. Cicero, Pro Sulla, 26 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •scipio africanus aemilianus, p. cornelius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 179
26. ego, tantis a me beneficiis in re publica positis, si nullum aliud mihi praemium ab ab Te, Schol. : a cett. senatu populoque Romano nisi honestum otium postularem, quis non concederet? ceteri ceteri supplevi sibi haberent haberent haberent alii Sylvius honores, sibi imperia, sibi provincias, sibi triumphos, sibi alia praeclarae laudis insignia; mihi liceret eius urbis quam conservassem conspectu tranquillo animo et quieto frui. quid si hoc non postulo? si ille labor meus pristinus, si sollicitudo, si officia, si operae, si vigiliae deserviunt amicis, praesto sunt omnibus; si neque amici in foro requirunt studium meum neque res publica in curia; si me non modo non modo non modo ς vocatio ea rerum gestarum vacatio sed neque honoris neque aetatis excusatio vindicat a labore; si voluntas mea, si industria, si domus, si animus, si aures patent omnibus; si mihi ne ad ea quidem quae pro salute omnium gessi recordanda et cogitanda quicquam relinquitur temporis: tamen hoc regnum appellabitur, cuius vicarius qui velit esse inveniri nemo potest?
26. Cicero, Pro Sestio, "103", 140 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 40
27. Cicero, On Divination, 1.101 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 28
1.101. Saepe etiam et in proeliis Fauni auditi et in rebus turbidis veridicae voces ex occulto missae esse dicuntur; cuius generis duo sint ex multis exempla, sed maxuma: Nam non multo ante urbem captam exaudita vox est a luco Vestae, qui a Palatii radice in novam viam devexus est, ut muri et portae reficerentur; futurum esse, nisi provisum esset, ut Roma caperetur. Quod neglectum tum, cum caveri poterat, post acceptam illam maximam cladem expiatum est; ara enim Aio Loquenti, quam saeptam videmus, exadversus eum locum consecrata est. Atque etiam scriptum a multis est, cum terrae motus factus esset, ut sue plena procuratio fieret, vocem ab aede Iunonis ex arce extitisse; quocirca Iunonem illam appellatam Monetam. Haec igitur et a dis significata et a nostris maioribus iudicata contemnimus? 1.101. Again, we are told that fauns have often been heard in battle and that during turbulent times truly prophetic messages have been sent from mysterious places. Out of many instances of this class I shall give only two, but they are very striking. Not long before the capture of the city by the Gauls, a voice, issuing from Vestas sacred grove, which slopes from the foot of the Palatine Hill to New Road, was heard to say, the walls and gates must be repaired; unless this is done the city will be taken. Neglect of this warning, while it was possible to heed it, was atoned for after the supreme disaster had occurred; for, adjoining the grove, an altar, which is now to be seen enclosed with a hedge, was dedicated to Aius the Speaker. The other illustration has been reported by many writers. At the time of the earthquake a voice came from Junos temple on the citadel commanding that an expiatory sacrifice be made of a pregt sow. From this fact the goddess was called Juno the Adviser. Are we, then, lightly to regard these warnings which the gods have sent and our forefathers adjudged to be trustworthy?
28. Cicero, Pro Murena, "58", 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 75, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 76 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 349, 350
76. Pauli nepos, P. Publii Africani, ut dixi, sororis filius, his haedinis pelliculis praetura deiectus est. odit populus Romanus privatam luxuriam, publicam magnificentiam diligit; non amat profusas epulas, sordis et inhumanitatem multo minus; distinguit rationem ratione Klotz officiorum ac temporum, vicissitudinem laboris ac voluptatis. nam quod ais nulla re adlici hominum mentis oportere ad magistratum mandandum nisi dignitate, hoc tu ipse in quo summa est dignitas non servas. cur enim quemquam ut studeat tibi, ut te adiuvet rogas? rogas tu me ut mihi praesis, ut committam ego me tibi. quid tandem? istuc istuc ed. Mediol. : istunc (ais an y2 ) mei me rogari oportet abs te, an te potius a me ut pro mea salute laborem periculumque suscipias?
29. Cicero, Philippicae, a b c d\n0 9.4 9.4 9 4 \n1 "11.18" "11.18" "11 18" (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 350, 351
30. Cicero, On Friendship, "41", "96", 12 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
31. Cicero, Pro Rabirio Perduellionis Reo, 19 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
19. already discussed, that Lucius Saturninus was shun by the band of Caius Rabirius; and I should think it a most glorious deed. But since I cannot do that, I will confess this, which will have less weight with regard to our credit, but not less with regard to the accusation—I confess that Caius Rabirius took up arms for the purpose of slaying Saturninus. What is the matter, Labienus? What more weighty confession do you expect from me; or what greater charge did you expect me to furnish against him? Unless you think that there is any difference between him who slew the man, and him who was in arms for the purpose of slaying him. If it was wrong for Saturninus to be slain, then arms cannot have been taken up against Saturninus without guilt;—if you admit that arms were lawfully taken up,—then you must inevitably confess that he was rightly slain.
32. Ovid, Fasti, 6.637-6.638 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 117
6.637. Te quoque magnifica, Concordia, dedicat aede 6.638. Livia, quam caro praestitit ipsa viro. 6.637. His father showed his paternity by touching the child’ 6.638. Head with fire, and a cap of flames glowed on his hair.
33. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, a b c d\n0 "5.58.1" "5.58.1" "5 58 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •p. cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 209
34. Horace, Odes, 2.12 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 23
35. Livy, History, a b c d\n0 39.40.9 39.40.9 39 40\n1 41.1 41.1 41 1 \n2 41.2 41.2 41 2 \n3 39.41.4 39.41.4 39 41\n4 38.50.4-60.10 38.50.4 38 50\n.. ... ... .. ..\n144 39.40.2 39.40.2 39 40\n145 27.25.9 27.25.9 27 25\n146 27.25.8 27.25.8 27 25\n147 27.25.7 27.25.7 27 25\n148 "8.9.6" "8.9.6" "8 9 \n\n[149 rows x 4 columns] (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 199
36. Livy, Per., a b c d\n0 61 61 61 None\n1 41 41 41 None\n2 57 57 57 None\n3 51 51 51 None\n4 "54" "54" "54" None\n5 "48" "48" "48" None\n6 "14" "14" "14" None\n7 "50" "50" "50" None\n8 "56.8" "56.8" "56 8" \n9 50.11 50.11 50 11 \n10 50.12 50.12 50 12 \n11 "59.3" "59.3" "59 3" (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 40
37. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 3.1025, 3.1029-3.1035 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 73
3.1025. 'lumina sis oculis etiam bonus Ancus reliquit, 3.1029. ille quoque ipse, viam qui quondam per mare magnum 3.1030. stravit iterque dedit legionibus ire per altum 3.1031. ac pedibus salsas docuit super ire lucunas 3.1032. et contempsit equis insultans murmura ponti, 3.1033. lumine adempto animam moribundo corpore fudit. 3.1034. Scipiadas, belli fulmen, Carthaginis horror, 3.1035. ossa dedit terrae proinde ac famul infimus esset.
38. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, a b c d\n0 32.25 32.25 32 25\n1 "1.4.4" "1.4.4" "1 4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53
32.25. 1.  After the capture of Carthage Scipio, showing the collected spoils to the envoys who had arrived from Sicily, bade them severally pick out whatever things had in times past been carried off from their particular cities to Carthage, and to take them home to Sicily. Many portraits of famous men were found, many statues of outstanding workmanship, and not a few striking dedications to the gods in gold and silver. Among them was also the notorious bull of Acragas: Perilaüs fashioned it for the tyrant Phalaris, and lost his life in the first demonstration of his device when he was justly punished by being himself made its victim.
39. Sallust, Iugurtha, a b c d\n0 "85.12" "85.12" "85 12"\n1 "95.3" "95.3" "95 3" (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 161
40. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, "19", "14" (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 50
41. Strabo, Geography, 9.2.25, 12.3.36, 12.8.17, 14.1.14 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. (general, politician) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 27; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 55
9.2.25. The Thespiae of today is by Antimachus spelled Thespeia; for there are many names of places which are used in both ways, both in the singular and in the plural, just as there are many which are used both in the masculine and in the feminine, whereas there are others which are used in either one or the other number only. Thespiae is a city near Mt. Helicon, lying somewhat to the south of it; and both it and Helicon are situated on the Crisaean Gulf. It has a seaport Creusa, also called Creusis. In the Thespian territory, in the part lying towards Helicon, is Ascre, the native city of Hesiod; it is situated on the right of Helicon, on a high and rugged place, and is about forty stadia distant from Thespiae. This city Hesiod himself has satirized in verses which allude to his father, because at an earlier time his father changed his abode to this place from the Aeolian Cyme, saying: And he settled near Helicon in a wretched village, Ascre, which is bad in winter, oppressive in summer, and pleasant at no time. Helicon is contiguous to Phocis in its northerly parts, and to a slight extent also in its westerly parts, in the region of the last harbor belonging to Phocis, the harbor which, from the fact in the case, is called Mychus (inmost depth); for, speaking generally, it is above this harbor of the Crisaean Gulf that Helicon and Ascre, and also Thespiae and its seaport Creusa, are situated. This is also considered the deepest recess of the Crisaean Gulf, and in general of the Corinthian Gulf. The length of the coastline from the harbor Mychus to Creusa is ninety stadia; and the length from Creusa as far as the promontory called Holmiae is one hundred and twenty; and hence Pagae and Oinoe, of which I have already spoken, are situated in the deepest recess of the gulf. Now Helicon, not far distant from Parnassus, rivals it both in height and in circuit; for both are rocky and covered with snow, and their circuit comprises no large extent of territory. Here are the sanctuary of the Muses and Hippu-crene and the cave of the nymphs called the Leibethrides; and from this fact one might infer that those who consecrated Helicon to the Muses were Thracians, the same who dedicated Pieris and Leibethrum and Pimpleia to the same goddesses. The Thracians used to be called Pieres, but, now that they have disappeared, the Macedonians hold these places. It has been said that Thracians once settled in this part of Boeotia, having overpowered the Boeotians, as did also Pelasgians and other barbarians. Now in earlier times Thespiae was well known because of the Eros of Praxiteles, which was sculptured by him and dedicated by Glycera the courtesan (she had received it as a gift from the artist) to the Thespians, since she was a native of the place. Now in earlier times travellers would go up to Thespeia, a city otherwise not worth seeing, to see the Eros; and at present it and Tanagra are the only Boeotian cities that still endure; but of all the rest only ruins and names are left. 12.3.36. Now Comana is a populous city and is a notable emporium for the people from Armenia; and at the times of the exoduses of the goddess people assemble there from everywhere, from both the cities and the country, men together with women, to attend the festival. And there are certain others, also, who in accordance with a vow are always residing there, performing sacrifices in honor of the goddess. And the inhabitants live in luxury, and all their property is planted with vines; and there is a multitude of women who make gain from their persons, most of whom are dedicated to the goddess, for in a way the city is a lesser Corinth, for there too, on account of the multitude of courtesans, who were sacred to Aphrodite, outsiders resorted in great numbers and kept holiday. And the merchants and soldiers who went there squandered all their money so that the following proverb arose in reference to them: Not for every man is the voyage to Corinth. Such, then, is my account of Comana. 12.8.17. Carura forms a boundary between Phrygia and Caria. It is a village; and it has inns, and also fountains of boiling-hot waters, some in the Maeander River and some above its banks. Moreover, it is said that once, when a brothel-keeper had taken lodging in the inns along with a large number of women, an earthquake took place by night, and that he, together with all the women, disappeared from sight. And I might almost say that the whole of the territory in the neighborhood of the Maeander is subject to earthquakes and is undermined with both fire and water as far as the interior; for, beginning at the plains, all these conditions extend through that country to the Charonia, I mean the Charonium at Hierapolis and that at Acharaca in Nysais and that near Magnesia and Myus. In fact, the soil is not only friable and crumbly but is also full of salts and easy to burn out. And perhaps the Maeander is winding for this reason, because the stream often changes its course and, carrying down much silt, adds the silt at different times to different parts of the shore; however, it forcibly thrusts a part of the silt out to the high sea. And, in fact, by its deposits of silt, extending forty stadia, it has made Priene, which in earlier times was on the sea, an inland city. 14.1.14. The distance from the Trogilian promontory to Samos is forty stadia. Samos faces the south, both it and its harbor, which latter has a naval station. The greater part of it is on level ground, being washed by the sea, but a part of it reaches up into the mountain that lies above it. Now on the right, as one sails towards the city, is the Poseidium, a promontory which with Mt. Mycale forms the seven-stadia strait; and it has a temple of Poseidon; and in front of it lies an isle called Narthecis; and on the left is the suburb near the Heraion, and also the Imbrasus River, and the Heraion, an ancient sanctuary and large temple, which is now a picture gallery. Apart from the number of the paintings placed inside, there are other picture galleries and some little temples [naiskoi] full of ancient art. And the area open to the sky is likewise full of most excellent statues. of these, three of colossal size, the work of Myron, stood upon one base; Antony took these statues away, but Augustus Caesar restored two of them, those of Athena and Heracles, to the same base, although he transferred the Zeus to the Capitolium, having erected there a small chapel for that statue.
42. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.298, 1.366, 1.418-1.429, 4.259, 8.728 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus, curse •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 44, 200, 262
1.366. (Ilus it was while Ilium 's kingdom stood), 1.418. his many cares, when first the cheerful dawn 1.419. upon him broke, resolved to take survey 1.420. of this strange country whither wind and wave 1.421. had driven him,—for desert land it seemed,— 1.422. to learn what tribes of man or beast possess 1.423. a place so wild, and careful tidings bring 1.424. back to his friends. His fleet of ships the while, 1.425. where dense, dark groves o'er-arch a hollowed crag, 1.426. he left encircled in far-branching shade. 1.427. Then with no followers save his trusty friend 1.428. Achates, he went forth upon his way, 1.429. two broad-tipped javelins poising in his hand. 4.259. a peering eye abides; and, strange to tell, 8.728. adored, as yesterday, the household gods
43. Vergil, Georgics, 2.170-2.172 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 44
2.170. Scipiadas duros bello et te, maxume Caesar, 2.171. qui nunc extremis Asiae iam victor in oris 2.172. inbellem avertis Romanis arcibus Indum.
44. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 14
45. Ovid, Epistulae (Heroides), 16.215-16.222 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •scipio (aemilianus) africanus, (publius, cornelius) Found in books: Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 71
46. Asconius Pedianus Quintus, In Cornelianam, "69" (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 251
47. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 10.4-10.5, 18.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), on the murder of ti. gracchus Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 40, 41
48. Plutarch, Lucullus, a b c d\n0 42.1 42.1 42 1 \n1 42.2 42.2 42 2 \n2 42.4 42.4 42 4 \n3 42.3 42.3 42 3 \n4 "32.6" "32.6" "32 6"\n5 "17.1" "17.1" "17 1" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 127
42.1. σπουδῆς δʼ ἄξια καὶ λόγου τὰ περὶ τὴν τῶν βιβλίων κατασκευήν, καὶ γὰρ πολλὰ καὶ γεγραμμένα καλῶς συνῆγεν, ἥ τε χρῆσις ἦν φιλοτιμοτέρα τῆς κτήσεως, ἀνειμένων πᾶσι τῶν βιβλιοθηκῶν, καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὰς περιπάτων καὶ σχολαστηρίων ἀκωλύτως ὑποδεχομένων τοὺς Ἕλληνας ὥσπερ εἰς Μουσῶν τι καταγώγιον ἐκεῖσε φοιτῶντας καὶ συνδιημερεύοντας ἀλλήλοις, ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων χρειῶν ἀσμένως ἀποτρέχοντας. 42.1.
49. Plutarch, Fabius, a b c d\n0 22.6 22.6 22 6 \n1 "22.8" "22.8" "22 8"\n2 "13.7" "13.7" "13 7" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 28
22.6. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὸν κολοσσὸν τοῦ Ἡρακλέους μετακομίσας ἐκ Τάραντος ἔστησεν ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ, καὶ πλησίον ἔφιππον εἰκόνα χαλκῆν ἑαυτοῦ, πολὺ Μαρκέλλου φανεὶς ἀτοπώτερος περὶ ταῦτα, μᾶλλον δʼ ὅλως ἐκεῖνον ἄνδρα πρᾳότητι καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ θαυμαστὸν ἀποδείξας, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται. 22.6. However, he removed the colossal statue of Heracles from Tarentum, and set it up on the Capitol, and near it an equestrian statue of himself, in bronze. He thus appeared far more eccentric in these matters than Marcellus, nay rather, the mild and humane conduct of Marcellus was thus made to seem altogether admirable by contrast, as has been written in his Life. Chapter xxi. Marcellus had enriched Rome with works of Greek art taken from Syracuse in 212 B.C. Livy’s opinion is rather different from Plutarch’s: sed maiore animo generis eius praeda abstinuit Fabius quam Marcellus, xxvii. 16. Fabius killed the people but spared their gods; Marcellus spared the people but took their gods.
50. Plutarch, On The Fortune of The Romans, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 50
51. Plutarch, Crassus, a b c d\n0 "21.3" "21.3" "21 3"\n1 "26.6" "26.6" "26 6" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 175
52. Plutarch, Cicero, a b c d\n0 "40.5" "40.5" "40 5"\n1 "19.6" "19.6" "19 6"\n2 "47.8" "47.8" "47 8" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 175
53. Statius, Siluae, 1.1.84-1.1.86 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 230
54. Plutarch, Cato The Younger, a b c d\n0 43 43 43 None\n1 "4.1" "4.1" "4 1" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
55. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, a b c d\n0 2.3 2.3 2 3 \n1 1.10 1.10 1 10 \n2 3.2 3.2 3 2 \n3 19.7 19.7 19 7 \n4 1.9 1.9 1 9 \n5 2.4 2.4 2 4 \n6 5.1 5.1 5 1 \n7 4.3 4.3 4 3 \n8 25 25 25 None\n9 4.4 4.4 4 4 \n10 16.6 16.6 16 6 \n11 16.7 16.7 16 7 \n12 16.8 16.8 16 8 \n13 "15.1" "15.1" "15 1" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 193
2.3. Φαβίου δὲ Μαξίμου τὴν Ταραντίνων πόλιν ἑλόντος ἔτυχε μὲν ὁ Κάτων στρατευόμενος ὑπʼ αὐτῷ κομιδῇ μειράκιον ὤν, Νεάρχῳ δέ τινι τῶν Πυθαγορικῶν ξένῳ χρησάμενος ἐσπούδασε τῶν λόγων μεταλαβεῖν. ἀκούσας δὲ ταῦτα διαλεγομένου τοῦ ἀνδρὸς, οἷς κέχρηται καὶ Πλάτων, τὴν μὲν ἡδονὴν ἀποκαλῶν μέγιστον κακοῦ δέλεαρ, συμφορὰν δὲ τῇ ψυχῇ τὸ σῶμα πρώτην, λύσιν δὲ καὶ καθαρμὸν οἷς μάλιστα χωρίζει καὶ ἀφίστησιν αὑτὴν τῶν περὶ τὸ σῶμα παθημάτων λογισμοῖς, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἠγάπησε τὸ λιτὸν καὶ τὴν ἐγκράτειαν. 2.3.
56. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 11.5-11.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 28, 230
57. Plutarch, Brutus, a b c d\n0 "40.8" "40.8" "40 8"\n1 "40.3" "40.3" "40 3" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 50
58. Plutarch, Mark Antony, a b c d\n0 "79.4" "79.4" "79 4" \n1 "3.10" "3.10" "3 10" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 175
59. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 22.3-22.7, 28.7, 28.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 157; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 355
22.3. δυεῖν γὰρ υἱῶν αὐτοῦ στρατευομένων ὁ νεώτερος οὐδαμοῦ φανερὸς ἦν, ὃν ἐφίλει τε μάλιστα καὶ πλεῖστον εἰς ἀρετὴν φύσει προὔχοντα τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἑώρα. 22.4. θυμοειδῆ δὲ καὶ φιλότιμον ὄντα τὴν ψυχήν, ἔτι δʼ ἀντίπαιδα τὴν ἡλικίαν, παντάπασιν ἀπολωλέναι κατεδόξαζεν, ὑπʼ ἀπειρίας ἀναμιχθέντα τοῖς πολεμίοις μαχομένοις. 22.5. ἀπορουμένου δὲ αὐτοῦ καὶ περιπαθοῦντος ᾔσθετο πᾶν τὸ στράτευμα, καὶ μεταξὺ δειπνοῦντες ἀνεπήδων καὶ διέθεον μετὰ λαμπάδων, πολλοὶ μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν σκηνὴν τοῦ Αἰμιλίου, πολλοὶ δὲ πρὸ τοῦ χάρακος ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις νεκροῖς ζητοῦντες. 22.6. κατήφεια δὲ τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ κραυγὴ τὸ πεδίον κατεῖχεν ἀνακαλουμένων τὸν Σκηπίωνα. πᾶσι γὰρ ἀγαστὸς ἦν εὐθὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆς, πρὸς ἡγεμονίαν καὶ πολιτείαν ὡς ἄλλος οὐδεὶς τῶν συγγενῶν κεκραμένος τὸ ἦθος. 22.7. ὀψὲ δʼ οὖν ἤδη σχεδὸν ἀπεγνωσμένος ἐκ τῆς διώξεως προσῄει μετὰ δύο ἢ τριῶν ἑταίρων, αἵματος καὶ φόνου πολεμίων ἀνάπλεως, ὥσπερ σκύλαξ γενναῖος, ὑφʼ ἡδονῆς ἀκρατῶς τῇ νίκῃ συνεξενεχθείς. 28.7. θέας δὲ παντοδαπῶν ἀγώνων καὶ θυσίας ἐπιτελῶν τοῖς θεοῖς ἑστιάσεις καὶ δεῖπνα προὔθετο, χορηγίᾳ μὲν ἐκ τῶν βασιλικῶν ἀφθόνῳ χρώμενος, τάξιν δὲ καὶ κόσμον καὶ κατακλίσεις καὶ δεξιώσεις καὶ τὴν πρὸς ἕκαστον αὑτοῦ τῆς κατʼ ἀξίαν τιμῆς καὶ φιλοφροσύνης αἴσθησιν οὕτως ἀκριβῆ καὶ πεφροντισμένην ἐνδεικνύμενος ὥστε θαυμάζειν τοὺς Ἕλληνας, 28.11. μόνα τὰ βιβλία τοῦ βασιλέως φιλογραμματοῦσι τοῖς υἱέσιν ἐπέτρεψεν ἐξελέσθαι, καὶ διανέμων ἀριστεῖα τῆς μάχης Αἰλίῳ Τουβέρωνι τῷ γαμβρῷ φιάλην ἔδωκε πέντε λιτρῶν ὁλκήν. 22.3. For of the two sons who were serving under him, the younger was nowhere to be found, and Aemilius loved him especially, and saw that he was by nature more prone to excellence than any of his brothers. 22.4. But he was of a passionate and ambitious spirit, and was still hardly more than a boy in years, and his father concluded that he had certainly perished, when, for lack of experience, he had become entangled among the enemy as they fought. 22.5. The whole army learned of the distress and anguish of their general, and springing up from their suppers, ran about with torches, many to the tent of Aemilius, and many in front of the ramparts, searching among the numerous dead bodies. 22.6. Dejection reigned in the camp, and the plain was filled with the cries of men calling out the name of Scipio. For from the very outset he had been admired by everybody, since, beyond any other one of his family, he had a nature adapted for leadership in war and public service. 22.7. Well, then, when it was already late and he was almost despaired of, he came in from the pursuit with two or three comrades, covered with the blood of the enemies he had slain, having been, like a young hound of noble breed, carried away by the uncontrollable pleasure of the victory. 28.7. He also held all sorts of games and contests and performed sacrifices to the gods, at which he gave feasts and banquets, making liberal allowances therefor from the royal treasury, while in the arrangement and ordering of them, in saluting and seating his guests, and in paying to each one that degree of honour and kindly attention which was properly his due, he showed such nice and thoughtful perception that the Greeks were amazed, 28.11. It was only the books of the king that he allowed his sons, who were devoted to learning, to choose out for themselves, and when he was distributing rewards for valour in the battle, he gave Aelius Tubero, his son-in-law, a bowl of five pounds weight.
60. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, a b c d\n0 33.141 33.141 33 141 \n1 33.147 33.147 33 147 \n2 33.142 33.142 33 142 \n3 10.139 10.139 10 139 \n4 6.209 6.209 6 209 \n5 6.196 6.196 6 196 \n6 6.37 6.37 6 37 \n7 5.38 5.38 5 38 \n8 5.25 5.25 5 25 \n9 4.102 4.102 4 102 \n10 34.64 34.64 34 64 \n11 34.18 34.18 34 18 \n12 22.13 22.13 22 13 \n13 35.6 35.6 35 6 \n14 35.7 35.7 35 7 \n15 35.14 35.14 35 14 \n16 35.91 35.91 35 91 \n17 35.115 35.115 35 115 \n18 35.23 35.23 35 23 \n19 36.37 36.37 36 37 \n20 36.38 36.38 36 38 \n21 8.155 8.155 8 155 \n22 35.131 35.131 35 131 \n23 9.121 9.121 9 121 \n24 35.132 35.132 35 132 \n25 9.120 9.120 9 120 \n26 9.119 9.119 9 119 \n27 37.14 37.14 37 14 \n28 37.13 37.13 37 13 \n29 37.11 37.11 37 11 \n30 5.128 5.128 5 128 \n31 36.32 36.32 36 32 \n32 28.34 28.34 28 34 \n33 7.20 7.20 7 20 \n34 8.194 8.194 8 194 \n35 "7.143" "7.143" "7 143" (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 355
61. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 14.72 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 55
14.72. for Pompey went into it, and not a few of those that were with him also, and saw all that which it was unlawful for any other men to see but only for the high priests. There were in that temple the golden table, the holy candlestick, and the pouring vessels, and a great quantity of spices; and besides these there were among the treasures two thousand talents of sacred money: yet did Pompey touch nothing of all this, on account of his regard to religion; and in this point also he acted in a manner that was worthy of his virtue.
62. Juvenal, Satires, 1.48-1.50 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53
63. Silius Italicus, Punica, 13.36-13.78 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 14
64. Lucan, Pharsalia, 2.221 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
65. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 87.9-87.10, 95.72-95.73, 120.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 193, 350
66. Plutarch, Marcellus, a b c d\n0 "20.1" "20.1" "20 1"\n1 "27.7" "27.7" "27 7"\n2 28.1 28.1 28 1 \n3 28.2 28.2 28 2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 175
67. Frontinus, Strategemata, a b c d\n0 4.1.1 4.1.1 4 1\n1 "4.2.2" "4.2.2" "4 2\n2 "4.1.1" "4.1.1" "4 1\n3 "4.1.2" "4.1.2" "4 1\n4 "4.1.7" "4.1.7" "4 1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 27
68. Suetonius, Caligula, a b c d\n0 37.1 37.1 37 1 \n1 "16.4" "16.4" "16 4" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 81
69. Appian, Civil Wars, a b c d\n0 1.20 1.20 1 20 \n1 1.16 1.16 1 16 \n2 2.101 2.101 2 101\n3 "1.29.132" "1.29.132" "1 29 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
70. Plutarch, Sulla, a b c d\n0 "1.2" "1.2" "1 2"\n1 34.4 34.4 34 4 \n2 34.3 34.3 34 3 \n3 "34.3" "34.3" "34 3"\n4 34.5 34.5 34 5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 284
71. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 1.1.9, 2.10.3 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. Found in books: Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 20
2.10.3. ὁ δὲ ἦγεν ἐν τάξει ἔτι, τὰ μὲν πρῶτα, καίπερ ἐν ἀπόπτῳ ἤδη ἔχων τὴν Δαρείου δύναμιν, βάδην, τοῦ μὴ διασπασθῆναί τι ἐν τῇ ξυντονωτέρᾳ πορείᾳ κυμῆναν τῆς φάλαγγος· ὡς δὲ ἐντὸς βέλους ἐγίγνοντο, πρῶτοι δὴ οἱ κατὰ Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ αὐτὸς Ἀλέξανδρος ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ τεταγμένος δρόμῳ ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐνέβαλον, ὡς τῇ τε ὀξύτητι τῆς ἐφόδου ἐκπλῆξαι τοὺς Πέρσας καὶ τοῦ θᾶσσον ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθόντας ὀλίγα πρὸς τῶν τοξοτῶν βλάπτεσθαι. καὶ ξυνέβη ὅπως εἴκασεν Ἀλέξανδρος.
72. Plutarch, Sertorius, a b c d\n0 "1.11" "1.11" "1 11"\n1 "1.10" "1.10" "1 10" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 54
73. Plutarch, Flaminius, a b c d\n0 "17.1" "17.1" "17 1" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •p. cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 175
74. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
75. Appian, The Punic Wars, "104", "105", "112", "114", 108, 109, 133, 132 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 255
76. Appian, The Spanish Wars, "65", "84", 85 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 27
77. Plutarch, Marius, a b c d\n0 "13.1" "13.1" "13 1" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 160
78. Tacitus, Histories, 2.55 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
2.55.  Yet at Rome there was no disorder. The festival of Ceres was celebrated in the usual manner. When it was announced in the theatre on good authority that Otho was no more and that Flavius Sabinus, the city prefect, had administered to all the soldiers in the city the oath of allegiance to Vitellius, the audience greeted the name of Vitellius with applause. The people, bearing laurel and flowers, carried busts of Galba from temple to temple, and piled garlands high in the form of a burial mound by the Lacus Curtius, which the dying Galba had stained with his blood. The senate at once voted for Vitellius all the honours that had been devised during the long reigns of other emperors; besides they passed votes of praise and gratitude to the troops from Germany and dispatched a delegation to deliver this expression of their joy. Letters from Fabius Valens to the consuls were read, written in quite moderate style; but greater satisfaction was felt at Caecina's modesty in not writing at all.
79. Tacitus, Annals, 2.43, 2.73, 3.23, 3.72, 5.4, 14.61 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., and alexander the great Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 14, 28, 117, 154, 230
2.43. Igitur haec et de Armenia quae supra memoravi apud patres disseruit, nec posse motum Orientem nisi Germanici sapientia conponi: nam suam aetatem vergere, Drusi nondum satis adolevisse. tunc decreto patrum permissae Germanico provinciae quae mari dividuntur, maiusque imperium, quoquo adisset, quam iis qui sorte aut missu principis obtinerent. sed Tiberius demoverat Syria Creticum Silanum, per adfinitatem conexum Germanico, quia Silani filia Neroni vetustissimo liberorum eius pacta erat, praefeceratque Cn. Pisonem, ingenio violentum et obsequii ignarum, insita ferocia a patre Pisone qui civili bello resurgentis in Africa partis acerrimo ministerio adversus Caesarem iuvit, mox Brutum et Cassium secutus concesso reditu petitione honorum abstinuit, donec ultro ambiretur delatum ab Augusto consulatum accipere. sed praeter paternos spiritus uxoris quoque Plancinae nobilitate et opibus accendebatur; vix Tiberio concedere, liberos eius ut multum infra despectare. nec dubium habebat se delectum qui Syriae imponeretur ad spes Germanici coercendas. credidere quidam data et a Tiberio occulta mandata; et Plancinam haud dubie Augusta monuit aemulatione muliebri Agrippinam insectandi. divisa namque et discors aula erat tacitis in Drusum aut Germanicum studiis. Tiberius ut proprium et sui sanguinis Drusum fovebat: Germanico alienatio patrui amorem apud ceteros auxerat, et quia claritudine materni generis anteibat, avum M. Antonium, avunculum Augustum ferens. contra Druso proavus eques Romanus Pomponius Atticus dedecere Claudiorum imagines videbatur: et coniunx Germanici Agrippina fecunditate ac fama Liviam uxorem Drusi praecellebat. sed fratres egregie concordes et proximorum certaminibus inconcussi. 2.73. Funus sine imaginibus et pompa per laudes ac memoriam virtutum eius celebre fuit. et erant qui formam, aetatem, genus mortis ob propinquitatem etiam locorum in quibus interiit, magni Alexandri fatis adaequarent. nam utrumque corpore decoro, genere insigni, haud multum triginta annos egressum, suorum insidiis externas inter gentis occidisse: sed hunc mitem erga amicos, modicum voluptatum, uno matrimonio, certis liberis egisse, neque minus proeliatorem, etiam si temeritas afuerit praepeditusque sit perculsas tot victoriis Germanias servitio premere. quod si solus arbiter rerum, si iure et nomine regio fuisset, tanto promptius adsecuturum gloriam militiae quantum clementia, temperantia, ceteris bonis artibus praestitisset. corpus antequam cremaretur nudatum in foro Antiochensium, qui locus sepulturae destinabatur, praetuleritne veneficii signa parum constitit; nam ut quis misericordia in Germanicum et praesumpta suspicione aut favore in Pisonem pronior, diversi interpretabantur. 3.23. Lepida ludorum diebus qui cognitionem intervene- rant theatrum cum claris feminis ingressa, lamentatione flebili maiores suos ciens ipsumque Pompeium, cuius ea monimenta et adstantes imagines visebantur, tantum misericordiae permovit ut effusi in lacrimas saeva et detestanda Quirinio clamitarent, cuius senectae atque orbitati et obscurissimae domui destinata quondam uxor L. Caesari ac divo Augusto nurus dederetur. dein tormentis servorum patefacta sunt flagitia itumque in sententiam Rubelli Blandi a quo aqua atque igni arcebatur. huic Drusus adsensit quamquam alii mitius censuissent. mox Scauro, qui filiam ex ea genuerat, datum ne bona publicarentur. tum demum aperuit Tiberius compertum sibi etiam ex P. Quirinii servis veneno eum a Lepida petitum. 3.72. Isdem diebus Lepidus ab senatu petivit ut basilicam Pauli, Aemilia monimenta, propria pecunia firmaret ornaretque. erat etiam tum in more publica munificentia; nec Augustus arcuerat Taurum, Philippum, Balbum hostilis exuvias aut exundantis opes ornatum ad urbis et posterum gloriam conferre. quo tum exemplo Lepidus, quamquam pecuniae modicus, avitum decus recoluit. at Pompei theatrum igne fortuito haustum Caesar extructurum pollicitus est eo quod nemo e familia restaurando sufficeret, manente tamen nomine Pompei. simul laudibus Seianum extulit tamquam labore vigilantiaque eius tanta vis unum intra damnum stetisset; et censuere patres effigiem Seiano quae apud theatrum Pompei locaretur. neque multo post Caesar, cum Iunium Blaesum pro consule Africae triumphi insignibus attolleret, dare id se dixit honori Seiani, cuius ille avunculus erat. ac tamen res Blaesi dignae decore tali fuere. 5.4. Fuit in senatu Iunius Rusticus, componendis patrum actis delectus a Caesare eoque meditationes eius introspicere creditus. is fatali quodam motu (neque enim ante specimen constantiae dederat) seu prava sollertia, dum imminentium oblitus incerta pavet, inserere se dubitantibus ac monere consules ne relationem inciperent; disserebatque brevibus momentis summa verti: posse quandoque domus Germanici exitium paenitentiae esse seni. simul populus effigies Agrippinae ac Neronis gerens circumsistit curiam faustisque in Caesarem ominibus falsas litteras et principe invito exitium domui eius intendi clamitat. ita nihil triste illo die patratum. ferebantur etiam sub nominibus consularium fictae in Seianum sententiae, exercentibus plerisque per occultum atque eo procacius libidinem ingeniorum. unde illi ira violentior et materies crimidi: spretum dolorem principis ab senatu, descivisse populum; audiri iam et legi novas contiones, nova patrum consulta: quid reliquum nisi ut caperent ferrum et, quorum imagines pro vexillis secuti forent, duces imperatoresque deligerent? 14.61. Exim laeti Capitolium scandunt deosque tandem venerantur. effigies Poppaeae proruunt, Octaviae imagines gestant umeris, spargunt floribus foroque ac templis statuunt. †itur etiam in principis laudes repetitum venerantium†. iamque et Palatium multitudine et clamoribus complebant, cum emissi militum globi verberibus et intento ferro turbatos disiecere. mutataque quae per seditionem verterant et Poppaeae honos repositus est. quae semper odio, tum et metu atrox ne aut vulgi acrior vis ingrueret aut Nero inclinatione populi mutaretur, provoluta genibus eius, non eo loci res suas agi ut de matrimonio certet, quamquam id sibi vita potius, sed vitam ipsam in extremum adductam a clientelis et servitiis Octaviae quae plebis sibi nomen indiderint, ea in pace ausi quae vix bello evenirent. arma illa adversus principem sumpta; ducem tantum defuisse qui motis rebus facile reperiretur, omitteret modo Campaniam et in urbem ipsa pergeret ad cuius nutum absentis tumultus cierentur. quod alioquin suum delictum? quam cuiusquam offensionem? an quia veram progeniem penatibus Caesarum datura sit? malle populum Romanum tibicinis Aegyptii subolem imperatorio fastigio induci? denique, si id rebus conducat, libens quam coactus acciret dominam, vel consuleret securitati. iusta ultione et modicis remediis primos motus consedisse: at si desperent uxorem Neronis fore Octaviam, illi maritum daturos. 2.43.  These circumstances, then, and the events in Armenia, which I mentioned above, were discussed by Tiberius before the senate. "The commotion in the East," he added, "could only be settled by the wisdom of Germanicus: for his own years were trending to their autumn, and those of Drusus were as yet scarcely mature." There followed a decree of the Fathers, delegating to Germanicus the provinces beyond the sea, with powers overriding, in all regions he might visit, those of the local governors holding office by allotment or imperial nomination. Tiberius, however, had removed Creticus Silanus from Syria — he was a marriage connection of Germanicus, whose eldest son, Nero, was plighted to his daughter — and had given the appointment to Gnaeus Piso, a man of ungoverned passions and constitutional insubordinacy. For there was a strain of wild arrogance in the blood — a strain derived from his father Piso; who in the Civil War lent strenuous aid against Caesar to the republican party during its resurrection in Africa, then followed the fortunes of Brutus and Cassius, and, on the annulment of his exile, refused to become a suitor for office, until approached with a special request to accept a consulate proffered by Augustus. But, apart from the paternal temper, Piso's brain was fired by the lineage and wealth of his wife Plancina: to Tiberius he accorded a grudging precedence; upon his children he looked down as far beneath him. Nor did he entertain a doubt that he had been selected for the governorship of Syria in order to repress the ambitions of Germanicus. The belief has been held that he did in fact receive private instructions from Tiberius; and Plancina, beyond question, had advice from the ex-empress, bent with feminine jealousy upon persecuting Agrippina. For the court was split and torn by unspoken preferences for Germanicus or for Drusus. Tiberius leaned to the latter as his own issue and blood of his blood. Germanicus, owing to the estrangement of his uncle, had risen in the esteem of the world; and he had a further advantage in the distinction of his mother's family, among whom he could point to Mark Antony for a grandfather and to Augustus for a great-uncle. On the other hand, the plain Roman knight, Pomponius Atticus, who was great-grandfather to Drusus, seemed to reflect no credit upon the ancestral effigies of the Claudian house; while both in fecundity and in fair fame Agrippina, the consort of Germanicus, ranked higher than Drusus' helpmeet, Livia. The brothers, however, maintained a singular uimity, unshaken by the contentions of their kith and kin. 2.73.  His funeral, devoid of ancestral effigies or procession, was distinguished by eulogies and recollections of his virtues. There were those who, considering his personal appearance, his early age, and the circumstances of his death, — to which they added the proximity of the region where he perished, — compared his decease with that of Alexander the Great: — "Each eminently handsome, of famous lineage, and in years not much exceeding thirty, had fallen among alien races by the treason of their countrymen. But the Roman had borne himself as one gentle to his friends, moderate in his pleasures, content with a single wife and the children of lawful wedlock. Nor was he less a man of the sword; though he lacked the other's temerity, and, when his numerous victories had beaten down the Germanies, was prohibited from making fast their bondage. But had he been the sole arbiter of affairs, of kingly authority and title, he would have overtaken the Greek in military fame with an ease proportioned to his superiority in clemency, self-command, and all other good qualities." The body, before cremation, was exposed in the forum of Antioch, the place destined for the final rites. Whether it bore marks of poisoning was disputable: for the indications were variously read, as pity and preconceived suspicion swayed the spectator to the side of Germanicus, or his predilections to that of Piso. 3.23.  In the course of the Games, which had interrupted the trial, Lepida entered the theatre with a number of women of rank; and there, weeping, wailing, invoking her ancestors and Pompey himself, whom that edifice commemorated, whose statues were standing before their eyes, she excited so much sympathy that the crowd burst into tears, with a fierce and ominous outcry against Quirinius, to whose doting years, barren bed, and petty family they were betraying a woman once destined for the bride of Lucius Caesar and the daughter-in‑law of the deified Augustus. Then, with the torture of her slaves, came the revelation of her crimes; and the motion of Rubellius Blandus, who pressed for her formal outlawry, was carried. Drusus sided with him, though others had proposed more lenient measures. Later, as a concession to Scaurus, who had a son by her, it was decided not to confiscate her property. And now at last Tiberius disclosed that he had ascertained from Quirinius' own slaves that Lepida had attempted their master's life by poison. 3.72.  Nearly at the same time, Marcus Lepidus asked permission from the senate to strengthen and decorate the Basilica of Paulus, a monument of the Aemilian house, at his own expense. Public munificence was a custom still; nor had Augustus debarred a Taurus, a Philippus, or a Balbus from devoting the trophies of his arms or the overflow of his wealth to the greater splendour of the capital and the glory of posterity: and now Lepidus, a man of but moderate fortune, followed in their steps by renovating the famous edifice of his fathers. On the other hand, the rebuilding of the Theatre of Pompey, destroyed by a casual fire, was undertaken by Caesar, on the ground that no member of the family was equal to the task of restoration: the name of Pompey was, however, to remain. At the same time, he gave high praise to Sejanus, "through whose energy and watchfulness so grave an outbreak had stopped at one catastrophe." The Fathers voted a statue to Sejanus, to be placed in the Theatre of Pompey. Again, a short time afterwards, when he was honouring Junius Blaesus, proconsul of Africa, with the triumphal insignia, he explained that he did so as a compliment to Sejanus, of whom Blaesus was uncle. — None the less the exploits of Blaesus deserved such a distinction. 5.4.  There was in the senate a certain Julius Rusticus, chosen by the Caesar to compile the official journal of its proceedings, and therefore credited with some insight into his thoughts. Under some fatal impulse — for he had never before given an indication of courage — or possibly through a misapplied acuteness which made him blind to dangers imminent and terrified of dangers uncertain, Rusticus insinuated himself among the doubters and warned the consuls not to introduce the question — "A touch," he insisted, "could turn the scale in the gravest of matters: it was possible that some day the extinction of the house of Germanicus might move the old man's penitence." At the same time, the people, carrying effigies of Agrippina and Nero, surrounded the curia, and, cheering for the Caesar, clamoured that the letter was spurious and that it was contrary to the Emperor's wish that destruction was plotted against his house. On that day, therefore, no tragedy was perpetrated. There were circulated, also, under consular names, fictitious attacks upon Sejanus: for authors in plenty exercised their capricious imagination with all the petulance of anonymity. The result was to fan his anger and to supply him with the material for fresh charges:— "The senate had spurned the sorrow of its emperor, the people had forsworn its allegiance. Already disloyal harangues, disloyal decrees of the Fathers, were listened to and perused: what remained but to take the sword and in the persons whose effigies they had followed as their ensigns to choose their generals and their princes?" 14.61.  At once exulting crowds scaled the Capitol, and Heaven at last found itself blessed. They hurled down the effigies of Poppaea, they carried the statues of Octavia shoulder-high, strewed them with flowers, upraised them in the forum and the temples. Even the emperor's praises were essayed with vociferous loyalty. Already they were filling the Palace itself with their numbers and their cheers, when bands of soldiers emerged and scattered them in disorder with whipcuts and levelled weapons. All the changes effected by the outbreak were rectified, and the honours of Poppaea were reinstated. She herself, always cruel in her hatreds, and now rendered more so by her fear that either the violence of the multitude might break out in a fiercer storm or Nero follow the trend of popular feeling, threw herself at his knees:— "Her affairs," she said, "were not in a position in which she could fight for her marriage, though it was dearer to her than life: that life itself had been brought to the verge of destruction by those retainers and slaves of Octavia who had conferred on themselves the name of the people and dared in peace what would scarcely happen in war. Those arms had been lifted against the sovereign; only a leader had been lacking, and, once the movement had begun, a leader was easily come by, — the one thing necessary was an excursion from Campania, a personal visit to the capital by her whose distant nod evoked the storm! And apart from this, what was Poppaea's transgression? in what had she offended anyone? Or was the reason that she was on the point of giving an authentic heir to the hearth of the Caesars? Did the Roman nation prefer the progeny of an Egyptian flute-player to be introduced to the imperial throne? — In brief, if policy so demanded, then as an act of grace, but not of compulsion, let him send for the lady who owned him — or else take thought for his security! A deserved castigation and lenient remedies had allayed the first commotion; but let the mob once lose hope of seeing Octavia Nero's wife and they would soon provide her with a husband!"
80. Tacitus, Agricola, 6.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 55
81. Suetonius, Galba, 10.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 154
82. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, a b c d\n0 35.15 35.15 35 15\n1 77/78.4 77/78.4 77/78 4 \n2 35.16 35.16 35 16 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 27
35.15.  And what is more, the courts are in session every other year in Celaenae, and they bring together an unnumbered throng of people — litigants, jurymen, orators, princes, attendants, slaves, pimps, muleteers, hucksters, harlots, and artisans. Consequently not only can those who have goods to sell obtain the highest prices, but also nothing in the city is out of work, neither the teams nor the houses nor the women.
83. Suetonius, Tiberius, "23" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •p. cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 50
84. Suetonius, Nero, 32.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 55
85. Suetonius, Iulius, 7.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 28, 230
86. Plutarch, Pompey, a b c d\n0 46.1 46.1 46 1 \n1 2.2 2.2 2 2 \n2 "22.2" "22.2" "22 2" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 28, 230
46.1. ἡλικίᾳ δὲ τότε ἦν, ὡς μὲν οἱ κατὰ πάντα τῷ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ παραβάλλοντες αὐτὸν καὶ προσβιβάζοντες ἀξιοῦσι, νεώτερος τῶν τριάκοντα καὶ τεττάρων ἐτῶν, ἀληθείᾳ δὲ τοῖς τετταράκοντα προσῆγεν. ὡς ὤνητό γʼ ἂν ἐνταῦθα τοῦ βίου παυσάμενος, ἄχρι οὗ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου τύχην ἔσχεν· ὁ δὲ ἐπέκεινα χρόνος αὐτῷ τὰς μὲν εὐτυχίας ἤνεγκεν ἐπιφθόνους, ἀνηκέστους δὲ τὰς δυστυχίας. 46.1.
87. Plutarch, Philopoemen, 21.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 55
21.6. λόγων δὲ λεχθέντων καὶ Πολυβίου πρὸς τὸν συκοφάντην ἀντειπόντος οὔθ ὁ Μόμμιος οὔτε οἱ πρέσβεις ὑπέμειναν ἀνδρὸς ἐνδόξου τιμὰς ἀφανίσαι, καίπερ οὐκ ὀλίγα τοῖς περὶ Τίτον καὶ Μάνιον ἐναντιωθέντος, ἀλλὰ τῆς χρείας τὴν ἀρετὴν ἐκεῖνοι καὶ τὸ καλὸν, ὡς ἔοικε, τοῦ λυσιτελοῦς διώριζον, ὀρθῶς καὶ προσηκόντως τοῖς μὲν ὠφελοῦσι μισθὸν καὶ χάριν παρὰ τῶν εὖ παθόντων, τοῖς δʼ ἀγαθοῖς τιμὴν ὀφείλεσθαι παρὰ τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀεὶ νομίζοντες. ταῦτα περὶ Φιλοποίμενος.
88. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
89. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, a b c d\n0 "19.9" "19.9" "19 9" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •p. cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 266
90. Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 3.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53
91. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 11.13, 43.14.6, 43.45.3-43.45.4, 51.17.6, 51.22.1-51.22.3, 60.6.8, 68.29.1, 68.30.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., and alexander the great •scipio aemilianus, p. cornelius (africanus the younger) Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 173; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 28, 53, 55, 230
11.13. 1.  Now while Regulus was encamped beside the Bagradas river, there appeared a serpent of huge bulk, the length of which is said to have been one hundred and twenty feet (for its slough was carried to Rome for exhibition), and the rest of its body corresponded in size. It destroyed many of the soldiers who approached it and some also who were drinking from the river. Regulus overcame it with a crowd of soldiers and with catapults. Dio the Roman . . . says that when Regulus, the Roman consul, was warring against Carthage, a serpent suddenly crept out of the palisade of the Roman army and lay there. By his command the Romans slew the reptile, and having flayed it, sent its skin, a great wonder, to the senate at Rome. And when measured by this same senate, as Dio himself goes on to report, it was found to have a length of one hundred and twenty feet; its thickness, moreover, was proportionate to its length. After thus destroying it, he gave battle by night to Hamilcar, who was encamped upon a high, wooded spot; and he slew many in their beds as well as many who had been aroused. Any who escaped fell in with the Romans guarding the roads and perished. In this way a large part of the Carthaginians was destroyed and many of their cities were going over to the Romans. Zonara 43.14.6.  And they decreed that a chariot of his should be placed on the Capitol facing the statue of Jupiter, that his statue in bronze should be mounted upon a likeness of the inhabited world, with an inscription to the effect that he was a demigod, and that his name should be inscribed upon the Capitol in place of that of Catulus on the ground that he had completed this temple after undertaking to call Catulus to account for the building of it. 43.45.3.  Another likeness they set up in the temple of Quirinus with the inscription, "To the Invincible God," and another on the Capitol beside the former kings of Rome. 43.45.4.  Now it occurs to me to marvel at the coincidence: there were eight such statues, — seven to the kings, and an eighth to the Brutus who overthrew the Tarquins, — and they set up the statue of Caesar beside the last of these; and it was from this cause chiefly that the other Brutus, Marcus, was roused to plot against him. 51.17.6.  So much for these events. In the palace quantities of treasure were found. For Cleopatra had taken practically all the offerings from even the holiest shrines and so helped the Romans swell their spoils without incurring any defilement on their own part. Large sums were also obtained from every man against whom any charge of misdemeanour were brought. 51.22.1.  After finishing this celebration Caesar dedicated the temple of Minerva, called also the Chalcidicum, and the Curia Iulia, which had been built in honour of his father. In the latter he set up the statue of Victory which is still in existence, thus signifying that it was from her that he had received the empire. 51.22.2.  It had belonged to the people of Tarentum, whence it was now brought to Rome, placed in the senate-chamber, and decked with the spoils of Egypt. The same course was followed in the case of the shrine of Julius which was consecrated at this time, 51.22.3.  for many of these spoils were placed in it also; and others were dedicated to Jupiter Capitolinus and to Juno and Minerva, after all the objects in these temples which were supposed to have been placed there previously as dedications, or were actually dedications, had by decree been taken down at this time as defiled. Thus Cleopatra, though defeated and captured, was nevertheless glorified, inasmuch as her adornments repose as dedications in our temples and she herself is seen in gold in the shrine of Venus. 60.6.8.  He restored to the various cities the statues which Gaius had ordered them to send to Rome, and he also restored to Castor and Pollux their temple, and placed Pompey's name once more upon his theatre. On the stage of the latter he inscribed also the name of Tiberius, because that emperor had rebuilt the structure after it had been burned. 68.29.1.  Then he came to the ocean itself, and when he had learned its nature and had seen a ship sailing to India, he said: "I should certainly have crossed over to the Indi, too, if I were still young." For he began to think about the Indi and was curious about their affairs, and he counted Alexander a lucky man. Yet he would declare that he himself had advanced farther than Alexander, and would so write to the senate, although he was unable to preserve even the territory that he had subdued. 68.30.1.  Trajan learned of this at Babylon; for he had gone there both because of its fame — though he saw nothing but mounds and stones and ruins to justify this — and because of Alexander, to whose spirit he offered sacrifice in the room where he had died. When he learned of the revolt, he sent Lusius and Maximus against the rebels.
92. Gellius, Attic Nights, a b c d\n0 17.6.1 17.6.1 17 6 \n1 11.2.5 11.2.5 11 2 \n2 11.2.1 11.2.1 11 2 \n3 2.24.6 2.24.6 2 24\n4 6.19 6.19 6 19\n5 6.12.5 6.12.5 6 12\n6 6.12.4 6.12.4 6 12\n7 2.24.3 2.24.3 2 24\n8 2.24.4 2.24.4 2 24\n9 2.24.5 2.24.5 2 24\n10 5.19.15 5.19.15 5 19\n11 13.24 13.24 13 24\n12 2.24.2 2.24.2 2 24\n13 4.20.10 4.20.10 4 20\n14 6.13.3 6.13.3 6 13\n15 "4.18.7" "4.18.7" "4 18\n16 "11.3.2" "11.3.2" "11 3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 197
93. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.15.4, 9.27.2-9.27.4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 55, 127
1.15.4. ἐνταῦθα ἀσπίδες κεῖνται χαλκαῖ, καὶ ταῖς μέν ἐστιν ἐπίγραμμα ἀπὸ Σ κιωναίων καὶ τῶν ἐπικούρων εἶναι, τὰς δὲ ἐπαληλιμμένας πίσσῃ, μὴ σφᾶς ὅ τε χρόνος λυμήνηται καὶ ὁ ἰός, Λακεδαιμονίων εἶναι λέγεται τῶν ἁλόντων ἐν τῇ Σφακτηρίᾳ νήσῳ. 9.27.2. Ἔρωτα δὲ ἄνθρωποι μὲν οἱ πολλοὶ νεώτατον θεῶν εἶναι καὶ Ἀφροδίτης παῖδα ἥγηνται· Λύκιος δὲ Ὠλήν, ὃς καὶ τοὺς ὕμνους τοὺς ἀρχαιοτάτους ἐποίησεν Ἕλλησιν, οὗτος ὁ Ὠλὴν ἐν Εἰλειθυίας ὕμνῳ μητέρα Ἔρωτος τὴν Εἰλείθυιάν φησιν εἶναι. Ὠλῆνος δὲ ὕστερον Πάμφως τε ἔπη καὶ Ὀρφεὺς ἐποίησαν· καί σφισιν ἀμφοτέροις πεποιημένα ἐστὶν ἐς Ἔρωτα, ἵνα ἐπὶ τοῖς δρωμένοις Λυκομίδαι καὶ ταῦτα ᾄδωσιν· ἐγὼ δὲ ἐπελεξάμην ἀνδρὶ ἐς λόγους ἐλθὼν δᾳδουχοῦντι. καὶ τῶν μὲν οὐ πρόσω ποιήσομαι μνήμην· Ἡσίοδον δὲ ἢ τὸν Ἡσιόδῳ Θεογονίαν ἐσποιήσαντα οἶδα γράψαντα ὡς Χάος πρῶτον, ἐπὶ δὲ αὐτῷ Γῆ τε καὶ Τάρταρος καὶ Ἔρως γένοιτο· 9.27.3. Σαπφὼ δὲ ἡ Λεσβία πολλά τε καὶ οὐχ ὁμολογοῦντα ἀλλήλοις ἐς Ἔρωτα ᾖσε. Θεσπιεῦσι δὲ ὕστερον χαλκοῦν εἰργάσατο Ἔρωτα Λύσιππος , καὶ ἔτι πρότερον τούτου Πραξιτέλης λίθου τοῦ Πεντελῆσι. καὶ ὅσα μὲν εἶχεν ἐς Φρύνην καὶ τὸ ἐπὶ Πραξιτέλει τῆς γυναικὸς σόφισμα, ἑτέρωθι ἤδη μοι δεδήλωται· πρῶτον δὲ τὸ ἄγαλμα κινῆσαι τοῦ Ἔρωτος λέγουσι Γάιον δυναστεύσαντα ἐν Ῥώμῃ, Κλαυδίου δὲ ὀπίσω Θεσπιεῦσιν ἀποπέμψαντος Νέρωνα αὖθις δεύτερα ἀνάσπαστον ποιῆσαι. 9.27.4. καὶ τὸν μὲν φλὸξ αὐτόθι διέφθειρε· τῶν δὲ ἀσεβησάντων ἐς τὸν θεὸν ὁ μὲν ἀνθρώπῳ στρατιώτῃ διδοὺς ἀεὶ τὸ αὐτὸ σύνθημα μετὰ ὑπούλου χλευασίας ἐς τοσοῦτο προήγαγε θυμοῦ τὸν ἄνθρωπον ὥστε σύνθημα διδόντα αὐτὸν διεργάζεται, Νέρωνι δὲ παρὲξ ἢ τὰ ἐς τὴν μητέρα ἐστὶ καὶ ἐς γυναῖκας γαμετὰς ἐναγῆ τε καὶ ἀνέραστα τολμήματα. τὸν δὲ ἐφʼ ἡμῶν Ἔρωτα ἐν Θεσπιαῖς ἐποίησεν Ἀθηναῖος Μηνόδωρος , τὸ ἔργον τὸ Πραξιτέλους μιμούμενος. 1.15.4. Here are dedicated brazen shields, and some have an inscription that they are taken from the Scioneans and their allies 421 B.C. , while others, smeared with pitch lest they should be worn by age and rust, are said to be those of the Lacedaemonians who were taken prisoners in the island of Sphacteria . 425 B.C. 9.27.2. Most men consider Love to be the youngest of the gods and the son of Aphrodite. But Olen the Lycian, who composed the oldest Greek hymns, says in a hymn to Eileithyia that she was the mother of Love. Later than Olen , both Pamphos and Orpheus wrote hexameter verse, and composed poems on Love, in order that they might be among those sung by the Lycomidae to accompany the ritual. I read them after conversation with a Torchbearer. of these things I will make no further mention. Hesiod, Hes. Th. 116 foll. or he who wrote the Theogony fathered on Hesiod, writes, I know, that Chaos was born first, and after Chaos, Earth, Tartarus and Love. 9.27.3. Sappho of Lesbos wrote many poems about Love, but they are not consistent. Later on Lysippus made a bronze Love for the Thespians, and previously Praxiteles one of Pentelic marble. The story of Phryne and the trick she played on Praxiteles I have related in another place. See Paus. 1.20.1 . The first to remove the image of Love, it is said, was Gaius the Roman Emperor; Claudius, they say, sent it back to Thespiae , but Nero carried it away a second time. 9.27.4. At Rome the image perished by fire. of the pair who sinned against the god, Gaius was killed by a private soldier, just as he was giving the password; he had made the soldier very angry by always giving the same password with a covert sneer. The other, Nero, in addition to his violence to his mother, committed accursed and hateful crimes against his wedded wives. The modern Love at Thespiae was made by the Athenian Menodorus, who copied the work of Praxiteles.
94. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 2.11 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53
2.11. To Arrianus. I know you are always delighted when the senate behaves in a way befitting its rank, for though your love of peace and quiet has caused you to withdraw from Rome, your anxiety that public life should be kept at a high level is as strong as it ever was. So let me tell you what has been going on during the last few days. The proceedings are memorable owing to the commanding position of the person most concerned; they will have a healthy influence because of the sharp lesson that has been administered; and the importance of the case will make them famous for all time. Marius Priscus, on being accused by the people of Africa, whom he had governed as proconsul, declined to defend himself before the senate and asked to have judges assigned to hear the case. * Cornelius Tacitus and myself were instructed to appear for the provincials, and we came to the conclusion that we were bound in honesty to our clients to notify the senate that the charges of inhumanity and cruelty brought against Priscus were too serious to be heard by a panel of judges, inasmuch as he was accused of having received bribes to condemn and even put to death innocent persons. Fronto Catius spoke in reply, and urged that the prosecution should be confined within the law dealing with extortion Well, the witnesses who were summoned came to Rome, viz., Vitellius Honoratus and Flavius Martianus. Honoratus was charged with having bribed Priscus to the tune of three hundred thousand sesterces to exile a Roman knight and put seven of his friends to death; Martianus was accused of having given Priscus seven hundred thousand sesterces to sentence a single Roman knight to still more grievous punishment, for he was beaten with rods, condemned to the mines, and then strangled in prison. Honoratus - luckily for him - escaped the investigation of the senate by dying; Martianus was brought before them when Priscus was not present. Consequently Tuccius Cerealis, a man of consular rank, pleaded senatorial privileges and demanded that Priscus should be informed of the attendance of Martianus, either because he thought that Priscus by being present would have a better chance of awakening the compassion of the senate or to increase the feeling against him, or possibly, and I think this was his real motive, because strict justice demanded that both should defend themselves against a charge that affected them both, and that both should be punished if they could not rebut the accusation. The subject was postponed to the next meeting of the senate, and a very august assembly it was. The Emperor presided in his capacity as consul; besides, the month of January brings crowds of people to Rome and especially senators, † and moreover the importance of the case, the great notoriety it had obtained, which had been increased by the delays that had taken place, and the ingrained curiosity of all men to get to know all the details of an unusually important matter, had made everybody flock to Rome from all quarters. You can imagine how nervous and anxious we were in having to speak in such a gathering and in the presence of the Emperor on such an important case. It was not the first time that I had pleaded in the senate, and there is nowhere where I get a more sympathetic hearing, but then the novelty of the whole position seemed to afflict me with a feeling of nervousness I had never felt before. For in addition to all that I have mentioned above I kept thinking of the difficulties of the case and was oppressed by the feeling that Priscus, the defendant, had once held consular rank and been one of the seven regulators of the sacred feasts, and was now deprived of both these dignities. † So I found it a very trying task to accuse a man on whom sentence had already been passed, for though the shocking offences with which he was charged weighed heavily against him, he yet was protected to a certain extent by the commiseration felt for a man already condemned to punishment that one might have thought final. However, as soon as I had pulled myself together and collected my thoughts, I began my address, and though I was nervous I was on the best of terms with my audience. I spoke for nearly five hours, for, in addition to the twelve water-clocks - the largest I could get - which had been assigned to me, I obtained four others. And, as matters turned out, everything that I thought before speaking would have proved an obstacle in the way of a good speech really helped me during my address. As for the Emperor, he showed me such kind attention and consideration - for it would be too much to call it anxiety on my behalf - that he frequently nodded to my freedman, who was standing just behind me, to give me a hint not to overtax my voice and lungs, when he thought that I was throwing myself too ardently into my pleading and imposing too great a burden on my slender frame. Claudius Marcellinus answered me on behalf of Martianus, and then the senate was dismissed and met again on the following day. For there was no time to begin a fresh speech, as it would have had to be broken off by the fall of night. On the following day, Salvius Liberalis, a man of shrewd wit, careful in the arrangement of his speeches, with a pointed style and a fund of learning, spoke for Marius, and in his speech he certainly brought out all he knew. Cornelius Tacitus replied to him in a wonderfully eloquent address, characterised by that lofty dignity which is the chief charm of his oratory. Then Fronto Catius made another excellent speech on Marius's behalf, and he spent more time in appeals for mercy than in rebutting evidence, as befitted the part of the case that he had then to deal with. The fall of night terminated his speech but did not break it off altogether, and so the proceedings lasted over into the third day. This was quite fine and just like it used to be for the senate to be interrupted by nightfall, and for the members to be called and sit for three days running. Cornutus Tertullus, the consul-designate, a man of high character and a devoted champion of justice, gave as his opinion that the seven hundred thousand sesterces which Marius had received should be confiscated to the Treasury, that Marius should be banished from Rome and Italy, and that Martianus should be banished from Rome, Italy, and Africa. Towards the conclusion of his speech he added the remark that the senate considered that, since Tacitus and myself, who had been summoned to plead for the provincials, had fulfilled our duties with diligence and fearlessness, we had acted in a manner worthy of the commission entrusted to us. The consuls-designate agreed, and all the consulars did likewise, until it was Pompeius Collega's turn to speak. He proposed that the seven hundred thousand sesterces received by Marius should be confiscated to the Treasury, that Martianus should be banished ‡ for five years, and that Marius should suffer no further penalty than that for extortion - which had already been passed upon him. Opinion was largely divided, and there was possibly a majority in favour of the latter proposal, which was the more lenient or less severe of the two, for even some of those who appeared to have supported Cornutus changed sides and were ready to vote for Collega, who had spoken after them. But when the House divided, those who stood near the seats of the consuls began to cross over to the side of Cornutus. Then those who were allowing themselves to be counted as supporters of Collega also crossed over, and Collega was left with a mere handful. He complained bitterly afterwards of those who had led him to make the proposal he did, especially of Regulus, who had failed to support him in the proposal that he himself had suggested. But Regulus is a fickle fellow, rash to a degree, yet a great coward as well. Such was the close of this most important investigation; but there is still another bit of public business on hand of some consequence, for Hostilius Firminus, the legate of Marius Priscus, who was implicated in the matter, had received a very rough handling. It was proved by the accounts of Martianus and a speech he made in the Council of the Town of Leptis that he had engaged with Priscus in a very shady transaction, that he had bargained to receive from Martianus 50,000 denarii and had received in addition ten million sesterces under the head of perfume money - a most disgraceful thing for a soldier, but one which was not at all inconsistent with his character as a man with well-trimmed hair and polished skin. It was agreed on the motion of Cornutus that the case should be investigated at the next meeting of the senate, but at that meeting he did not put in an appearance, either from some accidental reason or because he knew he was guilty. Well, I have told you the news of Rome, you must write and tell me the news of the country. How are your shrubs getting on, your vines and your crops, and those dainty sheep of yours? In short, unless you send me as long a letter I am sending you, you mustn't expect anything more than the scrappiest note from me in the future. Farewell.
95. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 2.11 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53
2.11. To Arrianus. I know you are always delighted when the senate behaves in a way befitting its rank, for though your love of peace and quiet has caused you to withdraw from Rome, your anxiety that public life should be kept at a high level is as strong as it ever was. So let me tell you what has been going on during the last few days. The proceedings are memorable owing to the commanding position of the person most concerned; they will have a healthy influence because of the sharp lesson that has been administered; and the importance of the case will make them famous for all time. Marius Priscus, on being accused by the people of Africa, whom he had governed as proconsul, declined to defend himself before the senate and asked to have judges assigned to hear the case. * Cornelius Tacitus and myself were instructed to appear for the provincials, and we came to the conclusion that we were bound in honesty to our clients to notify the senate that the charges of inhumanity and cruelty brought against Priscus were too serious to be heard by a panel of judges, inasmuch as he was accused of having received bribes to condemn and even put to death innocent persons. Fronto Catius spoke in reply, and urged that the prosecution should be confined within the law dealing with extortion Well, the witnesses who were summoned came to Rome, viz., Vitellius Honoratus and Flavius Martianus. Honoratus was charged with having bribed Priscus to the tune of three hundred thousand sesterces to exile a Roman knight and put seven of his friends to death; Martianus was accused of having given Priscus seven hundred thousand sesterces to sentence a single Roman knight to still more grievous punishment, for he was beaten with rods, condemned to the mines, and then strangled in prison. Honoratus - luckily for him - escaped the investigation of the senate by dying; Martianus was brought before them when Priscus was not present. Consequently Tuccius Cerealis, a man of consular rank, pleaded senatorial privileges and demanded that Priscus should be informed of the attendance of Martianus, either because he thought that Priscus by being present would have a better chance of awakening the compassion of the senate or to increase the feeling against him, or possibly, and I think this was his real motive, because strict justice demanded that both should defend themselves against a charge that affected them both, and that both should be punished if they could not rebut the accusation. The subject was postponed to the next meeting of the senate, and a very august assembly it was. The Emperor presided in his capacity as consul; besides, the month of January brings crowds of people to Rome and especially senators, † and moreover the importance of the case, the great notoriety it had obtained, which had been increased by the delays that had taken place, and the ingrained curiosity of all men to get to know all the details of an unusually important matter, had made everybody flock to Rome from all quarters. You can imagine how nervous and anxious we were in having to speak in such a gathering and in the presence of the Emperor on such an important case. It was not the first time that I had pleaded in the senate, and there is nowhere where I get a more sympathetic hearing, but then the novelty of the whole position seemed to afflict me with a feeling of nervousness I had never felt before. For in addition to all that I have mentioned above I kept thinking of the difficulties of the case and was oppressed by the feeling that Priscus, the defendant, had once held consular rank and been one of the seven regulators of the sacred feasts, and was now deprived of both these dignities. † So I found it a very trying task to accuse a man on whom sentence had already been passed, for though the shocking offences with which he was charged weighed heavily against him, he yet was protected to a certain extent by the commiseration felt for a man already condemned to punishment that one might have thought final. However, as soon as I had pulled myself together and collected my thoughts, I began my address, and though I was nervous I was on the best of terms with my audience. I spoke for nearly five hours, for, in addition to the twelve water-clocks - the largest I could get - which had been assigned to me, I obtained four others. And, as matters turned out, everything that I thought before speaking would have proved an obstacle in the way of a good speech really helped me during my address. As for the Emperor, he showed me such kind attention and consideration - for it would be too much to call it anxiety on my behalf - that he frequently nodded to my freedman, who was standing just behind me, to give me a hint not to overtax my voice and lungs, when he thought that I was throwing myself too ardently into my pleading and imposing too great a burden on my slender frame. Claudius Marcellinus answered me on behalf of Martianus, and then the senate was dismissed and met again on the following day. For there was no time to begin a fresh speech, as it would have had to be broken off by the fall of night. On the following day, Salvius Liberalis, a man of shrewd wit, careful in the arrangement of his speeches, with a pointed style and a fund of learning, spoke for Marius, and in his speech he certainly brought out all he knew. Cornelius Tacitus replied to him in a wonderfully eloquent address, characterised by that lofty dignity which is the chief charm of his oratory. Then Fronto Catius made another excellent speech on Marius's behalf, and he spent more time in appeals for mercy than in rebutting evidence, as befitted the part of the case that he had then to deal with. The fall of night terminated his speech but did not break it off altogether, and so the proceedings lasted over into the third day. This was quite fine and just like it used to be for the senate to be interrupted by nightfall, and for the members to be called and sit for three days running. Cornutus Tertullus, the consul-designate, a man of high character and a devoted champion of justice, gave as his opinion that the seven hundred thousand sesterces which Marius had received should be confiscated to the Treasury, that Marius should be banished from Rome and Italy, and that Martianus should be banished from Rome, Italy, and Africa. Towards the conclusion of his speech he added the remark that the senate considered that, since Tacitus and myself, who had been summoned to plead for the provincials, had fulfilled our duties with diligence and fearlessness, we had acted in a manner worthy of the commission entrusted to us. The consuls-designate agreed, and all the consulars did likewise, until it was Pompeius Collega's turn to speak. He proposed that the seven hundred thousand sesterces received by Marius should be confiscated to the Treasury, that Martianus should be banished ‡ for five years, and that Marius should suffer no further penalty than that for extortion - which had already been passed upon him. Opinion was largely divided, and there was possibly a majority in favour of the latter proposal, which was the more lenient or less severe of the two, for even some of those who appeared to have supported Cornutus changed sides and were ready to vote for Collega, who had spoken after them. But when the House divided, those who stood near the seats of the consuls began to cross over to the side of Cornutus. Then those who were allowing themselves to be counted as supporters of Collega also crossed over, and Collega was left with a mere handful. He complained bitterly afterwards of those who had led him to make the proposal he did, especially of Regulus, who had failed to support him in the proposal that he himself had suggested. But Regulus is a fickle fellow, rash to a degree, yet a great coward as well. Such was the close of this most important investigation; but there is still another bit of public business on hand of some consequence, for Hostilius Firminus, the legate of Marius Priscus, who was implicated in the matter, had received a very rough handling. It was proved by the accounts of Martianus and a speech he made in the Council of the Town of Leptis that he had engaged with Priscus in a very shady transaction, that he had bargained to receive from Martianus 50,000 denarii and had received in addition ten million sesterces under the head of perfume money - a most disgraceful thing for a soldier, but one which was not at all inconsistent with his character as a man with well-trimmed hair and polished skin. It was agreed on the motion of Cornutus that the case should be investigated at the next meeting of the senate, but at that meeting he did not put in an appearance, either from some accidental reason or because he knew he was guilty. Well, I have told you the news of Rome, you must write and tell me the news of the country. How are your shrubs getting on, your vines and your crops, and those dainty sheep of yours? In short, unless you send me as long a letter I am sending you, you mustn't expect anything more than the scrappiest note from me in the future. Farewell.
96. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53
97. Longinus Cassius, Fragments, a b c d\n0 "24.84.2" "24.84.2" "24 84\n1 "15.57.24" "15.57.24" "15 57\n2 "21.70.9" "21.70.9" "21 70\n3 "73.5.2" "73.5.2" "73 5 \n4 "65.8.4" "65.8.4" "65 8 \n5 "59.16.10" "59.16.10" "59 16\n6 "57.11.2" "57.11.2" "57 11\n7 "56.39.1" "56.39.1" "56 39\n8 "53.6.1" "53.6.1" "53 6 \n9 "36.37.5" "36.37.5" "36 37\n10 "36.37.4" "36.37.4" "36 37\n11 "55.10.5" "55.10.5" "55 10\n12 "53.1.3" "53.1.3" "53 1 \n13 "49.15.5" "49.15.5" "49 15\n14 "47.18.6" "47.18.6" "47 18\n15 "48.43.4" "48.43.4" "48 43 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 21
98. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 2.166, 7.614 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 14; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
99. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.14.7, 3.14.9, 3.16.14, 3.17.3-3.17.4, 3.17.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantius, p. (scipio africanus the younger) •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 173; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 208
100. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Maximinus, 12.10-12.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 54
101. Zosimus, New History, 2.30.1 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus, p. (numantinus) Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 23
102. Procopius, De Bellis, 8.21.11-8.21.14 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 127
103. Horatius, Serm., 2.3.226-2.3.232  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. (general, politician) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 27
105. Pomp., Rom., 27.4  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
106. Cato The Elder, C. Laelius, 20.5  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
107. Theopompus of Chios, Commentarii Rerum Gestarum, None  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), death of Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
108. Epigraphy, Rcc, None  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. (scipio aemilianus), on the murder of ti. gracchus Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 40
109. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 4.12.2  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53
110. Epigraphy, Ig Ii, 7.2712  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantius, p. (scipio africanus the younger) Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 173
111. Anon., Three Gordians, The, 3.51  Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, p. cornelius (africanus the younger) Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 173
112. Epigraphy, Cil, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 207
113. Epigraphy, Cig, a b c d\n0 "2.2786" "2.2786" "2 2786"  Tagged with subjects: •p. cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 266
114. Pseudo-Quintilian, Major Declamations, 3.12  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. (general, politician) Found in books: McGinn (2004), The Economy of Prostitution in the Roman world: A study of Social History & The Brothel. 27
115. Various, Anthologia Planudea, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 55
116. Various, Anthologia Latina, 6.332  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 117
117. Zonaras, Epitome, a b c d\n0 13.3.1 13.3.1 13 3 \n1 "9.27" "9.27" "9 27"  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 23
118. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, a b c d\n0 2.25.4 2.25.4 2 25\n1 2.22.1 2.22.1 2 22\n2 2.61.3 2.61.3 2 61\n3 1.11.4 1.11.4 1 11\n4 1.11.3 1.11.3 1 11\n5 "1.15.3" "1.15.3" "1 15  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41
119. Aristotle, Acharnians, 1452  Tagged with subjects: •scipio aemilianus, publius cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus numantinus, tears Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 255
120. Cato Maior, Orat., None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 195, 196, 198
123. Appian, Lib., 131  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio africanus aemilianus, p. Found in books: Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 61
124. Anon., De Uir. Ill., a b c d\n0 "75.1" "75.1" "75 1"  Tagged with subjects: •p. cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 50
125. Appian, Ann., "43"  Tagged with subjects: •p. cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 175
126. Plutarch, Dem.-Cic. Synk., a b c d\n0 "3.4" "3.4" "3 4"  Tagged with subjects: •p. cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 175
127. Plutarch, Per.-Fab. Synk., a b c d\n0 "2.2" "2.2" "2 2"  Tagged with subjects: •p. cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 175
128. Sallust, Frag., a b c d\n0 "1.88" "1.88" "1 88"  Tagged with subjects: •p. cornelius scipio aemilianus africanus Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 54
129. Anon., De Viris Illustribus, a b c d\n0 "56" "56" "56" None\n1 "72.1" "72.1" "72 1"  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 243
130. Cicero, Schol. Bob., None  Tagged with subjects: •scipio africanus aemilianus, p. cornelius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 179
131. Plutarch, Tiberius Gracchus, a b c d\n0 "8.9" "8.9" "8 9"  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 5
132. Anon., Dimensuratio Provinciarum (Dim), 8-9, 6  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bianchetti et al. (2015), Brill’s Companion to Ancient Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition, 213
133. Plutarch, Apopht., None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 205
135. Cato Maior, Orig., 2.22, 7.9, 7.12  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 196
137. Cato Maior, Agr., None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 195
138. Fronto, Str., 4.1.1  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 204
139. Nonius, Ed. Lindsay, "28"  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p. Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 156
140. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Letters, 1.18.20  Tagged with subjects: •cornelius scipio aemilianus, p., repatriates art works to sicily Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53