Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database

²⁶ ποιμένες ἄγραυλοι, κάκʼ ἐλέγχεα, γαστέρες οἶον,

²⁶ of Helicon, and in those early day

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, " ⁵⁷ dicitur etiam C. Flaminius, is qui tribunus plebis legem de agro Gallico et Piceno viritim dividundo tulerit, qui consul apud Trasumennum Tarsumennum L ; cf. Quint. i. 5, 13 sit tulerit... sit L : tulit... est Schütz interfectus, ad populum valuisse dicendo. Q. etiam Maximus Verrucosus orator habitus est temporibus illis et Q. Metellus, is qui bello Punico secundo cum L. Veturio Philone consul fuit. quem vero exstet et de quo sit memoriae proditum de quo ... proditum incl. Jahn eloquen- tem fuisse et ita esse habitum, primus est M. Cornelius Cethegus, cuius eloquentiae est auctor et idoneus quidem mea sententia Q. Ennius, praesertim cum et ipse eum audi- verit et scribat de mortuo: ex quo nulla suspicio est amici tiae causa esse mentitum mentitum L : ementitum Bake . ⁶² et hercules eae quidem eae quidem F2 : hae quidem M : equidem codd. exstant: ipsae enim familiae sua quasi ornamenta ac monumenta servabant et ad usum, si quis eiusdem generis occidisset, et ad memoriam laudum domesticarum et ad inlustrandam nobilitatem suam. Quam- 20 quam his laudationibus historia rerum nostrarum est facta mendosior. Multa enim scripta sunt in eis eis vulg. : his L quae facta non sunt: falsi triumphi, plures consulatus, genera etiam falsa et ad plebem a plebe maluit Lambinus transitiones, cum homines humiliores in alienum eiusdem nominis infunderentur genus; ut si ego me a M. Tullio esse dicerem, qui patricius cum Servio Sulpicio consul anno x post exactos reges fuit.",

⁵⁷ It is also recorded, that C. Flaminius, who, when tribune of the people proposed the law for dividing the conquered territories of the Gauls and Piceni among the citizens, and who, after his promotion to the consulship (217 B.C.), was slain near the lake Trasimenus, became very popular by the mere force of his speaking. Quintus Maximus Verrucosus was likewise reckoned a good speaker by his contemporaries; as was also Quintus Metellus, who, in the second Punic war, was joint consul with L. Veturius Philo (206 B.C.). But the first person we have any certain account of, who was publicly distinguished as an orator, and who really appears to have been such, was M. Cornelius Cethegus; whose eloquence is attested by Q. Ennius, a witness of the highest credibility; since he actually heard him speak, and gave him this character after his death; so that there is no reason to suspect that he was prompted by the warmth of his friendship to exceed the bounds of truth.
⁶² For it was customary in most families of note to preserve their images, their trophies of honour, and their memoirs, either to adorn a funeral when any of the family deceased, or to perpetuate the fame of their ancestors, or prove their own nobility. But the truth of history has been much corrupted by these laudatory essays; for many circumstances were recorded in them which never existed; such as false triumphs, a pretended succession of consulships, and false alliances and elevations, when men of inferior rank were confounded with a noble family of the same name: as if I myself should pretend that I am descended from M. Tullius, who was a patrician, and shared the consulship with Servius Sulpicius, about ten years after the expulsion of the kings (500 B.C.).",
²¹¹ We have all read the letters of Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi; and are satisfied, that her sons were not so much nurtured in their mothers lap, as in the elegance and purity of her language. I have often too enjoyed the agreeable conversation of Laelia, the daughter of Caius, and observed in her a strong tincture of her fathers elegance. I have likewise conversed with his two daughters, the Muciae, and his granddaughters, the two Liciniae, with one of whom (the wife of Scipio) you, my Brutus, I believe, have sometimes been in company.""I have," replied he, "and was much pleased with her conversation; and the more so, because she was the daughter of Crassus.", "

^1.88 Amphilochus et Mopsus Argivorum reges fuerunt, sed iidem augures, iique urbis in ora marituma Ciliciae Graecas condiderunt; atque etiam ante hos Amphiaraus et Tiresias non humiles et obscuri neque eorum similes, ut apud Ennium est, Quí sui quaestus caúsa fictas súscitant senténtias, sed clari et praestantes viri, qui avibus et signis admoniti futura dicebant; quorum de altero etiam apud inferos Homerus ait solum sapere, ceteros umbrarum vagari modo ; Amphiaraum autem sic honoravit fama Graeciae, deus ut haberetur, atque ut ab eius solo, in quo est humatus, oracla peterentur. ^1.132 Nunc illa testabor, non me sortilegos neque eos, qui quaestus causa hariolentur, ne psychomantia quidem, quibus Appius, amicus tuus, uti solebat, agnoscere; non habeo denique nauci Marsum augurem, non vicanos haruspices, non de circo astrologos, non Isiacos coniectores, non interpretes somniorum; non enim sunt ii aut scientia aut arte divini, Séd superstitiósi vates ínpudentesque hárioli Aút inertes aút insani aut quíbus egestas ímperat, Quí sibi semitám non sapiunt, álteri monstránt viam; Quíbus divitias póllicentur, áb iis drachumam ipsí petunt. De hís divitiis síbi deducant dráchumam, reddant cétera. Atque haec quidem Ennius, qui paucis ante versibus esse deos censet, sed eos non curare opinatur, quid agat humanum genus. Ego autem, qui et curare arbitror et monere etiam ac multa praedicere, levitate, vanitate, malitia exclusa divinationem probo. Quae cum dixisset Quintus, Praeclare tu quidem, inquam, paratus, ^2.65 Cur autem de passerculis coniecturam facit, in quibus nullum erat monstrum, de dracone silet, qui, id quod fieri non potuit, lapideus dicitur factus? postremo quid simile habet passer annis? Nam de angue illo, qui Sullae apparuit immolanti, utrumque memini, et Sullam, cum in expeditionem educturus esset, immolavisse, et anguem ab ara extitisse, eoque die rem praeclare esse gestam non haruspicis consilio, sed imperatoris. ^2.71 Nec vero non omni supplicio digni P. Claudius L. Iunius consules, qui contra auspicia navigaverunt; parendum enim religioni fuit nec patrius mos tam contumaciter repudiandus. Iure igitur alter populi iudicio damnatus est, alter mortem sibi ipse conscivit. Flaminius non paruit auspiciis, itaque periit cum exercitu. At anno post Paulus paruit; num minus cecidit in Cannensi pugna cum exercitu? Etenim, ut sint auspicia, quae nulla sunt, haec certe, quibus utimur, sive tripudio sive de caelo, simulacra sunt auspiciorum, auspicia nullo modo. Q. Fabi, te mihi in auspicio esse volo ; respondet: audivi . Hic apud maiores nostros adhibebatur peritus, nunc quilubet. Peritum autem esse necesse est eum, qui, silentium quid sit, intellegat; id enim silentium dicimus in auspiciis, quod omni vitio caret. ^2.146 At enim observatio diuturna (haec enim pars una restat) notandis rebus fecit artem. Ain tandem? somnia observari possunt? quonam modo? sunt enim innumerabiles varietates. Nihil tam praepostere, tam incondite, tam monstruose cogitari potest, quod non possimus somniare; quo modo igitur haec infinita et semper nova aut memoria conplecti aut observando notare possumus? Astrologi motus errantium stellarum notaverunt; inventus est enim ordo in iis stellis, qui non putabatur. Cedo tandem, qui sit ordo aut quae concursatio somniorum; quo modo autem distingui possunt vera somnia a falsis? cum eadem et aliis aliter evadant et isdem non semper eodem modo; ut mihi mirum videatur, cum mendaci homini ne verum quidem dicenti credere soleamus, quo modo isti, si somnium verum evasit aliquod, non ex multis potius uni fidem derogent quam ex uno innumerabilia confirment.

^1.88 Amphilochus and Mopsus were kings of Argos, but they were augurs too, and they founded Greek cities on the coasts of Cilicia. And even before them were Amphiaraus and Tiresias. They were no lowly and unknown men, nor were they like the person described by Ennius,Who, for their own gain, uphold opinions that are false,but they were eminent men of the noblest type and foretold the future by means of augural signs. In speaking of Tiresias, even when in the infernal regions, Homer says that he alone was wise, that the rest were mere wandering shadows. As for Amphiaraus, his reputation in Greece was such that he was honoured as a god, and oracular responses were sought in the place where he was buried.
^1.132 I will assert, however, in conclusion, that I do not recognize fortune-tellers, or those who prophesy for money, or necromancers, or mediums, whom your friend Appius makes it a practice to consult.In fine, I say, I do not care a figFor Marsian augurs, village mountebanks,Astrologers who haunt the circus grounds,Or Isis-seers, or dream interpreters:— for they are not diviners either by knowledge or skill, —But superstitious bards, soothsaying quacks,Averse to work, or mad, or ruled by want,Directing others how to go, and yetWhat road to take they do not know themselves;From those to whom they promise wealth they begA coin. From what they promised let them takeTheir coin as toll and pass the balance on.Such are the words of Ennius who only a few lines further back expresses the view that there are gods and yet says that the gods do not care what human beings do. But for my part, believing as I do that the gods do care for man, and that they advise and often forewarn him, I approve of divination which is not trivial and is free from falsehood and trickery.When Quintus had finished I remarked, My dear Quintus, you have come admirably well prepared.
^2.65 But, pray, by what principle of augury does he deduce years rather than months or days from the number of sparrows? Again, why does he base his prophecy on little sparrows which are not abnormal sights and ignore the alleged fact — which is impossible — that the dragon was turned to stone? Finally, what is there about a sparrow to suggest years? In connexion with your story of the snake which appeared to Sulla when he was offering sacrifices, I recall two facts: first, that when Sulla offered sacrifices, as he was about to begin his march against the enemy, a snake came out from under the altar; and, second, that the glorious victory won by him that day was due not to the soothsayers art, but to the skill of the general. 31,
^2.71 In my opinion the consuls, Publius Claudius and Lucius Junius, who set sail contrary to the auspices, were deserving of capital punishment; for they should have respected the established religion and should not have treated the customs of their forefathers with such shameless disdain. Therefore it was a just retribution that the former was condemned by a vote of the people and that the latter took his own life. Flaminius, you say, did not obey the auspices, therefore he perished with his army. But a year later Paulus did obey them; and did he not lose his army and his life in the battle of Cannae? Granting that there are auspices (as there are not), certainly those which we ordinarily employ — whether by the tripudium or by the observation of the heavens — are not auspices in any sense, but are the mere ghosts of auspices.34 Quintus Fabius, I wish you to assist me at the auspices. He answers, I will. (In our forefathers time the magistrates on such occasions used to call in some expert person to take the auspices — but in these days anyone will do. But one must be an expert to know what constitutes silence, for by that term we mean free of every augural defect.
^2.146 In our consideration of dreams we come now to the remaining point left for discussion, which is your contention that by long-continued observation of dreams and by recording the results an art has been evolved. Really? Then, it is possible, I suppose, to observe dreams? If so, how? For they are of infinite variety and there is no imaginable thing too absurd, too involved, or too abnormal for us to dream about it. How, then, is it possible for us either to remember this countless and ever-changing mass of visions or to observe and record the subsequent results? Astronomers have recorded the movements of the planets and thereby have discovered an orderly course of the stars, not thought of before. But tell me, if you can, what is the orderly course of dreams and what is the harmonious relation between them and subsequent events? And by what means can the true be distinguished from the false, in view of the fact that the same dreams have certain consequences for one person and different consequences for another and seeing also that even for the same individual the same dream is not always followed by the same result? As a rule we do not believe a liar even when he tells the truth, but, to my surprise, if one dream turns out to be true, your Stoics do not withdraw their belief in the prophetic value of that one though it is only one out of many; rather, from the character of the one true dream, they establish the character of countless others that are false.

^2.116 Lege laudationes, Torquate, non eorum, qui sunt ab Homero laudati, non Cyri, non Agesilai, non Aristidi aut Themistocli, non Philippi aut aut ( post Philippi) om. R Alexandri, lege nostrorum hominum, lege vestrae familiae; neminem videbis ita laudatum, ut artifex callidus comparandarum voluptatum voluptatum dett. utilitatum diceretur. non elogia elogia edd. eulogia monimentorum id significant, velut hoc ad portam: Hunc unum Hunc unum Ern. uno cum ABER uno cu j (j ex corr. m. alt.; voluisse videtur scriba uno cui) N ymo cum V plurimae consentiunt gentes populi primarium fuisse virum. ^5.2 tum Piso: Naturane nobis hoc, inquit, datum dicam an errore quodam, ut, cum ea loca videamus, in quibus memoria dignos viros acceperimus multum esse versatos, magis moveamur, quam si quando eorum ipsorum aut facta audiamus aut scriptum aliquod aliquid R legamus? velut ego nunc moveor. venit enim mihi Platonis in mentem, quem accepimus primum hic disputare solitum; cuius etiam illi hortuli propinqui propinqui hortuli BE non memoriam solum mihi afferunt, sed ipsum videntur in conspectu meo ponere. hic Speusippus, hic Xenocrates, hic eius auditor Polemo, cuius illa ipsa sessio fuit, quam videmus. Equidem etiam curiam nostram—Hostiliam dico, non hanc novam, quae minor mihi esse esse mihi B videtur, posteaquam est maior—solebam intuens Scipionem, Catonem, Laelium, nostrum vero in primis avum cogitare; tanta vis admonitionis inest in locis; ut non sine causa ex iis memoriae ducta sit disciplina.

^2.116 "Read the panegyrics, Torquatus, not of the heroes praised by Homer, not of Cyrus or Agesilaus, Aristides or Themistocles, Philip or Alexander; but read those delivered upon our own great men, read those of your own family. You will not find anyone extolled for his skill and cunning in procuring pleasures. This is not what is conveyed by epitaphs, like that one near the city gate: Here lyeth one whom many lands agree Romes first and greatest citizen to be. <,
^5.2 Thereupon Piso remarked: "Whether it is a natural instinct or a mere illusion, Icant say; but ones emotions are more strongly aroused by seeing the places that tradition records to have been the favourite resort of men of note in former days, than by hearing about their deeds or reading their writings. My own feelings at the present moment are a case in point. Iam reminded of Plato, the first philosopher, so we are told, that made a practice of holding discussions in this place; and indeed the garden close at hand yonder not only recalls his memory but seems to bring the actual man before my eyes. This was the haunt of Speusippus, of Xenocrates, and of Xenocrates pupil Polemo, who used to sit on the very seat we see over there. For my own part even the sight of our senate-house at home (Imean the Curia Hostilia, not the present new building, which looks to my eyes smaller since its enlargement) used to call up to me thoughts of Scipio, Cato, Laelius, and chief of all, my grandfather; such powers of suggestion do places possess. No wonder the scientific training of the memory is based upon locality." <

" ^2.14 third, the awe inspired by lightning, storms, rain, snow, hail, floods, pestilences, earthquakes and occasionally subterranean rumblings, showers of stones and raindrops the colour of blood, also landslips and chasms suddenly opening in the ground, also unnatural monstrosities human and animal, and also the appearance of meteoric lights and what are called by the Greeks comets, and in our language long-haired stars, such as recently during the Octavian War appeared as harbingers of dire disasters, and the doubling of the sun, which my father told me had happened in the consulship of Tuditanus and Aquilius, the year in which the light was quenched of Publius Africanus, that second sun of Rome: all of which alarming portents have suggested to mankind the idea of the existence of some celestial and divine power.",
^2.168 This is almost the whole that hath occurred to my mind on the nature of the Gods, and what I thought proper to advance. Do you, Cotta, if I may advise, defend the same cause. Remember that in Rome you keep the first rank; remember that you are Pontifex; and as your school is at liberty to argue on which side you please, do you rather take mine, and reason on it with that eloquence which you acquired by your rhetorical exercises, and which the Academy improved; for it is a pernicious and impious custom to argue against the Gods, whether it be done seriously, or only in pretence and out of sport.

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^1.21 Tum Philus: Nihil novi vobis adferam, neque quod a me sit cogitatum aut inventum; nam memoria teneo C. Sulpicium Gallum, doctissimum, ut scitis, hominem, cum idem hoc visum diceretur et esset casu apud M. Marcellum, qui cum eo consul fuerat, sphaeram, quam M. Marcelli avus captis Syracusis ex urbe locupletissima atque ornatissima sustulisset, cum aliud nihil ex tanta praeda domum suam deportavisset, iussisse proferri; cuius ego sphaerae cum persaepe propter Archimedi gloriam nomen audissem, speciem ipsam non sum tanto opere admiratus; erat enim illa venustior et nobilior in volgus, quam ab eodem Archimede factam posuerat in templo Virtutis Marcellus idem. ^1.22 Sed posteaquam coepit rationem huius operis scientissime Gallus exponere, plus in illo Siculo ingenii, quam videretur natura humana ferre potuisse, iudicavi fuisse. Dicebat enim Gallus sphaerae illius alterius solidae atque plenae vetus esse inventum, et eam a Thalete Milesio primum esse tornatam, post autem ab Eudoxo Cnidio, discipulo, ut ferebat, Platonis, eandem illam astris stellisque, quae caelo inhaererent, esse descriptam; cuius omnem ornatum et descriptionem sumptam ab Eudoxo multis annis post non astrologiae scientia, sed poetica quadam facultate versibus Aratum extulisse. Hoc autem sphaerae genus, in quo solis et lunae motus inessent et earum quinque stellarum, quae errantes et quasi vagae nominarentur, in illa sphaera solida non potuisse finiri, atque in eo admirandum esse inventum Archimedi, quod excogitasset, quem ad modum in dissimillimis motibus inaequabiles et varios cursus servaret una conversio. Hanc sphaeram Gallus cum moveret, fiebat, ut soli luna totidem conversionibus in aere illo, quot diebus in ipso caelo, succederet, ex quo et in caelo sphaera solis fieret eadem illa defectio et incideret luna tum in eam metam, quae esset umbra terrae, cum sol e regione, ^1.39 Est igitur, inquit Africanus, res publica res populi, populus autem non omnis hominum coetus quoquo modo congregatus, sed coetus multitudinis iuris consensu et utilitatis communione sociatus. Eius autem prima causa coeundi est non tam inbecillitas quam naturalis quaedam hominum quasi congregatio; non est enim singulare nec solivagum genus hoc, sed ita generatum, ut ne in omnium quidem rerum affluen tia, ^6.11 Videsne illam urbem, quae parere populo Romano coacta per me renovat pristina bella nec potest quiescere? (ostendebat autem Karthaginem de excelso et pleno stellarum illustri et claro quodam loco) ad quam tu oppugdam nunc venis paene miles. Hanc hoc biennio consul evertes, eritque cognomen id tibi per te partum, quod habes adhuc a nobis hereditarium. Cum autem Karthaginem deleveris, triumphum egeris censorque fueris et obieris legatus Aegyptum, Syriam, Asiam, Graeciam, deligere iterum consul absens bellumque maximum conficies, Numantiam excindes. Sed cum eris curru in Capitolium invectus, offendes rem publicam consiliis perturbatam nepotis mei. ^6.12 Hic tu, Africane, ostendas oportebit patriae lumen animi, ingenii consiliique tui. Sed eius temporis ancipitem video quasi fatorum viam. Nam cum aetas tua septenos octiens solis anfractus reditusque converterit, duoque ii numeri, quorum uterque plenus alter altera de causa habetur, circuitu naturali summam tibi fatalem confecerint, in te unum atque in tuum nomen se tota convertet civitas, te senatus, te omnes boni, te socii, te Latini intuebuntur, tu eris unus, in quo nitatur civitatis salus, ac, ne multa, dictator rem publicam constituas oportet, si impias propinquorum manus effugeris. Hic cum exclamasset Laelius ingemuissentque vehementius ceteri, leniter arridens Scipio: St! quaeso, inquit, ne me e somno excitetis, et parumper audite cetera. ^6.16 Sed sic, Scipio, ut avus hic tuus, ut ego, qui te genui, iustitiam cole et pietatem, quae cum magna in parentibus et propinquis, tum in patria maxima est; ea vita via est in caelum et in hunc coetum eorum, qui iam vixerunt et corpore laxati illum incolunt locum, quem vides, (erat autem is splendidissimo candore inter flammas circus elucens) quem vos, ut a Graiis accepistis, orbem lacteum nuncupatis; ex quo omnia mihi contemplanti praeclara cetera et mirabilia videbantur. Erant autem eae stellae, quas numquam ex hoc loco vidimus, et eae magnitudines omnium, quas esse numquam suspicati sumus, ex quibus erat ea minima, quae ultima a caelo, citima a terris luce lucebat aliena. Stellarum autem globi terrae magnitudinem facile vincebant. Iam ipsa terra ita mihi parva visa est, ut me imperii nostri, quo quasi punctum eius attingimus, paeniteret.

^1.21 Philus. I have nothing new to bring before you, nor anything that I have thought out or discovered by myself. For I remember an incident in the life of Gaius Sulpicius Gallus, a most learned man, as you know : at a time when a similar phenomenon was reported, and he happened to be at the house of Marcus Marcellus, his colleague in the consulship , he ordered the celestial globe to be brought out which the grandfather of Marcellus had carried off from Syracuse, when that very rich and beautiful city was taken , though he took home with him nothing else out of the great store of booty captured. Though I had heard this globe mentioned quite frequently on account of the fame of Archimedes, when I actually saw it I did not particularly admire it ; for that other celestial globe, also constructed by Archimedes, which the same Marcellus placed in the temple of Virtue, is more beautiful as well as more widely known among the people. ^1.22 But when Gallus began to give a very learned explanation of the device, I concluded that the famous Sicilian had been endowed with greater genius than one would imagine it possible for a human being to possess. For Gallus told us that the other kind of celestial globe, which was solid and contained no hollow space, was a very early invention, the first one of that kind having been constructed by Thales of Miletus, and later marked by Eudoxus of Cnidus (a disciple of Plato, it was claimed) with the constellations and stars which are fixed in the sky. He also said that many years later Aratus, borrowing this whole arrangement and plan from Eudoxus, had described it in verse, without any knowledge of astronomy, but with considerable poetic talent. But this newer kind of globe, he said, on which were delineated the motions of the sun and moon and of those five stars which are called wanderers, or, as we might say, rovers, contained more than could be shown on the solid globe, and the invention of Archimedes deserved special admiration because he had thought out a way to represent accurately by a single device for turning the globe those various and divergent movements with their different rates of speed. And when Gallus moved the globe, it was actually true that the moon was always as many revolutions behind the sun on the bronze contrivance as would agree with the number of days it was behind it in the sky. Thus the same eclipse of the sun happened on the globe as would actually happen, and the moon came to the point where the shadow of the earth was at the very time when the sun . . out of the region . .
^1.39 Scipio. Well, then, a commonwealth is the property of a people . But a people is not any collection of human beings brought together in any sort of way, but an assemblage of people in large numbers associated in an agreement with respect to justice and a partnership for the common good. The hist cause of such an association is not so much the weakness of the individual as a certain social spirit which nature has implanted in man . For man is not a solitary or unsocial creature, but born with such a nature that not even under conditions of great prosperity of every sort is he willing to be isolated from his fellow men . .
^6.11 "Do you see yonder city, which, though forced by me into obedience to the Roman people, is renewing its former conflicts and cannot be at rest " ( and from a lofty place which was bathed in clear starlight, he pointed out Carthage ), "that city to which you now come to lay siege, with a rank little above that of a common soldier ? Within two years you as consul shall overthrow it, thus winning by your own efforts the surname ** which till now you have as an inheritance from me. But after destroying Carthage and celebrating your triumph, you shall hold the censorship, you shall go on missions to Egypt, Syria, Asia and Greece ; you shall be chosen consul a second time in your absence , you shall bring a great war to a successful close ; and you shall destroy Numantia. But, after driving in state to the Capitol, you shall find the commonwealth disturbed by the designs of my grandson. **, ^6.12 Then, Africanus, it will be your duty to hold up before the fatherland the light of your character, your ability, and your wisdom. But at that time I see two paths of destiny, as it were, opening before you For when your age has fulfilled seven times eight returning circuits of the sun, and those two numbers, each of which for a different reason is considered perfect, ** in Nature?s evolving course have reached their destined sum in your life, then the whole State will turn to you and your name alone. The senate, all good citizens, the allies, the Latins, will look to you; you shall be the sole support of the States security, and, in brief, it will be your duty as dictator to restore order in the commonwealth, if only you escape the wicked hands of your kinsmen." ** Laelius cried aloud at this, and the rest groaned deeply, but Scipio said with a gentle smile : Quiet, please ; do not wake me from my sleep , listen for a few moments, and hear what followed.
^6.16 But, Scipio, imitate your grandfather ** here , imitate me, your father ; love justice and duty, which are indeed strictly due to parents and kinsmen, but most of all to the fatherland. Such a life is the road to the skies, to that gathering of those who have completed their earthly lives and been relieved of the body, and who lie in yonder place which you now see " (it was the circle of light which blazed most brightly among the other fires), " and which you on earth, borrowing a Greek term, call the Milky Circle. " ** When I gazed in every direction from that point, all else appeared wonderfully beautiful. There were stars which we never see from the earth, and they were all larger than we have ever imagined. The smallest of them was that farthest from heaven and nearest the earth which shone with a borrowed light . ** The starry spheres were much larger than the earth ; indeed the earth itself seemed to me so small that I was scornful of our empire, which covers only a single point, as it were, upon its surface.

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^2.4.69 And in this place I appeal to you, O Quintus Catulus; 83 for I am speaking of your most honourable and most splendid monument. You ought to take upon yourself not only the severity of a judge with respect to this crime, but something like the vehemence of an enemy and an accuser. For, through the kindness of the senate and people of Rome, your honour is connected with that temple. Your name is consecrated at the same time as that temple in the everlasting recollection of men. It is by you that this case is to be encountered; by you, that this labour is to be undergone, in order that the Capitol, as it has been restored more magnificently, may also be adorned more splendidly than it was originally; that then that fire may seem to have been sent from heaven, not to destroy the temple of the great and good Jupiter, but to demand one for him more noble and more magnificent.
^2.4.72 And, accordingly, after he had once conceived this nefarious wickedness, he considered nothing in all Sicily afterwards sacred or hallowed; and he behaved himself in his province for three years in such a manner that war was thought to have been declared by him, not only against men, but also against the immortal gods. 33 Segesta is a very ancient town in Sicily, O judges, which its inhabitants assert was founded by Aeneas when he was flying from Troy and coming to this country. And accordingly the Segestans think that they are connected with the Roman people, not only by a perpetual alliance and friendship, but even by some relationship. This town, as the state of the Segestans was at war with the Carthaginians on its own account and of its own accord, was formerly stormed and destroyed by the Carthaginians; and everything which could be any ornament to the city was transported from thence to Carthage. There was among the Segestans a statue of Diana, of brass, not only invested with the most sacred character, but also wrought with the most exquisite skill and beauty. When transferred to Carthage, it only changed its situation and its worshippers; it retained its former sanctity. For on account of its eminent beauty it seemed, even to their enemies, worthy of being most religiously worshipped. ^2.4.73 Some ages afterwards, Publius Scipio took Carthage, in the third Punic war; after which victory, (remark the virtue and carefulness of the man, so that you may both rejoice at your national examples of most eminent virtue, and may also judge tire incredible audacity of Verres worthy of the greater hatred by contrasting it with that virtue,) he summoned all the Sicilians, because he knew that during a long period of time Sicily had repeatedly been ravaged by the Carthaginians, and bids them seek for all they had lost, and promises them to take the greatest pains to ensure the restoration to the different cities of everything which had belonged to them. Then those things which had formerly been removed from Himera, and which I have mentioned before, were restored to the people of Thermae; some things were restored to the Gelans, some to the Agrigentines; among which was that noble bull, which that most cruel of all tyrants, Phalaris, is said to have had, into which he was accustomed to put men for punishment, and to put fire under. And when Scipio restored that bull to the Agrigentines, he is reported to have said, that he thought it reasonable for them to consider whether it was more advantageous to the Sicilians to be subject to their own princes, or to be under the dominion of the Roman people, when they had the same thing as a monument of the cruelty of their domestic masters, and of our liberality. 34, ^2.4.74 At that time the same Diana of which I am speaking is restored with the greatest care to the Segestans. It is taken back to Segesta; it is replaced in its ancient situation, to the greatest joy and delight of all the citizens. It was placed at Segesta on a very lofty pedestal, on which was cut in large letters the name of Publius Africanus; and a statement was also engraved that "he had restored it after having taken Carthage." It was worshipped by the citizens; it was visited by all strangers; when I was quaestor it was the very first thing, they showed me. It was a very large and tall statue with a flowing robe, but in spite of its large size it gave the idea of the age and dress of a virgin; her arrows hung from her shoulder, in her left hand she carried her bow, her right hand held a burning torch. ^2.4.75 When that enemy of all sacred things, that violator of all religious scruples saw it, he began to burn with covetousness and insanity, as if he himself had been struck with that torch. He commands the magistrates to take the statue down and give it to him; and declares to them that nothing can be more agreeable to him. But they said that it was impossible for them to do so; that they were prevented from doing so, not only by the most extreme religious reverence, but also by the greatest respect for their own laws and courts of justice. Then he began to entreat this favour of them, then to threaten them, then to try and excite their hopes, then to arouse their fears. They opposed to his demands the name of Africanus; they said that it was the gift of the Roman people; that they themselves had no right over a thing which a most illustrious general, having taken a city of the enemy, had chosen to stand there as a monument of the victory of the Roman people.
^2.4.80 Who then, in the name of the immortal gods, will defend the memory of Publius Scipio now that he is dead? who will defend the memorials and evidences of his valour, if you desert and abandon them; and not only allow them to be plundered and taken away, but even defend their plunderer and destroyer? The Segestans are present, your clients, the allies and friends of the Roman people. They inform you that Publius Africanus, when he had destroyed Carthage, restored the image of Diana to their ancestors; and that was set up among the Segestans arid dedicated in the name of that general; — that Verres has had it taken down and carried away, and as far as that is concerned, has utterly effaced and extinguished the name of Publius Scipio. They entreat and pray you to restore the object of their worship to them, its proper credit and glory to your own family, so enabling them by your assistance to recover from the house of a robber, what they recovered from the city of their enemies by the beneficence of Publius Africanus. 37 What can you reply to them with honour, or what can they do but implore the aid of you and your good faith? They are present, they do implore it. You, O Publius, can protect the honour of your family renown; you can, you have every advantage which either fortune or nature ever gives to men. I do not wish to anticipate you in gathering the fruit that belongs to you; I am not covetous of the glory which ought to belong to another. It does not correspond to the modesty of my disposition, while Publius Scipio, a most promising young man, is alive and well, to put myself forward as the defender and advocate of the memorials of Publius Scipio.
^2.4.82 I reclaim from you, O Verres, the monument of Publius Africanus; I abandon the cause of the Sicilians, which I undertook; let there be no trial of you for extortion at present; never mind the injuries of the Segestans; let the pedestal of Publius Africanus be restored; let the name of that invincible commander be engraved on it anew; let that most beautiful statue, which was recovered when Carthage was taken, be replaced. It is not I, the defender of the Sicilians — it is not I, your prosecutor — they are not the Segestans who demand this of you; but he who has taken on himself the defence and the preservation of the renown and glory of Publius Africanus. I am not afraid of not being able to give a good account of my performance of this duty to Publius Servilius the judge; who, as he has performed great exploits, and raised very many monuments of his good deeds, and has a natural anxiety about them, will be glad, forsooth, to leave them an object of care and protection not only to his own posterity, but to all brave men and good citizens; and not as a mark for the plunder of rogues. I am not afraid of its displeasing you, O Quintus Catulus, to whom the most superb and splendid monument in the whole world belongs, that there should be as many guardians of such monuments as possible, or that all good men should think it was a part of their duty to defend the glory of another.
^2.4.98 Are you, forsooth, the only man who delights in Corinthian vases? Are you the best judge in the world of the mixture of that celebrated bronze, and of the delicate tracery of that work? Did not the great Scipio, that most learned and accomplished man, under stand it too? But do you, a man without one single virtue, without education, without natural ability, and without any information, understand them and value them? Beware lest he be seen to have surpassed you and those other men who wished to be thought so elegant, not only in temperance, but in judgment and taste; for it was because he thoroughly understood how beautiful they were, that he thought that they were made, not for the luxury of men, but for the ornamenting of temples and cities, in order that they might appear to our posterity to be holy and sacred monuments. 45

^2.58 The tribune of the people was borne along in a chariot, lictors crowned with laurel preceded him; among whom, on an open litter, was carried an actress; whom honorable men, citizens of the different municipalities, coming out from their towns under compulsion to meet him, saluted not by the name by which she was well known on the stage, but by that of Volumnia. A car followed full of pimps; then a lot of debauched companions; and then his mother, utterly neglected, followed the mistress of her profligate son, as if she had been her daughter-in-law. O the disastrous fecundity of that miserable woman! With the marks of such wickedness as this did that fellow stamp every municipality, and prefecture, and colony, and, in short, the whole of Italy.
^3.9 Those men had learned to obey kings ever since the foundation of the city, but we from the time when the kings were driven out have forgotten how to be slaves. And that Tarquinius, whom our ancestors expelled, was not either considered or called cruel or impious, but only The Proud. That vice which we have often borne in private individuals, our ancestors could not endure even in a king. Lucius Brutus could not endure a proud king. Shall Decimus Brutus submit to the kingly power of a man who is wicked and impious? What atrocity did Tarquinius ever commit equal to the innumerable acts of the sort which Antonius has done and is still doing? Again, the kings were used to consult the senate; nor, as is the ease when Antonius holds a senate, were armed barbarians ever introduced into the council of the king. The kings paid due regard to the auspices, which this man, though consul and augur, has neglected, not only by passing laws in opposition to the auspices but also by making his colleague (whom he himself had appointed irregularly, and had falsified the auspices in order to do so) join in passing them.

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quae res ipsa, quae diuturnitas imperi comprobat nimium severa oratione reprehendere. fuit eodem ex studio vir eruditus apud patres nostros et honestus homo et nobilis, Q. Quinto Tubero. is, cum epulum Q. Quintus Maximus P. Publii Africani, patrui sui, nomine populo Romano daret, rogatus est a maximo ut triclinium sterneret, cum esset Tubero eiusdem Africani sororis filius. atque ille, homo eruditissimus ac Stoicus, stravit pelliculis haedinis lectulos Punicanos et exposuit vasa Samia, quasi vero esset Diogenes Cynicus mortuus et non divini hominis Africani mors honestaretur; quem cum supremo eius die maximus laudaret, gratias egit dis immortalibus quod ille vir in hac re publica potissimum natus esset; necesse enim fuisse ibi esse terrarum imperium ubi ille esset. huius in morte celebranda graviter tulit populus Romanus hanc perversam sapientiam Tuberonis, Pauli nepos, P. Publii Africani, ut dixi, sororis filius, his haedinis pelliculis praetura deiectus est. odit populus Romanus privatam luxuriam, publicam magnificentiam diligit; non amat profusas epulas, sordis et inhumanitatem multo minus; distinguit rationem ratione Klotz officiorum ac temporum, vicissitudinem laboris ac voluptatis. nam quod ais nulla re adlici hominum mentis oportere ad magistratum mandandum nisi dignitate, hoc tu ipse in quo summa est dignitas non servas. cur enim quemquam ut studeat tibi, ut te adiuvet rogas? rogas tu me ut mihi praesis, ut committam ego me tibi. quid tandem? istuc istuc ed. Mediol. : istunc (ais an y2 ) mei me rogari oportet abs te, an te potius a me ut pro mea salute laborem periculumque suscipias? amicos; observationes, testificationes, seductiones testium, secessiones secessiones Campe : secessionem codd. subscriptorum animadvertebant, quibus rebus certe ipsi certe ipsi certe spes Boot : cretae ipsae Madvig candidatorum voltus voltus ed. V : om. codd. ( cf. infra l. 26) obscuriores obscuriores pfy2 : obscurior ei S A xy1 solet xy videri solent; Catilinam interea alacrem atque laetum, stipatum choro iuventutis, vallatum indicibus atque sicariis, inflatum cum spe militum tum militum tum y2 : militum cett. conlegae mei, quem ad modum dicebat ipse, promissis, circumfluentem colonorum Arretinorum et Faesulanorum exercitu; quam turbam dissimillimo ex genere distinguebant homines perculsi perculsi Lambinus, pauci dett. : percussi S : percussi cett. Sullani temporis calamitate. voltus erat ipsius ipsius erat x, ed. V plenus furoris, oculi sceleris, sermo adrogantiae, sic ut ei iam exploratus et domi conditus consulatus videretur. Murenam contemnebat, Sulpicium accusatorem suum numerabat non competitorem; ei vim denuntiabat, rei publicae minabatur.

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^3.59.7 ἐπειδὴ καὶ τὸ πλεῖον τούτου χάριν ὑπεδεξάμεθα τοὺς κινδύνους καὶ τὰς κακοπαθείας τοὺς συμβάντας ἡμῖν ἐν πλάνῃ τῇ κατὰ Λιβύην καὶ κατʼ Ἰβηρίαν, ἔτι δὲ Γαλατίαν καὶ τὴν ἔξωθεν ταύταις ταῖς χώραις συγκυροῦσαν θάλατταν, ^6.7.6 ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐκ διαδοχῆς καὶ κατὰ γένος τὰς ἀρχὰς παραλαμβάνοντες ἕτοιμα μὲν εἶχον ἤδη τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἀσφάλειαν, ἕτοιμα δὲ καὶ πλείω τῶν ἱκανῶν τὰ πρὸς τὴν τροφήν, ^6.7.7 τότε δὴ ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις ἑπόμενοι διὰ τὴν περιουσίαν ἐξάλλους μὲν ἐσθῆτας ὑπέλαβον δεῖν ἔχειν τοὺς ἡγουμένους τῶν ὑποταττομένων, ἐξάλλους δὲ καὶ ποικίλας τὰς περὶ τὴν τροφὴν ἀπολαύσεις καὶ παρασκευάς, ἀναντιρρήτους δὲ καὶ παρὰ τῶν μὴ προσηκόντων τὰς τῶν ἀφροδισίων χρείας καὶ συνουσίας. ^6.7.8 ἐφʼ οἷς μὲν φθόνου γενομένου καὶ προσκοπῆς, ἐφʼ οἷς δὲ μίσους ἐκκαιομένου καὶ δυσμενικῆς ὀργῆς, ἐγένετο μὲν ἐκ τῆς βασιλείας τυραννίς, ἀρχὴ δὲ καταλύσεως ἐγεννᾶτο καὶ σύστασις ἐπιβουλῆς τοῖς ἡγουμένοις·, ^6.53 ὅταν γὰρ μεταλλάξῃ τις παρʼ αὐτοῖς τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἀνδρῶν, συντελουμένης τῆς ἐκφορᾶς κομίζεται μετὰ τοῦ λοιποῦ κόσμου πρὸς τοὺς καλουμένους ἐμβόλους εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ποτὲ μὲν ἑστὼς ἐναργής, σπανίως δὲ κατακεκλιμένος. τὸ γὰρ τὰς τῶν ἐπʼ ἀρετῇ δεδοξασμένων ἀνδρῶν εἰκόνας ἰδεῖν ὁμοῦ πάσας οἷον εἰ ζώσας καὶ πεπνυμένας τίνʼ οὐκ ἂν παραστήσαι; τί δʼ ἂν κάλλιον πέριξ δὲ παντὸς τοῦ δήμου στάντος, ἀναβὰς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐμβόλους, ἂν μὲν υἱὸς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ καταλείπηται καὶ τύχῃ παρών, οὗτος, εἰ δὲ μή, τῶν ἄλλων εἴ τις ἀπὸ γένους ὑπάρχει, λέγει περὶ τοῦ τετελευτηκότος τὰς ἀρετὰς καὶ τὰς ἐπιτετευγμένας ἐν τῷ ζῆν πράξεις. διʼ ὧν συμβαίνει τοὺς πολλοὺς ἀναμιμνησκομένους καὶ λαμβάνοντας ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν τὰ γεγονότα, μὴ μόνον τοὺς κεκοινωνηκότας τῶν ἔργων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐκτός, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον γίνεσθαι συμπαθεῖς ὥστε μὴ τῶν κηδευόντων ἴδιον, ἀλλὰ κοινὸν τοῦ δήμου φαίνεσθαι τὸ σύμπτωμα. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα θάψαντες καὶ ποιήσαντες τὰ νομιζόμενα τιθέασι τὴν εἰκόνα τοῦ μεταλλάξαντος εἰς τὸν ἐπιφανέστατον τόπον τῆς οἰκίας, ξύλινα ναΐδια περιτιθέντες. ἡ δʼ εἰκών ἐστι πρόσωπον εἰς ὁμοιότητα διαφερόντως ἐξειργασμένον καὶ κατὰ τὴν πλάσιν καὶ κατὰ τὴν ὑπογραφήν. ταύτας δὴ τὰς εἰκόνας ἔν τε ταῖς δημοτελέσι θυσίαις ἀνοίγοντες κοσμοῦσι φιλοτίμως, ἐπάν τε τῶν οἰκείων μεταλλάξῃ τις ἐπιφανής, ἄγουσιν εἰς τὴν ἐκφοράν, περιτιθέντες ὡς ὁμοιοτάτοις εἶναι δοκοῦσι κατά τε τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τὴν ἄλλην περικοπήν. οὗτοι δὲ προσαναλαμβάνουσιν ἐσθῆτας, ἐὰν μὲν ὕπατος ἢ στρατηγὸς ᾖ γεγονώς, περιπορφύρους, ἐὰν δὲ τιμητής, πορφυρᾶς, ἐὰν δὲ καὶ τεθριαμβευκὼς ἤ τι τοιοῦτον κατειργασμένος, διαχρύσους. αὐτοὶ μὲν οὖν ἐφʼ ἁρμάτων οὗτοι πορεύονται, ῥάβδοι δὲ καὶ πελέκεις καὶ τἄλλα τὰ ταῖς ἀρχαῖς εἰωθότα συμπαρακεῖσθαι προηγεῖται κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν ἑκάστῳ τῆς γεγενημένης κατὰ τὸν βίον ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ προαγωγῆς ὅταν δʼ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐμβόλους ἔλθωσι, καθέζονται πάντες ἑξῆς ἐπὶ δίφρων ἐλεφαντίνων. οὗ κάλλιον οὐκ εὐμαρὲς ἰδεῖν θέαμα νέῳ φιλοδόξῳ καὶ φιλαγάθῳ·, ^10.2.5 οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι πάντες αὐτὸν ἐπιτυχῆ τινα καὶ τὸ πλεῖον αἰεὶ παραλόγως καὶ ταὐτομάτῳ κατορθοῦντα τὰς ἐπιβολὰς παρεισάγουσι, ^10.2.6 νομίζοντες ὡς ἂν εἰ θειοτέρους εἶναι καὶ θαυμαστοτέρους τοὺς τοιούτους ἄνδρας τῶν κατὰ λόγον ἐν ἑκάστοις πραττόντων, ἀγνοοῦντες ὅτι τὸ μὲν ἐπαινετόν, τὸ δὲ μακαριστὸν εἶναι συμβαίνει τῶν προειρημένων, καὶ τὸ μὲν κοινόν ἐστι καὶ τοῖς τυχοῦσι, ^10.2.7 τὸ δʼ ἐπαινετὸν μόνον ἴδιον ὑπάρχει τῶν εὐλογίστων καὶ φρένας ἐχόντων ἀνδρῶν, οὓς καὶ θειοτάτους εἶναι καὶ προσφιλεστάτους τοῖς θεοῖς νομιστέον. ^10.2.8 ἐμοὶ δὲ δοκεῖ Πόπλιος Λυκούργῳ τῷ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων νομοθέτῃ παραπλησίαν ἐσχηκέναι φύσιν καὶ προαίρεσιν. ^10.2.9 οὔτε γὰρ Λυκοῦργον ἡγητέον δεισιδαιμονοῦντα καὶ πάντα προσέχοντα τῇ Πυθίᾳ συστήσασθαι τὸ Λακεδαιμονίων πολίτευμα, οὔτε Πόπλιον ἐξ ἐνυπνίων ὁρμώμενον καὶ κληδόνων τηλικαύτην περιποιῆσαι τῇ πατρίδι δυναστείαν·, ^10.2.10 ἀλλʼ ὁρῶντες ἑκάτεροι τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν ἀνθρώπων οὔτε τὰ παράδοξα προσδεχομένους ῥᾳδίως οὔτε τοῖς δεινοῖς τολμῶντας παραβάλλεσθαι χωρὶς τῆς ἐκ τῶν θεῶν ἐλπίδος, ^10.2.12 Πόπλιος δὲ παραπλησίως ἐνεργαζόμενος αἰεὶ δόξαν τοῖς πολλοῖς ὡς μετά τινος θείας ἐπιπνοίας ποιούμενος τὰς ἐπιβολάς, εὐθαρσεστέρους καὶ προθυμοτέρους κατεσκεύαζε τοὺς ὑποταττομένους πρὸς τὰ δεινὰ τῶν ἔργων. ^10.2.13 ὅτι δʼ ἕκαστα μετὰ λογισμοῦ καὶ προνοίας ἔπραττε, καὶ διότι πάντα κατὰ λόγον ἐξέβαινε τὰ τέλη τῶν πράξεων αὐτῷ, δῆλον ἔσται διὰ τῶν λέγεσθαι μελλόντων. ^10.11.7 τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἔφη τὴν ἐπιβολὴν αὐτῷ ταύτην ὑποδεδειχέναι τὸν Ποσειδῶνα παραστάντα κατὰ τὸν ὕπνον, καὶ φάναι συνεργήσειν ἐπιφανῶς κατʼ αὐτὸν τὸν τῆς πράξεως καιρὸν οὕτως ὥστε παντὶ τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τὴν ἐξ αὐτοῦ χρείαν ἐναργῆ γενέσθαι. ^31.25.5 καὶ τηλικαύτη τις ἐνεπεπτώκει περὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα τῶν ἔργων ἀκρασία τοῖς νέοις ὥστε πολλοὺς μὲν ἐρώμενον ἠγορακέναι ταλάντου, πολλοὺς δὲ ταρίχου Ποντικοῦ κεράμιον τριακοσίων δραχμῶν. ^38.22 ὁ δὲ Σκιπίων πόλιν ὁρῶν τότε ἄρδην τελευτῶσαν ἐς πανωλεθρίαν ἐσχάτην, λέγεται μὲν δακρῦσαι καὶ φανερὸς γενέσθαι κλαίων ὑπὲρ πολεμίων· ἐπὶ πολὺ δʼ ἔννους ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῦ γενόμενός τε καὶ συνιδὼν ὅτι καὶ πόλεις καὶ ἔθνη καὶ ἀρχὰς ἁπάσας δεῖ μεταβαλεῖν ὥσπερ ἀνθρώπους δαίμονα, καὶ τοῦτʼ ἔπαθε μὲν Ἴλιον, εὐτυχής ποτε πόλις, ἔπαθε δὲ ἡ Ἀσσυρίων καὶ Μήδων καὶ Περσῶν ἐπʼ ἐκείνοις ἀρχὴ μεγίστη γενομένη καὶ ἡ μάλιστα ἔναγχος ἐκλάμψασα ἡ Μακεδόνων, εἴτε ἑκών, εἴτε προφυγόντος αὐτὸν τοῦδε τοῦ ἔπους εἰπεῖν, ἔσσεται ἦμαρ ὅταν ποτʼ ὀλώλῃ Ἴλιος ἱρὴ καὶ Πρίαμος καὶ λαὸς ἐυμμελίω Πριάμοιο. Πολυβίου δʼ αὐτὸν ἐρομένου σὺν παρρησίᾳ· καὶ γὰρ ἦν αὐτοῦ καὶ διδάσκαλος· ὅ τι βούλοιτο ὁ λόγος, φασὶν οὐ φυλαξάμενον ὀνομάσαι τὴν πατρίδα σαφῶς, ὑπὲρ ἧς ἄρα ἐς τἀνθρώπεια ἀφορῶν ἐδεδίει. καὶ τάδε μὲν Πολύβιος αὐτὸς ἀκούσας συγγράφει. ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ποιούμενοι παραβόλως καὶ διὰ πόρου τὸν πλοῦν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην πάλιν περιέπεσον χειμῶνι τηλικούτῳ τὸ μέγεθος ὥστε πλείω τῶν ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα πλοίων ἀποβαλεῖν. οἱ δʼ ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ τούτων συμβάντων, Λυκοῦργος μὲν αἰεὶ προσλαμβανόμενος ταῖς ἰδίαις ἐπιβολαῖς τὴν ἐκ τῆς Πυθίας φήμην εὐπαραδεκτοτέρας καὶ πιστοτέρας ἐποίει τὰς ἰδίας ἐπινοίας,

^3.59.7 in view of the fact that Iunderwent the perils of journeys through Africa, Spain, and Gaul, and of voyages on the seas that lie on the farther side of these countries,
^6.7.6 But when they received the office by hereditary succession and found their safety now provided for, and more than sufficient provision of food, ^6.7.7 they gave way to their appetites owing to this superabundance, and came to think that the rulers must be distinguished from their subjects by a peculiar dress, that there should be a peculiar luxury and variety in the dressing and serving of their viands, and that they should meet with no denial in the pursuit of their amours, however lawless. ^6.7.8 These habits having given rise in the one case to envy and offence and in the other to an outburst of hatred and passionate resentment, the kingship changed into a tyranny; the first steps towards its overthrow were taken by the subjects, and conspiracies began to be formed.
^6.53 Whenever any illustrious man dies, he is carried at his funeral into the forum to the soâx80x91called rostra, sometimes conspicuous in an upright posture and more rarely reclined.For who would not be inspired by the sight of the images of men renowned for their excellence, all together and as if alive and breathing? What spectacle could be more glorious than this?Here with all the people standing round, a grown-up son, if he has left one who happens to be present, or if not some other relative mounts the rostra and discourses on the virtues and success­ful achievements of the dead.As a consequence the multitude and not only those who had a part in these achievements, but those also who had none, when the facts are recalled to their minds and brought before their eyes, are moved to such sympathy that the loss seems to be not confined to the mourners, but a public one affecting the whole people.Next after the interment and the performance of the usual ceremonies, they place the image of the departed in the most conspicuous position in the house, enclosed in a wooden shrine.This image is a mask reproducing with remarkable fidelity both the features and complexion of the deceased.On the occasion of public sacrifices they display these images, and decorate them with much care, and when any distinguished member of the family dies they take them to the funeral, putting them on men who seem to them to bear the closest resemblance to the original in stature and carriage.These representatives wear togas, with a purple border if the deceased was a consul or praetor, whole purple if he was a censor, and embroidered with gold if he had celebrated a triumph or achieved anything similar.They all ride in chariots preceded by the fasces, axes, and other insignia by which the different magistrates are wont to be accompanied according to the respective dignity of the offices of state held by each during his life;and when they arrive at the rostra they all seat themselves in a row on ivory chairs. There could not easily be a more ennobling spectacle for a young man who aspires to fame and virtue.
^10.2.5 As for all other writers, they represent him as a man favoured by fortune, who always owed the most part of his success to the unexpected and to mere chance, ^10.2.6 such men being, in their opinion, more divine and more worthy of admiration than those who always act by calculation. They are not aware that one of the two things deserves praise and the other only congratulation, the latter being common to ordinary men, ^10.2.7 whereas what is praiseworthy belongs alone to men of sound judgement and mental ability, whom we should consider to be the most divine and most beloved by the gods. ^10.2.8 To me it seems that the character and principles of Scipio much resembled those of Lycurgus, the Lacedaemonian legislator. ^10.2.9 For neither must we suppose that Lycurgus drew up the constitution of Sparta under the influence of superstition and solely prompted by the Pythia, nor that Scipio won such an empire )" onMouseOut="nd();"for his country by following the suggestion of dreams and omens. ^10.2.10 But since both of them saw that most men neither readily accept anything unfamiliar to them, nor venture on great risks without the hope of divine help, Lycurgus made his own scheme more acceptable and more easily believed in by invoking the oracles of the Pythia in support of projects due to himself, ^10.2.12 while Scipio similarly made the men under his command more sanguine and more ready to face perilous enterprises by instilling into them the belief that his projects were divinely inspired. ^10.2.13 That everything he did was done with calculation and foresight, and that all his enterprises fell out as he had reckoned, will be clear from what Iam about to say.
^10.11.7 Finally he told them that it was Neptune who had first suggested this plan to him, appearing to him in his sleep, and promising that when the time for the action came he would render such conspicuous aid that his intervention would be manifest to the whole army.
^31.25.5 So great in fact was the incontinence that had broken out among the young men in such matters, that many paid a talent for a male favourite and many three hundred drachmas for a jar of caviar.
^38.22 Scipio, when he looked upon the city as it was utterly perishing and in the last throes of its complete destruction, is said to have shed tears and wept openly for his enemies.After being wrapped in thought for long, and realizing that all cities, nations, and authorities must, like men, meet their doom; that this happened to Ilium, once a prosperous city, to the empires of Assyria, Media, and Persia, the greatest of their time, and to Macedonia itself, the brilliance of which was so recent, either deliberately or the verses escaping him, he said: Aday will come when sacred Troy shall perish, And Priam and his people shall be slain. And when Polybius speaking with freedom to him, for he was his teacher, asked him what he meant by the words, they say that without any attempt at concealment he named his own country, for which he feared when he reflected on the fate of all things human. Polybius actually heard him and recalls it in his history.

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¹ To thee ( Cornelius !); for wast ever fain,To deem my trifles somewhat boon contain;Een when thou single mongst Italians found,Daredst all periods in three Scripts expound,Learned (by Jupiter !) elaborately.Then take thee whatso in this booklet be,Such as it is, whereto O Patron Maid,To live down Ages lend thou lasting aid!"

¹⁴ Did I not liefer love thee than my eyes,(Winsomest Calvus!), for that gift of thine,Certès Id hate thee with Vatinian hate.Say me, how came I, or by word or deed,To cause thee plague me with so many a bard?The Gods deal many an ill to such a client,Who sent of impious wights to thee such crowd.But if (as guess I) this choice boon new-found,To thee from "Commentator" Sulla come,None ill I hold it—well and welcome tis,For that thy labours neer to death be doomd.Great Gods! What horrid booklet damnable,Unto thine own Catullus thou (perdie!),Did send, that ever day by day die he,In Saturnalia, first of festivals.No! No! thus shallt not pass wi thee, sweet wag,For I at dawning day will scour the booths,of bibliopoles, Aquinii, Caesii and,Suffenus, gather all their poison-trash,And with such torments pay thee for thy pains.Now for the present hence, adieu! begone,Thither, whence came ye, brought by luckless feet,Pests of the Century, ye pernicious Poets.An of my trifles peradventure chance,You to be readers, and the hands of you,Without a shudder unto us be offerd, "

^2.15 By these institutions Romulus sufficiently regulated and suitably disposed the city both for peace and for war: and he made it large and populous by the following means. 2.16 There was yet athird policy of Romulus, which the Greeks ought to have practised above all others, it being, in my opinion, the best of all political measures, as it laid the most solid foundation for the liberty of the Romans and was no slight factor in raising them to their position of supremacy. It was this: not to slay all the men of military age or to enslave the rest of the population of the cities captured in war or to allow their land to go back to pasturage for sheep, but rather to send settlers thither to possess some part of the country by lot and to make the conquered cities Roman colonies, and even to grant citizenship to some of them.
4.62.6 But when the temple was burned after the close of the onehundred and seventy-third Olympiad, either purposely, as some think, or by accident, these oracles together with all the offerings consecrated to the god were destroyed by the fire. Those which are now extant have been scraped together from many places, some from the cities of Italy, others from Erythrae in Asia (whither three envoys were sent by vote of the senate to copy them), and others were brought from other cities, transcribed by private persons. Some of these are found to be interpolations among the genuine Sibylline oracles, being recognized as such by means of the soâx80x91called acrostics. In all this Iam following the account given by Terentius Varro in his work on religion. <

^3.3 STAND FIRM The passion of the public, demanding what is wrong, never shakes the man of just and firm intention, from his settled purpose, nor the tyrant’s threatening face, nor the winds the stormy masters of the troubled Adriatic, nor Jupiter’s mighty hand with its lightning: if the heavens fractured in their fall, still their ruin would strike him, unafraid. By these means Pollux, and wandering Hercules, in their effort, reached the fiery citadels, where Augustus shall recline one day, drinking nectar to stain his rosy lips. Bacchus, for such virtues your tigers drew you, pulling at the yoke holding their untamed necks: for these virtues, Romulus, escaped with horses that were Mars’, from Acheron, while Juno, in the council of the gods, spoke welcome words: ‘Ilium, Ilium is in the dust, through both Paris’s fatal, sinful judgement, and that foreign woman: Ilium was mine, and virgin Minerva’s, and its citizens, and its treacherous king, from the time when Laomedon robbed the gods, withholding the payment agreed. The infamous guest no longer shines for his Spartan adulteress, nor does Priam’s house, betrayed, hold back the fierce Achaeans, with Hector’s help: now the ten-year battle, which our quarrels long extended, is ended. From this moment on I’ll abandon my fierce anger, and I’ll restore my hated grandson, he who was born of a priestess of Troy, to Mars: I’ll allow him to enter the regions of light, and to drink sweet nectar, and to be enrolled, and take his place, here, among the quiet ranks of the gods. Let the exiles rule happily in any place they choose, so long as there’s a width of sea, roaring, between Ilium and Rome, so long as the cattle trample over the tombs of Paris and of Priam, and wild beasts hide their offspring there with impunity: and let their Capitol stand gleaming, let warlike Rome make laws for conquered Medes. Let her extend her dreaded name to farthest shores, there where the straits separate Africa and Europe, there where the swollen Nileirrigates the lands beside the river, firm in ignoring gold still undiscovered, that’s better where it is while earth conceals it, than mining it for our human use, with hands that grasp everything that’s sacred. Whatever marks the boundaries of the world, let Rome’s might reach it, eager to see regions where solar fires perform their revels, or places where the mists and rain pour down. But I prophesy such fate for her warlike citizens, with this proviso: that they show no excess of piety, or faith in their powers, wishing to rebuild Troy’s ancestral roofs. Troy’s fortunes would revive with evil omens, and they’d repeat their sad disaster, while I, who am Jove’s wife and sister, would lead the victorious armies. If her bronze walls were to rise again three times with Apollo’s help, three times they’d be destroyed, shattered by my Argives, and, three times, the captive wife would mourn sons and husband.’ What are you saying, Muse? This theme doesn’t suit the happy lyre. Stop wilfully repeating divine conversations, and weakening great matters with these trivial metres.

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^2.36 ludi forte ex instauratione magni Romae parabantur. instaurandi haec causa fuerat: ludis mane servum quidam pater familiae nondum commisso spectaculo sub furca caesum medio egerat circo; coepti inde ludi, velut ea res nihil ad religionem pertinuisset. haud ita multo post T. Latinio, de plebe homini, somnium fuit: visus Iuppiter dicere sibi ludis praesultatorem displicuisse; nisi magnifice instaurarentur ii ludi, periculum urbi fore; iret, ea consulibus nuntiaret. quamquam hand haud sane liber erat religione animus, verecundia tamen maiestatis magistratuum cum timore vicit, ne in ora hominum pro ludibrio abiret. magno illi ea cunctatio stetit; filium namque intra paucos dies amisit. cuius repentinae cladis ne causa dubia esset, aegro animi eadem illa in somnis obversata species visa est rogitare, satin magnam spreti numinis haberet mercedem; maiorem instare, ni eat propere ac nuntiet consulibus. iam praesentior res erat. cunctantem tamen ac prolatantem ingens vis morbi adorta est debilitate subita. tune tunc enimvero deorum ira admonuit. fessus igitur malis praeteritis instantibusque consilio propinquorum adhibito cum visa atque audita et obversatum totiens somno Iovem, minas irasque caelestes repraesentatas casibus suis exposuisset, consensu inde baud haud dubio omnium, qui aderant, in forum ad consules lectica defertur. inde in curiam iussu consulum delatus eadem illa cum patribus ingenti omnium admiratione enarrasset, ecce aliud miraculum: qui captus omnibus membris delatus in curiam esset, eum functum officio pedibus suis domum redisse traditum memoriae est. ^8.9.1 Romani consules, priusquam educerent in aciem, immolaverunt. Decio caput iocineris a familiari parte caesum haruspex dicitur ostendisse; alioqui acceptam dis hostiam esse; Manlium egregie litasse. “atqui bene habet” inquit Decius, “si ab collega litatum est.”, hos ubi nocturnos visus inter se consules contulerunt, placuit averruncandae deum irae victimas caedi, simul ut, si extis eadem, quae in somnio visa fuerant, portenderentur, alteruter consulum fata inpleret. ubi responsa haruspicum insidenti iam animo tacitae religioni congruerunt, turn tum adhibitis legatis tribunisque et imperils imperiis deum propalam expositis, ne mors voluntaria consulis exercitum in acie terreret, vitiatam memoriam funebribus laudibus reor falsisque imaginum titulis, dum familiae ad se quaeque famam rerum gestarum honorumque fallenti mendacio trahunt. Q. Fabius Maximus dictator iterum quo die magistratum iniit vocato senatu, ab diis orsus, cum edocuisset patres plus neglegentia caerimoniarum auspiciorum que quam temeritate atque inscitia peccatum a C. Flaminio consule esse quaeque piacula irae deum essent ipsos deos consulendos esse, inde dictator ex auctoritate patrum dictus M. Iunius et Ti. Sempronius magister equitum dilectu edicto iuniores ab annis septemdecim et quosdam praetextatos scribunt. quattuor ex his legiones et mille equites effecti. priore carmine Cannensis praedicta clades in haec fere verba erat: “amnem, Troiugena, fuge Cannam, ne te alienigenae cogant in campo Diomedis conserere manus. Marcellum aliae atque aliae obiectae animo religiones tenebant, in quibus quod, cum bello Gallico ad Clastidium aedem 10nori Honori et Virtuti vovisset, multa alia in Scipionis exitu maxime vitae dieque dicta, morte, funere, sepulcro, in diversum trahunt, ut, cui famae, quibus scriptis adsentiar, non habeam. haec enim ipsa Ti. Gracchus queritur dissolutam esse a privato tribuniciam potestatem, et ad postremum, cum auxilium L. Scipioni pollicetur, adicit tolerabilioris exempli esse a tribuno plebis potius quam a privato victam videri et tribuniciam potestatem et rem publicam esse. sed ita hanc unam impotentem eius iniuriam invidia onerat, ut increpando quod degenerarit tantum a se ipse, cumulatas ei veteres laudes moderationis et temperantiae pro reprehensione praesenti reddat; castigatum enim quondam ab eo populum ait, quod eum perpetuum consulem et dictatorem vellet facere; prohibuisse statuas sibi in comitio, in Rostris, in curia, in Capitolio, in cella Iovis poni; prohibuisse, ne decerneretur, ut imago sua triumphali ornatu e templo Iovis optimi maximi exiret, non de accusatore convenit: alii M. Naevium, alii Petillios diem dixisse scribunt, non de tempore, quo dicta dies sit, non de anno, quo mortuus sit, non ubi mortuus aut elatus sit; alii Romae, alii Literni et mortuum et sepultum. utrobique monumenta ostenduntur et statuae; nam et Literni monumentum monumentoque statua superimposita fuit, quam tempestate deiectam nuper vidimus ipsi, et Romae extra portam Capenam in Scipionum monumento tres statuae sunt, quarum duae P. et L. Scipionum dicuntur esse, tertia poetae Q. Ennii. nec inter scriptores rerum discrepat solum, sed orationes quoque, si modo ipsorum sunt quae feruntur, P. Scipionis et Ti. Gracchi abhorrent inter se. index orationis P. Scipionis nomen M. Naevii tribuni plebis habet, ipsa oratio sine nomine est accusatoris; modo nebulonem, modo nugatorem appellat. ne Gracchi quidem oratio aut Petilliorum accusatorum Africani aut diei dictae Africano ullam mentionem habet. alia tota serenda fabula est Gracchi orationi conveniens, et illi auctores sequendi sunt, qui, cum L. Scipio et accusatus et damnatus sit pecuniae captae ab rege legatum in Etruria fuisse Africanum tradunt; qua post famam de casu fratris adlatam relicta legatione cucurrisse eum Romam et, cum a porta recta ad forum se contulisset, quod in vincula duci fratrem dictum erat, reppulisse a corpore eius viatorem, et tribdis tribunis retinentibus magis pie quam civiliter vim fecisse. luxuriae enim peregrinae origo ab exercitu Asiatico invecta in urbem est. ii primum lectos aeratos, vestem stragulam pretiosam, plagulas et alia textilia, et quae tum magnificae supellectilis habebantur, monopodia et abacos Romam advexerunt. eodem anno, quia per recognitionem Postumi consulis magna pars agri Campani, quem privati sine discrimine passim possederant, recuperata in publicum erat, M. Lucretius tribunus plebis promulgavit, ut agrum Campanum censores fruendum locarent, quod factum tot annis post captam Capuam non fuerat, ut in vacuo vagaretur cupiditas privatorum.

" ^2.36 It so happened that preparations were being made for a repetition of the ‘Great Games.’34 The reason for their repetition was that early in the morning, prior to the commencement of the Games, a householder after flogging his slave had driven him through the middle of the Circus Maximus. Then the Games commenced, as though the incident had no religious significance. 2 Not long afterwards, Titus Latinius, a member of the plebs, had a dream. Jupiter appeared to him and said that the dancer who commenced the Games was displeasing to him, adding that unless those Games were repeated with due magnificence, disaster would overtake the City, and he was to go and report this to the consuls.Though he was by no means free from religious scruples, still his fears gave way before his awe of the magistrates, lest he should become an object of public ridicule. 4 This hesitation cost him dear, for within a few days he lost his son. That he might have no doubt as to the cause of this sudden calamity, the same form again appeared to the distressed father in his sleep, and demanded of him whether he had been sufficiently repaid for his neglect of the divine will, for a more terrible recompense was impending if he did not speedily go and inform the consuls. 5 Though the matter was becoming more urgent, he still delayed, and while thus procrastinating he was attacked by a serious illness in the form of sudden paralysis.Now the divine wrath thoroughly alarmed him, and wearied out by his past misfortune and the one from which he was suffering, he called his relations together and explained what he had seen and heard, the repeated appearance of Jupiter in his sleep, the threatening wrath of heaven brought home to him by his calamities. 7 On the strong advice of all present he was carried in a litter to the consuls in the Forum, and from there by the consuls order into the Senate-house. After repeating the same story to the senators, to the intense surprise of all, another marvel occurred. 8 The tradition runs that he who had been carried into the Senate-house paralysed in every limb, returned home, after performing his duty, on his own feet.", "
^8.9.1 The battle took place near the base of Mount Vesuvius, where the road led to Veseris. Before leading out their armies to battle the consuls offered sacrifice. Theharuspex, whose duty it was to inspect the different organs in the victims, pointed out to Decius a prophetic intimation of his death, in all other respects the signs were favourable. Manlius sacrifice was entirely satisfactory. 2 ‘It is well,’ said Decius,‘if my colleague has obtained favourable signs.’",

^1.102 Tutemet a nobis iam quovis tempore vatum, terriloquis victus dictis desciscere quaeres. quippe etenim quam multa tibi iam fingere possunt, somnia, quae vitae rationes vertere possint, fortunasque tuas omnis turbare timore! et merito; nam si certam finem esse viderent, aerumnarum homines, aliqua ratione valerent, religionibus atque minis obsistere vatum. nunc ratio nulla est restandi, nulla facultas, aeternas quoniam poenas in morte timendum. Ennius ut noster cecinit, qui primus amoeno, detulit ex Helicone perenni fronde coronam,

" ^1.102 And there shall come the time when even thou, Forced by the soothsayers terror-tales, shalt seek To break from us. Ah, many a dream even now Can they concoct to rout thy plans of life, And trouble all thy fortunes with base fears. I own with reason: for, if men but knew Some fixed end to ills, they would be strong By some device unconquered to withstand Religions and the menacings of seers. But now nor skill nor instrument is theirs, Since men must dread eternal pains in death. For what the soul may be they do not know, Whether tis born, or enter in at birth, And whether, snatched by death, it die with us, Or visit the shadows and the vasty caves of Orcus, or by some divine decree Enter the brute herds, as our Ennius sang, Who first from lovely Helicon brought down A laurel wreath of bright perennial leaves, Renowned forever among the Italian clans. Yet Ennius too in everlasting verse Proclaims those vaults of Acheron to be, Though thence, he said, nor souls nor bodies fare, But only phantom figures, strangely wan, And tells how once from out those regions rose Old Homers ghost to him and shed salt tears And with his words unfolded Natures source. Then be it ours with steady mind to clasp The purport of the skies- the law behind The wandering courses of the sun and moon; To scan the powers that speed all life below; But most to see with reasonable eyes of what the mind, of what the soul is made, And what it is so terrible that breaks On us asleep, or waking in disease, Until we seem to mark and hear at hand Dead men whose bones earth bosomed long ago.",

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^1.219 Atque aliqua ex illis cum regum nomina quaeret, ^1.220 rend=, ^1.221 Omnia responde, nec tantum siqua rogabit; ^1.222 rend=, ^1.223 Hic est Euphrates, praecinctus harundine frontem: ^1.224 rend=, ^1.225 Hos facito Armenios; haec est Danaëia Persis: ^1.227 Ille vel ille, duces; et erunt quae nomina dicas, ^1.228 rend=, ^3.334 rend=

" ^1.219 Thus you your fathers troops shall lead to fight,", " ^1.220 And thus shall vanquish in your fathers right.", ^1.221 These rudiments you to your lineage owe; ^1.222 Born to increase your titles as you grow. ^1.223 Brethren you had, revenge your brethren slain; ^1.224 You have a father, and his rights maintain. " ^1.225 Armd by your countrys parent and your own,", ^1.226 Redeem your country and restore his throne. ^1.227 Your enemies assert an impious cause; ^1.228 You fight both for divine and human laws.
^3.334 When calm the sea, at ease the pilot lies,

^2.281 inde deum colimus, devectaque sacra Pelasgis, ^2.282 flamen adhuc prisco more Dialis obit.1, ^3.291 sed poterunt ritum Picus Faunusque piandi, ^3.292 tradere, Romani numen utrumque soli. ^3.293 nec sine vi tradent: adhibe tu vincula captis.’, ^3.294 atque ita qua possint edidit arte capi. ^3.295 lucus Aventino suberat niger ilicis umbra, ^3.296 quo posses viso dicere numen inest. ^3.297 in medio gramen, muscoque adoperta virenti, ^3.298 manabat saxo vena perennis aquae: ^3.299 inde fere soli Faunus Picusque bibebant. ^3.300 huc venit et fonti rex Numa mactat ovem, ^3.301 plenaque odorati disponit pocula Bacchi, ^3.302 cumque suis antro conditus ipse latet, ^3.303 ad solitos veniunt silvestria numina fontes, ^3.304 et relevant multo pectora sicca mero. ^3.305 vina quies sequitur; gelido Numa prodit ab antro, ^3.306 vinclaque sopitas addit in arta manus, ^3.307 somnus ut abscessit, pugdo vincula temptant, ^3.308 rumpere: pugtes fortius illa tenent. ^3.309 tunc Numa: ‘di nemorum, factis ignoscite nostris, ^3.310 si scelus ingenio scitis abesse meo; ^3.311 quoque modo possit fulmen, monstrate, piari.’, ^3.312 sic Numa; sic quatiens cornua Faunus ait: ^3.313 ‘magna petis nec quae monitu tibi discere nostro, ^3.314 fas sit: habent finis numina nostra suos. ^3.315 di sumus agrestes et qui dominemur in altis, ^3.316 montibus: arbitrium est in sua tela Iovi. ^3.317 hunc tu non poteris per te deducere caelo, ^3.318 at poteris nostra forsitan usus ope.’, ^3.319 dixerat haec Faunus; par est sententia Pici: ^3.320 deme tamen nobis vincula, Picus ait: ^3.321 ‘Iuppiter huc veniet, valida perductus ab arte. ^3.322 nubila promissi Styx mihi testis erit.’, ^3.323 emissi laqueis quid agant, quae carmina dicant, ^3.324 quaque trahant superis sedibus arte Iovem, ^3.325 scire nefas homini: nobis concessa canentur, ^3.326 quaeque pio dici vatis ab ore licet, ^3.327 eliciunt caelo te, Iuppiter, unde minores, ^3.328 nunc quoque te celebrant Eliciumque vocant, ^3.329 constat Aventinae tremuisse cacumina silvae, ^3.330 terraque subsedit pondere pressa Iovis, ^3.331 corda micant regis, totoque e corpore sanguis, ^3.332 fugit, et hirsutae deriguere comae, ^3.333 ut rediit animus, da certa piamina dixit, ^3.334 ‘fulminis, altorum rexque paterque deum, ^3.335 si tua contigimus manibus donaria puris, ^3.336 hoc quoque, quod petitur, si pia lingua rogat.’, ^3.337 adnuit oranti, sed verum ambage remota, ^3.338 abdidit et dubio terruit ore virum. ^3.339 caede caput dixit: cui rex parebimus, inquit, ^3.340 caedenda est hortis eruta caepa meis. ^3.341 addidit, hic hominis: sumes ait ille capillos. ^3.342 postulat hic animam, cui Numa piscis ait. ^3.343 risit et his inquit ‘facito mea tela procures, ^3.344 o vir conloquio non abigende deum. ^3.345 sed tibi, protulerit cum totum crastinus orbem, ^3.346 Cynthius, imperii pignora certa dabo.’, ^4.255 post, ut Roma potens opibus iam saecula quinque, ^4.256 vidit et edomito sustulit orbe caput, ^4.257 carminis Euboici fatalia verba sacerdos, ^4.258 inspicit; inspectum tale fuisse ferunt: ^4.259 ‘mater abest: matrem iubeo, Romane, requiras. ^4.260 cum veniet, casta est accipienda manu. ^4.293 omnis eques mixtaque gravis cum plebe senatus, ^4.294 obvius ad Tusci fluminis ora venit. ^4.305 Claudia Quinta genus Clauso referebat ab alto, ^4.306 nec facies impar nobilitate fuit: ^4.307 casta quidem, sed non et credita: rumor iniquus, ^4.308 laeserat, et falsi criminis acta rea est; ^4.337 est locus, in Tiberim qua lubricus influit Almo, ^4.338 et nomen magno perdit in amne minor: ^4.339 illic purpurea canus cum veste sacerdos, ^4.340 Almonis dominam sacraque lavit aquis, ^4.341 exululant comites, furiosaque tibia flatur, ^4.342 et feriunt molles taurea terga manus. ^4.343 Claudia praecedit laeto celeberrima voltu,

^2.281 So we worship the god, and the priest perform, ^2.282 The rites the Pelasgians brought in the ancient way.
^3.291 Can teach you the rites of expiation. But they won’t, ^3.292 Teach them unless compelled: so catch and bind them.’, ^3.293 And she revealed the arts by which they could be caught. ^3.294 There was a grove, dark with holm-oaks, below the Aventine, ^3.295 At sight of which you would say: ‘There’s a god within.’, ^3.296 The centre was grassy, and covered with green moss, ^3.297 And a perennial stream of water trickled from the rock. ^3.298 Faunus and Picus used to drink there alone. ^3.299 Numa approached and sacrificed a sheep to the spring, ^3.300 And set out cups filled with fragrant wine. ^3.301 Then he hid with his people inside the cave. ^3.302 The woodland spirits came to their usual spring, ^3.303 And quenched their dry throats with draughts of wine. ^3.304 Sleep succeeded wine: Numa emerged from the icy cave, ^3.305 And clasped the sleepers’ hands in tight shackles. ^3.306 When sleep vanished, they fought and tried to burst, ^3.307 Their bonds, which grew tighter the more they struggled. ^3.308 Then Numa spoke: ‘Gods of the sacred groves, if you accept, ^3.309 My thoughts were free of wickedness, forgive my actions: ^3.310 And show me how the lightning may be averted.’, ^3.311 So Numa: and, shaking his horns, so Faunus replied: ^3.312 ‘You seek great things, that it’s not right for you to know, ^3.313 Through our admission: our powers have their limits. ^3.314 We are rural gods who rule in the high mountains: ^3.315 Jupiter has control of his own weapons. ^3.316 You could never draw him from heaven by yourself, ^3.317 But you may be able, by making use of our aid.’, ^3.318 Faunus spoke these words: Picus too agreed, ^3.319 ‘But remove our shackles,’ Picus added: ^3.320 ‘Jupiter will arrive here, drawn by powerful art. ^3.321 Cloudy Styx will be witness to my promise.’, ^3.322 It’s wrong for men to know what the gods enacted when loosed, ^3.323 From the snare, or what spells they spoke, or by what art, ^3.324 They drew Jupiter from his realm above. My song will sing, ^3.325 of lawful things, such as a poet may speak with pious lips. ^3.326 The drew you (eliciunt) from the sky, Jupiter, and later, ^3.327 Generations now worship you, by the name of Elicius. ^3.328 It’s true that the crowns of the Aventine woods trembled, ^3.329 And the earth sank under the weight of Jove. ^3.330 The king’s heart shook, the blood fled from his body, ^3.331 And the bristling hair stood up stiffly on his head. ^3.332 When he regained his senses, he said: ‘King and father, ^3.333 To the high gods, if I have touched your offering, ^3.334 With pure hands, and if a pious tongue, too, asks for, ^3.335 What I seek, grant expiation from your lightning,’, ^3.336 The god accepted his prayer, but hid the truth with deep, ^3.337 Ambiguities, and terrified him with confusing words. ^3.338 ‘Sever a head,’ said the god: the king replied; ‘I will, ^3.339 We’ll sever an onion’s, dug from my garden.’, ^3.340 The god added: ‘of a man’: ‘You’ll have the hair,’, ^3.341 Said the king. He demanded a life, Numa replied: ‘A fish’s’. ^3.342 The god laughed and said: ‘Expiate my lightning like this, ^3.343 O man who cannot be stopped from speaking with gods. ^3.344 And when Apollo’s disc is full tomorrow, ^3.345 I’ll give you sure pledges of empire.’, ^3.346 He spoke, and was carried above the quaking sky,
^4.255 Later, when Rome was more than five centuries old, ^4.256 And had lifted its head above the conquered world, ^4.257 The priest consulted the fateful words of Euboean prophecy: ^4.258 They say that what he found there was as follows: ^4.259 ‘The Mother’s absent: Roman, I command you: seek the Mother. ^4.260 When she arrives, she must be received in chaste hands.’,
^4.293 All the Knights, grave Senators, and commoners, ^4.294 Came to meet her at the mouth of the Tuscan river.
^4.305 Claudia Quinta traced her descent from noble Clausus, ^4.306 And her beauty was in no way unequal to her nobility: ^4.307 She was chaste, but not believed so: hostile rumour, ^4.308 Had wounded her, false charges were levelled at her:
^4.337 There’s a place where smooth-flowing Almo joins the Tiber, ^4.338 And the lesser flow loses its name in the greater: ^4.339 There, a white-headed priest in purple robe, ^4.340 Washed the Lady, and sacred relics, in Almo’s water. ^4.341 The attendants howled, and the mad flutes blew, ^4.342 And soft hands beat at the bull’s-hide drums. ^4.343 Claudia walked in front with a joyful face,

non fuit opprobrio celebrasse Lycorida Gallo,

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" ¹⁷ My subject seems to call for a brief account of the geography of Africa and some description of the nations there with which the people of Rome has had wars or alliances. 2 of those regions and peoples, however, which are seldom visited because of the heat, the difficulty of access, or the stretches of desert, I could not easily give an account based upon certain information. The rest I shall dispatch in the fewest possible words. 3 In their division of the earths surface geographers commonly regard Africa as a third part, a few recognize only Asia and Europe, including Africa in the latter. 4 Africa is bounded on the west by the strait between our sea and the Ocean, on the east by a broad sloping tract which the natives call Catabathmos. 5 The sea is rough and without harbours, the soil fertile in grain, and favourable to flocks and herds but unproductive of trees; heaven and earth are niggardly of water. 6 The natives are healthy, swift of foot, and of great endurance. They commonly die of old age, unless they fall victims to the steel or to wild beasts; for disease seldom gets the better of any of them. Moreover the country abounds in dangerous wild animals. 7 What men inhabited Africa originally, and who came later, or how the races mingled, I shall tell as briefly as possible. Although my account varies from the prevailing tradition, I give it as it was translated to me from the Punic books said to have been written by king Hiempsal, and in accordance with what the dwellers in that land believe. But the responsibility for its truth will rest with my authorities.", ¹⁸ In the beginning Africa was inhabited by the Gaetulians and Libyans, rude and uncivilized folk, who fed like beasts on the flesh of wild animals and the fruits of the earth. 2 They were governed neither by institutions nor law, nor were they subject to anyones rule. A restless, roving people, they had their abodes wherever night compelled a halt. 3 But when Hercules died in Spain, as the Africans believe, the men of divers nationalities who formed his army, now that their leader was gone and since there were many on every hand who aspired to succeed him, soon dispersed. 4 of those who made up the army, the Medes, Persians and Armenians crossed by ships into Africa 5 and settled in the regions nearest to our sea, the Persians closer to the Ocean; and these used as huts the inverted hulls of their ships; for there was no timber in the land, and there was no opportunity to obtain it from the Spaniards by purchase or barter, 6 since the wide expanse of sea and ignorance of the language were a bar to intercourse. 7 The Persians intermarried with the Gaetulians and were gradually merged with them, and because they often moved from place to place trying the soil, they called themselves Nomads. 8 It is an interesting fact, that even to the present day the dwellings of the rustic Numidians, which they call mapalia, are oblong and have roofs with curved sides, like the hulls of ships. 9 But the Medes and the Armenians had the Libyans as their nearest neighbours; for that people lived closer to the Afric sea, while the Gaetulians were farther to the south, not far from the regions of heat. These three peoples soon had towns; for being separated from the Spaniards only by the strait, they began to exchange wares with them. 10 The Libyans gradually altered the name of the Medes, calling them in their barbarian tongue Mauri (Moors).31 11 Now the commonwealth of the Persians soon increased and finally the younger generation, under the name of Numidians, separated from their parents because of the excess of population and took possession of the region next to Carthage, which is called Numidia. 12 Then both peoples, relying upon each others aid, brought their neighbours under their sway by arms or by fear and acquired renown and glory, especially those who had come near to our sea, because the Libyans are less warlike than the Gaetulians. Finally, the greater part of northern Africa fell into the hands of the Numidians, and all the vanquished were merged in the race and name of their rulers.", " ¹⁹ Later the Phoenicians, sometimes for the sake of ridding themselves of the superfluous population at home, sometimes from desire for dominion tempting away the commons and others who were desirous of a change, founded Hippo, Hadrumetum, Lepcis, and other cities on the coast. These soon became very powerful and were in some cases a defence and in others a glory to the mother city. 2 As to Carthage, I think it better to be silent rather than say too little, since time warns me to hasten on to other topics. 3 In the neighbourhood, then, of the Catabathmos, the region which separates Egypt from Africa, the first city as you follow the coast is Cyrene, a colony of Thera, and then come the two Syrtes with Lepcis between them. Next we come to the altars of the Philaeni, the point which the Carthaginians regarded as marking the boundary between their empire and Egypt; then other Punic cities. 4 The rest of the region as far as Mauretania is held by the Numidians, while the people nearest Spain are the Moors. 5 South of Numidia, we are told, are the Gaetulians, some of whom live in huts, while others lead a less civilized nomadic life. 6 Still farther to the south are the Aethiopians, and then come the regions parched by the suns heat. 7 Now at the time of the war with Jugurtha the Romans were governing through their officials nearly all the Punic cities, as well as the territory which in their latter days had belonged to the Carthaginians. The greater number of the Gaetulians, and Numidia as far as the river Muluccha, were subject to Jugurtha. All the Moors were ruled by king Bocchus, who knew nothing of the Roman people save their name and was in turn unknown to us before that time either in peace or in war. 8 This account of Africa and its peoples is enough for my purpose.", ⁷⁹ Since the affairs of the people of Lepcis have brought us to this region, it seems fitting to relate the noble and memorable act of two Carthaginians; the place calls the event to mind. 2 At the time when the Carthaginians ruled in the greater part of Africa, the people of Cyrene were also strong and prosperous. 3 Between that city and Carthage lay a sandy plain of monotonous aspect. There was neither river nor hill to mark the frontiers, a circumstance which involved the two peoples in bitter and lasting strife. 4 After many armies and fleets had been beaten and put to flight on both sides, and the long struggle had somewhat wearied them both, they began to fear that presently a third party might attack victors and vanquished in their weak state. They therefore called a truce and agreed that on a given day envoys should set out from each city and that the place where they met should be regarded as the common frontier of the two peoples. 5 Accordingly, two brothers were sent from Carthage, called Philaeni, and these made haste to complete their journey. Those from Cyrene went more deliberately. Whether this was due to sloth or chance I cannot say, 6 but in those lands a storm often causes no less delay than on the sea; for when the wind rises on those level and barren plains, it sweeps up the sand from the ground and drives it with such violence as to fill the mouth and eyes. Thus one is halted because one cannot see. 7 Now when the men of Cyrene realized that they were somewhat belated and feared punishment for their failure when they returned, they accused the Carthaginians of having left home ahead of time and refused to abide by the agreement; in fact they were willing to do anything rather than go home defeated. 8 But when the Carthaginians demanded other terms, provided they were fair, the Greeks gave them the choice, either of being buried alive in the place which they claimed as the boundary of their country, or of allowing the Greeks on the same condition to advance as far as they wished. 9 The Philaeni accepted the terms and gave up their lives for their country; so they were buried alive. 10 The Carthaginians consecrated altars on that spot to the Philaeni brothers, and other honours were established for them at home. I now return to my subject. "

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^1.1 Arma virumque cano, Troiae qui primus ab oris, ^4.261 conspicit; atque illi stellatus iaspide fulva, ^4.262 ensis erat, Tyrioque ardebat murice laena, ^4.263 demissa ex umeris, dives quae munera Dido, ^4.369 Num fletu ingemuit nostro? Num lumina flexit? ^4.370 Num lacrimas victus dedit, aut miseratus amantem est? ^5.374 perculit, et fulva moribundum extendit harena. ^5.669 castra, nec exanimes possunt retinere magistri. ^8.698 omnigenumque deum monstra et latrator Anubis, ^8.699 contra Neptunum et Venerem contraque Minervam, ^8.700 tela tenent. Saevit medio in certamine Mavors, maius opus moveo.

^1.1 Arms and the man I sing, who first made way,
^4.261 foul, whispering lips, and ears, that catch at all. " ^4.262 At night she spreads midway twixt earth and heaven", ^4.263 her pinions in the darkness, hissing loud,
^4.369 parted the winds and skimmed the sandy merge, ^4.370 of Libya . When first his winged feet,
^5.374 he knots him fold on fold: with such a track,
^5.669 lifeless she fell, and left in light of heaven,
^8.698 Aeneas and Achates, sad at heart, ^8.699 mused on unnumbered perils yet to come. " ^8.700 But out of cloudless sky Cytheras Queen",

^6.64 as with a beast to mate, though many a time,
^9.47 or Cinna deem I, but account myself

^2.490 Felix, qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas, ^4.564 Parthenope studiis florentem ignobilis oti,

" ^2.490 Till hollow vale oerflows, and gorge profound,",
^4.564 But when no trickery found a path for flight,

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^14.223 ̓́Επεμψεν δὲ τούτων ̔Υρκανὸς τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἕνα καὶ πρὸς Δολαβέλλαν τὸν τῆς ̓Ασίας τότε ἡγεμόνα, παρακαλῶν ἀπολῦσαι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους τῆς στρατείας καὶ τὰ πάτρια τηρεῖν ἔθη καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα ζῆν ἐπιτρέπειν: ^14.226 ̓Αλέξανδρος Θεοδώρου πρεσβευτὴς ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ ἐθνάρχου τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐνεφάνισέν μοι περὶ τοῦ μὴ δύνασθαι στρατεύεσθαι τοὺς πολίτας αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸ μήτε ὅπλα βαστάζειν δύνασθαι μήτε ὁδοιπορεῖν ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις τῶν σαββάτων, μήτε τροφῶν τῶν πατρίων καὶ συνήθων κατὰ τούτους εὐπορεῖν. ^14.227 ἐγώ τε οὖν αὐτοῖς, καθὼς καὶ οἱ πρὸ ἐμοῦ ἡγεμόνες, δίδωμι τὴν ἀστρατείαν καὶ συγχωρῶ χρῆσθαι τοῖς πατρίοις ἐθισμοῖς ἱερῶν ἕνεκα καὶ ἁγίοις συναγομένοις, καθὼς αὐτοῖς νόμιμον, καὶ τῶν πρὸς τὰς θυσίας ἀφαιρεμάτων, ὑμᾶς τε βούλομαι ταῦτα γράψαι κατὰ πόλεις. ^14.234 Λεύκιος Λέντλος ὕπατος λέγει: πολίτας ̔Ρωμαίων ̓Ιουδαίους, οἵτινές μοι ἱερὰ ἔχειν καὶ ποιεῖν ̓Ιουδαϊκὰ ἐν ̓Εφέσῳ ἐδόκουν, δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα ἀπέλυσα. τοῦτο ἐγένετο πρὸ δώδεκα καλανδῶν Κουιντιλίων. ^14.245 Πρύτανις ̔Ερμοῦ υἱὸς πολίτης ὑμέτερος προσελθών μοι ἐν Τράλλεσιν ἄγοντι τὴν ἀγόραιον ἐδήλου παρὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν γνώμην ̓Ιουδαίοις ὑμᾶς προσφέρεσθαι καὶ κωλύειν αὐτοὺς τά τε σάββατα ἄγειν καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ τὰ πάτρια τελεῖν καὶ τοὺς καρποὺς μεταχειρίζεσθαι, καθὼς ἔθος ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς, αὐτόν τε κατὰ τοὺς νόμους εὐθυνκέναι τὸ δίκαιον ψήφισμα. ^14.246 βούλομαι οὖν ὑμᾶς εἰδέναι, ὅτι διακούσας ἐγὼ λόγων ἐξ ἀντικαταστάσεως γενομένων ἐπέκρινα μὴ κωλύεσθαι ̓Ιουδαίους τοῖς αὐτῶν ἔθεσι χρῆσθαι. " ^14.261 δεδόχθαι τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ συγκεχωρῆσθαι αὐτοῖς συνερχομένοις ἐν ταῖς ἀποδεδειγμέναις ἡμέραις πράσσειν τὰ κατὰ τοὺς αὐτῶν νόμους, ἀφορισθῆναι δ αὐτοῖς καὶ τόπον ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν εἰς οἰκοδομίαν καὶ οἴκησιν αὐτῶν, ὃν ἂν ὑπολάβωσιν πρὸς τοῦτ ἐπιτήδειον εἶναι, ὅπως τε τοῖς τῆς πόλεως ἀγορανόμοις ἐπιμελὲς ᾖ καὶ τὰ ἐκείνοις πρὸς τροφὴν ἐπιτήδεια ποιεῖν εἰσάγεσθαι.", " ^14.323 Τὸ δ αὐτὸ τοῦτο καὶ Σιδωνίοις καὶ ̓Αντιοχεῦσιν καὶ ̓Αραδίοις ἔγραψεν. παρεθέμεθα μὲν οὖν καὶ ταῦτα εὐκαίρως τεκμήρια γενησόμενα ἧς φαμὲν ̔Ρωμαίους ποιήσασθαι προνοίας ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἡμετέρου ἔθνους.",

^14.223 11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers, and to permit them to live according to them.
^14.226 Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the Sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers;—, ^14.227 I do therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the former prefects have done, and permit them to use the customs of their forefathers, in assembling together for sacred and religious purposes, as their law requires, and for collecting oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my will is, that you write this to the several cities under your jurisdiction.”,
^14.234 16. The declaration of Lucius Lentulus the consul: “I have dismissed those Jews who are Roman citizens, and who appear to me to have their religious rites, and to observe the laws of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under. This act was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October.”,
^14.245 Prytanes, the son of Hermes, a citizen of yours, came to me when I was at Tralles, and held a court there, and informed me that you used the Jews in a way different from my opinion, and forbade them to celebrate their Sabbaths, and to perform the sacred rites received from their forefathers, and to manage the fruits of the land, according to their ancient custom; and that he had himself been the promulger of your decree, according as your laws require: ^14.246 I would therefore have you know, that upon hearing the pleadings on both sides, I gave sentence that the Jews should not be prohibited to make use of their own customs.”, ^14.261 Now the senate and people have decreed to permit them to assemble together on the days formerly appointed, and to act according to their own laws; and that such a place be set apart for them by the praetors, for the building and inhabiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for that purpose; and that those that take care of the provision for the city, shall take care that such sorts of food as they esteem fit for their eating may be imported into the city.”,
^14.323 6. The same thing did Antony write to the Sidonians, and the Antiochians, and the Aradians. We have produced these decrees, therefore, as marks for futurity of the truth of what we have said, that the Romans had a great concern about our nation.

^2.22 The world should suffer, from the truth divine, A solemn fast was called, the courts were closed, All men in private garb; no purple hem Adorned the togas of the chiefs of Rome; No plaints were uttered, and a voiceless grief Lay deep in every bosom: as when death Knocks at some door but enters not as yet, Before the mother calls the name aloud Or bids her grieving maidens beat the breast, While still she marks the glazing eye, and soothes,
^2.27 The world should suffer, from the truth divine, A solemn fast was called, the courts were closed, All men in private garb; no purple hem Adorned the togas of the chiefs of Rome; No plaints were uttered, and a voiceless grief Lay deep in every bosom: as when death Knocks at some door but enters not as yet, Before the mother calls the name aloud Or bids her grieving maidens beat the breast, While still she marks the glazing eye, and soothes,
^2.38 The stiffening limbs and gazes on the face, In nameless dread, not sorrow, and in awe of death approaching: and with mind distraught Clings to the dying in a last embrace. The matrons laid aside their wonted garb: Crowds filled the temples — on the unpitying stones Some dashed their bosoms; others bathed with tears The statues of the gods; some tore their hair Upon the holy threshold, and with shrieks And vows unceasing called upon the names, ^2.39 The stiffening limbs and gazes on the face, In nameless dread, not sorrow, and in awe of death approaching: and with mind distraught Clings to the dying in a last embrace. The matrons laid aside their wonted garb: Crowds filled the temples — on the unpitying stones Some dashed their bosoms; others bathed with tears The statues of the gods; some tore their hair Upon the holy threshold, and with shrieks And vows unceasing called upon the names, ^2.40 of those whom mortals supplicate. Nor all Lay in the Thunderers fane: at every shrine Some prayers are offered which refused shall bring Reproach on heaven. One whose livid arms Were dark with blows, whose cheeks with tears bedewed And riven, cried, "Beat, mothers, beat the breast, Tear now the lock; while doubtful in the scales Still fortune hangs, nor yet the fight is won, You still may grieve: when either wins rejoice." Thus sorrow stirs itself. Meanwhile the men, ^2.42 of those whom mortals supplicate. Nor all Lay in the Thunderers fane: at every shrine Some prayers are offered which refused shall bring Reproach on heaven. One whose livid arms Were dark with blows, whose cheeks with tears bedewed And riven, cried, "Beat, mothers, beat the breast, Tear now the lock; while doubtful in the scales Still fortune hangs, nor yet the fight is won, You still may grieve: when either wins rejoice." Thus sorrow stirs itself. Meanwhile the men, "
^2.121 Death strode upon his victims! plebs alike And nobles perished; far and near the sword Struck at his pleasure, till the temple floors Ran wet with slaughter and the crimson stream Befouled with slippery gore the holy walls. No age found pity men of failing years, Just tottering to the grave, were hurled to death; From infants, in their beings earliest dawn, The growing life was severed. For what crime? Twas cause enough for death that they could die.", "
^2.140 Till Sulla comes again. But time would fail In weeping for the deaths of all who fell. Encircled by innumerable bands Fell Baebius, his limbs asunder torn, His vitals dragged abroad. Antonius too, Prophet of ill, whose hoary head was placed, Dripping with blood, upon the festal board. There headless fell the Crassi; mangled frames Neath Fimbrias falchion: and the prison cells Were wet with tribunes blood. Hard by the fane", " ^2.141 Till Sulla comes again. But time would fail In weeping for the deaths of all who fell. Encircled by innumerable bands Fell Baebius, his limbs asunder torn, His vitals dragged abroad. Antonius too, Prophet of ill, whose hoary head was placed, Dripping with blood, upon the festal board. There headless fell the Crassi; mangled frames Neath Fimbrias falchion: and the prison cells Were wet with tribunes blood. Hard by the fane", ... " ^9.1099 Next with continuous cadence would they pour Unceasing chants — nor breathing space nor pause — Else spreads the poison: nor does fate permit A moments silence. oft from the black flesh Flies forth the pest beneath the magic song: But should it linger nor obey the voice, Repugt to the summons, on the wound Prostrate they lay their lips and from the depths Now paling draw the venom. In their mouths, Sucked from the freezing flesh, they hold the death,", " ^9.1100 Then spew it forth; and from the taste shall know The snake they conquer. Aided thus at length Wanders the Roman host in better guise Upon the barren fields in lengthy march. Twice veiled the moon her light and twice renewed; Yet still, with waning or with growing orb Saw Catos steps upon the sandy waste. But more and more beneath their feet the dust Began to harden, till the Libyan tracts Once more were earth, and in the distance rose", " ^9.1108 Then spew it forth; and from the taste shall know The snake they conquer. Aided thus at length Wanders the Roman host in better guise Upon the barren fields in lengthy march. Twice veiled the moon her light and twice renewed; Yet still, with waning or with growing orb Saw Catos steps upon the sandy waste. But more and more beneath their feet the dust Began to harden, till the Libyan tracts Once more were earth, and in the distance rose"

^3.45 But in addition to the natural philosophers and Homer, who all said that the entire known world was surrounded by sea, there is Cornelius Nepos, who is more dependable as an authority because he is more modern. Nepos, however, adduces Quintus Metellus Celer as witness of the fact, and he records that Metellus reported it as follows. When Celer was proconsul of Gaul, certain Indians were presented to him as a gift by the king of the Boii. By asking what route they had followed to reach there, Celer learned that they had been snatched by storm from Indian waters, that they had traversed the intervening region, and that finally they had arrived on the shores of Germany. Ergo, the sea is continuous, but the rest of that same coast is frozen by the unremitting cold and is therefore deserted.
^3.54 The thirty Orcades are separated by narrow spaces between them; the seven Haemodae extend opposite Germany in what we have called Codanus Bay; of the islands there, Scandinavia, which the Teutoni still hold, stands out as much for its size as for its fertility besides.
^3.90 Hanno the Carthaginian, however, was dispatched by his people to explore it. When he had exited Our Sea through the mouth of Ocean and circumnavigated a great part of it, he had reported back that Africa was deficient not in sea but in the hustle and bustle of human life. In the time of our ancestors, while running away from King Lathyrus of Alexandria, a certain Eudoxus set out from the Arabian Gulf by this sea, as Nepos affirms, and he sailed all the way to Gades. That is why its coasts are, to a certain extent, known.
^3.95 Beyond the mountain, there is a verdant hill, which extends over a long stretch on a long coastline; from this hill are to be seen the fields — more extensive than can be taken in completely — that belong to the Goat-Pans and Satyrs. As a result, this explanation has received credence: although there is nothing civilized on this hill, no place of residence, no footprints, and although by day there is only a solitary wasteland and an even emptier silence, nevertheless by night fires flare up close together and are revealed like a sizable army camp, and they shake cymbals and beat drums, and horns are heard that sound louder than human ones.

^8.9 Ἀνὴρ δέ τις ὀνόματι Σίμων προυπῆρχεν ἐν τῇ πόλει μαγεύων καὶ ἐξιστάνων τὸ ἔθνος τῆς Σαμαρίας, λέγων εἶναί τινα ἑαυτὸν μέγαν, ^8.32 ἡ δὲ περιοχὴ τῆς γραφῆς ἣν ἀνεγίνωσκεν ἦν αὕτη, ^8.34 ἀποκριθεὶς δὲ ὁ εὐνοῦχος τῷ Φιλίππῳ εἶπεν Δέομαί σου, περὶ τίνος ὁ προφήτης λέγει τοῦτο; περὶ ἑαυτοῦ ἢ περὶ ἑτέρου τινός; ^8.35 ἀνοίξας δὲ ὁ Φίλιππος τὸ στόμα αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀρξάμενος ἀπὸ τῆς γραφῆς ταύτης εὐηγγελίσατο αὐτῷ τὸν Ἰησοῦν. ^8.36 ὡς δὲ ἐπορεύοντο κατὰ τὴν ὁδόν, ἦλθον ἐπί τι ὕδωρ, καί φησιν ὁ εὐνοῦχος Ἰδοὺ ὕδωρ· τί κωλύει με βαπτισθῆναι; ^8.38 καὶ ἐκέλευσεν στῆναι τὸ ἅρμα, καὶ κατέ βησαν ἀμφότεροι εἰς τὸ ὕδωρ ὅ τε Φίλιππος καὶ ὁ εὐνοῦχος, καὶ ἐβάπτισεν αὐτόν. ^8.39 ὅτε δὲ ἀνέβησαν ἐκ τοῦ ὕδατος, πνεῦμα Κυρίου ἥρπασεν τὸν Φίλιππον, καὶ οὐκ εἶδεν αὐτὸν οὐκέτι ὁ εὐνοῦχος, ἐπορεύετο γὰρ τὴν ὁδὸν αὐτοῦ χαίρων. ^8.40 Φίλιππος δὲ εὑρέθη εἰς Ἄζωτον, καὶ διερχόμενος εὐηγγελίζετο τὰς πόλεις πάσας ἕως τοῦ ἐλθεῖν αὐτὸν εἰς Καισαρίαν. ^9.17 Ἀπῆλθεν δὲ Ἁνανίας καὶ εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν, καὶ ἐπιθεὶς ἐπʼ αὐτὸν τὰς χεῖρας εἶπεν Σαοὺλ ἀδελφέ, ὁ κύριος ἀπέσταλκέν με, Ἰησοῦς ὁ ὀφθείς σοι ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ ᾗ ἤρχου, ὅπως ἀναβλέψῃς καὶ πλησθῇς πνεύματος ἁγίου. ^9.19 καὶ λαβὼν τροφὴν ἐνισχύθη. Ἐγένετο δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἐν Δαμασκῷ μαθητῶν ἡμέρας τινάς, ^10.1 Ἀνὴρ δέ τις ἐν Καισαρίᾳ ὀνόματι Κορνήλιος, ἑκατοντάρχης ἐκ σπείρης τῆς καλουμένης Ἰταλικῆς, ^10.10 ἐγένετο δὲ πρόσπεινος καὶ ἤθελεν γεύσασθαι· παρασκευαζόντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἐγένετο ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἔκστασις, ^10.11 καὶ θεωρεῖ τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀνεῳγμένον καὶ καταβαῖνον σκεῦός τι ὡς ὀθόνην μεγάλην τέσσαρσιν ἀρχαῖς καθιέμενον ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς, ^10.12 ἐν ᾧ ὑπῆρχεν πάντα τὰ τετράποδα καὶ ἑρπετὰ τῆς γῆς καὶ πετεινὰ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ. ^10.13 καὶ ἐγένετο φωνὴ πρὸς αὐτόν Ἀναστάς, Πέτρε, θῦσον καὶ φάγε. ^10.14 ὁ δὲ Πέτρος εἶπεν Μηδαμῶς, κύριε, ὅτι οὐδέποτε ἔφαγον πᾶν κοινὸν καὶ ἀκάθαρτον. ^10.15 καὶ φωνὴ πάλιν ἐκ δευτέρου πρὸς αὐτόν Ἃ ὁ θεὸς ἐκαθάρισεν σὺ μὴ κοίνου. ^10.16 τοῦτο δὲ ἐγένετο ἐπὶ τρίς, καὶ εὐθὺς ἀνελήμφθη τὸ σκεῦος εἰς τὸν οὐρανόν. ^10.17 Ὡς δὲ ἐν ἑαυτῷ διηπόρει ὁ Πέτρος τί ἂν εἴη τὸ ὅραμα ὃ εἶδεν, ἰδοὺ οἱ ἄνδρες οἱ ἀπεσταλμένοι ὑπὸ τοῦ Κορνηλίου διερωτήσαντες τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ Σίμωνος ἐπέστησαν ἐπὶ τὸν πυλῶνα, ^10.18 καὶ φωνήσαντες ἐπύθοντο εἰ Σίμων ὁ ἐπικαλούμενος Πέτρος ἐνθάδε ξενίζεται. ...

^8.9 But there was a certain man, Simon by name, who had used sorcery in the city before, and amazed the people of Samaria, making himself out to be some great one,
^8.34 The eunuch answered Philip, "Please tell who the prophet is talking about: about himself, or about some other?",
^8.35 Philip opened his mouth, and beginning from this Scripture, preached to him Jesus.
^8.36 As they went on the way, they came to some water, and the eunuch said, "Behold, here is water. What is keeping me from being baptized?",
^8.38 He commanded the chariot to stand still, and they both went down into the water, both Philip and the eunuch, and he baptized him. "
^8.39 When they came up out of the water, the Spirit of the Lord caught Philip away, and the eunuch didnt see him any more, for he went on his way rejoicing.",
^8.40 But Philip was found at Azotus. Passing through, he preached the gospel to all the cities, until he came to Caesarea.
^9.17 Aias departed, and entered into the house. Laying his hands on him, he said, "Brother Saul, the Lord, who appeared to you in the way which you came, has sent me, that you may receive your sight, and be filled with the Holy Spirit.",
^9.19 He took food and was strengthened. Saul stayed several days with the disciples who were at Damascus.

^10.1 Now there was a certain man in Caesarea, Cornelius by name, a centurion of what was called the Italian Regiment,


^10.10 He became hungry and desired to eat, but while they were preparing, he fell into a trance.


^10.11 He saw heaven opened and a certain container descending to him, like a great sheet let down by four corners on the earth,


^10.12 in which were all kinds of four-footed animals of the earth, wild animals, reptiles, and birds of the sky.


^10.13 A voice came to him, "Rise, Peter, kill and eat!",


^10.14 But Peter said, "Not so, Lord; for I have never eaten anything that is common or unclean.",


^10.15 A voice came to him again the second time, "What God has cleansed, you must not make unholy.",


^10.16 This was done three times, and immediately the vessel was received up into heaven. "


^10.17 Now while Peter was very perplexed in himself what the vision which he had seen might mean, behold, the men who were sent by Cornelius, having made inquiry for Simons house, stood before the gate,",


^10.18 and called and asked whether Simon, who was surnamed Peter, was lodging there. ...

^3.6 κατὰ ζῆλος διώκων τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, κατὰ δικαιοσύνην τὴν ἐν νόμῳ γενόμενος ἄμεμπτος.

^3.6 concerning zeal, persecuting the assembly; concerning the righteousness which is in the law, found blameless.

^1.15 ἔσται γὰρ μέγας ἐνώπιον Κυρίου, καὶ οἶνον καὶ σίκερα οὐ μὴ πίῃ, καὶ πνεύματος ἁγίου πλησθήσεται ἔτι ἐκ κοιλίας μητρὸς αὐτοῦ, ^1.17 καὶ αὐτὸς προελεύσεται ἐνώπιον αὐτοῦ ἐν πνεύματι καὶ δυνάμει Ἠλεία, ἐπιστρέψαι καρδίας πατέρων ἐπὶ τέκνα καὶ ἀπειθεῖς ἐν φρονήσει δικαίων, ἑτοιμάσαι Κυρίῳ λαὸν κατεσκευασμένον. ^1.32 οὗτος ἔσται μέγας καὶ υἱὸς Ὑψίστου κληθήσεται, καὶ δώσει αὐτῷ Κύριος ὁ θεὸς τὸν θρόνον Δαυεὶδ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ, ^24.30 Καὶ ἐγένετο ἐν τῷ κατακλιθῆναι αὐτὸν μετʼ αὐτῶν λαβὼν τὸν ἄρτον εὐλόγησεν καὶ κλάσας ἐπεδίδου αὐτοῖς·

" ^1.15 For he will be great in the sight of the Lord, and he will drink no wine nor strong drink. He will be filled with the Holy Spirit, even from his mothers womb.",
^1.17 He will go before him in the spirit and power of Elijah, to turn the hearts of the fathers to the children, and the disobedient to the wisdom of the just; to make ready a people prepared for the Lord.",
^1.32 He will be great, and will be called the Son of the Most High. The Lord God will give him the throne of his father, David,
^24.30 It happened, that when he had sat down at the table with them, he took the bread and gave thanks. Breaking it, he gave to them.

²⁹ I was gazing at all this, when I nearly fell backwards and broke my leg. For on the left hand as you went in, not far from the porters office, a great dog on a chain was painted on the wall, and over him was written in large letters "BEWARE OF THE DOG." My friends laughed at me, but I plucked up courage and went on to examine the whole wall. It had a picture of a slave-market on it, with the persons names. Trimalchio was there with long hair, holding a Mercurys staff. Minerva had him by the hand and was leading him into Rome. Then the painstaking artist had given a faithful picture of his whole career with explanations: how he had learned to keep accounts, and how at last he had been made steward. At the point where the wall-space gave out, Mercury had taken him by the chin, and was whirling him up to his high official throne. Fortune stood by with her flowing horn of plenty, and the three Fates spinning their golden threads. I also observed a company of runners practising in the gallery under a trainer, and in a corner I saw a large cupboard containing a tiny shrine, wherein were silver house-gods, and a marble image of Venus, and a large golden box, where they told me Trimalchios first beard was laid up. I began to ask the porter what pictures they had in the hall. "The Iliad and the Odyssey," he said, "and the gladiators show given by Laenas." I could not take them all in at once. . .
³⁵ After we had praised this outburst a dish followed, not at all of the size we expected; but its novelty drew every eye to it There was a round plate with the twelve signs of the Zodiac set in order, and on each one the artist had laid some food fit and proper to the symbol; over the Ram rams-head pease, a piece of beef on the Bull, kidneys over the Twins, over the Crab a crown, an African fig over the Lion, a barren sows paunch over Virgo, over Libra a pair of scales with a muffin on one side and a cake on the other, over Scorpio a small sea-fish, over Sagittarius a bulls-eye, over Capricornus a lobster, over Aquarius a goose, over Pisces two mullets. In the middle lay a honeycomb on a sod of turf with the green grass on it. An Egyptian boy took bread round in a silver chafing-dish. . Trimalchio himself too ground out a tune from the musical comedy "Assafoetida" in a most hideous voice.
⁵⁰ At this the slaves burst into spontaneous applause and shouted, "God bless Gaius!" The cook too was rewarded with a drink and a silver crown, and was handed the cup on a Corinthian dish. Agamemnon began to peer at the dish rather closely, and Trimalchio said, "I am the sole owner of genuine Corinthian plate." I thought he would declare with his usual effrontery that he had cups imported direct from Corinth. But he went one better: "You may perhaps inquire," said he, "how I come to be alone in having genuine Corinthian stuff: the obvious reason is that the name of the dealer I buy it from is Corinthus. But what is real Corinthian, unless a man has Corinthus at his back? Do not imagine that I am an ignoramus. I know perfectly well how Corinthian plate was first brought into the world. At the fall of Ilium, Hannibal, a trickster and a great knave, collected all the sculptures, bronze, gold, and silver, into a single pile, and set light to them. They all melted into one amalgam of bronze. The workmen took bits out of this lump and made plates and entree dishes and statuettes. That is how Corinthian metal was born, from all sorts lumped together, neither one kind nor the other. You will forgive me if I say that personally I prefer glass; glass at least does not smell. If it were not so breakable I should prefer it to gold; as it is, it is so cheap.
⁵² I own about a hundred four-gallon cups engraved with Cassandra killing her children, and they lying there dead in the most lifelike way. I have a thousand jugs which Mummius left to my patron, and on them you see Daedalus shutting Niobe into the Trojan Horse. And I have got the fights between Hereros and Petraites on my cups, and every cup is a heavy one; for I do not sell my connoisseurship for any money." As he was speaking, a boy dropped a cup. Trimalchio looked at him and said, "Quick, off with your own head, since you are so stupid." The boys lip fell and he began to petition. "Why do you ask me?" said Trimalchio, "as if I should be hard on you! I advise you to prevail upon yourself not to be stupid." In the end we induced him to let the boy off. As soon as he was forgiven the boy ran round the table . . Then Trimalchio shouted, "Out with water! In with wine!" . . We took up the joke, especially Agamemnon, who knew how to earn a second invitation to dinner. Trimalchio warmed to his drinking under our flattery, and was almost drunk when he said:"None of you ask dear Fortunata to dance. I tell you no one can dance the cancan better." He then lifted his hands above his head and gave us the actor Syrus, while all the slaves sang in chorus: Madeia! Perimadeia! And Trimalchio would have come out into the middle of the room if Fortunata had not whispered in his ear. I suppose she told him that such low fooling was beneath his dignity. But never was anything so variable; at one moment he was afraid of Fortunata, and then he would return to his natural self.
⁶⁷ But tell me, Gaius, why is Fortunata not at dinner?" "Do you not know her better?" said Trimalchio."Until she has collected the silver, and divided the remains among the slaves, she will not let a drop of water pass her lips." "Oh," replied Habinnas, "but unless she is here I shall take myself off," and he was just getting up, when at a given signal all the slaves called "Fortunata" four times and more. So she came in with a high yellow waist-band on, which allowed a cherry-red bodice to appear under it, and twisted anklets, and white shoes embroidered with gold. She wiped her hands on a cloth which she had round her neck, took her place on the sofa, where Scintilla, Habinnass wife, was lying, kissed her as she was clapping her hands, and said, "Is it really you, dear?" Fortunata then went so far as to take the bracelets off her fat arms to exhibit them to Scintillas admiring gaze. At last she even took off her anklets and her hair-net, which she said was eighteen carat. Trimalchio saw her, and ordered the whole lot to be brought to him. "There," he said, "are a womans fetters; that is how we poor fools are plundered. She must have six pounds and a half of gold on her. I have got a bracelet myself, made out of the percentage which I owe to Mercury, that weighs not an ounce under ten pounds." At last, for fear we should think he was lying, he ordered the scales to be brought, and had the weight carried round and tested. Scintilla was just as bad. She took off a little gold box from her neck, which she called her lucky box. Then she brought out two earrings, and gave them to Fortunata to look at in her turn, and said, "Thanks to my husbands kindness, nobody has finer ones." "What?" said Habinnas, you bullied me to buy you a glass bean. I declare if I had a daughter I would cut off her ears. If there were no women, we should never trouble about anything: as it is, we sweat for them and get cold thanks." Meanwhile the tipsy wives laughed together, and gave each other drunken kisses, one prating of her prudence as a housewife, the other of the favourites of her husband and his inattention to her. While they were hobnobbing, Habinnas got up quietly, took Fortunata by the legs, and threw her over on the sofa. She shouted out, "Oh! goodness!" and her dress flew up over her knees. She took refuge in Scintillas arms, and buried her burning red face in a napkin. ⁶⁸ After an interval, Trimalchio ordered fresh relays of food to be brought in. The slaves took away all the tables, brought in others, and sprinkled about sawdust coloured with saffron and vermilion, and, what I had never seen before, powdered talc. Trimalchio at once said, "I might really be satisfied with this course; for you have got your fresh relays. But if there is anything nice, put it on." Meanwhile a boy from Alexandria, who was handing hot water, began to imitate a nightingale, and made Trimalchio shout, "Oh! change the tune." Then there was another joke. A slave, who was sitting at the feet of Habinnas, began, by his masters orders I suppose, suddenly to cry in a loud voice: "Now with his fleet Aeneas held the main." No sharper sound ever pierced my ears; for besides his making barbarous mistakes in raising or lowering his voice, he mixed up Atellane verses with it, so that Virgil jarred on me for the first time in my life. All the same, Habinnas supplied applause when he had at last left off, and said, "He never went to school, but I educated him by sending him round the hawkers in the market. So he has no equal when he wants to imitate mule-drivers or hawkers. He is terribly clever; he is a cobbler too, a cook, a confectioner, a slave of all the talents. He has only two faults, and if he were rid of them he would be simply perfect. He is a Jew and he snores. For I do not mind his being cross-eyed; he has a look like Venus. So that is why he cannot keep silent, and scarcely ever shuts his eyes. I bought him for three hundred denarii." Scintilla interrupted his story by saying,
⁷¹ Trimalchio cheered up at this dispute and said, "Ah, my friends, a slave is a man and drank his mothers milk like ourselves, even if cruel fate has trodden him down. Yes, and if I live they shall soon taste the water of freedom. In fact I am setting them all free in my will. I am leaving a property and his good woman to Philargyrus as well, and to Cario a block of buildings, and his manumission fees, and a bed and bedding. I am making Fortunata my heir, and I recommend her to all my friends. I am making all this known so that my slaves may love me now as it I were dead." They all began to thank their master for his kindness, when he turned serious, and had a copy of the will brought in, which he read aloud from beginning to end, while the slaves moaned and groaned. Then he looked at Habinnas and said, "Now tell me, my dear friend: you will erect a monument as I have directed? I beg you earnestly to put up round the feet of my statue my little dog, and some wreaths, and bottles of perfume, and all the fights of Petraites, so that your kindness may bring me a life after death; and I want the monument to have a frontage of one hundred feet and to be two hundred feet in depth. For I should like to have all kinds of fruit growing round my ashes, and plenty of vines. It is quite wrong for a man to decorate his house while he is alive, and not to trouble about the house where he must make a longer stay. So above all things I want added to the inscription, This monument is not to descend to my heir. I shall certainly take care to provide in my will against any injury being done to me when I am dead. I am appointing one of the freedmen to be caretaker of the tomb and prevent the common people from running up and defiling it. I beg you to put ships in full sail on the monument, and me sitting in official robes on my official seat, wearing five gold rings and distributing coin publicly out of a bag; you remember that I gave a free dinner worth two denarii a head. I should like a dining-room table put in too, if you can arrange it. And let me have the whole people there enjoying themselves. On my right hand put a statue of dear Fortunata holding a dove, and let her be leading a little dog with a waistband on; and my dear little boy, and big jars sealed with gypsum, so that the wine may not run out. And have a broken urn carved with a boy weeping over it. And a sundial in the middle, so that anyone who looks at the time will read my name whether he likes it or not. And again, please think carefully whether this in scription seems to you quite appropriate: Here lieth Caius Pompeius Trimalchio, freedman of Maecenas. The degree of Priest of Augustus was conferred upon him in his absence. He might have been attendant on any magistrate in Rome, but refused it. God-fearing, gallant, constant, he started with very little and left thirty millions. He never listened to a philosopher. Fare thee well, Trimalchio: and thou too, passer-by." , ⁷² After saying this, Trimalchio began to weep floods of tears. Fortunata wept, Habinnas wept, and then all the slaves began as if they had been invited to his funeral, and filled the dining-room with lamentation. I had even begun to lift up my voice myself, when Trimalchio said, "Well, well, if we know we must die, why should we not live? As I hope for your happiness, let us jump into a bath. My life on it, you will never regret it. It is as hot as a furnace." "Very true, very true," said Habinnas, "making two days out of one is my chief delight." And he got up with bare feet and began to follow Trimalchio, who was clapping his hands. I looked at Ascyltos and said, "What do you think? I shall die on the spot at the very sight of a bath." "Oh! let us say yes," he replied, "and we will slip away in the crowd while they are looking for the bath." This was agreed, and Giton led us through the gallery to the door, where the dog on the chain welcomed us with such a noise that Ascyltos fell straight into the fish-pond. As I, who had been terrified even of a painted dog, was drunk too, I fell into the same abyss while I was helping him in his struggles to swim. But the porter saved us by intervening to pacify the dog, and pulled us shivering on to dry land. Giton had ransomed himself from the dog some time before by a very cunning plan; when it barked he threw it all the pieces we had given him at dinner, and food distracted the beast from his anger. But when, chilled to the bone, we asked the porter at least to let us out of the door, he replied, "You are wrong if you suppose you can go out at the door you came in by. of the guests are ever let out by the same door; they come in at one and go out by another.",
⁷⁶ Then, as the Gods willed, I became the real master of the house, and simply had his brains in my pocket. I need only add that I was joint residuary legatee with Caesar, and came into an estate fit for a senator. But no one is satisfied with nothing. I conceived a passion for business. I will not keep you a moment— I built five ships, got a cargo of wine—which was worth its weight in gold at the time—and sent them to Rome. You may think it was a put-up job; every one was wrecked, truth and no fairy-tales. Neptune gulped down thirty million in one day. Do you think I lost heart? Lord! no, I no more tasted my loss than if nothing had happened. I built some more, bigger, better and more expensive, so that no one could say I was not a brave man. You know, a huge ship has a certain security about her. I got another cargo of wine, bacon, beans, perfumes, and slaves. Fortunata did a noble thing at that time; she sold all her jewellery and all her clothes, and put a hundred gold pieces into my hand. They were the leaven of my fortune. What God wishes soon happens. I made a clear ten million on one voyage. I at once bought up all the estates which had belonged to my patron. I built a house, and bought slaves and cattle; whatever I touched grew like a honey-comb. When I came to have more than the whole revenues of my own country, I threw up the game: I retired from active work and began to fice freedmen. I was quite unwilling to go on with my work when I was encouraged by an astrologer who happened to come to our town, a little Greek called Serapa, who knew the secrets of the Gods. He told me things that I had forgotten myself; explained everything from needle and thread upwards; knew my own inside, and only fell short of telling me what I had had for dinner the day before.

^7.57 The first of all cases of tacit agreement between the nations was the convention to employ the alphabet of the Ionians.
^9.11 The creatures called porpoises have a resemblance to dolphins (at the same time they are distinguished from them by a certain gloomy air, as they lack the sportive nature of the dolphin), but in their snouts they have a close resemblance to the maleficence of dogfish. "
^34.11 The custom of erecting memorial chariots with two horses in the case of those who held the office of praetor and had ridden round the Circus in a chariot is not an old one; that of statues on pillars is of earlier date, for instance the statue of honour of Gaius Maenius who had vanquished the Old Latins to whom the Roman nation gave by treaty a third part of the booty won from them. It was in the same consulship that the nation, after defeating the people of Antium, had fixed on the Rostra the beaked prows of ships taken in the victory over the people of Antium, in the 416th year of the city of Rome; and similarly the statue to Gaius Duillius, who was the first to obtain a naval triumph over the 260 BC Carthaginians — this statue still stands in the forum and likewise that in honour of the prefect of markets Lucius Minucius outside the Porta Trigemina, defrayed by a tax of one-twelfth of an as per head. I rather think this was the first time that an honour of this nature came from the whole people; previously it had been bestowed by the senate: it would be a very distinguished honour had it not originated on such unimportant occasions. In fact also the statue of Attus Navius stood in front of the senate-house — when the senate-house was set on fire at the funeral of Publius Clodius the base of the statue was burnt with it; and the statue of Hermodorus of Ephesus the interpreter of the laws drafted by the decemvirs, 451-450 BC dedicated at the public cost, stood in the Comitium of Rome. There was different motive and another reason — an important one — for the statue of Marcus Horatius Codes, which has survived even to the present day; it was erected because he had single-handed barred the enemys passage of the Bridge on Piles. Also, it does not at all surprise me that statues of the Sibyl stand near the Beaked Rostra though there are three of them — one restored by Sextus Pacuvius Taurus, aedile of the plebs, and two by Marcus Messalla. I should think these statues and that of Attus Navius, all erected in the period of Tarquinius Priscus, were the first, 616-579 BC if it were not for the statues on the Capitol of the kings who reigned before him, among them the figures of Romulus and Tatius without the tunic, as also that of Camillus on the Rostra. Also there was in front of the temple of the Castors an equestrian statue of Quintus Marcius Tremulus, wearing a toga; he had twice vanquished the Samnites, and by taking Anagnia delivered the nation from payment of war-tax. Among the very old statues are also those at the Rostra of Tullus Cloelius, Lucius Roscius, Spurius Nautius, and Gaius Pulcinius, all assassinated by the people of Fidenae when on an embassy to them. It was the custom for the state to confer this honour on those who had been wrongfully put to death, as among others Publius Junius and Titus Coruncanius, who had been killed by Teuta the Queen of the Illyrians. It would seem not to be proper to omit the fact noted by the annals that the statues of these persons, erected in the forum, were three feet in height, showing that this was the scale of these marks of honour in those days. I will not pass over the case of Gnaeus Octavius also, because of a single word that occurs in a Decree of the Senate. When King Antiochus 4 said he intended to answer him, Octavius with the stick he happened to be holding in his hand drew a line all round him and compelled him to give his answer before he stepped out of the circle. And as Octavius was killed while on this embassy, the senate ordered a statue to be erected to him in the spot most eyed and that statue stands on the Rostra. We also find that a decree was passed to erect a statue to a Vestal Virgin named Taracia Gaia or Fufetia to be placed where she wished, an addition that is as great a compliment as the fact that a statue was decreed in honour of a woman. For the Vestals merits I will quote the actual words of the Annals: because she had made a gratuitous present to the nation of the field by the Tiber.", "
^34.22 Copper ores and mines supply medicaments in a variety of ways: inasmuch as in their neighbourhood all kinds of ulcers are healed with the greatest rapidity; yet the most beneficial is cadmea. This is certainly also produced in furnaces where silver is smelted, this kind being whiter and not so heavy, but it is by no means to be compared with that from copper. There are however several varieties; for while the mineral itself from which the metal is made is called cadmea, which is necessary for the fusing process but is of no use for medicine, so again another kind is found in furnaces, which is given a name indicating its origin. It is produced by the thinnest part of the substance being separated out by the flames and the blast and becoming attached in proportion to its degree of lightness to the roof-chambers and side-walls of the furnaces, the thinnest being at the very mouth of the furnace, which the flames have belched out; it is called smoky cadmea from its burnt appearance and because it resembles hot white ash in its extreme lightness. The part inside is best, hanging from the vaults of the roof-chamber, and this consequently is designated grape-cluster cadmea, this is heavier than the preceding kind but lighter than those that follow — it is of two colours, the inferior kind being the colour of ash and the better the colour of pumice — and it is friable, and extremely useful for making medicaments for the eyes. A third sort is deposited on the sides of furnaces, not having been able to reach the vaults because of its weight; this is called in Greek plaeitis, caked residue, in this case by reason of its flatness, as it is more of a crust than pumice, and is mottled inside; it is more useful for itch-scabs and for making wounds draw together into a scar. of this kind are formed two other varieties, onychitis which is almost blue outside but inside like the spots of an onyx or layered quartz, and ostracitis shell-like residue which is all black and the dirtiest of any of the kinds; this is extremely useful for wounds. All kinds of cadmea (the best coming from the furnaces of Cyprus) for use in medicine are heated again on a fire of pure charcoal and, when it has been reduced to ash, if being prepared for plasters it is quenched with Aminean wine, but if intended for itch-scabs with vinegar. Some people pound it and then burn it in earthenware pots, wash it in mortars and afterwards dry it. Nymphodoruss process is to burn on hot coals the most heavy dense piece of cadmea that can be obtained, and when it is thoroughly burnt to quench it with Chian wine, and pound it, and then to sift it through a linen cloth and grind it in a mortar, and then macerate it in rainwater and again grind the sediment that sinks to the bottom till it becomes like white lead and offers no grittiness to the teeth. Iollas method is the same, but he selects the purest specimens of native cadmea.", ^34.23 The effect of cadmea is to dry moisture, to heal lesions, to stop discharges, to cleanse inflamed swellings and foul sores in the eyes, to remove eruptions, and to do everything that we shall specify in dealing with the effect of lead.Copper itself is roasted to use for all the same purposes and for white-spots and scars in the eyes besides, and mixed with milk it also heals ulcers in the eyes; and consequently people in Egypt make a kind of eye-salve by grinding it in small mortars. Taken with honey it also acts as an emetic, but for this Cyprian copper with an equal weight of sulphur is roasted in pots of unbaked earthenware, the mouth of the vessels being smeared round with oil; and then left in the furnace till the vessels themselves are completely baked. Certain persons also add salt, and some use alum instead of sulphur, while others add nothing at all, but only sprinkle the copper with vinegar. When burnt it is pounded in a mortar of Theban stone, washed with rainwater, and then again pounded with the addition of a larger quantity of water, and left till it settles, and this process is repeated several times, till it is reduced to the appearance of cinnabar; then it is dried in the sun and put to keep in a copper box.
^34.31 Some people have reported that misy is made by burning mineral in trenches, its fine yellow powder mixing itself with the ash of the pine wood burnt; but as a matter of fact though got from the mineral above mentioned, it is part of its substance and separated from it by force, the best kind being obtained in the copper-factories of Cyprus, its marks being that when broken it sparkles like gold and when it is ground it has a sandy appearance, without earth, unlike chalcitis. A mixture of misy is employed in the magical purification of gold. Mixed with oil of roses it makes a useful infusion for suppurating ears and applied on wool a serviceable plaster for ulcers of the head. It also reduces chronic roughness of the eyelids, and is especially useful for the tonsils and against quinsy and suppurations. The method is to boil 16 drams of it in a twelfth of a pint of vinegar with honey added till it becomes of a viscous consistency: this makes a useful preparation for the purposes above mentioned. When it is necessary to make it softer, honey is sprinkled on it. It also removes the callosity of fistulous ulcers when the patients use it with vinegar as a fomentation; and it is used as an ingredient in eye-salves, arrests haemorrhage and creeping or putrid ulcers, and reduces fleshy excrescences. It is particularly useful for troubles in the sexual organs in the male, and it checks menstruation.

^22.6 οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὸν κολοσσὸν τοῦ Ἡρακλέους μετακομίσας ἐκ Τάραντος ἔστησεν ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ, καὶ πλησίον ἔφιππον εἰκόνα χαλκῆν ἑαυτοῦ, πολὺ Μαρκέλλου φανεὶς ἀτοπώτερος περὶ ταῦτα, μᾶλλον δʼ ὅλως ἐκεῖνον ἄνδρα πρᾳότητι καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ θαυμαστὸν ἀποδείξας, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται.

^22.6 However, he removed the colossal statue of Heracles from Tarentum, and set it up on the Capitol, and near it an equestrian statue of himself, in bronze. He thus appeared far more eccentric in these matters than Marcellus, nay rather, the mild and humane conduct of Marcellus was thus made to seem altogether admirable by contrast, as has been written in his Life. Chapter xxi. Marcellus had enriched Rome with works of Greek art taken from Syracuse in 212 B.C. Livy’s opinion is rather different from Plutarch’s: sed maiore animo generis eius praeda abstinuit Fabius quam Marcellus, xxvii. 16. Fabius killed the people but spared their gods; Marcellus spared the people but took their gods.

^42.1 σπουδῆς δʼ ἄξια καὶ λόγου τὰ περὶ τὴν τῶν βιβλίων κατασκευήν, καὶ γὰρ πολλὰ καὶ γεγραμμένα καλῶς συνῆγεν, ἥ τε χρῆσις ἦν φιλοτιμοτέρα τῆς κτήσεως, ἀνειμένων πᾶσι τῶν βιβλιοθηκῶν, καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὰς περιπάτων καὶ σχολαστηρίων ἀκωλύτως ὑποδεχομένων τοὺς Ἕλληνας ὥσπερ εἰς Μουσῶν τι καταγώγιον ἐκεῖσε φοιτῶντας καὶ συνδιημερεύοντας ἀλλήλοις, ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων χρειῶν ἀσμένως ἀποτρέχοντας. ^42.2 πολλάκις δὲ καὶ συνεσχόλαζεν αὐτὸς ἐμβάλλων εἰς τοὺς περιπάτους τοῖς φιλολόγοις καὶ τοῖς πολιτικοῖς συνέπραττεν ὅτου δέοιντο· καὶ ὅλως ἑστία καὶ πρυτανεῖον Ἑλληνικὸν ὁ οἶκος ἦν αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἀφικνουμένοις εἰς Ῥώμην. φιλοσοφίαν δὲ πᾶσαν μὲν ἠσπάζετο καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν εὐμενὴς ἦν καὶ οἰκεῖος, ἴδιον δὲ τῆς Ἀκαδημείας ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἔρωτα καὶ ζῆλον ἔσχεν, οὐ τῆς νέας λεγομένης,

^42.1 But what he did in the establishment of a library deserves warm praise. He got togetherthru 80years of reprintings! âx80x94 has to ether with a 2âx80x91letter space between the words,WIDTH,160)" onMouseOut="nd();">º many books, and they were well written, and his use of them was more honourable to him than his acquisition of them. His libraries were thrown open to all, and the cloisters surrounding them, and the study-rooms, were accessible without restriction to the Greeks, who constantly repaired thither as to an hostelry of the Muses, and spent the day with one another, in glad escape from their other occupations. ^42.2 Lucullus himself also often spent his leisure hours there with them, walking about in the cloisters with their scholars, and he would assist their statesmen in whatever they desired. And in general his house was a home and prytaneium for the Greeks who came to Rome. He was fond of all philosophy, and well-disposed and friendly towards every school, but from the first he cherished a particular and zealous love for the Academy,

^28.1 παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν ἀρχήν πρῶτον μὲν ἐν Τυρρηνίᾳ μέγα κίνημα πρὸς ἀπόστασιν ἔπαυσε καὶ κατεπράϋνεν ἐπελθὼν τὰς πόλεις· ἔπειτα ναὸν ἐκ τῶν Σικελικῶν λαφύρων ᾠκοδομημένον ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ Δόξης καὶ Ἀρετῆς καθιερῶσαι βουλόμενος, καὶ κωλυθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἱερέων οὐκ ἀξιούντων ἑνὶ ναῷ δύο θεοὺς περιέχεσθαι, πάλιν ἤρξατο προσοικοδομεῖν ἕτερον, οὐ ῥᾳδίως φέρων τὴν γεγενημένην ἀντίκρουσιν, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ οἰωνιζόμενος.

⁶ But to resume the story, after Flaminius and his colleague had renounced their offices, Marcellus was appointed consul In 222 B.C. In republican times, an interrex was elected when there was a vacancy in the supreme power, held office for five days, and, if necessary, nominated his successor. Any number of interreges might be successively appointed, until the highest office was filled. Cf. the Numa, ii. 6 f. by the so-called interreges. He took the office, and appointed Gnaeus Cornelius his colleague. Now it has been said that, although the Gauls made many conciliatory proposals, and although the senate was peaceably inclined, Marcellus tried to provoke the people to continue the war.However, it would seem that even after peace was made the Gaesatae renewed the war; they crossed the Alps and stirred up the Insubrians. They numbered thirty thousand themselves, and the Insubrians, whom they joined, were much more numerous. With high confidence, therefore, they marched at once to Acerrae, a city situated to the north of the river Po. According to Polybius (ii. 34), no peace was made, although the Gauls offered to submit, and the consuls marched into the territory of the Insubrians and laid siege to Acerrae. From thence Britomartus the king, taking with him ten thousand of the Gaesatae, ravaged the country about the Po.When Marcellus learned of this, he left his colleague at Acerrae with all the heavy-armed infantry and a third part of the cavalry, while he himself, taking with him the rest of the cavalry and the most lightly equipped men-at-arms to the number of six hundred, marched, without halting in his course day or night, until he came upon the ten thousand Gaesatae near the place called Clastidium, a Gallic village which not long before had become subject to the Romans.There was no time for him to give his army rest and refreshment, for the Barbarians quickly learned of his arrival, and held in contempt the infantry with him, which were few in number all told, and, being Gauls, made no account of his cavalry. For they were most excellent fighters on horseback, and were thought to be specially superior as such, and, besides, at this time they far outnumbered Marcellus. Immediately, therefore, they charged upon him with great violence and dreadful threats, thinking to overwhelm him, their king riding in front of them.But Marcellus, that they might not succeed in enclosing and surrounding him and his few followers, led his troops of cavalry forward and tried to outflank them, extending his wing into a thin line, until he was not far from the enemy. And now, just as he was turning to make a charge, his horse, frightened by the ferocious aspect of the enemy, wheeled about and bore Marcellus forcibly back.But he, fearing lest this should be taken as a bad omen by the Romans and lead to confusion among them, quickly reined his horse round to the left and made him face the enemy, while he himself made adoration to the sun, implying that it was not by chance, but for this purpose, that he had wheeled about; for it is the custom with the Romans to turn round in this way when they make adoration to the gods. And in the moment of closing with the enemy he is said to have vowed that he would consecrate to Jupiter Feretrius the most beautiful suit of armour among them.
^28.1 After assuming his office, he first quelled a great agitation for revolt in Etruria, and visited and pacified the cities there; next, he desired to dedicate to Honour and Virtue a temple that he had built out of his Sicilian spoils, hut was prevented by the priests, who would not consent that two deities should occupy one temple; he therefore began to build another temple adjoining the first, although he resented the priests’ opposition and regarded it as ominous.

^42.4 Ὀκτάβιον δὲ Χαλδαῖοι καὶ θύται τινὲς καὶ σιβυλλισταὶ πείσαντες ἐν Ῥώμῃ κατέσχον, ὡς εὖ γενησομένων. ὁ γὰρ ἀνήρ οὗτος δοκεῖ, τἆλλα Ῥωμαίων εὐγνωμονέστατος γενόμενος καὶ μάλιστα δὴ τὸ πρόσχημα τῆς ὑπατείας ἀκολάκευτον ἐπὶ τῶν πατρίων ἐθῶν καὶ νόμων ὥσπερ διαγραμμάτων ἀμεταβόλων διαφυλάξας, ἀρρωστίᾳ τῇ περὶ ταῦτα χρήσασθαι, πλείονα συνὼν χρόνον ἀγύρταις καὶ μάντεσιν ἢ πολιτικοῖς καὶ πολεμικοῖς ἀνδράσιν.

^42.4 But Octavius was persuaded by certain Chaldaeans, sacrificers, and interpreters of the Sibylline books to remain in the city, on the assurance that matters would turn out well. For it would seem that this man, although he was in other ways the most sensible man in Rome, and most careful to maintain the dignity of the consular office free from undue influence in accordance with the customs of the country and its laws, which he regarded as unchangeable ordices, had a weakness in this direction, since he spent more time with charlatans and seers than with men who were statesmen and soldiers.

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¹⁵ XV. A similar fortune seems to have attended the dedication of the second temple. The first, as I have said, was built by Tarquin, but consecrated by Horatius; this was destroyed by fire during the civil wars. 83 B.C. The second temple was built by Sulla, but Catulus was commissioned to consecrate it, 69 B.C. after the death of Sulla.This temple, too was destroyed, during the troublous times of Vitellius, 69 A.D. and Vespasian began and completely finished the third, with the good fortune that attended him in all his undertakings. He lived to see it completed, and did not live to see it destroyed, as it was soon after; and in dying before his work was destroyed he was just so much more fortunate than Sulla, who died before his was consecrated. For upon time death of Vespasian the Capitol was burned. 80 A.D.The fourth temple, which is now standing on the same site as the others, was both completed and consecrated by Domitian. It is said that Tarquin expended upon its foundations forty thousand pounds of silver. But time greatest wealth now attributed to any private citizen of Rome would not pay the cost of the gilding alone of the present temple, which was more than twelve thousand talents. For purposes of comparison a talent may be reckoned as worth £250, or

^16.8 Κόσσος μὲν οὖν καὶ Μάρκελλος ἤδη τεθρίπποις εἰσήλαυνον, αὐτοὶ τὰ τρόπαια φέροντες· Ῥωμύλον δʼ οὐκ ὀρθῶς φησιν ἅρματι χρήσασθαι Διονύσιος. Ταρκύνιον γὰρ ἱστοροῦσι τὸν Δημαράτου τῶν βασιλέων πρῶτον εἰς τοῦτο τὸ σχῆμα καὶ τὸν ὄγκον ἐξᾶραι τοὺς θριάμβους· ἕτεροι δὲ πρῶτον ἐφʼ ἅρματος θριαμβεῦσαι Ποπλικόλαν. τοῦ δὲ Ῥωμύλου τὰς εἰκόνας ὁρᾶν ἔστιν ἐν Ῥώμῃ τὰς τροπαιοφόρους πεζὰς ἁπάσας.

^16.8 Cossus indeed, and Marcellus, already used a four-horse chariot for their entrance into the city, carrying the trophies themselves, but Dionysius Antiq. Rom. ii. 34. is incorrect in saying that Romulus used a chariot. For it is matter of history that Tarquin, the son of Demaratus, was first of the kings to lift triumphs up to such pomp and ceremony, although others say that Publicola was first to celebrate a triumph riding on a chariot. Cf. Publicola, ix. 5. And the statues of Romulus bearing the trophies are, as may be seen in Rome, all on foot.

^5.5 ἐφʼ ᾧ τὸν μέν Ὀρόβαζον ὕστερον ὁ τῶν Πάρθων βασιλεὺς ἀπέκτεινε, τὸν δὲ Σύλλαν οἱ μέν ἐπῄνεσαν ἐντρυφήσαντα τοῖς βαρβάροις, οἱ δὲ ὡς φορτικὸν ᾐτιάσαντο καὶ ἀκαίρως φιλότιμον. ἱστορεῖται δέ τις ἀνὴρ τῶν μετὰ Ὀροβάζου καταβεβηκότων, Χαλδαῖος, εἰς τὸ τοῦ Σύλλα πρόσωπον ἀπιδὼν καὶ ταῖς κινήσεσι τῆς τε διανοίας καὶ τοῦ σώματος οὐ παρέργως ἐπιστήσας, ^5.6 ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὰς τῆς τέχνης ὑποθέσεις τὴν φύσιν ἐπισκεψάμενος, εἰπεῖν ὡς ἀναγκαῖον εἴη τοῦτον τὸν ἄνδρα μέγιστον γενέσθαι, θαυμάζειν δὲ καὶ νῦν πῶς ἀνέχεται μὴ πρῶτος ὢν ἁπάντων, ἀναχωρήσαντι δὲ αὐτῷ δίκην ἔλαχε δώρων Κηνσωρῖνος, ὡς πολλὰ χρήματα συνειλοχότι παρὰ τὸν νόμον ἐκ φίλης καὶ συμμάχου βασιλείας, οὐ μὴν ἀπήντησεν ἐπὶ τὴν κρίσιν, ἀλλʼ ἀπέστη τῆς κατηγορίας. ^7.4 εἶναι μὲν γὰρ ὀκτὼ ὀκτὼ before this word Sintenis 2 reads ἀνθρώπων, after Suidas. τὰ σύμπαντα γένη, διαφέροντα τοῖς βίοις καὶ τοῖς ἤθεσιν ἀλλήλων, ἑκάστῳ δὲ ἀφωρίσθαι χρόνων ἀριθμὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ συμπεραινόμενον ἐνιαυτοῦ μεγάλου περιόδῳ. καὶ ὅταν αὕτη σχῇ τέλος, ἑτέρας ἐνισταμένης κινεῖσθαί τι σημεῖον ἐκ γῆς ἢ οὐρανοῦ θαυμάσιον, ὡς δῆλον εἶναι τοῖς πεφροντικόσι τὰ τοιαῦτα καὶ μεμαθηκόσιν εὐθὺς ὅτι καὶ τρόποις ἄλλοις καὶ βίοις ἄνθρωποι χρώμενοι γεγόνασι, καὶ θεοῖς ἧττον ἢ μᾶλλον τῶν προτέρων μέλοντες. ^7.5 τά τε γὰρ ἄλλα φασὶν ἐν τῇ τῶν γενῶν ἀμείψει λαμβάνειν μεγάλας καινοτομίας, καὶ τὴν μαντικὴν ποτὲ μὲν αὔξεσθαι τῇ τιμῇ καὶ κατατυγχάνειν ταῖς προαγορεύσεσι, καθαρὰ καὶ φανερὰ σημεῖα τοῦ δαιμονίου προπέμποντος, αὖθις δʼ ἐν ἑτέρῳ γένει ταπεινὰ πράττειν, αὐτοσχέδιον οὖσαν τὰ πολλὰ καὶ διʼ ἀμυδρῶν καὶ σκοτεινῶν ὀργάνων τοῦ μέλλοντος ἁπτομένην. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν οἱ λογιώτατοι Τυρρηνῶν καὶ πλέον τι τῶν ἄλλων εἰδέναι δοκοῦντες ἐμυθολόγουν. ^9.6 τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Βάσιλλον εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐμπεσόντων καὶ κρατούντων, ὁ πολὺς καὶ ἄνοπλος δῆμος ἀπὸ τῶν τεγῶν κεράμῳ καὶ λίθῳ βάλλοντες ἐπέσχον αὐτοὺς τοῦ πρόσω χωρεῖν καὶ συνέστειλαν εἰς τὸ τεῖχος, ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ὁ Σύλλας παρῆν ἤδη, καὶ συνιδὼν τὸ γινόμενον ἐβόα τὰς οἰκίας ὑφάπτειν, καὶ λαβὼν δᾷδα καιομένην ἐχώρει πρῶτος αὐτός, καὶ τοὺς τοξότας ἐκέλευε χρῆσθαι τοῖς πυροβόλοις ἄνω τῶν στεγασμάτων ἐφιεμένους, κατʼ οὐδένα λογισμόν, ^12.6 τὰ μὲν οὖν ἄλλα διέλαθε τούς γε πολλοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐκπεμπόμενα, τὸν δὲ ἀργυροῦν πίθον, ὃς ἦν ὑπόλοιπος ἔτι τῶν βασιλικῶν, διὰ βάρος καὶ μέγεθος οὐ δυναμένων ἀναλαβεῖν τῶν ὑποζυγίων, ἀναγκαζόμενοι κατακόπτειν οἱ Ἀμφικτύονες εἰς μνήμην ἐβάλοντο τοῦτο μὲν Τίτον Φλαμινῖνον καὶ Μάνιον Ἀκύλιον, τοῦτο δὲ Αἰμίλιον Παῦλον, ὧν ὁ μὲν Ἀντίοχον ἐξελάσας τῆς Ἑλλάδος, οἱ δὲ τούς Μακεδόνων βασιλεῖς καταπολεμήσαντες οὐ μόνον ἀπέσχοντο τῶν ἱερῶν τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δῶρα καὶ τιμὴν αὐτοῖς καὶ σεμνότητα πολλὴν προσέθεσαν. ^19.6 ταύτης τὰ ἐπινίκια τῆς μάχης ἦγεν ἐν Θήβαις, περὶ τὴν Οἰδιπόδειον κρήνην κατασκευάσας θυμέλην. οἱ δὲ κρίνοντες ἦσαν Ἕλληνες ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων ἀνακεκλημένοι πόλεων, ἐπεὶ πρός γε Θηβαίους ἀδιαλλάκτως εἶχε, καὶ τῆς χώρας αὐτῶν ἀποτεμόμενος τὴν ἡμίσειαν τῷ Πυθίῳ καὶ τῷ Ὀλυμπίῳ καθιέρωσεν, ἐκ τῶν προσόδων κελεύσας ἀποδίδοσθαι τὰ χρήματα τοῖς θεοῖς ἅπερ αὐτὸς εἰλήφει.

^5.5 For this the king of Parthia afterwards put Orobazus to death; and while some people commended Sulla for the airs which he assumed with the Barbarians, others accused him of vulgarity and ill-timed arrogance. It is also recorded that a certain man in the retinue of Orobazus, a Chaldaean, after looking Sulla intently in the face, and studying carefully the movements of his mind and body, ^5.6 and investigating his nature according to the principles of his peculiar art, declared that this man must of necessity become the greatest in the world, and that even now the wonder was that he consented not to be first of all men. When Sulla came back to Rome, however, Censorinus brought suit against him for bribery, alleging that he had collected large sums of money illegally from a friendly and allied kingdom. However, Censorinus did not put in an appearance at the trial, but dropped his impeachment. 6,
^7.4 For according to them there are eight ages in all, differing from one another in the lives and customs of men, and to each of these God has appointed a definite number of times and seasons, which is completed by the circuit of a great year. And whenever this circuit has run out, and another begins, some wonder­ful sign is sent from earth or heaven, so that it is at once clear to those who have studied such subjects and are versed in them, that men of other habits and modes of life have come into the world, who are either more or less of concern to the gods than their predecessors were. ^7.5 All things, they say, undergo great changes, as one again succeeds another, and especially the art of divination; at one period it rises in esteem and is success­ful in its predictions, because manifest and genuine signs are sent forth from the Deity; and again, in another age, it is in small repute, being off-hand, for the most part, and seeking to grasp the future by means of faint and blind senses. Such, at any rate, was the tale told by the wisest of the Tuscans, who were thought to know much more about it than the rest.
^9.6 Basillus and his men burst into the city and were forcing their way along, when the unarmed multitude pelted them with stones and tiles from the roofs of the houses, stopped their further progress, and crowded them back to the wall. But by this time Sulla was at hand, and seeing what was going on, shouted orders to set fire to the houses, and seizing a blazing torch, led the way himself, and ordered his archers to use their fire-bolts and shoot them up at the roofs. This he did not from any calm calculation,
^12.6 Accordingly, the rest of the treasures were sent away without the knowledge of the most, certainly, of the Greeks; but the silver jar, the only one of the royal gifts which still remained, was too large and heavy for any beast of burden to carry, and the Amphictyons were compelled to cut it into pieces. As they did so, they called to mind now Titus Flamininus and Manius Acilius, and now Aemilius Paulus, of whom one had driven Antiochus out of Greece, and the others had subdued in war the kings of Macedonia; these had not only spared the sanctuaries of the Greeks, but had even made additional gifts to them, and greatly increased their honour and dignity.
^19.6 The festival in honour of this victory was celebrated by Sulla in Thebes, where he prepared a stage near the fountain of Oedipus. But the judges were Greeks invited from the other cities, since towards the Thebans he was irreconcilably hostile. He also took away half of their territory and consecrated it to Pythian Apollo and Olympian Zeus, giving orders that from its revenues the moneys should be paid back to the gods which he had taken from them. 20

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" ^1.1.6 As regards parents, Ishould like to see them as highly educated as possible, and Ido not restrict this remark to fathers alone. We are told that the eloquence of the Gracchi owed much to their mother Cornelia, whose letters even toâx80x91day testify to the cultivation of her style. Laelia, the daughter of Gaius Laelius, is said to have reproduced the elegance of her fathers language in her own speech, while the oration delivered before the triumvirs by Hortensia, the daughter of Quintus Hortensius, is still read and not merely as a compliment to her sex.",

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^86.6 But who in these days could bear to bathe in such a fashion? We think ourselves poor and mean if our walls are not resplendent with large and costly mirrors; if our marbles from Alexandria are not set off by mosaics of Numidian stone, if their borders are not faced over on all sides with difficult patterns, arranged in many colours like paintings; if our vaulted ceilings are not buried in glass; if our swimming-pools are not lined with Thasian marble, once a rare and wonderful sight in any temple pools into which we let down our bodies after they have been drained weak by abundant perspiration; and finally, if the water has not poured from silver spigots. ^86.7 I have so far been speaking of the ordinary bathing-establishments; what shall I say when I come to those of the freedmen? What a vast number of statues, of columns that support nothing, but are built for decoration, merely in order to spend money! And what masses of water that fall crashing from level to level! We have become so luxurious that we will have nothing but precious stones to walk upon. "
^95.72 It will be helpful not only to state what is the usual quality of good men, and to outline their figures and features, but also to relate and set forth what men there have been of this kind. We might picture that last and bravest wound of Catos, through which Freedom breathed her last; or the wise Laelius and his harmonious life with his friend Scipio; or the noble deeds of the Elder Cato at home and abroad; or the wooden couches of Tubero, spread at a public feast, goatskins instead of tapestry, and vessels of earthenware set out for the banquet before the very shrine of Jupiter! What else was this except consecrating poverty on the Capitol? Though I know no other deed of his for which to rank him with the Catos, is this one not enough? It was a censorship, not a banquet.", " ^95.73 How lamentably do those who covet glory fail to understand what glory is, or in what way it should be sought! On that day the Roman populace viewed the furniture of many men; it marvelled only at that of one! The gold and silver of all the others has been broken up and melted down times without number; but Tuberos earthenware will endure throughout eternity. Farewell. The question next arises whether this part alone is sufficient to make men wise. The problem shall be treated at the proper time; but at present, omitting all arguments, is it not clear that we need someone whom we may call upon as our preceptor in opposition to the precepts of men in general?"

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^13.44 would Ledas child return to Amyclae. For the gods had decreed that no city which was ever occupied by this image could be taken by any invader. Thereupon my ancestor, the son of Tydeus, with Ulysses as his companion, made his way into the citadel, as Calchas had indicated, and slew the guards in the very porch of the temple; then they carried off the divine Palladium and threw open Troy to our conquering fortunes, with evil result. For when Diomede had founded a city within the borders of Italy, he felt uneasy because of his crime and sought by worship to appease the Trojan deity and make his peace with the household-gods of Ilium. A vast temple was already rising on the lofty citadel, a dwellingplace distasteful to the goddess from Laomedons city, when the Maiden of Lake Tritonis appeared in her divine form amid the profound silence of the midnight, and warned him thus: "Son of Tydeus, this work of yours is not adequate to do honour to such great glory; Mount Garganus and the Daunian land are no fitting place for me. Go to the land of Laurentum, and seek there for the man who is now laying the foundation-stone of a happier Troy. Carry to him the fillets and chaste guardian-goddess of his ancestors. Alarmed by this warning, Diomede went to the realm of Saturn. By this time the Trojan conqueror was founding another Troy at Lavinium and hanging up armour from Troy in a sacred grove at Laurentum. But when Diomede came to the stream of the Tuscan river and pitched his glittering camp on its bank, the sons of Priam trembled for fear. Then the son-in-law of Daunus held forth in his right hand a branch of silvery olive. He brought with him soldiers whose weapons glittered. ^13.70 as a pledge of peace, and spoke thus while the Trojans muttered in displeasure: Son of Anchises, lay aside the recollections of rage and fear. For all the sweat and blood we poured out by Xanthus and Simois, rivers of Ida, and by the Scaean gate, we are not to blame: we were driven on by the gods and the inexorable Sisters." Say, why should we not spend under happier auspices what yet remains of life? Let us join hands that grasp no swords. She whom you now behold shall be the witness of our alliance. Thus he asked pardon of the Trojans, and displayed to their startled sight the image on the stern of his ship. When the Gauls dared to break through the walls of Rome, this goddess put a speedy end to them, and of that vast horde not a single man out of so many thousands returned in peace to the altars of his country." By these words Hannibal was discouraged. He ordered his men to pull up the standards, and they rejoiced, being eager to depart. They marched to the spot where Feronias temple of surpassing wealth stands in a sacred grove, and where the sacred river Capenas waters the fields of Flavina. Legend told that the treasure of the temple had never been rifled since its remote foundation, but had grown from time immemorial by means of offerings pouring in from all quarters; and gold, guarded by fear alone, had been left there for centuries. By plundering this temple, Hannibal steeped in guilt his greedy horde of barbarians, and steeled their hearts with contempt of the gods. Next it was decided to march far away, to where the fields ploughed by the Bruttians stretch out towards the Sicilian sea. While Hannibal sadly bent his steps towards the,

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^24.3 The rest of his sisters he did not love with so great affection, nor honour so highly, but often prostituted them to his favourites; so that he was the readier at the trial of Aemilius Lepidus to condemn them, as adulteresses and privy to the conspiracies against him; and he not only made public letters in the handwriting of all of them, procured by fraud and seduction, but also dedicated to Mars the Avenger, with an explanatory inscription, three swords designed to take his life.

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¹ AGRICOLA It was a custom in the past not yet relinquished by our own age, indifferent though we may now be to events, to relay to posterity the deeds and manners of famous men; whenever, that is, mighty and noble virtue had conquered and suppressed that vice common to all states, great and small, the ignorance and envy of what is good. And just as, in our predecessors’ times, the age was more favourable and open to actions worth recording, so distinguished men of ability were led to produce those records of virtue, not to curry favour or from ambition, but for the reward of a good conscience. Many indeed considered it rather a matter of self-respect than arrogance to recount their own lives, and a Rutilius Rufus or an Aemilius Scaurus could do so without scepticism or disparagement; virtue indeed being most esteemed in those ages which give birth to it most readily. But in this day and age, though I set out to write the life of one already dead, I am forced to seek the indulgence which an attack upon him would not require, so savage is the spirit of these times, and hostile to virtue.
³⁰ ‘When I consider the causes of this war and our present situation, my spirit rises at the thought that this very day, and the unity you show, will bring freedom to all Britain; for united here and untouched by slavery, there is no land behind and the very sea is insecure, threatened as we are by the Roman fleet. So weapons and war, virtues to the strong, are also the best refuge of the coward. Previous battles, fought against Rome with varying success, leave the hope of salvation in our hands, for we the noblest of the Britons, dwelling in its furthest reaches, have never seen the shores of slavery, our eyes untouched by the stain of tyranny. To this day, on the last frontier of freedom, we have been protected by our very remoteness and obscurity; now the furthest shores of Britain lie exposed, and while the unknown is always magnified, now there are no more tribes, nothing but sea and stone, for these fatal Romans, whose arrogance you will not escape by humility and restraint. Thieves of the world, lacking lands now to devastate, they rove the sea. Those whom East nor West can satisfy reveal their greed if their enemies are wealthy, their ambition if they are paupers; alone amongst all men they covet rich and poor alike. Theft, slaughter, rapine they misname empire, they make a desert and call it peace.’, ³¹ Our children and kin are, by nature, the things most dear to us; they are carried off by levy to be slaves in other lands: our wives and sisters, even if they escape the soldiers’ lust, are defiled by so called friends and guests. Our goods, our wealth are lost to tribute; our land and harvest to requisitions of grain; life and limb themselves in forging roads through marsh and forest, to the accompaniment of curses and blows. Slaves born to servitude are sold once and for all, and fed by their masters free of cost: Britain pays daily for her own enslavement, and daily nourishes it. And as among household slaves the newcomer is mocked by his fellows, so in this age-old worldwide house of slaves, we the newest and most worthless, are marked for destruction: we lack the fields, the mines, the harbours that we might have been preserved to labour in. Pride and courage, moreover, in a subject displeases their rulers: our distance from them and obscurity, even as they protect us, make us more suspect. Therefore abandon all hope of pardon, and even now take thought, as to which is dearest, safety or glory. A woman led the Trinovantes to storm a camp and burn a colony, and if success had not lapsed to inactivity, they might have thrown off the yoke: let us, whole and indomitable, brought forth in freedom not regret, show at the first encounter, what manner of men Caledonia has chosen for her cause.’, ³² ‘Think you the Romans, then, are as brave in war as they are lascivious in peace? Our discords and dissensions bring them success, their enemy’s errors bring their armies glory. Those armies, recruited from diverse nations, success holds together, defeat will dissolve. Unless you imagine that Gauls and Germans, and even, to their shame, many Britons, who lend themselves to an alien tyranny, its enemies longer than they have been its slaves, are swayed by loyalty and affection. Fear and terror are sorry bonds of love: remove them, and those who cease to fear will begin to hate. Every spur to success is ours: the Romans have no wives here to inspire them, no parents to reproach the deserter, and most have no other than an alien homeland. Few in numbers; fearful in their ignorance; the very sea, sky and forest, all they see around them, unfamiliar to their eyes, the gods have delivered them into our hands like prisoners in a cage. Empty show, the gleam of gold and silver, cannot terrify, that neither protects nor wounds. We shall find helping hands in the enemy’s own battle lines. The Britons will acknowledge our cause is theirs, the Gauls will remember their former freedom: as the Usipii recently deserted them, so will the rest of the Germans. There is nothing beyond them to fear; empty forts, veterans’ colonies, weak and quarrelsome townships of disaffected founders and unjust rulers. Here is leadership, and an army: there lies tribute, toil in the mines, and all the other ills of servitude, that you can perpetuate for ever, or avenge now, upon this field. Think then of your forefathers, and of your posterity, before you enter into battle.’, ³³ His speech they received with excitement, in the way barbarians will, with shouting, chanting and raucous cries. Then the armies formed ranks, weapons gleaming, the bravest to the fore. As the battle lines were drawn, Agricola, aware that his men, though full of spirit and hard to hold back behind their defences, needed further encouragement, spoke as follows: ‘My fellow-soldiers, with the power and auspices of our Roman Empire backing you, and by loyalty and hard work, you have conquered Britain. Throughout these campaigns, on every battlefield, whether fortitude against our enemies or patience and effort against nature itself was needed, I have never regretted my faith in you, nor you in your leader. Thus I have exceeded the governors before me, and you the armies who preceded you; we mark Britain’s bounds not by rumour and report, but with fortresses and arms: Britain is known, and conquered. often, on the march, when you were weary of rivers, mountains, marshes, I heard the bravest cry: “When will we see this enemy, test their courage?” They are here, dragged from their lairs; your prayers and effort are rewarded, all is with the victors and against the vanquished. It is honour and glory, now, to have marched so far, pierced forests, crossed estuaries, still advancing; but our prosperity of today makes for greater danger in retreat; we lack their knowledge of the terrain, their abundant supplies, but we have our sword-arms and in them we possess everything. As for me, I long ago determined that there is no safety in retreat for an army or its general. Therefore rather an honourable death than shameful life, and situated as we are safety and glory are one; nor would it be inglorious to die where earth and nature end.’, ³⁴ ‘If fresh tribes and unknown forces confronted you, I would exhort you with the examples of other armies: as it is, simply recall your own efforts, use your own eyes. These are they who, furtively at night, attacked and were driven off by the noise of a single legion. These are they who of all the tribes of Britain fled the farthest, and thereby have held out the longest. When you penetrate the woodland glades, the creatures that are bravest charge at you, the timid and placid are driven off by the mere sound of your passing. So the fiercest of the Britons have already fallen, only a collection of timorous cowards remain. It is not because they made a stand that you have come upon them, but because they have been surprised. Your latest actions and their extreme fear have frozen their army in its tracks, so you may win a fine and glorious victory. Be done with campaigning, crown fifty years with one great day: prove to the Roman people that the army is not to blame for the war’s delay or the rebels’ chances.’, ³⁵ His troops’ ardour was evident, even while Agricola was still speaking, and his oration ended in wild excitement, as they swiftly formed ranks. He placed his inspired and eager troops so that the auxiliary foot-soldiers, eight thousand strong, formed a powerful centre, with three thousand cavalry on the wings. The legions fronted the rampart, a source of great pride in the event of victory without shedding Roman blood, as reinforcements if the army was repulsed. The Caledonian forces, so as to be at once impressive and alarming, were drawn up on high ground with the front ranks on the level and the rest seeming to rise higher and higher on the gentle slope; while the war-chariots filled the centre of the plain. Then Agricola, fearing the enemy numbers were superior, extended his lines so as not to be attacked in front and on the flanks simultaneously, though his ranks would be stretched, and many called on him to deploy the legionaries, but he, more resolutely hopeful and firmly opposed to it, instead dismissed his mount and placed himself before the troops.
⁴⁶ If there is a place for virtuous spirits; if, as the wise are pleased to say, great minds are not extinguished with the body, rest in peace, and recall us, your family, from childish longing and womanish lament to the contemplation of your virtues, which it is wrong to grieve or mourn. Let us rather offer admiration and praise, and if our nature allows it, imitate you: that is true respect, that is the duty of his nearest and dearest. This I would preach to wife and daughter, to so venerate the memory of husband and father as to contemplate his every word and action, and to cling to the form and feature of the mind rather than the body; not because I think bronze or marble likenesses should be suppressed, but that the face of a man and its semblance are both mortal and transient, while the form of the mind is eternal, and can only be captured and expressed not through the materials and artistry of another, but through one’s own character alone. Whatever we have loved in Agricola, whatever we have admired, remains, and will remain, in men’s hearts, for all time, a glory to this world; for many a great name will sink to oblivion, as if unknown to fame, while Agricola, here recorded and bequeathed to posterity, shall endure.END,

^1.2 When the killing of Brutus and Cassius had disarmed the Republic; when Pompey had been crushed in Sicily, and, with Lepidus thrown aside and Antony slain, even the Julian party was leaderless but for the Caesar; after laying down his triumviral title and proclaiming himself a simple consul content with tribunician authority to safeguard the commons, he first conciliated the army by gratuities, the populace by cheapened corn, the world by the amenities of peace, then step by step began to make his ascent and to unite in his own person the functions of the senate, the magistracy, and the legislature. Opposition there was none: the boldest spirits had succumbed on stricken fields or by proscription-lists; while the rest of the nobility found a cheerful acceptance of slavery the smoothest road to wealth and office, and, as they had thriven on revolution, stood now for the new order and safety in preference to the old order and adventure. Nor was the state of affairs unpopular in the provinces, where administration by the Senate and People had been discredited by the feuds of the magnates and the greed of the officials, against which there was but frail protection in a legal system for ever deranged by force, by favouritism, or (in the last resort) by gold.
^1.7 At Rome, however, consuls, senators, and knights were rushing into slavery. The more exalted the personage, the grosser his hypocrisy and his haste, âx80x94 his lineaments adjusted so as to betray neither cheerfulness at the exit nor undue depression at the entry of a prince; his tears blent with joy, his regrets with adulation. The consuls, Sextus Pompeius and Sextus Appuleius, first took the oath of allegiance to Tiberius Caesar. It was taken in their presence by Seius Strabo and Caius Turranius, chiefs respectively of the praetorian cohorts and the corn department. The senators, the soldiers, and the populace followed. For in every action of Tiberius the first step had to be taken by the consuls, as though the old republic were in being, and himself undecided whether to reign or no. Even his edict, convening the Fathers to the senate-house was issued simply beneath the tribunician title which he had received under Augustus. It was a laconic document of very modest purport:âx80x94 "He intended to provide for the last honours to his father, whose body he could not leave âx80x94it was the one function of the state which he made bold to exercise." Yet, on the passing of Augustus he had given the watchword to the praetorian cohorts as Imperator; he had the sentries, the men-atâx80x91arms, and the other appurteces of a court; soldiers conducted him to the forum, soldiers to the curia; he dispatched letters to the armies as if the principate was already in his grasp; and nowhere manifested the least hesitation, except when speaking in the senate. The chief reason was his fear that Germanicus âx80x94 backed by so many legions, the vast reserves of the provinces, and a wonderful popularity with the nation âx80x94 might prefer the owner­ship to the reversion of a throne. He paid public opinion, too, the compliment of wishing to be regarded as the called and chosen of the state, rather than as the interloper who had wormed his way into power with the help of connubial intrigues and a senile act of adoption. It was realized later that his coyness had been assumed with the further object of gaining an insight into the feelings of the aristocracy: for all the while he was distorting words and looks into crimes and storing them in his memory. "
^1.33 In the meantime, Germanicus, as we have stated, was traversing the Gallic provinces and assessing their tribute, when the message came that Augustus was no more. Married to the late emperors granddaughter Agrippina, who had borne him several children, and himself a grandchild of the dowager (he was the son of Tiberius brother Drusus), he was tormented none the less by the secret hatred of his uncle and grandmother âx80x94 hatred springing from motives the more potent because iniquitous. For Drusus was still a living memory to the nation, and it was believed that, had he succeeded, he would have restored the age of liberty; whence the same affection and hopes centred on the young Germanicus with his unassuming disposition and his exceptional courtesy, so far removed from the inscrutable arrogance of word and look which characterized Tiberius. Feminine animosities increased the tension as Livia had a stepmothers irritable dislike of Agrippina, whose own temper was not without a hint of fire, though purity of mind and wifely devotion kept her rebellious spirit on the side of righteousness.",
^1.41 The picture recalled less a Caesar at the zenith of force and in his own camp than a scene in a taken town. The sobbing and wailing drew the ears and eyes of the troops themselves. They began to emerge from quarters:âx80x94 "Why," they demanded, "the sound of weeping? What calamity had happened? Here were these ladies of rank, and not a centurion to guard them, not a soldier, no sign of the usual escort or that this was the generals wife! They were bound for the Treviri âx80x94handed over to the protection of foreigners." There followed shame and pity and memories of her father Agrippa, of Augustus her grandfather. She was the daughter-inâx80x91law of Drusus, herself a wife of notable fruitfulness and shining chastity. There was also her little son, born in the camp and bred the playmate of the legions; whom soldier-like they had dubbed "Bootikins" âx80x94 Caligula âx80x94 because, as an appeal to the fancy of the rank and file, he generally wore the footgear of that name. Nothing, however, swayed them so much as their jealousy of the Treviri. They implored, they obstructed:âx80x94 "She must come back, she must stay," they urged; some running to intercept Agrippina, the majority hurrying back to Germanicus. Still smarting with grief and indignation, he stood in the centre of the crowd, and thus began:âx80x94, "
^2.32 His estate was parcelled out among the accusers, and extraordinary praetor­ships were conferred on those of senatorial status. Cotta Messalinus then moved that the effigy of Libo should not accompany the funeral processions of his descendants; Gnaeus Lentulus, that no member of the Scribonian house should adopt the surname of Drusus. Days of public thanksgiving were fixed at the instance of Pomponius Flaccus. Lucius Piso, Asinius Gallus, Papius Mutilus, and Lucius Apronius procured a decree that votive offerings should be made to Jupiter, Mars, and Concord; and that the thirteenth of September, the anniversary of Libos suicide, should rank as a festival. This union of sounding names and sycophancy Ihave recorded as showing how long that evil has been rooted in the State.âx80x94 Other resolutions of the senate ordered the expulsion of the astrologers and magic-mongers from Italy. One of their number, Lucius Pituanius, was flung from the Rock; another âx80x94 Publius Marcius âx80x94 was executed by the consuls outside the Esquiline Gate according to ancient usage and at sound of trumpet.", ^2.33 At the next session, the ex-consul, Quintus Haterius, and Octavius Fronto, a former praetor, spoke at length against the national extravagance; and it was resolved that table-plate should not be manufactured in solid gold, and that Oriental silks should no longer degrade the male sex. Fronto went further, and pressed for a statutory limit to silver, furniture, and domestics: for it was still usual for a member to precede his vote by mooting any point which he considered to be in the public interest. Asinius Gallus opposed:âx80x94 "With the expansion of the empire, private fortunes had also grown; nor was this new, but consot with extremely ancient custom. Wealth was one thing with the Fabricii, another with the Scipios; and all was relative to the state. When the state was poor, you had frugality and cottages: when it attained a pitch of splendour such as the present, the individual also throve. In slaves or plate or anything procured for use there was neither excess nor moderation except with reference to the means of the owner. Senators and knights had a special property qualification, not because they differed in kind from their fellow-men, but in order that those who enjoyed precedence in place, rank, and dignity should enjoy it also in the easements that make for mental peace and physical well-being. And justly so âx80x94 unless your distinguished men, while saddled with more responsibilities and greater dangers, were to be deprived of the relaxations compensating those responsibilities and those dangers." âx80x94 With his virtuously phrased confession of vice, Gallus easily carried with him that audience of congenial spirits. Tiberius, too, had added that it was not the time for a censor­ship, and that, if there was any loosening of the national morality, a reformer would be forthcoming.
^2.37 In addition, he gave monetary help to several senators; so that it was the more surprising when he treated the application of the young noble, Marcus Hortalus, with a superciliousness uncalled for in view of his clearly straitened circumstances. He was a grandson of the orator Hortensius; and the late Augustus, by the grant of amillion sesterces, had induced him to marry and raise a family, in order to save his famous house from extinction. With his four sons, then, standing before the threshold of the Curia, he awaited his turn to speak; then, directing his gaze now to the portrait of Hortensius among the orators (the senate was meeting in the Palace), now to that of Augustus, he opened in the following manner:âx80x94 "Conscript Fathers, these children whose number and tender age you see for yourselves, became mine not from any wish of my own, but because the emperor so advised, and because, at the same time, my ancestors had earned the right to a posterity. For to me, who in this changed world had been able to inherit nothing and acquire nothing, âx80x94 not money, nor popularity, nor eloquence, that general birthright of our house, âx80x94 to me it seemed enough if my slender means were neither a disgrace to myself nor a burden to my neighbour. At the command of the sovereign, Itook a wife; and here you behold the stock of so many consuls, the offspring of so many dictators! Isay it, not to awaken odium, but to woo compassion. Some day, Caesar, under your happy sway, they will wear whatever honours you have chosen to bestow: in the meantime, rescue from beggary the great-grandsons of Quintus Hortensius, the fosterlings of the deified Augustus!",
^2.53 The following year found Tiberius consul for athird time; Germanicus, for a second. The latter, however, entered upon that office in the Achaian town of Nicopolis, which he had reached by skirting the Illyrian coast after a visit to his brother Drusus, then resident in Dalmatia: the passage had been stormy both in the Adriatic and, later, in the Ionian Sea. He spent afew days, therefore, in refitting the fleet; while at the same time, evoking the memory of his ancestors, he viewed the gulf immortalized by the victory of Actium, together with the spoils which Augustus had consecrated, and the camp of Antony. For Augustus, as Ihave said, was his great-uncle, Antony his grandfather; and before his eyes lay the whole great picture of disaster and of triumph. âx80x94 He next arrived at Athens; where, in deference to our treaty with an allied and time-honoured city, he made use of one lictor alone. The Greeks received him with most elaborate compliments, and, in order to temper adulation with dignity, paraded the ancient doings and sayings of their countrymen. ^2.54 From Athens he visited Euboea, and crossed over to Lesbos; where Agrippina, in her last confinement, gave birth to Julia. Entering the outskirts of Asia, and the Thracian towns of Perinthus and Byzantium, he then struck through the straits of the Bosphorus and the mouth of the Euxine, eager to make the acquaintance of those ancient and storied regions, though simultaneously he brought relief to provinces outworn by internecine feud or official tyranny. On the return journey, he made an effort to visit the Samothracian Mysteries, but was met by northerly winds, and failed to make the shore. So, after an excursion to Troy and those venerable remains which attest the mutability of fortune and the origin of Rome, he skirted the Asian coast once more, and anchored off Colophon, in order to consult the oracle of the Clarian Apollo. Here it is not a prophetess, as at Delphi, but a male priest, chosen out of a restricted number of families, and in most cases imported from Miletus, who hears the number and the names of the consultants, but no more, then descends into a cavern, swallows a draught of water from a mysterious spring, and âx80x94 though ignorant generally of writing and of metre âx80x94delivers his response in set verses dealing with the subject each inquirer had in mind. Rumour said that he had predicted to Germanicus his hastening fate, though in the equivocal terms which oracles affect.
^2.73 His funeral, devoid of ancestral effigies or procession, was distinguished by eulogies and recollections of his virtues. There were those who, considering his personal appearance, his early age, and the circumstances of his death, âx80x94 to which they added the proximity of the region where he perished, âx80x94 compared his decease with that of Alexander the Great: âx80x94 "Each eminently handsome, of famous lineage, and in years not much exceeding thirty, had fallen among alien races by the treason of their countrymen. But the Roman had borne himself as one gentle to his friends, moderate in his pleasures, content with a single wife and the children of lawful wedlock. Nor was he less a man of the sword; though he lacked the others temerity, and, when his numerous victories had beaten down the Germanies, was prohibited from making fast their bondage. But had he been the sole arbiter of affairs, of kingly authority and title, he would have overtaken the Greek in military fame with an ease proportioned to his superiority in clemency, self-command, and all other good qualities." The body, before cremation, was exposed in the forum of Antioch, the place destined for the final rites. Whether it bore marks of poisoning was disputable: for the indications were variously read, as pity and preconceived suspicion swayed the spectator to the side of Germanicus, or his predilections to that of Piso.
^2.82 But at Rome, when the failure of Germanicus health became current knowledge, and every circumstance was reported with the aggravations usual in news that has travelled far, all was grief and indignation. Astorm of complaints burst out:âx80x94 "So for this he had been relegated to the ends of earth; for this Piso had received a province; and this had been the drift of Augustas colloquies with Plancina! It was the mere truth, as the elder men said of Drusus, that sons with democratic tempers were not pleasing to fathers on a throne; and both had been cut off for no other reason than because they designed to restore the age of freedom and take the Roman people into a partner­ship of equal rights." The announcement of his death inflamed this popular gossip to such a degree that before any edict of the magistrates, before any resolution of the senate, civic life was suspended, the courts deserted, houses closed. It was a town of sighs and silences, with none of the studied advertisements of sorrow; and, while there was no abstention from the ordinary tokens of bereavement, the deeper mourning was carried at the heart. Accidentally, a party of merchants, who had left Syria while Germanicus was yet alive, brought a more cheerful account of his condition. It was instantly believed and instantly disseminated. No man met another without proclaiming his unauthenticated news; and by him it was passed to more, with supplements dictated by joy. Crowds were running in the streets and forcing temple-doors. Credulity throve âx80x94 it was night, and affirmation is boldest in the dark. Nor did Tiberius check the fictions, but left them to die out with the passage of time; and the people added bitterness for what seemed a second bereavement.
^3.33 In the course of the debate, Caecina Severus moved that no magistrate, who had been allotted a province, should be accompanied by his wife. He explained beforehand at some length that "he had a consort after his own heart, who had borne him six children: yet he had conformed in private to the rule he was proposing for the public; and, although he had served his forty campaigns in one province or other, she had always been kept within the boundaries of Italy. There was point in the old regulation which prohibited the dragging of women to the provinces or foreign countries: in a retinue of ladies there were elements apt, by luxury or timidity, to retard the business of peace or war and to transmute a Roman march into something resembling an Eastern procession. Weakness and a lack of endurance were not the only failings of the sex: give them scope, and they turned hard, intriguing, ambitious. They paraded among the soldiers; they had the centurions at beck and call. Recently a woman had presided at the exercises of the cohorts and the manoeuvres of the legions. Let his audience reflect that, whenever a magistrate was on trial for malversation, the majority of the charges were levelled against his wife. It was to the wife that the basest of the provincials at once attached themselves; it was the wife who took in hand and transacted business. There were two potentates to salute in the streets; two government-houses; and the more headstrong and autocratic orders came from the women, who, once held in curb by the Oppian and other laws, had now cast their chains and ruled supreme in the home, the courts, and by now the army itself.", ^3.34 Afew members listened to the speech with approval: most interrupted with protests that neither was there a motion on the subject nor was Caecina a competent censor in a question of such importance. He was presently answered by Valerius Messalinus, a son of Messala, in whom there resided some echo of his fathers eloquence:âx80x94 "Much of the old-world harshness had been improved and softened; for Rome was no longer environed with wars, nor were the provinces hostile. Afew allowances were now made to the needs of women; but not such as to embarrass even the establishment of their consorts, far less our allies: everything else the wife shared with her husband, and in peace the arrangement created no difficulties. Certainly, he who set about a war must gird up his loins; but, when he returned after his labour, what consolations more legitimate than those of his helpmeet? âx80x94 But afew women had lapsed into intrigue or avarice. âx80x94 Well, were not too many of the magistrates themselves vulnerable to temptation in more shapes than one? Yet governors still went out to governor­ships! âx80x94 Husbands had often been corrupted by the depravity of their wives. âx80x94 And was every single man, then, incorruptible? The Oppian laws in an earlier day were sanctioned because the circumstances of the commonwealth so demanded: later remissions and mitigations were due to expediency. It was vain to label our own inertness with another title: if the woman broke bounds, the fault lay with the husband. Moreover, it was unjust that, through the weakness of one or two, married men in general should be torn from their partners in weal and woe, while at the same time a sex frail by nature was left alone, exposed to its own voluptuousness and the appetites of others. Hardly by surveillance on the spot could the marriage-tie be kept undamaged: what would be the case if, for a term of years, it were dissolved as completely as by divorce? While they were taking steps to meet abuses elsewhere, it would be well to remember the scandals of the capital! Drusus added afew sentences upon his own married life:âx80x94 "Princes not infrequently had to visit the remote parts of the empire. How often had the deified Augustus travelled to west and east with Livia for his companion! He had himself made an excursion to Illyricum; and, if there was a purpose to serve, he was prepared to go to other countries âx80x94 but not always without a pang, if he were severed from the well-beloved wife who was the mother of their many common children." Caecinas motion was thus evaded. "
^4.12 However, while Tiberius on the Rostra was pronouncing the panegyric upon his son, the senate and people, from hypocrisy more than impulse, assumed the attitude and accents of mourning, and exulted in secret that the house of Germanicus was beginning again to flourish. This incipient popularity, together with Agrippinas failure to hide her maternal hopes, hastened its destruction. For Sejanus, when he saw the death of Drusus passing unrevenged upon the murders, unlamented by the nation, grew bolder in crime, and, since his first venture had prospered, began to revolve ways and means of eliminating the children of Germanicus, whose succession was a thing undoubted. To distribute poison among the three was impossible; for their custodians were patterns of fidelity, Agrippinas chastity impenetrable. He proceeded, therefore, to declaim against her contumacy, and, by playing upon Augustas old animosity and Livias recent sense of guilt, induced them to carry information to the Caesar that, proud of her fruitfulness and confident in the favour of the populace, she was turning a covetous eye to the throne. In addition, Livia, with the help of skilled calumniators âx80x94 one of the chosen being Julius Postumus, intimate with her grandmother owing to his adulterous connection with Mutilia Prisca, and admirably suited to her own designs through Priscas influence over Augusta âx80x94 kept working for the total estrangement from her grandsons wife of an old woman, by nature anxious to maintain her power. Even Agrippinas nearest friends were suborned to infuriate her haughty temper by their pernicious gossip.", "
^4.26 The request of Dolabella for triumphal distinctions was rejected by Tiberius: atribute to Sejanus, whose uncle Blaesus might otherwise have found his glories growing dim. But the step brought no added fame to Blaesus, and the denial of the honour heightened the reputation of Dolabella, who, with a weaker army, had credited himself with prisoners of note, a general slain, and a war concluded. He was attended also âx80x94 arare spectacle in the capital âx80x94 by anumber of Garamantian deputies, whom the tribesmen, awed by the fate of Tacfarinas and conscious of their delinquencies, had sent to offer satisfaction to the Roman people. Then, as the campaign had demonstrated Ptolemys good-will, an old-fashioned distinction was revived, and a member of the senate was despatched to present him with the traditional bounty of the Fathers, an ivory sceptre with the embroidered robe, and to greet him by the style of king, ally, and friend.",
^4.32 Iam not unaware that very many of the events Ihave described, and shall describe, may perhaps seem little things, trifles too slight for record; but no parallel can be drawn between these chronicles of mine and the work of the men who composed the ancient history of the Roman people. Gigantic wars, cities stormed, routed and captive kings, or, when they turned by choice to domestic affairs, the feuds of consul and tribune, land-laws and corn-laws, the duel of nobles and commons âx80x94 such were the themes on which they dwelt, or digressed, at will. Mine is an inglorious labour in a narrow field: for this was an age of peace unbroken or half-heartedly challenged, of tragedy in the capital, of a prince careless to extend the empire. Yet it may be not unprofitable to look beneath the surface of those incidents, trivial at the first inspection, which so often set in motion the great events of history. ^4.33 For every nation or city is governed by the people, or by the nobility, or by individuals: aconstitution selected and blended from these types is easier to commend than to create; or, if created, its tenure of life is brief. Accordingly, as in the period of alternate plebeian domice and patrician ascendancy it was imperative, in one case, to study the character of the masses and the methods of controlling them; while, in the other, those who had acquired the most exact knowledge of the temper of the senate and the aristocracy were accounted shrewd in their generation and wise; so toâx80x91day, when the situation has been transformed and the Roman world is little else than a monarchy, the collection and the chronicling of these details may yet serve an end: for few men distinguish right and wrong, the expedient and the disastrous, by native intelligence; the majority are schooled by the experience of others. But while my themes have their utility, they offer the minimum of pleasure. Descriptions of countries, the vicissitudes of battles, commanders dying on the field of honour, such are the episodes that arrest and renew the interest of the reader: for myself, Ipresent a series of savage mandates, of perpetual accusations, of traitorous friendships, of ruined innocents, of various causes and identical results âx80x94 everywhere monotony of subject, and satiety. Again, the ancient author has few detractors, and it matters to none whether you praise the Carthaginian or the Roman arms with the livelier enthusiasm. But of many, who underwent either the legal penalty or a form of degradation in the principate of Tiberius, the descendants remain; and, assuming the actual families to be now extinct, you will still find those who, from a likeness of character, read the ill deeds of others as an innuendo against themselves. Even glory and virtue create their enemies âx80x94 they arraign their opposites by too close a contrast. But Ireturn to my subject. ^4.34 The consulate of Cornelius Cossus and Asinius Agrippa opened with the prosecution of Cremutius Cordus upon the novel and till then unheard-of charge of publishing a history, eulogizing Brutus, and styling Cassius the last of the Romans. The accusers were Satrius Secundus and Pinarius Natta, clients of Sejanus. That circumstance sealed the defendants fate âx80x94 that and the lowering brows of the Caesar, as he bent his attention to the defence; which Cremutius, resolved to take his leave of life, began as follows:âx80x94 "Conscript Fathers, my words are brought to judgement âx80x94 so guiltless amI of deeds! Nor are they even words against the sole persons embraced by the law of treason, the sovereign or the parent of the sovereign: Iam said to have praised Brutus and Cassius, whose acts so many pens have recorded, whom not one has mentioned save with honour. Livy, with a fame for eloquence and candour second to none, lavished such eulogies on Pompey that Augustus styled him the Pompeian: yet it was without prejudice to their friendship. Scipio, Afranius, this very Cassius, this Brutus âx80x94 not once does he describe them by the now fashionable titles of brigand and parricide, but time and again in such terms as he might apply to any distinguished patriots. The works of Asinius Pollio transmit their character in noble colours; Messalla Corvinus gloried to have served under Cassius: and Pollio and Corvinus lived and died in the fulness of wealth and honour! When Ciceros book praised Cato to the skies, what did it elicit from the dictator Caesar but a written oration as though at the bar of public opinion? The letters of Antony, the speeches of Brutus, contain invectives against Augustus, false undoubtedly yet bitter in the extreme; the poems âx80x94 still read âx80x94 of Bibaculus and Catullus are packed with scurrilities upon the Caesars: yet even the deified Julius, the divine Augustus himself, tolerated them and left them in peace; and Ihesitate whether to ascribe their action to forbearance or to wisdom. For things contemned are soon things forgotten: anger is read as recognition. ^4.35 "Ileave untouched the Greeks; with them not liberty only but licence itself went unchastised, or, if a man retaliated, he avenged words by words. But what above all else was absolutely free and immune from censure was the expression of an opinion on those whom death had removed beyond the range of rancour or of partiality. Are Brutus and Cassius under arms on the plains of Philippi, andI upon the platform, firing the nation to civil war? Or is it the case that, seventy years since their taking-off, as they are known by their effigies which the conqueror himself did not abolish, so a portion of their memory is enshrined likewise in history? âx80x94 To every man posterity renders his wage of honour; nor will there lack, if my condemnation is at hand, those who shall remember, not Brutus and Cassius alone, but me also!" He then left the senate, and closed his life by self-starvation. The Fathers ordered his books to be burned by the aediles; but copies remained, hidden and afterwards published: a fact which moves us the more to deride the folly of those who believe that by an act of despotism in the present there can be extinguished also the memory of a succeeding age. On the contrary, genius chastised grows in authority; nor have alien kings or the imitators of their cruelty effected more than to crown themselves with ignominy and their victims with renown. ^11.24 Unconvinced by these and similar arguments, the emperor not only stated his objections there and then, but, after convening the senate, addressed it as follows: âx80x94 "In my own ancestors, the eldest of whom, Clausus, a Sabine by extraction, was made simultaneously a citizen and the head of a patrician house, Ifind encouragement to employ the same policy in my administration, by transferring hither all true excellence, let it be found where it will. For Iam not unaware that the Julii came to us from Alba, the Coruncanii from Camerium, the Porcii from Tusculum; that âx80x94not to scrutinize antiquity âx80x94 members were drafted into the senate from Etruria, from Lucania, from the whole of Italy; and that finally Italy itself was extended to the Alps, in order that not individuals merely but countries and nationalities should form one body under the name of Romans. The day of stable peace at home and victory abroad came when the districts beyond thePo were admitted to citizen­ship, and, availing ourselves of the fact that our legions were settled throughout the globe, we added to them the stoutest of the provincials, and succoured a weary empire. Is it regretted that the Balbi crossed over from Spain and families equally distinguished from Narbonese Gaul? Their descendants remain; nor do they yield to ourselves in love for this native land of theirs. What else proved fatal to Lacedaemon and Athens, in spite of their power in arms, but their policy of holding the conquered aloof as alien-born? But the sagacity of our own founder Romulus was such that several times he fought and naturalized a people in the course of the same day! Strangers have been kings over us: the conferment of magistracies on the sons of freedmen is not the novelty which it is commonly and mistakenly thought, but a frequent practice of the old commonwealth. âx80x94 But we fought with the Senones. âx80x94 Then, presumably, the Volscians and Aequians never drew up a line of battle against us. âx80x94 We were taken by the Gauls. âx80x94 But we also gave hostages to the Tuscans and underwent the yoke of the Samnites. âx80x94 And yet, if you survey the whole of our wars, not one was finished within a shorter period than that against the Gauls: thenceforward there has been a continuous and loyal peace. Now that customs, culture, and the ties of marriage have blended them with ourselves, let them bring among us their gold and their riches instead of retaining them beyond the pale! All, Conscript Fathers, that is now believed supremely old has been new: plebeian magistrates followed the patrician; Latin, the plebeian; magistrates from the other races of Italy, the Latin. Our innovation, too, will be parcel of the past, and what toâx80x91day we defend by precedents will rank among precedents.",
^12.6 As this engagingly worded preface was followed by flattering expressions of assent from the members, he took a fresh starting-point:âx80x94 "Since it was the universal advice that the emperor should marry, the choice ought to fall on a woman distinguished by nobility of birth, by experience of motherhood, and by purity of character. No long inquiry was needed to convince them that in the lustre of her family Agrippina came foremost: she had given proof of her fruitfulness, and her moral excellences harmonized with the rest. But the most gratifying point was that, by the dispensation of providence, the union would be between a widow and a prince with experience of no marriage-bed but his own. They had heard from their fathers, and they had seen for themselves, how wives were snatched away at the whim of the Caesars: such violence was far removed from the orderliness of the present arrangement. They were, in fact, to establish a precedent by which the emperor would accept his consort from the Roman people! âx80x94 Still, marriage with a brothers child, it might be said, was a novelty in Rome. âx80x94 But it was normal in other countries, and prohibited by no law; while marriage with cousins and second cousins, so long unknown, had with the progress of time become frequent. Usage accommodated itself to the claims of utility, and this innovation too would be among the conventions of toâx80x91morrow.", "
^12.53 At the same time, he submitted a motion to the Fathers, penalizing women who married slaves; and it was resolved that anyone falling so far without the knowledge of the slaves owner should rank as in a state of servitude; while, if he had given sanction, she was to be classed as a freedwoman. That Pallas, whom the Caesar had specified as the inventor of his proposal, should receive the praetorian insignia and fifteen million sesterces, was the motion of the consul designate, Barea Soranus. It was added by Cornelius Scipio that he should be accorded the national thanks, because, descendant though he was of the kings of Arcadia, he postponed his old nobility to the public good, and permitted himself to be regarded as one of the servants of the emperor. Claudius passed his word that Pallas, contented with the honour, declined to outstep his former honest poverty. And there was engraved on official brass a senatorial decree lavishing the praises of old-world frugality upon a freedman, the proprietor of three hundred million sesterces.", "
^12.58.1 In the consulate of Decimus Junius and Quintus Haterius, Nero, at the age of sixteen, received in marriage the emperors daughter Octavia. Desirous to shine by his liberal accomplishments and by a character for eloquence, he took up the cause of Ilium, enlarged with grace on the Trojan descent of the Roman nation; on Aeneas, the progenitor of the Julian line; on other traditions not too far removed from fable; and secured the release of the community from all public obligations. By his advocacy, again, the colony of Bononia, which had been destroyed by fire, was assisted with a grant of ten million sesterces; the Rhodians recovered their liberties, so often forfeited or confirmed as the balance varied between their military services abroad or their seditious offences at home; and Apamea, which had suffered from an earthquake shock, was relieved from its tribute for the next five years.",
^13.30 In the same consulate, Vipsanius Laenas was found guilty of malversation in his province of Sardinia; Cestius Proculus was acquitted on a charge of extortion brought by the Cretans. Clodius Quirinalis, who, as commandant of the crews stationed at Ravenna, had by his debauchery and ferocity tormented Italy, as though Italy were the most abject of the nations, forestalled his sentence by poison. Caninius Rebilus, who in juristic knowledge and extent of fortune ranked with the greatest, escaped the tortures of age and sickness by letting the blood from his arteries; though, from the unmasculine vices for which he was infamous, he had been thought incapable of the firmness of committing suicide. In contrast, Lucius Volusius departed in the fullness of honour, after enjoying a term of ninety-three years of life, a noble fortune virtuously gained, and the unbroken friendship of a succession of emperors. "
^14.12.1 However, with a notable spirit of emulation among the magnates, decrees were drawn up: thanksgivings were to be held at all appropriate shrines; the festival of Minerva, on which the conspiracy had been brought to light, was to be celebrated with annual games; agolden statue of the goddess, with an effigy of the emperor by her side, was to be erected in the curia, and Agrippinas birthday included among the inauspicious dates. Earlier sycophancies Thrasea Paetus had usually allowed to pass, either in silence or with a curt assent: this time he walked out of the senate, creating a source of danger for himself, but implanting no germ of independence in his colleagues. Portents, also, frequent and futile made their appearance: awoman gave birth to a serpent, another was killed by a thunderbolt in the embraces of her husband; the sun, again, was suddenly obscured, and the fourteen regions of the capital were struck by lightning âx80x94 events which so little marked the concern of the gods that Nero continued for years to come his empire and his crimes. However, to aggravate the feeling against his mother, and to furnish evidence that his own mildness had increased with her removal, he restored to their native soil two women of high rank, Junia and Calpurnia, along with the ex-praetors Valerius Capito and Licinius Gabolus âx80x94 all of them formerly banished by Agrippina. He sanctioned the return, even, of the ashes of Lollia Paulina, and the erection of a tomb: Iturius and Calvisius, whom he had himself relegated some little while before, he now released from the penalty. As to Silana, she had died a natural death at Tarentum, to which she had retraced her way, when Agrippina, by whose enmity she had fallen, was beginning to totter or to relent.", "
^14.12 However, with a notable spirit of emulation among the magnates, decrees were drawn up: thanksgivings were to be held at all appropriate shrines; the festival of Minerva, on which the conspiracy had been brought to light, was to be celebrated with annual games; agolden statue of the goddess, with an effigy of the emperor by her side, was to be erected in the curia, and Agrippinas birthday included among the inauspicious dates. Earlier sycophancies Thrasea Paetus had usually allowed to pass, either in silence or with a curt assent: this time he walked out of the senate, creating a source of danger for himself, but implanting no germ of independence in his colleagues. Portents, also, frequent and futile made their appearance: awoman gave birth to a serpent, another was killed by a thunderbolt in the embraces of her husband; the sun, again, was suddenly obscured, and the fourteen regions of the capital were struck by lightning âx80x94 events which so little marked the concern of the gods that Nero continued for years to come his empire and his crimes. However, to aggravate the feeling against his mother, and to furnish evidence that his own mildness had increased with her removal, he restored to their native soil two women of high rank, Junia and Calpurnia, along with the ex-praetors Valerius Capito and Licinius Gabolus âx80x94 all of them formerly banished by Agrippina. He sanctioned the return, even, of the ashes of Lollia Paulina, and the erection of a tomb: Iturius and Calvisius, whom he had himself relegated some little while before, he now released from the penalty. As to Silana, she had died a natural death at Tarentum, to which she had retraced her way, when Agrippina, by whose enmity she had fallen, was beginning to totter or to relent.", "
^14.18 Pedius Blaesus also was removed from the senate: he was charged by the Cyrenaeans with profaning the treasury of Aesculapius and falsifying the military levy by venality and favouritism. An indictment was brought, again by Cyrene, against Acilius Strabo, who had held praetorian office and been sent by Claudius to adjudicate on the estates, once the patrimony of King Apion, which he had bequeathed along with his kingdom to the Roman nation. They had been annexed by the neighbouring proprietors, who relied on their long-licensed usurpation as a legal and fair title. Hence, when the adjudication went against them, there was an outbreak of ill-will against the adjudicator; and the senate could only answer that it was ignorant of Claudius instructions and the emperor would have to be consulted. Nero, while upholding Strabos verdict, wrote that none the less he supported the provincials and made over to them the property occupied.",
^15.19 There was a perverse custom in vogue at that period for childless candidates, shortly before an election or an allotment of provinces, to procure themselves sons by fictitious acts of adoption, then, after obtaining in their quality of fathers a praetor­ship or governor­ship, to emancipate immediately the adopted persons. The consequence was that the authentic heads of families made an embittered appeal to the senate. They dwelt on the rights of nature âx80x94 the anxieties entailed by rearing children âx80x94 as against the calculated frauds and ephemeral character of adoption. "It was ample compensation for the childless that, almost without a care and quite without responsibilities, they should have influence, honours, anything and everything, ready to their hand. In their own case, the promises of the law, for which they had waited so long, were converted into a mockery, when some person who had known parenthood without anxiety and childlessness without bereavement could overtake in a moment the long-cherished hopes of genuine fathers." Asenatorial decree was thereupon passed, ruling that a feigned adoption should not be a qualification for public office in any form, nor even a valid title for the acquiry of an inheritance.
^15.22 The proposal was greeted with loud assent: it proved impossible, however, to complete a decree, as the consuls declined to admit that there was a motion on the subject. Later, at the suggestion of the emperor, a rule was passed that no person should at a provincial diet propose the presentation in the senate of an address of thanks to a Caesarian or senatorial governor, and that no one should undertake the duties of such a deputation. In the same consulate, the Gymnasium was struck by lightning and burned to the ground, a statue of Nero, which it contained, being melted into a shapeless piece of bronze. An earthquake also demolished to a large extent the populous Campanian town of Pompeii; and the debt of nature was paid by the Vestal Virgin Laelia, whose place was filled by the appointment of Cornelia, from the family of the Cossi. ^15.23 In the consulate of Memmius Regulus and Verginius Rufus, Nero greeted a daughter, presented to him by Poppaea, with more than human joy, named the child Augusta, and bestowed the same title on Poppaea. The scene of her delivery was the colony of Antium, where the sovereign himself had seen the light. The senate had already commended the travail of Poppaea to the care of Heaven and formulated vows in the name of the state: they were now multiplied and paid. Public thanksgivings were added, and a Temple of Fertility was decreed, together with a contest on the model of the Actian festival; while golden effigies of the Two Fortunes were to be placed on the throne of Capitoline Jove, and, as the Julian race had its Circus Games at Bovillae, so at Antium should the Claudian and Domitian houses. But all was transitory, as the infant died in less than four months. Then fresh forms of adulation made their appearance, and she was voted the honour of deification, a place in the pulvinar, a temple, and a priest. The emperor, too, showed himself as incontinent in sorrow as in joy. It was noted that when the entire senate streamed towards Antium shortly after the birth, Thrasea, who was forbidden to attend, received the affront, prophetic of his impending slaughter, without emotion. Shortly afterwards, they say, came a remark of the Caesar, in which he boasted to Seneca that he was reconciled to Thrasea; and Seneca congratulated the Caesar: an incident which increased the fame, and the dangers, of those eminent men.
^16.7 To the death of Poppaea, outwardly regretted, but welcome to all who remembered her profligacy and cruelty, Nero added a fresh measure of odium by prohibiting Gaius Cassius from attendance at the funeral. It was the first hint of mischief. Nor was the mischief long delayed. Silanus was associated with him; their only crime being that Cassius was eminent for a great hereditary fortune and an austere character, Silanus for a noble lineage and a temperate youth. Accordingly, the emperor sent a speech to the senate, arguing that both should be removed from public life, and objecting to the former that, among his other ancestral effigies, he had honoured a bust of Gaius Cassius, inscribed:âx80x94 "To the leader of the cause." The seeds of civil war, and revolt from the house of the Caesars, âx80x94 such were the objects he had pursued. And, not to rely merely on the memory of a hated name as an incentive to faction, he had taken to himself a partner in Lucius Silanus, a youth of noble family and headstrong temper, who was to be his figure-head for a revolution.
^16.21.1 After the slaughter of so many of the noble, Nero in the end conceived the ambition to extirpate virtue herself by killing Thrasea Paetus and Barea Soranus. To both he was hostile from of old, and against Thrasea there were additional motives; for he had walked out of the senate, as Ihave mentioned, during the discussion on Agrippina, and at the festival of the Juvenalia his services had not been conspicuous âx80x94 agrievance which went the deeper that in Patavium, his native place, the same Thrasea had sung in tragic costume at the ... Games instituted by the Trojan Antenor. Again, on the day when sentence of death was all but passed on the praetor Antistius for his lampoons on Nero, he proposed, and carried, a milder penalty; and, after deliberately absenting himself from the vote of divine honours to Poppaea, he had not assisted at her funeral. These memories were kept from fading by Cossutianus Capito. For, apart from his character with its sharp trend to crime, he was embittered against Thrasea, whose influence, exerted in support of the Cilician envoys prosecuting Capito for extortion, had cost him the verdict.

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" ^3.72 This was the saddest and most shameful crime that the Roman state had ever suffered since its foundation. Rome had no foreign foe; the gods were ready to be propitious if our characters had allowed; and yet the home of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, founded after due auspices by our ancestors as a pledge of empire, which neither Porsenna, when the city gave itself up to him, nor the Gauls when they captured it, could violate âx80x94 this was the shrine that the mad fury of emperors destroyed! The Capitol had indeed been burned before in civil war, but the crime was that of private individuals. Now it was openly besieged, openly burned âx80x94 and what were the causes that led to arms? What was the price paid for this great disaster? This temple stood intact so long as we fought for our country. King Tarquinius Priscus had vowed it in the war with the Sabines and had laid its foundations rather to match his hope of future greatness than in accordance with what the fortunes of the Roman people, still moderate, could supply. Later the building was begun by Servius Tullius with the enthusiastic help of Romes allies, and afterwards carried on by Tarquinius Superbus with the spoils taken from the enemy at the capture of Suessa Pometia. But the glory of completing the work was reserved for liberty: after the expulsion of the kings, Horatius Pulvillus in his second consulship dedicated it; and its magnificence was such that the enormous wealth of the Roman people acquired thereafter adorned rather than increased its splendour. The temple was built again on the same spot when after an interval of four hundred and fifteen years it had been burned in the consulship of Lucius Scipio and Gaius Norbanus. The victorious Sulla undertook the work, but still he did not dedicate it; that was the only thing that his good fortune was refused. Amid all the great works built by the Caesars the name of Lutatius Catulus kept its place down to Vitelliuss day. This was the temple that then was burned.",

^1.1.8 No wonder then that the indulgence of the gods was so great in preserving and increasing their empire: for such a scrupulous care seemed to examine the smallest details of religion, so that our city is to be thought never to have had her eyes off from the most exact worship of the gods. And therefore when Marcellus, five times consul, having taken Clastidium, and after that Syracuse, would have in performance of his vows, erected a temple to Honour and Virtue, he was opposed by the college of pontiffs, who denied that one shrine could be rightly dedicated to two gods. For if any prodigy should happen, it would remain doubtful to which deity should be made address: nor was it the custom to sacrifice at once to two deities, unless in some particular cases. Upon which admonition of the pontiffs, Marcellus in two separate temples set up the images of Honour and Virtue; whereby it came to pass, that neither the authority of so great a man was any hindrance to the college, nor the addition of expense any impediment to Marcellus, but that all justice and observation was given to religion.
^1.2.1 Numa Pompilius, so that he might oblige his people to the observance of holy things, feigned to have familiarity by night with the goddess Egeria; and that by her direction only, the appropriate worship of the gods which he proposed was instituted. ^1.2.2 Scipio, surnamed Africanus, never went about any private or public business, till he had been for some while in the shrine of Capitoline Jupiter; and was therefore thought to have been begot by Jove. 183/9, ^1.2.3 Lucius Sulla, whenever he resolved to give battle, embracing a little image of Apollo, which was taken out of the temple of Delphi, in the sight of all his soldiers, asked the deity to bring to pass what he had promised. ^1.2.4 Q. Sertorius had a tame white hart, which he taught to follow him over all the cragged mountains of Lusitania, by which he feigned himself instructed what to do, or what not.
^1.3.3 C. Cornelius Hispallus, a praetor of foreigners, in the time when M. Popilius Laenas and L. Calpurnius were consuls, by edict commanded the Chaldeans to depart out of Italy, who by their false interpretations of the stars cast a profitable mist before the eyes of shallow and foolish characters. The same person banished those who with a counterfeit worship of Jupiter Sabazius sought to corrupt Roman customs.
^1.7.3 Remarkable also was that dream, and clear in its outcome, which the two consuls P. Decius Mus and T. Manlius Torquatus dreamed, when they lay encamped not far from the foot of Mount Vesuvius, at the time of the Latin War, which was very fierce and dangerous. For a certain person foretold to both of them, that the Manes and Terra Mater claimed as their due the general of one side, and the whole army of the other side; but whichever general should assail the forces of the enemy, and devote himself as a victim for the good of his army, would obtain the victory. The entrails of the sacrifices confirmed this on the next morning to both consuls, who endeavoured either to expiate the misfortune, if it might be averted, or else resolved to undergo the decision of the gods. Therefore they agreed, that whichever wing should begin to give way, there the commander should with his own life appease the Fates; which while both undauntedly ventured to perform, Decius happened to be the person whom the gods required.
^2.8.7 A commander in a civil war, even if he had done great things and very profitable to the commonwealth, was not permitted to have the title of imperator, neither were any supplications or thanksgivings decreed for him, nor was he permitted to triumph either in a chariot or in an ovation. For though such victories were necessary, yet they were full of calamity and sorrow, not obtained with foreign blood, but with the slaughter of their own countrymen. Mournful therefore were the victories of Nasica over Ti. Gracchus, and of Opimius over C. Gracchus. And therefore Catulus having vanquished his colleague Lepidus, with the rabble of all his followers, returned to the city, showing only a moderate joy. Gaius Antonius also, the conqueror of Catiline, brought back his army to their camp with their swords washed clean. Cinna and Marius greedily drank up civil blood, but did not then approach the altars and temples of the Gods. Sulla also, who made the greatest civil wars, and whose success was most cruel and inhumane, though he triumphed in the height of his power, yet as he carried many cities of Greece and Asia, so he showed not one town of Roman citizens. "
^2.10.2 But what wonder that due honour was given to Metellus by his fellow-citizens, which an enemy did not refrain to render to the elder Africanus? For Antiochus, in the war which he made against the Romans, having taken Scipios son prisoner, not only treated him honourably, but also sent him to his father, laden with royal gifts, though Antiochus had been by then almost driven out of his kingdom by him. But the enraged king rather chose to reverence the majesty of so great a man, than avenge his own misfortune.",
^3.2.5 Nor ought we to separate the memory of M. Marcellus from these examples, who had so great a courage, that he attacked the king of the Gauls, who was surrounded by a great army near the river Po, with only a few horsemen; forthwith he cut off his head, and despoiled him of his arms, which he dedicated to Jupiter .
^3.7.1 When P. and Cn. Scipio with the greatest part of their army were destroyed by the Punic forces, and all the people of that province sided with the Carthaginians, no other of our generals dared to venture thither. Publius Scipio, being then in his twenty-fourth year, proffered himself. This confidence of his afforded both security and victory to the Romans.
^4.2.3 A good example of enmity laid aside we find also in the elder Africanus and Ti. Gracchus. For they came to the rites of a sacred table with a boiling hatred towards each other, and from the same table they departed entire friends. For Scipio at the urging of the senate entered into friendship with Gracchus on the Capitol at the feast of Jupiter; but not content with that, he there also espoused his daughter Cornelia to him.
^7.5.1 Q. Aelius Tubero, when he was asked to fit out a banqueting hall by Fabius Maximus, who was giving a feast to the people in the name of P. Africanus his uncle, spread Punic couches with goat-skins; and instead of silver dishes, brought forth Samian ware. By which stinginess he so offended all the people, that when he stood for praetor, depending upon L. Paullus his grandfather, and P. Africanus his uncle, he was forced to undergo the shame of a rejection. For though privately they approved thriftiness, yet publicly they were very keen to be lavish. And therefore the city, believing that not just the guests of one banquet, but all her inhabitants had reclined upon goat-skins, avenged the dishonour of the banquet, by the shame of not giving him their votes.
^9.12.5 At the same time L. Cornelius Merula, an ex-consul and flamen dialis, so that he might not be an object of scorn to the insolence of the victors, opened his veins in the temple of Jupiter, and so avoided being punished with an ignominious death. The ancient hearth was drenched with the blood of its priest.

" ^45.17 In the consulship of Aulus Hirtius and Gaius Vibius (for Vibius was now appointed consul in spite of the fact that his fathers name had been posted on the tablets of Sulla) a meeting of the senate was held and opinions expressed for three successive days, including the very first day of the year.For because of the war which was upon them and the portents, very numerous and unfavourable, which took place, they were so excited that they failed to observe even the dies nefasti and to refrain on those days from deliberating about any of their interests. Vast numbers of thunderbolts had fallen, some of them descending on the shrine of Capitoline Jupiter which stood in the temple of Victory;also a mighty windstorm occurred which snapped off and scattered the tablets erected about the temple of Saturn and the shrine of Fides and also overturned and shattered the statue of Minerva the Protectress, which Cicero had set up on the Capitol before his exile.This, now, portended death to Cicero himself. Another thing that frightened the rest of the population was a great earthquake which occurred, and the fact that a bull which was being sacrificed on account of it in the -- temple of Vesta -- leaped up after the ceremony. In addition to these omens, clear as they were, a flash darted across from the east to the west and a new star was seen for several days.Then the light of the sun seemed to be diminished and even extinguished, and at times to appear in three circles, one of which was surmounted by a fiery crown of sheaves. This came true for them as clearly as ever any prophecy did. For the three men were in power, âx80x94 Imean Caesar, Lepidus, and Antony, âx80x94 and of these Caesar subsequently secured the victory.At the same time that these things occurred all sorts of oracles foreshadowing the downfall of the republic were recited. Crows, moreover, flew into the temple of Castor and Pollux and pecked out the names of the consuls, Antony and Dolabella, which were inscribed there somewhere on a tablet.And by night dogs would gather together in large numbers throughout the city and especially near the house of the high priest, Lepidus, and howl. Again, thePo, which had flooded a large portion of the surrounding territory, suddenly receded and left behind on the dry land a vast number of snakes; and countless fish were cast up from the sea on the shore near the mouths of the Tiber.Succeeding these terrors a terrible plague spread over nearly all Italy, because of which the senate voted that the Curia Hostilia should be rebuilt and that the spot where the naval battle had taken place should be filled up. However, the curse did not appear disposed to rest even then,especially since, when Vibius was conducting the opening sacrifices on the first day of the year, one of his lictors suddenly fell down and died. Because of these events they took counsel during those days, and among the various men who spoke on one side or the other Cicero addressed them as follows:",
^53.19.1 In this way the government was changed at that time for the better and in the interest of greater security; for it was no doubt quite impossible for the people to be saved under a republic. Nevertheless, the events occurring after this time can not be recorded in the same manner as those of previous times. ^53.19.2 Formerly, as we know, all matters were reported to the senate and to the people, even if they happened at a distance; hence all learned of them and many recorded them, and consequently the truth regarding them, no matter to what extent fear or favour, friendship or enmity, coloured the reports of certain writers, was always to a certain extent to be found in the works of the other writers who wrote of the same events and in the public records. ^53.19.3 But after this time most things that happened began to be kept secret and concealed, and even though some things are perchance made public, they are distrusted just because they can not be verified; for it is suspected that everything is said and done with reference to the wishes of the men in power at the time and of their associates. ^53.19.4 As a result, much that never occurs is noised abroad, and much that happens beyond a doubt is unknown, and in the case of nearly every event a version gains currency that is different from the way it really happened. Furthermore, the very magnitude of the empire and the multitude of things that occur render accuracy in regard to them most difficult. ^53.19.5 In Rome, for example, much is going on, and much in the subject territory, while, as regards our enemies, there is something happening all the time, in fact, every day, and concerning these things no one except the participants can easily have correct information, and most people do not even hear of them at all.
^53.23.5 On the other hand, Cornelius Gallus was encouraged to insolence by the honour shown him. Thus, he indulged in a great deal of disrespectful gossip about Augustus and was guilty of many reprehensible actions besides; for he not only set up images of himself practically everywhere in Egypt, but also inscribed upon the pyramids a list of his achievements. " ^53.23.6 For this act he was accused by Valerius Largus, his comrade and intimate, and was disfranchised by Augustus, so that he was prevented from living in the emperors provinces. After this had happened, many others attacked him and brought numerous indictments against him."

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" ² class is now suffering from an Abderite epidemic. They are not stage-struck, indeed; that would have been a minor infatuation — to be possessed with other peoples verses, not bad ones either; no; but from the beginning of the present excitements — the barbarian war, the Armenian disaster, the succession of victories — you cannot find a man but is writing history; nay, every one you meet is a Thucydides, a Herodotus, a Xenophon. The old saying must be true, and war be the father of all things, seeing what a litter of historians it has now teemed forth at a birth. Such sights and sounds, my Philo, brought into my head that"

" ^2.11 Marius Priscus, on being accused by the people of Africa, whom he had governed as proconsul, declined to defend himself before the Senate and asked to have judges assigned to hear the case. Cornelius Tacitus and myself were instructed to appear for the provincials, and we came to the conclusion that we were bound in honesty to our clients to notify the Senate that the charges of inhumanity and cruelty brought against Priscus were too serious to be heard by a panel of judges, inasmuch as he was accused of having received bribes to condemn and even put to death innocent persons. Fronto Catius spoke in reply, and urged that the prosecution should be confined within the law dealing with extortion: he is wonderfully skilled at drawing tears, and throughout his speech he filled his sails with a breeze of pathos. Then a hubbub arose, and there were loud exclamations of applause and dissent; some held that a trial of the case by the Senate was barred by law; others declared that the Senate was quite competent and entitled to deal with it, and argued that the law should punish the whole guilt of the defendant. At length Julius Ferox, the consul-designate, a man of honour and probity, gave it as his opinion that judges should be assigned for the time being, and that those who were said to have bribed Priscus to punish innocent persons should be summoned to Rome. This proposal not only carried the day, but it was the only one that was numerously supported in spite of the previous fierce dissension, for it has often been remarked that though partisanship and pity lead men to make very keen and heated attacks in the first instance, they gradually sober down under the influence of further consideration and reason. Hence it comes about that no one cares to make the point, when the other people are sitting still, which a number of persons may be anxious to make if an uproar is going on all round them; for when you get away from the throng a quiet consideration of the subject at issue makes clear all the points that were lost sight of in the throng of speakers.Well, the witnesses who were summoned came to Rome, viz. Vitellius Honoratus and Flavius Martianus. Honoratus was charged with having bribed Priscus to the tune of three hundred thousand sesterces to exile a Roman knight and put seven of his friends to death; Martianus was accused of having given Priscus seven hundred thousand sesterces to sentence a single Roman knight to still more grievous punishment, for he was beaten with rods, condemned to the mines, and then strangled in prison. Honoratus — luckily for him — escaped the investigation of the Senate by dying; Martianus was brought before them when Priscus was not present. Consequently Tuccius Cerialis, a man of consular rank, pleaded senatorial privileges and demanded that Priscus should be informed of the attendance of Martianus, either because he thought that Priscus by being present would have a better chance of awakening the compassion of the Senate or to increase the feeling against him, or possibly, and I think this was his real motive, because strict justice demanded that both should defend themselves against a charge that affected them both, and that both should be punished if they could not rebut the accusation.The subject was postponed to the next meeting of the Senate, and a very august assembly it was. The Emperor presided in his capacity as consul; besides, the month of January brings crowds of people to Rome and especially senators, and moreover the importance of the case, the great notoriety it had obtained, which had been increased by the delays that had taken place, and the ingrained curiosity of all men to get to know all the details of an unusually important matter, had made everybody flock to Rome from all quarters. You can imagine how nervous and anxious we were in having to speak in such a gathering and in the presence of the Emperor on such an important case. It was not the first time that I had pleaded in the Senate, and there is nowhere where I get a more sympathetic hearing, but then the novelty of the whole position seemed to afflict me with a feeling of nervousness I had never felt before. For in addition to all that I have mentioned above I kept thinking of the difficulties of the case and was oppressed by the feeling that Priscus, the defendant, had once held consular rank and been one of the seven regulators of the sacred feasts, and was now deprived of both these dignities. So I found it a very trying task to accuse a man on whom sentence had already been passed, for though the shocking offences with which he was charged weighed heavily against him, he yet was protected to a certain extent by the commiseration felt for a man already condemned to punishment that one might have thought final.However, as soon as I had pulled myself together and collected my thoughts, I began my address, and though I was nervous I was on the best of terms with my audience. I spoke for nearly five hours, for, in addition to the twelve water-clocks — the largest I could get — which had been assigned to me, I obtained four others. And, as matters turned out, everything that I thought before speaking would have proved an obstacle in the way of a good speech really helped me during my address. As for the Emperor, he showed me such kind attention and consideration — for it would be too much to call it anxiety on my behalf — that he frequently nodded to my freedman, who was standing just behind me, to give me a hint not to overtax my voice and lungs, when he thought that I was throwing myself too ardently into my pleading and imposing too great a burden on my slender frame. Claudius Marcellinus answered me on behalf of Martianus, and then the Senate was dismissed and met again on the following day. For there was no time to begin a fresh speech, as it would have had to be broken off by the fall of night. On the following day, Salvius Liberalis, a man of shrewd wit, careful in the arrangement of his speeches, with a pointed style and a fund of learning, spoke for Marius, and in his speech he certainly brought out all he knew. Cornelius Tacitus replied to him in a wonderfully eloquent address, characterised by that lofty dignity which is the chief charm of his oratory. Then Fronto Catius made another excellent speech on Mariuss behalf, and he spent more time in appeals for mercy than in rebutting evidence, as befitted the part of the case that he had then to deal with. The fall of night terminated his speech but did not break it off altogether, and so the proceedings lasted over into the third day. This was quite fine and just like it used to be for the Senate to be interrupted by nightfall, and for the members to be called and sit for three days running.Cornutus Tertullus, the consul-designate, a man of high character and a devoted champion of justice, gave as his opinion that the seven hundred thousand sesterces which Marius had received should be confiscated to the Treasury, that Marius should be banished from Rome and Italy, and that Martianus should be banished from Rome, Italy, and Africa. Towards the conclusion of his speech he added the remark that the Senate considered that, since Tacitus and myself, who had been summoned to plead for the provincials, had fulfilled our duties with diligence and fearlessness, we had acted in a manner worthy of the commission entrusted to us. The consuls-designate agreed, and all the consulars did likewise, until it was Pompeius Collegas turn to speak. He proposed that the seven hundred thousand sesterces received by Marius should be confiscated to the Treasury, that Martianus should be banished for five years, and that Marius should suffer no further penalty than that for extortion — which had already been passed upon him. Opinion was largely divided, and there was possibly a majority in favour of the latter proposal, which was the more lenient or less severe of the two, for even some of those who appeared to have supported Cornutus changed sides and were ready to vote for Collega, who had spoken after them. But when the House divided, those who stood near the seats of the consuls began to cross over to the side of Cornutus. Then those who were allowing themselves to be counted as supporters of Collega also crossed over, and Collega was left with a mere handful. He complained bitterly afterwards of those who had led him to make the proposal he did, especially of Regulus, who had failed to support him in the proposal that he himself had suggested. But Regulus is a fickle fellow, rash to a degree, yet a great coward as well.Such was the close of this most important investigation; but there is still another bit of public business on hand of some consequence, for Hostilius Firminus, the lieutet of Marius Priscus, who was implicated in the matter, had received a very rough handling. It was proved by the accounts of Martianus and a speech he made in the Council of the town of Leptis that he had engaged with Priscus in a very shady transaction, that he had bargained to receive from Martianus 50,000 denarii and had received in addition ten million sesterces under the head of perfume money — a most disgraceful thing for a soldier, but one which was not at all inconsistent with his character as a man with well-trimmed hair and polished skin. It was agreed on the motion of Cornutus that the case should be investigated at the next meeting of the Senate, but at that meeting he did not put in an appearance, either from some accidental reason or because he knew he was guilty.Well, I have told you the news of Rome, you must write and tell me the news of the country. How are your shrubs getting on, your vines and your crops, and those dainty sheep of yours? In short, unless you send me as long a letter I am sending you, you mustnt expect anything more than the scrappiest note from me in the future. Farewell.",
^3.16 Her husband, Caecina Paetus, was lying ill, and so too was their son, both, it was thought, without chance of recovery. The son died. He was a strikingly handsome lad, modest as he was handsome, and endeared to his parents for his other virtues quite as much as because he was their son. Arria made all the arrangements for the funeral and attended it in person, without her husband knowing anything of it. When she entered his room she pretended that the boy was still alive and even much better, and when her husband constantly asked how the lad was getting on, she replied: "He has had a good sleep, and has taken food with a good appetite." Then when the tears, which she had long forced back, overcame her and burst their way out, she would leave the room, and not till then give grief its course, returning when the flood of tears was over, with dry eyes and composed look, as though she had left her bereavement at the door of the chamber. It was indeed a splendid deed of hers to unsheath the sword, to plunge it into her breast, then to draw it out and offer it to her husband, with the words which will live for ever and seem to have been more than mortal, "Paetus, it does not hurt." But at that moment, while speaking and acting thus, there was fame and immortality before her eyes, and I think it an even nobler deed for her without looking for any reward of glory or immortality to force back her tears, to hide her grief, and, even when her son was lost to her, to continue to act a mothers part.When Scribonianus had started a rebellion in Illyricum against Claudius, Paetus joined his party, and, on the death of Scribonianus, he was brought prisoner to Rome. As he was about to embark, Arria implored the soldiers to take her on board with him. "For," she pleaded, "as he is of consular rank, you will assign him some servants to serve his meals, to valet him and put on his shoes. I will perform all these offices for him." When they refused her, she hired a fishing-boat and in that tiny vessel followed the big ship. Again, in the presence of Claudius she said to the wife of Scribonianus, when that woman was voluntarily giving evidence of the rebellion, "What, shall I listen to you in whose bosom Scribonianus was killed and yet you still live?" Those words showed that her resolve to die gloriously was due to no sudden impulse. Moreover, when her son-in-law Thrasea sought to dissuade her from carrying out her purpose, and urged among his other entreaties the following argument: "If I had to die, would you wish your daughter to die with me?" she replied, "If she had lived as long and as happily with you as I have lived with Paetus, yes." This answer increased the anxiety of her friends, and she was watched with greater care. Noticing this, she said, "Your endeavours are vain. You can make me die hard, but you cannot prevent me from dying." As she spoke she jumped from her chair and dashed her head with great force against the wall of the chamber, and fell to the ground. When she came to herself again, she said, "I told you that I should find a difficult way of dying if you denied me an easy one."Do not sentences like these seem to you more noble than the "Paetus, it does not hurt," to which they gradually led up? Yet, while that saying is famous all over the world, the others are unknown. But they confirm what I said at the outset, that the noblest words and deeds are not always the most famous. Farewell.
^7.33 To Tacitus: I venture to prophesy - and I know my prognostics are right - that your histories will be immortal, and that, I frankly confess, makes me the more anxious to figure in them. For if it is quite an ordinary thing for us to take care to secure the best painter to paint our portrait, ought we not also to be desirous of getting an author and historian of your calibre to describe our deeds? That is why though it could hardly escape your careful eye, as it is to be found in the public records - I bring the following incident before your notice, and I do so in order to assure you how pleased I shall be, if you will lend your powers of description and the weight of your testimony to setting forth the way I behaved on an occasion when I reaped credit, owing to the dangers to which I exposed myself. The senate had appointed me to act with Herennius Senecio on behalf of the province of Baetica in the prosecution of Baebius Massa, and, when Massa had been sentenced, it decreed that his property should be placed under public custody. Senecio came to me, after finding out that the consuls would be at liberty to hear petitions, and said: "We have loyally acted together in carrying through the prosecution laid upon us, now let us approach the consuls together and petition them not to allow those who ought to take care of the property to embezzle any of it." My answer was this: "As we were appointed by the senate to prosecute, dont you think that we have fully carried out our duties as soon as the senate has finished the hearing of the case?" He replied: "Well, you may fix what limit you like to your duties, as the only ties you have with the province are those arising from the kindness you have shown it, and they are of very recent date. But I was born there, and acted as quaestor there." So I said: "Well, if you have quite made up your mind, I will follow your lead, to prevent any odium which may arise out of this falling entirely upon your shoulders." We went to the consuls; Senecio laid the case before them, and I added just a few words. We had scarcely finished when Massa complained that Senecio had stepped beyond the loyalty he owed to his clients, and was importing into the case the bitterness of a private enemy, and he impeached him for disloyalty. Everyone was horror-struck, but I remarked: "I am afraid, most noble consuls, that Massa by his silence has insinuated a charge of collusion against me, in that he has not also impeached me." The remark was immediately taken up, and, for years afterwards, it was often spoken of and commended. The late Emperor Nerva, who, even when he was a private individual, used to take strict notice of all honourable public actions, sent me a letter couched in the most complimentary terms, in which he not only congratulated me, but also the age in which I lived, for having had the privilege to witness an example that was worthy of the good old days. Such were the terms he used. My conduct on this occasion, whatever its worth may have been, will be made even more famous, more distinguished, and more noble if you describe it, although I do not ask of you to go beyond the strict letter of what actually occurred. For history ought never to transgress against truth, and an honourable action wants nothing more than to be faithfully recorded. Farewell.

⁵⁷ L. Scipio, C. Norbanus consuls A.U.C. 671 In the time of Sulla, between Capua and Vulturnum a huge sound of standards and weapons was heard accompanied by a terrifying noise, so that it seemed that two battle lines had met for several days. For those who observed the miraculous event more intently traces of horses and men and freshly trampled grass and bushes were seen and this portended the burden of a huge war. In Etruria at Clusium a mother of a family gave birth to a live serpent, which, on the orders of the haruspices, was thrown into the flowing water and swam across. After five years, L. Sulla returned to Italy as victor and caused great fear amongst his enemies. By the crime of a temple keeper the Capitol burnt down in one night. Because of Sulla’s cruelty, there was a cruel proscription of leading citizens. One hundred thousand men are said to have been killed in the Italian and civil war.

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mae rerum no m sit V equidem primam omnium illam cogitationem hominum quam maxime primam occursuram mihi provideo deprecor ne quasi novam istam rem introduci exhorrescatis sed illa potius cogitetis quam multa in hac civitate novata sint et quidem statim ab origine urbis nostrae in quot formas status que res publica nostra diducta sit quondam reges hanc tenuere urbem nec tamen domesticis successoribus eam tradere contigit supervenere alieni et quidam externi ut Numa Romulo successerit ex Sabinis veniens vicinus quidem sed tunc externus ut Anco Marcio Priscus Tarquinius is propter temeratum sanguinem quod patre Demaratho Corinthio natus erat et Tarquiniensi matre generosa sed inopi ut quae tali marito necesse habuerit succumbere cum domi repelleretur a gerendis honoribus postquam Romam migravit regnum adeptus est huic quo que et filio nepotive eius nam et hoc inter auctores discrepat insertus Servius Tullius si nostros sequimur captiva natus Ocresia si Tuscos Caeli quondam Vivennae sodalis fidelissimus omnis que eius casus comes postquam varia fortuna exactus cum omnibus reliquis Caeliani exercitus Etruria excessit montem Caelium occupavit et a duce suo Caelio ita appellitatus mutato que nomine nam Tusce Mastarna ei nomen erat ita appellatus est ut dixi et regnum summa cum rei publicae utilitate optinuit deinde postquam Tarquini Superbi mores invisi civitati nostrae esse coeperunt qua ipsius qua filiorum eius nempe pertaesum est mentes regni et ad consules annuos magistratus administratio rei publicae translata est quid nunc commemorem dictaturae hoc ipso consulari imperium valentius repertum apud maiores nostros quo in asperioribus bellis aut in civili motu difficiliore uterentur aut in auxilium plebis creatos tribunos plebei quid a consulibus ad decemviros translatum imperium soluto que postea decemvirali regno ad consules rusus reditum quid in pluris distributum consulare imperium tribunos que militum consulari imperio appellatos qui seni et saepe octoni crearentur quid communicatos postremo cum plebe honores non imperii solum sed sacerdotiorum quo que iam si narrem bella a quibus coeperint maiores nostri et quo processerimus vereor ne nimio insolentior esse videar et quaesisse iactationem gloriae prolati imperi ultra oceanum sed illoc potius revertar civitatem potest sane novo more et divus Augustus avunculus meus et patruus Tiberius Caesar omnem florem ubi que coloniarum ac municipiorum bonorum scilicet virorum et locupletium in hac curia esse voluit quid ergo non Italicus senator provinciali potior est iam vobis cum hanc partem censurae meae adprobare coepero quid de ea re sentiam rebus ostendam sed ne provinciales quidem si modo ornare curiam poterint reiciendos puto ornatissima ecce colonia valentissima que Viennensium quam longo iam tempore senatores huic curiae confert ex qua colonia inter paucos equestris ordinis ornamentum Lucium Vestinum familiarissime diligo et hodie que in rebus meis detineo cuius liberi fruantur quaeso primo sacerdotiorum gradu postmodo cum annis promoturi dignitatis suae incrementa ut dirum nomen latronis taceam et odi illud palaestricum prodigium quod ante in domum consulatum intulit quam colonia sua solidum civitatis Romanae benificium consecuta est idem de fratre eius possum dicere miserabili quidem indignissimo que hoc casu ut vobis utilis senator esse non possit tempus est iam Tiberi Caesar Germanice detegere te patribus conscriptis quo tendat oratio tua iam enim ad extremos fines Galliae Narbonensis venisti tot ecce insignes iuvenes quot intueor non magis sunt paenitendi senatores quam paenitet Persicum nobilissimum virum amicum meum inter imagines maiorum suorum Allobrogici nomen legere quodsi haec ita esse consentitis quid ultra desideratis quam ut vobis digito demonstrem solum ipsum ultra fines provinciae Narbonensis iam vobis senatores mittere quando ex Luguduno habere nos nostri ordinis viros non paenitet timide quidem patres conscripti egressus adsuetos familiares que vobis provinciarum terminos sum sed destricte iam Comatae Galliae causa agenda est in qua si quis hoc intuetur quod bello per decem annos exercuerunt divum Iulium idem opponat centum annorum immobilem fidem obsequium que multis trepidis rebus nostris plus quam expertum illi patri meo Druso Germaniam subigenti tutam quiete sua securam que a tergo pacem praestiterunt et quidem cum ad census novo tum opere et inadsueto Gallis ad bellum avocatus esset quod opus quam arduum sit nobis nunc cum maxime quamvis nihil ultra quam ut publice notae sint facultates nostrae exquiratur nimis magno experimento cognoscimus

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mae rerum no m sit V equidem primam omnium illam cogitationem hominum quam maxime primam occursuram mihi provideo deprecor ne quasi novam istam rem introduci exhorrescatis sed illa potius cogitetis quam multa in hac civitate novata sint et quidem statim ab origine urbis nostrae in quot formas status que res publica nostra diducta sit quondam reges hanc tenuere urbem nec tamen domesticis successoribus eam tradere contigit supervenere alieni et quidam externi ut Numa Romulo successerit ex Sabinis veniens vicinus quidem sed tunc externus ut Anco Marcio Priscus Tarquinius is propter temeratum sanguinem quod patre Demaratho Corinthio natus erat et Tarquiniensi matre generosa sed inopi ut quae tali marito necesse habuerit succumbere cum domi repelleretur a gerendis honoribus postquam Romam migravit regnum adeptus est huic quo que et filio nepotive eius nam et hoc inter auctores discrepat insertus Servius Tullius si nostros sequimur captiva natus Ocresia si Tuscos Caeli quondam Vivennae sodalis fidelissimus omnis que eius casus comes postquam varia fortuna exactus cum omnibus reliquis Caeliani exercitus Etruria excessit montem Caelium occupavit et a duce suo Caelio ita appellitatus mutato que nomine nam Tusce Mastarna ei nomen erat ita appellatus est ut dixi et regnum summa cum rei publicae utilitate optinuit deinde postquam Tarquini Superbi mores invisi civitati nostrae esse coeperunt qua ipsius qua filiorum eius nempe pertaesum est mentes regni et ad consules annuos magistratus administratio rei publicae translata est quid nunc commemorem dictaturae hoc ipso consulari imperium valentius repertum apud maiores nostros quo in asperioribus bellis aut in civili motu difficiliore uterentur aut in auxilium plebis creatos tribunos plebei quid a consulibus ad decemviros translatum imperium soluto que postea decemvirali regno ad consules rusus reditum quid in pluris distributum consulare imperium tribunos que militum consulari imperio appellatos qui seni et saepe octoni crearentur quid communicatos postremo cum plebe honores non imperii solum sed sacerdotiorum quo que iam si narrem bella a quibus coeperint maiores nostri et quo processerimus vereor ne nimio insolentior esse videar et quaesisse iactationem gloriae prolati imperi ultra oceanum sed illoc potius revertar civitatem potest sane novo more et divus Augustus avunculus meus et patruus Tiberius Caesar omnem florem ubi que coloniarum ac municipiorum bonorum scilicet virorum et locupletium in hac curia esse voluit quid ergo non Italicus senator provinciali potior est iam vobis cum hanc partem censurae meae adprobare coepero quid de ea re sentiam rebus ostendam sed ne provinciales quidem si modo ornare curiam poterint reiciendos puto ornatissima ecce colonia valentissima que Viennensium quam longo iam tempore senatores huic curiae confert ex qua colonia inter paucos equestris ordinis ornamentum Lucium Vestinum familiarissime diligo et hodie que in rebus meis detineo cuius liberi fruantur quaeso primo sacerdotiorum gradu postmodo cum annis promoturi dignitatis suae incrementa ut dirum nomen latronis taceam et odi illud palaestricum prodigium quod ante in domum consulatum intulit quam colonia sua solidum civitatis Romanae benificium consecuta est idem de fratre eius possum dicere miserabili quidem indignissimo que hoc casu ut vobis utilis senator esse non possit tempus est iam Tiberi Caesar Germanice detegere te patribus conscriptis quo tendat oratio tua iam enim ad extremos fines Galliae Narbonensis venisti tot ecce insignes iuvenes quot intueor non magis sunt paenitendi senatores quam paenitet Persicum nobilissimum virum amicum meum inter imagines maiorum suorum Allobrogici nomen legere quodsi haec ita esse consentitis quid ultra desideratis quam ut vobis digito demonstrem solum ipsum ultra fines provinciae Narbonensis iam vobis senatores mittere quando ex Luguduno habere nos nostri ordinis viros non paenitet timide quidem patres conscripti egressus adsuetos familiares que vobis provinciarum terminos sum sed destricte iam Comatae Galliae causa agenda est in qua si quis hoc intuetur quod bello per decem annos exercuerunt divum Iulium idem opponat centum annorum immobilem fidem obsequium que multis trepidis rebus nostris plus quam expertum illi patri meo Druso Germaniam subigenti tutam quiete sua securam que a tergo pacem praestiterunt et quidem cum ad census novo tum opere et inadsueto Gallis ad bellum avocatus esset quod opus quam arduum sit nobis nunc cum maxime quamvis nihil ultra quam ut publice notae sint facultates nostrae exquiratur nimis magno experimento cognoscimus

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