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subject book bibliographic info
cornelia Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 66
Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 76, 77, 85, 86, 90, 92, 93, 94, 146
Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 33, 35, 36, 37
Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 78
Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 83, 168, 169, 205, 240, 243, 254
Keith and Edmondson (2016), Roman Literary Cultures: Domestic Politics, Revolutionary Poetics, Civic Spectacle 245
Leemans et al (2023), Longing for Perfection in Late Antiquity: Studies on Journeys between Ideal and Reality in Pagan and Christian Literature 259
Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 67
Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 123
Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 176, 179, 259, 261
Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 180, 181
Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110
van 't Westeinde (2021), Roman Nobilitas in Jerome's Letters: Roman Values and Christian Asceticism for Socialites, 82, 123
cornelia, annaeus seneca, lucius, and helvia, as imitator of Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 207, 209
cornelia, annaeus seneca, lucius, and marcia, as imitator of Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 206, 207, 228
cornelia, annalis, lex Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 217
cornelia, antitype to penelope Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203
cornelia, as conventional mourner Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235
cornelia, atia, mother of augustus, as imitator of Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 203
cornelia, aurelia, mother of iulius caesar, as imitator of Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 203
cornelia, caecilia menecrates, flavia Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 191
cornelia, cornelia, salonina, publica licinia iulia salonina Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 221, 222, 228, 229
cornelia, cossa Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 12, 311
cornelia, daughter of scribonia Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 26
Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 67, 68, 89, 90
cornelia, daughter of scribonia, mother of the gracchi Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 91
cornelia, de maiestate, lex Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 70, 122, 123
cornelia, de sicariis et veneficiis, lex Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 50, 71, 131, 139, 161, 162, 163, 164, 190
cornelia, de sicariis, lex Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 194, 195
cornelia, de xx quaestoribus, lex Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 32
cornelia, elagabalus, roman emperor, paula, marriage to Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 197
cornelia, inscriptions, of Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 221, 226
cornelia, ision Kalinowski (2021), Memory, Family, and Community in Roman Ephesos, 242
cornelia, iulia procilla, mother of agricola, as imitator of Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 204
cornelia, lex Czajkowski et al. (2020), Law in the Roman Provinces, 250
Edmonds (2019), Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World, 386
Williams (2023), Criminalization in Acts of the Apostles Race, Rhetoric, and the Prosecution of an Early Christian Movement. 43
cornelia, love, iris Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 35
cornelia, lover of t. vinius Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 369, 370
cornelia, maiestatis, lex Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 273
cornelia, mater gracchorum Bodel and Kajava (2009), Dediche sacre nel mondo greco-romano : diffusione, funzioni, tipologie = Religious dedications in the Greco-Roman world : distribution, typology, use : Institutum Romanum Finlandiae, American Academy in Rome, 19-20 aprile, 2006 352
cornelia, mother of the gracchi Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 586
Conybeare (2006), The Irrational Augustine, 105
Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 29
Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41, 43
cornelia, mother of the gracchi, duty owed to mothers Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 20
cornelia, mother of the gracchi, exemplum of maternal loss Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 66
cornelia, mother of the gracchi, infelix fecunditas of Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 79, 80
cornelia, mother of the gracchi, paragon of fecunditas Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 54, 83
cornelia, mother of the gracchi, proven fertility of Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 25, 26
cornelia, nepos, cornelius, and letters of Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 286
cornelia, octavia, sister of augustus, as imitator/foil/pendant to Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 226, 227, 228, 229
cornelia, pompey, and Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 33
cornelia, römer Herman, Rubenstein (2018), The Aggada of the Bavli and Its Cultural World. 71
cornelia, soldier’s widow Phang (2001), The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C. - A.D. 235), 32, 36, 192, 226, 234
cornelia, statues, as monumental form, of Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 221
cornelia, urbanilla mosaic, at lambiridi Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 659
cornelia, wife of pompey Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 261
Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 55
Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 261

List of validated texts:
77 validated results for "cornelia"
1. Hesiod, Theogony, 26 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Gallus, Cornelius

 Found in books: Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 6; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 46

sup>
26 ποιμένες ἄγραυλοι, κάκʼ ἐλέγχεα, γαστέρες οἶον,'' None
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26 of Helicon, and in those early day'' None
2. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Gallus, Cornelius

 Found in books: Bowie (2023), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels. 148, 151, 153; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 29, 32, 42, 47

3. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Cethegus, M. (cos. 204 bce) • L. Cornelius Scipio

 Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 228; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 100

4. Cicero, On Divination, 1.88, 1.132, 2.65, 2.71, 2.146 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Cinna, L. • Cornelius Dolabella, L. • Cornelius Sulla, L. • Cornelius Sulla, L., and Postumius • Cornelius Sulla, L., and the daimonion • Cornelius Sulla, Lucius • Cornelius Sulla, Lucius, and Amphiaraos • Hipsalus (Cn. Cornelius Hipsalus) • Scipio Africanus, L. Cornelius (major, cos. II

 Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 65; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 164; Mowat (2021), Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic, 44; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 95; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 70, 94, 255; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 197

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1.88 Amphilochus et Mopsus Argivorum reges fuerunt, sed iidem augures, iique urbis in ora marituma Ciliciae Graecas condiderunt; atque etiam ante hos Amphiaraus et Tiresias non humiles et obscuri neque eorum similes, ut apud Ennium est, Quí sui quaestus caúsa fictas súscitant senténtias, sed clari et praestantes viri, qui avibus et signis admoniti futura dicebant; quorum de altero etiam apud inferos Homerus ait solum sapere, ceteros umbrarum vagari modo ; Amphiaraum autem sic honoravit fama Graeciae, deus ut haberetur, atque ut ab eius solo, in quo est humatus, oracla peterentur.
1.132
Nunc illa testabor, non me sortilegos neque eos, qui quaestus causa hariolentur, ne psychomantia quidem, quibus Appius, amicus tuus, uti solebat, agnoscere; non habeo denique nauci Marsum augurem, non vicanos haruspices, non de circo astrologos, non Isiacos coniectores, non interpretes somniorum; non enim sunt ii aut scientia aut arte divini, Séd superstitiósi vates ínpudentesque hárioli Aút inertes aút insani aut quíbus egestas ímperat, Quí sibi semitám non sapiunt, álteri monstránt viam; Quíbus divitias póllicentur, áb iis drachumam ipsí petunt. De hís divitiis síbi deducant dráchumam, reddant cétera. Atque haec quidem Ennius, qui paucis ante versibus esse deos censet, sed eos non curare opinatur, quid agat humanum genus. Ego autem, qui et curare arbitror et monere etiam ac multa praedicere, levitate, vanitate, malitia exclusa divinationem probo. Quae cum dixisset Quintus, Praeclare tu quidem, inquam, paratus
2.65
Cur autem de passerculis coniecturam facit, in quibus nullum erat monstrum, de dracone silet, qui, id quod fieri non potuit, lapideus dicitur factus? postremo quid simile habet passer annis? Nam de angue illo, qui Sullae apparuit immolanti, utrumque memini, et Sullam, cum in expeditionem educturus esset, immolavisse, et anguem ab ara extitisse, eoque die rem praeclare esse gestam non haruspicis consilio, sed imperatoris.
2.71
Nec vero non omni supplicio digni P. Claudius L. Iunius consules, qui contra auspicia navigaverunt; parendum enim religioni fuit nec patrius mos tam contumaciter repudiandus. Iure igitur alter populi iudicio damnatus est, alter mortem sibi ipse conscivit. Flaminius non paruit auspiciis, itaque periit cum exercitu. At anno post Paulus paruit; num minus cecidit in Cannensi pugna cum exercitu? Etenim, ut sint auspicia, quae nulla sunt, haec certe, quibus utimur, sive tripudio sive de caelo, simulacra sunt auspiciorum, auspicia nullo modo. Q. Fabi, te mihi in auspicio esse volo ; respondet: audivi . Hic apud maiores nostros adhibebatur peritus, nunc quilubet. Peritum autem esse necesse est eum, qui, silentium quid sit, intellegat; id enim silentium dicimus in auspiciis, quod omni vitio caret.
2.146
At enim observatio diuturna (haec enim pars una restat) notandis rebus fecit artem. Ain tandem? somnia observari possunt? quonam modo? sunt enim innumerabiles varietates. Nihil tam praepostere, tam incondite, tam monstruose cogitari potest, quod non possimus somniare; quo modo igitur haec infinita et semper nova aut memoria conplecti aut observando notare possumus? Astrologi motus errantium stellarum notaverunt; inventus est enim ordo in iis stellis, qui non putabatur. Cedo tandem, qui sit ordo aut quae concursatio somniorum; quo modo autem distingui possunt vera somnia a falsis? cum eadem et aliis aliter evadant et isdem non semper eodem modo; ut mihi mirum videatur, cum mendaci homini ne verum quidem dicenti credere soleamus, quo modo isti, si somnium verum evasit aliquod, non ex multis potius uni fidem derogent quam ex uno innumerabilia confirment.'' None
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1.88 Amphilochus and Mopsus were kings of Argos, but they were augurs too, and they founded Greek cities on the coasts of Cilicia. And even before them were Amphiaraus and Tiresias. They were no lowly and unknown men, nor were they like the person described by Ennius,Who, for their own gain, uphold opinions that are false,but they were eminent men of the noblest type and foretold the future by means of augural signs. In speaking of Tiresias, even when in the infernal regions, Homer says that he alone was wise, that the rest were mere wandering shadows. As for Amphiaraus, his reputation in Greece was such that he was honoured as a god, and oracular responses were sought in the place where he was buried.
1.132
I will assert, however, in conclusion, that I do not recognize fortune-tellers, or those who prophesy for money, or necromancers, or mediums, whom your friend Appius makes it a practice to consult.In fine, I say, I do not care a figFor Marsian augurs, village mountebanks,Astrologers who haunt the circus grounds,Or Isis-seers, or dream interpreters:— for they are not diviners either by knowledge or skill, —But superstitious bards, soothsaying quacks,Averse to work, or mad, or ruled by want,Directing others how to go, and yetWhat road to take they do not know themselves;From those to whom they promise wealth they begA coin. From what they promised let them takeTheir coin as toll and pass the balance on.Such are the words of Ennius who only a few lines further back expresses the view that there are gods and yet says that the gods do not care what human beings do. But for my part, believing as I do that the gods do care for man, and that they advise and often forewarn him, I approve of divination which is not trivial and is free from falsehood and trickery.When Quintus had finished I remarked, My dear Quintus, you have come admirably well prepared.
2.65
But, pray, by what principle of augury does he deduce years rather than months or days from the number of sparrows? Again, why does he base his prophecy on little sparrows which are not abnormal sights and ignore the alleged fact — which is impossible — that the dragon was turned to stone? Finally, what is there about a sparrow to suggest years? In connexion with your story of the snake which appeared to Sulla when he was offering sacrifices, I recall two facts: first, that when Sulla offered sacrifices, as he was about to begin his march against the enemy, a snake came out from under the altar; and, second, that the glorious victory won by him that day was due not to the soothsayers art, but to the skill of the general. 31
2.71
In my opinion the consuls, Publius Claudius and Lucius Junius, who set sail contrary to the auspices, were deserving of capital punishment; for they should have respected the established religion and should not have treated the customs of their forefathers with such shameless disdain. Therefore it was a just retribution that the former was condemned by a vote of the people and that the latter took his own life. Flaminius, you say, did not obey the auspices, therefore he perished with his army. But a year later Paulus did obey them; and did he not lose his army and his life in the battle of Cannae? Granting that there are auspices (as there are not), certainly those which we ordinarily employ — whether by the tripudium or by the observation of the heavens — are not auspices in any sense, but are the mere ghosts of auspices.34 Quintus Fabius, I wish you to assist me at the auspices. He answers, I will. (In our forefathers time the magistrates on such occasions used to call in some expert person to take the auspices — but in these days anyone will do. But one must be an expert to know what constitutes silence, for by that term we mean free of every augural defect.
2.146
In our consideration of dreams we come now to the remaining point left for discussion, which is your contention that by long-continued observation of dreams and by recording the results an art has been evolved. Really? Then, it is possible, I suppose, to observe dreams? If so, how? For they are of infinite variety and there is no imaginable thing too absurd, too involved, or too abnormal for us to dream about it. How, then, is it possible for us either to remember this countless and ever-changing mass of visions or to observe and record the subsequent results? Astronomers have recorded the movements of the planets and thereby have discovered an orderly course of the stars, not thought of before. But tell me, if you can, what is the orderly course of dreams and what is the harmonious relation between them and subsequent events? And by what means can the true be distinguished from the false, in view of the fact that the same dreams have certain consequences for one person and different consequences for another and seeing also that even for the same individual the same dream is not always followed by the same result? As a rule we do not believe a liar even when he tells the truth, but, to my surprise, if one dream turns out to be true, your Stoics do not withdraw their belief in the prophetic value of that one though it is only one out of many; rather, from the character of the one true dream, they establish the character of countless others that are false.'' None
5. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 2.116, 5.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Barbati f. Scipio, L. • Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, P. • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P. • Scipio Africanus, P. Cornelius • Sulla, L. Cornelius • Sulla, L. Cornelius, departures from protocol

 Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 767; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 221; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 86; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 200

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2.116 Lege laudationes, Torquate, non eorum, qui sunt ab Homero laudati, non Cyri, non Agesilai, non Aristidi aut Themistocli, non Philippi aut aut ( post Philippi) om. R Alexandri, lege nostrorum hominum, lege vestrae familiae; neminem videbis ita laudatum, ut artifex callidus comparandarum voluptatum voluptatum dett. utilitatum diceretur. non elogia elogia edd. eulogia monimentorum id significant, velut hoc ad portam: Hunc unum Hunc unum Ern. uno cum ABER uno cu j (j ex corr. m. alt.; voluisse videtur scriba uno cui) N ymo cum V plurimae consentiunt gentes populi primarium fuisse virum.
5.2
tum Piso: Naturane nobis hoc, inquit, datum dicam an errore quodam, ut, cum ea loca videamus, in quibus memoria dignos viros acceperimus multum esse versatos, magis moveamur, quam si quando eorum ipsorum aut facta audiamus aut scriptum aliquod aliquid R legamus? velut ego nunc moveor. venit enim mihi Platonis in mentem, quem accepimus primum hic disputare solitum; cuius etiam illi hortuli propinqui propinqui hortuli BE non memoriam solum mihi afferunt, sed ipsum videntur in conspectu meo ponere. hic Speusippus, hic Xenocrates, hic eius auditor Polemo, cuius illa ipsa sessio fuit, quam videmus. Equidem etiam curiam nostram—Hostiliam dico, non hanc novam, quae minor mihi esse esse mihi B videtur, posteaquam est maior—solebam intuens Scipionem, Catonem, Laelium, nostrum vero in primis avum cogitare; tanta vis admonitionis inest in locis; ut non sine causa ex iis memoriae ducta sit disciplina.'' None
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2.116 \xa0"Read the panegyrics, Torquatus, not of the heroes praised by Homer, not of Cyrus or Agesilaus, Aristides or Themistocles, Philip or Alexander; but read those delivered upon our own great men, read those of your own family. You will not find anyone extolled for his skill and cunning in procuring pleasures. This is not what is conveyed by epitaphs, like that one near the city gate: Here lyeth one whom many lands agree Rome\'s first and greatest citizen to be. <
5.2
\xa0Thereupon Piso remarked: "Whether it is a natural instinct or a mere illusion, I\xa0can\'t say; but one\'s emotions are more strongly aroused by seeing the places that tradition records to have been the favourite resort of men of note in former days, than by hearing about their deeds or reading their writings. My own feelings at the present moment are a case in point. I\xa0am reminded of Plato, the first philosopher, so we are told, that made a practice of holding discussions in this place; and indeed the garden close at hand yonder not only recalls his memory but seems to bring the actual man before my eyes. This was the haunt of Speusippus, of Xenocrates, and of Xenocrates\' pupil Polemo, who used to sit on the very seat we see over there. For my own part even the sight of our senate-house at home (I\xa0mean the Curia Hostilia, not the present new building, which looks to my eyes smaller since its enlargement) used to call up to me thoughts of Scipio, Cato, Laelius, and chief of all, my grandfather; such powers of suggestion do places possess. No wonder the scientific training of the memory is based upon locality." <'' None
6. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 2.168 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Scipio Nasica Corculus, Publius Cornelius • Sulla P. Cornelius

 Found in books: Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 12; Wynne (2019), Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage, 117

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2.168 "These are more or less the things that occurred to me which I thought proper to be said upon the subject of the nature of the gods. And for your part, Cotta, would you but listen to me, you would plead the same cause, and reflect that you are a leading citizen and a pontife, and you would take advantage of the liberty enjoyed by your school of arguing both pro and contra to choose to espouse my side, and preferably to devote to this purpose those powers of eloquence which your rhetorical exercises have bestowed upon you and which the Academy has fostered. For the habit of arguing in support of atheism, whether it be done from conviction or in pretence, is a wicked and impious practice." '' None
7. Cicero, On Duties, 2.116 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Barbati f. Scipio, L. • Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, P. • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P.

 Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 767; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 200

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2.116 <,\xa0I\xa0believe, Marcus, my son, that I\xa0have fully explained in the preceding book how duties are derived from moral rectitude, or rather from each of virtue\'s four divisions. My next step is to trace out those kinds of duty which have to do with the comforts of life, with the means of acquiring the things that people enjoy, with influence, and with wealth. In this connection, the question is, as I\xa0said: (1)\xa0what is expedient, and what is inexpedient; and (2)\xa0of several expedients, which is of more and which of most importance. These questions I\xa0shall proceed to discuss, after I\xa0have said a\xa0few words in vindication of my present purpose and my principles of philosophy. <,\xa0Although my books have aroused in not a\xa0few men the desire not only to read but to write, yet I\xa0sometimes fear that what we term philosophy is distasteful to certain worthy gentlemen, and that they wonder that I\xa0devote so much time and attention to it. Now, as long as the state was administered by the men to whose care she had voluntarily entrusted herself, I\xa0devoted all my effort and thought to her. But when everything passed under the absolute control of a despot and there was no longer any room for statesmanship or authority of mine; and finally when I\xa0had lost the friends who had been associated with me in the task of serving the interests of the state, and who were men of the highest standing, I\xa0did not resign myself to grief, by which I\xa0should have been overwhelmed, had\xa0I not struggled against it; neither, on the other hand, did\xa0I surrender myself to a life of sensual pleasure unbecoming to a philosopher. <,\xa0I\xa0would that the government had stood fast in the position it had begun to assume and had not fallen into the hands of men who desired not so much to reform as to abolish the constitution. For then, in the first place, I\xa0should now be devoting my energies more to public speaking than to writing as I\xa0used to do when the republic stood; and in the second place, I\xa0should be committing to written form not these present essays but my public speeches, as I\xa0often formerly did. But when the republic, to which all my care and thought and effort used to be devoted, was no more, then, of course, my voice was silenced in the forum and in the senate. <,\xa0And since my mind could not be wholly idle, I\xa0thought, as I\xa0had been well-read along these lines of thought from my early youth, that the most honourable way for me to forget my sorrows would be by turning to philosophy. As a young man, I\xa0had devoted a great deal of time to philosophy as a discipline; but after I\xa0began to fill the high offices of state and devoted myself heart and soul to the public service, there was only so much time for philosophical studies as was left over from the claims of my friends and of the state; all of this was spent in reading; I\xa0had no leisure for writing. <,\xa0Therefore, amid all the present most awful calamities I\xa0yet flatter myself that I\xa0have won this good out of evil â\x80\x94 that I\xa0may commit to written form matters not at all familiar to our countrymen but still very much worth their knowing. For what, in the name of heaven, is more to be desired than wisdom? What is more to be prized? What is better for a man, what more worthy of his nature? Those who seek after it are called philosophers; and philosophy is nothing else, if one will translate the word into our idiom, than "the love of wisdom." Wisdom, moreover, as the word has been defined by the philosophers of old, is "the knowledge of things human and divine and of the causes by which those things are controlled." And if the man lives who would belittle the study of philosophy, I\xa0quite fail to see what in the world he would see fit to praise. <,\xa0For if we are looking for mental enjoyment and relaxation, what pleasure can be compared with the pursuits of those who are always studying out something that will tend toward and effectively promote a good and happy life? Or, if regard is had for strength of character and virtue, then this is the method by which we can attain to those qualities, or there is none at all. And to say that there is no "method" for securing the highest blessings, when none even of the least important concerns is without its method, is the language of people who talk without due reflection and blunder in matters of the utmost importance. Furthermore, if there is really a way to learn virtue, where shall one look for it, when one has turned aside from this field of learning? Now, when I\xa0am advocating the study of philosophy, I\xa0usually discuss this subject at greater length, as I\xa0have done in another of my books. For the present I\xa0meant only to explain why, deprived of the tasks of public service, I\xa0have devoted myself to this particular pursuit. <,\xa0But people raise other objections against me\xa0â\x80\x94 and that, too, philosophers and scholars â\x80\x94 asking whether I\xa0think I\xa0am quite consistent in my conduct â\x80\x94 for although our school maintains that nothing can be known for certain, yet, they urge, I\xa0make a habit of presenting my opinions on all sorts of subjects and at this very moment am trying to formulate rules of duty. But I\xa0wish that they had a proper understanding of our position. For we Academicians are not men whose minds wander in uncertainty and never know what principles to adopt. For what sort of mental habit, or rather what sort of life would that be which should dispense with all rules for reasoning or even for living? Not so with us; but, as other schools maintain that some things are certain, others uncertain, we, differing with them, say that some things are probable, others improbable. <,\xa0What, then, is to hinder me from accepting what seems to me to be probable, while rejecting what seems to be improbable, and from shunning the presumption of dogmatism, while keeping clear of that recklessness of assertion which is as far as possible removed from true wisdom? And as to the fact that our school argues against everything, that is only because we could not get a clear view of what is "probable," unless a comparative estimate were made of all the arguments on both sides. But this subject has been, I\xa0think, quite fully set forth in my "Academics." And although, my dear Cicero, you are a student of that most ancient and celebrated school of philosophy, with Cratippus as your master â\x80\x94 and he deserves to be classed with the founders of that illustrious sect â\x80\x94 still I\xa0wish our school, which is closely related to yours, not to be unknown to you. Let us now proceed to the task in hand. <,\xa0Five principles, accordingly, have been laid down for the pursuance of duty: two of them have to do with propriety and moral rectitude; two, with the external conveniences of life â\x80\x94 means, wealth, influence; the fifth, with the proper choice, if ever the four first mentioned seem to be in conflict. The division treating of moral rectitude, then, has been completed, and this is the part with which I\xa0desire you to be most familiar. The principle with which we are now dealing is that one which is called Expediency. The usage of this word has been corrupted and perverted and has gradually come to the point where, separating moral rectitude from expediency, it is accepted that a thing may be morally right without being expedient, and expedient without being morally right. No more pernicious doctrine than this could be introduced into human life. <,\xa0There are, to be sure, philosophers of the very highest reputation who distinguish theoretically between these three conceptions, although they are indissolubly blended together; and they do this, I\xa0assume, on moral, conscientious principles. For whatever is just, they hold, is also expedient; and, in like manner, whatever is morally right is also just. It follows, then, that whatever is morally right is also expedient. Those who fail to comprehend that theory do often, in their admiration for shrewd and clever men, take craftiness for wisdom. But they must be disabused of this error and their way of thinking must be wholly converted to the hope and conviction that it is only by moral character and righteousness, not by dishonesty and craftiness, that they may attain to the objects of their desires. <,\xa0of the things, then, that are essential to the sustece of human life, some are iimate (gold and silver, for example, the fruits of the earth, and so forth), and some are animate and have their own peculiar instincts and appetites. of these again some are rational, others irrational. Horses, oxen, and the other cattle, bees, whose labour contributes more or less to the service and subsistence of man, are not endowed with reason; of rational beings two divisions are made â\x80\x94 gods and men. Worship and purity of character will win the favour of the gods; and next to the gods, and a close second to them, men can be most helpful to men. <,\xa0The same classification may likewise be made of the things that are injurious and hurtful. But, as people think that the gods bring us no harm, they decide (leaving the gods out of the question) that men are most hurtful to men. As for mutual helpfulness, those very things which we have called iimate are for the most part themselves produced by man\'s labours; we should not have them without the application of manual labour and skill nor could we enjoy them without the intervention of man. And so with many other things: for without man\'s industry there could have been no provisions for health, no navigation, no agriculture, no ingathering or storing of the fruits of the field or other kinds of produce. <,\xa0Then, too, there would surely be no exportation of our superfluous commodities or importation of those we lack, did not men perform these services. By the same process of reasoning, without the labour of man\'s hands, the stone needful for our use would not be quarried from the earth, nor would "iron, copper, gold, and silver, hidden far within," be mined. And how could houses ever have been provided in the first place for the human race, to keep out the rigours of the cold and alleviate the discomforts of the heat; or how could the ravages of furious tempest or of earthquake or of time upon them afterward have been repaired, had not the bonds of social life taught men in such events to look to their fellow-men for help? <,\xa0Think of the aqueducts, canals, irrigation works, breakwaters, artificial harbours; how should we have these without the work of man? From these and many other illustrations it is obvious that we could not in any way, without the work of man\'s hands, have received the profits and the benefits accruing from iimate things. Finally, of what profit or service could animals be, without the cooperation of man? For it was men who were the foremost in discovering what use could be made of each beast; and toâ\x80\x91day, if it were not for man\'s labour, we could neither feed them nor break them in nor take care of them nor yet secure the profits from them in due season. By man, too, noxious beasts are destroyed, and those that can be of use are captured. <,\xa0Why should\xa0I recount the multitude of arts without which life would not be worth living at all? For how would the sick be healed? What pleasure would the hale enjoy? What comforts should we have, if there were not so many arts to master to our wants? In all these respects the civilized life of man is far removed from the standard of the comforts and wants of the lower animals. And, without the association of men, cities could not have been built or peopled. In consequence of city life, laws and customs were established, and then came the equitable distribution of private rights and a definite social system. Upon these institutions followed a more humane spirit and consideration for others, with the result that life was better supplied with all it requires, and by giving and receiving, by mutual exchange of commodities and conveniences, we succeeded in meeting all our wants. <,\xa0I\xa0have dwelt longer on this point than was necessary. For who is there to whom those facts which Panaetius narrates at great length are not self-evident â\x80\x94 namely, that no one, either as a general in war or as a statesman at home, could have accomplished great things for the benefit of the state, without the hearty coâ\x80\x91operation of other men? He cites the deeds of Themistocles, Pericles, Cyrus, Agesilaus, Alexander, who, he says, could not have achieved so great success without the support of other men. He calls in witnesses, whom he does not need, to prove a fact that no one questions. And yet, as, on the one hand, we secure great advantages through the sympathetic cooperation of our fellow-men; so, on the other, there is no curse so terrible but it is brought down by man upon man. There is a book by Dicaearchus on "The Destruction of Human Life." He was a famous and eloquent Peripatetic, and he gathered together all the other causes of destruction â\x80\x94 floods, epidemics, famines, and sudden incursions of wild animals in myriads, by whose assaults, he informs us, whole tribes of men have been wiped out. And then he proceeds to show by way of comparison how many more men have been destroyed by the assaults of men â\x80\x94 that is, by wars or revolutions â\x80\x94 than by any and all other sorts of calamity. <,\xa0Since, therefore, there can be no doubt on this point, that man is the source of both the greatest help and the greatest harm to man, I\xa0set it down as the peculiar function of virtue to win the hearts of men and to attach them to one\'s own service. And so those benefits that human life derives from iimate objects and from the employment and use of animals are ascribed to the industrial arts; the cooperation of men, on the other hand, prompt and ready for the advancement of our interests, is secured through wisdom and virtue in men of superior ability. <,\xa0And, indeed, virtue in general may be said to consist almost wholly in three properties; the first is Wisdom, the ability to perceive what in any given instance is true and real, what its relations are, its consequences, and its causes; the second is Temperance, the ability to restrain the passions (which the Greeks call Ï\x80άθη) and make the impulses (á½\x81Ï\x81μαί) obedient to reason; and the third is Justice, the skill to treat with consideration and wisdom those with whom we are associated, in order that we may through their cooperation have our natural wants supplied in full and overflowing measure, that we may ward of any impending trouble, avenge ourselves upon those who have attempted to injure us, and visit them with such retribution as justice and humanity will permit. <,\xa0I\xa0shall presently discuss the means by which we can gain the ability to win and hold the affections of our fellow-men; but I\xa0must say a\xa0few words by way of preface. Who fails to comprehend the enormous, two-fold power of Fortune for weal and for woe? When we enjoy her favouring breeze, we are wafted over to the wishedâ\x80\x91for haven; when she blows against us, we are dashed to destruction. Fortune herself, then, does send those other less usual calamities, arising, first, from iimate Nature â\x80\x94 hurricanes, storms, shipwrecks, catastrophes, conflagrations; second, from wild beasts â\x80\x94 kicks, bites, and attacks. But these, as I\xa0have said, are comparatively rare. <,\xa0But think, on the one side, of the destruction of armies (three lately, and many others at many different times), the loss of generals (of a very able and eminent commander recently), the hatred of the masses, too, and the banishment that as a consequence frequently comes to men of eminent services, their degradation and voluntary exile; think, on the other hand, of the successes, the civil and military honours, and the victories, â\x80\x94 though all these contain an element of chance, still they cannot be brought about, whether for good or for ill, without the influence and the cooperation of our fellow-men. With this understanding of the influence of Fortune, I\xa0may proceed to explain how we can win the affectionate cooperation of our fellows and enlist it in our service. And if the discussion of this point is unduly prolonged, let the length be compared with the importance of the object in view. It will then, perhaps, seem even too short. <,\xa0Whenever, then, people bestow anything upon a fellow-man to raise his estate or his dignity, it may be from any one of several motives: (1)\xa0it may be out of good-will, when for some reason they are fond of him; (2)\xa0it may be from esteem, if they look up to his worth and think him deserving of the most splendid fortune a man can have; (3)\xa0they may have confidence in him and think that they are thus acting for their own interests; or (4)\xa0they may fear his power; (5)\xa0they may, on the contrary, hope for some favour â\x80\x94 as, for example, when princes or demagogues bestow gifts of money; or, finally, (6)\xa0they may be moved by the promise of payment or reward. This last is, I\xa0admit, the meanest and most sordid motive of all, both for those who are swayed by it and for those who venture to resort to it. <,\xa0For things are in a bad way, when that which should be obtained by merit is attempted by money. But since recourse to this kind of support is sometimes indispensable, I\xa0shall explain how it should be employed; but first I\xa0shall discuss those qualities which are more closely allied to merit. Now, it is by various motives that people are led to submit to another\'s authority and power: they may be influenced (1)\xa0by good-will; (2)\xa0by gratitude for generous favours conferred upon them; (3)\xa0by the eminence of that other\'s social position or by the hope that their submission will turn to their own account; (4)\xa0by fear that they may be compelled perforce to submit; (5)\xa0they may be captivated by the hope of gifts of money and by liberal promises; or, finally, (6)\xa0they may be bribed with money, as we have frequently seen in our own country. <,\xa0But, of all motives, none is better adapted to secure influence and hold it fast than love; nothing is more foreign to that end than fear. For Ennius says admirably: "Whom they fear they hate. And whom one hates, one hopes to see him dead." And we recently discovered, if it was not known before, that no amount of power can withstand the hatred of the many. The death of this tyrant, whose yoke the state endured under the constraint of armed force and whom it still obeys more humbly than ever, though he is dead, illustrates the deadly effects of popular hatred; and the same lesson is taught by the similar fate of all other despots, of whom practically no one has ever escaped such a death. For fear is but a poor safeguard of lasting power; while affection, on the other hand, may be trusted to keep it safe for ever. <,\xa0But those who keep subjects in check by force would of course have to employ severity â\x80\x94 masters, for example, toward their servants, when these cannot be held in control in any other way. But those who in a free state deliberately put themselves in a position to be feared are the maddest of the mad. For let the laws be never so much overborne by some one individual\'s power, let the spirit of freedom be never so intimidated, still sooner or later they assert themselves either through unvoiced public sentiment, or through secret ballots disposing of some high office of state. Freedom suppressed and again regained bites with keener fangs than freedom never endangered. Let us, then, embrace this policy, which appeals to every heart and is the strongest support not only of security but also of influence and power â\x80\x94 namely, to banish fear and cleave to love. And thus we shall most easily secure success both in private and in public life. Furthermore, those who wish to be feared must inevitably be afraid of those whom they intimidate. <,\xa0What, for instance, shall we think of the elder Dionysius? With what tormenting fears he used to be racked! For through fear of the barber\'s razor he used to have his hair singed off with a glowing coal. In what state of mind do we fancy Alexander of Pherae lived? We read in history that he dearly loved his wife Thebe; and yet, whenever he went from the banquet-hall to her in her chamber, he used to order a barbarian â\x80\x94 one, too, tattooed like a Thracian, as the records state â\x80\x94 to go before him with a drawn sword; and he used to send ahead some of his bodyguard to pry into the lady\'s caskets and to search and see whether some weapon were not concealed in her wardrobe. Unhappy man! To think a barbarian, a branded slave, more faithful than his own wife! Nor was he mistaken. For he was murdered by her own hand, because she suspected him of infidelity. <,\xa0And indeed no power is strong enough to be lasting if it labours under the weight of fear. Witness Phalaris, whose cruelty is notorious beyond that of all others. He was slain, not treacherously (like that Alexander whom I\xa0named but now), not by a\xa0few conspirators (like that tyrant of ours), but the whole population of Agrigentum rose against him with one accord. Again, did not the Macedonians abandon Demetrius and march over as one man to Pyrrhus? And again, when the Spartans exercised their supremacy tyrannically, did not practically all the allies desert them and view their disaster at Leuctra, as idle spectators? I\xa0prefer in this connection to draw my illustrations from foreign history rather than from our own. Let me add, however, that as long as the empire of the Roman People maintained itself by acts of service, not of oppression, wars were waged in the interest of our allies or to safeguard our supremacy; the end of our wars was marked by acts of clemency or by only a necessary degree of severity; the senate was a haven of refuge for kings, tribes, and nations; <,\xa0and the highest ambition of our magistrates and generals was to defend our provinces and allies with justice and honour. <,\xa0And so our government could be called more accurately a protectorate of the world than a dominion. This policy and practice we had begun gradually to modify even before Sulla\'s time; but since his victory we have departed from it altogether. For the time had gone by when any oppression of the allies could appear wrong, seeing that atrocities so outrageous were committed against Roman citizens. In Sulla\'s case, therefore, an unrighteous victory disgraced a righteous cause. For when he had planted his spear and was selling under the hammer in the forum the property of men who were patriots and men of wealth and, at least, Roman citizens, he had the effrontery to announce that "he was selling his spoils." After him came one who, in an unholy cause, made an even more shameful use of victory; for he did not stop at confiscating the property of individual citizens, but actually embraced whole provinces and countries in one common ban of ruin. <,\xa0And so, when foreign nations had been oppressed and ruined, we have seen a model of Marseilles carried in a triumphal procession, to serve as proof to the world that the supremacy of the people had been forfeited; and that triumph we saw celebrated over a city without whose help our generals have never gained a triumph for their wars beyond the Alps. I\xa0might mention many other outrages against our allies, if the sun had ever beheld anything more infamous than this particular one. Justly, therefore, are we being punished. For if we had not allowed the crimes of many to go unpunished, so great licence would never have centred in one individual. His estate descended by inheritance to but a\xa0few individuals, his ambitions to many scoundrels. <,\xa0And never will the seed and occasion of civil war be wanting, so long as villains remember that bloodstained spear and hope to see another. As Publius Sulla wielded that spear, when his kinsman was dictator, so again thirty-six years later he did not shrink from a still more criminal spear. And still another Sulla, who was a mere clerk under the former dictatorship, was under the later one a city quaestor. From this, one would realize that, if such rewards are offered, civil wars will never cease to be. And so in Rome only the walls of her houses remain standing â\x80\x94 and even they wait now in fear of the most unspeakable crimes â\x80\x94 but our republic we have lost for ever. But to return to my subject: it is while we have preferred to be the object of fear rather than of love and affection, that all these misfortunes have fallen upon us. And if such retribution could overtake the Roman People for their injustice and tyranny, what ought private individuals to expect? And since it is manifest that the power of good-will is so great and that of fear is so weak, it remains for us to discuss by what means we can most readily win the affection, linked with honour and confidence, which we desire. <,\xa0But we do not all feel this need to the same extent; for it must be determined in conformity with each individual\'s vocation in life whether it is essential for him to have the affection of many or whether the love of a\xa0few will suffice. Let this then be settled as the first and absolute essential â\x80\x94 that we have the devotion of friends, affectionate and loving, who value our worth. For in just this one point there is but little difference between the greatest and the ordinary man; and friendship is to be cultivated almost equally by both. <,\xa0All men do not, perhaps, stand equally in need of political honour, fame and the good-will of their fellow-citizens; nevertheless, if these honours come to a man, they help in many ways, and especially in the acquisition of friends. But friendship has been discussed in another book of mine, entitled "Laelius." Let us now take up the discussion of Glory, although I\xa0have published two books on that subject also. Still, let us touch briefly on it here, since it is of very great help in the conduct of more important business. The highest, truest glory depends upon the following three things: the affection, the confidence, and the mingled admiration and esteem of the people. Such sentiments, if I\xa0may speak plainly and concisely, are awakened in the masses in the same way as in individuals. But there is also another avenue of approach to the masses, by which we can, as it were, steal into the hearts of all at once. <,\xa0But of the three above-named requisites, let us look first at good-will and the rules for securing it. Good-will is won principally through kind services; next to that, it is elicited by the will to do a kind service, even though nothing happen to come of it. Then, too, the love of people generally is powerfully attracted by a man\'s mere name and reputation for generosity, kindness, justice, honour, and all those virtues that belong to gentleness of character and affability of manner. And because that very quality which we term moral goodness and propriety is pleasing to us by and of itself and touches all our hearts both by its inward essence and its outward aspect and shines forth with most lustre through those virtues named above, we are, therefore, compelled by Nature herself to love those in whom we believe those virtues to reside. Now these are only the most powerful motives to love â\x80\x94 not all of them; there may be some minor ones besides. <,\xa0Secondly, the command of confidence can be secured on two conditions: (1)\xa0if people think us possessed of practical wisdom combined with a sense of justice. For we have confidence in those who we think have more understanding than ourselves, who, we believe, have better insight into the future, and who, when an emergency arises and a crisis comes, can clear away the difficulties and reach a safe decision according to the exigencies of the occasion; for that kind of wisdom the world accounts genuine and practical. But (2)\xa0confidence is reposed in men who are just and true â\x80\x94 that is, good men â\x80\x94 on the definite assumption that their characters admit of no suspicion of dishonesty or wrong-doing. And so we believe that it is perfectly safe to entrust our lives, our fortunes, and our children to their care. <,\xa0of these two qualities, then, justice has the greater power to inspire confidence; for even without the aid of wisdom, it has considerable weight; but wisdom without justice is of no avail to inspire confidence; for take from a man his reputation for probity, and the more shrewd and clever he is, the more hated and mistrusted he becomes. Therefore, justice combined with practical wisdom will command all the confidence we can desire; justice without wisdom will be able to do much; wisdom without justice will be of no avail at all. <,\xa0But I\xa0am afraid someone may wonder why I\xa0am now separating the virtues â\x80\x94 as if it were possible for anyone to be just who is not at the same time wise; for it is agreed upon among all philosophers, and I\xa0myself have often argued, that he who has one virtue has them all. The explanation of my apparent inconsistency is that the precision of speech we employ, when abstract truth is critically investigated in philosophic discussion, is one thing; and that employed, when we are adapting our language entirely to popular thinking, is another. And therefore I\xa0am speaking here in the popular sense, when I\xa0call some men brave, others good, and still others wise; for in dealing with popular conceptions we must employ familiar words in their common acceptation; and this was the practice of Panaetius likewise. But let us return to the subject. <,\xa0The third, then, of the three conditions I\xa0name as essential to glory is that we be accounted worthy of the esteem and admiration of our fellow-men. While people admire in general everything that is great or better than they expect, they admire in particular the good qualities that they find unexpectedly in individuals. And so they reverence and extol with the highest praises those men in whom they see certain pre-eminent and extraordinary talents; and they look down with contempt upon those who they think have no ability, no spirit, no energy. For they do not despise all those of whom they think ill. For some men they consider unscrupulous, slanderous, fraudulent, and dangerous; they do not despise them, it may be; but they do think ill of them. And therefore, as I\xa0said before, those are despised who are "of no use to themselves or their neighbours," as the saying is, who are idle, lazy, and indifferent. <,\xa0On the other hand, those are regarded with admiration who are thought to excel others in ability and to be free from all dishonour and also from those vices which others do not easily resist. For sensual pleasure, a most seductive mistress, turns the hearts of the greater part of humanity away from virtue; and when the fiery trial of affliction draws near, most people are terrified beyond measure. Life and death, wealth and want affect all men most powerfully. But when men, with a spirit great and exalted, can look down upon such outward circumstances, whether prosperous or adverse, and when some noble and virtuous purpose, presented to their minds, converts them wholly to itself and carries them away in its pursuit, who then could fail to admire in them the splendour and beauty of virtue? <,\xa0As, then, this superiority of mind to such externals inspires great admiration, so justice, above all, on the basis of which alone men are called "good men," seems to people generally a quite marvellous virtue â\x80\x94 and not without good reason; for no one can be just who fears death or pain or exile or poverty, or who values their opposites above equity. And people admire especially the man who is uninfluenced by money; and if a man has proved himself in this direction, they think him tried as by fire. Those three requisites, therefore, which were presupposed as the means of obtaining glory, are all secured by justice: (1)\xa0good-will, for it seeks to be of help to the greatest number; (2)\xa0confidence, for the same reason; and (3)\xa0admiration, because it scorns and cares nothing for those things, with a consuming passion for which most people are carried away. <,\xa0Now, in my opinion at least, every walk and vocation in life calls for human coâ\x80\x91operation â\x80\x94 first and above all, in order that one may have friends with whom to enjoy social intercourse. And this is not easy, unless he is looked upon as a good man. So, even to a man who shuns society and to one who spends his life in the country a reputation for justice is essential â\x80\x94 even more so than to others; for they who do not have it but are considered unjust will have no defence to protect them and so will be the victims of many kinds of wrong. <,\xa0So also to buyers and sellers, to employers and employed, and to those who are engaged in commercial dealings generally, justice is indispensable for the conduct of business. Its importance is so great, that not even those who live by wickedness and crime can get on without some small element of justice. For if a robber takes anything by force or by fraud from another member of the gang, he loses his standing even in a band of robbers; and if the one called the "Pirate Captain" should not divide the plunder impartially, he would be either deserted or murdered by his comrades. Why, they say that robbers even have a code of laws to observe and obey. And so, because of his impartial division of booty, Bardulis, the Illyrian bandit, of whom we read in Theopompus, acquired great power, Viriathus, of Lusitania, much greater. He actually defied even our armies and generals. But Gaius Laelius â\x80\x94 the one surnamed "the Wise" â\x80\x94 in his praetorship crushed his power, reduced him to terms, and so checked his intrepid daring, that he left to his successors an easy conquest. Since, therefore, the efficacy of justice is so great that it strengthens and augments the power even of robbers, how great do we think its power will be in a constitutional government with its laws and courts? <,\xa0Now it seems to me, at least, that not only among the Medes, as Herodotus tells us, but also among our own ancestors, men of high moral character were made kings in order that the people might enjoy justice. For, as the masses in their helplessness were oppressed by the strong, they appealed for protection to some one man who was conspicuous for his virtue; and, as he shielded the weaker classes from wrong, he managed by establishing equitable conditions to hold the higher and the lower classes in an equality of right. The reason for making constitutional laws was the same as that for making kings. <,\xa0For what people have always sought is equality of rights before the law. For rights that were not open to all alike would be no rights. If the people secured their end at the hands of one just and good man, they were satisfied with that; but when such was not their good fortune, laws were invented, to speak to all men at all times in one and the same voice. This, then, is obvious: nations used to select for their rulers those men whose reputation for justice was high in the eyes of the people. If in addition they were also thought wise, there was nothing that men did not think they could secure under such leadership. Justice is, therefore, in every way to be cultivated and maintained, both for its own sake (for otherwise it would not be justice) and for the enhancement of personal honour and glory. But as there is a method not only of acquiring money but also of investing it so as to yield an income to meet our continuously recurring expenses â\x80\x94 both for the necessities and for the more refined comforts of life â\x80\x94 so there must be a method of gaining glory and turning it to account. And yet, as Socrates used to express it so admirably, <,\xa0"the nearest way to glory â\x80\x94 a\xa0short cut, as it were â\x80\x94 is to strive to be what you wish to be thought to be." For if anyone thinks that he can win lasting glory by pretence, by empty show, by hypocritical talk and looks, he is very much mistaken. True glory strikes deep root and spreads its branches wide; but all pretences soon fall to the ground like fragile flowers, and nothing counterfeit can be lasting. There are very many witnesses to both facts; but, for brevity\'s sake: I\xa0shall confine myself to one family: Tiberius Gracchus, Publius\'s son, will be held in honour as long as the memory of Rome shall endure; but his sons were not approved by patriots while they lived, and since they are dead they are numbered among those whose murder was justifiable. If, therefore, anyone wishes to win true glory, let him discharge the duties required by justice. And what they are has been set forth in the course of the preceding book.,<,\xa0But, although the very essence of the problem is that we actually be what we wish to be thought to be, still some rules may be laid down to enable us most easily to secure the reputation of being what we are. For, if anyone in his early youth has the responsibility of living up to a distinguished name acquired either by inheritance from his father (as, I\xa0think, my dear Cicero, is your good fortune) or by some chance or happy combination of circumstances, the eyes of the world are turned upon him; his life and character are scrutinized; and, as if he moved in a blaze of light, not a word and not a deed of his can be kept a secret. <,\xa0Those, on the other hand, whose humble and obscure origin has kept them unknown to the world in their early years ought, as soon as they approach young manhood, to set a high ideal before their eyes and to strive with unswerving zeal towards its realization. This they will do with the better heart, because that time of life is accustomed to find favour rather than to meet with opposition. Well, then, the first thing to recommend to a young man in his quest for glory is that he try to win it, if he can, in a military career. Among our forefathers many distinguished themselves as soldiers; for warfare was almost continuous then. The period of your own youth, however, has coincided with that war in which the one side was too prolific in crime, the other in failure. And yet, when Pompey placed you in command of a cavalry squadron in this war, you won the applause of that great man and of the army for your skill in riding and spear-throwing and for endurance of all the hardships of the soldier\'s life. But that credit accorded to you came to nothing along with the fall of the republic. The subject of this discussion, however, is not your personal history, but the general theme. Let us, therefore, proceed to the sequel. <,\xa0As, then, in everything else brain-work is far more important than mere hand-work, so those objects which we strive to attain through intellect and reason gain for us a higher degree of gratitude than those which we strive to gain by physical strength. The best recommendation, then, that a young man can have to popular esteem proceeds from self-restraint, filial affection, and devotion to kinsfolk. Next to that, young men win recognition most easily and most favourably, if they attach themselves to men who are at once wise and renowned as well as patriotic counsellors in public affairs. And if they associate constantly with such men, they inspire in the public the expectation that they will be like them, seeing that they have themselves selected them for imitation. <,\xa0His frequent visits to the home of Publius Mucius assisted young Publius Rutilius to gain a reputation for integrity of character and for ability as a jurisconsult. Not so, however, Lucius Crassus; for, though he was a mere boy, he looked to no one else for assistance, but by his own unaided ability he won for himself in that brilliant and famous prosecution a splendid reputation as an orator. And at an age when young men are accustomed with their school exercises to win applause as students of oratory, this Roman Demosthenes, Lucius Crassus, was already proving himself in the law-courts a master of the art which he might even then have been studying at home with credit to himself. <,\xa0But as the classification of discourse is a twofold one â\x80\x94 conversation, on the one side; oratory, on the other â\x80\x94 there can be no doubt that of the two this debating power (for that is what we mean by eloquence) counts for more toward the attainment of glory; and yet, it is not easy to say how far an affable and courteous manner in conversation may go toward winning the affections. We have, for instance, the letters of Philip to Alexander, of Antipater to Cassander, and of Antigonus to Philip the Younger. The authors of these letters were, as we are informed, three of the wisest men in history; and in them they instruct their sons to woo the hearts of the populace to affection by words of kindness and to keep their soldiers loyal by a winning address. But the speech that is delivered in a debate before an assembly often stirs the hearts of thousands at once; for the eloquent and judicious speaker is received with high admiration, and his hearers think him understanding and wise beyond all others. And, if his speech have also dignity combined with moderation, he will be admired beyond all measure, especially if these qualities are found in a young man. <,\xa0But while there are occasions of many kinds that call for eloquence, and while many young men in our republic have obtained distinction by their speeches in the courts, in the popular assemblies, and in the senate, yet it is the speeches before our courts that excite the highest admiration. The classification of forensic speeches also is a twofold one: they are divided into arguments for the prosecution and arguments for the defence. And while the side of the defence is more honourable, still that of the prosecution also has very often established a reputation. I\xa0spoke of Crassus a moment ago; Marcus Antonius, when a youth, had the same success. A\xa0prosecution brought the eloquence of Publius Sulpicius into favourable notice, when he brought an action against Gaius Norbanus, a seditious and dangerous citizen. <,\xa0But this should not be done often â\x80\x94 never, in fact, except in the interest of the state (as in the cases of those above mentioned) or to avenge wrongs (as the two Luculli, for example, did) or for the protection of our provincials (as I\xa0did in the defence of the Sicilians, or Julius in the prosecution of Albucius in behalf of the Sardinians). The activity of Lucius Fufius in the impeachment of Manius Aquilius is likewise famous. This sort of work, then, may be done once in a lifetime, or at all events not often. But if it shall be required of anyone to conduct more frequent prosecutions, let him do it as a service to his country; for it is no disgrace to be often employed in the prosecution of her enemies. And yet a limit should be set even to that. For it requires a heartless man, it seems, or rather one who is well-nigh inhuman, to be arraigning one person after another on capital charges. It is not only fraught with danger to the prosecutor himself, but is damaging to his reputation, to allow himself to be called a prosecutor. Such was the effect of this epithet upon Marcus Brutus, the scion of a very noble family and the son of that Brutus who was an eminent authority in the civil law. <,\xa0Again, the following rule of duty is to be carefully observed: never prefer a capital charge against any person who may be innocent. For that cannot possibly be done without making oneself a criminal. For what is so unnatural as to turn to the ruin and destruction of good men the eloquence bestowed by Nature for the safety and protection of our fellowmen? And yet, while we should never prosecute the innocent, we need not have scruples against undertaking on occasion the defence of a guilty person, provided he be not infamously depraved and wicked. For people expect it; custom sanctions it; humanity also accepts it. It is always the business of the judge in a trial to find out the truth; it is sometimes the business of the advocate to maintain what is plausible, even if it be not strictly true, though I\xa0should not venture to say this, especially in an ethical treatise, if it were not also the position of Panaetius, that strictest of Stoics. Then, too, briefs for the defence are most likely to bring glory and popularity to the pleader, and all the more so, if ever it falls to him to lend his aid to one who seems to be oppressed and persecuted by the influence of someone in power. This I\xa0have done on many other occasions; and once in particular, in my younger days, I\xa0defended Sextus Roscius of Ameria against the power of Lucius Sulla when he was acting the tyrant. The speech is published, as you know. <,\xa0Now that I\xa0have set forth the moral duties of a young man, in so far as they may be exerted for the attainment of glory, I\xa0must next in order discuss kindness and generosity. The manner of showing it is twofold: kindness is shown to the needy either by personal service, or by gifts of money. The latter way is the easier, especially for a rich man; but the former is nobler and more dignified and more becoming to a strong and eminent man. For, although both ways alike betray a generous wish to oblige, still in the one case the favour makes a draft upon one\'s bank account, in the other upon one\'s personal energy; and the bounty which is drawn from one\'s material substance tends to exhaust the very fountain of liberality. Liberality is thus forestalled by liberality: for the more people one has helped with gifts of money, the fewer one can help. <,\xa0But if people are generous and kind in the way of personal service â\x80\x94 that is, with their ability and personal effort â\x80\x94 various advantages arise: first, the more people they assist, the more helpers they will have in works of kindness; and second, by acquiring the habit of kindness they are better prepared and in better training, as it were, for bestowing favours upon many. In one of his letters Philip takes his son Alexander sharply to task for trying by gifts of money to secure the good-will of the Macedonians: "What in the mischief induced you to entertain such a hope," he says, "as that those men would be loyal subjects to you whom you had corrupted with money? Or are you trying to do what you can to lead the Macedonians to expect that you will be not their king but their steward and purveyor?" "Steward and purveyor" was well said, because it was degrading for a prince; better still, when he called the gift of money "corruption." For the recipient goes from bad to worse and is made all the more ready to be constantly looking for one bribe after another. <,\xa0It was to his son that Philip gave this lesson; but let us all take it diligently to heart. That liberality, therefore, which consists in personal service and effort is more honourable, has wider application, and can benefit more people. There can be no doubt about that. Nevertheless, we should sometimes make gifts of money; and this kind of liberality is not to be discouraged altogether. We must often distribute from our purse to the worthy poor, but we must do so with discretion and moderation. For many have squandered their patrimony by indiscriminate giving. But what is worse folly than to do the thing you like in such a way that you can no longer do it at all? Then, too, lavish giving leads to robbery; for when through over-giving men begin to be impoverished, they are constrained to lay their hands on the property of others. And so, when men aim to be kind for the sake of winning good-will, the affection they gain from the object of their gifts is not so great as the hatred they incur from those whom they despoil. <,\xa0One\'s purse, then, should not be closed so tightly that a generous impulse cannot open it, nor yet so loosely held as to be open to everybody. A\xa0limit should be observed and that limit should be determined by our means. We ought, in a word, to remember the phrase, which, through being repeated so very often by our countrymen, has come to be a common proverb: "Bounty has no bottom." For indeed what limit can there be, when those who have been accustomed to receive gifts claim what they have been in the habit of getting, and those who have not wish for the same bounty? There are, in general, two classes of those who give largely: the one class is the lavish, the other the generous. The lavish are those who squander their money on public banquets, doles of meat among the people, gladiatorial shows, magnificent games, and wild-beast fights â\x80\x94 vanities of which but a brief recollection will remain, or none at all. <,\xa0The generous, on the other hand, are those who employ their own means to ransom captives from brigands, or who assume their friends\' debts or help in providing dowries for their daughters, or assist them in acquiring property or increasing what they have. <,\xa0And so I\xa0wonder what Theophrastus could have been thinking about when he wrote his book on "Wealth." It contains much that is fine; but his position is absurd, when he praises at great length the magnificent appointments of the popular games, and it is in the means for indulging in such expenditures that he finds the highest privilege of wealth. But to me the privilege it gives for the exercise of generosity, of which I\xa0have given a\xa0few illustrations, seems far higher and far more certain. How much more true and pertinent are Aristotle\'s words, as he rebukes us for not being amazed at this extravagant waste of money, all to win the favour of the populace. "If people in time of siege," he says, "are required to pay a mina for a pint of water, this seems to us at first beyond belief, and all are amazed; but, when they think about it, they make allowances for it on the plea of necessity. But in the matter of this enormous waste and unlimited expenditure we are not very greatly astonished, and that, too, though by it no extreme need is relieved, no dignity is enhanced, and the very gratification of the populace is but for a brief, passing moment; such pleasure as it is, too, is confined to the most frivolous, and even in these the very memory of their enjoyment dies as soon as the moment of gratification is past." <,\xa0His conclusion, too, is excellent: "This sort of amusement pleases children, silly women, slaves, and the servile free; but a serious-minded man who weighs such matters with sound judgment cannot possibly approve of them." And yet I\xa0realize that in our country, even in the good old times, it had become a settled custom to expect magnificent entertainments from the very best men in their year of aedileship. So both Publius Crassus, who was not merely surnamed "The Rich" but was rich in fact, gave splendid games in his aedileship; and a little later Lucius Crassus (with Quintus Mucius, the most unpretentious man in the world, as his colleague) gave most magnificent entertainments in his aedileship. Then came Gaius Claudius, the son of Appius, and, after him, many others â\x80\x94 the Luculli, Hortensius, and Silanus. Publius Lentulus, however, in the year of my consulship, eclipsed all that had gone before him, and Scaurus emulated him. And my friend Pompey\'s exhibitions in his second consulship were the most magnificent of all. And so you see what I\xa0think about all this sort of thing. <,\xa0Still we should avoid any suspicion of penuriousness. Mamercus was a very wealthy man, and his refusal of the aedileship was the cause of his defeat for the consulship. If, therefore, such entertainment is demanded by the people, men of right judgment must at least consent to furnish it, even if they do not like the idea. But in so doing they should keep within their means, as I\xa0myself did. They should likewise afford such entertainment, if gifts of money to the people are to be the means of securing on some occasion some more important or more useful object. Thus Orestes recently won great honour by his public dinners given in the streets, on the pretext of their being a tithe-offering. Neither did anybody find fault with Marcus Seius for supplying grain to the people at an as the peck at a time when the market-price was prohibitive; for he thus succeeded in disarming the bitter and deep-seated prejudice of the people against him at an outlay neither very great nor discreditable to him in view of the fact that he was aedile at the time. But the highest honour recently fell to my friend Milo, who bought a band of gladiators for the sake of the country, whose preservation then depended upon my recall from exile, and with them put down the desperate schemes, the reign of terror, of Publius Clodius. The justification for gifts of money, therefore, is either necessity or expediency. <,\xa0And, in making them even in such cases, the rule of the golden mean is best. To be sure, Lucius Philippus, the son of Quintus, a man of great ability and unusual renown, used to make it his boast that without giving any entertainments he had risen to all the positions looked upon as the highest within the gift of the state. Cotta could say the same, and Curio. I, too, may make this boast my own â\x80\x94 to a certain extent; for in comparison with the eminence of the offices to which I\xa0was uimously elected at the earliest legal age â\x80\x94 and this was not the good fortune of any one of those just mentioned â\x80\x94 the outlay in my aedileship was very inconsiderable. <,\xa0Again, the expenditure of money is better justified when it is made for walls, docks, harbours, aqueducts, and all those works which are of service to the community. There is, to be sure, more of present satisfaction in what is handed out, like cash down; nevertheless public improvements win us greater gratitude with posterity. Out of respect for Pompey\'s memory I\xa0am rather diffident about expressing any criticism of theatres, colonnades, and new temples; and yet the greatest philosophers do not approve of them â\x80\x94 our Panaetius himself, for example, whom I\xa0am following, not slavishly translating, in these books; so, too, Demetrius of Phalerum, who denounces Pericles, the foremost man of Greece, for throwing away so much money on the magnificent, far-famed Propylaea. But this whole theme is discussed at length in my books on "The Republic." To conclude, the whole system of public bounties in such extravagant amount is intrinsically wrong; but it may under certain circumstances be necessary to make them; even then they must be proportioned to our ability and regulated by the golden mean. <,\xa0Now, as touching that second division of gifts of money, those which are prompted by a spirit of generosity, we ought to look at different cases differently. The case of the man who is overwhelmed by misfortune is different from that of the one who is seeking to better his condition, though he suffers from no actual distress. <,\xa0It will be the duty of charity to incline more to the unfortunate, unless, perchance, they deserve their misfortune. But of course we ought by no means to withhold our assistance altogether from those who wish for aid, not to save them from utter ruin but to enable them to reach a higher degree of fortune. But, in selecting worthy cases, we ought to use judgment and discretion. For, as Ennius says so admirably, "Good deeds misplaced, methinks, are evil deeds." <,\xa0Furthermore, the favour conferred upon a man who is good and grateful finds its reward, in such a case, not only in his own good-will but in that of others. For, when generosity is not indiscriminate giving, it wins most gratitude and people praise it with more enthusiasm, because goodness of heart in a man of high station becomes the common refuge of everybody. Pains must, therefore, be taken to benefit as many as possible with such kindnesses that the memory of them shall be handed down to children and to children\'s children, so that they too may not be ungrateful. For all men detest ingratitude and look upon the sin of it as a wrong committed against themselves also, because it discourages generosity; and they regard the ingrate as the common foe of all the poor. Ransoming prisoners from servitude and relieving the poor is a form of charity that is a service to the state as well as to the individual. And we find in one of Crassus\'s orations the full proof given that such beneficence used to be the common practice of our order. This form of charity, then, I\xa0much prefer to the lavish expenditure of money for public exhibitions. The former is suited to men of worth and dignity, the latter to those shallow flatterers, if I\xa0may call them so, who tickle with idle pleasure, so to speak, the fickle fancy of the rabble. <,\xa0It will, moreover, befit a gentleman to be at the same time liberal in giving and not inconsiderate in exacting his dues, but in every business relation â\x80\x94 in buying or selling, in hiring or letting, in relations arising out of adjoining houses and lands â\x80\x94 to be fair, reasonable, often freely yielding much of his own right, and keeping out of litigation as far as his interests will permit and perhaps even a little farther. For it is not only generous occasionally to abate a little of one\'s rightful claims, but it is sometimes even advantageous. We should, however, have a care for our personal property, for it is discreditable to let it run through our fingers; but we must guard it in such a way that there shall be no suspicion of meanness or avarice. For the greatest privilege of wealth is, beyond all peradventure, the opportunity it affords for doing good, without sacrificing one\'s fortune. Hospitality also is a theme of Theophrastus\'s praise, and rightly so. For, as it seems to me at least, it is most proper that the homes of distinguished men should be open to distinguished guests. And it is to the credit of our country also that men from abroad do not fail to find hospitable entertainment of this kind in our city. It is, moreover, a very great advantage, too, for those who wish to obtain a powerful political influence by honourable means to be able through their social relations with their guests to enjoy popularity and to exert influence abroad. For an instance of extraordinary hospitality, Theophrastus writes that at Athens Cimon was hospitable even to the Laciads, the people of his own deme; for he instructed his bailiffs to that end and gave them orders that every attention should be shown to any Laciad who should ever call at his country home. <,\xa0Again, the kindnesses shown not by gifts of money but by personal service are bestowed sometimes upon the community at large, sometimes upon individual citizens. To protect a man in his legal rights ,\xa0to assist him with counsel, and to serve as many as possible with that sort of knowledge tends greatly to increase one\'s influence and popularity. Thus, among the many admirable ideas of our ancestors was the high respect they always accorded to the study and interpretation of the excellent body of our civil law. And down to the present unsettled times the foremost men of the state have kept this profession exclusively in their own hands; but now the prestige of legal learning has departed along with offices of honour and positions of dignity; and this is the more deplorable, because it has come to pass in the lifetime of a man who in knowledge of the law would easily have surpassed all his predecessors, while in honour he is their peer. Service such as this, then, finds many to appreciate it and is calculated to bind people closely to us by our good services. <,\xa0Closely connected with this profession, furthermore, is the gift of eloquence; it is at once more popular and more distinguished. For what is better than eloquence to awaken the admiration of one\'s hearers or the hopes of the distressed or the gratitude of those whom it has protected? It was to eloquence, therefore, that our fathers assigned the foremost rank among the civil professions. The door of opportunity for generous patronage to others, then, is wide open to the orator whose heart is in his work and who follows the custom of our forefathers in undertaking the defence of many clients without reluctance and without compensation. <,\xa0My subject suggests that at this point I\xa0express once more my regret at the decadence, not to say the utter extinction, of eloquence; and I\xa0should do so, did\xa0I not fear that people would think that I\xa0were complaining on my own account. We see, nevertheless, what orators have lost their lives and how few of any promise are left, how far fewer there are who have ability, and how many there are who have nothing but presumption. But though not all â\x80\x94 no, not even many â\x80\x94 can be learned in the law or, eloquent as pleaders, still anybody may be of service to many by canvassing in their support for appointments, by witnessing to their character before juries and magistrates, by looking out for the interests of one and another, and by soliciting for them the aid of jurisconsults or of advocates. Those who perform such services win the most gratitude and find a most extensive sphere for their activities. <,\xa0of course, those who pursue such a course do not need to be warned (for the point is self-evident) to be careful when they seek to oblige some, not to offend others. For oftentimes they hurt those whom they ought not or those whom it is inexpedient to offend. If they do it inadvertently, it is carelessness; if designedly, inconsiderateness. A\xa0man must apologize also, to the best of his ability, if he has involuntarily hurt anyone\'s feelings, and explain why what he has done was unavoidable and why he could not have done otherwise; and he must by future services and kind offices atone for the apparent offence. <,\xa0Now in rendering helpful service to people, we usually consider either their character or their circumstances. And so it is an easy remark, and one commonly made, to say that in investing kindnesses we look not to people\'s outward circumstances, but to their character. The phrase is admirable! But who is there, pray, that does not in performing a service set the favour of a rich and influential man above the cause of a poor, though most worthy, person? For, as a rule, our will is more inclined to the one from whom we expect a prompter and speedier return. But we should observe more carefully how the matter really stands: the poor man of whom we spoke cannot return a favour in kind, of course, but if he is a good man he can do it at least in thankfulness of heart. As someone has happily said, "A\xa0man has not repaid money, if he still has it; if he has repaid it, he has ceased to have it. But a man still has the sense of favour, if he has returned the favour; and if he has the sense of the favour, he has repaid it." On the other hand, they who consider themselves wealthy, honoured, the favourites of fortune, do not wish even to be put under obligations by our kind services. Why, they actually think that they have conferred a favour by accepting one, however great; and they even suspect that a claim is thereby set up against them or that something is expected in return. Nay more, it is bitter as death to them to have accepted a patron or to be called clients. <,\xa0Your man of slender means, on the other hand, feels that whatever is done for him is done out of regard for himself and not for his outward circumstances. Hence he strives to show himself grateful not only to the one who has obliged him in the past but also to those from whom he expects similar favours in the future â\x80\x94 and he needs the help of many; and his own service, if he happens to render any in return, he does not exaggerate, but he actually depreciates it. This fact, furthermore, should not be overlooked â\x80\x94 that, if one defends a wealthy favourite of fortune, the favour does not extend further than to the man himself or, possibly, to his children. But, if one defends a man who is poor but honest and upright, all the lowly who are not dishonest â\x80\x94 and there is a large proportion of that sort among the people â\x80\x94 look upon such an advocate as a tower of defence raised up for them. <,\xa0I\xa0think, therefore, that kindness to the good is a better investment than kindness to the favourites of fortune. We must, of course, put forth every effort to oblige all sorts and conditions of men, if we can. But if it comes to a conflict of duty on this point, we must, I\xa0should say, follow the advice of Themistocles: when someone asked his advice whether he should give his daughter in marriage to a man who was poor but honest or to one who was rich but less esteemed, he said: "For my part, I\xa0prefer a man without money to money without a man." But the moral sense of toâ\x80\x91day is demoralized and depraved by our worship of wealth. of what concern to any one of us is the size of another man\'s fortune? It is, perhaps, an advantage to its possessor; but not always even that. But suppose it is; he may, to be sure, have more money to spend; but how is he any the better man for that? Still, if he is a good man, as well as a rich one, let not his riches be a hindrance to his being aided, if only they are not the motive to it; but in conferring favours our decision should depend entirely upon a man\'s character, not on his wealth. The supreme rule, then, in the matter of kindnesses to be rendered by personal service is never to take up a case in opposition to the right nor in defence of the wrong. For the foundation of enduring reputation and fame is justice, and without justice there can be nothing worthy of praise. <,\xa0Now, since we have finished the discussion of that kind of helpful services which concern individuals, we must next take up those which touch the whole body politic and the state. of these public services, some are of such a nature that they concern the whole body of citizens; others, that they affect individuals only. And these latter are the more productive of gratitude. If possible, we should by all means attend to both kinds of service; but we must take care in protecting the interests of individuals that what we do for them shall be beneficial, or at least not prejudicial, to the state. Gaius Gracchus inaugurated largesses of grain on an extensive scale; this had a tendency to exhaust the exchequer. Marcus Octavius inaugurated a moderate dole; this was both practicable for the state and necessary for the commons; it was, therefore, a blessing both to the citizens and to the state. <,\xa0The man in an administrative office, however, must make it his first care that everyone shall have what belongs to him and that private citizens suffer no invasion of their property rights by act of the state. It was a ruinous policy that Philippus proposed when in his tribuneship he introduced his agrarian bill. However, when his law was rejected, he took his defeat with good grace and displayed extraordinary moderation. But in his public speeches on the measure he often played the demagogue, and that time viciously, when he said that "there were not in the state two thousand people who owned any property." That speech deserves unqualified condemnation, for it favoured an equal distribution of property; and what more ruinous policy than that could be conceived? For the chief purpose in the establishment of constitutional state and municipal governments was that individual property rights might be secured. For, although it was by Nature\'s guidance that men were drawn together into communities, it was in the hope of safeguarding their possessions that they sought the protection of cities. <,\xa0The administration should also put forth every effort to prevent the levying of a property tax, and to this end precautions should be taken long in advance. Such a tax was often levied in the times of our forefathers on account of the depleted state of their treasury and their incessant wars. But, if any state (I\xa0say "any," for I\xa0would rather speak in general terms than forebode evils to our own; however, I\xa0am not discussing our own state but states in general) â\x80\x94 if any state ever has to face a crisis requiring the imposition of such a burden, every effort must be made to let all the people realize that they must bow to the inevitable, if they wish to be saved. And it will also be the duty of those who direct the affairs of the state to take measures that there shall be an abundance of the necessities of life. It is needless to discuss the ordinary ways and means; for the duty is self-evident; it is necessary only to mention the matter. <,\xa0But the chief thing in all public administration and public service is to avoid even the slightest suspicion of self-seeking. "I\xa0would," says Gaius Pontius, the Samnite, "that fortune had withheld my appearance until a time when the Romans began to accept bribes, and that I\xa0had been born in those days! I\xa0should then have suffered them to hold their supremacy no longer." Aye, but he would have had many generations to wait; for this plague has only recently infected our nation. And so I\xa0rejoice that Pontius lived then instead of now, seeing that he was so mighty a man! It is not yet a\xa0hundred and ten years since the enactment of Lucius Piso\'s bill to punish extortion; there had been no such law before. But afterward came so many laws, each more stringent than the other, so many men were accused and so many convicted, so horrible a war was stirred up on account of the fear of what our courts would do to still others, so frightful was the pillaging and plundering of the allies when the laws and courts were suppressed, that now we find ourselves strong not in our own strength but in the weakness of others. <,\xa0Panaetius praises Africanus for his integrity in public life. Why should he not? But Africanus had other and greater virtues. The boast of official integrity belongs not to that man alone but also to his times. When Paulus got possession of all the wealth of Macedon â\x80\x94 and it was enormous â\x80\x94 he brought into our treasury so much money that the spoils of a single general did away with the need for a tax on property in Rome for all time to come. But to his own house he brought nothing save the glory of an immortal name. Africanus emulated his father\'s example and was none the richer for his overthrow of Carthage. And what shall we say of Lucius Mummius, his colleague in the censorship? Was he one penny the richer when he had destroyed to its foundations the richest of cities? He preferred to adorn Italy rather than his own house. And yet by the adornment of Italy his own house was, as it seems to me, still more splendidly adorned. <,\xa0There is, then, to bring the discussion back to the point from which it digressed, no vice more offensive than avarice, especially in men who stand foremost and hold the helm of state. For to exploit the state for selfish profit is not only immoral; it is criminal, infamous. And so the oracle, which the Pythian Apollo uttered, that "Sparta should not fall from any other cause than avarice," seems to be a prophecy not to the Lacedaemonians alone, but to all wealthy nations as well. They who direct the affairs of state, then, can win the good-will of the masses by no other means more easily than by self-restraint and self-denial. <,\xa0But they who pose as friends of the people, and who for that reason either attempt to have agrarian laws passed, in order that the occupants may be driven out of their homes, or propose that money loaned should be remitted to the borrowers, are undermining the foundations of the commonwealth: first of all, they are destroying harmony, which cannot exist when money is taken away from one party and bestowed upon another; and second, they do away with equity, which is utterly subverted, if the rights of property are not respected. For, as I\xa0said above, it is the peculiar function of the state and the city to guarantee to every man the free and undisturbed control of his own particular property. <,\xa0And yet, when it comes to measures so ruinous to public welfare, they do not gain even that popularity which they anticipate. For he who has been robbed of his property is their enemy; he to whom it has been turned over actually pretends that he had no wish to take it; and most of all, when his debts are cancelled, the debtor conceals his joy, for fear that he may be thought to have been insolvent; whereas the victim of the wrong both remembers it and shows his resentment openly. Thus even though they to whom property has been wrongfully awarded be more in number than they from whom it has been unjustly taken, they do not for that reason have more influence; for in such matters influence is measured not by numbers but by weight. And how is it fair that a man who never had any property should take possession of lands that had been occupied for many years or even generations, and that he who had them before should lose possession of them? <,\xa0Now, it was on account of just this sort of wrong-doing that the Spartans banished their ephor Lysander, and put their king Agis to death â\x80\x94 an act without precedent in the history of Sparta. From that time on â\x80\x94 and for the same reason â\x80\x94 dissensions so serious ensued that tyrants arose, the nobles were sent into exile, and the state, though most admirably constituted, crumbled to pieces. Nor did it fall alone, but by the contagion of the ills that starting in Lacedaemon, spread widely and more widely, it dragged the rest of Greece down to ruin. What shall we say of our own Gracchi, the sons of that famous Tiberius Gracchus and grandsons of Africanus? Was it not strife over the agrarian issue that caused their downfall and death? <,\xa0Aratus of Sicyon, on the other hand, is justly praised. When his city had been kept for fifty years in the power of its tyrants, he came over from Argos to Sicyon, secretly entered the city and took it by surprise; he fell suddenly upon the tyrant Nicocles, recalled from banishment six hundred exiles who had been the wealthiest men of the city, and by his coming made his country free. But he found great difficulty in the matter of property and its occupancy; for he considered it most unjust, on the one hand, that those men should be left in want whom he had restored and of whose property others had taken possession; and he thought it hardly fair, on the other hand, that tenure of fifty years\' standing should be disturbed. For in the course of that long period many of those estates had passed into innocent hands by right of inheritance, many by purchase, many by dower. He therefore decided that it would be wrong either to take the property away from the present incumbents or to let them keep it without compensation to its former possessors. <,\xa0So, when he had come to the conclusion that he must have money to meet the situation, he announced that he meant to make a trip to Alexandria and gave orders that matters should remain as they were until his return. And so he went in haste to his friend Ptolemy, then upon the throne, the second king after the founding of Alexandria. To him he explained that he wished to restore constitutional liberty to his country and presented his case to him. And, being a man of the highest standing, he easily secured from that wealthy king assistance in the form of a large sum of money. And, when he had returned with this to Sicyon, he called into counsel with him fifteen of the foremost men of the city. With them he investigated the cases both of those who were holding possession of other people\'s property and of those who had lost theirs. And he managed by a valuation of the properties to persuade some that it was more desirable to accept money and surrender their present holdings; others he convinced that it was more to their interest to take a fair price in cash for their lost estates than to try to recover possession of what had been their own. As a result, harmony was preserved, and all parties went their way without a word of complaint. <,\xa0A\xa0great statesman, and worthy to have been born in our commonwealth! That is the right way to deal with one\'s fellow-citizens, and not, as we have already witnessed on two occasions, to plant the spear in the forum and knock down the property of citizens under the auctioneer\'s hammer. But yon Greek, like a wise and excellent man, thought that he must look out for the welfare of all. And this is the highest statesmanship and the soundest wisdom on the part of a good citizen, not to divide the interests of the citizens but to unite all on the basis of impartial justice. "Let them live in their neighbour\'s house rent-free." Why so? In order that, when I\xa0have bought, built, kept up, and spent my money upon a place, you may without my consent enjoy what belongs to me? What else is that but to rob one man of what belongs to him and to give to another what does not belong to him? <,\xa0And what is the meaning of an abolition of debts, except that you buy a farm with my money; that you have the farm, and I\xa0have not my money? We must, therefore, take measures that there shall be no indebtedness of a nature to endanger the public safety. It is a menace that can be averted in many ways; but should a serious debt be incurred, we are not to allow the rich to lose their property, while the debtors profit by what is their neighbour\'s. For there is nothing that upholds a government more powerfully than its credit; and it can have no credit, unless the payment of debts is enforced by law. Never were measures for the repudiation of debts more strenuously agitated than in my consulship. Men of every sort and rank attempted with arms and armies to force the project through. But I\xa0opposed them with such energy that this plague was wholly eradicated from the body politic. Indebtedness was never greater; debts were never liquidated more easily or more fully; for the hope of defrauding the creditor was cut off and payment was enforced by law. But the present victor, though vanquished then, still carried out his old design, when it was no longer of any personal advantage to him. So great was his passion for wrongdoing that the very doing of wrong was a joy to him for its own sake even when there was no motive for it. <,\xa0Those, then, whose office it is to look after the interests of the state will refrain from that form of liberality which robs one man to enrich another. Above all, they will use their best endeavours that everyone shall be protected in the possession of his own property by the fair administration of the law and the courts, that the poorer classes shall not be oppressed because of their helplessness, and that envy shall not stand in the way of the rich, to prevent them from keeping or recovering possession of what justly belongs to them; they must strive, too, by whatever means they can, in peace or in war, to advance the state in power, in territory, and in revenues. Such service calls for great men; it was commonly rendered in the days of our ancestors; if men will perform duties such as these, they will win popularity and glory for themselves and at the same time render eminent service to the state. <,\xa0Now, in this list of rules touching expediency, Antipater of Tyre, a Stoic philosopher who recently died at Athens, claims that two points were overlooked by Panaetius â\x80\x94 the care of health and of property. I\xa0presume that the eminent philosopher overlooked these two items because they present no difficulty. At all events they are expedient. Although they are a matter of course, I\xa0will still say a\xa0few words on the subject. Individual health is preserved by studying one\'s own constitution, by observing what is good or bad for one, by constant self-control in supplying physical wants and comforts (but only to the extent necessary to self-preservation), by forgoing sensual pleasures, and finally, by the professional skill of those to whose science these matters belong. <,\xa0As for property, it is a duty to make money, but only by honourable means; it is a duty also to save it and increase it by care and thrift. These principles Xenophon, a pupil of Socrates, has set forth most happily in his book entitled "Oeconomicus." When I\xa0was about your present age, I\xa0translated it from the Greek into Latin. But this whole subject of acquiring money, investing money (I\xa0wish I\xa0could include also spending money), is more profitably discussed by certain worthy gentlemen on "Change" than could be done by any philosophers of any school. For all that, we must take cognizance of them for they come fitly under the head of expediency, and that is the subject of the present book. <,\xa0But it is often necessary to weigh one expediency against another; â\x80\x94 for this, as I\xa0stated, is a\xa0fourth point overlooked by Panaetius. For not only are physical advantages regularly compared with outward advantages and outward, with physical, but physical advantages are compared with one another, and outward with outward. Physical advantages are compared with outward advantages in some such way as this: one may ask whether it is more desirable to have health than wealth; external advantages with physical, thus: whether it is better to have wealth than extraordinary bodily strength; while the physical advantages may be weighed against one another, so that good health is preferred to sensual pleasure, strength to agility. Outward advantages also may be weighed against one another: glory, for example, may be preferred to riches, an income derived from city property to one derived from the farm. <,\xa0To this class of comparisons belongs that famous saying of old Cato\'s: when he was asked what was the most profitable feature of an estate, he replied: "Raising cattle successfully." What next to that? "Raising cattle with fair success." And next? "Raising cattle with but slight success." And fourth? "Raising crops." And when his questioner said, "How about money-lending?" Cato replied: "How about murder?" From this as well as from many other incidents we ought to realize that expediencies have often to be weighed against one another and that it is proper for us to add this fourth division in the discussion of moral duty. Let us now pass on to the remaining problem.'' None
8. Polybius, Histories, 6.7.6-6.7.8, 6.53, 10.2.5-10.2.13, 10.11.7, 31.25.5, 38.22 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Africanus, P. (Numantinus) • Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, P. • Cornelius Scipio Africanus Aemilianus, P. • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P. • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P. , leadership qualities • Cornelius Scipio Hispanus, Cn. (praet. 139 bce) • Gallus, Cornelius • P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Africanus • P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus • Scipio Africanus, L. Cornelius (major, cos. II • Scipio, Publius Cornelius (Africanus)

 Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 270, 271; Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 7, 53, 54; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 118; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 155; Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 38, 39, 44, 46, 48, 85, 86, 102, 144, 147; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 70; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 23; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 86; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 203

sup>
6.7.6 ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐκ διαδοχῆς καὶ κατὰ γένος τὰς ἀρχὰς παραλαμβάνοντες ἕτοιμα μὲν εἶχον ἤδη τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἀσφάλειαν, ἕτοιμα δὲ καὶ πλείω τῶν ἱκανῶν τὰ πρὸς τὴν τροφήν, 6.7.7 τότε δὴ ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις ἑπόμενοι διὰ τὴν περιουσίαν ἐξάλλους μὲν ἐσθῆτας ὑπέλαβον δεῖν ἔχειν τοὺς ἡγουμένους τῶν ὑποταττομένων, ἐξάλλους δὲ καὶ ποικίλας τὰς περὶ τὴν τροφὴν ἀπολαύσεις καὶ παρασκευάς, ἀναντιρρήτους δὲ καὶ παρὰ τῶν μὴ προσηκόντων τὰς τῶν ἀφροδισίων χρείας καὶ συνουσίας. 6.7.8 ἐφʼ οἷς μὲν φθόνου γενομένου καὶ προσκοπῆς, ἐφʼ οἷς δὲ μίσους ἐκκαιομένου καὶ δυσμενικῆς ὀργῆς, ἐγένετο μὲν ἐκ τῆς βασιλείας τυραννίς, ἀρχὴ δὲ καταλύσεως ἐγεννᾶτο καὶ σύστασις ἐπιβουλῆς τοῖς ἡγουμένοις·' 10.2.5 οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι πάντες αὐτὸν ἐπιτυχῆ τινα καὶ τὸ πλεῖον αἰεὶ παραλόγως καὶ ταὐτομάτῳ κατορθοῦντα τὰς ἐπιβολὰς παρεισάγουσι, 10.2.6 νομίζοντες ὡς ἂν εἰ θειοτέρους εἶναι καὶ θαυμαστοτέρους τοὺς τοιούτους ἄνδρας τῶν κατὰ λόγον ἐν ἑκάστοις πραττόντων, ἀγνοοῦντες ὅτι τὸ μὲν ἐπαινετόν, τὸ δὲ μακαριστὸν εἶναι συμβαίνει τῶν προειρημένων, καὶ τὸ μὲν κοινόν ἐστι καὶ τοῖς τυχοῦσι, 10.2.7 τὸ δʼ ἐπαινετὸν μόνον ἴδιον ὑπάρχει τῶν εὐλογίστων καὶ φρένας ἐχόντων ἀνδρῶν, οὓς καὶ θειοτάτους εἶναι καὶ προσφιλεστάτους τοῖς θεοῖς νομιστέον. 10.2.8 ἐμοὶ δὲ δοκεῖ Πόπλιος Λυκούργῳ τῷ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων νομοθέτῃ παραπλησίαν ἐσχηκέναι φύσιν καὶ προαίρεσιν. 10.2.9 οὔτε γὰρ Λυκοῦργον ἡγητέον δεισιδαιμονοῦντα καὶ πάντα προσέχοντα τῇ Πυθίᾳ συστήσασθαι τὸ Λακεδαιμονίων πολίτευμα, οὔτε Πόπλιον ἐξ ἐνυπνίων ὁρμώμενον καὶ κληδόνων τηλικαύτην περιποιῆσαι τῇ πατρίδι δυναστείαν· 10.2.10 ἀλλʼ ὁρῶντες ἑκάτεροι τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν ἀνθρώπων οὔτε τὰ παράδοξα προσδεχομένους ῥᾳδίως οὔτε τοῖς δεινοῖς τολμῶντας παραβάλλεσθαι χωρὶς τῆς ἐκ τῶν θεῶν ἐλπίδος, 10.2.12 Πόπλιος δὲ παραπλησίως ἐνεργαζόμενος αἰεὶ δόξαν τοῖς πολλοῖς ὡς μετά τινος θείας ἐπιπνοίας ποιούμενος τὰς ἐπιβολάς, εὐθαρσεστέρους καὶ προθυμοτέρους κατεσκεύαζε τοὺς ὑποταττομένους πρὸς τὰ δεινὰ τῶν ἔργων. 10.2.13 ὅτι δʼ ἕκαστα μετὰ λογισμοῦ καὶ προνοίας ἔπραττε, καὶ διότι πάντα κατὰ λόγον ἐξέβαινε τὰ τέλη τῶν πράξεων αὐτῷ, δῆλον ἔσται διὰ τῶν λέγεσθαι μελλόντων.
10.11.7
τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἔφη τὴν ἐπιβολὴν αὐτῷ ταύτην ὑποδεδειχέναι τὸν Ποσειδῶνα παραστάντα κατὰ τὸν ὕπνον, καὶ φάναι συνεργήσειν ἐπιφανῶς κατʼ αὐτὸν τὸν τῆς πράξεως καιρὸν οὕτως ὥστε παντὶ τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τὴν ἐξ αὐτοῦ χρείαν ἐναργῆ γενέσθαι.
31.25.5
καὶ τηλικαύτη τις ἐνεπεπτώκει περὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα τῶν ἔργων ἀκρασία τοῖς νέοις ὥστε πολλοὺς μὲν ἐρώμενον ἠγορακέναι ταλάντου, πολλοὺς δὲ ταρίχου Ποντικοῦ κεράμιον τριακοσίων δραχμῶν.'' None
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6.7.6 \xa0But when they received the office by hereditary succession and found their safety now provided for, and more than sufficient provision of food, < 6.7.7 \xa0they gave way to their appetites owing to this superabundance, and came to think that the rulers must be distinguished from their subjects by a peculiar dress, that there should be a peculiar luxury and variety in the dressing and serving of their viands, and that they should meet with no denial in the pursuit of their amours, however lawless. < 6.7.8 \xa0These habits having given rise in the one case to envy and offence and in the other to an outburst of hatred and passionate resentment, the kingship changed into a tyranny; the first steps towards its overthrow were taken by the subjects, and conspiracies began to be formed. <
6.53
1. \xa0Whenever any illustrious man dies, he is carried at his funeral into the forum to the soâ\x80\x91called rostra, sometimes conspicuous in an upright posture and more rarely reclined.,2. \xa0Here with all the people standing round, a grown-up son, if he has left one who happens to be present, or if not some other relative mounts the rostra and discourses on the virtues and success­ful achievements of the dead.,3. \xa0As a consequence the multitude and not only those who had a part in these achievements, but those also who had none, when the facts are recalled to their minds and brought before their eyes, are moved to such sympathy that the loss seems to be not confined to the mourners, but a public one affecting the whole people.,4. \xa0Next after the interment and the performance of the usual ceremonies, they place the image of the departed in the most conspicuous position in the house, enclosed in a wooden shrine.,5. \xa0This image is a mask reproducing with remarkable fidelity both the features and complexion of the deceased.,6. \xa0On the occasion of public sacrifices they display these images, and decorate them with much care, and when any distinguished member of the family dies they take them to the funeral, putting them on men who seem to them to bear the closest resemblance to the original in stature and carriage.,7. \xa0These representatives wear togas, with a purple border if the deceased was a consul or praetor, whole purple if he was a censor, and embroidered with gold if he had celebrated a triumph or achieved anything similar.,8. \xa0They all ride in chariots preceded by the fasces, axes, and other insignia by which the different magistrates are wont to be accompanied according to the respective dignity of the offices of state held by each during his life;,9. \xa0and when they arrive at the rostra they all seat themselves in a row on ivory chairs. There could not easily be a more ennobling spectacle for a young man who aspires to fame and virtue.,10. \xa0For who would not be inspired by the sight of the images of men renowned for their excellence, all together and as if alive and breathing? What spectacle could be more glorious than this?
6.53
\xa0Whenever any illustrious man dies, he is carried at his funeral into the forum to the soâ\x80\x91called rostra, sometimes conspicuous in an upright posture and more rarely reclined. <,\xa0Here with all the people standing round, a grown-up son, if he has left one who happens to be present, or if not some other relative mounts the rostra and discourses on the virtues and success­ful achievements of the dead. <,\xa0As a consequence the multitude and not only those who had a part in these achievements, but those also who had none, when the facts are recalled to their minds and brought before their eyes, are moved to such sympathy that the loss seems to be not confined to the mourners, but a public one affecting the whole people. <,\xa0Next after the interment and the performance of the usual ceremonies, they place the image of the departed in the most conspicuous position in the house, enclosed in a wooden shrine. <,\xa0This image is a mask reproducing with remarkable fidelity both the features and complexion of the deceased. <,\xa0On the occasion of public sacrifices they display these images, and decorate them with much care, and when any distinguished member of the family dies they take them to the funeral, putting them on men who seem to them to bear the closest resemblance to the original in stature and carriage. <,\xa0These representatives wear togas, with a purple border if the deceased was a consul or praetor, whole purple if he was a censor, and embroidered with gold if he had celebrated a triumph or achieved anything similar. <,\xa0They all ride in chariots preceded by the fasces, axes, and other insignia by which the different magistrates are wont to be accompanied according to the respective dignity of the offices of state held by each during his life; <,\xa0and when they arrive at the rostra they all seat themselves in a row on ivory chairs. There could not easily be a more ennobling spectacle for a young man who aspires to fame and virtue. <,\xa0For who would not be inspired by the sight of the images of men renowned for their excellence, all together and as if alive and breathing? What spectacle could be more glorious than this? <
10.2.5
\xa0As for all other writers, they represent him as a man favoured by fortune, who always owed the most part of his success to the unexpected and to mere chance, < 10.2.6 \xa0such men being, in their opinion, more divine and more worthy of admiration than those who always act by calculation. They are not aware that one of the two things deserves praise and the other only congratulation, the latter being common to ordinary men, < 10.2.7 \xa0whereas what is praiseworthy belongs alone to men of sound judgement and mental ability, whom we should consider to be the most divine and most beloved by the gods. < 10.2.8 \xa0To me it seems that the character and principles of Scipio much resembled those of Lycurgus, the Lacedaemonian legislator. < 10.2.9 \xa0For neither must we suppose that Lycurgus drew up the constitution of Sparta under the influence of superstition and solely prompted by the Pythia, nor that Scipio won such an empire \')" onMouseOut="nd();"for his country by following the suggestion of dreams and omens. < 10.2.10 \xa0But since both of them saw that most men neither readily accept anything unfamiliar to them, nor venture on great risks without the hope of divine help, Lycurgus made his own scheme more acceptable and more easily believed in by invoking the oracles of the Pythia in support of projects due to himself, < 10.2.11 1. \xa0Now that I\xa0am about to recount Scipio\'s exploits in Spain, and in short everything that he achieved in his life, I\xa0think it necessary to convey to my readers, in the first place, a notion of his character and natural parts.,2. \xa0For the fact that he was almost the most famous man of all time makes everyone desirous to know what sort of man he was, and what were the natural gifts and the training which enabled him to accomplish so many great actions.,3. \xa0But none can help falling into error and acquiring a mistaken impression of him, as the estimate of those who have given us their views about him is very wide of the truth.,4. \xa0That what I\xa0myself state here is sound will be evident to all who by means of my narrative are able to appreciate the most glorious and hazardous of his exploits.,5. \xa0As for all other writers, they represent him as a man favoured by fortune, who always owed the most part of his success to the unexpected and to mere chance,,6. \xa0such men being, in their opinion, more divine and more worthy of admiration than those who always act by calculation. They are not aware that one of the two things deserves praise and the other only congratulation, the latter being common to ordinary men,,7. \xa0whereas what is praiseworthy belongs alone to men of sound judgement and mental ability, whom we should consider to be the most divine and most beloved by the gods.,8. \xa0To me it seems that the character and principles of Scipio much resembled those of Lycurgus, the Lacedaemonian legislator.,9. \xa0For neither must we suppose that Lycurgus drew up the constitution of Sparta under the influence of superstition and solely prompted by the Pythia, nor that Scipio won such an empire \')" onMouseOut="nd();"for his country by following the suggestion of dreams and omens.,10. \xa0But since both of them saw that most men neither readily accept anything unfamiliar to them, nor venture on great risks without the hope of divine help, Lycurgus made his own scheme more acceptable and more easily believed in by invoking the oracles of the Pythia in support of projects due to himself,,12. \xa0while Scipio similarly made the men under his command more sanguine and more ready to face perilous enterprises by instilling into them the belief that his projects were divinely inspired.,13. \xa0That everything he did was done with calculation and foresight, and that all his enterprises fell out as he had reckoned, will be clear from what I\xa0am about to say. 10.2.11 \xa0Now that I\xa0am about to recount Scipio\'s exploits in Spain, and in short everything that he achieved in his life, I\xa0think it necessary to convey to my readers, in the first place, a notion of his character and natural parts. <,\xa0For the fact that he was almost the most famous man of all time makes everyone desirous to know what sort of man he was, and what were the natural gifts and the training which enabled him to accomplish so many great actions. <,\xa0But none can help falling into error and acquiring a mistaken impression of him, as the estimate of those who have given us their views about him is very wide of the truth. <,\xa0That what I\xa0myself state here is sound will be evident to all who by means of my narrative are able to appreciate the most glorious and hazardous of his exploits. <,\xa0As for all other writers, they represent him as a man favoured by fortune, who always owed the most part of his success to the unexpected and to mere chance, <,\xa0such men being, in their opinion, more divine and more worthy of admiration than those who always act by calculation. They are not aware that one of the two things deserves praise and the other only congratulation, the latter being common to ordinary men, <,\xa0whereas what is praiseworthy belongs alone to men of sound judgement and mental ability, whom we should consider to be the most divine and most beloved by the gods. <,\xa0To me it seems that the character and principles of Scipio much resembled those of Lycurgus, the Lacedaemonian legislator. <,\xa0For neither must we suppose that Lycurgus drew up the constitution of Sparta under the influence of superstition and solely prompted by the Pythia, nor that Scipio won such an empire \')" onMouseOut="nd();"for his country by following the suggestion of dreams and omens. <,\xa0But since both of them saw that most men neither readily accept anything unfamiliar to them, nor venture on great risks without the hope of divine help, Lycurgus made his own scheme more acceptable and more easily believed in by invoking the oracles of the Pythia in support of projects due to himself, <,\xa0while Scipio similarly made the men under his command more sanguine and more ready to face perilous enterprises by instilling into them the belief that his projects were divinely inspired. <,\xa0That everything he did was done with calculation and foresight, and that all his enterprises fell out as he had reckoned, will be clear from what I\xa0am about to say. < 10.2.12 \xa0while Scipio similarly made the men under his command more sanguine and more ready to face perilous enterprises by instilling into them the belief that his projects were divinely inspired. < 10.2.13 \xa0That everything he did was done with calculation and foresight, and that all his enterprises fell out as he had reckoned, will be clear from what I\xa0am about to say. <
10.11.7
\xa0Finally he told them that it was Neptune who had first suggested this plan to him, appearing to him in his sleep, and promising that when the time for the action came he would render such conspicuous aid that his intervention would be manifest to the whole army. <
31.25.5
\xa0So great in fact was the incontinence that had broken out among the young men in such matters, that many paid a talent for a male favourite and many three hundred drachmas for a jar of caviar. <
38.22
1. \xa0Scipio, when he looked upon the city as it was utterly perishing and in the last throes of its complete destruction, is said to have shed tears and wept openly for his enemies.,2. \xa0After being wrapped in thought for long, and realizing that all cities, nations, and authorities must, like men, meet their doom; that this happened to Ilium, once a prosperous city, to the empires of Assyria, Media, and Persia, the greatest of their time, and to Macedonia itself, the brilliance of which was so recent, either deliberately or the verses escaping him, he said: A\xa0day will come when sacred Troy shall perish, And Priam and his people shall be slain. ,3. \xa0And when Polybius speaking with freedom to him, for he was his teacher, asked him what he meant by the words, they say that without any attempt at concealment he named his own country, for which he feared when he reflected on the fate of all things human. Polybius actually heard him and recalls it in his history.38.22 \xa0Scipio, when he looked upon the city as it was utterly perishing and in the last throes of its complete destruction, is said to have shed tears and wept openly for his enemies. <,\xa0After being wrapped in thought for long, and realizing that all cities, nations, and authorities must, like men, meet their doom; that this happened to Ilium, once a prosperous city, to the empires of Assyria, Media, and Persia, the greatest of their time, and to Macedonia itself, the brilliance of which was so recent, either deliberately or the verses escaping him, he said: A\xa0day will come when sacred Troy shall perish, And Priam and his people shall be slain. <,\xa0And when Polybius speaking with freedom to him, for he was his teacher, asked him what he meant by the words, they say that without any attempt at concealment he named his own country, for which he feared when he reflected on the fate of all things human. Polybius actually heard him and recalls it in his history. ' None
9. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Balbus, L. • Merula, Cornelius

 Found in books: Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 175; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 54

10. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Atia (mother of Augustus), as imitator of Cornelia • Aurelia (mother of Iulius Caesar), as imitator of Cornelia • Cornelius Cethegus, M. • Cornelius Cethegus, M. (cos. 204 bce) • Cornelius Nepos • Scipio Barbatus, L. Cornelius Cn. f.

 Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 295; Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 222, 228; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 187; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 229; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 203

11. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelia (mother of the Gracchi) • Cornelius • Cornelius Cinna, L. • Cornelius Scipio Africanus (‘the Elder’), P. • Cornelius Scipio Africanus Aemilianus, P. (Scipio Aemilianus), death of • Cornelius Scipio Nasica Serapio (Scipio Nasica), murder of Ti. Gracchus • Cornelius Sulla, P. (Sulla), as salus rerum • Hipsalus (Cn. Cornelius Hipsalus) • Merula, Cornelius • Scipio (Aemilianus) Africanus, (Publius, Cornelius) • Scipio, Publius Cornelius Africanus

 Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 116; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 232; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 65; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 71; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 112; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 204; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 255; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41

12. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius • Cornelius Barbati f. Scipio, L. • Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, P. • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P. • Scipio Africanus, P. Cornelius • Scipio P. Cornelius • Scipio, Publius Cornelius Africanus

 Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 767; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 232; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 37; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 185; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 200

13. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi • Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, P. • Cornelius Sulla, P. (Sulla), as parricide (φονεὺς τῆς πατρίδος‎) • Scipio Aemilianus, P. Cornelius (Africanus the younger)

 Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 586; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 173; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 117, 127; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 105

14. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Balbus, L. • Cornelius Nepos • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P. • Cornelius Sulla Felix, L. • Cornelius Sulla, L. • lex, Cornelia de maiestate

 Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 69, 70, 71; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 49; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 83; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 79

15. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Cinna, L. • Cornelius Culleolus, Cn. • Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, P., repatriates art works to Sicily • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P • Cornelius Sulla, L., and the Capitol • Cornelius Sulla, Lucius • Scipio Africanus, P. Cornelius

 Found in books: Mowat (2021), Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic, 77; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 29, 30; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 61, 62, 64, 70; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53, 54, 55, 80; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 135

16. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi • Cornelius Dolabella, P. • Tacitus (P. [?] Cornelius Tacitus), fecunditas of Agrippina the Elder

 Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 586; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 78; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 142; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 275

17. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelia • Merula, Cornelius

 Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 77; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 184; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 180

18. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, P. • Scipio Africanus, P. Cornelius • Scipio, Publius Cornelius Africanus

 Found in books: Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 232; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 31; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 349, 350, 351

19. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 2.15-2.16, 4.62.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Culleolus, Cn. • Cornelius Sulla, L., and the Capitol • Cornelius Sulla, Lucius • Double dreams and visions, Peter and Cornelius • Double dreams and visions, Peter and Cornelius, apologetic agendas • Double dreams and visions, Peter and Cornelius, ethnic identities • Tacitus (P. Cornelius Tacitus), government, analysis of

 Found in books: Mowat (2021), Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic, 77; Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 330; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 135; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 51

sup>
2.15 1. \xa0By these institutions Romulus sufficiently regulated and suitably disposed the city both for peace and for war: and he made it large and populous by the following means.,2. \xa0In the first place, he obliged the inhabitants to bring up all their male children and the first-born of the females, and forbade them to destroy any children under three years of age unless they were maimed or monstrous from their very birth. These he did not forbid their parents to expose, provided they first showed them to their five nearest neighbours and these also approved. Against those who disobeyed this law he fixed various penalties, including the confiscation of half their property.,3. \xa0Secondly, finding that many of the cities in Italy were very badly governed, both by tyrannies and by oligarchies, he undertook to welcome and attract to himself the fugitives from these cities, who were very numerous, paying no regard either to their calamities or to their fortunes, provided only they were free men. His purpose was to increase the power of the Romans and to lessen that of their neighbours; but he invented a specious pretext for his course, making it appear that he was showing honour to a god.,4. \xa0For he consecrated the place between the Capitol and the citadel which is now called in the language of the Romans "the space between the two groves," \xa0â\x80\x94 a\xa0term that was really descriptive at that time of the actual conditions, as the place was shaded by thick woods on both sides where it joined the hills, â\x80\x94\xa0and made it an asylum for suppliants. And built a temple there, â\x80\x94 but to what god or divinity he dedicated it I\xa0cannot say for certain, â\x80\x94 he engaged, under the colour of religion, to protect those who fled to it from suffering any harm at the hands of their enemies; and if they chose to remain with him, he promised them citizenship and a share of the land he should take from the enemy. And people came flocking thither from all parts, fleeing from their calamities at home; nor had they afterwards any thought of removing to any other place, but were held there by daily instances of his sociability and kindness.
2.15
\xa0By these institutions Romulus sufficiently regulated and suitably disposed the city both for peace and for war: and he made it large and populous by the following means. <,\xa0In the first place, he obliged the inhabitants to bring up all their male children and the first-born of the females, and forbade them to destroy any children under three years of age unless they were maimed or monstrous from their very birth. These he did not forbid their parents to expose, provided they first showed them to their five nearest neighbours and these also approved. Against those who disobeyed this law he fixed various penalties, including the confiscation of half their property. <,\xa0Secondly, finding that many of the cities in Italy were very badly governed, both by tyrannies and by oligarchies, he undertook to welcome and attract to himself the fugitives from these cities, who were very numerous, paying no regard either to their calamities or to their fortunes, provided only they were free men. His purpose was to increase the power of the Romans and to lessen that of their neighbours; but he invented a specious pretext for his course, making it appear that he was showing honour to a god. <,\xa0For he consecrated the place between the Capitol and the citadel which is now called in the language of the Romans "the space between the two groves," \xa0â\x80\x94 a\xa0term that was really descriptive at that time of the actual conditions, as the place was shaded by thick woods on both sides where it joined the hills, â\x80\x94\xa0and made it an asylum for suppliants. And built a temple there, â\x80\x94 but to what god or divinity he dedicated it I\xa0cannot say for certain, â\x80\x94 he engaged, under the colour of religion, to protect those who fled to it from suffering any harm at the hands of their enemies; and if they chose to remain with him, he promised them citizenship and a share of the land he should take from the enemy. And people came flocking thither from all parts, fleeing from their calamities at home; nor had they afterwards any thought of removing to any other place, but were held there by daily instances of his sociability and kindness. < 2.16 1. \xa0There was yet a\xa0third policy of Romulus, which the Greeks ought to have practised above all others, it being, in my opinion, the best of all political measures, as it laid the most solid foundation for the liberty of the Romans and was no slight factor in raising them to their position of supremacy. It was this: not to slay all the men of military age or to enslave the rest of the population of the cities captured in war or to allow their land to go back to pasturage for sheep, but rather to send settlers thither to possess some part of the country by lot and to make the conquered cities Roman colonies, and even to grant citizenship to some of them.,2. \xa0By these and other like measures he made the colony great from a small beginning, as the actual results showed; for the number of those who joined with him in founding Rome did not amount to more than three thousand foot nor quite to three hundred horse, whereas he left behind him when he disappeared from among men forty-six thousand foot and about a\xa0thousand horse.,3. \xa0Romulus having instituted these measures, not alone the kings who ruled the city after him but also the annual magistrates after them pursued the same policy, with occasional additions, so successfully that the Roman people became inferior in numbers to none of the nations that were accounted the most populous. 2.16 \xa0There was yet a\xa0third policy of Romulus, which the Greeks ought to have practised above all others, it being, in my opinion, the best of all political measures, as it laid the most solid foundation for the liberty of the Romans and was no slight factor in raising them to their position of supremacy. It was this: not to slay all the men of military age or to enslave the rest of the population of the cities captured in war or to allow their land to go back to pasturage for sheep, but rather to send settlers thither to possess some part of the country by lot and to make the conquered cities Roman colonies, and even to grant citizenship to some of them. <,\xa0By these and other like measures he made the colony great from a small beginning, as the actual results showed; for the number of those who joined with him in founding Rome did not amount to more than three thousand foot nor quite to three hundred horse, whereas he left behind him when he disappeared from among men forty-six thousand foot and about a\xa0thousand horse. <,\xa0Romulus having instituted these measures, not alone the kings who ruled the city after him but also the annual magistrates after them pursued the same policy, with occasional additions, so successfully that the Roman people became inferior in numbers to none of the nations that were accounted the most populous. <
4.62.6
\xa0But when the temple was burned after the close of the one\xa0hundred and seventy-third Olympiad, either purposely, as some think, or by accident, these oracles together with all the offerings consecrated to the god were destroyed by the fire. Those which are now extant have been scraped together from many places, some from the cities of Italy, others from Erythrae in Asia (whither three envoys were sent by vote of the senate to copy them), and others were brought from other cities, transcribed by private persons. Some of these are found to be interpolations among the genuine Sibylline oracles, being recognized as such by means of the soâ\x80\x91called acrostics. In all this I\xa0am following the account given by Terentius Varro in his work on religion. <'' None
20. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.219-1.228 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P., his triumph • Cornelius Sulla, L. • Gallus, Cornelius

 Found in books: Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 312; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 119, 206

sup>
1.219 Atque aliqua ex illis cum regum nomina quaeret, 1.220 rend= 1.221 Omnia responde, nec tantum siqua rogabit; 1.223 Hic est Euphrates, praecinctus harundine frontem: 1.225 Hos facito Armenios; haec est Danaëia Persis: 1.227 Ille vel ille, duces; et erunt quae nomina dicas, 1.228 rend='' None
sup>
1.219 Thus you your father's troops shall lead to fight," "1.220 And thus shall vanquish in your father's right." '1.221 These rudiments you to your lineage owe; 1.222 Born to increase your titles as you grow. 1.223 Brethren you had, revenge your brethren slain; 1.224 You have a father, and his rights maintain.' "1.225 Arm'd by your country's parent and your own," '1.226 Redeem your country and restore his throne. 1.227 Your enemies assert an impious cause; 1.228 You fight both for divine and human laws.'" None
21. Ovid, Fasti, 2.281-2.282, 3.291-3.346, 4.255-4.260, 4.293-4.294, 4.305-4.308, 4.337-4.343 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelia • Cornelius Labeo • P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica • Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica • Ser. Cornelius Lentulus Maluginensis • Sulla, Lucius Cornelius

 Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 106, 191; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 158; Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 380; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 176; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 73

sup>
2.281 inde deum colimus, devectaque sacra Pelasgis 2.282 flamen adhuc prisco more Dialis obit.1
3.291
sed poterunt ritum Picus Faunusque piandi 3.292 tradere, Romani numen utrumque soli. 3.293 nec sine vi tradent: adhibe tu vincula captis.’ 3.294 atque ita qua possint edidit arte capi. 3.295 lucus Aventino suberat niger ilicis umbra, 3.296 quo posses viso dicere numen inest. 3.297 in medio gramen, muscoque adoperta virenti 3.298 manabat saxo vena perennis aquae: 3.299 inde fere soli Faunus Picusque bibebant. 3.300 huc venit et fonti rex Numa mactat ovem, 3.301 plenaque odorati disponit pocula Bacchi, 3.302 cumque suis antro conditus ipse latet, 3.303 ad solitos veniunt silvestria numina fontes 3.304 et relevant multo pectora sicca mero. 3.305 vina quies sequitur; gelido Numa prodit ab antro 3.306 vinclaque sopitas addit in arta manus, 3.307 somnus ut abscessit, pugdo vincula temptant 3.308 rumpere: pugtes fortius illa tenent. 3.309 tunc Numa: ‘di nemorum, factis ignoscite nostris, 3.310 si scelus ingenio scitis abesse meo; 3.311 quoque modo possit fulmen, monstrate, piari.’ 3.312 sic Numa; sic quatiens cornua Faunus ait: 3.313 ‘magna petis nec quae monitu tibi discere nostro 3.314 fas sit: habent finis numina nostra suos. 3.315 di sumus agrestes et qui dominemur in altis 3.316 montibus: arbitrium est in sua tela Iovi. 3.317 hunc tu non poteris per te deducere caelo, 3.318 at poteris nostra forsitan usus ope.’ 3.319 dixerat haec Faunus; par est sententia Pici: 3.320 deme tamen nobis vincula, Picus ait: 3.321 ‘Iuppiter huc veniet, valida perductus ab arte. 3.322 nubila promissi Styx mihi testis erit.’ 3.323 emissi laqueis quid agant, quae carmina dicant, 3.324 quaque trahant superis sedibus arte Iovem, 3.325 scire nefas homini: nobis concessa canentur 3.326 quaeque pio dici vatis ab ore licet, 3.327 eliciunt caelo te, Iuppiter, unde minores 3.328 nunc quoque te celebrant Eliciumque vocant, 3.329 constat Aventinae tremuisse cacumina silvae, 3.330 terraque subsedit pondere pressa Iovis, 3.331 corda micant regis, totoque e corpore sanguis 3.332 fugit, et hirsutae deriguere comae, 3.333 ut rediit animus, da certa piamina dixit 3.334 ‘fulminis, altorum rexque paterque deum, 3.335 si tua contigimus manibus donaria puris, 3.336 hoc quoque, quod petitur, si pia lingua rogat.’ 3.337 adnuit oranti, sed verum ambage remota 3.338 abdidit et dubio terruit ore virum. 3.339 caede caput dixit: cui rex parebimus, inquit 3.340 caedenda est hortis eruta caepa meis. 3.341 addidit, hic hominis: sumes ait ille capillos. 3.342 postulat hic animam, cui Numa piscis ait. 3.343 risit et his inquit ‘facito mea tela procures, 3.344 o vir conloquio non abigende deum. 3.345 sed tibi, protulerit cum totum crastinus orbem 3.346 Cynthius, imperii pignora certa dabo.’
4.255
post, ut Roma potens opibus iam saecula quinque 4.256 vidit et edomito sustulit orbe caput, 4.257 carminis Euboici fatalia verba sacerdos 4.258 inspicit; inspectum tale fuisse ferunt: 4.259 ‘mater abest: matrem iubeo, Romane, requiras. 4.260 cum veniet, casta est accipienda manu.
4.293
omnis eques mixtaque gravis cum plebe senatus 4.294 obvius ad Tusci fluminis ora venit.
4.305
Claudia Quinta genus Clauso referebat ab alto, 4.306 nec facies impar nobilitate fuit: 4.307 casta quidem, sed non et credita: rumor iniquus 4.308 laeserat, et falsi criminis acta rea est;
4.337
est locus, in Tiberim qua lubricus influit Almo 4.338 et nomen magno perdit in amne minor: 4.339 illic purpurea canus cum veste sacerdos 4.340 Almonis dominam sacraque lavit aquis, 4.341 exululant comites, furiosaque tibia flatur, 4.342 et feriunt molles taurea terga manus. 4.343 Claudia praecedit laeto celeberrima voltu,'' None
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2.281 So we worship the god, and the priest perform 2.282 The rites the Pelasgians brought in the ancient way.
3.291
Can teach you the rites of expiation. But they won’t 3.292 Teach them unless compelled: so catch and bind them.’ 3.293 And she revealed the arts by which they could be caught. 3.294 There was a grove, dark with holm-oaks, below the Aventine, 3.295 At sight of which you would say: ‘There’s a god within.’ 3.296 The centre was grassy, and covered with green moss, 3.297 And a perennial stream of water trickled from the rock. 3.298 Faunus and Picus used to drink there alone. 3.299 Numa approached and sacrificed a sheep to the spring, 3.300 And set out cups filled with fragrant wine. 3.301 Then he hid with his people inside the cave. 3.302 The woodland spirits came to their usual spring, 3.303 And quenched their dry throats with draughts of wine. 3.304 Sleep succeeded wine: Numa emerged from the icy cave 3.305 And clasped the sleepers’ hands in tight shackles. 3.306 When sleep vanished, they fought and tried to burst 3.307 Their bonds, which grew tighter the more they struggled. 3.308 Then Numa spoke: ‘Gods of the sacred groves, if you accept 3.309 My thoughts were free of wickedness, forgive my actions: 3.310 And show me how the lightning may be averted.’ 3.311 So Numa: and, shaking his horns, so Faunus replied: 3.312 ‘You seek great things, that it’s not right for you to know 3.313 Through our admission: our powers have their limits. 3.314 We are rural gods who rule in the high mountains: 3.315 Jupiter has control of his own weapons. 3.316 You could never draw him from heaven by yourself, 3.317 But you may be able, by making use of our aid.’ 3.318 Faunus spoke these words: Picus too agreed, 3.319 ‘But remove our shackles,’ Picus added: 3.320 ‘Jupiter will arrive here, drawn by powerful art. 3.321 Cloudy Styx will be witness to my promise.’ 3.322 It’s wrong for men to know what the gods enacted when loosed 3.323 From the snare, or what spells they spoke, or by what art 3.324 They drew Jupiter from his realm above. My song will sing 3.325 of lawful things, such as a poet may speak with pious lips. 3.326 The drew you (eliciunt) from the sky, Jupiter, and later 3.327 Generations now worship you, by the name of Elicius. 3.328 It’s true that the crowns of the Aventine woods trembled, 3.329 And the earth sank under the weight of Jove. 3.330 The king’s heart shook, the blood fled from his body, 3.331 And the bristling hair stood up stiffly on his head. 3.332 When he regained his senses, he said: ‘King and father 3.333 To the high gods, if I have touched your offering 3.334 With pure hands, and if a pious tongue, too, asks for 3.335 What I seek, grant expiation from your lightning,’ 3.336 The god accepted his prayer, but hid the truth with deep 3.337 Ambiguities, and terrified him with confusing words. 3.338 ‘Sever a head,’ said the god: the king replied; ‘I will, 3.339 We’ll sever an onion’s, dug from my garden.’ 3.340 The god added: ‘of a man’: ‘You’ll have the hair,’ 3.341 Said the king. He demanded a life, Numa replied: ‘A fish’s’. 3.342 The god laughed and said: ‘Expiate my lightning like this, 3.343 O man who cannot be stopped from speaking with gods. 3.344 And when Apollo’s disc is full tomorrow, 3.345 I’ll give you sure pledges of empire.’ 3.346 He spoke, and was carried above the quaking sky,
4.255
Later, when Rome was more than five centuries old, 4.256 And had lifted its head above the conquered world, 4.257 The priest consulted the fateful words of Euboean prophecy: 4.258 They say that what he found there was as follows: 4.259 ‘The Mother’s absent: Roman, I command you: seek the Mother. 4.260 When she arrives, she must be received in chaste hands.’
4.293
All the Knights, grave Senators, and commoners, 4.294 Came to meet her at the mouth of the Tuscan river.
4.305
Claudia Quinta traced her descent from noble Clausus, 4.306 And her beauty was in no way unequal to her nobility: 4.307 She was chaste, but not believed so: hostile rumour 4.308 Had wounded her, false charges were levelled at her:
4.337
There’s a place where smooth-flowing Almo joins the Tiber, 4.338 And the lesser flow loses its name in the greater: 4.339 There, a white-headed priest in purple robe 4.340 Washed the Lady, and sacred relics, in Almo’s water. 4.341 The attendants howled, and the mad flutes blew, 4.342 And soft hands beat at the bull’s-hide drums. 4.343 Claudia walked in front with a joyful face,'' None
22. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.1, 4.261-4.263, 4.369-4.370, 5.374, 5.669, 7.45, 8.698-8.700 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Gallus • Cornelius Labeo • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P. (Maior) • Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus, P • Cornelius Severus • Cornelius Sulla, L. • Cornelius Tacitus • Fronto, Marcus Cornelius • Gallus (Cornelius) • Gallus, Cornelius • Nepos, Cornelius • Scipio Africanus, P. Cornelius, • Sulla (Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix

 Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 192; Cairns (1989), Virgil's Augustan Epic. 146; Fabre-Serris et al. (2021), Identities, Ethnicities and Gender in Antiquity, 189; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 230; Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 14; Johnson and Parker (2009), ?Ancient Literacies: The Culture of Reading in Greece and Rome, 168; Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 172; Keith and Edmondson (2016), Roman Literary Cultures: Domestic Politics, Revolutionary Poetics, Civic Spectacle 194; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 136, 311; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 21; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 123; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 62

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1.1 Arma virumque cano, Troiae qui primus ab oris
4.261
conspicit; atque illi stellatus iaspide fulva 4.262 ensis erat, Tyrioque ardebat murice laena 4.263 demissa ex umeris, dives quae munera Dido
4.369
Num fletu ingemuit nostro? Num lumina flexit? 4.370 Num lacrimas victus dedit, aut miseratus amantem est?
5.374
perculit, et fulva moribundum extendit harena.
5.669
castra, nec exanimes possunt retinere magistri.' 8.698 omnigenumque deum monstra et latrator Anubis 8.699 contra Neptunum et Venerem contraque Minervam 8.700 tela tenent. Saevit medio in certamine Mavors'' None
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1.1 Arms and the man I sing, who first made way,
4.261
foul, whispering lips, and ears, that catch at all. ' "4.262 At night she spreads midway 'twixt earth and heaven " '4.263 her pinions in the darkness, hissing loud,
4.369
parted the winds and skimmed the sandy merge 4.370 of Libya . When first his winged feet
5.374
he knots him fold on fold: with such a track
5.669
lifeless she fell, and left in light of heaven ' "
7.45
One more immortal name thy death bequeathed, ,Nurse of Aeneas, to Italian shores, , Caieta ; there thy honor hath a home; ,Thy bones a name: and on Hesperia's breast ,Their proper glory. When Aeneas now ,The tribute of sepulchral vows had paid ,Beside the funeral mound, and o'er the seas ,Stillness had fallen, he flung forth his sails, ,And leaving port pursued his destined way. ,Freshly the night-winds breathe; the cloudless moon ,Outpours upon his path unstinted beam, ,And with far-trembling glory smites the sea. ,Close to the lands of Circe soon they fare, ,Where the Sun's golden daughter in far groves ,Sounds forth her ceaseless song; her lofty hall ,Is fragrant every night with flaring brands ,of cedar, giving light the while she weaves ,With shrill-voiced shuttle at her linens fine. ,From hence are heard the loud lament and wrath ,of lions, rebels to their linked chains ,And roaring all night long; great bristly boars ,And herded bears, in pinfold closely kept, ,Rage horribly, and monster-wolves make moan; ,Whom the dread goddess with foul juices strong ,From forms of men drove forth, and bade to wear ,the mouths and maws of beasts in Circe's thrall. ,But lest the sacred Trojans should endure ,such prodigy of doom, or anchor there ,on that destroying shore, kind Neptune filled ,their sails with winds of power, and sped them on ,Now morning flushed the wave, and saffron-garbed ,Aurora from her rose-red chariot beamed ,in highest heaven; the sea-winds ceased to stir; ,a sudden calm possessed the air, and tides ,of marble smoothness met the laboring oar. ,Then, gazing from the deep, Aeneas saw ,a stretch of groves, whence Tiber 's smiling stream, ,its tumbling current rich with yellow sands, ,burst seaward forth: around it and above ,shore-haunting birds of varied voice and plume ,flattered the sky with song, and, circling far ,o'er river-bed and grove, took joyful wing. ,Thither to landward now his ships he steered, ,Hail, Erato! while olden kings and thrones ,and all their sequent story I unfold! ,How Latium 's honor stood, when alien ships ,brought war to Italy, and from what cause ,the primal conflict sprang, O goddess, breathe ,upon thy bard in song. Dread wars I tell, ,array of battle, and high-hearted kings ,thrust forth to perish, when Etruria's host ,and all Hesperia gathered to the fray. ,Events of grander march impel my song, ,and loftier task I try. Latinus, then ,an aged king, held long-accepted sway ,o'er tranquil vales and towns. He was the son ,of Faunus, so the legend tells, who wed ,the nymph Marica of Laurentian stem. ,Picus was Faunus' father, whence the line ,to Saturn's Ioins ascends. O heavenly sire, ,from thee the stem began! But Fate had given ,to King Latinus' body no heirs male: ,for taken in the dawning of his day ,his only son had been; and now his home ,and spacious palace one sole daughter kept, ,who was grown ripe to wed and of full age ,to take a husband. Many suitors tried ,from all Ausonia and Latium 's bounds; ,but comeliest in all their princely throng ,came Turnus, of a line of mighty sires. ,Him the queen mother chiefly loved, and yearned ,to call him soon her son. But omens dire ,and menaces from Heaven withstood her will. ,A laurel-tree grew in the royal close, ,of sacred leaf and venerated age, ,which, when he builded there his wall and tower, ,Father Latinus found, and hallowed it ,to Phoebus' grace and power, wherefrom the name ,Laurentian, which his realm and people bear. ,Unto this tree-top, wonderful to tell, ,came hosts of bees, with audible acclaim ,voyaging the stream of air, and seized a place ,on the proud, pointing crest, where the swift swarm, ,with interlacement of close-clinging feet, ,swung from the leafy bough. “Behold, there comes,” ,the prophet cried, “a husband from afar! ,To the same region by the self-same path ,behold an arm'd host taking lordly sway ,upon our city's crown!” Soon after this, ,when, coming to the shrine with torches pure, ,Lavinia kindled at her father's side ,the sacrifice, swift seemed the flame to burn ,along her flowing hair—O sight of woe! ,Over her broidered snood it sparkling flew, ,lighting her queenly tresses and her crown ,of jewels rare: then, wrapt in flaming cloud, ,from hall to hall the fire-god's gift she flung. ,This omen dread and wonder terrible ,was rumored far: for prophet-voices told ,bright honors on the virgin's head to fall ,The King, sore troubled by these portents, sought ,oracular wisdom of his sacred sire, ,Faunus, the fate-revealer, where the groves ,stretch under high Albunea, and her stream ,roars from its haunted well, exhaling through ,vast, gloomful woods its pestilential air. ,Here all Oenotria's tribes ask oracles ,in dark and doubtful days: here, when the priest ,has brought his gifts, and in the night so still, ,couched on spread fleeces of the offered flock, ,awaiting slumber lies, then wondrously ,a host of flitting shapes he sees, and hears ,voices that come and go: with gods he holds ,high converse, or in deep Avernian gloom ,parleys with Acheron. Thither drew near ,Father Latinus, seeking truth divine. ,Obedient to the olden rite, he slew ,a hundred fleecy sheep, and pillowed lay ,upon their outstretched skins. Straightway a voice ,out of the lofty forest met his prayer. ,“Seek not in wedlock with a Latin lord ,to join thy daughter, O my son and seed! ,Beware this purposed marriage! There shall come ,sons from afar, whose blood shall bear our name ,starward; the children of their mighty loins, ,as far as eve and morn enfold the seas, ,shall see a subject world beneath their feet ,submissive lie.” This admonition given ,Latinus hid not. But on restless wing ,rumor had spread it, when the men of Troy ,along the river-bank of mounded green ,their fleet made fast. Aeneas and his chiefs, ,with fair Iulus, under spreading boughs ,of one great tree made resting-place, and set ,the banquet on. Thin loaves of altar-bread ,along the sward to bear their meats were laid ,(such was the will of Jove), and wilding fruits ,rose heaping high, with Ceres' gift below. ,Soon, all things else devoured, their hunger turned ,to taste the scanty bread, which they attacked ,with tooth and nail audacious, and consumed ,both round and square of that predestined leaven. ,“Look, how we eat our tables even!” cried ,Iulus, in a jest. Such was the word ,which bade their burdens fall. From his boy's lip ,the father caught this utterance of Fate, ,silent with wonder at the ways of Heaven; ,then swift he spoke: “Hail! O my destined shore, ,protecting deities of Ilium, hail! ,Here is our home, our country here! This day ,I publish the mysterious prophecy ,by Sire Anchises given: ‘My son,’ said he, ,‘When hunger in strange lands shall bid devour ,the tables of thy banquet gone, then hope ,for home, though weary, and take thought to build ,a dwelling and a battlement.’ Behold! ,This was our fated hunger! This last proof ,will end our evil days. Up, then! For now ,by morning's joyful beam we will explore ,what men, what cities, in this region be, ,and, leaving ship, our several errands ply. ,Your gift to Jove outpour! Make thankful prayer ,unto Anchises' shade! To this our feast ,bring back the flowing wine!” Thereat he bound ,his forehead with green garland, calling loud ,upon the Genius of that place, and Earth, ,eldest of names divine; the Nymphs he called, ,and river-gods unknown; his voice invoked ,the night, the omen-stars through night that roll. ,Jove, Ida's child, and Phrygia 's fertile Queen: ,he called his mother from Olympian skies, ,and sire from Erebus. Lo, o'er his head ,three times unclouded Jove omnipotent ,in thunder spoke, and, with effulgent ray ,from his ethereal tract outreaching far, ,shook visibly the golden-gleaming air. ,Swift, through the concourse of the Trojans, spread ,news of the day at hand when they should build ,their destined walls. So, with rejoicing heart ,at such vast omen, they set forth a feast ,with zealous emulation, ranging well ,Soon as the morrow with the lamp of dawn ,looked o'er the world, they took their separate ways, ,exploring shore and towns; here spread the pools ,and fountain of Numicius; here they see ,the river Tiber, where bold Latins dwell. ,Anchises' son chose out from his brave band ,a hundred envoys, bidding them depart ,to the King's sacred city, each enwreathed ,with Pallas' silver leaf; and gifts they bear ,to plead for peace and friendship at his throne. ,While on this errand their swift steps are sped, ,Aeneas, by a shallow moat and small, ,his future city shows, breaks ground, and girds ,with mound and breastwork like a camp of war ,the Trojans' first abode. Soon, making way ,to where the Latin citadel uprose, ,the envoys scanned the battlements, and paused ,beneath its wall. Outside the city gates ,fair youths and striplings in life's early bloom ,course with swift steeds, or steer through dusty cloud ,the whirling chariot, or stretch stout bows, ,or hurl the seasoned javelin, or strive ,in boxing-bout and foot-race: one of these ,made haste on horseback to the aged King, ,with tidings of a stranger company ,in foreign garb approaching. The good King ,bade call them to his house, and took his seat ,Large and majestical the castle rose: ,a hundred columns lifted it in air ,upon the city's crown—the royal keep ,of Picus of Laurentum; round it lay ,deep, gloomy woods by olden worship blest. ,Here kings took sceptre and the fasces proud ,with omens fair; the selfsame sacred place ,was senate-house and temple; here was found ,a hall for hallowed feasting, where a ram ,was offered up, and at long banquet-boards ,the nation's fathers sat in due array. ,Here ranged ancestral statues roughly hewn ,of ancient cedar-wood: King Italus; ,Father Sabinus, planter of the vine, ,a curving sickle in his sculptured hand; ,gray-bearded Saturn; and the double brow ,of Janus' head; and other sires and kings ,were wardens of the door, with many a chief ,wounded in battle for his native land. ,Trophies of arms in goodly order hung ,along the columns: chariots of war ,from foeman taken, axes of round blade, ,plumed helmets, bolts and barriers of steel ,from city-gates, shields, spears, and beaks of bronze ,from captured galleys by the conqueror torn. ,Here, wielding his Quirinal augur-staff, ,girt in scant shift, and bearing on his left ,the sacred oval shield, appeared enthroned ,Picus, breaker of horses, whom his bride, ,enamoured Circe, smote with golden wand, ,and, raining o'er him potent poison-dew, ,In such a temple of his gods did Sire ,Latinus, on hereditary throne, ,welcome the Trojans to his halls, and thus ,with brow serene gave greeting as they came: ,“O sons of Dardanus, think not unknown ,your lineage and city! Rumored far ,your venturous voyage has been. What seek ye here? ,What cause, what quest, has brought your barks and you ,o'er the blue waters to Ausonia's hills? ,What way uncharted, or wild stress of storm, ,or what that sailors suffer in mid-sea, ,unto this river bank and haven bore? ,Doubt not our welcome! We of Latin land ,are Saturn's sons, whose equitable minds, ,not chained by statute or compulsion, keep ,in freedom what the god's good custom gave. ,Now I bethink me our Ausonian seers ,have dark, dim lore that 't was this land gave birth ,to Dardanus, who after took his way ,through Phrygian Ida's towns and Samothrace . ,Once out of Tuscan Corythus he fared; ,but now in golden house among the stars ,he has a throne, and by his altars blest ,He spoke; Ilioneus this answer made: ,“O King, great heir of Faunus! No dark storm ,impelled us o'er the flood thy realm to find. ,Nor star deceived, nor strange, bewildering shore ,threw out of our true course; but we are come ,by our free choice and with deliberate aim ,to this thy town, though exiled forth of realms ,once mightiest of all the sun-god sees ,when moving from his utmost eastern bound. ,From Jove our line began; the sons of Troy ,boast Jove to be their sire, and our true King ,is of Olympian seed. To thine abode ,Trojan Aeneas sent us. How there burst ,o'er Ida's vales from dread Mycenae 's kings ,a tempest vast, and by what stroke of doom ,all Asia 's world with Europe clashed in war, ,that lone wight hears whom earth's remotest isle ,has banished to the Ocean's rim, or he ,whose dwelling is the ample zone that burns ,betwixt the changeful sun-god's milder realms, ,far severed from the world. We are the men ,from war's destroying deluge safely borne ,over the waters wide. We only ask ,some low-roofed dwelling for our fathers' gods, ,some friendly shore, and, what to all is free, ,water and air. We bring no evil name ,upon thy people; thy renown will be ,but wider spread; nor of a deed so fair ,can grateful memory die. Ye ne'er will rue ,that to Ausonia's breast ye gathered Troy . ,I swear thee by the favored destinies ,of great Aeneas, by his strength of arm ,in friendship or in war, that many a tribe ,(O, scorn us not, that, bearing olive green, ,with suppliant words we come), that many a throne ,has sued us to be friends. But Fate's decree ,to this thy realm did guide. Here Dardanus ,was born; and with reiterate command ,this way Apollo pointed to the stream ,of Tiber and Numicius' haunted spring. ,Lo, these poor tributes from his greatness gone ,Aeneas sends, these relics snatched away ,from Ilium burning: with this golden bowl ,Anchises poured libation when he prayed; ,and these were Priam's splendor, when he gave ,laws to his gathered states; this sceptre his, ,this diadem revered, and beauteous pall, ,handwork of Asia 's queens.” So ceased to speak ,Ilioneus. But King Latinus gazed ,uswering on the ground, all motionless ,save for his musing eyes. The broidered pall ,of purple, and the sceptre Priam bore, ,moved little on his kingly heart, which now ,pondered of giving to the bridal bed ,his daughter dear. He argues in his mind ,the oracle of Faunus:—might this be ,that destined bridegroom from an alien land, ,to share his throne, to get a progeny ,of glorious valor, which by mighty deeds ,should win the world for kingdom? So at last ,with joyful brow he spoke: “Now let the gods ,our purpose and their own fair promise bless! ,Thou hast, O Trojan, thy desire. Thy gifts ,I have not scorned; nor while Latinus reigns ,shall ye lack riches in my plenteous land, ,not less than Trojan store. But where is he, ,Aeneas' self? If he our royal love ,so much desire, and have such urgent mind ,to be our guest and friend, let him draw near, ,nor turn him from well-wishing looks away! ,My offering and pledge of peace shall be ,to clasp your monarch's hand. Bear back, I pray, ,this answer to your King: my dwelling holds ,a daughter, whom with husband of her blood ,great signs in heaven and from my father's tomb ,forbid to wed. A son from alien shores ,they prophesy for Latium 's heir, whose seed ,shall lift our glory to the stars divine. ,I am persuaded this is none but he, ,that man of destiny; and if my heart ,be no false prophet, I desire it so.” ,Thus having said, the sire took chosen steeds ,from his full herd, whereof, well-groomed and fair, ,three hundred stood within his ample pale. ,of these to every Teucrian guest he gave ,a courser swift and strong, in purple clad ,and broidered housings gay; on every breast ,hung chains of gold; in golden robes arrayed, ,they champed the red gold curb their teeth between. ,For offering to Aeneas, he bade send ,a chariot, with chargers twain of seed ,ethereal, their nostrils breathing fire: ,the famous kind which guileful Circe bred, ,cheating her sire, and mixed the sun-god's team ,with brood-mares earthly born. The sons of Troy, ,such gifts and greetings from Latinus bearing, ,But lo! from Argos on her voyage of air ,rides the dread spouse of Jove. She, sky-enthroned ,above the far Sicilian promontory, ,pachynus, sees Dardania's rescued fleet, ,and all Aeneas' joy. The prospect shows ,houses a-building, lands of safe abode, ,and the abandoned ships. With bitter grief ,she stands at gaze: then with storm-shaken brows, ,thus from her heart lets loose the wrathful word: ,“O hated race! O Phrygian destinies — ,to mine forevermore (unhappy me!) ,a scandal and offense! Did no one die ,on Troy 's embattled plain? Could captured slaves ,not be enslaved again? Was Ilium's flame ,no warrior's funeral pyre? Did they walk safe ,through serried swords and congregated fires? ,At last, methought, my godhead might repose, ,and my full-fed revenge in slumber lie. ,But nay! Though flung forth from their native land, ,I o'er the waves, with enmity unstayed, ,dared give them chase, and on that exiled few ,hurled the whole sea. I smote the sons of Troy ,with ocean's power and heaven's. But what availed ,Syrtes, or Scylla, or Charybdis' waves? ,The Trojans are in Tiber ; and abide ,within their prayed-for land delectable, ,safe from the seas and me! Mars once had power ,the monstrous Lapithae to slay; and Jove ,to Dian's honor and revenge gave o'er ,the land of Calydon. What crime so foul ,was wrought by Lapithae or Calydon? ,But I, Jove's wife and Queen, who in my woes ,have ventured each bold stroke my power could find, ,and every shift essayed,—behold me now ,outdone by this Aeneas! If so weak ,my own prerogative of godhead be, ,let me seek strength in war, come whence it will! ,If Heaven I may not move, on Hell I call. ,To bar him from his Latin throne exceeds ,my fated power. So be it! Fate has given ,Lavinia for his bride. But long delays ,I still can plot, and to the high event ,deferment and obstruction. I can smite ,the subjects of both kings. Let sire and son ,buy with their people's blood this marriage-bond! ,Let Teucrian and Rutulian slaughter be ,thy virgin dower, and Bellona's blaze ,light thee the bridal bed! Not only teemed ,the womb of Hecuba with burning brand, ,and brought forth nuptial fires; but Venus, too, ,such offspring bore, a second Paris, who ,So saying, with aspect terrible she sped ,earthward her way; and called from gloom of hell ,Alecto, woeful power, from cloudy throne ,among the Furies, where her heart is fed ,with horrid wars, wrath, vengeance, treason foul, ,and fatal feuds. Her father Pluto loathes ,the creature he engendered, and with hate ,her hell-born sister-fiends the monster view. ,A host of shapes she wears, and many a front ,of frowning black brows viper-garlanded. ,Juno to her this goading speech addressed: ,“O daughter of dark Night, arouse for me ,thy wonted powers and our task begin! ,Lest now my glory fail, my royal name ,be vanquished, while Aeneas and his crew ,cheat with a wedlock bond the Latin King ,and seize Italia 's fields. Thou canst thrust on ,two Ioving brothers to draw sword and slay, ,and ruin homes with hatred, calling in ,the scourge of Furies and avenging fires. ,A thousand names thou bearest, and thy ways ,of ruin multiply a thousand-fold. ,Arouse thy fertile breast! Go, rend in twain ,this plighted peace! Breed calumnies and sow ,causes of battle, till yon warrior hosts ,Straightway Alecto, through whose body flows ,the Gorgon poison, took her viewless way ,to Latium and the lofty walls and towers ,of the Laurentian King. Crouching she sate ,in silence on the threshold of the bower ,where Queen Amata in her fevered soul ,pondered, with all a woman's wrath and fear, ,upon the Trojans and the marriage-suit ,of Turnus. From her Stygian hair the fiend ,a single serpent flung, which stole its way ,to the Queen's very heart, that, frenzy-driven, ,she might on her whole house confusion pour. ,Betwixt her smooth breast and her robe it wound ,unfelt, unseen, and in her wrathful mind ,instilled its viper soul. Like golden chain ,around her neck it twined, or stretched along ,the fillets on her brow, or with her hair ,enwrithing coiled; then on from limb to limb ,slipped tortuous. Yet though the venom strong ,thrilled with its first infection every vein, ,and touched her bones with fire, she knew it not, ,nor yielded all her soul, but made her plea ,in gentle accents such as mothers use; ,and many a tear she shed, about her child, ,her darling, destined for a Phrygian's bride: ,“O father! can we give Lavinia's hand ,to Trojan fugitives? why wilt thou show ,no mercy on thy daughter, nor thyself; ,nor unto me, whom at the first fair wind ,that wretch will leave deserted, bearing far ,upon his pirate ship my stolen child? ,Was it not thus that Phrygian shepherd came ,to Lacedaemon, ravishing away ,Helen, the child of Leda, whom he bore ,to those false Trojan lands? Hast thou forgot ,thy plighted word? Where now thy boasted love ,of kith and kin, and many a troth-plight given ,unto our kinsman Turnus? If we need ,an alien son, and Father Faunus' words ,irrevocably o'er thy spirit brood, ,I tell thee every land not linked with ours ,under one sceptre, but distinct and free, ,is alien; and 't is thus the gods intend. ,Indeed, if Turnus' ancient race be told, ,it sprang of Inachus, Acrisius, ,and out of mid- Mycenae .” But she sees ,her lord Latinus resolute, her words ,an effort vain; and through her body spreads ,the Fury's deeply venomed viper-sting. ,Then, woe-begone, by dark dreams goaded on, ,she wanders aimless, fevered and unstrung ,along the public ways; as oft one sees ,beneath the twisted whips a leaping top ,sped in long spirals through a palace-close ,by lads at play: obedient to the thong, ,it weaves wide circles in the gaping view ,of its small masters, who admiring see ,the whirling boxwood made a living thing ,under their lash. So fast and far she roved ,from town to town among the clansmen wild. ,Then to the wood she ran, feigning to feel ,the madness Bacchus loves; for she essays ,a fiercer crime, by fiercer frenzy moved. ,Now in the leafy dark of mountain vales ,she hides her daughter, ravished thus away ,from Trojan bridegroom and the wedding-feast. ,“Hail, Bacchus! Thou alone,” she shrieked and raved, ,“art worthy such a maid. For thee she bears ,the thyrsus with soft ivy-clusters crowned, ,and trips ecstatic in thy beauteous choir. ,For thee alone my daughter shall unbind ,the glory of her virgin hair.” Swift runs ,the rumor of her deed; and, frenzy-driven, ,the wives of Latium to the forests fly, ,enkindled with one rage. They leave behind ,their desolated hearths, and let rude winds ,o'er neck and tresses blow; their voices fill ,the welkin with convulsive shriek and wail; ,and, with fresh fawn-skins on their bodies bound, ,they brandish vine-clad spears. The Queen herself ,lifts high a blazing pine tree, while she sings ,a wedding-song for Turnus and her child. ,With bloodshot glance and anger wild, she cries: ,“Ho! all ye Latin wives, if e'er ye knew ,kindness for poor Amata, if ye care ,for a wronged mother's woes, O, follow me! ,Cast off the matron fillet from your brows, ,and revel to our mad, voluptuous song.” ,Thus, through the woodland haunt of creatures wild, ,Alecto urges on the raging Queen ,with Bacchus' cruel goad. But when she deemed ,the edge of wrath well whetted, and the house ,of wise Latinus of all reason reft, ,then soared the black-winged goddess to the walls ,of the bold Rutule, to the city built ,(So runs the tale) by beauteous Danae ,and her Acrisian people, shipwrecked there ,by south wind strong. Its name was Ardea ,in language of our sires, and that proud name ,of Ardea still it wears, though proud no more. ,Here Turnus in the gloom of midnight lay ,half-sleeping in his regal hall. For him ,Alecto her grim fury-guise put by, ,and wore an old crone's face, her baleful brow ,delved deep with wrinkled age, her hoary hair ,in sacred fillet bound, and garlanded ,with leaf of olive: Calybe she seemed, ,an aged servitress ot Juno's shrine, ,and in this seeming thus the prince addressed:— ,“O Turnus, wilt thou tamely see thy toil ,lavished in vain? and thy true throne consigned ,to Trojan wanderers? The King repels ,thy noble wooing and thy war-won dower. ,He summons him a son of alien stem ,to take his kingdom. Rouse thee now, and front, ,scorned and without reward, these perilous days. ,Tread down that Tuscan host! Protect the peace ,of Latium from its foe! Such is the word ,which, while in night and slumber thou wert laid, , Saturnia 's godhead, visibly revealed, ,bade me declare. Up, therefore, and array ,thy warriors in arms! Swift sallying forth ,from thy strong city-gates, on to the fray ,exultant go! Assail the Phrygian chiefs ,who tent them by thy beauteous river's marge, ,and burn their painted galleys! 't is the will ,of gods above that speaks. Yea, even the King ,Latinus, if he will not heed thy plea, ,or hear thy wooing, shall be taught too late ,In mocking answer to the prophetess ,the warrior thus replied: “That stranger fleet ,in Tiber moored, not, as thy folly prates, ,of me unnoted lies. Vex me no more ,with thy fantastic terror. Juno's power ,is watchful of my cause. 'T is mere old age, ,gone to decay and dotage, fills thy breast ,with vain foreboding, and, while kings contend, ,scares and deceives thy visionary eye. ,Guard thou in yonder temple's holy shade ,the images divine! of peace and war ,So kindled he Alecto's wrath to flame; ,and even as he spoke a shudder thrilled ,the warrior's body, and his eyeballs stood ,stonily staring at the hydra hair ,which hissed and writhed above the grisly head ,of the large-looming fiend. With eyes of fire ,horribly rolling, she repelled him far, ,while he but faltered speechless. She upraised ,two coiling snakes out of her tresses, cracked ,the lashes of her scourge, and wrathfully, ,with raving lips replied: “Look well on me, ,gone to decay and dotage of old age! ,And mocked with foolish fear while kings contend! ,Wilt hearken now! Behold me, hither flown ,from where my sister-furies dwell! My hands ,bring bloody death and war.” She spoke, and hurled ,her firebrand at the hero, thrusting deep ,beneath his heart her darkly smouldering flame. ,Then horror broke his sleep, and fearful sweat ,dripped from his every limb. He shrieked aloud ,for arms; and seized the ready arms that lay ,around his couch and hall. Then o'er his soul ,the lust of battle and wild curse of war ,broke forth in angry power, as when the flames ,of faggots round the bubbling cauldron sing, ,and up the waters leap; the close-kept flood ,brims over, streaming, foaming, breaking bound, ,and flings thick clouds in air. He, summoning ,his chieftains, bade them on Latinus move, ,break peace, take arms, and, over Italy ,their shields extending, to thrust forth her foe: ,himself for Teucrian with Latin joined ,was more than match. He called upon the gods ,in witness of his vows: while, nothing loth, ,Rutulia's warriors rushed into array; ,some by his youth and noble beauty moved, ,While Turnus stirred Rutulia's valiant souls, ,Alecto on her Stygian pinions sped ,to where the Teucrians lay. She scanned the ground ,with eager guile, where by the river's marge ,fair-browed Iulus with his nets and snares ,rode fiercely to the chase. Then o'er his hounds ,that hell-born virgin breathed a sudden rage, ,and filled each cunning nostril with the scent ,of stags, till forth in wild pursuit they flew. ,Here all the woe began, and here awoke ,in rustic souls the swift-enkindling war. ,For a fair stag, tall-antlered, stolen away ,even from its mother's milk, had long been kept ,by Tyrrhus and his sons—the shepherd he ,of all the royal flocks, and forester ,of a wide region round. With fondest care ,their sister Silvia entwined its horns ,with soft, fresh garlands, tamed it to run close, ,and combed the creature, or would bring to bathe ,at a clear, crystal spring. It knew the hands ,of all its gentle masters, and would feed ,from their own dish; or wandering through the wood, ,come back unguided to their friendly door, ,though deep the evening shade. Iulus' dogs ,now roused this wanderer in their ravening chase, ,as, drifted down-stream far from home it lay, ,on a green bank a-cooling. From bent bow ,Ascanius, eager for a hunter's praise, ,let go his shaft; nor did Alecto fail ,his aim to guide: but, whistling through the air, ,the light-winged reed pierced deep in flank and side. ,Swift to its cover fled the wounded thing, ,and crept loud-moaning to its wonted stall, ,where, like a blood-stained suppliant, it seemed ,to fill that shepherd's house with plaintive prayer. ,Then Silvia the sister, smiting oft ,on breast and arm, made cry for help, and called ,the sturdy rustics forth in gathering throng. ,These now (for in the silent forest couched ,the cruel Fury) swift to battle flew. ,One brandished a charred stake, another swung ,a knotted cudgel, as rude anger shapes ,its weapon of whate'er the searching eye ,first haps to fall on. Tyrrhus roused his clans, ,just when by chance he split with blows of wedge ,an oak in four; and, panting giant breath, ,shouldered his woodman's axe. Alecto then, ,prompt to the stroke of mischief, soared aloft ,from where she spying sate, to the steep roof ,of a tall byre, and from its peak of straw ,blew a wild signal on a shepherd's horn, ,outflinging her infernal note so far ,that all the forest shuddered, and the grove ,throbbed to its deepest glen. Cold Trivia's lake ,from end to end gave ear, and every wave ,of the white stream of Nar, the lonely pools ,of still Velinus heard: while at the sound ,pale mothers to their breasts their children drew. ,Swift to the signal of the dreadful horn, ,snatching their weapons rude, the freeborn swains ,assembled for the fray; the Trojan bands ,poured from their bivouac with instant aid ,for young Ascanius. In array of war ,both stand confronting. Not mere rustic brawl ,with charred oak-staff and cudgel is the fight, ,but with the two-edged steel; the naked swords ,wave like dark-bladed harvest-field, while far ,the brazen arms flash in the smiting sun, ,and skyward fling their beam: so some wide sea, ,at first but whitened in the rising wind, ,swells its slow-rolling mass and ever higher ,its billows rears, until the utmost deep ,lifts in one surge to heaven. The first to fall ,was Almo, eldest-born of Tyrrhus' sons, ,whom, striding in the van, a loud-winged shaft ,laid low in death; deep in his throat it clung, ,and silenced with his blood the dying cry ,of his frail life. Around him fell the forms ,of many a brave and strong; among them died ,gray-haired Galaesus pleading for a truce: ,righteous he was, and of Ausonian fields ,a prosperous master; five full flocks had he ,of bleating sheep, and from his pastures came ,five herds of cattle home; his busy churls ,While o'er the battle-field thus doubtful swung ,the scales of war, the Fury (to her task ,now equal proven) having dyed the day ,a deep-ensanguined hue, and opened fight ,with death and slaughter, made no tarrying ,within Hesperia, but skyward soared, ,and, Ioud in triumph, insolently thus ,to Juno called: “See, at thy will, their strife ,full-blown to war and woe! Could even thyself ,command them now to truce and amity? ,But I, that with Ausonia's blood befoul ,their Trojan hands, yet more can do, if thou ,shift not thy purpose. For with dire alarms ,I will awake the bordering states to war ,enkindling in their souls the frenzied lust ,the war-god breathes; till from th' horizon round ,the reinforcement pours—I scattering seeds ,of carnage through the land.” In answer spoke ,juno: “Enough of artifice and fear! ,Thy provocation works. Now have they joined ,in close and deadly combat, and warm blood ,those sudden-leaping swords incarnadines, ,which chance put in their hands. Such nuptial joys, ,such feast of wedlock, let the famous son ,of Venus with the King Latinus share! ,But yon Olympian Sire and King no more ,permits thee freely in our skies to roam. ,Go, quit the field! Myself will take control ,of hazards and of labors yet to be.” ,Thus Saturn's daughter spoke. Alecto then, ,unfolding far her hissing, viperous wings, ,turned toward her Stygian home, and took farewell ,of upper air. Deep in Italia lies ,a region mountain-girded, widely famed, ,and known in olden songs from land to land: ,the valley of Amsanctus; deep, dark shades ,enclose it between forest-walls, whereby ,through thunderous stony channel serpentines ,a roaring fall. Here in a monstrous cave ,are breathing-holes of hell, a vast abyss ,where Acheron opes wide its noisome jaws: ,in this Alecto plunged, concealing so ,her execrable godhead, while the air ,Forthwith the sovereign hands of Juno haste ,to consummate the war. The shepherds bear ,back from the field of battle to the town ,the bodies of the slain: young Almo's corse ,and gray Galaesus' bleeding head. They call ,just gods in heaven to Iook upon their wrong, ,and bid Latinus see it. Turnus comes, ,and, while the angry mob surveys the slain, ,adds fury to the hour. “Shall the land ,have Trojan lords? Shall Phrygian marriages ,debase our ancient, royal blood—and I ,be spurned upon the threshold?” Then drew near ,the men whose frenzied women-folk had held ,bacchantic orgies in the pathless grove, ,awed by Amata's name: these, gathering, ,sued loud for war. Yea, all defied the signs ,and venerable omens; all withstood ,divine decrees, and clamored for revenge, ,prompted by evil powers. They besieged ,the house of King Latinus, shouting-loud ,with emulous rage. But like a sea-girt rock ,unmoved he stood; like sea-girt rock when surge ,of waters o'er it sweeps, or howling waves ,surround; it keeps a ponderous front of power, ,though foaming cliffs around it vainly roar; ,from its firm base the broken sea-weeds fall. ,But when authority no whit could change ,their counsels blind, and each event fulfilled ,dread Juno's will, then with complaining prayer ,the aged sire cried loud upon his gods ,and on th' unheeding air: “Alas,” said he, ,“My doom is shipwreck, and the tempest bears ,my bark away! O wretches, your own blood ,shall pay the forfeit for your impious crime. ,O Turnus! O abominable deed! ,Avenging woes pursue thee; to deaf gods ,thy late and unavailing prayer shall rise. ,Now was my time to rest. But as I come ,close to my journey's end, thou spoilest me ,of comfort in my death.” With this the King ,A sacred custom the Hesperian land ,of Latium knew, by all the Alban hills ,honored unbroken, which wide-ruling Rome ,keeps to this day, when to new stroke she stirs ,the might of Mars; if on the Danube 's wave ,resolved to fling the mournful doom of war, ,or on the Caspian folk or Arabs wild; ,or chase the morning far as India 's verge, ,ind from the Parthian despot wrest away ,our banners Iost. Twin Gates of War there be, ,of fearful name, to Mars' fierce godhead vowed: ,a hundred brass bars shut them, and the strength ,of uncorrupting steel; in sleepless watch ,Janus the threshold keeps. 'T is here, what time ,the senate's voice is war, the consul grave ,in Gabine cincture and Quirinal shift ,himself the griding hinges backward moves, ,and bids the Romans arm; obedient then ,the legionary host makes Ioud acclaim, ,and hoarse consent the brazen trumpets blow. ,Thus King Latinus on the sons of Troy ,was urged to open war, and backward roll ,those gates of sorrow: but the aged king ,recoiled, refused the loathsome task, and fled ,to solitary shades. Then from the skies ,the Queen of gods stooped down, and her sole hand ,the lingering portal moved; Saturnia ,swung on their hinges the barred gates of war. ,ausonia from its old tranquillity ,bursts forth in flame. Foot-soldiers through the field ,run to and fro; and mounted on tall steeds ,the cavaliers in clouds of dust whirl by. ,All arm in haste. Some oil the glittering shield ,or javelin bright, or on the whetstone wear ,good axes to an edge, while joyful bands ,uplift the standards or the trumpets blow. ,Five mighty cities to their anvils bring ,new-tempered arms: Atina—martial name — ,proud Tibur, Ardea, Crustumium, ,and river-walled Antemnae, crowned with towers ,strong hollow helmets on their brows they draw ,and weave them willow-shields; or melt and mould ,corselets of brass or shining silver greaves; ,none now for pruning-hook or sacred plough ,have love or care: but old, ancestral swords ,for hardier tempering to the smith they bring. ,Now peals the clarion; through the legions pass ,the watchwords: the impatient yeoman takes ,his helmet from the idle roof-tree hung; ,while to his chariot the master yokes ,the mettled war-horse, dons a shining shield ,Virgins of Helicon, renew my song! ,Instruct me what proud kings to battle flown ,with following legions throng the serried plain. ,Tell me what heroes and illustrious arms , Italia 's bosom in her dawning day ,benigt bore: for your celestial minds, ,have memory of the past, but faint and low ,Foremost in fight, from shores Etrurian came ,Mezentius, scornful rebel against Heaven, ,his people all in arms; and at his side ,Lausus his heir (no fairer youth than he, ,save Turnus of Laurentum), Lausus, skilled ,o break proud horses and wild beasts to quell; ,who from Agylla's citadel in vain ,led forth his thousand warriors: worthy he ,to serve a nobler sire, and happier far ,Next after these, conspicuous o'er the plain, ,with palm-crowned chariot and victorious steeds, ,rode forth well-moulded Aventinus, sprung ,from shapely Hercules; upon the shield ,his blazon was a hundred snakes, and showed ,his father's hydra-cincture serpentine; ,him deep in Aventine 's most secret grove ,the priestess Rhea bore—a mortal maid ,clasped in a god's embrace the wondrous day ,when, flushed with conquest of huge Geryon, ,the lord of Tiryns to Laurentum drove, ,and washed in Tiber 's wave th' Iberian kine. ,His followers brandished pointed pikes and staves, ,or smooth Sabellian bodkin tipped with steel; ,but he, afoot, swung round him as he strode ,a monstrous lion-skin, its bristling mane ,and white teeth crowning his ferocious brow: ,Then came twin brethren, leaving Tibur 's keep ,(named from Tiburtus, brother of them twain) ,Catillus and impetuous Coras, youth ,of Argive seed, who foremost in the van ,pressed ever where the foemen densest throng: ,as when two centaurs, children of the cloud, ,from mountain-tops descend in swift career, ,the snows of Homole and Othrys leaving, ,Nor was Praeneste 's founder absent there, ,by Vulcan sired, among the herds and hinds, ,and on a hearth-stone found (so runs the tale ,each pious age repeats) King Caeculus ,with rustic legions gathered from afar: ,from steep Praeneste and the Gabian vale ,to Juno dear, from Anio's cold stream, ,from upland Hernic rocks and foaming rills, ,from rich Anagnia 's pastures, and the plain ,whence Amasenus pours his worshipped wave. ,Not all of armor boast, and seldom sound ,the chariot and shield; but out of slings ,they hurl blue balls of lead, or in one hand ,a brace of javelins bear; pulled o'er their brows ,are hoods of tawny wolf-skin; as they march ,the left foot leaves a barefoot track behind, ,Messapus came, steed-tamer, Neptune's son, ,by sword and fire invincible: this day, ,though mild his people and unschooled in war, ,he calls them to embattled lines, and draws ,no lingering sword. Fescennia musters there, ,Aequi Falisci, and what clans possess ,Soracte's heights, Flavinia's fruitful farms, ,Ciminian lake and mountain, and the groves ,about Capena . Rank on rank they move, ,loud singing of their chieftain's praise: as when ,a flock of snowy swans through clouded air ,return from feeding, and make tuneful cry ,from their long throats, while Asia 's rivers hear, ,and lone Cayster's startled moorland rings: ,for hardly could the listening ear discern ,the war-cry of a mail-clad host; the sound ,was like shrill-calling birds, when home from sea ,Then, one of far-descended Sabine name, ,Clausus advanced, the captain of a host, ,and in himself an equal host he seemed; ,from his proud loins the high-born Claudian stem ,through Latium multiplies, since Roman power ,with Sabine first was wed. A cohort came ,from Amiternum and the olden wall ,of Cures, called Quirites even then; ,Eretum answered and Mutusca's hill ,with olives clad, Velinus' flowery field, ,nomentum's fortress, the grim precipice ,of Tetrica, Severus' upland fair, ,Casperia, Foruli, Himella's waves, , Tiber and Fabaris, and wintry streams ,of Nursia ; to the same proud muster sped ,Tuscan with Latin tribes, and loyal towns ,beside whose walls ill-omened Allia flows. ,As numerous they moved as rolling waves ,that stir smooth Libyan seas, when in cold floods ,sinks grim Orion's star; or like the throng ,of clustering wheat-tops in the summer sun, ,near Hermus or on Lycia 's yellowing plain: ,Now Agamemnon's kinsman, cruel foe ,to the mere name of Troy, Halaesus, yokes ,the horses of his car and summons forth ,a thousand savage clans at Turnus' call : ,rude men whose mattocks to the Massic hills ,bring Bacchus' bounty, or by graybeard sires ,sent from Auruncan upland and the mead ,of Sidicinum; out of Cales came ,its simple folk; and dwellers by the stream ,of many-shoaled Volturnus, close-allied ,with bold Saticulan or Oscan swains. ,Their arms are tapered javelins, which they wear ,bound by a coiling thong; a shield conceals ,Nor shalt thou, Oebalus, depart unsung, ,whom minstrels say the nymph Sebethis bore ,to Telon, who in Capri was a king ,when old and gray; but that disdaining son ,quitted so small a seat, and conquering sway ,among Sarrastian folk and those wide plains ,watered by Sarnus' wave, became a king ,over Celenna, Rufrae, Batulum, ,and where among her apple-orchards rise ,Abella's walls. All these, as Teutons use, ,hurl a light javelin; for helm they wear ,stripped cork-tree bark; the crescent of their shields ,Next Ufens, mountain-bred, from Nersae came ,to join the war; of goodly fame was he ,for prosperous arms: his Aequian people show ,no gentle mien, but scour the woods for prey, ,or, ever-armed, across the stubborn glebe ,compel the plough; though their chief pride and joy ,Next after these, his brows and helmet bound ,with noble olive, from Marruvium came ,a priest, brave Umbro, ordered to the field ,by King Archippus: o'er the viper's brood, ,and venomed river-serpents he had power ,to scatter slumber with wide-waving hands ,and wizard-songs. His potent arts could soothe ,their coiling rage and heal the mortal sting: ,but 'gainst a Trojan sword no drug had he, ,nor could his drowsy spells his flesh repair, ,nor gathered simples from the Marsic hills. ,Thee soon in wailing woods Anguitia mourned, ,thee, Fucinus, the lake of crystal wave, ,Next, Virbius in martial beauty rode, ,son of Hippolytus, whose mother, proud , Aricia, sent him in his flower of fame ,out of Egeria's hills and cloudy groves ,where lies Diana's gracious, gifted fane. ,For legend whispers that Hippolytus, ,by step-dame's plot undone, his life-blood gave ,to sate his vengeful father, and was rent ,in sunder by wild horses; but the grave ,to air of heaven and prospect of the stars ,restored him;—for Diana's love and care ,poured out upon him Paeon's healing balm. ,But Jove, almighty Sire, brooked not to see ,a mortal out of death and dark reclimb ,to light of life, and with a thunderbolt ,hurled to the Stygian river Phoebus' son, ,who dared such good elixir to compound. ,But pitying Trivia hid Hippolytus ,in her most secret cave, and gave in ward ,to the wise nymph Egeria in her grove; ,where he lived on inglorious and alone, ,ranging the woods of Italy, and bore ,the name of Virbius. 'T is for this cause ,the hallowed woods to Trivia's temple vowed ,forbid loud-footed horses, such as spilled ,stripling and chariot on the fatal shore, ,scared by the monsters peering from the sea. ,Yet did the son o'er that tumultuous plain ,Lo, Turnus strides conspicuous in the van, ,full armed, of mighty frame, his lordly head ,high o'er his peers emerging! His tall helm ,with flowing triple crest for ensign bears ,Chimaera, whose terrific lips outpour ,volcanic fires; where'er the menace moves ,of her infernal flames and wrathful frown, ,there wildest flows the purple flood of war. ,On his smooth shield deep graven in the gold ,is horned Io—wondrous the device!— ,a shaggy heifer-shape the maiden shows; ,Argus is watching her, while Inachus ,pours forth his river from the pictured urn. ,A storm of tramping troops, to Turnus sworn, ,throngs all the widespread plain with serried shields: ,warriors of Argos, and Auruncan bands, ,Sicani, Rutuli, Sacranian hosts, ,Labicum's painted shields; all who till ,thy woodland vales, O Tiber ! or the shore ,Numicius hallows; all whose ploughs upturn ,Rutulia's hills, or that Circaean range ,where Jove of Anxur guards, and forests green ,make fair Feronia glad; where lie the fens ,of Satura, and Ufens' icy wave ,Last came Camilla, of the Volscians bred, ,leading her mail-clad, radiant chivalry; ,a warrior-virgin, of Minerva's craft ,of web and distaff, fit for woman's toil, ,no follower she; but bared her virgin breast ,to meet the brunt of battle, and her speed ,left even the winds behind; for she would skim ,an untouched harvest ere the sickle fell, ,nor graze the quivering wheat-tops as she ran; ,or o'er the mid-sea billows' swollen surge ,so swiftly race, she wet not in the wave ,her flying feet. For sight of her the youth ,from field and fortress sped, and matrons grave ,stood wondering as she passed, well-pleased to see ,her royal scarf in many a purple fold ,float off her shining shoulder, her dark hair ,in golden clasp caught fast, and how she bore ,for arms a quiver of the Lycian mode, ,and shepherd's shaft of myrtle tipped with steel. " 8.698 Aeneas and Achates, sad at heart, 8.699 mused on unnumbered perils yet to come. ' "8.700 But out of cloudless sky Cythera's Queen "' None
23. Vergil, Eclogues, 6.64 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Gallus, Cornelius • Gallus, Gaius Cornelius (poet)

 Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 348; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 46

sup>
6.64 as with a beast to mate, though many a time'' None
24. Vergil, Georgics, 2.490, 4.564 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Gallus • Gallus, Cornelius

 Found in books: Fabre-Serris et al. (2021), Identities, Ethnicities and Gender in Antiquity, 189; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 41, 311, 312; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 64

sup>
2.490 Felix, qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas,
4.564
Parthenope studiis florentem ignobilis oti,'' None
sup>
2.490 Till hollow vale o'erflows, and gorge profound," 4.564 But when no trickery found a path for flight,'" None
25. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Nepos • Cornelius Sulla, L. • Gallus, Cornelius • Sulla, L. Cornelius • Tacitus, P. Cornelius

 Found in books: Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 48; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 267, 279; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 42; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 183, 190

26. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius • Sulla (L. Cornelius Sulla) • Sulla, L. Cornelius • Tacitus (P. Cornelius Tacitus), Principate, attitude towards • Tacitus, P. Cornelius

 Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 279; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 47; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 59; Woolf (2011). Tales of the Barbarians: Ethnography and Empire in the Roman West. 57

27. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelia • Cornelius Severus • Cornelius Sulla, P. (Sulla), plunging swords into the republic

 Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 111; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 76; Johnson (2008), Ovid before Exile: Art and Punishment in the Metamorphoses, 17; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 118

28. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Tacitus • Gallus, Cornelius

 Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 20; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 62

29. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius • Cornelius Cossus, A. • Cornelius Lentulus, Cn. (augur) • Cornelius Lentulus, P. • Cornelius Nepos • Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, P. • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P., forbids images to himself • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P., image in Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P., rivalry with Q. Fabius Maximus • Cornelius Scipio Maluginensis, M. • Cornelius Sulla Felix, L. • Cornelius Sulla Felix, L., dictator • Cornelius Sulla, L. • Cornelius Sulla, L., dreams • Cornelius Sulla, P. • Cornelius Tacitus, historian • P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Africanus • Scipio Africanus, L. Cornelius (major, cos. II • Scipio Barbatus, L. Cornelius Cn. f. • Tacitus, P. Cornelius

 Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 77, 244; Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 209; Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 174; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 67; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 89; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 187; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 136, 268; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 220; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 78; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 10; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38, 117, 127, 292; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 71, 163, 203; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 7; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 224

30. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Gallus • Cornelius Sulla, L., and Postumius • Gallus, Gaius Cornelius (poet)

 Found in books: Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 348; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 112; Williams and Vol (2022), Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher, 168

31. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Nepos

 Found in books: Arthur-Montagne, DiGiulio and Kuin (2022), Documentality: New Approaches to Written Documents in Imperial Life and Literature, 186; Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 138

32. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Gallus, Cornelius

 Found in books: Fielding (2017), Transformations of Ovid in Late Antiquity. 12; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 21

33. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelia • Cornelia (daughter of Scribonia) • Cornelia, daughter of Scribonia • Gallus, Cornelius

 Found in books: Bowie (2023), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels. 153; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 86, 90, 92, 93, 94; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 26; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 67, 68, 89, 90; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 32, 46, 220, 316; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110

34. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 14.223, 14.226-14.227, 14.234, 14.245-14.246, 14.260-14.261, 14.320, 14.323 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Tacitus • Dolabella (P. Cornelius) • Dolabella (P. Cornelius), Jews exempted from conscription by • Dolabella (P. Cornelius), and fight for control of Syria • Dolabella (P. Cornelius), and offerings and sacrifices • Dolabella (P. Cornelius), grants made to Jews by Caesar confirmed by • L. Cornelius Lentulus

 Found in books: Eckhardt (2019), Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities, 128, 129; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 183; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 80, 81, 92, 99, 100, 110

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14.223 ̓́Επεμψεν δὲ τούτων ̔Υρκανὸς τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἕνα καὶ πρὸς Δολαβέλλαν τὸν τῆς ̓Ασίας τότε ἡγεμόνα, παρακαλῶν ἀπολῦσαι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους τῆς στρατείας καὶ τὰ πάτρια τηρεῖν ἔθη καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα ζῆν ἐπιτρέπειν:
14.226
̓Αλέξανδρος Θεοδώρου πρεσβευτὴς ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ ἐθνάρχου τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐνεφάνισέν μοι περὶ τοῦ μὴ δύνασθαι στρατεύεσθαι τοὺς πολίτας αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸ μήτε ὅπλα βαστάζειν δύνασθαι μήτε ὁδοιπορεῖν ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις τῶν σαββάτων, μήτε τροφῶν τῶν πατρίων καὶ συνήθων κατὰ τούτους εὐπορεῖν. 14.227 ἐγώ τε οὖν αὐτοῖς, καθὼς καὶ οἱ πρὸ ἐμοῦ ἡγεμόνες, δίδωμι τὴν ἀστρατείαν καὶ συγχωρῶ χρῆσθαι τοῖς πατρίοις ἐθισμοῖς ἱερῶν ἕνεκα καὶ ἁγίοις συναγομένοις, καθὼς αὐτοῖς νόμιμον, καὶ τῶν πρὸς τὰς θυσίας ἀφαιρεμάτων, ὑμᾶς τε βούλομαι ταῦτα γράψαι κατὰ πόλεις.
14.234
Λεύκιος Λέντλος ὕπατος λέγει: πολίτας ̔Ρωμαίων ̓Ιουδαίους, οἵτινές μοι ἱερὰ ἔχειν καὶ ποιεῖν ̓Ιουδαϊκὰ ἐν ̓Εφέσῳ ἐδόκουν, δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα ἀπέλυσα. τοῦτο ἐγένετο πρὸ δώδεκα καλανδῶν Κουιντιλίων.
14.245
Πρύτανις ̔Ερμοῦ υἱὸς πολίτης ὑμέτερος προσελθών μοι ἐν Τράλλεσιν ἄγοντι τὴν ἀγόραιον ἐδήλου παρὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν γνώμην ̓Ιουδαίοις ὑμᾶς προσφέρεσθαι καὶ κωλύειν αὐτοὺς τά τε σάββατα ἄγειν καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ τὰ πάτρια τελεῖν καὶ τοὺς καρποὺς μεταχειρίζεσθαι, καθὼς ἔθος ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς, αὐτόν τε κατὰ τοὺς νόμους εὐθυνκέναι τὸ δίκαιον ψήφισμα. 14.246 βούλομαι οὖν ὑμᾶς εἰδέναι, ὅτι διακούσας ἐγὼ λόγων ἐξ ἀντικαταστάσεως γενομένων ἐπέκρινα μὴ κωλύεσθαι ̓Ιουδαίους τοῖς αὐτῶν ἔθεσι χρῆσθαι.' "14.261 δεδόχθαι τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ συγκεχωρῆσθαι αὐτοῖς συνερχομένοις ἐν ταῖς ἀποδεδειγμέναις ἡμέραις πράσσειν τὰ κατὰ τοὺς αὐτῶν νόμους, ἀφορισθῆναι δ' αὐτοῖς καὶ τόπον ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν εἰς οἰκοδομίαν καὶ οἴκησιν αὐτῶν, ὃν ἂν ὑπολάβωσιν πρὸς τοῦτ' ἐπιτήδειον εἶναι, ὅπως τε τοῖς τῆς πόλεως ἀγορανόμοις ἐπιμελὲς ᾖ καὶ τὰ ἐκείνοις πρὸς τροφὴν ἐπιτήδεια ποιεῖν εἰσάγεσθαι." "
14.323
Τὸ δ' αὐτὸ τοῦτο καὶ Σιδωνίοις καὶ ̓Αντιοχεῦσιν καὶ ̓Αραδίοις ἔγραψεν. παρεθέμεθα μὲν οὖν καὶ ταῦτα εὐκαίρως τεκμήρια γενησόμενα ἧς φαμὲν ̔Ρωμαίους ποιήσασθαι προνοίας ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἡμετέρου ἔθνους."' None
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14.223 11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers, and to permit them to live according to them.
14.226
Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the Sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers;— 14.227 I do therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the former prefects have done, and permit them to use the customs of their forefathers, in assembling together for sacred and religious purposes, as their law requires, and for collecting oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my will is, that you write this to the several cities under your jurisdiction.”
14.234
16. The declaration of Lucius Lentulus the consul: “I have dismissed those Jews who are Roman citizens, and who appear to me to have their religious rites, and to observe the laws of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under. This act was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October.”
14.245
Prytanes, the son of Hermes, a citizen of yours, came to me when I was at Tralles, and held a court there, and informed me that you used the Jews in a way different from my opinion, and forbade them to celebrate their Sabbaths, and to perform the sacred rites received from their forefathers, and to manage the fruits of the land, according to their ancient custom; and that he had himself been the promulger of your decree, according as your laws require: 14.246 I would therefore have you know, that upon hearing the pleadings on both sides, I gave sentence that the Jews should not be prohibited to make use of their own customs.”
14.260
1. We have related the affairs of queen Alexandra, and her death, in the foregoing book and will now speak of what followed, and was connected with those histories; declaring, before we proceed, that we have nothing so much at heart as this, that we may omit no facts, either through ignorance or laziness;,for we are upon the history and explication of such things as the greatest part are unacquainted withal, because of their distance from our times; and we aim to do it with a proper beauty of style, so far as that is derived from proper words harmonically disposed, and from such ornaments of speech also as may contribute to the pleasure of our readers,,that they may entertain the knowledge of what we write with some agreeable satisfaction and pleasure. But the principal scope that authors ought to aim at above all the rest, is to speak accurately, and to speak truly, for the satisfaction of those that are otherwise unacquainted with such transactions, and obliged to believe what these writers inform them of.,2. Hyrcanus then began his high priesthood on the third year of the hundred and seventy-seventh olympiad, when Quintus Hortensius and Quintus Metellus, who was called Metellus of Crete, were consuls at Rome; when presently Aristobulus began to make war against him; and as it came to a battle with Hyrcanus at Jericho, many of his soldiers deserted him, and went over to his brother;,upon which Hyrcanus fled into the citadel, where Aristobulus’s wife and children were imprisoned by their mother, as we have said already, and attacked and overcame those his adversaries that had fled thither, and lay within the walls of the temple.,So when he had sent a message to his brother about agreeing the matters between them, he laid aside his enmity to him on these conditions, that Aristobulus should be king, that he should live without intermeddling with public affairs, and quietly enjoy the estate he had acquired.,When they had agreed upon these terms in the temple, and had confirmed the agreement with oaths, and the giving one another their right hands, and embracing one another in the sight of the whole multitude, they departed; the one, Aristobulus, to the palace; and Hyrcanus, as a private man, to the former house of Aristobulus.,3. But there was a certain friend of Hyrcanus, an Idumean, called Antipater, who was very rich, and in his nature an active and a seditious man; who was at enmity with Aristobulus, and had differences with him on account of his good-will to Hyrcanus.,It is true that Nicolatls of Damascus says, that Antipater was of the stock of the principal Jews who came out of Babylon into Judea; but that assertion of his was to gratify Herod, who was his son, and who, by certain revolutions of fortune, came afterward to be king of the Jews, whose history we shall give you in its proper place hereafter.,However, this Antipater was at first called Antipas, and that was his father’s name also; of whom they relate this: That king Alexander and his wife made him general of all Idumea, and that he made a league of friendship with those Arabians, and Gazites, and Ascalonites, that were of his own party, and had, by many and large presents, made them his fast friends.,But now this younger Antipater was suspicious of the power of Aristobulus, and was afraid of some mischief he might do him, because of his hatred to him; so he stirred up the most powerful of the Jews, and talked against him to them privately; and said that it was unjust to overlook the conduct of Aristobulus, who had gotten the government unrighteously, and ejected his brother out of it, who was the elder, and ought to retain what belonged to him by prerogative of his birth.,And the same speeches he perpetually made to Hyrcanus; and told him that his own life would be in danger, unless he guarded himself, and got shut of Aristobulus; for he said that the friends of Aristobulus omitted no opportunity of advising him to kill him, as being then, and not before, sure to retain his principality.,Hyrcanus gave no credit to these words of his, as being of a gentle disposition, and one that did not easily admit of calumnies against other men. This temper of his not disposing him to meddle with public affairs, and want of spirit, occasioned him to appear to spectators to be degenerous and unmanly; while. Aristo-bulus was of a contrary temper, an active man, and one of a great and generous soul.,4. Since therefore Antipater saw that Hyrcanus did not attend to what he said, he never ceased, day by day, to charge reigned crimes upon Aristobulus, and to calumniate him before him, as if he had a mind to kill him; and so, by urging him perpetually, he advised him, and persuaded him to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia; and promised, that if he would comply with his advice, he would also himself assist himand go with him.,When Hyrcanus heard this, he said that it was for his advantage to fly away to Aretas. Now Arabia is a country that borders upon Judea. However, Hyrcanus sent Antipater first to the king of Arabia, in order to receive assurances from him, that when he should come in the manner of a supplicant to him, he would not deliver him up to his enemies.,So Antipater having received such assurances, returned to Hyrcanus to Jerusalem. A while afterward he took Hyrcanus, and stole out of the city by night, and went a great journey, and came and brought him to the city called Petra, where the palace of Aretas was;,and as he was a very familiar friend of that king, he persuaded him to bring back Hyrcanus into Judea, and this persuasion he continued every day without any intermission. He also proposed to make him presents on that account. At length he prevailed with Aretas in his suit.,Moreover, Hyrcanus promised him, that when he had been brought thither, and had received his kingdom, he would restore that country, and those twelve cities which his father Alexander had taken from the Arabians, which were these, Medaba, Naballo, Libias, Tharabasa, Agala, Athone, Zoar, Orone, Marissa, Rudda, Lussa, and Oruba.,1. Now Crassus, as he was going upon his expedition against the Parthians, came into Judea, and carried off the money that was in the temple, which Pompey had left, being two thousand talents, and was disposed to spoil it of all the gold belonging to it, which was eight thousand talents.,He also took a beam, which was made of solid beaten gold, of the weight of three hundred minae, each of which weighed two pounds and a half. It was the priest who was guardian of the sacred treasures, and whose name was Eleazar, that gave him this beam, not out of a wicked design,,for he was a good and a righteous man; but being intrusted with the custody of the veils belonging to the temple, which were of admirable beauty, and of very costly workmanship, and hung down from this beam, when he saw that Crassus was busy in gathering money, and was in fear for the entire ornaments of the temple, he gave him this beam of gold as a ransom for the whole,,but this not till he had given his oath that he would remove nothing else out of the temple, but be satisfied with this only, which he should give him, being worth many ten thousand shekels. Now this beam was contained in a wooden beam that was hollow, but was known to no others; but Eleazar alone knew it;,yet did Crassus take away this beam, upon the condition of touching nothing else that belonged to the temple, and then brake his oath, and carried away all the gold that was in the temple.,2. And let no one wonder that there was so much wealth in our temple, since all the Jews throughout the habitable earth, and those that worshipped God, nay, even those of Asia and Europe, sent their contributions to it, and this from very ancient times.,Nor is the largeness of these sums without its attestation; nor is that greatness owing to our vanity, as raising it without ground to so great a height; but there are many witnesses to it, and particularly Strabo of Cappadocia, who says thus:,“Mithridates sent to Cos, and took the money which queen Cleopatra had deposited there, as also eight hundred talents belonging to the Jews.”,Now we have no public money but only what appertains to God; and it is evident that the Asian Jews removed this money out of fear of Mithridates; for it is not probable that those of Judea, who had a strong city and temple, should send their money to Cos; nor is it likely that the Jews who are inhabitants of Alexandria should do so neither, since they were in no fear of Mithridates.,And Strabo himself bears witness to the same thing in another place, that at the same time that Sylla passed over into Greece, in order to fight against Mithridates, he sent Lucullus to put an end to a sedition that our nation, of whom the habitable earth is full, had raised in Cyrene; where he speaks thus:,“There were four classes of men among those of Cyrene; that of citizens, that of husbandmen, the third of strangers, and the fourth of Jews. Now these Jews are already gotten into all cities; and it is hard to find a place in the habitable earth that hath not admitted this tribe of men, and is not possessed by them;,and it hath come to pass that Egypt and Cyrene, as having the same governors, and a great number of other nations, imitate their way of living, and maintain great bodies of these Jews in a peculiar manner, and grow up to greater prosperity with them, and make use of the same laws with that nation also.,Accordingly, the Jews have places assigned them in Egypt, wherein they inhabit, besides what is peculiarly allotted to this nation at Alexandria, which is a large part of that city. There is also an ethnarch allowed them, who governs the nation, and distributes justice to them, and takes care of their contracts, and of the laws to them belonging, as if he were the ruler of a free republic.,In Egypt, therefore, this nation is powerful, because the Jews were originally Egyptians, and because the land wherein they inhabit, since they went thence, is near to Egypt. They also removed into Cyrene, because that this land adjoined to the government of Egypt, as well as does Judea, or rather was formerly under the same government.” And this is what Strabo says.,3. So when Crassus had settled all things as he himself pleased, he marched into Parthia, where both he himself and all his army perished, as hath been related elsewhere. But Cassius, as he fled from Rome to Syria, took possession of it, and was an impediment to the Parthians, who by reason of their victory over Crassus made incursions upon it.,And as he came back to Tyre, he went up into Judea also, and fell upon Taricheae, and presently took it, and carried about thirty thousand Jews captives; and slew Pitholaus, who succeeded Aristobulus in his seditious practices, and that by the persuasion of Antipater,,who proved to have great interest in him, and was at that time in great repute with the Idumeans also: out of which nation he married a wife, who was the daughter of one of their eminent men, and her name was Cypros, by whom he had four sons, Phasael, and Herod, who was afterwards made king, and Joseph, and Pheroras; and a daughter, named Salome.,This Antipater cultivated also a friendship and mutual kindness with other potentates, but especially with the king of Arabia, to whom he committed his children, while he fought against Aristobulus. So Cassius removed his camp, and marched to Euphrates, to meet those that were coming to attack him, as hath been related by others.,4. But some time afterward Caesar, when he had taken Rome, and after Pompey and the senate were fled beyond the Ionian Sea, freed Aristobulus from his bonds, and resolved to send him into Syria, and delivered two legions to him, that he might set matters right, as being a potent man in that country.,But Aristobulus had no enjoyment of what he hoped for from the power that was given him by Caesar; for those of Pompey’s party prevented it, and destroyed him by poison; and those of Caesar’s party buried him. His dead body also lay, for a good while, embalmed in honey, till Antony afterward sent it to Judea, and caused him to be buried in the royal sepulcher.,But Scipio, upon Pompey’s sending to him to slay Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, because the young man was accused of what offenses he had been guilty of at first against the Romans, cut off his head; and thus did he die at Antioch.,But Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who was the ruler of Chalcis, under Mount Libanus, took his brethren to him, and sent his son Philippion to Askelon to Aristobulus’s wife, and desired her to send back with him her son Antigonus, and her daughters; the one of which, whose name was Alexandra, Philippion fell in love with, and married her, though afterward his father Ptolemy slew him, and married Alexandra, and continued to take care of her brethren.,1. Now after Pompey was dead, and after that victory Caesar had gained over him, Antipater, who managed the Jewish affairs, became very useful to Caesar when he made war against Egypt, and that by the order of Hyrcanus;,for when Mithridates of Pergamus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was not able to continue his march through Pelusium, but obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater came to him, conducting three thousand of the Jews, armed men. He had also taken care the principal men of the Arabians should come to his assistance;,and on his account it was that all the Syrians assisted him also, as not willing to appear behindhand in their alacrity for Caesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus, and almost all the cities.,So Mithridates marched out of Syria, and came to Pelusium; and when its inhabitants would not admit him, he besieged the city. Now Antipater signalized himself here, and was the first who plucked down a part of the wall, and so opened a way to the rest, whereby they might enter the city, and by this means Pelusium was taken.,But it happened that the Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the country called Onion, would not let Antipater and Mithridates, with their soldiers, pass to Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come over with their party, because he was of the same people with them, and that chiefly by showing them the epistles of Hyrcanus the high priest, wherein he exhorted them to cultivate friendship with Caesar, and to supply his army with money, and all sorts of provisions which they wanted;,and accordingly, when they saw Antipater and the high priest of the same sentiments, they did as they were desired. And when the Jews about Memphis heard that these Jews were come over to Caesar, they also invited Mithridates to come to them; so he came and received them also into his army.,2. And when Mithridates had gone over all Delta, as the place is called, he came to a pitched battle with the enemy, near the place called the Jewish Camp. Now Mithridates had the right wing, and Antipater the left;,and when it came to a fight, that wing where Mithridates was gave way, and was likely to suffer extremely, unless Antipater had come running to him with his own soldiers along the shore, when he had already beaten the enemy that opposed him; so he delivered Mithridates, and put those Egyptians who had been too hard for him to flight.,He also took their camp, and continued in the pursuit of them. He also recalled Mithridates, who had been worsted, and was retired a great way off; of whose soldiers eight hundred fell, but of Antipater’s fifty.,So Mithridates sent an account of this battle to Caesar, and openly declared that Antipater was the author of this victory, and of his own preservation, insomuch that Caesar commended Antipater then, and made use of him all the rest of that war in the most hazardous undertakings; he happened also to be wounded in one of those engagements.,3. However, when Caesar, after some time, had finished that war, and was sailed away for Syria, he honored Antipater greatly, and confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood; and bestowed on Antipater the privilege of a citizen of Rome, and a freedom from taxes every where;,and it is reported by many, that Hyrcanus went along with Antipater in this expedition, and came himself into Egypt. And Strabo of Cappadocia bears witness to this, when he says thus, in the name of Asinius: “After Mithridates had invaded Egypt, and with him Hyrcanus the high priest of the Jews.”,Nay, the same Strabo says thus again, in another place, in the name of Hypsicrates, that “Mithridates at first went out alone; but that Antipater, who had the care of the Jewish affairs, was called by him to Askelon, and that he had gotten ready three thousand soldiers to go along with him, and encouraged other governors of the country to go along with him also; and that Hyrcanus the high priest was also present in this expedition.” This is what Strabo says.,4. But Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came at this time to Caesar, and lamented his father’s fate; and complained, that it was by Antipater’s means that Aristobulus was taken off by poison, and his brother was beheaded by Scipio, and desired that he would take pity of him who had been ejected out of that principality which was due to him. He also accused Hyrcanus and Antipater as governing the nation by violence, and offering injuries to himself.,Antipater was present, and made his defense as to the accusations that were laid against him. He demonstrated that Antigonus and his party were given to innovation, and were seditious persons. He also put Caesar in mind what difficult services he had undergone when he assisted him in his wars, and discoursed about what he was a witness of himself.,He added, that Aristobulus was justly carried away to Rome, as one that was an enemy to the Romans, and could never be brought to be a friend to them, and that his brother had no more than he deserved from Scipio, as being seized in committing robberies; and that this punishment was not inflicted on him in a way of violence or injustice by him that did it.,5. When Antipater had made this speech, Caesar appointed Hyrcauus to be high priest, and gave Antipater what principality he himself should choose, leaving the determination to himself; so he made him procurator of Judea.,He also gave Hyrcanus leave to raise up the walls of his own city, upon his asking that favor of him, for they had been demolished by Pompey. And this grant he sent to the consuls to Rome, to be engraven in the capitol. The decree of the senate was this that follows:,“Lucius Valerius, the son of Lucius the praetor, referred this to the senate, upon the Ides of December, in the temple of Concord. There were present at the writing of this decree Lucius Coponius, the son of Lucius of the Colline tribe, and Papirius of the Quirine tribe,,concerning the affairs which Alexander, the son of Jason, and Numenius, the son of Antiochus, and Alexander, the son of Dositheus, ambassadors of the Jews, good and worthy men, proposed, who came to renew that league of goodwill and friendship with the Romans which was in being before.,They also brought a shield of gold, as a mark of confederacy, valued at fifty thousand pieces of gold; and desired that letters might be given them, directed both to the free cities and to the kings, that their country and their havens might be at peace, and that no one among them might receive any injury.,It therefore pleased the senate to make a league of friendship and good-will with them, and to bestow on them whatsoever they stood in need of, and to accept of the shield which was brought by them. This was done in the ninth year of Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch, in the month Panemus.”,Hyreanus also received honors from the people of Athens, as having been useful to them on many occasions. And when they wrote to him, they sent him this decree, as it here follows “Under the prutaneia and priesthood of Dionysius, the son of Esculapius, on the fifth day of the latter part of the month Panemus, this decree of the Athenians was given to their commanders,,when Agathocles was archon, and Eucles, the son of Meder of Alimusia, was the scribe. In the month Munychion, on the eleventh day of the prutaneia, a council of the presidents was held in the theater. Dorotheus the high priest, and the fellowpresidents with him, put it to the vote of the people. Dionysius, the son of Dionysius, gave the sentence.,Since Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnareh of the Jews, continues to bear good-will to our people in general, and to every one of our citizens in particular, and treats them with all sorts of kindness; and when any of the Athenians come to him, either as ambassadors, or on any occasion of their own, he receives them in an obliging manner, and sees that they are conducted back in safety,,of which we have had several former testimonies; it is now also decreed, at the report of Theodosius, the son of Theodorus, and upon his putting the people in mind of the virtue of this man, and that his purpose is to do us all the good that is in his power,,to honor him with a crown of gold, the usual reward according to the law, and to erect his statue in brass in the temple of Demus and of the Graces; and that this present of a crown shall be proclaimed publicly in the theater, in the Dionysian shows, while the new tragedies are acting; and in the Panathenean, and Eleusinian, and Gymnical shows also;,and that the commanders shall take care, while he continues in his friendship, and preserves his good-will to us, to return all possible honor and favor to the man for his affection and generosity; that by this treatment it may appear how our people receive the good kindly, and repay them a suitable reward; and he may be induced to proceed in his affection towards us, by the honors we have already paid him.,That ambassadors be also chosen out of all the Athenians, who shall carry this decree to him, and desire him to accept of the honors we do him, and to endeavor always to be doing some good to our city.” And this shall suffice us to have spoken as to the honors that were paid by the Romans and the people of Athens to Hyrcanus.,1. Now when Caesar had settled the affairs of Syria, he sailed away. And as soon as Antipater had conducted Caesar out of Syria, he returned to Judea. He then immediately raised up the wall which had been thrown down by Pompey; and, by coming thither, he pacified that tumult which had been in the country, and this by both threatening and advising them to be quiet;,for that if they would be of Hyrcanus’s side, they would live happily, and lead their lives without disturbance, and in the enjoyment of their own possessions; but if they were addicted to the hopes of what might come by innovation, and aimed to get wealth thereby, they should have him a severe master instead of a gentle governor, and Hyrcanus a tyrant instead of a king, and the Romans, together with Caesar, their bitter enemies instead of rulers, for that they would never bear him to be set aside whom they had appointed to govern. And when Antipater had said this to them, he himself settled the affairs of this country.,2. And seeing that Hyrcanus was of a slow and slothful temper, he made Phasaelus, his eldest son, governor of Jerusalem, and of the places that were about it, but committed Galilee to Herod, his next son, who was then a very young man, for he was but fifteen years of age.,But that youth of his was no impediment to him; but as he was a youth of great mind, he presently met with an opportunity of signalizing his courage; for finding that there was one Hezekiah, a captain of a band of robbers, who overran the neighboring parts of Syria with a great troop of them, he seized him and slew him, as well as a great number of the other robbers that were with him;,for which action he was greatly beloved by the Syrians; for when they were very desirous to have their country freed from this nest of robbers, he purged it of them. So they sung songs in his commendation in their villages and cities, as having procured them peace, and the secure enjoyment of their possessions; and on this account it was that he became known to Sextus Caesar, who was a relation of the great Caesar, and was now president of Syria.,Now Phasaelus, Herod’s brother, was moved with emulation at his actions, and envied the fame he had thereby gotten, and became ambitious not to be behindhand with him in deserving it. So he made the inhabitants of Jerusalem bear him the greatest good-will while he held the city himself, but did neither manage its affairs improperly, nor abuse his authority therein.,This conduct procured from the nation to Antipater such respect as is due to kings, and such honors as he might partake of if he were an absolute lord of the country. Yet did not this splendor of his, as frequently happens, in the least diminish in him that kindness and fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus.,3. But now the principal men among the Jews, when they saw Antipater and his sons to grow so much in the good-will the nation bare to them, and in the revenues which they received out of Judea, and out of Hyrcanus’s own wealth, they became ill-disposed to him;,for indeed Antipater had contracted a friendship with the Roman emperors; and when he had prevailed with Hyrcanus to send them money, he took it to himself, and purloined the present intended, and sent it as if it were his own, and not Hyrcanus’s gift to them.,Hyrcanus heard of this his management, but took no care about it; nay, he rather was very glad of it. But the chief men of the Jews were therefore in fear, because they saw that Herod was a violent and bold man, and very desirous of acting tyrannically; so they came to Hyrcanus, and now accused Antipater openly, and said to him, “How long wilt thou be quiet under such actions as are now done? Or dost thou not see that Antipater and his sons have already seized upon the government, and that it is only the name of a king which is given thee?,But do not thou suffer these things to be hidden from thee, nor do thou think to escape danger by being so careless of thyself and of thy kingdom; for Antipater and his sons are not now stewards of thine affairs: do not thou deceive thyself with such a notion; they are evidently absolute lords;,for Herod, Antipater’s son, hath slain Hezekiah, and those that were with him, and hath thereby transgressed our law, which hath forbidden to slay any man, even though he were a wicked man, unless he had been first condemned to suffer death by the Sanhedrim yet hath he been so insolent as to do this, and that without any authority from thee.”,4. Upon Hyrcanus hearing this, he complied with them. The mothers also of those that had been slain by Herod raised his indignation; for those women continued every day in the temple, persuading the king and the people that Herod might undergo a trial before the Sanhedrim for what he had done.,Hyrcanus was so moved by these complaints, that he summoned Herod to come to his trial for what was charged upon him. Accordingly he came; but his father had persuaded him to come not like a private man, but with a guard, for the security of his person; and that when he had settled the affairs of Galilee in the best manner he could for his own advantage, he should come to his trial, but still with a body of men sufficient for his security on his journey, yet so that he should not come with so great a force as might look like terrifying Hyrcanus, but still such a one as might not expose him naked and unguarded to his enemies.,However, Sextus Caesar, president of Syria, wrote to Hyrcanus, and desired him to clear Herod, and dismiss him at his trial, and threatened him beforehand if he did not do it. Which epistle of his was the occasion of Hyrcanus delivering Herod from suffering any harm from the Sanhedrim, for he loved him as his own son.,But when Herod stood before the Sanhedrim, with his body of men about him, he affrighted them all, and no one of his former accusers durst after that bring any charge against him, but there was a deep silence, and nobody knew what was to be done.,When affairs stood thus, one whose name was Sameas, a righteous man he was, and for that reason above all fear, rose up, and said, “O you that are assessors with me, and O thou that art our king, I neither have ever myself known such a case, nor do I suppose that any one of you can name its parallel, that one who is called to take his trial by us ever stood in such a manner before us; but every one, whosoever he be, that comes to be tried by this Sanhedrim, presents himself in a submissive manner, and like one that is in fear of himself, and that endeavors to move us to compassion, with his hair dishevelled, and in a black and mourning garment:,but this admirable man Herod, who is accused of murder, and called to answer so heavy an accusation, stands here clothed in purple, and with the hair of his head finely trimmed, and with his armed men about him, that if we shall condemn him by our law, he may slay us, and by overbearing justice may himself escape death.,Yet do not I make this complaint against Herod himself; he is to be sure more concerned for himself than for the laws; but my complaint is against yourselves, and your king, who gave him a license so to do. However, take you notice, that God is great, and that this very man, whom you are going to absolve and dismiss, for the sake of Hyrcanus, will one day punish both you and your king himself also.”,Nor did Sameas mistake in any part of this prediction; for when Herod had received the kingdom, he slew all the members of this Sanhedrim, and Hyrcanus himself also, excepting Sameas,,for he had a great honor for him on account of his righteousness, and because, when the city was afterward besieged by Herod and Sosius, he persuaded the people to admit Herod into it; and told them that for their sins they would not be able to escape his hands:—which things will be related by us in their proper places.,5. But when Hyrcanus saw that the members of the Sanhedrim were ready to pronounce the sentence of death upon Herod, he put off the trial to another day, and sent privately to Herod, and advised him to fly out of the city, for that by this means he might escape.,So he retired to Damascus, as though he fled from the king; and when he had been with Sextus Caesar, and had put his own affairs in a sure posture, he resolved to do thus; that in case he were again summoned before the Sanhedrim to take his trial, he would not obey that summons.,Hereupon the members of the Sanhedrim had great indignation at this posture of affairs, and endeavored to persuade Hyrcanus that all these things were against him; which state of matters he was not ignorant of; but his temper was so unmanly, and so foolish, that he was able to do nothing at all.,But when Sextus had made Herod general of the army of Celesyria, for he sold him that post for money, Hyrcanus was in fear lest Herod should make war upon him; nor was the effect of what he feared long in coming upon him; for Herod came and brought an army along with him to fight with Hyrcanus, as being angry at the trial he had been summoned to undergo before the Sanhedrim;,but his father Antipater, and his brother Phasaelus, met him, and hindered him from assaulting Jerusalem. They also pacified his vehement temper, and persuaded him to do no overt action, but only to affright them with threatenings, and to proceed no further against one who had given him the dignity he had:,they also desired him not only to be angry that he was summoned, and obliged to come to his trial, but to remember withal how he was dismissed without condemnation, and how he ought to give Hyrcanus thanks for the same; and that he was not to regard only what was disagreeable to him, and be unthankful for his deliverance.,So they desired him to consider, that since it is God that turns the scales of war, there is great uncertainty in the issue of battles, and that therefore he ought of to expect the victory when he should fight with his king, and him that had supported him, and bestowed many benefits upon him, and had done nothing of itself very severe to him; for that his accusation, which was derived from evil counselors, and not from himself, had rather the suspicion of some severity, than any thing really severe in it.,Herod was persuaded by these arguments, and believed that it was sufficient for his future hopes to have made a show of his strength before the nation, and done no more to it—and in this state were the affairs of Judea at this time.,1. Now when Caesar was come to Rome, he was ready to sail into Africa to fight against Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus sent ambassadors to him, and by them desired that he would ratify that league of friendship and mutual alliance which was between them,,And it seems to me to be necessary here to give an account of all the honors that the Romans and their emperor paid to our nation, and of the leagues of mutual assistance they have made with it, that all the rest of mankind may know what regard the kings of Asia and Europe have had to us, and that they have been abundantly satisfied of our courage and fidelity;,for whereas many will not believe what hath been written about us by the Persians and Macedonians, because those writings are not every where to be met with, nor do lie in public places, but among us ourselves, and certain other barbarous nations,,while there is no contradiction to be made against the decrees of the Romans, for they are laid up in the public places of the cities, and are extant still in the capitol, and engraven upon pillars of brass; nay, besides this, Julius Caesar made a pillar of brass for the Jews at Alexandria, and declared publicly that they were citizens of Alexandria.,Out of these evidences will I demonstrate what I say; and will now set down the decrees made both by the senate and by Julius Caesar, which relate to Hyrcanus and to our nation.,2. “Caius Julius Caesar, imperator and high priest, and dictator the second time, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Sidon, sendeth greeting. If you be in health, it is well. I also and the army are well.,I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin.,It is as follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time, and high priest, have made this decree, with the approbation of the senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and this both now and in former times, both in peace and in war, as many of our generals have borne witness,,and came to our assistance in the last Alexandrian war, with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed himself superior in valor to all the rest of that army;—,for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our particular friends.,I also ordain that he and his children retain whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or whatsoever favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter there arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will that he determine the same. And I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find us winter quarters, or that any money should be required of them.”,3. “The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured;,and that ambassadors be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, that may discourse with him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; and that a table of brass, containing the premises, be openly proposed in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple, engraven in Roman and Greek letters:,that this decree may also be communicated to the quaestors and praetors of the several cities, and to the friends of the Jews; and that the ambassadors may have presents made them; and that these decrees be sent every where.”,4. “Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath granted, That out of regard to the honor, and virtue, and kindness of the man, and for the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be high priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by the same right, and according to the same laws, by which their progenitors have held the priesthood.”,5. “Caius Caesar, consul the fifth time, hath decreed, That the Jews shall possess Jerusalem, and may encompass that city with walls; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, retain it in the manner he himself pleases;,and that the Jews be allowed to deduct out of their tribute, every second year the land is let in the Sabbatic period, a corus of that tribute; and that the tribute they pay be not let to farm, nor that they pay always the same tribute.”,6. “Caius Caesar, imperator the second time, hath ordained, That all the country of the Jews, excepting Joppa, do pay a tribute yearly for the city Jerusalem, excepting the seventh, which they call the sabbatical year, because thereon they neither receive the fruits of their trees, nor do they sow their land;,and that they pay their tribute in Sidon on the second year of that sabbatical period, the fourth part of what was sown: and besides this, they are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons which they paid to their forefathers.,And that no one, neither president, nor lieutet, nor ambassador, raise auxiliaries within the bounds of Judea; nor may soldiers exact money of them for winter quarters, or under any other pretense; but that they be free from all sorts of injuries;,and that whatsoever they shall hereafter have, and are in possession of, or have bought, they shall retain them all. It is also our pleasure that the city Joppa, which the Jews had originally, when they made a league of friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them, as it formerly did;,and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his sons, have as tribute of that city from those that occupy the land for the country, and for what they export every year to Sidon, twenty thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year, the seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic year, excepted, whereon they neither plough, nor receive the product of their trees.,It is also the pleasure of the senate, that as to the villages which are in the great plain, which Hyrcanus and his forefathers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the Jews have them with the same privileges with which they formerly had them also;,and that the same original ordices remain still in force which concern the Jews with regard to their high priests; and that they enjoy the same benefits which they have had formerly by the concession of the people, and of the senate; and let them enjoy the like privileges in Lydda.,It is the pleasure also of the senate that Hyrcanus the ethnarch, and the Jews, retain those places, countries, and villages which belonged to the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, the confederates of the Romans, and which they had bestowed on them as their free gifts.,It is also granted to Hyrcanus, and to his sons, and to the ambassadors by them sent to us, that in the fights between single gladiators, and in those with beasts, they shall sit among the senators to see those shows; and that when they desire an audience, they shall be introduced into the senate by the dictator, or by the general of the horse; and when they have introduced them, their answers shall be returned them in ten days at the furthest, after the decree of the senate is made about their affairs.”,7. “Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator the fourth time, and consul the fifth time, declared to be perpetual dictator, made this speech concerning the rights and privileges of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews.,Since those imperators that have been in the provinces before me have borne witness to Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and to the Jews themselves, and this before the senate and people of Rome, when the people and senate returned their thanks to them, it is good that we now also remember the same, and provide that a requital be made to Hyrcanus, to the nation of the Jews, and to the sons of Hyrcanus, by the senate and people of Rome, and that suitably to what good-will they have shown us, and to the benefits they have bestowed upon us.”,8. “Julius Caius, praetor consul of Rome, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Parians, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Delos, and some other Jews that sojourn there, in the presence of your ambassadors, signified to us, that, by a decree of yours, you forbid them to make use of the customs of their forefathers, and their way of sacred worship.,Now it does not please me that such decrees should be made against our friends and confederates, whereby they are forbidden to live according to their own customs, or to bring in contributions for common suppers and holy festivals, while they are not forbidden so to do even at Rome itself;,for even Caius Caesar, our imperator and consul, in that decree wherein he forbade the Bacchanal rioters to meet in the city, did yet permit these Jews, and these only, both to bring in their contributions, and to make their common suppers.,Accordingly, when I forbid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these Jews to gather themselves together, according to the customs and laws of their forefathers, and to persist therein. It will be therefore good for you, that if you have made any decree against these our friends and confederates, to abrogate the same, by reason of their virtue and kind disposition towards us.”,9. Now after Caius was slain, when Marcus Antonius and Publius Dolabella were consuls, they both assembled the senate, and introduced Hyrcanus’s ambassadors into it, and discoursed of what they desired, and made a league of friendship with them. The senate also decreed to grant them all they desired.,I add the decree itself, that those who read the present work may have ready by them a demonstration of the truth of what we say. The decree was this:,10. “The decree of the senate, copied out of the treasury, from the public tables belonging to the quaestors, when Quintus Rutilius and Caius Cornelius were quaestors, and taken out of the second table of the first class, on the third day before the Ides of April, in the temple of Concord.,There were present at the writing of this decree, Lucius Calpurnius Piso of the Menenian tribe, Servius Papinins Potitus of the Lemonian tribe, Caius Caninius Rebilius of the Terentine tribe, Publius Tidetius, Lucius Apulinus, the son of Lucius, of the Sergian tribe, Flavius, the son of Lucius, of the Lemonian tribe, Publius Platins, the son of Publius, of the Papyrian tribe, Marcus Acilius, the son of Marcus, of the Mecian tribe, Lucius Erucius, the son of Lucius, of the Stellatine tribe, Mareils Quintus Plancillus, the son of Marcus, of the Pollian tribe, and Publius Serius.,Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, the consuls, made this reference to the senate, that as to those things which, by the decree of the senate, Caius Caesar had adjudged about the Jews, and yet had not hitherto that decree been brought into the treasury, it is our will, as it is also the desire of Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, our consuls, to have these decrees put into the public tables, and brought to the city quaestors, that they may take care to have them put upon the double tables.,This was done before the fifth of the Ides of February, in the temple of Concord. Now the ambassadors from Hyrcanus the high priest were these: Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Alexander, the son of Theodorus, Patroclus, the son of Chereas, and Jonathan the son of Onias.”,11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers, and to permit them to live according to them.,And when Dolabella had received Hyrcanus’s letter, without any further deliberation, he sent an epistle to all the Asiatics, and particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the metropolis of Asia, about the Jews; a copy of which epistle here follows:,12. “When Artermon was prytanis, on the first day of the month Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate, and magistrates, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting.,Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the Sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers;—,I do therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the former prefects have done, and permit them to use the customs of their forefathers, in assembling together for sacred and religious purposes, as their law requires, and for collecting oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my will is, that you write this to the several cities under your jurisdiction.”,13. And these were the concessions that Dolabella made to our nation when Hyrcanus sent an embassage to him. But Lucius the consul’s decree ran thus: “I have at my tribunal set these Jews, who are citizens of Rome, and follow the Jewish religious rites, and yet live at Ephesus, free from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under. This was done before the twelfth of the calends of October, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius Marcellus were consuls,,in the presence of Titus Appius Balgus, the son of Titus, and lieutet of the Horatian tribe; of Titus Tongins, the son of Titus, of the Crustumine tribe; of Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus; of Titus Pompeius Longinus, the son of Titus; of Catus Servilius, the son of Caius, of the Terentine tribe; of Bracchus the military tribune; of Publius Lucius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe; of Caius Sentius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe;,of Titus Atilius Bulbus, the son of Titus, lieutet and vice-praetor to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. Lucius Lentulus the consul freed the Jews that are in Asia from going into the armies, at my intercession for them; and when I had made the same petition some time afterward to Phanius the imperator, and to Lucius Antonius the vice-quaestor, I obtained that privilege of them also; and my will is, that you take care that no one give them any disturbance.”,14. The decree of the Delians. “The answer of the praetors, when Beotus was archon, on the twentieth day of the month Thargeleon. While Marcus Piso the lieutet lived in our city, who was also appointed over the choice of the soldiers, he called us, and many other of the citizens, and gave order,,that if there be here any Jews who are Roman citizens, no one is to give them any disturbance about going into the army, because Cornelius Lentulus, the consul, freed the Jews from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under;—you are therefore obliged to submit to the praetor.” And the like decree was made by the Sardians about us also.,15. “Caius Phanius, the son of Caius, imperator and consul, to the magistrates of Cos, sendeth greeting. I would have you know that the ambassadors of the Jews have been with me, and desired they might have those decrees which the senate had made about them; which decrees are here subjoined. My will is, that you have a regard to and take care of these men, according to the senate’s decree, that they may be safely conveyed home through your country.”,16. The declaration of Lucius Lentulus the consul: “I have dismissed those Jews who are Roman citizens, and who appear to me to have their religious rites, and to observe the laws of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under. This act was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October.”,17. “Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus, vice-quaestor, and vice-praetor, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Those Jews that are our fellowcitizens of Rome came to me, and demonstrated that they had an assembly of their own, according to the laws of their forefathers, and this from the beginning, as also a place of their own, wherein they determined their suits and controversies with one another. Upon their petition therefore to me, that these might be lawful for them, I gave order that these their privileges be preserved, and they be permitted to do accordingly.”,18. The declaration of Marcus Publius, the son of Spurius, and of Marcus, the son of Marcus, and of Lucius, the son of Publius: “We went to the proconsul, and informed him of what Dositheus, the son of Cleopatrida of Alexandria, desired, that, if he thought good,,he would dismiss those Jews who were Roman citizens, and were wont to observe the rites of the Jewish religion, on account of the superstition they were under. Accordingly, he did dismiss them. This was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October.”14.261 Now the senate and people have decreed to permit them to assemble together on the days formerly appointed, and to act according to their own laws; and that such a place be set apart for them by the praetors, for the building and inhabiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for that purpose; and that those that take care of the provision for the city, shall take care that such sorts of food as they esteem fit for their eating may be imported into the city.”
14.323
6. The same thing did Antony write to the Sidonians, and the Antiochians, and the Aradians. We have produced these decrees, therefore, as marks for futurity of the truth of what we have said, that the Romans had a great concern about our nation.'' None
35. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.205-1.212, 1.228, 1.493-1.498, 2.22, 2.27, 2.38-2.42, 2.121, 2.140-2.144, 2.221, 2.234-2.235, 2.315, 2.511-2.512, 5.732-5.733, 7.7-7.20, 7.24, 7.29-7.36, 7.778, 8.67, 8.72-8.85, 8.88-8.105, 8.132-8.133, 8.150-8.156, 8.276-8.278, 8.425, 8.539, 8.576, 8.584-8.586, 8.639-8.661, 8.663-8.711, 8.727-8.728, 9.55-9.59, 9.169-9.170, 9.173, 9.980-9.986, 9.1010-9.1108 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Celsus, Cornelius • Cornelia • Cornelia (mother of the Gracchi) • Cornelia Metella • Cornelia, • Cornelia, antitype to Penelope • Cornelia, as conventional mourner • Cornelia, wife of Pompey • Cornelius Scipio Africanus Aemilianus, P. (Scipio Aemilianus), death of • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P. • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P. (Maior) • Cornelius Scipio Nasica Serapio (Scipio Nasica), murder of Ti. Gracchus • Cornelius Sulla, L. • Cornelius Sulla, P. (Sulla), as salus rerum • Cornelius Tacitus • Pompey, and Cornelia • Tacitus, P. Cornelius

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 261; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 27, 28, 201; Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 33, 35, 36, 37; Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 83, 168, 169, 201, 202, 203, 205, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 243, 254; Keith and Edmondson (2016), Roman Literary Cultures: Domestic Politics, Revolutionary Poetics, Civic Spectacle 245; Mowat (2021), Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic, 154; O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 284; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206, 232, 244; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 21; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 123; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 307; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 261; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 41, 42, 79

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1.205 To rise above their country: might their law: Decrees are forced from Senate and from Plebs: Consul and Tribune break the laws alike: Bought are the fasces, and the people sell For gain their favour: bribery's fatal curse Corrupts the annual contests of the Field. Then covetous usury rose, and interest Was greedier ever as the seasons came; Faith tottered; thousands saw their gain in war. Caesar has crossed the Alps, his mighty soul " "1.209 To rise above their country: might their law: Decrees are forced from Senate and from Plebs: Consul and Tribune break the laws alike: Bought are the fasces, and the people sell For gain their favour: bribery's fatal curse Corrupts the annual contests of the Field. Then covetous usury rose, and interest Was greedier ever as the seasons came; Faith tottered; thousands saw their gain in war. Caesar has crossed the Alps, his mighty soul " '1.210 Great tumults pondering and the coming shock. Now on the marge of Rubicon, he saw, In face most sorrowful and ghostly guise, His trembling country\'s image; huge it seemed Through mists of night obscure; and hoary hair Streamed from the lofty front with turrets crowned: Torn were her locks and naked were her arms. Then thus, with broken sighs the Vision spake: "What seek ye, men of Rome? and whither hence Bear ye my standards? If by right ye come,
1.228
My citizens, stay here; these are the bounds; No further dare." But Caesar\'s hair was stiff With horror as he gazed, and ghastly dread Restrained his footsteps on the further bank. Then spake he, "Thunderer, who from the rock Tarpeian seest the wall of mighty Rome; Gods of my race who watched o\'er Troy of old; Thou Jove of Alba\'s height, and Vestal fires, And rites of Romulus erst rapt to heaven, And God-like Rome; be friendly to my quest. ' "
1.493
No longer listen for the bugle call, Nor those who dwell where Rhone's swift eddies sweep Arar to the ocean; nor the mountain tribes Who dwell about its source. Thou, too, oh Treves, Rejoicest that the war has left thy bounds. Ligurian tribes, now shorn, in ancient days First of the long-haired nations, on whose necks Once flowed the auburn locks in pride supreme; And those who pacify with blood accursed Savage Teutates, Hesus' horrid shrines, " "1.498 No longer listen for the bugle call, Nor those who dwell where Rhone's swift eddies sweep Arar to the ocean; nor the mountain tribes Who dwell about its source. Thou, too, oh Treves, Rejoicest that the war has left thy bounds. Ligurian tribes, now shorn, in ancient days First of the long-haired nations, on whose necks Once flowed the auburn locks in pride supreme; And those who pacify with blood accursed Savage Teutates, Hesus' horrid shrines, " 2.22 The world should suffer, from the truth divine, A solemn fast was called, the courts were closed, All men in private garb; no purple hem Adorned the togas of the chiefs of Rome; No plaints were uttered, and a voiceless grief Lay deep in every bosom: as when death Knocks at some door but enters not as yet, Before the mother calls the name aloud Or bids her grieving maidens beat the breast, While still she marks the glazing eye, and soothes
2.38
The stiffening limbs and gazes on the face, In nameless dread, not sorrow, and in awe of death approaching: and with mind distraught Clings to the dying in a last embrace. The matrons laid aside their wonted garb: Crowds filled the temples — on the unpitying stones Some dashed their bosoms; others bathed with tears The statues of the gods; some tore their hair Upon the holy threshold, and with shrieks And vows unceasing called upon the names 2.40 of those whom mortals supplicate. Nor all Lay in the Thunderer\'s fane: at every shrine Some prayers are offered which refused shall bring Reproach on heaven. One whose livid arms Were dark with blows, whose cheeks with tears bedewed And riven, cried, "Beat, mothers, beat the breast, Tear now the lock; while doubtful in the scales Still fortune hangs, nor yet the fight is won, You still may grieve: when either wins rejoice." Thus sorrow stirs itself. Meanwhile the men 2.42 of those whom mortals supplicate. Nor all Lay in the Thunderer\'s fane: at every shrine Some prayers are offered which refused shall bring Reproach on heaven. One whose livid arms Were dark with blows, whose cheeks with tears bedewed And riven, cried, "Beat, mothers, beat the breast, Tear now the lock; while doubtful in the scales Still fortune hangs, nor yet the fight is won, You still may grieve: when either wins rejoice." Thus sorrow stirs itself. Meanwhile the men ' "
2.121
Death strode upon his victims! plebs alike And nobles perished; far and near the sword Struck at his pleasure, till the temple floors Ran wet with slaughter and the crimson stream Befouled with slippery gore the holy walls. No age found pity men of failing years, Just tottering to the grave, were hurled to death; From infants, in their being's earliest dawn, The growing life was severed. For what crime? Twas cause enough for death that they could die. " "
2.140
Till Sulla comes again. But time would fail In weeping for the deaths of all who fell. Encircled by innumerable bands Fell Baebius, his limbs asunder torn, His vitals dragged abroad. Antonius too, Prophet of ill, whose hoary head was placed, Dripping with blood, upon the festal board. There headless fell the Crassi; mangled frames 'Neath Fimbria's falchion: and the prison cells Were wet with tribunes' blood. Hard by the fane " "

2.221
And Earth upheaved, have laid such numbers low: But ne'er one man's revenge. Between the slain And living victims there was space no more, Death thus let slip, to deal the fatal blow. Hardly when struck they fell; the severed head Scarce toppled from the shoulders; but the slain Blent in a weighty pile of massacre Pressed out the life and helped the murderer's arm. Secure from stain upon his lofty throne, Unshuddering sat the author of the whole, " 2.234 Nor feared that at his word such thousands fell. At length the Tuscan flood received the dead The first upon his waves; the last on those That lay beneath them; vessels in their course Were stayed, and while the lower current flowed Still to the sea, the upper stood on high Dammed back by carnage. Through the streets meanwhile In headlong torrents ran a tide of blood, Which furrowing its path through town and field Forced the slow river on. But now his banks 2.235 Nor feared that at his word such thousands fell. At length the Tuscan flood received the dead The first upon his waves; the last on those That lay beneath them; vessels in their course Were stayed, and while the lower current flowed Still to the sea, the upper stood on high Dammed back by carnage. Through the streets meanwhile In headlong torrents ran a tide of blood, Which furrowing its path through town and field Forced the slow river on. But now his banks ' "
2.315
That such a citizen has joined the war? Glad would he see thee e'en in Magnus' tents; For Cato's conduct shall approve his own. Pompeius, with the Consul in his ranks, And half the Senate and the other chiefs, Vexes my spirit; and should Cato too Bend to a master's yoke, in all the world The one man free is Caesar. But if thou For freedom and thy country's laws alone Be pleased to raise the sword, nor Magnus then " "
2.511
They place upon the turrets. Magnus most The people's favour held, yet faith with fear Fought in their breasts. As when, with strident blast, A southern tempest has possessed the main And all the billows follow in its track: Then, by the Storm-king smitten, should the earth Set Eurus free upon the swollen deep, It shall not yield to him, though cloud and sky Confess his strength; but in the former wind Still find its master. But their fears prevailed, " "
5.732
Far as from Leucas point the placid main Spreads to the horizon, from the billow's crest They viewed the dashing of th' infuriate sea; Thence sinking to the middle trough, their mast Scarce topped the watery height on either hand, Their sails in clouds, their keel upon the ground. For all the sea was piled into the waves, And drawn from depths between laid bare the sand. The master of the boat forgot his art, For fear o'ercame; he knew not where to yield " "
7.7
Book 7 Ne'er to the summons of the Eternal laws More slowly Titan rose, nor drave his steeds, Forced by the sky revolving, up the heaven, With gloomier presage; wishing to endure The pangs of ravished light, and dark eclipse; And drew the mists up, not to feed his flames, But lest his light upon Thessalian earth Might fall undimmed. Pompeius on that morn, To him the latest day of happy life, " "7.10 In troubled sleep an empty dream conceived. For in the watches of the night he heard Innumerable Romans shout his name Within his theatre; the benches vied To raise his fame and place him with the gods; As once in youth, when victory was won O'er conquered tribes where swift Iberus flows, And where Sertorius' armies fought and fled, The west subdued, with no less majesty Than if the purple toga graced the car, " "7.20 He sat triumphant in his pure white gown A Roman knight, and heard the Senate's cheer. Perhaps, as ills drew near, his anxious soul, Shunning the future wooed the happy past; Or, as is wont, prophetic slumber showed That which was not to be, by doubtful forms Misleading; or as envious Fate forbade Return to Italy, this glimpse of RomeKind Fortune gave. Break not his latest sleep, Ye sentinels; let not the trumpet call " "7.30 Strike on his ear: for on the morrow's night Shapes of the battle lost, of death and war Shall crowd his rest with terrors. Whence shalt thou The poor man's happiness of sleep regain? Happy if even in dreams thy Rome could see Once more her captain! Would the gods had given To thee and to thy country one day yet To reap the latest fruit of such a love: Though sure of fate to come! Thou marchest on As though by heaven ordained in Rome to die; " "7.36 Strike on his ear: for on the morrow's night Shapes of the battle lost, of death and war Shall crowd his rest with terrors. Whence shalt thou The poor man's happiness of sleep regain? Happy if even in dreams thy Rome could see Once more her captain! Would the gods had given To thee and to thy country one day yet To reap the latest fruit of such a love: Though sure of fate to come! Thou marchest on As though by heaven ordained in Rome to die; "
7.778
More bloodshed, here on me, my wife, and sons Wreak out your vengeance — pledges to the fates Such have we given. Too little for the war Is our destruction? Doth the carnage fail, The world escaping? Magnus\' fortunes lost, Why doom all else beside him?" Thus he cried, And passed amid his standards, and recalled His vanquished host that rushed on fate declared. Not for his sake such carnage should be wrought. So thought Pompeius; nor the foeman\'s sword
8.67
But give to grief thy moments. From the ship He leaps to land; she marks the cruel doom Wrought by the gods upon him: pale and wan His weary features, by the hoary locks Shaded; the dust of travel on his garb. Dark on her soul a night of anguish fell; Her trembling limbs no longer bore her frame: Scarce throbbed her heart, and prone on earth she lay Deceived in hope of death. The boat made fast, Pompeius treading the lone waste of sand
8.72
Drew near; whom when Cornelia\'s maidens saw, They stayed their weeping, yet with sighs subdued, Reproached the fates; and tried in vain to raise Their mistress\' form, till Magnus to his breast Drew her with cherishing arms; and at the touch of soothing hands the life-blood to her veins Returned once more, and she could bear to look Upon his features. He forbad despair, Chiding her grief. "Not at the earliest blow By Fortune dealt, inheritress of fame 8.79 Drew near; whom when Cornelia\'s maidens saw, They stayed their weeping, yet with sighs subdued, Reproached the fates; and tried in vain to raise Their mistress\' form, till Magnus to his breast Drew her with cherishing arms; and at the touch of soothing hands the life-blood to her veins Returned once more, and she could bear to look Upon his features. He forbad despair, Chiding her grief. "Not at the earliest blow By Fortune dealt, inheritress of fame ' "8.80 Bequeathed by noble fathers, should thy strength Thus fail and yield: renown shall yet be thine, To last through ages; not of laws decreed Nor conquests won; a gentler path to thee As to thy sex, is given; thy husband's woe. Let thine affection struggle with the fates, And in his misery love thy lord the more. I bring thee greater glory, for that gone Is all the pomp of power and all the crowd of faithful senators and suppliant kings; " "8.89 Bequeathed by noble fathers, should thy strength Thus fail and yield: renown shall yet be thine, To last through ages; not of laws decreed Nor conquests won; a gentler path to thee As to thy sex, is given; thy husband's woe. Let thine affection struggle with the fates, And in his misery love thy lord the more. I bring thee greater glory, for that gone Is all the pomp of power and all the crowd of faithful senators and suppliant kings; " '8.90 Now first Pompeius for himself alone Tis thine to love. Curb this unbounded grief, While yet I breathe, unseemly. O\'er my tomb Weep out thy full, the final pledge of faith. Thou hast no loss, nor has the war destroyed Aught save my fortune. If for that thy grief That was thy love." Roused by her husband\'s words, Yet scarcely could she raise her trembling limbs, Thus speaking through her sobs: "Would I had sought Detested Caesar\'s couch, ill-omened wife 8.99 Now first Pompeius for himself alone Tis thine to love. Curb this unbounded grief, While yet I breathe, unseemly. O\'er my tomb Weep out thy full, the final pledge of faith. Thou hast no loss, nor has the war destroyed Aught save my fortune. If for that thy grief That was thy love." Roused by her husband\'s words, Yet scarcely could she raise her trembling limbs, Thus speaking through her sobs: "Would I had sought Detested Caesar\'s couch, ill-omened wife ' "8.100 of spouse unhappy; at my nuptials twice A Fury has been bridesmaid, and the ghosts of slaughtered Crassi, with avenging shades Brought by my wedlock to the doomed camp The Parthian massacre. Twice my star has cursed The world, and peoples have been hurled to death In one red moment; and the gods through me Have left the better cause. O, hero mine, Mightiest husband, wedded to a wife Unworthy! 'Twas through her that Fortune gained " "
8.132
We pray thee, stay; thus honouring the homes Long since devoted, Magnus, to thy cause. This spot in days to come the guest from RomeFor thee shall honour. Nowhere shalt thou find A surer refuge in defeat. All else May court the victor's favour; we long since Have earned his chastisement. And though our isle Rides on the deep, girt by the ocean wave, No ships has Caesar: and to us shall come, Be sure, thy captains, to our trusted shore, " "
8.150
And find it faithful? Here was Rome for me, Country and household gods. This shore I sought Home of my wife, this Lesbos, which for her Had merited remorseless Caesar's ire: Nor was afraid to trust you with the means To gain his mercy. But enough — through me Your guilt was caused — I part, throughout the world To prove my fate. Farewell thou happiest land! Famous for ever, whether taught by thee Some other kings and peoples may be pleased " "8.156 And find it faithful? Here was Rome for me, Country and household gods. This shore I sought Home of my wife, this Lesbos, which for her Had merited remorseless Caesar's ire: Nor was afraid to trust you with the means To gain his mercy. But enough — through me Your guilt was caused — I part, throughout the world To prove my fate. Farewell thou happiest land! Famous for ever, whether taught by thee Some other kings and peoples may be pleased " 8.276 By Macedon\'s hero set: in Magnus\' cause March, Parthians, to Rome\'s conquest. Rome herself Prays to be conquered.\'" Hard the task imposed; Yet doffed his robe, and swift obeyed, the king Wrapped in a servant\'s mantle. If a Prince For safety play the boor, then happier, sure, The peasant\'s lot than lordship of the world. The king thus parted, past Icaria\'s rocks Pompeius\' vessel skirts the foamy crags of little Samos: Colophon\'s tranquil sea 8.278 By Macedon\'s hero set: in Magnus\' cause March, Parthians, to Rome\'s conquest. Rome herself Prays to be conquered.\'" Hard the task imposed; Yet doffed his robe, and swift obeyed, the king Wrapped in a servant\'s mantle. If a Prince For safety play the boor, then happier, sure, The peasant\'s lot than lordship of the world. The king thus parted, past Icaria\'s rocks Pompeius\' vessel skirts the foamy crags of little Samos: Colophon\'s tranquil sea ' "
8.425
True that the Parthian in Sarmatia's plains, Where Tigris spreads across the level meads, Contends invincible; for flight is his Unbounded; but should uplands bar his path He scales them not; nor through the night of war Shall his weak bow uncertain in its aim Repel the foeman; nor his strength of arm The torrent stem; nor all a summer's day In dust and blood bear up against the foe. They fill no hostile trench, nor in their hands " "
8.539
Most nearly balances the varying hours, Once only equal; for the wintry day Repays to night her losses of the spring; And Magnus learning that th' Egyptian king Lay by Mount Casius, ere the sun was set Or flagged his canvas, thither steered his ship. Already had a horseman from the shore In rapid gallop to the trembling court Brought news their guest was come. Short was the time For counsel given; but in haste were met " "
8.576
Speak for thy banished sister. Let her rule O'er Nile and Pharos: we shall at the least Preserve our Egypt from the Latian arms. What Magnus owned not ere the war was done, No more shall Caesar. Driven from all the world, Trusting no more to Fortune, now he seeks Some foreign nation which may share his fate. Shades of the slaughtered in the civil war Compel him: nor from Caesar's arms alone But from the Senate also does he fly, " 8.584 Whose blood outpoured has gorged Thessalian fowl; Monarchs he fears whose all he hath destroyed, And nations piled in one ensanguined heap, By him deserted. Victim of the blow Thessalia dealt, refused in every land, He asks for help from ours not yet betrayed. But none than Egypt with this chief from RomeHas juster quarrel; who has sought with arms To stain our Pharos, distant from the strife And peaceful ever, and to make our realm 8.586 Whose blood outpoured has gorged Thessalian fowl; Monarchs he fears whose all he hath destroyed, And nations piled in one ensanguined heap, By him deserted. Victim of the blow Thessalia dealt, refused in every land, He asks for help from ours not yet betrayed. But none than Egypt with this chief from RomeHas juster quarrel; who has sought with arms To stain our Pharos, distant from the strife And peaceful ever, and to make our realm ' "
8.639
Its thoughts to such an enterprise? Do thus Our fates press on the world? Is Rome thus fallen That in our civil frays the Phaxian sword Finds place, or Egypt? O, may civil war Be thus far faithful that the hand which strikes Be of our kindred; and the foreign fiend Held worlds apart! Pompeius, great in soul, Noble in spirit, had deserved a death From Caesar's self. And, king, hast thou no fear At such a ruin of so great a name? " "8.640 And dost thou dare when heaven's high thunder rolls, Thou, puny boy, to mingle with its tones Thine impure utterance? Had he not won A world by arms, and thrice in triumph scaled The sacred Capitol, and vanquished kings, And championed the Roman Senate's cause; He, kinsman of the victor? 'Twas enough To cause forbearance in a Pharian king, That he was Roman. Wherefore with thy sword Dost stab our breasts? Thou know'st not, impious boy, " "8.650 How stand thy fortunes; now no more by right Hast thou the sceptre of the land of Nile; For prostrate, vanquished in the civil wars Is he who gave it. Furling now his sails, Magnus with oars approached th' accursed land, When in their little boat the murderous crew Drew nigh, and feigning from th' Egyptian court A ready welcome, blamed the double tides Broken by shallows, and their scanty beach Unfit for fleets; and bade him to their craft " "8.660 Leaving his loftier ship. Had not the fates' Eternal and unalterable laws Called for their victim and decreed his end Now near at hand, his comrades' warning voice Yet might have stayed his course: for if the court To Magnus, who bestowed the Pharian crown, In truth were open, should not king and fleet In pomp have come to greet him? But he yields: The fates compel. Welcome to him was death Rather than fear. But, rushing to the side, " "8.669 Leaving his loftier ship. Had not the fates' Eternal and unalterable laws Called for their victim and decreed his end Now near at hand, his comrades' warning voice Yet might have stayed his course: for if the court To Magnus, who bestowed the Pharian crown, In truth were open, should not king and fleet In pomp have come to greet him? But he yields: The fates compel. Welcome to him was death Rather than fear. But, rushing to the side, " 8.670 His spouse would follow, for she dared not stay, Fearing the guile. Then he, "Abide, my wife, And son, I pray you; from the shore afar Await my fortunes; mine shall be the life To test their honour." But Cornelia still Withstood his bidding, and with arms outspread Frenzied she cried: "And whither without me, Cruel, departest? Thou forbad\'st me share Thy risks Thessalian; dost again command That I should part from thee? No happy star 8.680 Breaks on our sorrow. If from every land Thou dost debar me, why didst turn aside In flight to Lesbos? On the waves alone Am I thy fit companion?" Thus in vain, Leaning upon the bulwark, dazed with dread; Nor could she turn her straining gaze aside, Nor see her parting husband. All the fleet Stood silent, anxious, waiting for the end: Not that they feared the murder which befell, But lest their leader might with humble prayer 8.689 Breaks on our sorrow. If from every land Thou dost debar me, why didst turn aside In flight to Lesbos? On the waves alone Am I thy fit companion?" Thus in vain, Leaning upon the bulwark, dazed with dread; Nor could she turn her straining gaze aside, Nor see her parting husband. All the fleet Stood silent, anxious, waiting for the end: Not that they feared the murder which befell, But lest their leader might with humble prayer ' "8.690 Kneel to the king he made. As Magnus passed, A Roman soldier from the Pharian boat, Septimius, salutes him. Gods of heaven! There stood he, minion to a barbarous king, Nor bearing still the javelin of Rome; But vile in all his arms; giant in form Fierce, brutal, thirsting as a beast may thirst For carnage. Didst thou, Fortune, for the sake of nations, spare to dread Pharsalus field This savage monster's blows? Or dost thou place " "8.700 Throughout the world, for thy mysterious ends, Some ministering swords for civil war? Thus, to the shame of victors and of gods, This story shall be told in days to come: A Roman swordsman, once within thy ranks, Slave to the orders of a puny prince, Severed Pompeius' neck. And what shall be Septimius' fame hereafter? By what name This deed be called, if Brutus wrought a crime? Now came the end, the latest hour of all: " "8.709 Throughout the world, for thy mysterious ends, Some ministering swords for civil war? Thus, to the shame of victors and of gods, This story shall be told in days to come: A Roman swordsman, once within thy ranks, Slave to the orders of a puny prince, Severed Pompeius' neck. And what shall be Septimius' fame hereafter? By what name This deed be called, if Brutus wrought a crime? Now came the end, the latest hour of all: " '8.710 Rapt to the boat was Magnus, of himself No longer master, and the miscreant crew Unsheathed their swords; which when the chieftain saw He swathed his visage, for he scorned unveiled To yield his life to fortune; closed his eyes And held his breath within him, lest some word, Or sob escaped, might mar the deathless fame His deeds had won. And when within his side Achillas plunged his blade, nor sound nor cry He gave, but calm consented to the blow

8.727
And proved himself in dying; in his breast These thoughts revolving: "In the years to come Men shall make mention of our Roman toils, Gaze on this boat, ponder the Pharian faith; And think upon thy fame and all the years While fortune smiled: but for the ills of life How thou could\'st bear them, this men shall not know Save by thy death. Then weigh thou not the shame That waits on thine undoing. Whose strikes, The blow is Caesar\'s. Men may tear this frame
8.728
And proved himself in dying; in his breast These thoughts revolving: "In the years to come Men shall make mention of our Roman toils, Gaze on this boat, ponder the Pharian faith; And think upon thy fame and all the years While fortune smiled: but for the ills of life How thou could\'st bear them, this men shall not know Save by thy death. Then weigh thou not the shame That waits on thine undoing. Whose strikes, The blow is Caesar\'s. Men may tear this frame ' "
9.55
Borne past the Cretan shores. But Phycus dared Refuse her harbour, and th' avenging hand Left her in ruins. Thus with gentle airs They glide along the main and reach the shore From Palinurus named; for not alone On seas Italian, Pilot of the deep, Hast thou thy monument; and Libya too Claims that her waters pleased thy soul of yore. Then in the distance on the main arose The shining canvas of a stranger fleet, " "
9.169
For favours erst bestowed). Within my sight Pierced through with wounds our noble father fell: Yet deeming not the petty prince of NileSo fell a deed would dare, to Egypt's strand I thought great Caesar come. But worse than all, Worse than the wounds which gaped upon his frame Struck me with horror to the inmost heart, Our murdered father's head, shorn from the trunk And borne aloft on javelin; this sight, As rumour said, the cruel victor asked " '9.170 To feast his eyes, and prove the bloody deed. For whether ravenous birds and Pharian dogsHave torn his corse asunder, or a fire Consumed it, which with stealthy flame arose Upon the shore, I know not. For the parts Devoured by destiny I only blame The gods: I weep the part preserved by men." Thus Sextus spake: and Cnaeus at the words Flamed into fury for his father\'s shame. "Sailors, launch forth our navies, by your oars
9.980
Thy haunts, Salpuga? Yet the Stygian Maids Have given thee power to snap the fatal threads. Thus nor the day with brightness, nor the night With darkness gave them peace. The very earth On which they lay they feared; nor leaves nor straw They piled for couches, but upon the ground Unshielded from the fates they laid their limbs, Cherished beneath whose warmth in chill of night The frozen pests found shelter; in whose jaws Harmless the while, the lurking venom slept. 9.986 Thy haunts, Salpuga? Yet the Stygian Maids Have given thee power to snap the fatal threads. Thus nor the day with brightness, nor the night With darkness gave them peace. The very earth On which they lay they feared; nor leaves nor straw They piled for couches, but upon the ground Unshielded from the fates they laid their limbs, Cherished beneath whose warmth in chill of night The frozen pests found shelter; in whose jaws Harmless the while, the lurking venom slept. ' "
9.1010
With death in middle space. Our march is set Through thy sequestered kingdom, and the host Which knows thy secret seeks the furthest world. Perchance some greater wonders on our path May still await us; in the waves be plunged Heaven's constellations, and the lofty pole Stoop from its height. By further space removed No land, than Juba's realm; by rumour's voice Drear, mournful. Haply for this serpent land There may we long, where yet some living thing " "9.1020 Gives consolation. Not my native land Nor European fields I hope for now Lit by far other suns, nor Asia's plains. But in what land, what region of the sky, Where left we Africa? But now with frosts Cyrene stiffened: have we changed the laws Which rule the seasons, in this little space? Cast from the world we know, 'neath other skies And stars we tread; behind our backs the home of southern tempests: Rome herself perchance " "9.1029 Gives consolation. Not my native land Nor European fields I hope for now Lit by far other suns, nor Asia's plains. But in what land, what region of the sky, Where left we Africa? But now with frosts Cyrene stiffened: have we changed the laws Which rule the seasons, in this little space? Cast from the world we know, 'neath other skies And stars we tread; behind our backs the home of southern tempests: Rome herself perchance " '9.1030 Now lies beneath our feet. Yet for our fates This solace pray we, that on this our track Pursuing Caesar with his host may come." Thus was their stubborn patience of its plaints Disburdened. But the bravery of their chief Forced them to bear their toils. Upon the sand, All bare, he lies and dares at every hour Fortune to strike: he only at the fate of each is present, flies to every call; And greatest boon of all, greater than life, 9.1039 Now lies beneath our feet. Yet for our fates This solace pray we, that on this our track Pursuing Caesar with his host may come." Thus was their stubborn patience of its plaints Disburdened. But the bravery of their chief Forced them to bear their toils. Upon the sand, All bare, he lies and dares at every hour Fortune to strike: he only at the fate of each is present, flies to every call; And greatest boon of all, greater than life, ' "9.1040 Brought strength to die. To groan in death was shame In such a presence. What power had all the ills Possessed upon him? In another's breast He conquers misery, teaching by his mien That pain is powerless. Hardly aid at length Did Fortune, wearied of their perils, grant. Alone unharmed of all who till the earth, By deadly serpents, dwells the Psyllian race. Potent as herbs their song; safe is their blood, Nor gives admission to the poison germ " "9.1050 E'en when the chant has ceased. Their home itself Placed in such venomous tract and serpent-thronged Gained them this vantage, and a truce with death, Else could they not have lived. Such is their trust In purity of blood, that newly born Each babe they prove by test of deadly aspFor foreign lineage. So the bird of JoveTurns his new fledglings to the rising sun And such as gaze upon the beams of day With eves unwavering, for the use of heaven " "9.1060 He rears; but such as blink at Phoebus' rays Casts from the nest. Thus of unmixed descent The babe who, dreading not the serpent touch, Plays in his cradle with the deadly snake. Nor with their own immunity from harm Contented do they rest, but watch for guests Who need their help against the noisome plague. Now to the Roman standards are they come, And when the chieftain bade the tents be fixed, First all the sandy space within the lines " "9.1069 He rears; but such as blink at Phoebus' rays Casts from the nest. Thus of unmixed descent The babe who, dreading not the serpent touch, Plays in his cradle with the deadly snake. Nor with their own immunity from harm Contented do they rest, but watch for guests Who need their help against the noisome plague. Now to the Roman standards are they come, And when the chieftain bade the tents be fixed, First all the sandy space within the lines " '9.1070 With song they purify and magic words From which all serpents flee: next round the camp In widest circuit from a kindled fire Rise aromatic odours: danewort burns, And juice distils from Syrian galbanum; Then tamarisk and costum, Eastern herbs, Strong panacea mixt with centaury From Thrace, and leaves of fennel feed the flames, And thapsus brought from Eryx: and they burn Larch, southern-wood and antlers of a deer 9.1079 With song they purify and magic words From which all serpents flee: next round the camp In widest circuit from a kindled fire Rise aromatic odours: danewort burns, And juice distils from Syrian galbanum; Then tamarisk and costum, Eastern herbs, Strong panacea mixt with centaury From Thrace, and leaves of fennel feed the flames, And thapsus brought from Eryx: and they burn Larch, southern-wood and antlers of a deer ' "9.1080 Which lived afar. From these in densest fumes, Deadly to snakes, a pungent smoke arose; And thus in safety passed the night away. But should some victim feel the fatal fang Upon the march, then of this magic race Were seen the wonders, for a mighty strife Rose 'twixt the Psyllian and the poison germ. First with saliva they anoint the limbs That held the venomous juice within the wound; Nor suffer it to spread. From foaming mouth " "9.1090 Next with continuous cadence would they pour Unceasing chants — nor breathing space nor pause — Else spreads the poison: nor does fate permit A moment's silence. oft from the black flesh Flies forth the pest beneath the magic song: But should it linger nor obey the voice, Repugt to the summons, on the wound Prostrate they lay their lips and from the depths Now paling draw the venom. In their mouths, Sucked from the freezing flesh, they hold the death, " "9.1100 Then spew it forth; and from the taste shall know The snake they conquer. Aided thus at length Wanders the Roman host in better guise Upon the barren fields in lengthy march. Twice veiled the moon her light and twice renewed; Yet still, with waning or with growing orb Saw Cato's steps upon the sandy waste. But more and more beneath their feet the dust Began to harden, till the Libyan tracts Once more were earth, and in the distance rose " "9.1108 Then spew it forth; and from the taste shall know The snake they conquer. Aided thus at length Wanders the Roman host in better guise Upon the barren fields in lengthy march. Twice veiled the moon her light and twice renewed; Yet still, with waning or with growing orb Saw Cato's steps upon the sandy waste. But more and more beneath their feet the dust Began to harden, till the Libyan tracts Once more were earth, and in the distance rose "" None
36. New Testament, Acts, 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 2.5, 2.6, 2.7, 2.8, 2.9, 2.10, 2.11, 2.12, 2.13, 5.36, 5.37, 5.38, 5.39, 8.9, 8.10, 8.11, 8.12, 8.13, 8.14, 8.15, 8.16, 8.17, 8.18, 8.19, 8.20, 8.21, 8.22, 8.23, 8.24, 8.26, 8.27, 8.28, 8.29, 8.30, 8.31, 8.32, 8.33, 8.34, 8.35, 8.36, 8.37, 8.38, 8.39, 8.40, 9, 9.17, 9.19, 10, 10.1, 10.1-11.18, 10.2, 10.3, 10.4, 10.5, 10.6, 10.7, 10.8, 10.9, 10.10, 10.11, 10.12, 10.13, 10.14, 10.15, 10.16, 10.17, 10.18, 10.19, 10.20, 10.21, 10.22, 10.23, 10.28, 10.30, 10.34, 10.35, 10.36, 10.37, 10.38, 10.39, 10.40, 10.41, 10.42, 10.43, 10.44, 10.45, 10.46, 10.47, 10.48, 11, 11.1, 11.2, 11.3, 11.5, 11.8, 11.9, 11.15, 11.16, 11.17, 11.18, 12.7, 12.12, 13.46, 15, 15.7, 15.13, 15.15, 15.16, 15.17, 15.19, 16, 16.11, 16.12, 16.13, 16.14, 16.15, 16.21, 16.25, 16.26, 16.27, 16.28, 16.29, 16.30, 16.31, 16.32, 16.33, 16.34, 17.11, 17.13, 18.2, 18.3, 18.4, 18.5, 18.6, 18.7, 18.8, 18.11, 18.13, 19.1, 19.2, 19.3, 19.4, 19.5, 19.6, 19.7, 22.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius • Double dreams and visions, Peter and Cornelius • Double dreams and visions, Peter and Cornelius, Peter-Paul parallel • Double dreams and visions, Peter and Cornelius, apologetic agendas • Double dreams and visions, Peter and Cornelius, contrasting revelations • Double dreams and visions, Peter and Cornelius, ethnic identities • Double dreams and visions, Peter and Cornelius, narrative irony • Double dreams and visions, Peter and Cornelius, summary of findings • Holy Spirit, Cornelius • Peter Chrysologus, on Cornelius • Peter and Cornelius' visions, content • Peter and Cornelius' visions, deixis • Peter and Cornelius' visions, form • Peter and Cornelius' visions, genre and register • Peter and Cornelius' visions, interpretation • Peter-Cornelius narrative and visions, intertextual approaches, Euripides' bacchai • Peter-Cornelius narrative and visions, intertextual approaches, Graeco-Roman • Peter-Cornelius narrative and visions, intertextual approaches, NT • Peter-Cornelius narrative and visions, intertextual approaches, OT • Römer, Cornelia • baptism, of Cornelius

 Found in books: Avery-Peck, Chilton, and Scott Green (2014), A Legacy of Learning: Essays in Honor of Jacob Neusner , 243, 245; Esler (2000), The Early Christian World, 176; Herman, Rubenstein (2018), The Aggada of the Bavli and Its Cultural World. 71; Hillier (1993), Arator on the Acts of the Apostles: A Baptismal Commentary, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 98; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 370; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 375; Levison (2009), Filled with the Spirit, 232, 267, 336, 341, 343, 351, 363; Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, 32, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 41, 260, 324, 326, 329, 331, 332, 333, 335, 336, 337; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 579, 580; Rowland (2009), The Mystery of God: Early Jewish Mysticism and the New Testament, 8, 132, 133; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 146, 168, 180, 549

sup>
2.1 Καὶ ἐν τῷ συνπληροῦσθαι τὴν ἡμέραν τῆς πεντηκοστῆς ἦσαν πάντες ὁμοῦ ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό,
2.2
καὶ ἐγένετο ἄφνω ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ἦχος ὥσπερ φερομένης πνοῆς βιαίας καὶ ἐπλήρωσεν ὅλον τὸν οἶκον οὗ ἦσαν καθήμενοι,
2.3
καὶ ὤφθησαν αὐτοῖς διαμεριζόμεναι γλῶσσαι ὡσεὶ πυρός, καὶ ἐκάθισεν ἐφʼ ἕνα ἕκαστον αὐτῶν,
2.4
καὶ ἐπλήσθησαν πάντες πνεύματος ἁγίου, καὶ ἤρξαντο λαλεῖν ἑτέραις γλώσσαις καθὼς τὸ πνεῦμα ἐδίδου ἀποφθέγγεσθαι αὐτοῖς.
2.5
Ἦσαν δὲ ἐν Ἰερουσαλὴμ κατοικοῦντες Ἰουδαῖοι, ἄνδρες εὐλαβεῖς ἀπὸ παντὸς ἔθνους τῶν ὑπὸ τὸν οὐρανόν·
2.6
γενομένης δὲ τῆς φωνῆς ταύτης συνῆλθε τὸ πλῆθος καὶ συνεχύθη, ὅτι ἤκουσεν εἷς ἕκαστος τῇ ἰδίᾳ διαλέκτῳ λαλούντων αὐτῶν·
2.7
ἐξίσταντο δὲ καὶ ἐθαύμαζον λέγοντες Οὐχὶ ἰδοὺ πάντες οὗτοί εἰσιν οἱ λαλοῦντες Γαλιλαῖοι;
2.8
καὶ πῶς ἡμεῖς ἀκούομεν ἕκαστος τῇ ἰδίᾳ διαλέκτῳ ἡμῶν ἐν ᾗ ἐγεννήθημεν;
2.
9
Πάρθοι καὶ Μῆδοι καὶ Ἐλαμεῖται, καὶ οἱ κατοικοῦντες τὴν Μεσοποταμίαν, Ἰουδαίαν τε καὶ Καππαδοκίαν, Πόντον καὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν,

2.
10
Φρυγίαν τε καὶ Παμφυλίαν, Αἴγυπτον καὶ τὰ μέρη τῆς Λιβύης τῆς κατὰ Κυρήνην, καὶ οἱ ἐπιδημοῦντες Ῥωμαῖοι,

2.
11
Ἰουδαῖοί τε καὶ προσήλυτοι, Κρῆτες καὶ Ἄραβες, ἀκούομεν λαλούντων αὐτῶν ταῖς ἡμετέραις γλώσσαις τὰ μεγαλεῖα τοῦ θεοῦ.

2.12
ἐξίσταντο δὲ πάντες καὶ διηποροῦντο, ἄλλος πρὸς ἄλλον λέγοντες Τί θέλει τοῦτο εἶναι;

2.13
ἕτεροι δὲ διαχλευάζοντες ἔλεγον ὅτι Γλεύκους μεμεστωμένοι εἰσίν.
5.36
πρὸ γὰρ τούτων τῶν ἡμερῶν ἀνέστη Θευδᾶς, λέγων εἶναί τινα ἑαυτόν, ᾧ προσεκλίθη ἀνδρῶν ἀριθμὸς ὡς τετρακοσίων· ὃς ἀνῃρέθη, καὶ πάντες ὅσοι ἐπείθοντο αὐτῷ διελύθησαν καὶ ἐγένοντο εἰς οὐδέν.
5.37
μετὰ τοῦτον ἀνέστη Ἰούδας ὁ Γαλιλαῖος ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις τῆς ἀπογραφῆς καὶ ἀπέστησε λαὸν ὀπίσω αὐτοῦ· κἀκεῖνος ἀπώλετο, καὶ πάντες ὅσοι ἐπείθοντο αὐτῷ διεσκορπίσθησαν.
5.38
καὶ τὰ νῦν λέγω ὑμῖν, ἀπόστητε ἀπὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων τούτων καὶ ἄφετε αὐτούς·?̔ὅτι ἐὰν ᾖ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἡ βουλὴ αὕτη ἢ τὸ ἔργον τοῦτο, καταλυθήσεται·
5.3
9
εἰ δὲ ἐκ θεοῦ ἐστίν, οὐ δυνήσεσθε καταλῦσαι αὐτούς·̓ μή ποτε καὶ θεομάχοι εὑρεθῆτε.
8.
9
Ἀνὴρ δέ τις ὀνόματι Σίμων προυπῆρχεν ἐν τῇ πόλει μαγεύων καὶ ἐξιστάνων τὸ ἔθνος τῆς Σαμαρίας, λέγων εἶναί τινα ἑαυτὸν μέγαν,
8.
10
ᾧ προσεῖχον πάντες ἀπὸ μικροῦ ἕως μεγάλου λέγοντες Οὗτός ἐστιν ἡ Δύναμις τοῦ θεοῦ ἡ καλουμένη Μεγάλη.
8.
11
προσεῖχον δὲ αὐτῷ διὰ τὸ ἱκανῷ χρόνῳ ταῖς μαγίαις ἐξεστακέναι αὐτούς.
8.12
ὅτε δὲ ἐπίστευσαν τῷ Φιλίππῳ εὐαγγελιζομένῳ περὶ τῆς βασιλείας τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τοῦ ὀνόματος Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, ἐβαπτίζοντο ἄνδρες τε καὶ γυναῖκες.
8.13
ὁ δὲ Σίμων καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπίστευσεν, καὶ βαπτισθεὶς ἦν προσκαρτερῶν τῷ Φιλίππῳ, θεωρῶν τε σημεῖα καὶ δυνάμεις μεγάλας γινομένας ἐξίστατο.
8.14
Ἀκούσαντες δὲ οἱ ἐν Ἰεροσολύμοις ἀπόστολοι ὅτι δέδεκται ἡ Σαμαρία τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ ἀπέστειλαν πρὸς αὐτοὺς Πέτρον καὶ Ἰωάνην,
8.
15
οἵτινες καταβάντες 16quot υνιτ͂quotϝερσεquot́gtαντο περὶ αὐτῶν ὅπως λάβωσιν πνεῦμα ἅγιον· οὐδέπω
8.
16
γὰρ ἦν ἐπʼ οὐδενὶ αὐτῶν ἐπιπεπτωκός, μόνον δὲ βεβαπτισμένοι ὑπῆρχον εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ.
8.17
τότε ἐπετίθεσαν τὰς χεῖρας ἐπʼ αὐτούς, καὶ ἐλάμβανον πνεῦμα ἅγιον.
8.18
Ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ Σίμων ὅτι διὰ τῆς ἐπιθέσεως τῶν χειρῶν τῶν ἀποστόλων δίδοται τὸ πνεῦμα προσήνεγκεν αὐτοῖς χρήματα λέγων Δότε κἀμοὶ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ταύτην ἵνα ᾧ ἐὰν ἐπιθῶ τὰς χεῖ
8.1
9
ρας λαμβάνῃ πνεῦμα ἅγιον.
8.20
Πέτρος δὲ εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτόν Τὸ ἀργύριόν σου σὺν σοὶ εἴη εἰς ἀπώλειαν, ὅτι τὴν δωρεὰν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐνόμισας διὰ χρημάτων κτᾶσθαι.
8.21
οὐκ ἔστιν σοι μερὶς οὐδὲ κλῆρος ἐν τῷ λόγῳ τούτῳ, ἡ γὰρκαρδία σου οὐκ ἔστιν εὐθεῖα ἔναντι τοῦ θεοῦ.
8.22
μετανόησον οὖν ἀπὸ τῆς κακίας σου ταύτης, καὶ δεήθητι τοῦ κυρίου εἰ ἄρα ἀφεθήσεταί σοι ἡ ἐπίνοια τῆς καρδίας σου·
8.23
εἰς γὰρ χολὴν πικρίας καὶσύνδεσμον ἀδικίας ὁρῶ σε ὄντα.
8.24
ἀποκριθεὶς δὲ ὁ Σίμων εἶπεν Δεήθητε ὑμεῖς ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ πρὸς τὸν κύριον ὅπως μηδὲν ἐπέλθῃ ἐπʼ ἐμὲ ὧν εἰρήκατε.
8.26
Ἄγγελος δὲ Κυρίου ἐλάλησεν πρὸς Φίλιππον λέγων Ἀνάστηθι καὶ πορεύου κατὰ μεσημβρίαν ἐπὶ τὴν ὁδὸν τὴν καταβαίνουσαν ἀπὸ Ἰερουσαλὴμ εἰς Γάζαν· αὕτη ἐστὶν ἔρημος.
8.27
καὶ ἀναστὰς ἐπορεύθη, καὶ ἰδοὺ ἀνὴρ Αἰθίοψ εὐνοῦχος δυνάστης Κανδάκης βασιλίσσης Αἰθιόπων, ὃς ἦν ἐπὶ πάσης τῆς γάζης αὐτῆς, ὃς ἐληλύθει προσκυνήσων εἰς Ἰερουσαλήμ,
8.28
ἦν δὲ ὑποστρέφων καὶ καθήμενος ἐπὶ τοῦ ἅρματος αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀνεγίνωσκεν τὸν προφήτην Ἠσαίαν.
8.2
9
εἶπεν δὲ τὸ πνεῦμα τῷ Φιλίππῳ Πρόσελθε καὶ κολλήθητι τῷ ἅρματι τούτῳ.
8.30
προσδραμὼν δὲ ὁ Φίλιππος ἤκουσεν αὐτοῦ ἀναγινώσκοντος Ἠσαίαν τὸν προφήτην, καὶ εἶπεν Ἆρά γε γινώσκεις ἃ ἀναγινώσκεις;
8.31
ὁ δὲ εἶπεν Πῶς γὰρ ἂν δυναίμην ἐὰν μή τις ὁδηγήσει με; παρεκάλεσέν τε τὸνΦίλιππον ἀναβάντα καθίσαι σὺν αὐτῷ.
8.32
ἡ δὲ περιοχὴ τῆς γραφῆς ἣν ἀνεγίνωσκεν ἦν αὕτη
8.34
ἀποκριθεὶς δὲ ὁ εὐνοῦχος τῷ Φιλίππῳ εἶπεν Δέομαί σου, περὶ τίνος ὁ προφήτης λέγει τοῦτο; περὶ ἑαυτοῦ ἢ περὶ ἑτέρου τινός;
8.35
ἀνοίξας δὲ ὁ Φίλιππος τὸ στόμα αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀρξάμενος ἀπὸ τῆς γραφῆς ταύτης εὐηγγελίσατο αὐτῷ τὸν Ἰησοῦν.
8.36
ὡς δὲ ἐπορεύοντο κατὰ τὴν ὁδόν, ἦλθον ἐπί τι ὕδωρ, καί φησιν ὁ εὐνοῦχος Ἰδοὺ ὕδωρ· τί κωλύει με βαπτισθῆναι;
8.38
καὶ ἐκέλευσεν στῆναι τὸ ἅρμα, καὶ κατέ βησαν ἀμφότεροι εἰς τὸ ὕδωρ ὅ τε Φίλιππος καὶ ὁ εὐνοῦχος, καὶ ἐβάπτισεν αὐτόν.
8.3
9
ὅτε δὲ ἀνέβησαν ἐκ τοῦ ὕδατος, πνεῦμα Κυρίου ἥρπασεν τὸν Φίλιππον, καὶ οὐκ εἶδεν αὐτὸν οὐκέτι ὁ εὐνοῦχος, ἐπορεύετο γὰρ τὴν ὁδὸν αὐτοῦ χαίρων.
8.40
Φίλιππος δὲ εὑρέθη εἰς Ἄζωτον, καὶ διερχόμενος εὐηγγελίζετο τὰς πόλεις πάσας ἕως τοῦ ἐλθεῖν αὐτὸν εἰς Καισαρίαν.

9.17
Ἀπῆλθεν δὲ Ἁνανίας καὶ εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν, καὶ ἐπιθεὶς ἐπʼ αὐτὸν τὰς χεῖρας εἶπεν Σαοὺλ ἀδελφέ, ὁ κύριος ἀπέσταλκέν με, Ἰησοῦς ὁ ὀφθείς σοι ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ ᾗ ἤρχου, ὅπως ἀναβλέψῃς καὶ πλησθῇς πνεύματος ἁγίου.
9.1
9
καὶ λαβὼν τροφὴν ἐνισχύθη. Ἐγένετο δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἐν Δαμασκῷ μαθητῶν ἡμέρας τινάς,

10.1
Ἀνὴρ δέ τις ἐν Καισαρίᾳ ὀνόματι Κορνήλιος, ἑκατοντάρχης ἐκ σπείρης τῆς καλουμένης Ἰταλικῆς,

10.2
εὐσεβὴς καὶ φοβούμενος τὸν θεὸν σὺν παντὶ τῷ οἴκῳ αὐτοῦ, ποιῶν ἐλεημοσύνας πολλὰς τῷ λαῷ καὶ δεόμενος τοῦ θεοῦ διὰ παντός,

10.3
εἶδεν ἐν ὁράματι φανερῶς ὡσεὶ περὶ ὥραν ἐνάτην τῆς ἡμέρας ἄγγελον τοῦ θεοῦ εἰσελθόντα πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ εἰπόντα αὐτῷ Κορνήλιε.

10.4
ὁ δὲ ἀτενίσας αὐτῷ καὶ ἔμφοβος γενόμενος εἶπεν Τί ἐστιν, κύριε; εἶπεν δὲ αὐτῷ Αἱ προσευχαί σου καὶ αἱ ἐλεημοσύναι σου ἀνέβησαν εἰς μνημόσυνον ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ θεοῦ·

10.5
καὶ νῦν πέμψον ἄνδρας εἰς Ἰόππην καὶ μετάπεμψαι Σίμωνά τινα ὃς ἐπικαλεῖται Πέτρος·

10.6
οὗτος ξενίζεται παρά τινι Σίμωνι βυρσεῖ, ᾧ ἐστὶν οἰκία παρὰ θάλασσαν.

10.7
ὡς δὲ ἀπῆλθεν ὁ ἄγγελος ὁ λαλῶν αὐτῷ, φωνήσας δύο τῶν οἰκετῶν καὶ στρατιώτην εὐσεβῆ τῶν προσκαρτερούντων αὐτῷ

10.8
καὶ ἐξηγησάμενος ἅπαντα αὐτοῖς ἀπέστειλεν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν Ἰόππην.
10.
9
Τῇ δὲ ἐπαύριον ὁδοιπορούντων ἐκείνων καὶ τῇ πόλει ἐγγιζόντων ἀνέβη Πέτρος ἐπὶ τὸ δῶμα προσεύξασθαι περὶ ὥραν ἕκτην.
10.
10
ἐγένετο δὲ πρόσπεινος καὶ ἤθελεν γεύσασθαι· παρασκευαζόντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἐγένετο ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἔκστασις,



10.
11
καὶ θεωρεῖ τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀνεῳγμένον καὶ καταβαῖνον σκεῦός τι ὡς ὀθόνην μεγάλην τέσσαρσιν ἀρχαῖς καθιέμενον ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς,



10.12
ἐν ᾧ ὑπῆρχεν πάντα τὰ τετράποδα καὶ ἑρπετὰ τῆς γῆς καὶ πετεινὰ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ.



10.13
καὶ ἐγένετο φωνὴ πρὸς αὐτόν Ἀναστάς, Πέτρε, θῦσον καὶ φάγε.



10.14
ὁ δὲ Πέτρος εἶπεν Μηδαμῶς, κύριε, ὅτι οὐδέποτε ἔφαγον πᾶν κοινὸν καὶ ἀκάθαρτον.



10.
15
καὶ φωνὴ πάλιν ἐκ δευτέρου πρὸς αὐτόν Ἃ ὁ θεὸς ἐκαθάρισεν σὺ μὴ κοίνου.



10.
16
τοῦτο δὲ ἐγένετο ἐπὶ τρίς, καὶ εὐθὺς ἀνελήμφθη τὸ σκεῦος εἰς τὸν οὐρανόν.



10.17
Ὡς δὲ ἐν ἑαυτῷ διηπόρει ὁ Πέτρος τί ἂν εἴη τὸ ὅραμα ὃ εἶδεν, ἰδοὺ οἱ ἄνδρες οἱ ἀπεσταλμένοι ὑπὸ τοῦ Κορνηλίου διερωτήσαντες τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ Σίμωνος ἐπέστησαν ἐπὶ τὸν πυλῶνα,



10.18
καὶ φωνήσαντες ἐπύθοντο εἰ Σίμων ὁ ἐπικαλούμενος Πέτρος ἐνθάδε ξενίζεται.


10.1
9
Τοῦ δὲ Πέτρου διενθυμουμένου περὶ τοῦ ὁράματος εἴπεν τὸ πνεῦμα Ἰδοὺ ἄνδρες δύο ζητοῦντές σε·


10.20
ἀλλὰ ἀναστὰς κατάβηθι καὶ πορεύου σὺν αὐτοῖς μηδὲν διακρινόμενος, ὅτι ἐγὼ ἀπέσταλκα αὐτούς.


10.21
καταβὰς δὲ Πέτρος πρὸς τοὺς ἄνδρας εἶπεν Ἰδοὺ ἐγώ εἰμι ὃν ζητεῖτε· τίς ἡ αἰτία διʼ ἣν πάρεστε;


10.22
οἱ δὲ εἶπαν Κορνήλιος ἑκατοντάρχης, ἀνὴρ δίκαιος καὶ φοβούμενος τὸν θεὸν μαρτυρούμενός τε ὑπὸ ὅλου τοῦ ἔθνους τῶν Ἰουδαίων, ἐχρηματίσθη ὑπὸ ἀγγέλου ἁγίου μεταπέμψασθαί σε εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀκοῦσαι ῥήματα παρὰ σοῦ.


10.23
εἰσκαλεσάμενος οὖν αὐτοὺς ἐξένισεν. Τῇ δὲ ἐπαύριον ἀναστὰς ἐξῆλθεν σὺν αὐτοῖς, καί τινες τῶν ἀδελφῶν τῶν ἀπὸ Ἰόππης συνῆλθαν αὐτῷ.


10.28
ἔφη τε πρὸς αὐτούς Ὑμεῖς ἐπίστασθε ὡς ἀθέμιτόν ἐστιν ἀνδρὶ Ἰουδαίῳ κολλᾶσθαι ἢ προσέρχεσθαι ἀλλοφύλῳ· κἀμοὶ ὁ θεὸς ἔδειξεν μηδένα κοινὸν ἢ ἀκάθαρτον λέγειν ἄνθρωπον·


10.30
καὶ ὁ Κορνήλιος ἔφη Ἀπὸ τετάρτης ἡμέρας μέχρι ταύτης τῆς ὥρας ἤμην τὴν ἐνάτην προσευχόμενος ἐν τῷ οἴκῳ μου, καὶ ἰδοὺ ἀνὴρ ἔστη ἐνώπιόν μου ἐν ἐσθῆτι λαμπρᾷ


10.34
ἀνοίξας δὲ Πέτρος τὸ στόμα εἶπεν Ἐπʼ ἀληθείας καταλαμβάνομαι ὅτι οὐκ ἔστιν προσωπολήμπτης ὁ θεός,


10.35
ἀλλʼ ἐν παντὶ ἔθνει ὁ φοβούμενος αὐτὸν καὶ ἐργαζόμενος δικαιοσύνην δεκτὸς αὐτῷ ἐστίν.


10.36
τὸν λόγον ἀπέστειλεν τοῖς υἱοῖς Ἰσραὴλ εὐαγγελιζόμενος εἰρήνην διὰ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ· οὗτός ἐστιν πάντων κύριος.


10.37
ὑμεῖς οἴδατε τὸ γενόμενον ῥῆμα καθʼ ὅλης τῆς Ἰουδαίας, ἀρξάμενος ἀπὸ τῆς Γαλιλαίας μετὰ τὸ βάπτισμα ὃ ἐκήρυξεν Ἰωάνης,


10.38
Ἰησοῦν τὸν ἀπὸ Ναζαρέθ, ὡςἔχρισεν αὐτὸν ὁ θεὸς πνεύματι ἁγίῳ καὶ δυνάμει, ὃς διῆλθεν εὐεργετῶν καὶ ἰώμεν͂ος πάντας τοὺς καταδυναστευομένους ὑπὸ τοῦ διαβόλου, ὅτι ὁ θεὸς ἦν μετʼ αὐτοῦ·

10.3
9
καὶ ἡμεῖς μάρτυρες πάντων ὧν ἐποίησεν ἔν τε τῇ χώρᾳ τῶν Ἰουδαίων καὶ Ἰερουσαλήμ· ὃν καὶ ἀνεῖλαν κρεμάσαντες ἐπὶ ξύλου.


10.40
τοῦτον ὁ θεὸς ἤγειρεν τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ καὶ ἔδωκεν αὐτὸν ἐμφανῆ γενέσθαι,


10.41
οὐ παντὶ τῷ λαῷ ἀλλὰ μάρτυσι τοῖς προκεχειρ͂οτονημένοις ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ, ἡμῖν, οἵτινες συνεφάγομεν καὶ συνεπίομεν αὐτῷ μετὰ τὸ ἀναστῆναι αὐτὸν ἐκ νεκρῶν·


10.42
καὶ παρήγγειλεν ἡμῖν κηρύξαι τῷ λαῷ καὶ διαμαρτύρασθαι ὅτι οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ ὡρισμένος ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ κριτὴς ζώντων καὶ νεκρῶν.


10.43
τούτῳ πάντες οἱ προφῆται μαρτυροῦσιν, ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν λαβεῖν διὰ τοῦ ὀνόματος αὐτοῦ πάντα τὸν πιστεύοντα εἰς αὐτόν.


10.44
Ἔτι λαλοῦντος τοῦ Πέτρου τὰ ῥήματα ταῦτα ἐπέπεσε τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον ἐπὶ πάντας τοὺς ἀκούοντας τὸν λόγον.


10.45
καὶ ἐξέστησαν οἱ ἐκ περιτομῆς πιστοὶ οἳ συνῆλθαν τῷ Πέτρῳ, ὅτι καὶ ἐπὶ τὰ ἔθνη ἡ δωρεὰ τοῦ πνεύματος τοῦ ἁγίου ἐκκέχυται·


10.46
ἤκουον γὰρ αὐτῶν λαλούντων γλώσσαις καὶ μεγαλυνόντων τὸν θεόν.


10.47
τότε ἀπεκρίθη Πέτρος Μήτι τὸ ὕδωρ δύναται κωλῦσαί τις τοῦ μὴ βαπτισθῆναι τούτους οἵτινες τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον ἔλαβον ὡς καὶ ἡμεῖς;


10.48
προσέταξεν δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ βαπτισθῆναι. τότε ἠρώτησαν αὐτὸν ἐπιμεῖναι ἡμέρας τινάς.

11.1
Ἤκουσαν δὲ οἱ ἀπόστολοι καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ οἱ ὄντες κατὰ τὴν Ἰουδαίαν ὅτι καὶ τὰ ἔθνη ἐδέξαντο τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ.

11.2
Ὅτε δὲ ἀνέβη Πέτρος εἰς Ἰερουσαλήμ, διεκρίνοντο πρὸς αὐτὸν οἱ ἐκ περιτομῆς

11.3
λέγοντες ὅτι εἰσῆλθεν πρὸς ἄνδρας ἀκροβυστίαν ἔχοντας καὶ συνέφαγεν αὐτοῖς.

11.5
ἤμην ἐν πόλει Ἰόππῃ προσευχόμενος καὶ εἶδον ἐν ἐκστάσει ὅραμα, καταβαῖνον σκεῦός τι ὡς ὀθόνην μεγάλην τέσσαρσιν ἀρχαῖς καθιεμένην ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, καὶ ἦλθεν ἄχρι ἐμοῦ·

11.8
εἶπον δέ Μηδαμῶς, κύριε, ὅτι κοινὸν ἢ ἀκάθαρτον οὐδέποτε εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τὸ στόμα μου.
11.
9
ἀπεκρίθη δὲ ἐκ δευτέρου φωνὴ ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ Ἃ ὁ θεὸς ἐκαθάρισεν σὺ μὴ κοίνου.


11.
15
ἐν δὲ τῷ ἄρξασθαί με λαλεῖν ἐπέπεσεν τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς ὥσπερ καὶ ἐφʼ ἡμᾶς ἐν ἀρχῇ.


11.
16
ἐμνήσθην δὲ τοῦ ῥήματος τοῦ κυρίου ὡς ἔλεγεν Ἰωάνης μὲν ἐβάπτισεν ὕδατι ὑμεῖς δὲ βαπτισθήσεσθε ἐν πνεύματι ἁγίῳ.


11.17
εἰ οὖν τὴν ἴσην δωρεὰν ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς ὁ θεὸς ὡς καὶ ἡμῖν πιστεύσασιν ἐπὶ τὸν κύριον Ἰησοῦν Χριστόν, ἐγὼ τίς ἤμην δυνατὸς κωλῦσαι τὸν θεόν;


11.18
ἀκούσαντες δὲ ταῦτα ἡσύχασαν καὶ ἐδόξασαν τὸν θεὸν λέγοντες Ἄρα καὶ τοῖς ἔθνεσιν ὁ θεὸς τὴν μετάνοιαν εἰς ζωὴν ἔδωκεν. 1
2.7
καὶ ἰδοὺ ἄγγελος Κυρίου ἐπέστη, καὶ φῶς ἔλαμψεν ἐν τῷ οἰκήματι· πατάξας δὲ τὴν πλευρὰν τοῦ Πέτρου ἤγειρεν αὐτὸν λέγων Ἀνάστα ἐν τάχει· καὶ ἐξέπεσαν αὐτοῦ αἱ ἁλύσεις ἐκ τῶν χειρῶν. 1

2.12
συνιδών τε ἦλθεν ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν τῆς Μαρίας τῆς μητρὸς Ἰωάνου τοῦ ἐπικαλουμένου Μάρκου, οὗ ἦσαν ἱκανοὶ συνηθροισμένοι καὶ προσευχόμενοι.
13.46
παρρησιασάμενοί τε ὁ Παῦλος καὶ ὁ Βαρνάβας εἶπαν Ὑμῖν ἦν ἀναγκαῖον πρῶτον λαληθῆναι τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ· ἐπειδὴ ἀπωθεῖσθε ἀὐτὸν καὶ οὐκ ἀξίους κρίνετε ἑαυτοὺς τῆς αἰωνίου ζωῆς, ἰδοὺ στρεφόμεθα εἰς τὰ ἔθνη·

15.7
Πολλῆς δὲ ζητήσεως γενομένης ἀναστὰς Πέτρος εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτούς Ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί, ὑμεῖς ἐπίστασθε ὅτι ἀφʼ ἡμερῶν ἀρχαίων ἐν ὑμῖν ἐξελέξατο ὁ θεὸς διὰ τοῦ στόματός μου ἀκοῦσαι τὰ ἔθνη τὸν λόγον τοῦ εὐαγγελίου καὶ πιστεῦσαι,

15.13
Μετὰ δὲ τὸ σιγῆσαι αὐτοὺς ἀπεκρίθη Ἰάκωβος λέγων Ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί, ἀκούσατέ μου.
15.
15
καὶ τούτῳ συμφωνοῦσιν οἱ λόγοι τῶν προφητῶν, καθὼς γέγραπται

15.
16


15.17

15.1
9
διὸ ἐγὼ κρίνω μὴ παρενοχλεῖν τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν ἐθνῶν ἐπιστρέφουσιν ἐπὶ τὸν θεόν,
16.
11
Ἀναχθέντες οὖν ἀπὸ Τρῳάδος εὐθυδρομήσαμεν εἰς Σαμοθρᾴκην, τῇ δὲ ἐπιούσῃ εἰς Νέαν Πόλιν,

16.12
κἀκεῖθεν εἰς Φιλίππους, ἥτις ἐστὶν πρώτη τῆς μερίδος Μακεδονίας πόλις, κολωνία. Ἦμεν δὲ ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πόλει διατρίβοντες ἡμέρας τινάς.

16.13
τῇ τε ἡμέρᾳ τῶν σαββάτων ἐξήλθομεν ἔξω τῆς πύλης παρὰ ποταμὸν οὗ ἐνομίζομεν προσευχὴν εἶναι, καὶ καθίσαντες ἐλαλοῦμεν ταῖς συνελθούσαις γυναιξίν.

16.14
καί τις γυνὴ ὀνόματι Λυδία, πορφυρόπωλις πόλεως Θυατείρων σεβομένη τὸν θεόν, ἤκουεν, ἧς ὁ κύριος διήνοιξεν τὴν καρδίαν προσέχειν τοῖς λαλουμένοις ὑπὸ Παύλου.
16.
15
ὡς δὲ ἐβαπτίσθη καὶ ὁ οἶκος αὐτῆς, παρεκάλεσεν λέγουσα Εἰ κεκρίκατέ με πιστὴν τῷ κυρίῳ εἶναι, εἰσελθόντες εἰς τὸν οἶκόν μου μένετε· καὶ παρεβιάσατο ἡμᾶς.

16.21
καὶ καταγγέλλουσιν ἔθη ἃ οὐκ ἔξεστιν ἡμῖν παραδέχεσθαι οὐδὲ ποιεῖν Ῥωμαίοις οὖσιν.

16.25
Κατὰ δὲ τὸ μεσονύκτιον Παῦλος καὶ Σίλας προσευχόμενοι ὕμνουν τὸν θεόν, ἐπηκροῶντο δὲ αὐτῶν οἱ δέσμιοι·

16.26
ἄφνω δὲ σεισμὸς ἐγένετο μέγας ὥστε σαλευθῆναι τὰ θεμέλια τοῦ δεσμωτηρίου, ἠνεῴχθησαν δὲ παραχρῆμα αἱ θύραι πᾶσαι, καὶ πάντων τὰ δεσμὰ ἀνέθη.

16.27
ἔξυπνος δὲ γενόμενος ὁ δεσμοφύλαξ καὶ ἰδὼν ἀνεῳγμένας τὰς θύρας τῆς φυλακῆς σπασάμενος τὴν μάχαιραν ἤμελλεν ἑαυτὸν ἀναιρεῖν, νομίζων ἐκπεφευγέναι τοὺς δεσμίους.

16.28
ἐφώνησεν δὲ Παῦλος μεγάλῃ φωνῇ λέγων. Μηδὲν πράξῃς σεαυτῷ κακόν, ἅπαντες γάρ ἐσμεν ἐνθάδε.
16.2
9
αἰτήσας δὲ φῶτα εἰσεπήδησεν, καὶ ἔντρομος γενόμενος προσέπεσεν τῷ Παύλῳ καὶ Σίλᾳ,

16.30
καὶ προαγαγὼν αὐτοὺς ἔξω ἔφη Κύριοι, τί με δεῖ ποιεῖν ἵνα σωθῶ;

16.31
οἱ δὲ εἶπαν Πίστευσον ἐπὶ τὸν κύριον Ἰησοῦν, καὶ σωθήσῃ σὺ καὶ ὁ οἶκός σου.

16.32
καὶ ἐλάλησαν αὐτῷ τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ σὺν πᾶσι τοῖς ἐν τῇ οἰκίᾳ αὐτοῦ.

16.33
καὶ παραλαβὼν αὐτοὺς ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ὥρᾳ τῆς νυκτὸς ἔλουσεν ἀπὸ τῶν πληγῶν, καὶ ἐβαπτίσθη αὐτὸς καὶ οἱ αὐτοῦ ἅπαντες παραχρῆμα,

16.34
ἀναγαγών τε αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸν οἶκον παρέθηκεν τράπεζαν, καὶ ἠγαλλιάσατο πανοικεὶ πεπιστευκὼς τῷ θεῷ. 17.
11
οὗτοι δὲ ἦσαν εὐγενέστεροι τῶν ἐν Θεσσαλονίκῃ, οἵτινες ἐδέξαντο τὸν λόγον μετὰ πάσης προθυμίας, τὸ καθʼ ἡμέραν ἀνακρίνοντες τὰς γραφὰς εἰ ἔχοι ταῦτα οὕτως.
17.13
Ὡς δὲ ἔγνωσαν οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς Θεσσαλονίκης Ἰουδαῖοι ὅτι καὶ ἐν τῇ Βεροίᾳ κατηγγέλη ὑπὸ τοῦ Παύλου ὁ λόγος τοῦ θεοῦ, ἦλθον κἀκεῖ σαλεύοντες καὶ ταράσσοντες τοὺς ὄχλους.
18.2
καὶ εὑρών τινα Ἰουδαῖον ὀνόματι Ἀκύλαν, Ποντικὸν τῷ γένει, προσφάτως ἐληλυθότα ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰταλίας καὶ Πρίσκιλλαν γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸ διατεταχέναι Κλαύδιον χωρίζεσθαι πάντας τοὺς Ἰουδαίους ἀπὸ τῆς Ῥώμης, προσῆλθεν αὐτοῖς,
18.3
καὶ διὰ τὸ ὁμότεχνον εἶναι ἔμενεν παρʼ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἠργάζοντο, ἦσαν γὰρ σκηνοποιοὶ τῇ τέχνῃ. διελέγετο δὲ ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ κατὰ πᾶν σάββατον,
18.4
ἔπειθέν τε Ἰουδαίους καὶ Ἕλληνας.
18.5
Ὡς δὲ κατῆλθον ἀπὸ τῆς Μακεδονίας ὅ τε Σίλας καὶ ὁ Τιμόθεος, συνείχετο τῷ λόγῳ ὁ Παῦλος, διαμαρτυρόμενος τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις εἶναι τὸν χριστὸν Ἰησοῦν.
18.6
ἀντιτασσομένων δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ βλασφημούντων ἐκτιναξάμενος τὰ ἱμάτια εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτούς Τὸ αἷμα ὑμῶν ἐπὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ὑμῶν· καθαρὸς ἐγώ· ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν εἰς τὰ ἔθνη πορεύσομαι.
18.7
καὶ μεταβὰς ἐκεῖθεν ἦλθεν εἰς οἰκίαν τινὸς ὀνόματι Τιτίου Ἰούστου σεβομένου τὸν θεόν, οὗ ἡ οἰκία ἦν συνομοροῦσα τῇ συναγωγῇ.
18.8
Κρίσπος δὲ ὁ ἀρχισυνάγωγος ἐπίστευσεν τῷ κυρίῳ σὺν ὅλῳ τῷ οἴκῳ αὐτοῦ, καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν Κορινθίων ἀκούοντες ἐπίστευον καὶ ἐβαπτίζοντο. 1
8.
11
Ἐκάθισεν δὲ ἐνιαυτὸν καὶ μῆνας ἓξ διδάσκων ἐν αὐτοῖς τὸν λόγον τοῦ θεοῦ. 1
8.13
λέγοντες ὅτι Παρὰ τὸν νόμον ἀναπείθει οὗτος τοὺς ἀνθρώπους σέβεσθαι τὸν θεόν. 1
9.1
Ἐγένετο δὲ ἐν τῷ τὸν Ἀπολλὼ εἶναι ἐν Κορίνθῳ Παῦλον διελθόντα τὰ ἀνωτερικὰ μέρη ἐλθεῖν εἰς Ἔφεσον καὶ εὑρεῖν τινὰς μαθητάς, 1
9.2
εἶπέν τε πρὸς αὐτούς Εἰ πνεῦμα ἅγιον ἐλάβετε πιστεύσαντες; οἱ δὲ πρὸς αὐτόν Ἀλλʼ οὐδʼ εἰ πνεῦμα ἅγιον ἔστιν ἠκούσαμεν. 1
9.3
εἶπέν τε Εἰς τί οὖν ἐβαπτίσθητε; οἱ δὲ εἶπαν Εἰς τὸ Ἰωάνου βάπτισμα. 1
9.4
εἶπεν δὲ Παῦλος Ἰωάνης ἐβάπτισεν βάπτισμα μετανοίας, τῷ λαῷ λέγων εἰς τὸν ἐρχόμενον μετʼ αὐτὸν ἵνα πιστεύσωσιν, τοῦτʼ ἔστιν εἰς τὸν Ἰησοῦν. 1
9.5
ἀκούσαντες δὲ ἐβαπτίσθησαν εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ· 1
9.6
καὶ ἐπιθέντος αὐτοῖς τοῦ Παύλου χεῖρας ἦλθε τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον ἐπʼ αὐτούς, ἐλάλουν τε γλώσσαις καὶ ἐπροφήτευον. 1
9.7
ἦσαν δὲ οἱ πάντες ἄνδρες ὡσεὶ δώδεκα. 2
2.3
Ἐγώ εἰμι ἀνὴρ Ἰουδαῖος, γεγεννημένος ἐν Ταρσῷ τῆς Κιλικίας, ἀνατεθραμμένος δὲ ἐν τῇ πόλει ταύτῃ παρὰ τοὺς πόδας Γαμαλιήλ, πεπαιδευμένος κατὰ ἀκρίβειαν τοῦ πατρῴου νόμου, ζηλωτὴς ὑπάρχων τοῦ θεοῦ καθὼς πάντες ὑμεῖς ἐστὲ σήμερον, ' None
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2.1 Now when the day of Pentecost had come, they were all with one accord in one place.
2.2
Suddenly there came from the sky a sound like the rushing of a mighty wind, and it filled all the house where they were sitting.
2.3
Tongues like fire appeared and were distributed to them, and it sat on each one of them.
2.4
They were all filled with the Holy Spirit, and began to speak with other languages, as the Spirit gave them the ability to speak.
2.5
Now there were dwelling at Jerusalem Jews, devout men, from every nation under the sky.
2.6
When this sound was heard, the multitude came together, and were bewildered, because everyone heard them speaking in his own language.
2.7
They were all amazed and marveled, saying to one another, "Behold, aren\'t all these who speak Galileans?
2.8
How do we hear, everyone in our own native language?
2.
9
Parthians, Medes, Elamites, and people from Mesopotamia, Judea, Cappadocia, Pontus, Asia,

2.
10
Phrygia, Pamphylia, Egypt, the parts of Libya around Cyrene, visitors from Rome, both Jews and proselytes,

2.
11
Cretans and Arabians: we hear them speaking in our languages the mighty works of God!"

2.12
They were all amazed, and were perplexed, saying one to another, "What does this mean?"

2.13
Others, mocking, said, "They are filled with new wine."
5.36
For before these days Theudas rose up, making himself out to be somebody; to whom a number of men, about four hundred, joined themselves: who was slain; and all, as many as obeyed him, were dispersed, and came to nothing.
5.37
After this man, Judas of Galilee rose up in the days of the enrollment, and drew away some people after him. He also perished, and all, as many as obeyed him, were scattered abroad.
5.38
Now I tell you, refrain from these men, and leave them alone. For if this counsel or this work is of men, it will be overthrown.
5.3
9
But if it is of God, you will not be able to overthrow it, and you would be found even to be fighting against God!"
8.
9
But there was a certain man, Simon by name, who had used sorcery in the city before, and amazed the people of Samaria, making himself out to be some great one,
8.
10
to whom they all listened, from the least to the greatest, saying, "This man is that great power of God."
8.
11
They listened to him, because for a long time he had amazed them with his sorceries.
8.12
But when they believed Philip preaching good news concerning the Kingdom of God and the name of Jesus Christ, they were baptized, both men and women.
8.13
Simon himself also believed. Being baptized, he continued with Philip. Seeing signs and great miracles done, he was amazed.
8.14
Now when the apostles who were at Jerusalem heard that Samaria had received the word of God, they sent Peter and John to them,
8.
15
who, when they had come down, prayed for them, that they might receive the Holy Spirit;
8.
16
for as yet he had fallen on none of them. They had only been baptized into the name of the Lord Jesus.
8.17
Then they laid their hands on them, and they received the Holy Spirit. ' "
8.18
Now when Simon saw that the Holy Spirit was given through the laying on of the apostles' hands, he offered them money, " 8.1
9
saying, "Give me also this power, that whoever I lay my hands on may receive the Holy Spirit."
8.20
But Peter said to him, "May your silver perish with you, because you thought you could obtain the gift of God with money! ' "
8.21
You have neither part nor lot in this matter, for your heart isn't right before God. " 8.22 Repent therefore of this, your wickedness, and ask God if perhaps the thought of your heart may be forgiven you.
8.23
For I see that you are in the gall of bitterness and in the bondage of iniquity."
8.24
Simon answered, "Pray for me to the Lord, that none of the things which you have spoken come on me."
8.26
But an angel of the Lord spoke to Philip, saying, "Arise, and go toward the south to the way that goes down from Jerusalem to Gaza. This is a desert."
8.27
He arose and went. Behold, there was a man of Ethiopia, a eunuch of great authority under Candace, queen of the Ethiopians, who was over all her treasure, who had come to Jerusalem to worship.
8.28
He was returning and sitting in his chariot, and was reading the prophet Isaiah.
8.2
9
The Spirit said to Philip, "Go near, and join yourself to this chariot."
8.30
Philip ran to him, and heard him reading Isaiah the prophet, and said, "Do you understand what you are reading?"
8.31
He said, "How can I, unless someone explains it to me?" He begged Philip to come up and sit with him.
8.32
Now the passage of the Scripture which he was reading was this, "He was led as a sheep to the slaughter. As a lamb before his shearer is silent, So he doesn\'t open his mouth.
8.33
In his humiliation, his judgment was taken away. Who will declare His generations? For his life is taken from the earth."
8.34
The eunuch answered Philip, "Please tell who the prophet is talking about: about himself, or about some other?"
8.35
Philip opened his mouth, and beginning from this Scripture, preached to him Jesus.
8.36
As they went on the way, they came to some water, and the eunuch said, "Behold, here is water. What is keeping me from being baptized?"
8.37

8.38
He commanded the chariot to stand still, and they both went down into the water, both Philip and the eunuch, and he baptized him. ' "
8.3
9
When they came up out of the water, the Spirit of the Lord caught Philip away, and the eunuch didn't see him any more, for he went on his way rejoicing. " 8.40 But Philip was found at Azotus. Passing through, he preached the gospel to all the cities, until he came to Caesarea.

9.17
Aias departed, and entered into the house. Laying his hands on him, he said, "Brother Saul, the Lord, who appeared to you in the way which you came, has sent me, that you may receive your sight, and be filled with the Holy Spirit."
9.1
9
He took food and was strengthened. Saul stayed several days with the disciples who were at Damascus. '
9
, But Saul, still breathing threats and slaughter against the disciples of the Lord, went to the high priest, , and asked for letters from him to the synagogues of Damascus, that if he found any who were of the Way, whether men or women, he might bring them bound to Jerusalem. , As he traveled, it happened that he got close to Damascus, and suddenly a light from the sky shone around him. , He fell on the earth, and heard a voice saying to him, "Saul, Saul, why do you persecute me?", He said, "Who are you, Lord?"The Lord said, "I am Jesus, whom you are persecuting. , But rise up, and enter into the city, and you will be told what you must do.", The men who traveled with him stood speechless, hearing the voice, but seeing no one. , Saul arose from the ground, and when his eyes were opened, he saw no one. They led him by the hand, and brought him into Damascus. , He was without sight for three days, and neither ate nor drank. , Now there was a certain disciple at Damascus named Aias. The Lord said to him in a vision, "Aias!"He said, "Behold, it\'s me, Lord.", The Lord said to him, "Arise, and go to the street which is called Straight, and inquire in the house of Judas for one named Saul, a man of Tarsus. For behold, he is praying, , and in a vision he has seen a man named Aias coming in, and laying his hands on him, that he might receive his sight.", But Aias answered, "Lord, I have heard from many about this man, how much evil he did to your saints at Jerusalem. , Here he has authority from the chief priests to bind all who call on your name.", But the Lord said to him, "Go your way, for he is my chosen vessel to bear my name before the nations and kings, and the children of Israel. , For I will show him how many things he must suffer for my name\'s sake.", Aias departed, and entered into the house. Laying his hands on him, he said, "Brother Saul, the Lord, who appeared to you in the way which you came, has sent me, that you may receive your sight, and be filled with the Holy Spirit.", Immediately something like scales fell from his eyes, and he received his sight. He arose and was baptized. , He took food and was strengthened. Saul stayed several days with the disciples who were at Damascus. , Immediately in the synagogues he proclaimed the Christ, that he is the Son of God. , All who heard him were amazed, and said, "Isn\'t this he who in Jerusalem made havoc of those who called on this name? And he had come here intending to bring them bound before the chief priests!", But Saul increased more in strength, and confounded the Jews who lived at Damascus, proving that this is the Christ. , When many days were fulfilled, the Jews conspired together to kill him, , but their plot became known to Saul. They watched the gates both day and night that they might kill him, , but his disciples took him by night, and let him down through the wall, lowering him in a basket. , When Saul had come to Jerusalem, he tried to join himself to the disciples. They were all afraid of him, not believing that he was a disciple. , But Barnabas took him, and brought him to the apostles, and declared to them how he had seen the Lord in the way, and that he had spoken to him, and how at Damascus he had preached boldly in the name of Jesus. , He was with them going in and going out at Jerusalem, , preaching boldly in the name of the Lord. He spoke and disputed against the Grecian Jews, but they were seeking to kill him. , When the brothers knew it, they brought him down to Caesarea, and sent him out to Tarsus. , So the assemblies throughout all Judea and Galilee and Samaria had peace, and were built up. They were multiplied, walking in the fear of the Lord and in the comfort of the Holy Spirit. , It happened, as Peter went throughout all those parts, he came down also to the saints who lived at Lydda. , There he found a certain man named Aeneas, who had been bedridden for eight years, because he was paralyzed. , Peter said to him, "Aeneas, Jesus Christ heals you. Get up and make your bed!" Immediately he arose. , All who lived at Lydda and in Sharon saw him, and they turned to the Lord. , Now there was at Joppa a certain disciple named Tabitha, which when translated, means Dorcas. This woman was full of good works and acts of mercy which she did. , It happened in those days that she fell sick, and died. When they had washed her, they laid her in an upper chamber. , As Lydda was near Joppa, the disciples, hearing that Peter was there, sent two men to him, imploring him not to delay in coming to them. , Peter got up and went with them. When he had come, they brought him into the upper chamber. All the widows stood by him weeping, and showing the coats and garments which Dorcas made while she was with them. , Peter put them all out, and kneeled down and prayed. Turning to the body, he said, "Tabitha, get up!" She opened her eyes, and when she saw Peter, she sat up. , He gave her his hand, and raised her up. Calling the saints and widows, he presented her alive. , It became known throughout all Joppa, and many believed in the Lord. , It happened, that he stayed many days in Joppa with one Simon, a tanner.


10.1
Now there was a certain man in Caesarea, Cornelius by name, a centurion of what was called the Italian Regiment,

10.2
a devout man, and one who feared God with all his house, who gave gifts for the needy generously to the people, and always prayed to God.

10.3
At about the ninth hour of the day, he clearly saw in a vision an angel of God coming to him, and saying to him, "Cornelius!"

10.4
He, fastening his eyes on him, and being frightened, said, "What is it, Lord?"He said to him, "Your prayers and your gifts to the needy have gone up for a memorial before God.

10.5
Now send men to Joppa, and get Simon, who is surnamed Peter.

10.6
He lodges with one Simon, a tanner, whose house is by the seaside."

10.7
When the angel who spoke to him had departed, Cornelius called two of his household servants and a devout soldier of those who waited on him continually.

10.8
Having explained everything to them, he sent them to Joppa.
10.
9
Now on the next day as they were on their journey, and got close to the city, Peter went up on the housetop to pray at about noon.
10.
10
He became hungry and desired to eat, but while they were preparing, he fell into a trance.



10.
11
He saw heaven opened and a certain container descending to him, like a great sheet let down by four corners on the earth,



10.12
in which were all kinds of four-footed animals of the earth, wild animals, reptiles, and birds of the sky.



10.13
A voice came to him, "Rise, Peter, kill and eat!"



10.14
But Peter said, "Not so, Lord; for I have never eaten anything that is common or unclean."



10.
15
A voice came to him again the second time, "What God has cleansed, you must not make unholy."



10.
16
This was done three times, and immediately the vessel was received up into heaven. ' "



10.17
Now while Peter was very perplexed in himself what the vision which he had seen might mean, behold, the men who were sent by Cornelius, having made inquiry for Simon's house, stood before the gate, "


10.18
and called and asked whether Simon, who was surnamed Peter, was lodging there.


10.1
9
While Peter thought about the vision, the Spirit said to him, "Behold, three men seek you.


10.20
But arise, get down, and go with them, doubting nothing; for I have sent them."


10.21
Peter went down to the men, and said, "Behold, I am he whom you seek. Why have you come?"


10.22
They said, "Cornelius, a centurion, a righteous man and one who fears God, and well spoken of by all the nation of the Jews, was directed by a holy angel to invite you to his house, and to listen to what you say.


10.23
So he called them in and lodged them. On the next day Peter arose and went out with them, and some of the brothers from Joppa accompanied him.


10.28
He said to them, "You yourselves know how it is an unlawful thing for a man who is a Jew to join himself or come to one of another nation, but God has shown me that I shouldn\'t call any man unholy or unclean.


10.30
Cornelius said, "Four days ago, I was fasting until this hour, and at the ninth hour, I prayed in my house, and behold, a man stood before me in bright clothing,


10.34
Peter opened his mouth and said, "Truly I perceive that God doesn\'t show favoritism;


10.35
but in every nation he who fears him and works righteousness is acceptable to him.


10.36
The word which he sent to the children of Israel, preaching good news of peace by Jesus Christ -- he is Lord of all --


10.37
that spoken word you yourselves know, which was proclaimed throughout all Judea, beginning from Galilee, after the baptism which John preached;


10.38
even Jesus of Nazareth, how God anointed him with the Holy Spirit and with power, who went about doing good and healing all who were oppressed by the devil, for God was with him.

10.3
9
We are witnesses of all things which he did both in the country of the Jews, and in Jerusalem; whom they also killed, hanging him on a tree.


10.40
God raised him up the third day, and gave him to be revealed,


10.41
not to all the people, but to witnesses who were chosen before by God, to us, who ate and drank with him after he rose from the dead.


10.42
He charged us to preach to the people and to testify that this is he who is appointed by God as the Judge of the living and the dead.


10.43
All the prophets testify about him, that through his name everyone who believes in him will receive remission of sins."


10.44
While Peter was still speaking these words, the Holy Spirit fell on all those who heard the word.


10.45
They of the circumcision who believed were amazed, as many as came with Peter, because the gift of the Holy Spirit was also poured out on the Gentiles.


10.46
For they heard them speak with other languages and magnify God. Then Peter answered,


10.47
"Can any man forbid the water, that these who have received the Holy Spirit as well as we should not be baptized?"


10.48
He commanded them to be baptized in the name of Jesus Christ. Then they asked him to stay some days.
10
, Now there was a certain man in Caesarea, Cornelius by name, a centurion of what was called the Italian Regiment, , a devout man, and one who feared God with all his house, who gave gifts for the needy generously to the people, and always prayed to God. , At about the ninth hour of the day, he clearly saw in a vision an angel of God coming to him, and saying to him, "Cornelius!", He, fastening his eyes on him, and being frightened, said, "What is it, Lord?"He said to him, "Your prayers and your gifts to the needy have gone up for a memorial before God. , Now send men to Joppa, and get Simon, who is surnamed Peter. , He lodges with one Simon, a tanner, whose house is by the seaside.", When the angel who spoke to him had departed, Cornelius called two of his household servants and a devout soldier of those who waited on him continually. , Having explained everything to them, he sent them to Joppa. , Now on the next day as they were on their journey, and got close to the city, Peter went up on the housetop to pray at about noon. , He became hungry and desired to eat, but while they were preparing, he fell into a trance. , He saw heaven opened and a certain container descending to him, like a great sheet let down by four corners on the earth, , in which were all kinds of four-footed animals of the earth, wild animals, reptiles, and birds of the sky. , A voice came to him, "Rise, Peter, kill and eat!", But Peter said, "Not so, Lord; for I have never eaten anything that is common or unclean.", A voice came to him again the second time, "What God has cleansed, you must not make unholy.", This was done three times, and immediately the vessel was received up into heaven. , Now while Peter was very perplexed in himself what the vision which he had seen might mean, behold, the men who were sent by Cornelius, having made inquiry for Simon\'s house, stood before the gate, , and called and asked whether Simon, who was surnamed Peter, was lodging there. , While Peter thought about the vision, the Spirit said to him, "Behold, three men seek you. , But arise, get down, and go with them, doubting nothing; for I have sent them.", Peter went down to the men, and said, "Behold, I am he whom you seek. Why have you come?", They said, "Cornelius, a centurion, a righteous man and one who fears God, and well spoken of by all the nation of the Jews, was directed by a holy angel to invite you to his house, and to listen to what you say. , So he called them in and lodged them. On the next day Peter arose and went out with them, and some of the brothers from Joppa accompanied him. , On the next day they entered into Caesarea. Cornelius was waiting for them, having called together his relatives and his near friends. , When it happened that Peter entered, Cornelius met him, fell down at his feet, and worshiped him. , But Peter raised him up, saying, "Stand up! I myself am also a man.", As he talked with him, he went in and found many gathered together. , He said to them, "You yourselves know how it is an unlawful thing for a man who is a Jew to join himself or come to one of another nation, but God has shown me that I shouldn\'t call any man unholy or unclean. , Therefore also I came without complaint when I was sent for. I ask therefore, why did you send for me?", Cornelius said, "Four days ago, I was fasting until this hour, and at the ninth hour, I prayed in my house, and behold, a man stood before me in bright clothing, , and said, \'Cornelius, your prayer is heard, and your gifts to the needy are remembered in the sight of God. , Send therefore to Joppa, and summon Simon, who is surnamed Peter. He lodges in the house of Simon a tanner, by the seaside. When he comes, he will speak to you.\' , Therefore I sent to you at once, and it was good of you to come. Now therefore we are all here present in the sight of God to hear all things that have been commanded you by God.", Peter opened his mouth and said, "Truly I perceive that God doesn\'t show favoritism; , but in every nation he who fears him and works righteousness is acceptable to him. , The word which he sent to the children of Israel, preaching good news of peace by Jesus Christ -- he is Lord of all -- , that spoken word you yourselves know, which was proclaimed throughout all Judea, beginning from Galilee, after the baptism which John preached; , even Jesus of Nazareth, how God anointed him with the Holy Spirit and with power, who went about doing good and healing all who were oppressed by the devil, for God was with him. , We are witnesses of all things which he did both in the country of the Jews, and in Jerusalem; whom they also killed, hanging him on a tree. , God raised him up the third day, and gave him to be revealed, , not to all the people, but to witnesses who were chosen before by God, to us, who ate and drank with him after he rose from the dead. , He charged us to preach to the people and to testify that this is he who is appointed by God as the Judge of the living and the dead. , All the prophets testify about him, that through his name everyone who believes in him will receive remission of sins.", While Peter was still speaking these words, the Holy Spirit fell on all those who heard the word. , They of the circumcision who believed were amazed, as many as came with Peter, because the gift of the Holy Spirit was also poured out on the Gentiles. , For they heard them speak with other languages and magnify God. Then Peter answered, , "Can any man forbid the water, that these who have received the Holy Spirit as well as we should not be baptized?", He commanded them to be baptized in the name of Jesus Christ. Then they asked him to stay some days.

11.1
Now the apostles and the brothers who were in Judea heard that the Gentiles had also received the word of God.

11.2
When Peter had come up to Jerusalem, those who were of the circumcision contended with him,

11.3
saying, "You went in to uncircumcised men, and ate with them!"

11.5
"I was in the city of Joppa praying, and in a trance I saw a vision: a certain container descending, like it was a great sheet let down from heaven by four corners. It came as far as me, ' "

11.8
But I said, 'Not so, Lord, for nothing unholy or unclean has ever entered into my mouth.' " "
11.
9
But a voice answered me the second time out of heaven, 'What God has cleansed, don't you make unholy.' "

11.
15
As I began to speak, the Holy Spirit fell on them, even as on us at the beginning. ' "


11.
16
I remembered the word of the Lord, how he said, 'John indeed baptized in water, but you will be baptized in the Holy Spirit.' "

11.17
If then God gave to them the same gift as us, when we believed in the Lord Jesus Christ, who was I, that I could withstand God?"


11.18
When they heard these things, they held their peace, and glorified God, saying, "Then God has also granted to the Gentiles repentance to life!"
11
, Now the apostles and the brothers who were in Judea heard that the Gentiles had also received the word of God. , When Peter had come up to Jerusalem, those who were of the circumcision contended with him, , saying, "You went in to uncircumcised men, and ate with them!", But Peter began, and explained to them in order, saying, , "I was in the city of Joppa praying, and in a trance I saw a vision: a certain container descending, like it was a great sheet let down from heaven by four corners. It came as far as me, , on which, when I had looked intently, I considered, and saw the four-footed animals of the earth, wild animals, creeping things, and birds of the sky. , I also heard a voice saying to me, \'Rise, Peter, kill and eat!\' , But I said, \'Not so, Lord, for nothing unholy or unclean has ever entered into my mouth.\' , But a voice answered me the second time out of heaven, \'What God has cleansed, don\'t you make unholy.\' , This was done three times, and all were drawn up again into heaven. , Behold, immediately three men stood before the house where I was, having been sent from Caesarea to me. , The Spirit told me to go with them, without discriminating. These six brothers also accompanied me, and we entered into the man\'s house. , He told us how he had seen the angel standing in his house, and saying to him, \'Send to Joppa, and get Simon, whose surname is Peter, , who will speak to you words by which you will be saved, you and all your house.\' , As I began to speak, the Holy Spirit fell on them, even as on us at the beginning. , I remembered the word of the Lord, how he said, \'John indeed baptized in water, but you will be baptized in the Holy Spirit.\' , If then God gave to them the same gift as us, when we believed in the Lord Jesus Christ, who was I, that I could withstand God?", When they heard these things, they held their peace, and glorified God, saying, "Then God has also granted to the Gentiles repentance to life!", They therefore who were scattered abroad by the oppression that arose about Stephen traveled as far as Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Antioch, speaking the word to no one except only to Jews. , But there were some of them, men of Cyprus and Cyrene, who, when they had come to Antioch, spoke to the Greeks, preaching the Lord Jesus. , The hand of the Lord was with them, and a great number believed and turned to the Lord. , The report concerning them came to the ears of the assembly which was in Jerusalem. They sent out Barnabas to go as far as Antioch, , who, when he had come, and had seen the grace of God, was glad. He exhorted them all, that with purpose of heart they would remain near to the Lord. , For he was a good man, and full of the Holy Spirit and of faith, and many people were added to the Lord. , Barnabas went out to Tarsus to look for Saul. , When he had found him, he brought him to Antioch. It happened, that even for a whole year they were gathered together with the assembly, and taught many people. The disciples were first called Christians in Antioch. , Now in these days, prophets came down from Jerusalem to Antioch. , One of them named Agabus stood up, and indicated by the Spirit that there should be a great famine over all the world, which also happened in the days of Claudius. , The disciples, as anyone had plenty, each determined to send relief to the brothers who lived in Judea; , which they also did, sending it to the elders by the hands of Barnabas and Saul. 1
2.7
Behold, an angel of the Lord stood by him, and a light shone in the cell. He struck Peter on the side, and woke him up, saying, "Stand up quickly!" His chains fell off from his hands. 1

2.12
Thinking about that, he came to the house of Mary, the mother of John whose surname was Mark, where many were gathered together and were praying.
13.46
Paul and Barnabas spoke out boldly, and said, "It was necessary that God\'s word should be spoken to you first. Since indeed you thrust it from you, and judge yourselves unworthy of eternal life, behold, we turn to the Gentiles.

15.7
When there had been much discussion, Peter rose up and said to them, "Brothers, you know that a good while ago God made choice among you, that by my mouth the Gentiles should hear the word of the gospel, and believe.

15.13
After they were silent, James answered, "Brothers, listen to me.
15.
15
This agrees with the words of the prophets. As it is written, ' "

15.
16
'After these things I will return. I will again build the tent of David, which has fallen. I will again build its ruins. I will set it up, "
15.17
That the rest of men may seek after the Lord; All the Gentiles who are called by my name, Says the Lord, who does all these things.
15.1
9
"Therefore my judgment is that we don\'t trouble those from among the Gentiles who turn to God,
15
, Some men came down from Judea and taught the brothers, "Unless you are circumcised after the custom of Moses, you can\'t be saved.", Therefore when Paul and Barnabas had no small discord and discussion with them, they appointed Paul and Barnabas, and some others of them, to go up to Jerusalem to the apostles and elders about this question. , They, being sent on their way by the assembly, passed through both Phoenicia and Samaria, declaring the conversion of the Gentiles. They caused great joy to all the brothers. , When they had come to Jerusalem, they were received by the assembly and the apostles and the elders, and they reported all things that God had done with them. , But some of the sect of the Pharisees who believed rose up, saying, "It is necessary to circumcise them, and to charge them to keep the law of Moses.", The apostles and the elders were gathered together to see about this matter. , When there had been much discussion, Peter rose up and said to them, "Brothers, you know that a good while ago God made choice among you, that by my mouth the Gentiles should hear the word of the gospel, and believe. , God, who knows the heart, testified about them, giving them the Holy Spirit, just like he did to us. , He made no distinction between us and them, cleansing their hearts by faith. , Now therefore why do you tempt God, that you should put a yoke on the neck of the disciples which neither our fathers nor we were able to bear? , But we believe that we are saved through the grace of the Lord Jesus, just as they are.", All the multitude kept silence, and they listened to Barnabas and Paul reporting what signs and wonders God had done among the Gentiles through them. , After they were silent, James answered, "Brothers, listen to me. , Simeon has reported how God first visited the Gentiles, to take out of them a people for his name. , This agrees with the words of the prophets. As it is written, , \'After these things I will return. I will again build the tent of David, which has fallen. I will again build its ruins. I will set it up, , That the rest of men may seek after the Lord; All the Gentiles who are called by my name, Says the Lord, who does all these things. , All his works are known to God from eternity.\' , "Therefore my judgment is that we don\'t trouble those from among the Gentiles who turn to God, , but that we write to them that they abstain from the pollution of idols, from sexual immorality, from what is strangled, and from blood. , For Moses from generations of old has in every city those who preach him, being read in the synagogues every Sabbath.", Then it seemed good to the apostles and the elders, with the whole assembly, to choose men out of their company, and send them to Antioch with Paul and Barnabas: Judas called Barsabbas, and Silas, chief men among the brothers. , They wrote these things by their hand: "The apostles, the elders, and the brothers, to the brothers who are of the Gentiles in Antioch, Syria, and Cilicia: greetings. , Because we have heard that some who went out from us have troubled you with words, unsettling your souls, saying, \'You must be circumcised and keep the law,\' to whom we gave no commandment; , it seemed good to us, having come to one accord, to choose out men and send them to you with our beloved Barnabas and Paul, , men who have risked their lives for the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. , We have sent therefore Judas and Silas, who themselves will also tell you the same things by word of mouth. , For it seemed good to the Holy Spirit, and to us, to lay no greater burden on you than these necessary things: , that you abstain from things sacrificed to idols, from blood, from things strangled, and from sexual immorality, from which if you keep yourselves, it will be well with you. Farewell.", So, when they were sent off, they came to Antioch. Having gathered the multitude together, they delivered the letter. , When they had read it, they rejoiced for the consolation. , Judas and Silas, also being prophets themselves, encouraged the brothers with many words, and strengthened them. , After they had spent some time there, they were sent back with greetings from the brothers to the apostles. , , But Paul and Barnabas stayed in Antioch, teaching and preaching the word of the Lord, with many others also. , After some days Paul said to Barnabas, "Let\'s return now and visit our brothers in every city in which we proclaimed the word of the Lord, to see how they are doing.", Barnabas planned to take John with them also, who was called Mark. , But Paul didn\'t think that it was a good idea to take with them someone who withdrew from them from Pamphylia, and didn\'t go with them to do the work. , Then there arose a sharp contention, so that they separated from each other. Barnabas took Mark with him, and sailed away to Cyprus, , but Paul chose Silas, and went out, being commended by the brothers to the grace of God. , He went through Syria and Cilicia, strengthening the assemblies.
16.
11
Setting sail therefore from Troas, we made a straight course to Samothrace, and the day following to Neapolis;

16.12
and from there to Philippi, which is a city of Macedonia, the first of the district, a Roman colony. We were staying some days in this city.

16.13
On the Sabbath day we went forth outside of the city by a riverside, where we supposed there was a place of prayer, and we sat down, and spoke to the women who had come together.

16.14
A certain woman named Lydia, a seller of purple, of the city of Thyatira, one who worshiped God, heard us; whose heart the Lord opened to listen to the things which were spoken by Paul.
16.
15
When she and her household were baptized, she begged us, saying, "If you have judged me to be faithful to the Lord, come into my house, and stay." She urged us.

16.21
and set forth customs which it is not lawful for us to accept or to observe, being Romans."

16.25
But about midnight Paul and Silas were praying and singing hymns to God, and the prisoners were listening to them. ' "

16.26
Suddenly there was a great earthquake, so that the foundations of the prison were shaken; and immediately all the doors were opened, and everyone's bonds were loosened. "
16.27
The jailer, being roused out of sleep and seeing the prison doors open, drew his sword and was about to kill himself, supposing that the prisoners had escaped.

16.28
But Paul cried with a loud voice, saying, "Don\'t harm yourself, for we are all here!"
16.2
9
He called for lights and sprang in, and, fell down trembling before Paul and Silas,

16.30
and brought them out and said, "Sirs, what must I do to be saved?"

16.31
They said, "Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, and you will be saved, you and your household."

16.32
They spoke the word of the Lord to him, and to all who were in his house.

16.33
He took them the same hour of the night, and washed their stripes, and was immediately baptized, he and all his household.

16.34
He brought them up into his house, and set food before them, and rejoiced greatly, with all his household, having believed in God.
16
, He came to Derbe and Lystra: and behold, a certain disciple was there, named Timothy, the son of a Jewess who believed; but his father was a Greek. , The brothers who were at Lystra and Iconium gave a good testimony about him. , Paul wanted to have him go out with him, and he took and circumcised him because of the Jews who were in those parts; for they all knew that his father was a Greek. , As they went on their way through the cities, they delivered the decrees to them to keep which had been ordained by the apostles and elders who were at Jerusalem. , So the assemblies were strengthened in the faith, and increased in number daily. , When they had gone through the region of Phrygia and Galatia, they were forbidden by the Holy Spirit to speak the word in Asia. , When they had come opposite Mysia, they tried to go into Bithynia, but the Spirit didn\'t allow them. , Passing by Mysia, they came down to Troas. , A vision appeared to Paul in the night. There was a man of Macedonia standing, begging him, and saying, "Come over into Macedonia and help us.", When he had seen the vision, immediately we sought to go out to Macedonia, concluding that the Lord had called us to preach the gospel to them. , Setting sail therefore from Troas, we made a straight course to Samothrace, and the day following to Neapolis; , and from there to Philippi, which is a city of Macedonia, the first of the district, a Roman colony. We were staying some days in this city. , On the Sabbath day we went forth outside of the city by a riverside, where we supposed there was a place of prayer, and we sat down, and spoke to the women who had come together. , A certain woman named Lydia, a seller of purple, of the city of Thyatira, one who worshiped God, heard us; whose heart the Lord opened to listen to the things which were spoken by Paul. , When she and her household were baptized, she begged us, saying, "If you have judged me to be faithful to the Lord, come into my house, and stay." She urged us. , It happened, as we were going to prayer, that a certain girl having a spirit of divination met us, who brought her masters much gain by fortune telling. , The same, following after Paul and us, cried out, "These men are servants of the Most High God, who proclaim to us the way of salvation!", This she did for many days. But Paul, becoming greatly annoyed, turned and said to the spirit, "I charge you in the name of Jesus Christ to come out of her!" It came out that very hour. , But when her masters saw that the hope of their gain was gone, they seized Paul and Silas, and dragged them into the marketplace before the rulers. , When they had brought them to the magistrates, they said, "These men, being Jews, are agitating our city, , and set forth customs which it is not lawful for us to accept or to observe, being Romans.", The multitude rose up together against them, and the magistrates tore their clothes off of them, and commanded them to be beaten with rods. , When they had laid many stripes on them, they threw them into prison, charging the jailer to keep them safely, , who, having received such a charge, threw them into the inner prison, and secured their feet in the stocks. , But about midnight Paul and Silas were praying and singing hymns to God, and the prisoners were listening to them. , Suddenly there was a great earthquake, so that the foundations of the prison were shaken; and immediately all the doors were opened, and everyone\'s bonds were loosened. , The jailer, being roused out of sleep and seeing the prison doors open, drew his sword and was about to kill himself, supposing that the prisoners had escaped. , But Paul cried with a loud voice, saying, "Don\'t harm yourself, for we are all here!", He called for lights and sprang in, and, fell down trembling before Paul and Silas, , and brought them out and said, "Sirs, what must I do to be saved?", They said, "Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, and you will be saved, you and your household.", They spoke the word of the Lord to him, and to all who were in his house. , He took them the same hour of the night, and washed their stripes, and was immediately baptized, he and all his household. , He brought them up into his house, and set food before them, and rejoiced greatly, with all his household, having believed in God. , But when it was day, the magistrates sent the sergeants, saying, "Let those men go.", The jailer reported these words to Paul, saying, "The magistrates have sent to let you go; now therefore come out, and go in peace.", But Paul said to them, "They have beaten us publicly, without a trial, men who are Romans, and have cast us into prison! Do they now release us secretly? No, most assuredly, but let them come themselves and bring us out!", The sergeants reported these words to the magistrates, and they were afraid when they heard that they were Romans, , and they came and begged them. When they had brought them out, they asked them to depart from the city. , They went out of the prison, and entered into Lydia\'s house. When they had seen the brothers, they comforted them, and departed. 17.
11
Now these were more noble than those in Thessalonica, in that they received the word with all readiness of the mind, examining the Scriptures daily, whether these things were so.
17.13
But when the Jews of Thessalonica had knowledge that the word of God was proclaimed by Paul at Beroea also, they came there likewise, agitating the multitudes.
18.2
He found a certain Jew named Aquila, a man of Pontus by race, who had recently come from Italy, with his wife Priscilla, because Claudius had commanded all the Jews to depart from Rome. He came to them,
18.3
and because he practiced the same trade, he lived with them and worked, for by trade they were tent makers.
18.4
He reasoned in the synagogue every Sabbath, and persuaded Jews and Greeks.
18.5
But when Silas and Timothy came down from Macedonia, Paul was compelled by the Spirit, testifying to the Jews that Jesus was the Christ.
18.6
When they opposed him and blasphemed, he shook out his clothing and said to them, "Your blood be on your own heads! I am clean. From now on, I will go to the Gentiles!"
18.7
He departed there, and went into the house of a certain man named Justus, one who worshiped God, whose house was next door to the synagogue.
18.8
Crispus, the ruler of the synagogue, believed in the Lord with all his house. Many of the Corinthians, hearing, believed and were baptized. 1
8.
11
He lived there a year and six months, teaching the word of God among them. 1
8.13
saying, "This man persuades men to worship God contrary to the law." 1
9.1
It happened that, while Apollos was at Corinth, Paul, having passed through the upper country, came to Ephesus, and found certain disciples. 1
9.2
He said to them, "Did you receive the Holy Spirit when you believed?"They said to him, "No, we haven\'t even heard that there is a Holy Spirit." 1
9.3
He said, "Into what then were you baptized?"They said, "Into John\'s baptism." 1
9.4
Paul said, "John indeed baptized with the baptism of repentance, saying to the people that they should believe in the one who would come after him, that is, on Jesus." 1
9.5
When they heard this, they were baptized into the name of the Lord Jesus. 1
9.6
When Paul had laid his hands on them, the Holy Spirit came on them, and they spoke with other languages, and prophesied. 1
9.7
They were about twelve men in all. 2
2.3
"I am indeed a Jew, born in Tarsus of Cilicia, but brought up in this city at the feet of Gamaliel, instructed according to the strict manner of the law of our fathers, being zealous for God, even as you all are this day. ' None
37. New Testament, Philippians, 3.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius • Double dreams and visions, Peter and Cornelius • Double dreams and visions, Peter and Cornelius, Peter-Paul parallel • Double dreams and visions, Peter and Cornelius, apologetic agendas

 Found in books: Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 336; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 549

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3.6 κατὰ ζῆλος διώκων τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, κατὰ δικαιοσύνην τὴν ἐν νόμῳ γενόμενος ἄμεμπτος.'' None
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3.6 concerning zeal, persecuting the assembly; concerning the righteousness which is in the law, found blameless. '' None
38. New Testament, Luke, 1.15, 1.17, 1.32, 24.30 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius • Cornelius Dioscurides (Laodicea), • Peter-Cornelius narrative and visions, intertextual approaches, OT

 Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 180; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 375; Levison (2009), Filled with the Spirit, 232; Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 23; Rowland (2009), The Mystery of God: Early Jewish Mysticism and the New Testament, 132

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1.15 ἔσται γὰρ μέγας ἐνώπιον Κυρίου, καὶ οἶνον καὶ σίκερα οὐ μὴ πίῃ, καὶ πνεύματος ἁγίου πλησθήσεται ἔτι ἐκ κοιλίας μητρὸς αὐτοῦ,
1.17
καὶ αὐτὸς προελεύσεται ἐνώπιον αὐτοῦ ἐν πνεύματι καὶ δυνάμει Ἠλεία, ἐπιστρέψαι καρδίας πατέρων ἐπὶ τέκνα καὶ ἀπειθεῖς ἐν φρονήσει δικαίων, ἑτοιμάσαι Κυρίῳ λαὸν κατεσκευασμένον.
1.32
οὗτος ἔσται μέγας καὶ υἱὸς Ὑψίστου κληθήσεται, καὶ δώσει αὐτῷ Κύριος ὁ θεὸς τὸν θρόνον Δαυεὶδ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ,
24.30
Καὶ ἐγένετο ἐν τῷ κατακλιθῆναι αὐτὸν μετʼ αὐτῶν λαβὼν τὸν ἄρτον εὐλόγησεν καὶ κλάσας ἐπεδίδου αὐτοῖς·'' None
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1.15 For he will be great in the sight of the Lord, and he will drink no wine nor strong drink. He will be filled with the Holy Spirit, even from his mother's womb. " 1.17 He will go before him in the spirit and power of Elijah, \'to turn the hearts of the fathers to the children,\' and the disobedient to the wisdom of the just; to make ready a people prepared for the Lord."
1.32
He will be great, and will be called the Son of the Most High. The Lord God will give him the throne of his father, David,
24.30
It happened, that when he had sat down at the table with them, he took the bread and gave thanks. Breaking it, he gave to them. '" None
39. Plutarch, Fabius, 22.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, P., and Alexander the Great • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P., rivalry with Q. Fabius Maximus • Sulla, L. Cornelius

 Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 66; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 28, 38

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22.6 οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὸν κολοσσὸν τοῦ Ἡρακλέους μετακομίσας ἐκ Τάραντος ἔστησεν ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ, καὶ πλησίον ἔφιππον εἰκόνα χαλκῆν ἑαυτοῦ, πολὺ Μαρκέλλου φανεὶς ἀτοπώτερος περὶ ταῦτα, μᾶλλον δʼ ὅλως ἐκεῖνον ἄνδρα πρᾳότητι καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ θαυμαστὸν ἀποδείξας, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται.'' None
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22.6 However, he removed the colossal statue of Heracles from Tarentum, and set it up on the Capitol, and near it an equestrian statue of himself, in bronze. He thus appeared far more eccentric in these matters than Marcellus, nay rather, the mild and humane conduct of Marcellus was thus made to seem altogether admirable by contrast, as has been written in his Life. Chapter xxi. Marcellus had enriched Rome with works of Greek art taken from Syracuse in 212 B.C. Livy’s opinion is rather different from Plutarch’s: sed maiore animo generis eius praeda abstinuit Fabius quam Marcellus, xxvii. 16. Fabius killed the people but spared their gods; Marcellus spared the people but took their gods.'' None
40. Plutarch, Marcellus, 28.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Cossus, Aulus • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P., rivalry with Q. Fabius Maximus • P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Africanus • Sulla, L. Cornelius

 Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 209; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 228; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38, 125

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28.1 παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν ἀρχήν πρῶτον μὲν ἐν Τυρρηνίᾳ μέγα κίνημα πρὸς ἀπόστασιν ἔπαυσε καὶ κατεπράϋνεν ἐπελθὼν τὰς πόλεις· ἔπειτα ναὸν ἐκ τῶν Σικελικῶν λαφύρων ᾠκοδομημένον ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ Δόξης καὶ Ἀρετῆς καθιερῶσαι βουλόμενος, καὶ κωλυθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἱερέων οὐκ ἀξιούντων ἑνὶ ναῷ δύο θεοὺς περιέχεσθαι, πάλιν ἤρξατο προσοικοδομεῖν ἕτερον, οὐ ῥᾳδίως φέρων τὴν γεγενημένην ἀντίκρουσιν, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ οἰωνιζόμενος.' ' None
sup>6 But to resume the story, after Flaminius and his colleague had renounced their offices, Marcellus was appointed consul In 222 B.C. In republican times, an interrex was elected when there was a vacancy in the supreme power, held office for five days, and, if necessary, nominated his successor. Any number of interreges might be successively appointed, until the highest office was filled. Cf. the Numa, ii. 6 f. by the so-called interreges. He took the office, and appointed Gnaeus Cornelius his colleague. Now it has been said that, although the Gauls made many conciliatory proposals, and although the senate was peaceably inclined, Marcellus tried to provoke the people to continue the war.,However, it would seem that even after peace was made the Gaesatae renewed the war; they crossed the Alps and stirred up the Insubrians. They numbered thirty thousand themselves, and the Insubrians, whom they joined, were much more numerous. With high confidence, therefore, they marched at once to Acerrae, a city situated to the north of the river Po. According to Polybius (ii. 34), no peace was made, although the Gauls offered to submit, and the consuls marched into the territory of the Insubrians and laid siege to Acerrae. From thence Britomartus the king, taking with him ten thousand of the Gaesatae, ravaged the country about the Po.,When Marcellus learned of this, he left his colleague at Acerrae with all the heavy-armed infantry and a third part of the cavalry, while he himself, taking with him the rest of the cavalry and the most lightly equipped men-at-arms to the number of six hundred, marched, without halting in his course day or night, until he came upon the ten thousand Gaesatae near the place called Clastidium, a Gallic village which not long before had become subject to the Romans.,There was no time for him to give his army rest and refreshment, for the Barbarians quickly learned of his arrival, and held in contempt the infantry with him, which were few in number all told, and, being Gauls, made no account of his cavalry. For they were most excellent fighters on horseback, and were thought to be specially superior as such, and, besides, at this time they far outnumbered Marcellus. Immediately, therefore, they charged upon him with great violence and dreadful threats, thinking to overwhelm him, their king riding in front of them.,But Marcellus, that they might not succeed in enclosing and surrounding him and his few followers, led his troops of cavalry forward and tried to outflank them, extending his wing into a thin line, until he was not far from the enemy. And now, just as he was turning to make a charge, his horse, frightened by the ferocious aspect of the enemy, wheeled about and bore Marcellus forcibly back.,But he, fearing lest this should be taken as a bad omen by the Romans and lead to confusion among them, quickly reined his horse round to the left and made him face the enemy, while he himself made adoration to the sun, implying that it was not by chance, but for this purpose, that he had wheeled about; for it is the custom with the Romans to turn round in this way when they make adoration to the gods. And in the moment of closing with the enemy he is said to have vowed that he would consecrate to Jupiter Feretrius the most beautiful suit of armour among them.28.1 After assuming his office, he first quelled a great agitation for revolt in Etruria, and visited and pacified the cities there; next, he desired to dedicate to Honour and Virtue a temple that he had built out of his Sicilian spoils, hut was prevented by the priests, who would not consent that two deities should occupy one temple; he therefore began to build another temple adjoining the first, although he resented the priests’ opposition and regarded it as ominous. ' None
41. Plutarch, Marius, 42.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Cinna, L. • Cornelius Culleolus, Cn. • Hipsalus (Cn. Cornelius Hipsalus)

 Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 66; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 169, 255

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42.4 Ὀκτάβιον δὲ Χαλδαῖοι καὶ θύται τινὲς καὶ σιβυλλισταὶ πείσαντες ἐν Ῥώμῃ κατέσχον, ὡς εὖ γενησομένων. ὁ γὰρ ἀνήρ οὗτος δοκεῖ, τἆλλα Ῥωμαίων εὐγνωμονέστατος γενόμενος καὶ μάλιστα δὴ τὸ πρόσχημα τῆς ὑπατείας ἀκολάκευτον ἐπὶ τῶν πατρίων ἐθῶν καὶ νόμων ὥσπερ διαγραμμάτων ἀμεταβόλων διαφυλάξας, ἀρρωστίᾳ τῇ περὶ ταῦτα χρήσασθαι, πλείονα συνὼν χρόνον ἀγύρταις καὶ μάντεσιν ἢ πολιτικοῖς καὶ πολεμικοῖς ἀνδράσιν.'' None
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42.4 '' None
42. Plutarch, Pompey, 74-75 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelia (wife of Pompey) • Cornelia, antitype to Penelope

 Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 55; Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 200

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74 , , , '75 , , , , ' None
43. Plutarch, Publicola, 15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Sulla, Lucius • Sulla, L. Cornelius

 Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 62; Mowat (2021), Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic, 77

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15 XV. A similar fortune seems to have attended the dedication of the second temple. The first, as I have said, was built by Tarquin, but consecrated by Horatius; this was destroyed by fire during the civil wars. 83 B.C. The second temple was built by Sulla, but Catulus was commissioned to consecrate it, 69 B.C. after the death of Sulla.,This temple, too was destroyed, during the troublous times of Vitellius, 69 A.D. and Vespasian began and completely finished the third, with the good fortune that attended him in all his undertakings. He lived to see it completed, and did not live to see it destroyed, as it was soon after; and in dying before his work was destroyed he was just so much more fortunate than Sulla, who died before his was consecrated. For upon time death of Vespasian the Capitol was burned. 80 A.D.,The fourth temple, which is now standing on the same site as the others, was both completed and consecrated by Domitian. It is said that Tarquin expended upon its foundations forty thousand pounds of silver. But time greatest wealth now attributed to any private citizen of Rome would not pay the cost of the gilding alone of the present temple, which was more than twelve thousand talents. For purposes of comparison a talent may be reckoned as worth £250, or'' None
44. Plutarch, Romulus, 16.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Sulla Felix, L. • Sulla, L. Cornelius

 Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 66; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 87

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16.8 Κόσσος μὲν οὖν καὶ Μάρκελλος ἤδη τεθρίπποις εἰσήλαυνον, αὐτοὶ τὰ τρόπαια φέροντες· Ῥωμύλον δʼ οὐκ ὀρθῶς φησιν ἅρματι χρήσασθαι Διονύσιος. Ταρκύνιον γὰρ ἱστοροῦσι τὸν Δημαράτου τῶν βασιλέων πρῶτον εἰς τοῦτο τὸ σχῆμα καὶ τὸν ὄγκον ἐξᾶραι τοὺς θριάμβους· ἕτεροι δὲ πρῶτον ἐφʼ ἅρματος θριαμβεῦσαι Ποπλικόλαν. τοῦ δὲ Ῥωμύλου τὰς εἰκόνας ὁρᾶν ἔστιν ἐν Ῥώμῃ τὰς τροπαιοφόρους πεζὰς ἁπάσας.'' None
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16.8 Cossus indeed, and Marcellus, already used a four-horse chariot for their entrance into the city, carrying the trophies themselves, but Dionysius Antiq. Rom. ii. 34. is incorrect in saying that Romulus used a chariot. For it is matter of history that Tarquin, the son of Demaratus, was first of the kings to lift triumphs up to such pomp and ceremony, although others say that Publicola was first to celebrate a triumph riding on a chariot. Cf. Publicola, ix. 5. And the statues of Romulus bearing the trophies are, as may be seen in Rome, all on foot.'' None
45. Plutarch, Sulla, 9.6, 12.6, 19.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Sulla, L., and Postumius • Cornelius Sulla, Lucius, and the Amphiareion • Cornelius Sulla, Lucius, treatment of cities and sanctuaries • Delphi, and Cornelius Sulla, Lucius • Epidauros, and Cornelius Sulla, Lucius • Olympia, and Cornelius Sulla, Lucius • Oropos, and Cornelius Sulla, Lucius • Sulla, L. Cornelius • Thebes, and Cornelius Sulla, Lucius

 Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 30, 52; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 94; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 213, 214, 215, 252

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9.6 τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Βάσιλλον εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐμπεσόντων καὶ κρατούντων, ὁ πολὺς καὶ ἄνοπλος δῆμος ἀπὸ τῶν τεγῶν κεράμῳ καὶ λίθῳ βάλλοντες ἐπέσχον αὐτοὺς τοῦ πρόσω χωρεῖν καὶ συνέστειλαν εἰς τὸ τεῖχος, ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ὁ Σύλλας παρῆν ἤδη, καὶ συνιδὼν τὸ γινόμενον ἐβόα τὰς οἰκίας ὑφάπτειν, καὶ λαβὼν δᾷδα καιομένην ἐχώρει πρῶτος αὐτός, καὶ τοὺς τοξότας ἐκέλευε χρῆσθαι τοῖς πυροβόλοις ἄνω τῶν στεγασμάτων ἐφιεμένους, κατʼ οὐδένα λογισμόν,
12.6
τὰ μὲν οὖν ἄλλα διέλαθε τούς γε πολλοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐκπεμπόμενα, τὸν δὲ ἀργυροῦν πίθον, ὃς ἦν ὑπόλοιπος ἔτι τῶν βασιλικῶν, διὰ βάρος καὶ μέγεθος οὐ δυναμένων ἀναλαβεῖν τῶν ὑποζυγίων, ἀναγκαζόμενοι κατακόπτειν οἱ Ἀμφικτύονες εἰς μνήμην ἐβάλοντο τοῦτο μὲν Τίτον Φλαμινῖνον καὶ Μάνιον Ἀκύλιον, τοῦτο δὲ Αἰμίλιον Παῦλον, ὧν ὁ μὲν Ἀντίοχον ἐξελάσας τῆς Ἑλλάδος, οἱ δὲ τούς Μακεδόνων βασιλεῖς καταπολεμήσαντες οὐ μόνον ἀπέσχοντο τῶν ἱερῶν τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δῶρα καὶ τιμὴν αὐτοῖς καὶ σεμνότητα πολλὴν προσέθεσαν.
1
9.6
ταύτης τὰ ἐπινίκια τῆς μάχης ἦγεν ἐν Θήβαις, περὶ τὴν Οἰδιπόδειον κρήνην κατασκευάσας θυμέλην. οἱ δὲ κρίνοντες ἦσαν Ἕλληνες ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων ἀνακεκλημένοι πόλεων, ἐπεὶ πρός γε Θηβαίους ἀδιαλλάκτως εἶχε, καὶ τῆς χώρας αὐτῶν ἀποτεμόμενος τὴν ἡμίσειαν τῷ Πυθίῳ καὶ τῷ Ὀλυμπίῳ καθιέρωσεν, ἐκ τῶν προσόδων κελεύσας ἀποδίδοσθαι τὰ χρήματα τοῖς θεοῖς ἅπερ αὐτὸς εἰλήφει.'' None
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9.6
1
9.6
'' None
46. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 1.1.6, 10.1.93 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Atia (mother of Augustus), as imitator of Cornelia • Aurelia (mother of Iulius Caesar), as imitator of Cornelia • Cornelius Nepos • Gallus, Cornelius

 Found in books: Fielding (2017), Transformations of Ovid in Late Antiquity. 12; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 330, 331; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 229; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 203

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1.1.6 \xa0As regards parents, I\xa0should like to see them as highly educated as possible, and I\xa0do not restrict this remark to fathers alone. We are told that the eloquence of the Gracchi owed much to their mother Cornelia, whose letters even toâ\x80\x91day testify to the cultivation of her style. Laelia, the daughter of Gaius Laelius, is said to have reproduced the elegance of her father's language in her own speech, while the oration delivered before the triumvirs by Hortensia, the daughter of Quintus Hortensius, is still read and not merely as a compliment to her sex." " None
47. Suetonius, Caligula, 24.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Sulla, L. • Tacitus, P. Cornelius

 Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 217, 244; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 135

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24.3 The rest of his sisters he did not love with so great affection, nor honour so highly, but often prostituted them to his favourites; so that he was the readier at the trial of Aemilius Lepidus to condemn them, as adulteresses and privy to the conspiracies against him; and he not only made public letters in the handwriting of all of them, procured by fraud and seduction, but also dedicated to Mars the Avenger, with an explanatory inscription, three swords designed to take his life.'' None
48. Tacitus, Annals, 1.2, 1.7, 1.10.4, 1.33, 1.41, 2.32-2.33, 2.37, 2.53, 2.73, 2.82, 3.5.2, 3.33-3.34, 4.12, 4.15.3, 4.26, 4.32-4.34, 4.34.4, 11.24, 12.6, 12.53, 12.58.1, 13.30, 14.12, 14.12.1, 14.18, 14.64.3, 15.19, 15.22-15.23, 16.7, 16.21.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelia (mother of the Gracchi), proven fertility of • Cornelia Cossa • Cornelia Salonina (Publica Licinia Iulia Cornelia Salonina) • Cornelia de falsis, lex • Cornelia, daughter of Scribonia • Cornelia, daughter of Scribonia, mother of the Gracchi • Cornelius Balbus, L. • Cornelius Dolabella, P. • Cornelius Hispalus • Cornelius Lentulus Gaetulicus, Cn. • Cornelius Lentulus, Cn. • Cornelius Lentulus, Cn. (augur) • Cornelius Nepos • Cornelius Pusio Annius Messala, L. • Cornelius Sabinus • Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, P., and Alexander the Great • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P. • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P., image in Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus • Cornelius Sulla Felix, Faustus • Cornelius Sulla, L. • Cornelius Tacitus • Cornelius Tacitus, historian • Lex, Cornelia • Scipio Africanus, P. Cornelius • Sulla, L. Cornelius • Tacitus (P. Cornelius Tacitus) • Tacitus (P. Cornelius Tacitus), Annals • Tacitus (P. Cornelius Tacitus), Histories • Tacitus (P. Cornelius Tacitus), Principate, attitude towards • Tacitus (P. Cornelius Tacitus), government, analysis of • Tacitus (P. Cornelius Tacitus), historical approach of • Tacitus (P. Cornelius Tacitus), partiality of • Tacitus (P. [?] Cornelius Tacitus), conflict between Agrippina the Elder and Tiberius • Tacitus (P. [?] Cornelius Tacitus), fecunditas of Agrippina the Elder • Tacitus (P. [?] Cornelius Tacitus), on M. Hortalus • Tacitus (P. [?] Cornelius Tacitus), on Nero’s divorce of Octavia • Tacitus (P. [?] Cornelius Tacitus), on ‘fake’ adoptions • Tacitus, P. Cornelius • Tacitus, P. Cornelius, accounts of false Nero

 Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 140; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Law in the Roman Provinces, 250; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 26, 91; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 50, 56, 57, 58, 105, 145; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 23, 24, 25, 26, 64, 84, 86, 87, 116, 117, 118, 122, 199, 201, 202, 207, 222; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 220; Nisula (2012), Augustine and the Functions of Concupiscence, 22; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8, 9, 15, 49, 82, 83, 84, 169, 171, 172, 174, 177, 182, 197, 203, 227, 229, 230, 233, 243, 247, 288, 300, 302, 305; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 20; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 28, 67, 69, 87, 108, 135, 230, 307; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 192, 254; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 43, 44, 45, 47, 48, 51, 55; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 213, 311; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 159, 246, 259, 389, 411, 439, 441, 443; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 362

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1.2 Interea manipuli ante coeptam seditionem Nauportum missi ob itinera et pontes et alios usus, postquam turbatum in castris accepere, vexilla convellunt direptisque proximis vicis ipsoque Nauporto, quod municipii instar erat, retinentis centuriones inrisu et contumeliis, postremo verberibus insectantur, praecipua in Aufidienum Rufum praefectum castrorum ira, quem dereptum vehiculo sarcinis gravant aguntque primo in agmine per ludibrium rogitantes an tam immensa onera, tam longa itinera libenter ferret. quippe Rufus diu manipularis, dein centurio, mox castris praefectus, antiquam duramque militiam revocabat, vetus operis ac laboris et eo inmitior quia toleraverat.
1.2
Postquam Bruto et Cassio caesis nulla iam publica arma, Pompeius apud Siciliam oppressus exutoque Lepido, interfecto Antonio ne Iulianis quidem partibus nisi Caesar dux reliquus, posito triumviri nomine consulem se ferens et ad tuendam plebem tribunicio iure contentum, ubi militem donis, populum annona, cunctos dulcedine otii pellexit, insurgere paulatim, munia senatus magistratuum legum in se trahere, nullo adversante, cum ferocissimi per acies aut proscriptione cecidissent, ceteri nobilium, quanto quis servitio promptior, opibus et honoribus extollerentur ac novis ex rebus aucti tuta et praesentia quam vetera et periculosa mallent. neque provinciae illum rerum statum abnuebant, suspecto senatus populique imperio ob certamina potentium et avaritiam magistratuum, invalido legum auxilio quae vi ambitu postremo pecunia turbabantur.
1.7
At Germanicus legionum, quas navibus vexerat, secundam et quartam decimam itinere terrestri P. Vitellio ducendas tradit, quo levior classis vadoso mari innaret vel reciproco sideret. Vitellius primum iter sicca humo aut modice adlabente aestu quietum habuit: mox inpulsu aquilonis, simul sidere aequinoctii, quo maxime tumescit Oceanus, rapi agique agmen. et opplebantur terrae: eadem freto litori campis facies, neque discerni poterant incerta ab solidis, brevia a profundis. sternuntur fluctibus, hauriuntur gurgitibus; iumenta, sarcinae, corpora exanima interfluunt, occursant. permiscentur inter se manipuli, modo pectore, modo ore tenus extantes, aliquando subtracto solo disiecti aut obruti. non vox et mutui hortatus iuvabant adversante unda; nihil strenuus ab ignavo, sapiens ab inprudenti, consilia a casu differre: cuncta pari violentia involvebantur. tandem Vitellius in editiora enisus eodem agmen subduxit. pernoctavere sine utensilibus, sine igni, magna pars nudo aut mulcato corpore, haud minus miserabiles quam quos hostis circumsidet: quippe illic etiam honestae mortis usus, his inglorium exitium. lux reddidit terram, penetratumque ad amnem Visurgin, quo Caesar classe contenderat. inpositae dein legiones, vagante fama submersas; nec fides salutis, antequam Caesarem exercitumque reducem videre.' 1.7 At Romae ruere in servitium consules, patres, eques. quanto quis inlustrior, tanto magis falsi ac festites, vultuque composito ne laeti excessu principis neu tristiores primordio, lacrimas gaudium, questus adulationem miscebant. Sex. Pompeius et Sex. Appuleius consules primi in verba Tiberii Caesaris iuravere, aputque eos Seius Strabo et C. Turranius, ille praetoriarum cohortium praefectus, hic annonae; mox senatus milesque et populus. nam Tiberius cuncta per consules incipiebat tamquam vetere re publica et ambiguus imperandi: ne edictum quidem, quo patres in curiam vocabat, nisi tribuniciae potestatis praescriptione posuit sub Augusto acceptae. verba edicti fuere pauca et sensu permodesto: de honoribus parentis consulturum, neque abscedere a corpore idque unum ex publicis muneribus usurpare. sed defuncto Augusto signum praetoriis cohortibus ut imperator dederat; excubiae, arma, cetera aulae; miles in forum, miles in curiam comitabatur. litteras ad exercitus tamquam adepto principatu misit, nusquam cunctabundus nisi cum in senatu loqueretur. causa praecipua ex formidine ne Germanicus, in cuius manu tot legiones, immensa sociorum auxilia, mirus apud populum favor, habere imperium quam exspectare mallet. dabat et famae ut vocatus electusque potius a re publica videretur quam per uxorium ambitum et senili adoptione inrepsisse. postea cognitum est ad introspiciendas etiam procerum voluntates inductam dubitationem: nam verba vultus in crimen detorquens recondebat.
1.33
Interea Germanico per Gallias, ut diximus, census accipienti excessisse Augustum adfertur. neptem eius Agrippinam in matrimonio pluresque ex ea liberos habebat, ipse Druso fratre Tiberii genitus, Augustae nepos, set anxius occultis in se patrui aviaeque odiis quorum causae acriores quia iniquae. quippe Drusi magna apud populum Romanum memoria, credebaturque, si rerum potitus foret, libertatem redditurus; unde in Germanicum favor et spes eadem. nam iuveni civile ingenium, mira comitas et diversa ab Tiberii sermone vultu, adrogantibus et obscuris. accedebant muliebres offensiones novercalibus Liviae in Agrippinam stimulis, atque ipsa Agrippina paulo commotior, nisi quod castitate et mariti amore quamvis indomitum animum in bonum vertebat.
1.41
Non florentis Caesaris neque suis in castris, sed velut in urbe victa facies gemitusque ac planctus etiam militum auris oraque advertere: progrediuntur contuberniis. quis ille flebilis sonus? quod tam triste? feminas inlustris, non centurionem ad tutelam, non militem, nihil imperatoriae uxoris aut comitatus soliti: pergere ad Treviros et externae fidei. pudor inde et miseratio et patris Agrippae, Augusti avi memoria, socer Drusus, ipsa insigni fecunditate, praeclara pudicitia; iam infans in castris genitus, in contubernio legionum eductus, quem militari vocabulo Caligulam appellabant, quia plerumque ad concilianda vulgi studia eo tegmine pedum induebatur. sed nihil aeque flexit quam invidia in Treviros: orant obsistunt, rediret maneret, pars Agrippinae occursantes, plurimi ad Germanicum regressi. isque ut erat recens dolore et ira apud circumfusos ita coepit.
2.32
Bona inter accusatores dividuntur, et praeturae extra ordinem datae iis qui senatorii ordinis erant. tunc Cotta Messalinus, ne imago Libonis exequias posterorum comitaretur, censuit, Cn. Lentulus, ne quis Scribonius cognomentum Drusi adsumeret. supplicationum dies Pomponii Flacci sententia constituti, dona Iovi, Marti, Concordiae, utque iduum Septembrium dies, quo se Libo interfecerat, dies festus haberetur, L. Piso et Gallus Asinius et Papius Mutilus et L. Apronius decrevere; quorum auctoritates adulationesque rettuli ut sciretur vetus id in re publica malum. facta et de mathematicis magisque Italia pellendis senatus consulta; quorum e numero L. Pituanius saxo deiectus est, in P. Marcium consules extra portam Esquilinam, cum classicum canere iussissent, more prisco advertere. 2.33 Proximo senatus die multa in luxum civitatis dicta a Q. Haterio consulari, Octavio Frontone praetura functo; decretumque ne vasa auro solida ministrandis cibis fierent, ne vestis serica viros foedaret. excessit Fronto ac postulavit modum argento, supellectili, familiae: erat quippe adhuc frequens senatoribus, si quid e re publica crederent, loco sententiae promere. contra Gallus Asinius disseruit: auctu imperii adolevisse etiam privatas opes, idque non novum, sed e vetustissimis moribus: aliam apud Fabricios, aliam apud Scipiones pecuniam; et cuncta ad rem publicam referri, qua tenui angustas civium domos, postquam eo magnificentiae venerit, gliscere singulos. neque in familia et argento quaeque ad usum parentur nimium aliquid aut modicum nisi ex fortuna possidentis. distinctos senatus et equitum census, non quia diversi natura, sed ut locis ordi- nibus dignationibus antistent, ita iis quae ad requiem animi aut salubritatem corporum parentur, nisi forte clarissimo cuique pluris curas, maiora pericula subeunda, delenimentis curarum et periculorum carendum esse. facilem adsensum Gallo sub nominibus honestis confessio vitiorum et similitudo audientium dedit. adiecerat et Tiberius non id tempus censurae nec, si quid in moribus labaret, defuturum corrigendi auctorem.' "
2.37
Censusque quorundam senatorum iuvit. quo magis mirum fuit quod preces Marci Hortali, nobilis iuvenis, in paupertate manifesta superbius accepisset. nepos erat oratoris Hortensii, inlectus a divo Augusto liberalitate decies sestertii ducere uxorem, suscipere liberos, ne clarissima familia extingueretur. igitur quattuor filiis ante limen curiae adstantibus, loco sententiae, cum in Palatio senatus haberetur, modo Hortensii inter oratores sitam imaginem modo Augusti intuens, ad hunc modum coepit: 'patres conscripti, hos, quorum numerum et pueritiam videtis, non sponte sustuli sed quia princeps monebat; simul maiores mei meruerant ut posteros haberent. nam ego, qui non pecuniam, non studia populi neque eloquentiam, gentile domus nostrae bonum, varietate temporum accipere vel parare potuissem, satis habebam, si tenues res meae nec mihi pudori nec cuiquam oneri forent. iussus ab imperatore uxorem duxi. en stirps et progenies tot consulum, tot dictatorum. nec ad invidiam ista sed conciliandae misericordiae refero. adsequentur florente te, Caesar, quos dederis honores: interim Q. Hortensii pronepotes, divi Augusti alumnos ab inopia defende.'" 2.53 Sequens annus Tiberium tertio, Germanicum iterum consules habuit. sed eum honorem Germanicus iniit apud urbem Achaiae Nicopolim, quo venerat per Illyricam oram viso fratre Druso in Delmatia agente, Hadriatici ac mox Ionii maris adversam navigationem perpessus. igitur paucos dies insumpsit reficiendae classi; simul sinus Actiaca victoria inclutos et sacratas ab Augusto manubias castraque Antonii cum recordatione maiorum suorum adiit. namque ei, ut memoravi, avunculus Augustus, avus Antonius erant, magnaque illic imago tristium laetorumque. hinc ventum Athenas, foederique sociae et vetustae urbis datum ut uno lictore uteretur. excepere Graeci quaesitissimis honoribus, vetera suorum facta dictaque praeferentes quo plus dignationis adulatio haberet.
2.73
Funus sine imaginibus et pompa per laudes ac memoriam virtutum eius celebre fuit. et erant qui formam, aetatem, genus mortis ob propinquitatem etiam locorum in quibus interiit, magni Alexandri fatis adaequarent. nam utrumque corpore decoro, genere insigni, haud multum triginta annos egressum, suorum insidiis externas inter gentis occidisse: sed hunc mitem erga amicos, modicum voluptatum, uno matrimonio, certis liberis egisse, neque minus proeliatorem, etiam si temeritas afuerit praepeditusque sit perculsas tot victoriis Germanias servitio premere. quod si solus arbiter rerum, si iure et nomine regio fuisset, tanto promptius adsecuturum gloriam militiae quantum clementia, temperantia, ceteris bonis artibus praestitisset. corpus antequam cremaretur nudatum in foro Antiochensium, qui locus sepulturae destinabatur, praetuleritne veneficii signa parum constitit; nam ut quis misericordia in Germanicum et praesumpta suspicione aut favore in Pisonem pronior, diversi interpretabantur.
2.82
At Romae, postquam Germanici valetudo percrebuit cunctaque ut ex longinquo aucta in deterius adferebantur, dolor ira, et erumpebant questus. ideo nimirum in extremas terras relegatum, ideo Pisoni permissam provinciam; hoc egisse secretos Augustae cum Plancina sermones. vera prorsus de Druso seniores locutos: displicere regtibus civilia filiorum ingenia, neque ob aliud interceptos quam quia populum Romanum aequo iure complecti reddita libertate agitaverint. hos vulgi sermones audita mors adeo incendit ut ante edictum magistratuum, ante senatus consultum sumpto iustitio desererentur fora, clauderentur domus. passim silentia et gemitus, nihil compositum in ostentationem; et quamquam neque insignibus lugentium abstinerent, altius animis maerebant. forte negotiatores vivente adhuc Germanico Syria egressi laetiora de valetudine eius attulere. statim credita, statim vulgata sunt: ut quisque obvius, quamvis leviter audita in alios atque illi in plures cumulata gaudio transferunt. cursant per urbem, moliuntur templorum foris; iuvat credulitatem nox et promptior inter tenebras adfirmatio. nec obstitit falsis Tiberius donec tempore ac spatio vanescerent: et populus quasi rursum ereptum acrius doluit.
3.33
Inter quae Severus Caecina censuit ne quem magistratum cui provincia obvenisset uxor comitaretur, multum ante repetito concordem sibi coniugem et sex partus enixam, seque quae in publicum statueret domi servavisse, cohibita intra Italiam, quamquam ipse pluris per provincias quadraginta stipendia explevisset. haud enim frustra placitum olim ne feminae in socios aut gentis externas traherentur: inesse mulierum comitatui quae pacem luxu, bellum formidine morentur et Romanum agmen ad similitudinem barbari incessus convertant. non imbecillum tantum et imparem laboribus sexum sed, si licentia adsit, saevum, ambitiosum, potestatis avidum; incedere inter milites, habere ad manum centuriones; praesedisse nuper feminam exercitio cohortium, decursu legionum. cogitarent ipsi quotiens repetundarum aliqui arguerentur plura uxoribus obiectari: his statim adhaerescere deterrimum quemque provincialium, ab his negotia suscipi, transigi; duorum egressus coli, duo esse praetoria, pervicacibus magis et impotentibus mulierum iussis quae Oppiis quondam aliisque legibus constrictae nunc vinclis exolutis domos, fora, iam et exercitus regerent. 3.34 Paucorum haec adsensu audita: plures obturbabant neque relatum de negotio neque Caecinam dignum tantae rei censorem. mox Valerius Messalinus, cui parens Mes- sala ineratque imago paternae facundiae, respondit multa duritiae veterum in melius et laetius mutata; neque enim, ut olim, obsideri urbem bellis aut provincias hostilis esse. et pauca feminarum necessitatibus concedi quae ne coniugum quidem penatis, adeo socios non onerent; cetera promisca cum marito nec ullum in eo pacis impedimentum. bella plane accinctis obeunda: sed revertentibus post laborem quod honestius quam uxorium levamentum? at quasdam in ambitionem aut avaritiam prolapsas. quid? ipsorum magistratuum nonne plerosque variis libidinibus obnoxios? non tamen ideo neminem in provinciam mitti. corruptos saepe pravitatibus uxorum maritos: num ergo omnis caelibes integros? placuisse quondam Oppias leges, sic temporibus rei publicae postulantibus: remissum aliquid postea et mitigatum, quia expedierit. frustra nostram ignaviam alia ad vocabula transferri: nam viri in eo culpam si femina modum excedat. porro ob unius aut alterius imbecillum animum male eripi maritis consortia rerum secundarum adversarumque. simul sexum natura invalidum deseri et exponi suo luxu, cupidinibus alienis. vix praesenti custodia manere inlaesa coniugia: quid fore si per pluris annos in modum discidii oblitterentur? sic obviam irent iis quae alibi peccarentur ut flagitiorum urbis meminissent. addidit pauca Drusus de matrimonio suo; nam principibus adeunda saepius longinqua imperii. quoties divum Augustum in Occidentem atque Orientem meavisse comite Livia! se quoque in Illyricum profectum et, si ita conducat, alias ad gentis iturum, haud semper aequo animo si ab uxore carissima et tot communium liberorum parente divelleretur. sic Caecinae sententia elusa.
4.12
Ceterum laudante filium pro rostris Tiberio senatus populusque habitum ac voces dolentum simulatione magis quam libens induebat, domumque Germanici revirescere occulti laetabantur. quod principium favoris et mater Agrippina spem male tegens perniciem adceleravere. nam Seianus ubi videt mortem Drusi inultam interfectoribus, sine maerore publico esse, ferox scelerum et, quia prima provenerant, volutare secum quonam modo Germanici liberos perverteret, quorum non dubia successio. neque spargi venenum in tres poterat, egregia custodum fide et pudicitia Agrippinae impenetrabili. igitur contumaciam eius insectari, vetus Augustae odium, recentem Liviae conscientiam exagitare, ut superbam fecunditate, subnixam popularibus studiis inhiare dominationi apud Caesarem arguerent. atque haec callidis criminatoribus, inter quos delegerat Iulium Postumum, per adulterium Mutiliae Priscae inter intimos aviae et consiliis suis peridoneum, quia Prisca in animo Augustae valida anum suapte natura potentiae anxiam insociabilem nurui efficiebat. Agrippinae quoque proximi inliciebantur pravis sermonibus tumidos spiritus perstimulare.
4.26
Dolabellae petenti abnuit triumphalia Tiberius, Seiano tribuens, ne Blaesi avunculi eius laus obsolesceret. sed neque Blaesus ideo inlustrior et huic negatus honor gloriam intendit: quippe minore exercitu insignis captivos, caedem ducis bellique confecti famam deportarat. sequebantur et Garamantum legati, raro in urbe visi, quos Tacfarinate caeso perculsa gens set culpae nescia ad satis facien- dum populo Romano miserat. cognitis dehinc Ptolemaei per id bellum studiis repetitus ex vetusto more honos missusque e senatoribus qui scipionem eburnum, togam pictam, antiqua patrum munera, daret regemque et socium atque amicum appellaret.
4.32
Pleraque eorum quae rettuli quaeque referam parva forsitan et levia memoratu videri non nescius sum: sed nemo annalis nostros cum scriptura eorum contenderit qui veteres populi Romani res composuere. ingentia illi bella, expugnationes urbium, fusos captosque reges, aut si quando ad interna praeverterent, discordias consulum adversum tribunos, agrarias frumentariasque leges, plebis et optimatium certamina libero egressu memorabant: nobis in arto et inglorius labor; immota quippe aut modice lacessita pax, maestae urbis res et princeps proferendi imperi incuriosus erat. non tamen sine usu fuerit introspicere illa primo aspectu levia ex quis magnarum saepe rerum motus oriuntur. 4.33 Nam cunctas nationes et urbes populus aut primores aut singuli regunt: delecta ex iis et consociata rei publicae forma laudari facilius quam evenire, vel si evenit, haud diuturna esse potest. igitur ut olim plebe valida, vel cum patres pollerent, noscenda vulgi natura et quibus modis temperanter haberetur, senatusque et optimatium ingenia qui maxime perdidicerant, callidi temporum et sapientes credebantur, sic converso statu neque alia re Romana quam si unus imperitet, haec conquiri tradique in rem fuerit, quia pauci prudentia honesta ab deterioribus, utilia ab noxiis discernunt, plures aliorum eventis docentur. ceterum ut profutura, ita minimum oblectationis adferunt. nam situs gentium, varietates proeliorum, clari ducum exitus retinent ac redintegrant legentium animum: nos saeva iussa, continuas accusationes, fallaces amicitias, perniciem innocentium et easdem exitii causas coniungimus, obvia rerum similitudine et satietate. tum quod antiquis scriptoribus rarus obtrectator, neque refert cuiusquam Punicas Romanasne acies laetius extuleris: at multorum qui Tiberio regente poenam vel infamias subiere posteri manent. utque familiae ipsae iam extinctae sint, reperies qui ob similitudinem morum aliena malefacta sibi obiectari putent. etiam gloria ac virtus infensos habet, ut nimis ex propinquo diversa arguens. sed ad inceptum redeo.' "4.34 Cornelio Cosso Asinio Agrippa consulibus Cremutius Cordus postulatur novo ac tunc primum audito crimine, quod editis annalibus laudatoque M. Bruto C. Cassium Romanorum ultimum dixisset. accusabant Satrius Secundus et Pinarius Natta, Seiani clientes. id perniciabile reo et Caesar truci vultu defensionem accipiens, quam Cremutius relinquendae vitae certus in hunc modum exorsus est: 'verba mea, patres conscripti, arguuntur: adeo factorum innocens sum. sed neque haec in principem aut principis parentem, quos lex maiestatis amplectitur: Brutum et Cassium laudavisse dicor, quorum res gestas cum plurimi composuerint, nemo sine honore memoravit. Titus Livius, eloquentiae ac fidei praeclarus in primis, Cn. Pompeium tantis laudibus tulit ut Pompeianum eum Augustus appellaret; neque id amicitiae eorum offecit. Scipionem, Afranium, hunc ipsum Cassium, hunc Brutum nusquam latrones et parricidas, quae nunc vocabula imponuntur, saepe ut insignis viros nominat. Asinii Pollionis scripta egregiam eorundem memoriam tradunt; Messala Corvinus imperatorem suum Cassium praedicabat: et uterque opibusque atque honoribus perviguere. Marci Ciceronis libro quo Catonem caelo aequavit, quid aliud dictator Caesar quam rescripta oratione velut apud iudices respondit? Antonii epistulae Bruti contiones falsa quidem in Augustum probra set multa cum acerbitate habent; carmina Bibaculi et Catulli referta contumeliis Caesarum leguntur: sed ipse divus Iulius, ipse divus Augustus et tulere ista et reliquere, haud facile dixerim, moderatione magis an sapientia. namque spreta exolescunt: si irascare, adgnita videntur." "1
1.24
His atque talibus haud permotus princeps et statim contra disseruit et vocato senatu ita exorsus est: 'maiores mei, quorum antiquissimus Clausus origine Sabina simul in civitatem Romanam et in familias patriciorum adscitus est, hortantur uti paribus consiliis in re publica capessenda, transferendo huc quod usquam egregium fuerit. neque enim ignoro Iulios Alba, Coruncanios Camerio, Porcios Tusculo, et ne vetera scrutemur, Etruria Lucaniaque et omni Italia in senatum accitos, postremo ipsam ad Alpis promotam ut non modo singuli viritim, sed terrae, gentes in nomen nostrum coalescerent. tunc solida domi quies et adversus externa floruimus, cum Transpadani in civitatem recepti, cum specie deductarum per orbem terrae legionum additis provincialium validissimis fesso imperio subventum est. num paenitet Balbos ex Hispania nec minus insignis viros e Gallia Narbonensi transivisse? manent posteri eorum nec amore in hanc patriam nobis concedunt. quid aliud exitio Lacedaemoniis et Atheniensibus fuit, quamquam armis pollerent, nisi quod victos pro alienigenis arcebant? at conditor nostri Romulus tantum sapientia valuit ut plerosque populos eodem die hostis, dein civis habuerit. advenae in nos regnaverunt: libertinorum filiis magistratus mandare non, ut plerique falluntur, repens, sed priori populo factitatum est. at cum Senonibus pugnavimus: scilicet Vulsci et Aequi numquam adversam nobis aciem instruxere. capti a Gallis sumus: sed et Tuscis obsides dedimus et Samnitium iugum subiimus. ac tamen, si cuncta bella recenseas, nullum breviore spatio quam adversus Gallos confectum: continua inde ac fida pax. iam moribus artibus adfinitatibus nostris mixti aurum et opes suas inferant potius quam separati habeant. omnia, patres conscripti, quae nunc vetustissima creduntur, nova fuere: plebeii magistratus post patricios, Latini post plebeios, ceterarum Italiae gentium post Latinos. inveterascet hoc quoque, et quod hodie exemplis tuemur, inter exempla erit.'" 12.6 Eodem anno saepius audita vox principis, parem vim rerum habendam a procuratoribus suis iudicatarum ac si ipse statuisset. ac ne fortuito prolapsus videretur, senatus quoque consulto cautum plenius quam antea et uberius. nam divus Augustus apud equestris qui Aegypto praesiderent lege agi decretaque eorum proinde haberi iusserat ac si magistratus Romani constituissent; mox alias per provincias et in urbe pleraque concessa sunt quae olim a praetoribus noscebantur: Claudius omne ius tradidit, de quo toties seditione aut armis certatum, cum Semproniis rogationibus equester ordo in possessione iudiciorum locaretur, aut rursum Serviliae leges senatui iudicia redderent, Mariusque et Sulla olim de eo vel praecipue bellarent. sed tunc ordinum diversa studia, et quae vicerant publice valebant. C. Oppius et Cornelius Balbus primi Caesaris opibus potuere condiciones pacis et arbitria belli tractare. Matios posthac et Vedios et cetera equitum Romanorum praevalida nomina referre nihil attinuerit, cum Claudius libertos quos rei familiari praefecerat sibique et legibus adaequaverit.
12.6
Postquam haec favorabili oratione praemisit multaque patrum adsentatio sequebatur, capto rursus initio, quando maritandum principem cuncti suaderent, deligi oportere feminam nobilitate puerperiis sanctimonia insignem. nec diu anquirendum quin Agrippina claritudine generis anteiret: datum ab ea fecunditatis experimentum et congruere artes honestas. id vero egregium, quod provisu deum vidua iungeretur principi sua tantum matrimonia experto. audivisse a parentibus, vidisse ipsos abripi coniuges ad libita Caesarum: procul id a praesenti modestia. statueretur immo documentum, quo uxorem imperator acciperet. at enim nova nobis in fratrum filias coniugia: sed aliis gentibus sollemnia, neque lege ulla prohibita; et sobrinarum diu ignorata tempore addito percrebuisse. morem accommodari prout conducat, et fore hoc quoque in iis quae mox usurpentur.
1
2.53
Inter quae refert ad patres de poena feminarum quae servis coniungerentur; statuiturque ut ignaro domino ad id prolapsae in servitute, sin consensisset, pro libertis haberentur. Pallanti, quem repertorem eius relationis ediderat Caesar, praetoria insignia et centies quinquagies sestertium censuit consul designatus Barea Soranus. additum a Scipione Cornelio grates publice agendas, quod regibus Arcadiae ortus veterrimam nobilitatem usui publico postponeret seque inter ministros principis haberi sineret. adseveravit Claudius contentum honore Pallantem intra priorem paupertatem subsistere. et fixum est aere publico senatus consultum quo libertinus sestertii ter milies possessor antiquae parsimoniae laudibus cumulabatur.
1
4.12
Miro tamen certamine procerum decernuntur supplicationes apud omnia pulvinaria, utque Quinquatrus quibus apertae insidiae essent ludis annuis celebrarentur; aureum Minervae simulacrum in curia et iuxta principis imago statuerentur; dies natalis Agrippinae inter nefastos esset. Thrasea Paetus silentio vel brevi adsensu priores adulationes transmittere solitus exiit tum senatu ac sibi causam periculi fecit, ceteris libertatis initium non praebuit. prodigia quoque crebra et inrita intercessere: anguem enixa mulier et alia in concubitu mariti fulmine exanimata; iam sol repente obscu- ratus et tactae de caelo quattuordecim urbis regiones. quae adeo sine cura deum eveniebant ut multos post annos Nero imperium et scelera continuaverit. ceterum quo gravaret invidiam matris eaque demota auctam lenitatem suam testificaretur, feminas inlustris Iuniam et Calpurniam, praetura functos Valerium Capitonem et Licinium Gabolum sedibus patriis reddidit, ab Agrippina olim pulsos. etiam Lolliae Paulinae cineres reportari sepulcrumque extrui permisit; quosque ipse nuper relegaverat, Iturium et Calvisium poena exolvit. nam Silana fato functa erat, longinquo ab exilio Tarentum regressa labante iam Agrippina, cuius inimicitiis conciderat, vel mitigata.
14.18
Motus senatu et Pedius Blaesus, accusantibus Cyrenensibus violatum ab eo thesaurum Aesculapii dilectumque militarem pretio et ambitione corruptum. idem Cyrenenses reum agebant Acilium Strabonem, praetoria potestate usum et missum disceptatorem a Claudio agrorum, quos regis Apionis quondam avitos et populo Romano cum regno relictos proximus quisque possessor invaserant, diutinaque licentia et iniuria quasi iure et aequo nitebantur. igitur abiudicatis agris orta adversus iudicem invidia; et senatus ignota sibi esse mandata Claudii et consulendum principem respondit. Nero probata Strabonis sententia se nihilo minus subvenire sociis et usurpata concedere scripsit.
15.19
Percrebuerat ea tempestate pravus mos, cum propinquis comitiis aut sorte provinciarum plerique orbi fictis adoptionibus adsciscerent filios, praeturasque et provincias inter patres sortiti statim emitterent manu quos adoptaverant magna cum invidia senatum adeunt, ius naturae, labores educandi adversus fraudem et artes et brevitatem adoptionis enumerant. satis pretii esse orbis quod multa securitate, nullis oneribus gratiam honores cuncta prompta et obvia haberent. sibi promissa legum diu expectata in ludibrium verti, quando quis sine sollicitudine parens, sine luctu orbus longa patrum vota repente adaequaret. factum ex eo senatus consultum ne simulata adoptio in ulla parte muneris publici iuvaret ac ne usurpandis quidem hereditatibus prodesset.
15.22
Magno adsensu celebrata sententia. non tamen senatus consultum perfici potuit, abnuentibus consulibus ea de re relatum. mox auctore principe sanxere ne quis ad concilium sociorum referret agendas apud senatum pro praetoribus prove consulibus grates, neu quis ea legatione fungeretur. Isdem consulibus gymnasium ictu fulminis conflagravit effigiesque in eo Neronis ad informe aes liquefacta. et motu terrae celebre Campaniae oppidum Pompei magna ex parte proruit; defunctaque virgo Vestalis Laelia, in cuius locum Cornelia ex familia Cossorum capta est. 15.23 Memmio Regulo et Verginio Rufo consulibus natam sibi ex Poppaea filiam Nero ultra mortale gaudium accepit appellavitque Augustam dato et Poppaeae eodem cognomento. locus puerperio colonia Antium fuit, ubi ipse generatus erat. iam senatus uterum Poppaeae commendaverat dis votaque publice susceperat, quae multiplicata exolutaque. et additae supplicationes templumque fecunditatis et certamen ad exemplar Actiacae religionis decretum, utque Fortunarum effigies aureae in solio Capitolini Iovis locarentur, ludicrum circense, ut Iuliae genti apud Bovillas, ita Claudiae Domitiaeque apud Antium ederetur. quae fluxa fuere, quartum intra mensem defuncta infante. rursusque exortae adulationes censentium honorem divae et pulvinar aedemque et sacerdotem. atque ipse ut laetitiae, ita maeroris immodicus egit. adnotatum est, omni senatu Antium sub recentem partum effuso, Thraseam prohibitum immoto animo praenuntiam imminentis caedis contumeliam excepisse. secutam dehinc vocem Caesaris ferunt qua reconciliatum se Thraseae apud Senecam iactaverit ac Senecam Caesari gratulatum: unde gloria egregiis viris et pericula gliscebant.' "
16.7
Mortem Poppaeae ut palam tristem, ita recordantibus laetam ob impudicitiam eius saevitiamque, nova insuper invidia Nero complevit prohibendo C. Cassium officio exequiarum, quod primum indicium mali. neque in longum dilatum est, sed Silanus additur, nullo crimine nisi quod Cassius opibus vetustis et gravitate morum, Silanus claritudine generis et modesta iuventa praecellebant. igitur missa ad senatum oratione removendos a re publica utrosque disseruit, obiectavitque Cassio quod inter imagines maiorum etiam C. Cassi effigiem coluisset, ita inscriptam 'duci partium': quippe semina belli civilis et defectionem a domo Caesarum quaesitam; ac ne memoria tantum infensi nominis ad discordias uteretur, adsumpsisse L. Silanum, iuvenem genere nobilem, animo praeruptum, quem novis rebus ostentaret."' None
sup>
1.2 \xa0When the killing of Brutus and Cassius had disarmed the Republic; when Pompey had been crushed in Sicily, and, with Lepidus thrown aside and Antony slain, even the Julian party was leaderless but for the Caesar; after laying down his triumviral title and proclaiming himself a simple consul content with tribunician authority to safeguard the commons, he first conciliated the army by gratuities, the populace by cheapened corn, the world by the amenities of peace, then step by step began to make his ascent and to unite in his own person the functions of the senate, the magistracy, and the legislature. Opposition there was none: the boldest spirits had succumbed on stricken fields or by proscription-lists; while the rest of the nobility found a cheerful acceptance of slavery the smoothest road to wealth and office, and, as they had thriven on revolution, stood now for the new order and safety in preference to the old order and adventure. Nor was the state of affairs unpopular in the provinces, where administration by the Senate and People had been discredited by the feuds of the magnates and the greed of the officials, against which there was but frail protection in a legal system for ever deranged by force, by favouritism, or (in the last resort) by gold. <
1.2
\xa0When the killing of Brutus and Cassius had disarmed the Republic; when Pompey had been crushed in Sicily, and, with Lepidus thrown aside and Antony slain, even the Julian party was leaderless but for the Caesar; after laying down his triumviral title and proclaiming himself a simple consul content with tribunician authority to safeguard the commons, he first conciliated the army by gratuities, the populace by cheapened corn, the world by the amenities of peace, then step by step began to make his ascent and to unite in his own person the functions of the senate, the magistracy, and the legislature. Opposition there was none: the boldest spirits had succumbed on stricken fields or by proscription-lists; while the rest of the nobility found a cheerful acceptance of slavery the smoothest road to wealth and office, and, as they had thriven on revolution, stood now for the new order and safety in preference to the old order and adventure. Nor was the state of affairs unpopular in the provinces, where administration by the Senate and People had been discredited by the feuds of the magnates and the greed of the officials, against which there was but frail protection in a legal system for ever deranged by force, by favouritism, or (in the last resort) by gold.
1.7
\xa0At Rome, however, consuls, senators, and knights were rushing into slavery. The more exalted the personage, the grosser his hypocrisy and his haste, â\x80\x94 his lineaments adjusted so as to betray neither cheerfulness at the exit nor undue depression at the entry of a prince; his tears blent with joy, his regrets with adulation. The consuls, Sextus Pompeius and Sextus Appuleius, first took the oath of allegiance to Tiberius Caesar. It was taken in their presence by Seius Strabo and Caius Turranius, chiefs respectively of the praetorian cohorts and the corn department. The senators, the soldiers, and the populace followed. For in every action of Tiberius the first step had to be taken by the consuls, as though the old republic were in being, and himself undecided whether to reign or no. Even his edict, convening the Fathers to the senate-house was issued simply beneath the tribunician title which he had received under Augustus. It was a laconic document of very modest purport:â\x80\x94 "He intended to provide for the last honours to his father, whose body he could not leave â\x80\x94\xa0it was the one function of the state which he made bold to exercise." Yet, on the passing of Augustus he had given the watchword to the praetorian cohorts as Imperator; he had the sentries, the men-atâ\x80\x91arms, and the other appurteces of a court; soldiers conducted him to the forum, soldiers to the curia; he dispatched letters to the armies as if the principate was already in his grasp; and nowhere manifested the least hesitation, except when speaking in the senate. The chief reason was his fear that Germanicus â\x80\x94 backed by so many legions, the vast reserves of the provinces, and a wonderful popularity with the nation â\x80\x94 might prefer the owner­ship to the reversion of a throne. He paid public opinion, too, the compliment of wishing to be regarded as the called and chosen of the state, rather than as the interloper who had wormed his way into power with the help of connubial intrigues and a senile act of adoption. It was realized later that his coyness had been assumed with the further object of gaining an insight into the feelings of the aristocracy: for all the while he was distorting words and looks into crimes and storing them in his memory.
1.7
\xa0At Rome, however, consuls, senators, and knights were rushing into slavery. The more exalted the personage, the grosser his hypocrisy and his haste, â\x80\x94 his lineaments adjusted so as to betray neither cheerfulness at the exit nor undue depression at the entry of a prince; his tears blent with joy, his regrets with adulation. The consuls, Sextus Pompeius and Sextus Appuleius, first took the oath of allegiance to Tiberius Caesar. It was taken in their presence by Seius Strabo and Caius Turranius, chiefs respectively of the praetorian cohorts and the corn department. The senators, the soldiers, and the populace followed. For in every action of Tiberius the first step had to be taken by the consuls, as though the old republic were in being, and himself undecided whether to reign or no. Even his edict, convening the Fathers to the senate-house was issued simply beneath the tribunician title which he had received under Augustus. It was a laconic document of very modest purport:â\x80\x94 "He intended to provide for the last honours to his father, whose body he could not leave â\x80\x94\xa0it was the one function of the state which he made bold to exercise." Yet, on the passing of Augustus he had given the watchword to the praetorian cohorts as Imperator; he had the sentries, the men-atâ\x80\x91arms, and the other appurteces of a court; soldiers conducted him to the forum, soldiers to the curia; he dispatched letters to the armies as if the principate was already in his grasp; and nowhere manifested the least hesitation, except when speaking in the senate. The chief reason was his fear that Germanicus â\x80\x94 backed by so many legions, the vast reserves of the provinces, and a wonderful popularity with the nation â\x80\x94 might prefer the ownership to the reversion of a throne. He paid public opinion, too, the compliment of wishing to be regarded as the called and chosen of the state, rather than as the interloper who had wormed his way into power with the help of connubial intrigues and a senile act of adoption. It was realized later that his coyness had been assumed with the further object of gaining an insight into the feelings of the aristocracy: for all the while he was distorting words and looks into crimes and storing them in his memory. <
1.10.4
\xa0On the other side it was argued that "filial duty and the critical position of the state had been used merely as a cloak: come to facts, and it was from the lust of dominion that he excited the veterans by his bounties, levied an army while yet a stripling and a subject, subdued the legions of a consul, and affected a leaning to the Pompeian side. Then, following his usurpation by senatorial decree of the symbols and powers of the praetor­ship, had come the deaths of Hirtius and Pansa, â\x80\x94 whether they perished by the enemy\'s sword, or Pansa by poison sprinkled on his wound, and Hirtius by the hands of his own soldiery, with the Caesar to plan the treason. At all events, he had possessed himself of both their armies, wrung a consulate from the unwilling senate, and turned against the commonwealth the arms which he had received for the quelling of Antony. The proscription of citizens and the assignments of land had been approved not even by those who executed them. Grant that Cassius and the Bruti were sacrificed to inherited enmities â\x80\x94 though the moral law required that private hatreds should give way to public utility â\x80\x94 yet Pompey was betrayed by the simulacrum of a peace, Lepidus by the shadow of a friendship: then Antony, lured by the Tarentine and Brundisian treaties and a marriage with his sister, had paid with life the penalty of that delusive connexion. After that there had been undoubtedly peace, but peace with bloodshed â\x80\x94 the disasters of Lollius and of Varus, the execution at Rome of a Varro, an Egnatius, an Iullus." His domestic adventures were not spared; the abduction of Nero\'s wife, and the farcical questions to the pontiffs, whether, with a child conceived but not yet born, she could legally wed; the debaucheries of Vedius Pollio; and, lastly, Livia, â\x80\x94 as a mother, a curse to the realm; as a stepmother, a curse to the house of the Caesars. "He had left small room for the worship of heaven, when he claimed to be himself adored in temples and in the image of godhead by flamens and by priests! Even in the adoption of Tiberius to succeed him, his motive had been neither personal affection nor regard for the state: he had read the pride and cruelty of his heart, and had sought to heighten his own glory by the vilest of contrasts." For Augustus, a\xa0few years earlier, when requesting the Fathers to renew the grant of the tribunician power to Tiberius, had in the course of the speech, complimentary as it was, let fall a\xa0few remarks on his demeanour, dress, and habits which were offered as an apology and designed for reproaches. However, his funeral ran the ordinary course; and a decree followed, endowing him a temple and divine rites.' "
1.10.4
\xa0On the other side it was argued that "filial duty and the critical position of the state had been used merely as a cloak: come to facts, and it was from the lust of dominion that he excited the veterans by his bounties, levied an army while yet a stripling and a subject, subdued the legions of a consul, and affected a leaning to the Pompeian side. Then, following his usurpation by senatorial decree of the symbols and powers of the praetorship, had come the deaths of Hirtius and Pansa, â\x80\x94 whether they perished by the enemy\'s sword, or Pansa by poison sprinkled on his wound, and Hirtius by the hands of his own soldiery, with the Caesar to plan the treason. At all events, he had possessed himself of both their armies, wrung a consulate from the unwilling senate, and turned against the commonwealth the arms which he had received for the quelling of Antony. The proscription of citizens and the assignments of land had been approved not even by those who executed them. Grant that Cassius and the Bruti were sacrificed to inherited enmities â\x80\x94 though the moral law required that private hatreds should give way to public utility â\x80\x94 yet Pompey was betrayed by the simulacrum of a peace, Lepidus by the shadow of a friendship: then Antony, lured by the Tarentine and Brundisian treaties and a marriage with his sister, had paid with life the penalty of that delusive connexion. After that there had been undoubtedly peace, but peace with bloodshed â\x80\x94 the disasters of Lollius and of Varus, the execution at Rome of a Varro, an Egnatius, an Iullus." His domestic adventures were not spared; the abduction of Nero\'s wife, and the farcical questions to the pontiffs, whether, with a child conceived but not yet born, she could legally wed; the debaucheries of Vedius Pollio; and, lastly, Livia, â\x80\x94 as a mother, a curse to the realm; as a stepmother, a curse to the house of the Caesars. "He had left small room for the worship of heaven, when he claimed to be himself adored in temples and in the image of godhead by flamens and by priests! Even in the adoption of Tiberius to succeed him, his motive had been neither personal affection nor regard for the state: he had read the pride and cruelty of his heart, and had sought to heighten his own glory by the vilest of contrasts." For Augustus, a\xa0few years earlier, when requesting the Fathers to renew the grant of the tribunician power to Tiberius, had in the course of the speech, complimentary as it was, let fall a\xa0few remarks on his demeanour, dress, and habits which were offered as an apology and designed for reproaches. However, his funeral ran the ordinary course; and a decree followed, endowing him a temple and divine rites. <
1.33
\xa0In the meantime, Germanicus, as we have stated, was traversing the Gallic provinces and assessing their tribute, when the message came that Augustus was no more. Married to the late emperor's granddaughter Agrippina, who had borne him several children, and himself a grandchild of the dowager (he was the son of Tiberius' brother Drusus), he was tormented none the less by the secret hatred of his uncle and grandmother â\x80\x94 hatred springing from motives the more potent because iniquitous. For Drusus was still a living memory to the nation, and it was believed that, had he succeeded, he would have restored the age of liberty; whence the same affection and hopes centred on the young Germanicus with his unassuming disposition and his exceptional courtesy, so far removed from the inscrutable arrogance of word and look which characterized Tiberius. Feminine animosities increased the tension as Livia had a stepmother's irritable dislike of Agrippina, whose own temper was not without a hint of fire, though purity of mind and wifely devotion kept her rebellious spirit on the side of righteousness. <" "
1.33
\xa0In the meantime, Germanicus, as we have stated, was traversing the Gallic provinces and assessing their tribute, when the message came that Augustus was no more. Married to the late emperor's granddaughter Agrippina, who had borne him several children, and himself a grandchild of the dowager (he was the son of Tiberius' brother Drusus), he was tormented none the less by the secret hatred of his uncle and grandmother â\x80\x94 hatred springing from motives the more potent because iniquitous. For Drusus was still a living memory to the nation, and it was believed that, had he succeeded, he would have restored the age of liberty; whence the same affection and hopes centred on the young Germanicus with his unassuming disposition and his exceptional courtesy, so far removed from the inscrutable arrogance of word and look which characterized Tiberius. Feminine animosities increased the tension as Livia had a stepmother's irritable dislike of Agrippina, whose own temper was not without a hint of fire, though purity of mind and wifely devotion kept her rebellious spirit on the side of righteousness." 1.41 \xa0The picture recalled less a Caesar at the zenith of force and in his own camp than a scene in a taken town. The sobbing and wailing drew the ears and eyes of the troops themselves. They began to emerge from quarters:â\x80\x94 "Why," they demanded, "the sound of weeping? What calamity had happened? Here were these ladies of rank, and not a centurion to guard them, not a soldier, no sign of the usual escort or that this was the general\'s wife! They were bound for the Treviri â\x80\x94\xa0handed over to the protection of foreigners." There followed shame and pity and memories of her father Agrippa, of Augustus her grandfather. She was the daughter-inâ\x80\x91law of Drusus, herself a wife of notable fruitfulness and shining chastity. There was also her little son, born in the camp and bred the playmate of the legions; whom soldier-like they had dubbed "Bootikins" â\x80\x94 Caligula â\x80\x94 because, as an appeal to the fancy of the rank and file, he generally wore the footgear of that name. Nothing, however, swayed them so much as their jealousy of the Treviri. They implored, they obstructed:â\x80\x94 "She must come back, she must stay," they urged; some running to intercept Agrippina, the majority hurrying back to Germanicus. Still smarting with grief and indignation, he stood in the centre of the crowd, and thus began:â\x80\x94 <
1.41
\xa0The picture recalled less a Caesar at the zenith of force and in his own camp than a scene in a taken town. The sobbing and wailing drew the ears and eyes of the troops themselves. They began to emerge from quarters:â\x80\x94 "Why," they demanded, "the sound of weeping? What calamity had happened? Here were these ladies of rank, and not a centurion to guard them, not a soldier, no sign of the usual escort or that this was the general\'s wife! They were bound for the Treviri â\x80\x94\xa0handed over to the protection of foreigners." There followed shame and pity and memories of her father Agrippa, of Augustus her grandfather. She was the daughter-inâ\x80\x91law of Drusus, herself a wife of notable fruitfulness and shining chastity. There was also her little son, born in the camp and bred the playmate of the legions; whom soldier-like they had dubbed "Bootikins" â\x80\x94 Caligula â\x80\x94 because, as an appeal to the fancy of the rank and file, he generally wore the footgear of that name. Nothing, however, swayed them so much as their jealousy of the Treviri. They implored, they obstructed:â\x80\x94 "She must come back, she must stay," they urged; some running to intercept Agrippina, the majority hurrying back to Germanicus. Still smarting with grief and indignation, he stood in the centre of the crowd, and thus began:â\x80\x94' "
2.32
\xa0His estate was parcelled out among the accusers, and extraordinary praetor­ships were conferred on those of senatorial status. Cotta Messalinus then moved that the effigy of Libo should not accompany the funeral processions of his descendants; Gnaeus Lentulus, that no member of the Scribonian house should adopt the surname of Drusus. Days of public thanksgiving were fixed at the instance of Pomponius Flaccus. Lucius Piso, Asinius Gallus, Papius Mutilus, and Lucius Apronius procured a decree that votive offerings should be made to Jupiter, Mars, and Concord; and that the thirteenth of September, the anniversary of Libo's suicide, should rank as a festival. This union of sounding names and sycophancy I\xa0have recorded as showing how long that evil has been rooted in the State.\xa0â\x80\x94 Other resolutions of the senate ordered the expulsion of the astrologers and magic-mongers from Italy. One of their number, Lucius Pituanius, was flung from the Rock; another â\x80\x94 Publius Marcius â\x80\x94 was executed by the consuls outside the Esquiline Gate according to ancient usage and at sound of trumpet." 2.32 \xa0His estate was parcelled out among the accusers, and extraordinary praetorships were conferred on those of senatorial status. Cotta Messalinus then moved that the effigy of Libo should not accompany the funeral processions of his descendants; Gnaeus Lentulus, that no member of the Scribonian house should adopt the surname of Drusus. Days of public thanksgiving were fixed at the instance of Pomponius Flaccus. Lucius Piso, Asinius Gallus, Papius Mutilus, and Lucius Apronius procured a decree that votive offerings should be made to Jupiter, Mars, and Concord; and that the thirteenth of September, the anniversary of Libo's suicide, should rank as a festival. This union of sounding names and sycophancy I\xa0have recorded as showing how long that evil has been rooted in the State.\xa0â\x80\x94 Other resolutions of the senate ordered the expulsion of the astrologers and magic-mongers from Italy. One of their number, Lucius Pituanius, was flung from the Rock; another â\x80\x94 Publius Marcius â\x80\x94 was executed by the consuls outside the Esquiline Gate according to ancient usage and at sound of trumpet. <" "2.33 \xa0At the next session, the ex-consul, Quintus Haterius, and Octavius Fronto, a former praetor, spoke at length against the national extravagance; and it was resolved that table-plate should not be manufactured in solid gold, and that Oriental silks should no longer degrade the male sex. Fronto went further, and pressed for a statutory limit to silver, furniture, and domestics: for it was still usual for a member to precede his vote by mooting any point which he considered to be in the public interest. Asinius Gallus opposed:â\x80\x94 "With the expansion of the empire, private fortunes had also grown; nor was this new, but consot with extremely ancient custom. Wealth was one thing with the Fabricii, another with the Scipios; and all was relative to the state. When the state was poor, you had frugality and cottages: when it attained a pitch of splendour such as the present, the individual also throve. In slaves or plate or anything procured for use there was neither excess nor moderation except with reference to the means of the owner. Senators and knights had a special property qualification, not because they differed in kind from their fellow-men, but in order that those who enjoyed precedence in place, rank, and dignity should enjoy it also in the easements that make for mental peace and physical well-being. And justly so â\x80\x94 unless your distinguished men, while saddled with more responsibilities and greater dangers, were to be deprived of the relaxations compensating those responsibilities and those dangers." â\x80\x94 With his virtuously phrased confession of vice, Gallus easily carried with him that audience of congenial spirits. Tiberius, too, had added that it was not the time for a censor­ship, and that, if there was any loosening of the national morality, a reformer would be forthcoming. 2.33 \xa0At the next session, the ex-consul, Quintus Haterius, and Octavius Fronto, a former praetor, spoke at length against the national extravagance; and it was resolved that table-plate should not be manufactured in solid gold, and that Oriental silks should no longer degrade the male sex. Fronto went further, and pressed for a statutory limit to silver, furniture, and domestics: for it was still usual for a member to precede his vote by mooting any point which he considered to be in the public interest. Asinius Gallus opposed:â\x80\x94 "With the expansion of the empire, private fortunes had also grown; nor was this new, but consot with extremely ancient custom. Wealth was one thing with the Fabricii, another with the Scipios; and all was relative to the state. When the state was poor, you had frugality and cottages: when it attained a pitch of splendour such as the present, the individual also throve. In slaves or plate or anything procured for use there was neither excess nor moderation except with reference to the means of the owner. Senators and knights had a special property qualification, not because they differed in kind from their fellow-men, but in order that those who enjoyed precedence in place, rank, and dignity should enjoy it also in the easements that make for mental peace and physical well-being. And justly so â\x80\x94 unless your distinguished men, while saddled with more responsibilities and greater dangers, were to be deprived of the relaxations compensating those responsibilities and those dangers." â\x80\x94 With his virtuously phrased confession of vice, Gallus easily carried with him that audience of congenial spirits. Tiberius, too, had added that it was not the time for a censorship, and that, if there was any loosening of the national morality, a reformer would be forthcoming. <
2.37
\xa0In addition, he gave monetary help to several senators; so that it was the more surprising when he treated the application of the young noble, Marcus Hortalus, with a superciliousness uncalled for in view of his clearly straitened circumstances. He was a grandson of the orator Hortensius; and the late Augustus, by the grant of a\xa0million sesterces, had induced him to marry and raise a family, in order to save his famous house from extinction. With his four sons, then, standing before the threshold of the Curia, he awaited his turn to speak; then, directing his gaze now to the portrait of Hortensius among the orators (the senate was meeting in the Palace), now to that of Augustus, he opened in the following manner:â\x80\x94 "Conscript Fathers, these children whose number and tender age you see for yourselves, became mine not from any wish of my own, but because the emperor so advised, and because, at the same time, my ancestors had earned the right to a posterity. For to me, who in this changed world had been able to inherit nothing and acquire nothing, â\x80\x94 not money, nor popularity, nor eloquence, that general birthright of our house, â\x80\x94 to me it seemed enough if my slender means were neither a disgrace to myself nor a burden to my neighbour. At the command of the sovereign, I\xa0took a wife; and here you behold the stock of so many consuls, the offspring of so many dictators! I\xa0say it, not to awaken odium, but to woo compassion. Some day, Caesar, under your happy sway, they will wear whatever honours you have chosen to bestow: in the meantime, rescue from beggary the great-grandsons of Quintus Hortensius, the fosterlings of the deified Augustus!" <
2.37
\xa0In addition, he gave monetary help to several senators; so that it was the more surprising when he treated the application of the young noble, Marcus Hortalus, with a superciliousness uncalled for in view of his clearly straitened circumstances. He was a grandson of the orator Hortensius; and the late Augustus, by the grant of a\xa0million sesterces, had induced him to marry and raise a family, in order to save his famous house from extinction. With his four sons, then, standing before the threshold of the Curia, he awaited his turn to speak; then, directing his gaze now to the portrait of Hortensius among the orators (the senate was meeting in the Palace), now to that of Augustus, he opened in the following manner:â\x80\x94 "Conscript Fathers, these children whose number and tender age you see for yourselves, became mine not from any wish of my own, but because the emperor so advised, and because, at the same time, my ancestors had earned the right to a posterity. For to me, who in this changed world had been able to inherit nothing and acquire nothing, â\x80\x94 not money, nor popularity, nor eloquence, that general birthright of our house, â\x80\x94 to me it seemed enough if my slender means were neither a disgrace to myself nor a burden to my neighbour. At the command of the sovereign, I\xa0took a wife; and here you behold the stock of so many consuls, the offspring of so many dictators! I\xa0say it, not to awaken odium, but to woo compassion. Some day, Caesar, under your happy sway, they will wear whatever honours you have chosen to bestow: in the meantime, rescue from beggary the great-grandsons of Quintus Hortensius, the fosterlings of the deified Augustus!"
2.53
\xa0The following year found Tiberius consul for a\xa0third time; Germanicus, for a second. The latter, however, entered upon that office in the Achaian town of Nicopolis, which he had reached by skirting the Illyrian coast after a visit to his brother Drusus, then resident in Dalmatia: the passage had been stormy both in the Adriatic and, later, in the Ionian Sea. He spent a\xa0few days, therefore, in refitting the fleet; while at the same time, evoking the memory of his ancestors, he viewed the gulf immortalized by the victory of Actium, together with the spoils which Augustus had consecrated, and the camp of Antony. For Augustus, as I\xa0have said, was his great-uncle, Antony his grandfather; and before his eyes lay the whole great picture of disaster and of triumph. â\x80\x94 He next arrived at Athens; where, in deference to our treaty with an allied and time-honoured city, he made use of one lictor alone. The Greeks received him with most elaborate compliments, and, in order to temper adulation with dignity, paraded the ancient doings and sayings of their countrymen. <
2.53
\xa0The following year found Tiberius consul for a\xa0third time; Germanicus, for a second. The latter, however, entered upon that office in the Achaian town of Nicopolis, which he had reached by skirting the Illyrian coast after a visit to his brother Drusus, then resident in Dalmatia: the passage had been stormy both in the Adriatic and, later, in the Ionian Sea. He spent a\xa0few days, therefore, in refitting the fleet; while at the same time, evoking the memory of his ancestors, he viewed the gulf immortalized by the victory of Actium, together with the spoils which Augustus had consecrated, and the camp of Antony. For Augustus, as I\xa0have said, was his great-uncle, Antony his grandfather; and before his eyes lay the whole great picture of disaster and of triumph. â\x80\x94 He next arrived at Athens; where, in deference to our treaty with an allied and time-honoured city, he made use of one lictor alone. The Greeks received him with most elaborate compliments, and, in order to temper adulation with dignity, paraded the ancient doings and sayings of their countrymen.
2.73
\xa0His funeral, devoid of ancestral effigies or procession, was distinguished by eulogies and recollections of his virtues. There were those who, considering his personal appearance, his early age, and the circumstances of his death, â\x80\x94 to which they added the proximity of the region where he perished, â\x80\x94 compared his decease with that of Alexander the Great: â\x80\x94 "Each eminently handsome, of famous lineage, and in years not much exceeding thirty, had fallen among alien races by the treason of their countrymen. But the Roman had borne himself as one gentle to his friends, moderate in his pleasures, content with a single wife and the children of lawful wedlock. Nor was he less a man of the sword; though he lacked the other\'s temerity, and, when his numerous victories had beaten down the Germanies, was prohibited from making fast their bondage. But had he been the sole arbiter of affairs, of kingly authority and title, he would have overtaken the Greek in military fame with an ease proportioned to his superiority in clemency, self-command, and all other good qualities." The body, before cremation, was exposed in the forum of Antioch, the place destined for the final rites. Whether it bore marks of poisoning was disputable: for the indications were variously read, as pity and preconceived suspicion swayed the spectator to the side of Germanicus, or his predilections to that of Piso. <
2.73
\xa0His funeral, devoid of ancestral effigies or procession, was distinguished by eulogies and recollections of his virtues. There were those who, considering his personal appearance, his early age, and the circumstances of his death, â\x80\x94 to which they added the proximity of the region where he perished, â\x80\x94 compared his decease with that of Alexander the Great: â\x80\x94 "Each eminently handsome, of famous lineage, and in years not much exceeding thirty, had fallen among alien races by the treason of their countrymen. But the Roman had borne himself as one gentle to his friends, moderate in his pleasures, content with a single wife and the children of lawful wedlock. Nor was he less a man of the sword; though he lacked the other\'s temerity, and, when his numerous victories had beaten down the Germanies, was prohibited from making fast their bondage. But had he been the sole arbiter of affairs, of kingly authority and title, he would have overtaken the Greek in military fame with an ease proportioned to his superiority in clemency, self-command, and all other good qualities." The body, before cremation, was exposed in the forum of Antioch, the place destined for the final rites. Whether it bore marks of poisoning was disputable: for the indications were variously read, as pity and preconceived suspicion swayed the spectator to the side of Germanicus, or his predilections to that of Piso.
2.82
\xa0But at Rome, when the failure of Germanicus\' health became current knowledge, and every circumstance was reported with the aggravations usual in news that has travelled far, all was grief and indignation. A\xa0storm of complaints burst out:â\x80\x94 "So for this he had been relegated to the ends of earth; for this Piso had received a province; and this had been the drift of Augusta\'s colloquies with Plancina! It was the mere truth, as the elder men said of Drusus, that sons with democratic tempers were not pleasing to fathers on a throne; and both had been cut off for no other reason than because they designed to restore the age of freedom and take the Roman people into a partner­ship of equal rights." The announcement of his death inflamed this popular gossip to such a degree that before any edict of the magistrates, before any resolution of the senate, civic life was suspended, the courts deserted, houses closed. It was a town of sighs and silences, with none of the studied advertisements of sorrow; and, while there was no abstention from the ordinary tokens of bereavement, the deeper mourning was carried at the heart. Accidentally, a party of merchants, who had left Syria while Germanicus was yet alive, brought a more cheerful account of his condition. It was instantly believed and instantly disseminated. No man met another without proclaiming his unauthenticated news; and by him it was passed to more, with supplements dictated by joy. Crowds were running in the streets and forcing temple-doors. Credulity throve â\x80\x94 it was night, and affirmation is boldest in the dark. Nor did Tiberius check the fictions, but left them to die out with the passage of time; and the people added bitterness for what seemed a second bereavement.
2.82
\xa0But at Rome, when the failure of Germanicus\' health became current knowledge, and every circumstance was reported with the aggravations usual in news that has travelled far, all was grief and indignation. A\xa0storm of complaints burst out:â\x80\x94 "So for this he had been relegated to the ends of earth; for this Piso had received a province; and this had been the drift of Augusta\'s colloquies with Plancina! It was the mere truth, as the elder men said of Drusus, that sons with democratic tempers were not pleasing to fathers on a throne; and both had been cut off for no other reason than because they designed to restore the age of freedom and take the Roman people into a partnership of equal rights." The announcement of his death inflamed this popular gossip to such a degree that before any edict of the magistrates, before any resolution of the senate, civic life was suspended, the courts deserted, houses closed. It was a town of sighs and silences, with none of the studied advertisements of sorrow; and, while there was no abstention from the ordinary tokens of bereavement, the deeper mourning was carried at the heart. Accidentally, a party of merchants, who had left Syria while Germanicus was yet alive, brought a more cheerful account of his condition. It was instantly believed and instantly disseminated. No man met another without proclaiming his unauthenticated news; and by him it was passed to more, with supplements dictated by joy. Crowds were running in the streets and forcing temple-doors. Credulity throve â\x80\x94 it was night, and affirmation is boldest in the dark. Nor did Tiberius check the fictions, but left them to die out with the passage of time; and the people added bitterness for what seemed a second bereavement. <
3.5.2
\xa0There were those who missed the pageantry of a state-funeral and compared the elaborate tributes rendered by Augustus to Germanicus\' father, Drusus:â\x80\x94 "In the bitterest of the winter, the sovereign had gone in person as far as Ticinum, and, never stirring from the corpse, had entered the capital along with it. The bier had been surrounded with the family effigies of the Claudian and Livian houses; the dead had been mourned in the Forum, eulogized upon the Rostra; every distinction which our ancestors had discovered, or their posterity invented, was showered upon him. But to Germanicus had fallen not even the honours due to every and any noble! Granted that the length of the journey was a reason for cremating his body, no matter how, on foreign soil, it would only have been justice that he should have been accorded all the more distinctions later, because chance had denied them at the outset. His brother had gone no more than one day\'s journey to meet him; his uncle not even to the gate. Where were those usages of the ancients â\x80\x94 the image placed at the head of the couch, the set poems to the memory of departed virtue, the panegyrics, the tears, the imitations (if no more) of sorrow?" <
3.5.2
\xa0There were those who missed the pageantry of a state-funeral and compared the elaborate tributes rendered by Augustus to Germanicus\' father, Drusus:â\x80\x94 "In the bitterest of the winter, the sovereign had gone in person as far as Ticinum, and, never stirring from the corpse, had entered the capital along with it. The bier had been surrounded with the family effigies of the Claudian and Livian houses; the dead had been mourned in the Forum, eulogized upon the Rostra; every distinction which our ancestors had discovered, or their posterity invented, was showered upon him. But to Germanicus had fallen not even the honours due to every and any noble! Granted that the length of the journey was a reason for cremating his body, no matter how, on foreign soil, it would only have been justice that he should have been accorded all the more distinctions later, because chance had denied them at the outset. His brother had gone no more than one day\'s journey to meet him; his uncle not even to the gate. Where were those usages of the ancients â\x80\x94 the image placed at the head of the couch, the set poems to the memory of departed virtue, the panegyrics, the tears, the imitations (if no more) of sorrow?"
3.33
\xa0In the course of the debate, Caecina Severus moved that no magistrate, who had been allotted a province, should be accompanied by his wife. He explained beforehand at some length that "he had a consort after his own heart, who had borne him six children: yet he had conformed in private to the rule he was proposing for the public; and, although he had served his forty campaigns in one province or other, she had always been kept within the boundaries of Italy. There was point in the old regulation which prohibited the dragging of women to the provinces or foreign countries: in a retinue of ladies there were elements apt, by luxury or timidity, to retard the business of peace or war and to transmute a Roman march into something resembling an Eastern procession. Weakness and a lack of endurance were not the only failings of the sex: give them scope, and they turned hard, intriguing, ambitious. They paraded among the soldiers; they had the centurions at beck and call. Recently a woman had presided at the exercises of the cohorts and the manoeuvres of the legions. Let his audience reflect that, whenever a magistrate was on trial for malversation, the majority of the charges were levelled against his wife. It was to the wife that the basest of the provincials at once attached themselves; it was the wife who took in hand and transacted business. There were two potentates to salute in the streets; two government-houses; and the more headstrong and autocratic orders came from the women, who, once held in curb by the Oppian and other laws, had now cast their chains and ruled supreme in the home, the courts, and by now the army itself." <
3.33
\xa0In the course of the debate, Caecina Severus moved that no magistrate, who had been allotted a province, should be accompanied by his wife. He explained beforehand at some length that "he had a consort after his own heart, who had borne him six children: yet he had conformed in private to the rule he was proposing for the public; and, although he had served his forty campaigns in one province or other, she had always been kept within the boundaries of Italy. There was point in the old regulation which prohibited the dragging of women to the provinces or foreign countries: in a retinue of ladies there were elements apt, by luxury or timidity, to retard the business of peace or war and to transmute a Roman march into something resembling an Eastern procession. Weakness and a lack of endurance were not the only failings of the sex: give them scope, and they turned hard, intriguing, ambitious. They paraded among the soldiers; they had the centurions at beck and call. Recently a woman had presided at the exercises of the cohorts and the manoeuvres of the legions. Let his audience reflect that, whenever a magistrate was on trial for malversation, the majority of the charges were levelled against his wife. It was to the wife that the basest of the provincials at once attached themselves; it was the wife who took in hand and transacted business. There were two potentates to salute in the streets; two government-houses; and the more headstrong and autocratic orders came from the women, who, once held in curb by the Oppian and other laws, had now cast their chains and ruled supreme in the home, the courts, and by now the army itself." 3.34 \xa0A\xa0few members listened to the speech with approval: most interrupted with protests that neither was there a motion on the subject nor was Caecina a competent censor in a question of such importance. He was presently answered by Valerius Messalinus, a son of Messala, in whom there resided some echo of his father\'s eloquence:â\x80\x94 "Much of the old-world harshness had been improved and softened; for Rome was no longer environed with wars, nor were the provinces hostile. A\xa0few allowances were now made to the needs of women; but not such as to embarrass even the establishment of their consorts, far less our allies: everything else the wife shared with her husband, and in peace the arrangement created no difficulties. Certainly, he who set about a war must gird up his loins; but, when he returned after his labour, what consolations more legitimate than those of his helpmeet? â\x80\x94 But a\xa0few women had lapsed into intrigue or avarice. â\x80\x94 Well, were not too many of the magistrates themselves vulnerable to temptation in more shapes than one? Yet governors still went out to governor­ships! â\x80\x94 Husbands had often been corrupted by the depravity of their wives. â\x80\x94 And was every single man, then, incorruptible? The Oppian laws in an earlier day were sanctioned because the circumstances of the commonwealth so demanded: later remissions and mitigations were due to expediency. It was vain to label our own inertness with another title: if the woman broke bounds, the fault lay with the husband. Moreover, it was unjust that, through the weakness of one or two, married men in general should be torn from their partners in weal and woe, while at the same time a sex frail by nature was left alone, exposed to its own voluptuousness and the appetites of others. Hardly by surveillance on the spot could the marriage-tie be kept undamaged: what would be the case if, for a term of years, it were dissolved as completely as by divorce? While they were taking steps to meet abuses elsewhere, it would be well to remember the scandals of the capital! Drusus added a\xa0few sentences upon his own married life:â\x80\x94 "Princes not infrequently had to visit the remote parts of the empire. How often had the deified Augustus travelled to west and east with Livia for his companion! He had himself made an excursion to Illyricum; and, if there was a purpose to serve, he was prepared to go to other countries â\x80\x94 but not always without a pang, if he were severed from the well-beloved wife who was the mother of their many common children." Caecina\'s motion was thus evaded.' "3.34 \xa0A\xa0few members listened to the speech with approval: most interrupted with protests that neither was there a motion on the subject nor was Caecina a competent censor in a question of such importance. He was presently answered by Valerius Messalinus, a son of Messala, in whom there resided some echo of his father\'s eloquence:â\x80\x94 "Much of the old-world harshness had been improved and softened; for Rome was no longer environed with wars, nor were the provinces hostile. A\xa0few allowances were now made to the needs of women; but not such as to embarrass even the establishment of their consorts, far less our allies: everything else the wife shared with her husband, and in peace the arrangement created no difficulties. Certainly, he who set about a war must gird up his loins; but, when he returned after his labour, what consolations more legitimate than those of his helpmeet? â\x80\x94 But a\xa0few women had lapsed into intrigue or avarice. â\x80\x94 Well, were not too many of the magistrates themselves vulnerable to temptation in more shapes than one? Yet governors still went out to governorships! â\x80\x94 Husbands had often been corrupted by the depravity of their wives. â\x80\x94 And was every single man, then, incorruptible? The Oppian laws in an earlier day were sanctioned because the circumstances of the commonwealth so demanded: later remissions and mitigations were due to expediency. It was vain to label our own inertness with another title: if the woman broke bounds, the fault lay with the husband. Moreover, it was unjust that, through the weakness of one or two, married men in general should be torn from their partners in weal and woe, while at the same time a sex frail by nature was left alone, exposed to its own voluptuousness and the appetites of others. Hardly by surveillance on the spot could the marriage-tie be kept undamaged: what would be the case if, for a term of years, it were dissolved as completely as by divorce? While they were taking steps to meet abuses elsewhere, it would be well to remember the scandals of the capital! Drusus added a\xa0few sentences upon his own married life:â\x80\x94 "Princes not infrequently had to visit the remote parts of the empire. How often had the deified Augustus travelled to west and east with Livia for his companion! He had himself made an excursion to Illyricum; and, if there was a purpose to serve, he was prepared to go to other countries â\x80\x94 but not always without a pang, if he were severed from the well-beloved wife who was the mother of their many common children." Caecina\'s motion was thus evaded. <
4.12
\xa0However, while Tiberius on the Rostra was pronouncing the panegyric upon his son, the senate and people, from hypocrisy more than impulse, assumed the attitude and accents of mourning, and exulted in secret that the house of Germanicus was beginning again to flourish. This incipient popularity, together with Agrippina's failure to hide her maternal hopes, hastened its destruction. For Sejanus, when he saw the death of Drusus passing unrevenged upon the murders, unlamented by the nation, grew bolder in crime, and, since his first venture had prospered, began to revolve ways and means of eliminating the children of Germanicus, whose succession was a thing undoubted. To distribute poison among the three was impossible; for their custodians were patterns of fidelity, Agrippina's chastity impenetrable. He proceeded, therefore, to declaim against her contumacy, and, by playing upon Augusta's old animosity and Livia's recent sense of guilt, induced them to carry information to the Caesar that, proud of her fruitfulness and confident in the favour of the populace, she was turning a covetous eye to the throne. In addition, Livia, with the help of skilled calumniators â\x80\x94 one of the chosen being Julius Postumus, intimate with her grandmother owing to his adulterous connection with Mutilia Prisca, and admirably suited to her own designs through Prisca's influence over Augusta â\x80\x94 kept working for the total estrangement from her grandson's wife of an old woman, by nature anxious to maintain her power. Even Agrippina's nearest friends were suborned to infuriate her haughty temper by their pernicious gossip. <" "
4.12
\xa0However, while Tiberius on the Rostra was pronouncing the panegyric upon his son, the senate and people, from hypocrisy more than impulse, assumed the attitude and accents of mourning, and exulted in secret that the house of Germanicus was beginning again to flourish. This incipient popularity, together with Agrippina's failure to hide her maternal hopes, hastened its destruction. For Sejanus, when he saw the death of Drusus passing unrevenged upon the murders, unlamented by the nation, grew bolder in crime, and, since his first venture had prospered, began to revolve ways and means of eliminating the children of Germanicus, whose succession was a thing undoubted. To distribute poison among the three was impossible; for their custodians were patterns of fidelity, Agrippina's chastity impenetrable. He proceeded, therefore, to declaim against her contumacy, and, by playing upon Augusta's old animosity and Livia's recent sense of guilt, induced them to carry information to the Caesar that, proud of her fruitfulness and confident in the favour of the populace, she was turning a covetous eye to the throne. In addition, Livia, with the help of skilled calumniators â\x80\x94 one of the chosen being Julius Postumus, intimate with her grandmother owing to his adulterous connection with Mutilia Prisca, and admirably suited to her own designs through Prisca's influence over Augusta â\x80\x94 kept working for the total estrangement from her grandson's wife of an old woman, by nature anxious to maintain her power. Even Agrippina's nearest friends were suborned to infuriate her haughty temper by their pernicious gossip." 4.15.3 \xa0The same year brought still another bereavement to the emperor, by removing one of the twin children of Drusus, and an equal affliction in the death of a friend. This was Lucilius Longus, his comrade in evil days and good, and the one member of the senate to share his isolation at Rhodes. Hence, in spite of his modest antecedents, a censorian funeral and a statue erected in the Forum of Augustus at the public expense were decreed to him by the Fathers, before whom, at that time, all questions were still dealt with; so much so, that Lucilius Capito, the procurator of Asia, was obliged, at the indictment of the province, to plead his cause before them, the emperor asserting forcibly that "any powers he had given to him extended merely to the slaves and revenues of the imperial domains; if he had usurped the governor\'s authority and used military force, it was a flouting of his orders: the provincials must be heard." The case was accordingly tried and the defendant condemned. In return for this act of retribution, as well as for the punishment meted out to Gaius Silanus the year before, the Asiatic cities decreed a temple to Tiberius, his mother, and the senate. Leave to build was granted, and Nero returned thanks on that score to the senate and his grandfather â\x80\x94 a\xa0pleasing sensation to his listeners, whose memory of Germanicus was fresh enough to permit the fancy that his were the features they saw and the accents to which they listened. The youth had, in fact, a modesty and beauty worthy of a prince: endowments the more attractive from the peril of their owner, since the hatred of Sejanus for him was notorious. <
4.15.3
\xa0The same year brought still another bereavement to the emperor, by removing one of the twin children of Drusus, and an equal affliction in the death of a friend. This was Lucilius Longus, his comrade in evil days and good, and the one member of the senate to share his isolation at Rhodes. Hence, in spite of his modest antecedents, a censorian funeral and a statue erected in the Forum of Augustus at the public expense were decreed to him by the Fathers, before whom, at that time, all questions were still dealt with; so much so, that Lucilius Capito, the procurator of Asia, was obliged, at the indictment of the province, to plead his cause before them, the emperor asserting forcibly that "any powers he had given to him extended merely to the slaves and revenues of the imperial domains; if he had usurped the governor\'s authority and used military force, it was a flouting of his orders: the provincials must be heard." The case was accordingly tried and the defendant condemned. In return for this act of retribution, as well as for the punishment meted out to Gaius Silanus the year before, the Asiatic cities decreed a temple to Tiberius, his mother, and the senate. Leave to build was granted, and Nero returned thanks on that score to the senate and his grandfather â\x80\x94 a\xa0pleasing sensation to his listeners, whose memory of Germanicus was fresh enough to permit the fancy that his were the features they saw and the accents to which they listened. The youth had, in fact, a modesty and beauty worthy of a prince: endowments the more attractive from the peril of their owner, since the hatred of Sejanus for him was notorious.' "
4.26
\xa0The request of Dolabella for triumphal distinctions was rejected by Tiberius: a\xa0tribute to Sejanus, whose uncle Blaesus might otherwise have found his glories growing dim. But the step brought no added fame to Blaesus, and the denial of the honour heightened the reputation of Dolabella, who, with a weaker army, had credited himself with prisoners of note, a general slain, and a war concluded. He was attended also â\x80\x94 a\xa0rare spectacle in the capital â\x80\x94 by a\xa0number of Garamantian deputies, whom the tribesmen, awed by the fate of Tacfarinas and conscious of their delinquencies, had sent to offer satisfaction to the Roman people. Then, as the campaign had demonstrated Ptolemy's good-will, an old-fashioned distinction was revived, and a member of the senate was despatched to present him with the traditional bounty of the Fathers, an ivory sceptre with the embroidered robe, and to greet him by the style of king, ally, and friend. <" "
4.26
\xa0The request of Dolabella for triumphal distinctions was rejected by Tiberius: a\xa0tribute to Sejanus, whose uncle Blaesus might otherwise have found his glories growing dim. But the step brought no added fame to Blaesus, and the denial of the honour heightened the reputation of Dolabella, who, with a weaker army, had credited himself with prisoners of note, a general slain, and a war concluded. He was attended also â\x80\x94 a\xa0rare spectacle in the capital â\x80\x94 by a\xa0number of Garamantian deputies, whom the tribesmen, awed by the fate of Tacfarinas and conscious of their delinquencies, had sent to offer satisfaction to the Roman people. Then, as the campaign had demonstrated Ptolemy's good-will, an old-fashioned distinction was revived, and a member of the senate was despatched to present him with the traditional bounty of the Fathers, an ivory sceptre with the embroidered robe, and to greet him by the style of king, ally, and friend." 4.32 \xa0I\xa0am not unaware that very many of the events I\xa0have described, and shall describe, may perhaps seem little things, trifles too slight for record; but no parallel can be drawn between these chronicles of mine and the work of the men who composed the ancient history of the Roman people. Gigantic wars, cities stormed, routed and captive kings, or, when they turned by choice to domestic affairs, the feuds of consul and tribune, land-laws and corn-laws, the duel of nobles and commons â\x80\x94 such were the themes on which they dwelt, or digressed, at will. Mine is an inglorious labour in a narrow field: for this was an age of peace unbroken or half-heartedly challenged, of tragedy in the capital, of a prince careless to extend the empire. Yet it may be not unprofitable to look beneath the surface of those incidents, trivial at the first inspection, which so often set in motion the great events of history. <
4.32
\xa0I\xa0am not unaware that very many of the events I\xa0have described, and shall describe, may perhaps seem little things, trifles too slight for record; but no parallel can be drawn between these chronicles of mine and the work of the men who composed the ancient history of the Roman people. Gigantic wars, cities stormed, routed and captive kings, or, when they turned by choice to domestic affairs, the feuds of consul and tribune, land-laws and corn-laws, the duel of nobles and commons â\x80\x94 such were the themes on which they dwelt, or digressed, at will. Mine is an inglorious labour in a narrow field: for this was an age of peace unbroken or half-heartedly challenged, of tragedy in the capital, of a prince careless to extend the empire. Yet it may be not unprofitable to look beneath the surface of those incidents, trivial at the first inspection, which so often set in motion the great events of history. 4.33 \xa0For every nation or city is governed by the people, or by the nobility, or by individuals: a\xa0constitution selected and blended from these types is easier to commend than to create; or, if created, its tenure of life is brief. Accordingly, as in the period of alternate plebeian domice and patrician ascendancy it was imperative, in one case, to study the character of the masses and the methods of controlling them; while, in the other, those who had acquired the most exact knowledge of the temper of the senate and the aristocracy were accounted shrewd in their generation and wise; so toâ\x80\x91day, when the situation has been transformed and the Roman world is little else than a monarchy, the collection and the chronicling of these details may yet serve an end: for few men distinguish right and wrong, the expedient and the disastrous, by native intelligence; the majority are schooled by the experience of others. But while my themes have their utility, they offer the minimum of pleasure. Descriptions of countries, the vicissitudes of battles, commanders dying on the field of honour, such are the episodes that arrest and renew the interest of the reader: for myself, I\xa0present a series of savage mandates, of perpetual accusations, of traitorous friendships, of ruined innocents, of various causes and identical results â\x80\x94 everywhere monotony of subject, and satiety. Again, the ancient author has few detractors, and it matters to none whether you praise the Carthaginian or the Roman arms with the livelier enthusiasm. But of many, who underwent either the legal penalty or a form of degradation in the principate of Tiberius, the descendants remain; and, assuming the actual families to be now extinct, you will still find those who, from a likeness of character, read the ill deeds of others as an innuendo against themselves. Even glory and virtue create their enemies â\x80\x94 they arraign their opposites by too close a contrast. But I\xa0return to my subject. < 4.33 \xa0For every nation or city is governed by the people, or by the nobility, or by individuals: a\xa0constitution selected and blended from these types is easier to commend than to create; or, if created, its tenure of life is brief. Accordingly, as in the period of alternate plebeian domice and patrician ascendancy it was imperative, in one case, to study the character of the masses and the methods of controlling them; while, in the other, those who had acquired the most exact knowledge of the temper of the senate and the aristocracy were accounted shrewd in their generation and wise; so toâ\x80\x91day, when the situation has been transformed and the Roman world is little else than a monarchy, the collection and the chronicling of these details may yet serve an end: for few men distinguish right and wrong, the expedient and the disastrous, by native intelligence; the majority are schooled by the experience of others. But while my themes have their utility, they offer the minimum of pleasure. Descriptions of countries, the vicissitudes of battles, commanders dying on the field of honour, such are the episodes that arrest and renew the interest of the reader: for myself, I\xa0present a series of savage mandates, of perpetual accusations, of traitorous friendships, of ruined innocents, of various causes and identical results â\x80\x94 everywhere monotony of subject, and satiety. Again, the ancient author has few detractors, and it matters to none whether you praise the Carthaginian or the Roman arms with the livelier enthusiasm. But of many, who underwent either the legal penalty or a form of degradation in the principate of Tiberius, the descendants remain; and, assuming the actual families to be now extinct, you will still find those who, from a likeness of character, read the ill deeds of others as an innuendo against themselves. Even glory and virtue create their enemies â\x80\x94 they arraign their opposites by too close a contrast. But I\xa0return to my subject. 4.34 \xa0The consulate of Cornelius Cossus and Asinius Agrippa opened with the prosecution of Cremutius Cordus upon the novel and till then unheard-of charge of publishing a history, eulogizing Brutus, and styling Cassius the last of the Romans. The accusers were Satrius Secundus and Pinarius Natta, clients of Sejanus. That circumstance sealed the defendant\'s fate â\x80\x94 that and the lowering brows of the Caesar, as he bent his attention to the defence; which Cremutius, resolved to take his leave of life, began as follows:â\x80\x94 "Conscript Fathers, my words are brought to judgement â\x80\x94 so guiltless am\xa0I of deeds! Nor are they even words against the sole persons embraced by the law of treason, the sovereign or the parent of the sovereign: I\xa0am said to have praised Brutus and Cassius, whose acts so many pens have recorded, whom not one has mentioned save with honour. Livy, with a fame for eloquence and candour second to none, lavished such eulogies on Pompey that Augustus styled him \'the Pompeian\': yet it was without prejudice to their friendship. Scipio, Afranius, this very Cassius, this Brutus â\x80\x94 not once does he describe them by the now fashionable titles of brigand and parricide, but time and again in such terms as he might apply to any distinguished patriots. The works of Asinius Pollio transmit their character in noble colours; Messalla Corvinus gloried to have served under Cassius: and Pollio and Corvinus lived and died in the fulness of wealth and honour! When Cicero\'s book praised Cato to the skies, what did it elicit from the dictator Caesar but a written oration as though at the bar of public opinion? The letters of Antony, the speeches of Brutus, contain invectives against Augustus, false undoubtedly yet bitter in the extreme; the poems â\x80\x94 still read â\x80\x94 of Bibaculus and Catullus are packed with scurrilities upon the Caesars: yet even the deified Julius, the divine Augustus himself, tolerated them and left them in peace; and I\xa0hesitate whether to ascribe their action to forbearance or to wisdom. For things contemned are soon things forgotten: anger is read as recognition. < 4.34 \xa0The consulate of Cornelius Cossus and Asinius Agrippa opened with the prosecution of Cremutius Cordus upon the novel and till then unheard-of charge of publishing a history, eulogizing Brutus, and styling Cassius the last of the Romans. The accusers were Satrius Secundus and Pinarius Natta, clients of Sejanus. That circumstance sealed the defendant\'s fate â\x80\x94 that and the lowering brows of the Caesar, as he bent his attention to the defence; which Cremutius, resolved to take his leave of life, began as follows:â\x80\x94 "Conscript Fathers, my words are brought to judgement â\x80\x94 so guiltless am\xa0I of deeds! Nor are they even words against the sole persons embraced by the law of treason, the sovereign or the parent of the sovereign: I\xa0am said to have praised Brutus and Cassius, whose acts so many pens have recorded, whom not one has mentioned save with honour. Livy, with a fame for eloquence and candour second to none, lavished such eulogies on Pompey that Augustus styled him \'the Pompeian\': yet it was without prejudice to their friendship. Scipio, Afranius, this very Cassius, this Brutus â\x80\x94 not once does he describe them by the now fashionable titles of brigand and parricide, but time and again in such terms as he might apply to any distinguished patriots. The works of Asinius Pollio transmit their character in noble colours; Messalla Corvinus gloried to have served under Cassius: and Pollio and Corvinus lived and died in the fulness of wealth and honour! When Cicero\'s book praised Cato to the skies, what did it elicit from the dictator Caesar but a written oration as though at the bar of public opinion? The letters of Antony, the speeches of Brutus, contain invectives against Augustus, false undoubtedly yet bitter in the extreme; the poems â\x80\x94 still read â\x80\x94 of Bibaculus and Catullus are packed with scurrilities upon the Caesars: yet even the deified Julius, the divine Augustus himself, tolerated them and left them in peace; and I\xa0hesitate whether to ascribe their action to forbearance or to wisdom. For things contemned are soon things forgotten: anger is read as recognition. 1
1.24
\xa0Unconvinced by these and similar arguments, the emperor not only stated his objections there and then, but, after convening the senate, addressed it as follows: â\x80\x94 "In my own ancestors, the eldest of whom, Clausus, a Sabine by extraction, was made simultaneously a citizen and the head of a patrician house, I\xa0find encouragement to employ the same policy in my administration, by transferring hither all true excellence, let it be found where it will. For I\xa0am not unaware that the Julii came to us from Alba, the Coruncanii from Camerium, the Porcii from Tusculum; that â\x80\x94\xa0not to scrutinize antiquity â\x80\x94 members were drafted into the senate from Etruria, from Lucania, from the whole of Italy; and that finally Italy itself was extended to the Alps, in order that not individuals merely but countries and nationalities should form one body under the name of Romans. The day of stable peace at home and victory abroad came when the districts beyond the\xa0Po were admitted to citizen­ship, and, availing ourselves of the fact that our legions were settled throughout the globe, we added to them the stoutest of the provincials, and succoured a weary empire. Is it regretted that the Balbi crossed over from Spain and families equally distinguished from Narbonese Gaul? Their descendants remain; nor do they yield to ourselves in love for this native land of theirs. What else proved fatal to Lacedaemon and Athens, in spite of their power in arms, but their policy of holding the conquered aloof as alien-born? But the sagacity of our own founder Romulus was such that several times he fought and naturalized a people in the course of the same day! Strangers have been kings over us: the conferment of magistracies on the sons of freedmen is not the novelty which it is commonly and mistakenly thought, but a frequent practice of the old commonwealth. â\x80\x94 \'But we fought with the Senones.\' â\x80\x94 Then, presumably, the Volscians and Aequians never drew up a line of battle against us. â\x80\x94 \'We were taken by the Gauls.\' â\x80\x94 But we also gave hostages to the Tuscans and underwent the yoke of the Samnites. â\x80\x94 And yet, if you survey the whole of our wars, not one was finished within a shorter period than that against the Gauls: thenceforward there has been a continuous and loyal peace. Now that customs, culture, and the ties of marriage have blended them with ourselves, let them bring among us their gold and their riches instead of retaining them beyond the pale! All, Conscript Fathers, that is now believed supremely old has been new: plebeian magistrates followed the patrician; Latin, the plebeian; magistrates from the other races of Italy, the Latin. Our innovation, too, will be parcel of the past, and what toâ\x80\x91day we defend by precedents will rank among precedents." 1
1.24
\xa0Unconvinced by these and similar arguments, the emperor not only stated his objections there and then, but, after convening the senate, addressed it as follows: â\x80\x94 "In my own ancestors, the eldest of whom, Clausus, a Sabine by extraction, was made simultaneously a citizen and the head of a patrician house, I\xa0find encouragement to employ the same policy in my administration, by transferring hither all true excellence, let it be found where it will. For I\xa0am not unaware that the Julii came to us from Alba, the Coruncanii from Camerium, the Porcii from Tusculum; that â\x80\x94\xa0not to scrutinize antiquity â\x80\x94 members were drafted into the senate from Etruria, from Lucania, from the whole of Italy; and that finally Italy itself was extended to the Alps, in order that not individuals merely but countries and nationalities should form one body under the name of Romans. The day of stable peace at home and victory abroad came when the districts beyond the\xa0Po were admitted to citizenship, and, availing ourselves of the fact that our legions were settled throughout the globe, we added to them the stoutest of the provincials, and succoured a weary empire. Is it regretted that the Balbi crossed over from Spain and families equally distinguished from Narbonese Gaul? Their descendants remain; nor do they yield to ourselves in love for this native land of theirs. What else proved fatal to Lacedaemon and Athens, in spite of their power in arms, but their policy of holding the conquered aloof as alien-born? But the sagacity of our own founder Romulus was such that several times he fought and naturalized a people in the course of the same day! Strangers have been kings over us: the conferment of magistracies on the sons of freedmen is not the novelty which it is commonly and mistakenly thought, but a frequent practice of the old commonwealth. â\x80\x94 \'But we fought with the Senones.\' â\x80\x94 Then, presumably, the Volscians and Aequians never drew up a line of battle against us. â\x80\x94 \'We were taken by the Gauls.\' â\x80\x94 But we also gave hostages to the Tuscans and underwent the yoke of the Samnites. â\x80\x94 And yet, if you survey the whole of our wars, not one was finished within a shorter period than that against the Gauls: thenceforward there has been a continuous and loyal peace. Now that customs, culture, and the ties of marriage have blended them with ourselves, let them bring among us their gold and their riches instead of retaining them beyond the pale! All, Conscript Fathers, that is now believed supremely old has been new: plebeian magistrates followed the patrician; Latin, the plebeian; magistrates from the other races of Italy, the Latin. Our innovation, too, will be parcel of the past, and what toâ\x80\x91day we defend by precedents will rank among precedents." <
12.6
\xa0As this engagingly worded preface was followed by flattering expressions of assent from the members, he took a fresh starting-point:â\x80\x94 "Since it was the universal advice that the emperor should marry, the choice ought to fall on a woman distinguished by nobility of birth, by experience of motherhood, and by purity of character. No long inquiry was needed to convince them that in the lustre of her family Agrippina came foremost: she had given proof of her fruitfulness, and her moral excellences harmonized with the rest. But the most gratifying point was that, by the dispensation of providence, the union would be between a widow and a prince with experience of no marriage-bed but his own. They had heard from their fathers, and they had seen for themselves, how wives were snatched away at the whim of the Caesars: such violence was far removed from the orderliness of the present arrangement. They were, in fact, to establish a precedent by which the emperor would accept his consort from the Roman people! â\x80\x94 Still, marriage with a brother\'s child, it might be said, was a novelty in Rome. â\x80\x94 But it was normal in other countries, and prohibited by no law; while marriage with cousins and second cousins, so long unknown, had with the progress of time become frequent. Usage accommodated itself to the claims of utility, and this innovation too would be among the conventions of toâ\x80\x91morrow." <
12.6
\xa0As this engagingly worded preface was followed by flattering expressions of assent from the members, he took a fresh starting-point:â\x80\x94 "Since it was the universal advice that the emperor should marry, the choice ought to fall on a woman distinguished by nobility of birth, by experience of motherhood, and by purity of character. No long inquiry was needed to convince them that in the lustre of her family Agrippina came foremost: she had given proof of her fruitfulness, and her moral excellences harmonized with the rest. But the most gratifying point was that, by the dispensation of providence, the union would be between a widow and a prince with experience of no marriage-bed but his own. They had heard from their fathers, and they had seen for themselves, how wives were snatched away at the whim of the Caesars: such violence was far removed from the orderliness of the present arrangement. They were, in fact, to establish a precedent by which the emperor would accept his consort from the Roman people! â\x80\x94 Still, marriage with a brother\'s child, it might be said, was a novelty in Rome. â\x80\x94 But it was normal in other countries, and prohibited by no law; while marriage with cousins and second cousins, so long unknown, had with the progress of time become frequent. Usage accommodated itself to the claims of utility, and this innovation too would be among the conventions of toâ\x80\x91morrow."' "
1
2.53
\xa0At the same time, he submitted a motion to the Fathers, penalizing women who married slaves; and it was resolved that anyone falling so far without the knowledge of the slave's owner should rank as in a state of servitude; while, if he had given sanction, she was to be classed as a freedwoman. That Pallas, whom the Caesar had specified as the inventor of his proposal, should receive the praetorian insignia and fifteen million sesterces, was the motion of the consul designate, Barea Soranus. It was added by Cornelius Scipio that he should be accorded the national thanks, because, descendant though he was of the kings of Arcadia, he postponed his old nobility to the public good, and permitted himself to be regarded as one of the servants of the emperor. Claudius passed his word that Pallas, contented with the honour, declined to outstep his former honest poverty. And there was engraved on official brass a senatorial decree lavishing the praises of old-world frugality upon a freedman, the proprietor of three hundred million sesterces. <" "
1
2.53
\xa0At the same time, he submitted a motion to the Fathers, penalizing women who married slaves; and it was resolved that anyone falling so far without the knowledge of the slave's owner should rank as in a state of servitude; while, if he had given sanction, she was to be classed as a freedwoman. That Pallas, whom the Caesar had specified as the inventor of his proposal, should receive the praetorian insignia and fifteen million sesterces, was the motion of the consul designate, Barea Soranus. It was added by Cornelius Scipio that he should be accorded the national thanks, because, descendant though he was of the kings of Arcadia, he postponed his old nobility to the public good, and permitted himself to be regarded as one of the servants of the emperor. Claudius passed his word that Pallas, contented with the honour, declined to outstep his former honest poverty. And there was engraved on official brass a senatorial decree lavishing the praises of old-world frugality upon a freedman, the proprietor of three hundred million sesterces." "
12.58.1
\xa0In the consulate of Decimus Junius and Quintus Haterius, Nero, at the age of sixteen, received in marriage the emperor's daughter Octavia. Desirous to shine by his liberal accomplishments and by a character for eloquence, he took up the cause of Ilium, enlarged with grace on the Trojan descent of the Roman nation; on Aeneas, the progenitor of the Julian line; on other traditions not too far removed from fable; and secured the release of the community from all public obligations. By his advocacy, again, the colony of Bononia, which had been destroyed by fire, was assisted with a grant of ten million sesterces; the Rhodians recovered their liberties, so often forfeited or confirmed as the balance varied between their military services abroad or their seditious offences at home; and Apamea, which had suffered from an earthquake shock, was relieved from its tribute for the next five years." 13.30 \xa0In the same consulate, Vipsanius Laenas was found guilty of malversation in his province of Sardinia; Cestius Proculus was acquitted on a charge of extortion brought by the Cretans. Clodius Quirinalis, who, as commandant of the crews stationed at Ravenna, had by his debauchery and ferocity tormented Italy, as though Italy were the most abject of the nations, forestalled his sentence by poison. Caninius Rebilus, who in juristic knowledge and extent of fortune ranked with the greatest, escaped the tortures of age and sickness by letting the blood from his arteries; though, from the unmasculine vices for which he was infamous, he had been thought incapable of the firmness of committing suicide. In contrast, Lucius Volusius departed in the fullness of honour, after enjoying a term of ninety-three years of life, a noble fortune virtuously gained, and the unbroken friendship of a succession of emperors.' "
1
4.12
\xa0However, with a notable spirit of emulation among the magnates, decrees were drawn up: thanksgivings were to be held at all appropriate shrines; the festival of Minerva, on which the conspiracy had been brought to light, was to be celebrated with annual games; a\xa0golden statue of the goddess, with an effigy of the emperor by her side, was to be erected in the curia, and Agrippina's birthday included among the inauspicious dates. Earlier sycophancies Thrasea Paetus had usually allowed to pass, either in silence or with a curt assent: this time he walked out of the senate, creating a source of danger for himself, but implanting no germ of independence in his colleagues. Portents, also, frequent and futile made their appearance: a\xa0woman gave birth to a serpent, another was killed by a thunderbolt in the embraces of her husband; the sun, again, was suddenly obscured, and the fourteen regions of the capital were struck by lightning â\x80\x94 events which so little marked the concern of the gods that Nero continued for years to come his empire and his crimes. However, to aggravate the feeling against his mother, and to furnish evidence that his own mildness had increased with her removal, he restored to their native soil two women of high rank, Junia and Calpurnia, along with the ex-praetors Valerius Capito and Licinius Gabolus â\x80\x94 all of them formerly banished by Agrippina. He sanctioned the return, even, of the ashes of Lollia Paulina, and the erection of a tomb: Iturius and Calvisius, whom he had himself relegated some little while before, he now released from the penalty. As to Silana, she had died a natural death at Tarentum, to which she had retraced her way, when Agrippina, by whose enmity she had fallen, was beginning to totter or to relent. <" "
1
4.12
\xa0However, with a notable spirit of emulation among the magnates, decrees were drawn up: thanksgivings were to be held at all appropriate shrines; the festival of Minerva, on which the conspiracy had been brought to light, was to be celebrated with annual games; a\xa0golden statue of the goddess, with an effigy of the emperor by her side, was to be erected in the curia, and Agrippina's birthday included among the inauspicious dates. Earlier sycophancies Thrasea Paetus had usually allowed to pass, either in silence or with a curt assent: this time he walked out of the senate, creating a source of danger for himself, but implanting no germ of independence in his colleagues. Portents, also, frequent and futile made their appearance: a\xa0woman gave birth to a serpent, another was killed by a thunderbolt in the embraces of her husband; the sun, again, was suddenly obscured, and the fourteen regions of the capital were struck by lightning â\x80\x94 events which so little marked the concern of the gods that Nero continued for years to come his empire and his crimes. However, to aggravate the feeling against his mother, and to furnish evidence that his own mildness had increased with her removal, he restored to their native soil two women of high rank, Junia and Calpurnia, along with the ex-praetors Valerius Capito and Licinius Gabolus â\x80\x94 all of them formerly banished by Agrippina. He sanctioned the return, even, of the ashes of Lollia Paulina, and the erection of a tomb: Iturius and Calvisius, whom he had himself relegated some little while before, he now released from the penalty. As to Silana, she had died a natural death at Tarentum, to which she had retraced her way, when Agrippina, by whose enmity she had fallen, was beginning to totter or to relent." "
14.18
\xa0Pedius Blaesus also was removed from the senate: he was charged by the Cyrenaeans with profaning the treasury of Aesculapius and falsifying the military levy by venality and favouritism. An indictment was brought, again by Cyrene, against Acilius Strabo, who had held praetorian office and been sent by Claudius to adjudicate on the estates, once the patrimony of King Apion, which he had bequeathed along with his kingdom to the Roman nation. They had been annexed by the neighbouring proprietors, who relied on their long-licensed usurpation as a legal and fair title. Hence, when the adjudication went against them, there was an outbreak of ill-will against the adjudicator; and the senate could only answer that it was ignorant of Claudius' instructions and the emperor would have to be consulted. Nero, while upholding Strabo's verdict, wrote that none the less he supported the provincials and made over to them the property occupied. <" "
14.18
\xa0Pedius Blaesus also was removed from the senate: he was charged by the Cyrenaeans with profaning the treasury of Aesculapius and falsifying the military levy by venality and favouritism. An indictment was brought, again by Cyrene, against Acilius Strabo, who had held praetorian office and been sent by Claudius to adjudicate on the estates, once the patrimony of King Apion, which he had bequeathed along with his kingdom to the Roman nation. They had been annexed by the neighbouring proprietors, who relied on their long-licensed usurpation as a legal and fair title. Hence, when the adjudication went against them, there was an outbreak of ill-will against the adjudicator; and the senate could only answer that it was ignorant of Claudius' instructions and the emperor would have to be consulted. Nero, while upholding Strabo's verdict, wrote that none the less he supported the provincials and made over to them the property occupied." 14.64.3 \xa0And so this girl, in the twentieth year of her age, surrounded by centurions and soldiers, cut off already from life by foreknowledge of her fate, still lacked the peace of death. There followed an interval of a\xa0few days; then she was ordered to die â\x80\x94 though she protested she was husbandless now, a sister and nothing more, evoking the Germanici whose blood they shared, and, in the last resort, the name of Agrippina, in whose lifetime she had supported a wifehood, unhappy enough but still not fatal. She was tied fast with cords, and the veins were opened in each limb: then, as the blood, arrested by terror, ebbed too slowly, she was suffocated in the bath heated to an extreme temperature. As a further and more hideous cruelty, the head was amputated and carried to Rome, where it was viewed by Poppaea. For all these things offerings were decreed to the temples â\x80\x94 how often must those words be said? Let all who make their acquaintance with the history of that period in my narrative or that of others take so much for granted: as often as the emperor ordered an exile or a murder, so often was a thanksgiving addressed to Heaven; and what formerly betokened prosperity was now a symbol of public calamity. Nevertheless, where a senatorial decree achieved a novelty in adulation or a last word in self-abasement, I\xa0shall not pass it by in silence. <
14.64.3
\xa0And so this girl, in the twentieth year of her age, surrounded by centurions and soldiers, cut off already from life by foreknowledge of her fate, still lacked the peace of death. There followed an interval of a\xa0few days; then she was ordered to die â\x80\x94 though she protested she was husbandless now, a sister and nothing more, evoking the Germanici whose blood they shared, and, in the last resort, the name of Agrippina, in whose lifetime she had supported a wifehood, unhappy enough but still not fatal. She was tied fast with cords, and the veins were opened in each limb: then, as the blood, arrested by terror, ebbed too slowly, she was suffocated in the bath heated to an extreme temperature. As a further and more hideous cruelty, the head was amputated and carried to Rome, where it was viewed by Poppaea. For all these things offerings were decreed to the temples â\x80\x94 how often must those words be said? Let all who make their acquaintance with the history of that period in my narrative or that of others take so much for granted: as often as the emperor ordered an exile or a murder, so often was a thanksgiving addressed to Heaven; and what formerly betokened prosperity was now a symbol of public calamity. Nevertheless, where a senatorial decree achieved a novelty in adulation or a last word in self-abasement, I\xa0shall not pass it by in silence.
15.19
\xa0There was a perverse custom in vogue at that period for childless candidates, shortly before an election or an allotment of provinces, to procure themselves sons by fictitious acts of adoption, then, after obtaining in their quality of fathers a praetor­ship or governor­ship, to emancipate immediately the adopted persons. The consequence was that the authentic heads of families made an embittered appeal to the senate. They dwelt on the rights of nature â\x80\x94 the anxieties entailed by rearing children â\x80\x94 as against the calculated frauds and ephemeral character of adoption. "It was ample compensation for the childless that, almost without a care and quite without responsibilities, they should have influence, honours, anything and everything, ready to their hand. In their own case, the promises of the law, for which they had waited so long, were converted into a mockery, when some person who had known parenthood without anxiety and childlessness without bereavement could overtake in a moment the long-cherished hopes of genuine fathers." A\xa0senatorial decree was thereupon passed, ruling that a feigned adoption should not be a qualification for public office in any form, nor even a valid title for the acquiry of an inheritance.
15.19
\xa0There was a perverse custom in vogue at that period for childless candidates, shortly before an election or an allotment of provinces, to procure themselves sons by fictitious acts of adoption, then, after obtaining in their quality of fathers a praetorship or governorship, to emancipate immediately the adopted persons. The consequence was that the authentic heads of families made an embittered appeal to the senate. They dwelt on the rights of nature â\x80\x94 the anxieties entailed by rearing children â\x80\x94 as against the calculated frauds and ephemeral character of adoption. "It was ample compensation for the childless that, almost without a care and quite without responsibilities, they should have influence, honours, anything and everything, ready to their hand. In their own case, the promises of the law, for which they had waited so long, were converted into a mockery, when some person who had known parenthood without anxiety and childlessness without bereavement could overtake in a moment the long-cherished hopes of genuine fathers." A\xa0senatorial decree was thereupon passed, ruling that a feigned adoption should not be a qualification for public office in any form, nor even a valid title for the acquiry of an inheritance. <
15.22
\xa0The proposal was greeted with loud assent: it proved impossible, however, to complete a decree, as the consuls declined to admit that there was a motion on the subject. Later, at the suggestion of the emperor, a rule was passed that no person should at a provincial diet propose the presentation in the senate of an address of thanks to a Caesarian or senatorial governor, and that no one should undertake the duties of such a deputation. In the same consulate, the Gymnasium was struck by lightning and burned to the ground, a statue of Nero, which it contained, being melted into a shapeless piece of bronze. An earthquake also demolished to a large extent the populous Campanian town of Pompeii; and the debt of nature was paid by the Vestal Virgin Laelia, whose place was filled by the appointment of Cornelia, from the family of the Cossi. <
15.22
\xa0The proposal was greeted with loud assent: it proved impossible, however, to complete a decree, as the consuls declined to admit that there was a motion on the subject. Later, at the suggestion of the emperor, a rule was passed that no person should at a provincial diet propose the presentation in the senate of an address of thanks to a Caesarian or senatorial governor, and that no one should undertake the duties of such a deputation. In the same consulate, the Gymnasium was struck by lightning and burned to the ground, a statue of Nero, which it contained, being melted into a shapeless piece of bronze. An earthquake also demolished to a large extent the populous Campanian town of Pompeii; and the debt of nature was paid by the Vestal Virgin Laelia, whose place was filled by the appointment of Cornelia, from the family of the Cossi. 15.23 \xa0In the consulate of Memmius Regulus and Verginius Rufus, Nero greeted a daughter, presented to him by Poppaea, with more than human joy, named the child Augusta, and bestowed the same title on Poppaea. The scene of her delivery was the colony of Antium, where the sovereign himself had seen the light. The senate had already commended the travail of Poppaea to the care of Heaven and formulated vows in the name of the state: they were now multiplied and paid. Public thanksgivings were added, and a Temple of Fertility was decreed, together with a contest on the model of the Actian festival; while golden effigies of the Two Fortunes were to be placed on the throne of Capitoline Jove, and, as the Julian race had its Circus Games at Bovillae, so at Antium should the Claudian and Domitian houses. But all was transitory, as the infant died in less than four months. Then fresh forms of adulation made their appearance, and she was voted the honour of deification, a place in the pulvinar, a temple, and a priest. The emperor, too, showed himself as incontinent in sorrow as in joy. It was noted that when the entire senate streamed towards Antium shortly after the birth, Thrasea, who was forbidden to attend, received the affront, prophetic of his impending slaughter, without emotion. Shortly afterwards, they say, came a remark of the Caesar, in which he boasted to Seneca that he was reconciled to Thrasea; and Seneca congratulated the Caesar: an incident which increased the fame, and the dangers, of those eminent men. < 15.23 \xa0In the consulate of Memmius Regulus and Verginius Rufus, Nero greeted a daughter, presented to him by Poppaea, with more than human joy, named the child Augusta, and bestowed the same title on Poppaea. The scene of her delivery was the colony of Antium, where the sovereign himself had seen the light. The senate had already commended the travail of Poppaea to the care of Heaven and formulated vows in the name of the state: they were now multiplied and paid. Public thanksgivings were added, and a Temple of Fertility was decreed, together with a contest on the model of the Actian festival; while golden effigies of the Two Fortunes were to be placed on the throne of Capitoline Jove, and, as the Julian race had its Circus Games at Bovillae, so at Antium should the Claudian and Domitian houses. But all was transitory, as the infant died in less than four months. Then fresh forms of adulation made their appearance, and she was voted the honour of deification, a place in the pulvinar, a temple, and a priest. The emperor, too, showed himself as incontinent in sorrow as in joy. It was noted that when the entire senate streamed towards Antium shortly after the birth, Thrasea, who was forbidden to attend, received the affront, prophetic of his impending slaughter, without emotion. Shortly afterwards, they say, came a remark of the Caesar, in which he boasted to Seneca that he was reconciled to Thrasea; and Seneca congratulated the Caesar: an incident which increased the fame, and the dangers, of those eminent men.
16.7
\xa0To the death of Poppaea, outwardly regretted, but welcome to all who remembered her profligacy and cruelty, Nero added a fresh measure of odium by prohibiting Gaius Cassius from attendance at the funeral. It was the first hint of mischief. Nor was the mischief long delayed. Silanus was associated with him; their only crime being that Cassius was eminent for a great hereditary fortune and an austere character, Silanus for a noble lineage and a temperate youth. Accordingly, the emperor sent a speech to the senate, arguing that both should be removed from public life, and objecting to the former that, among his other ancestral effigies, he had honoured a bust of Gaius Cassius, inscribed:â\x80\x94 "To the leader of the cause." The seeds of civil war, and revolt from the house of the Caesars, â\x80\x94 such were the objects he had pursued. And, not to rely merely on the memory of a hated name as an incentive to faction, he had taken to himself a partner in Lucius Silanus, a youth of noble family and headstrong temper, who was to be his figure-head for a revolution. <
16.7
\xa0To the death of Poppaea, outwardly regretted, but welcome to all who remembered her profligacy and cruelty, Nero added a fresh measure of odium by prohibiting Gaius Cassius from attendance at the funeral. It was the first hint of mischief. Nor was the mischief long delayed. Silanus was associated with him; their only crime being that Cassius was eminent for a great hereditary fortune and an austere character, Silanus for a noble lineage and a temperate youth. Accordingly, the emperor sent a speech to the senate, arguing that both should be removed from public life, and objecting to the former that, among his other ancestral effigies, he had honoured a bust of Gaius Cassius, inscribed:â\x80\x94 "To the leader of the cause." The seeds of civil war, and revolt from the house of the Caesars, â\x80\x94 such were the objects he had pursued. And, not to rely merely on the memory of a hated name as an incentive to faction, he had taken to himself a partner in Lucius Silanus, a youth of noble family and headstrong temper, who was to be his figure-head for a revolution.
16.21.1
\xa0After the slaughter of so many of the noble, Nero in the end conceived the ambition to extirpate virtue herself by killing Thrasea Paetus and Barea Soranus. To both he was hostile from of old, and against Thrasea there were additional motives; for he had walked out of the senate, as I\xa0have mentioned, during the discussion on Agrippina, and at the festival of the Juvenalia his services had not been conspicuous â\x80\x94 a\xa0grievance which went the deeper that in Patavium, his native place, the same Thrasea had sung in tragic costume at the .\xa0.\xa0. Games instituted by the Trojan Antenor. Again, on the day when sentence of death was all but passed on the praetor Antistius for his lampoons on Nero, he proposed, and carried, a milder penalty; and, after deliberately absenting himself from the vote of divine honours to Poppaea, he had not assisted at her funeral. These memories were kept from fading by Cossutianus Capito. For, apart from his character with its sharp trend to crime, he was embittered against Thrasea, whose influence, exerted in support of the Cilician envoys prosecuting Capito for extortion, had cost him the verdict.'' None
49. Tacitus, Histories, 1.1-1.2, 1.4, 1.11, 1.15-1.16, 3.72 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Culleolus, Cn. • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P. (Maior) • Cornelius Sulla, L. • Cornelius Sulla, L., and the Capitol • Cornelius Sulla, Lucius • Cornelius Tacitus • Fronto (M. Cornelius Fronto) • Fronto (M. Cornelius Fronto), Principia Historiae • Tacitus (P. Cornelius Tacitus) • Tacitus (P. Cornelius Tacitus), Annals • Tacitus (P. Cornelius Tacitus), Histories • Tacitus (P. Cornelius Tacitus), government, analysis of • Tacitus (P. Cornelius Tacitus), historical approach of • Tacitus (P. Cornelius Tacitus), partiality of • Tacitus (P. [?] Cornelius Tacitus), on imperial adoptions • Tacitus, P. Cornelius • Tacitus, P. Cornelius, accounts of false Nero • Tacitus, P. Cornelius, remarks on own practice

 Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 154, 156, 157, 160, 162; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 234, 235; Mowat (2021), Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic, 77; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 48, 49, 76, 77, 79; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 21, 188, 190, 193; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 135; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 45, 49

sup>
1.1 \xa0Rome was in a state of excitement and horror-stricken not only at the recent outrageous crime, but also at the thought of Otho\'s former character. Now it was terrified in addition by news with regard to Vitellius, which had been suppressed before Galba\'s death, so that the citizens believed that only the army of Upper Germany had mutinied. Then the thought that two men, the worst in the world for their shamelessness, indolence, and profligacy, had been apparently chosen by fate to ruin the empire, caused open grief not only to the senators and knights who had some share and interest in the state, but even to the common people. Their talk was no longer of the recent horrors of a bloody peace, but they recalled memories of the civil wars and spoke of the many times the city had been captured by Roman armies, of the devastation of Italy, of the plundering of the provinces, of Pharsalia, Philippi, Perusia, and Mutina, names notorious for public disaster. They said that the world had been well-nigh overturned, even when the principate was the prize of honest men; but yet the empire had remained when Julius Caesar won, and had likewise remained when Augustus won; the republic would have remained if Pompey and Brutus had been successful; but now â\x80\x94 should they go to the temples to pray for an Otho or a Vitellius? Prayers for either would be impious and vows for either detestable when, in the struggle between the two, the only thing of which men were certain was that the victor would be the worse. There were some who had forebodings of Vespasian and the armies in the East, and yet although Vespasian was a better man than Otho or Vitellius, they shuddered at another war and another massacre. Indeed Vespasian\'s reputation was uncertain; he, unlike all his predecessors, was the only emperor who was changed for the better by his office.,\xa0I\xa0will now relate the origin and causes of the revolt of Vitellius. After Julius Vindex had been slain and all his forces with him, the army, flushed with joy over the booty and glory it had won, as was natural since it had secured a very rich victory without effort or danger, preferred to advance and fight, to secure rewards rather than mere pay. The soldiers had long endured a profitless service which was severe because of the character of the district and of the climate, and also because discipline was strict. But discipline which is stern in time of peace is broken down by civil strife, for there are men on both sides ready to corrupt, and treachery goes unpunished. The army had men, weapons, and horses in abundance for use and for show, but before the war the soldiers had been acquainted with only their own centuries and squadrons, for the armies were then separated by the boundaries of the provinces. But at that time the legions had been mobilized against Vindex, so that they had become acquainted with their own strength and that of the Gallic provinces. Therefore they were again looking for war and new quarrels; they no longer called the Gauls "allies" as before, but "enemies" and "the defeated." In fact that part of the Gallic provinces which borders the Rhine had not failed to attach itself to the same party and at this time was most vigorous in urging the soldiers on against "the Galbans," for they had given them this name in scorn of Vindex. Accordingly, being hostile first of all towards the Sequani and the Aeduans, and then towards other states in proportion to their wealth, their souls thirsted for the storming of cities, the ravaging of fields, and the looting of houses. Their irritation arose not simply from greed and arrogance â\x80\x94 faults especially common to the stronger â\x80\x94 but also from the insolent spirit of the Gauls, who as an insult to the army boasted that Galba had remitted a\xa0quarter of their tribute and had rewarded them as communities. There was, too, a rumour cleverly spread abroad and rashly believed, that the legions were being decimated and the most active centurions dismissed. From every side came alarming messages and from Rome disturbing reports; the colony of Lyons was hostile and, owing to its persistent loyalty to Nero, was filled with rumours; but the amplest material for imagination and credulity was to be found within the camp\xa0itself in the soldiers\' hatreds, in their fears, and also, when they considered their own strength, in their self-confidence.,\xa0About the first of December in the preceding year Aulus Vitellius had entered Lower Germany and carefully inspected the winter quarters of the legions. Many of the troops had their ranks restored, their disgrace removed, the marks against them cancelled. He did much for his selfish ends, but some things with sound judgment; among these was the honest change he made from the meanness and greed which Fonteius Capito had shown in taking away or bestowing military rank. The acts of Vitellius were not regarded as those simply of a consular legate, but without exception were taken to be more significant; and while the strict thought Vitellius demeaned himself, his partisans called it affability and kindness where he gave away his own property without limit and without judgment and squandered what belonged to others; at the same time their greed for power made them translate his very faults into virtues. There were many in both armies obedient and law-abiding, as well as many unprincipled and energetic. But the commanders of the legions, Alienus Caecina and Fabius Valens, were men of boundless greed and extraordinary recklessness. Valens was hostile to Galba, because Galba had treated with ingratitude his disclosure of Verginius\'s hesitation and his crushing of Capito\'s plans. He began to urge Vitellius on and to point out to him the eager spirit of the soldiers, saying that he enjoyed great fame everywhere, that Flaccus Hordeonius would give no occasion for delay, that Britain would join him, the German auxiliaries follow his standard; the loyalty of the provinces he declared weak, the old emperor\'s rule precarious and sure soon to pass; let him but open his arms and hurry to meet approaching fortune. He maintained that Verginius had hesitated with good reason, for he was of equestrian family, his father was unknown and he would have been unequal to the office if he had got the imperial power, but safe if he refused it; but to Vitellius, his father\'s three consulships and the censorship in which he had Caesar as colleague had long since given him imperial dignity and had taken away from him the security of a subject. These arguments stirred his sluggish nature to covetousness rather than to hope.,\xa0But in Upper Germany, Caecina, a handsome young man of towering stature and boundless ambition, had won over the support of the soldiers by his clever speech and dignified carriage. This youth Galba had put in command of a legion, for when he was quaestor in Baetica, he had not hesitated to join Galba\'s party. But later, when Galba found that he had embezzled public money, he ordered him to be prosecuted for peculation. Caecina took this hard and decided to embroil everything and conceal his private wounds amid the misfortunes of the state. And there were not lacking seeds of discord in the army, because it had taken part in full force in the war against Vindex and had not gone over to Galba until Nero had been killed, and then had been anticipated in taking the oath of allegiance to Galba by some detachments from Lower Germany. The Treviri, too, and Lingones, as well as other states which Galba had punished with harsh edicts or loss of territory, were closely associated with the legions\' winter quarters, with the result that there were seditious conferences and the soldiers were demoralized by mixing with the civilian inhabitants, and the attachment that they apparently showed Verginius was ready to be given to anyone else.,\xa0The community of the Lingones, according to their ancient custom, had sent clasped right hands, an emblem of friendship, as gifts to the legions. Their envoys, assuming the appearance of poverty and sorrow, complained both at headquarters and in the messes of the common soldiers, now of their wrongs, again of the rewards given to neighbouring communities, and, when the soldiers were ready to lend a listening ear, of the dangers and the insults suffered by the army itself, and so inflamed the temper of the troops. In fact, they were not far from mutiny when Hordeonius Flaccus ordered the envoys to leave and told them to go out of camp by night that their departure might be less noticeable. From this arose a disturbing report, for many maintained that the envoys had been killed; and it was urged that if the soldiers did not take thought for themselves, the most energetic among them and those who complained of present conditions would be put to death under the cover of darkness without the knowledge of their fellows. Thereupon the legions bound themselves by a secret oath; the auxiliary soldiers joined them. These had been at first suspected of planning to attack the legions, because their infantry and cavalry had surrounded the camp; but presently they showed themselves more zealous in the same cause; for the wicked conspire more readily to make war than to preserve harmony in time of peace.,\xa0Yet the legions of Lower Germany had taken the usual oath of allegiance to Galba on the first of January, although there was great hesitation and only a\xa0few in the front ranks repeated it, while the rest silently waited, each on the courage of his neighbour, it being human nature to follow eagerly a course that one hesitates to begin. But there was a diversity of sentiment in the legions themselves. The First and Fifth were so mutinous that some stoned Galba\'s images. The Fifteenth and Sixteenth legions, while daring to do nothing worse than murmur and threaten, were seeking some opening for an outbreak. In the Upper army, however, the Fourth and Twenty-second legions, who were wintering in the same camp, on the very first of January tore down the images of Galba, the Fourth legion with greater readiness, the Twenty-second with hesitation at first, but presently in full accord; and they called in their oath on the now forgotten names of the senate and Roman people that they might not seem to give up reverence for the empire. No one of the legates or tribunes made any effort in Galba\'s behalf; some, as is usual in an uproar, were conspicuous in causing trouble. Yet no one addressed the soldiers in formal speech or from the tribunal, for there was no one as yet to whom claim for such service could be made.,\xa0Hordeonius Flaccus, the consular legate, was a spectator of this disgraceful scene. He did not dare to check those who were in a fury or to restrain the doubtful or even to exhort the loyal, but he was slow to act, timid, and innocent only because of his sloth. Four centurions of the Twenty-second legion, Nonius Receptus, Donatius Valens, Romilius Marcellus, Calpurnius Repentinus, were swept away by the onrush of the soldiers when they tried to protect Galba\'s images, and were thrown into chains. No man had any loyalty or thought for his former oath, but as happens in mutinies all joined the majority. On the night which followed January first, an eagle-bearer of the Fourth legion came to Cologne and reported to Vitellius at table that the Fourth and Twenty-second legions had thrown down Galba\'s statues and taken the oath of allegiance to the senate and the Roman people. Such an oath seemed idle; they decided to seize fortune while in the balance and to offer an emperor to the soldiery. Vitellius sent men to the legions and legates to announce that the Upper army had mutinied against Galba: therefore they must either fight against the mutineers or, if they preferred harmony and peace, must take an emperor. There was less danger, he added, in accepting an emperor than in looking for one.,\xa0The winter quarters of the First legion were nearest, and the most energetic of the commanders was Fabius Valens. The next day he entered Cologne with the horsemen of the legion and the auxiliary troops and saluted Vitellius as emperor. The legions of the same province showed the greatest rivalry in following this example; and the Upper army, abandoning the specious names of the senate and the Roman people, came over to Vitellius on the third of January, so that it was easy to realize that during the two preceding days it had never been faithful to the state. The citizens of Cologne, the Treviri, the Lingones, showed the same enthusiasm as the army. Individuals offered their personal services, horses, arms, or money, according to the physical strength, wealth, or talent that each possessed. Not only the chief men of the colonies and camps who had present wealth in abundance and great hopes should they secure a victory, but also whole companies and common soldiers, prompted by excitement and enthusiasm and also by greed, contributed their own spending money, or in place of money their belts and bosses, and the decorations of their armour adorned with silver.,\xa0Therefore Vitellius praised the eager spirit of the soldiers and then distributed the imperial offices which had been usually held by freedmen among Roman knights; he also paid the fees for furloughs to the centurions out of his own purse. He frequently gave his approval to the savagery of the soldiers who demanded that many be given up to punishment; in some rare instances he evaded it by throwing the accused into chains. Pompeius Propinquus, imperial agent in Belgian Gaul, was immediately put to death; Julius Burdo, commander of the German fleet, he saved by a clever ruse. The army\'s anger had blazed out against Burdo, because he had invented a charge against Fonteius Capito, and later had plotted against him. The soldiers remembered Capito with gratitude, and while Vitellius might kill openly before the angry mob, he could not pardon except by deceit. And so Burdo was kept under guard and released only after the victory of Vitellius, when the hatred of the soldiers for him was now appeased. In the meantime the centurion Crispinus was offered as a scapegoat. Capito\'s blood was on his hands, and that made him the more obvious victim of the soldiers\' demands and the cheaper sacrifice in the eyes of the executioner.,\xa0Next Julius Civilis was saved from danger. He had great influence with the Batavians so that Vitellius did not wish to alienate this savage people by punishing him. Moreover there were in the country of the Lingones eight cohorts of Batavians, auxiliaries belonging to the Fourteenth legion, who at that time, owing to the discord of the moment, had withdrawn from the legion; and, whichever way they inclined, these eight cohorts would have great weight as allies or opponents. The centurions Nonius, Donatius, Romilius, and Calpurnius, of whom we have spoken above, he ordered to be executed, for they had been pronounced guilty of loyalty â\x80\x94 the worst of charges among rebels. He also now gained the adherence of Valerius Asiaticus, governor of the Belgic province, whom he later made his son-inâ\x80\x91law; likewise of Junius Blaesus who was in charge of Gallia Lugdunensis, together with the Italic legion and the Taurian squadron of horse who were stationed at Lyons. The forces in Raetia did not delay joining his side at once; nor was there any hesitation even in Britain.,\xa0The governor of Britain was Trebellius Maximus, whose greed and meanness made him despised and hated by his soldiers. Their hostility towards him was increased by Roscius Coelius, the commander of the Twentieth legion, who had long been at odds with him; but now, on the occasion of civil war, the hostility between the two broke out with great violence. Trebellius charged Coelius with stirring up mutiny and destroying discipline; Coelius reproached Trebellius with robbing the legions and leaving them poor, while meantime the discipline of the army was broken down by this shameful quarrel between the commanders; and the trouble reached such a point that Trebellius was openly insulted by the auxiliary soldiers as well as by the legions, and when deserted by the auxiliary foot and horse who joined Coelius, fled to Vitellius. The province remained quiet, although the consular governor had been removed: control was in the hands of the commanders of the legions, who were equal in authority; but Coelius actually had the greater power because of his audacity.,\xa0Now that the army in Britain had joined his standard, Vitellius, who had enormous strength and resources at his command, selected two leaders and two lines of advance for the war. He ordered Fabius Valens to win over the Gallic provinces, or, if they refused his advances, to lay them waste and then break into Italy by the Cottian Alps. Caecina was to descend by the nearer route over the Pennine range. Valens was given picked soldiers from the Lower army together with the eagle of the Fifth legion and auxiliary foot and horse, the whole force numbering about 40,000 armed men. Caecina took from the Upper army 30,000; but his real strength lay in the Twenty-first legion. Both were given in addition German auxiliaries with whom Vitellius completed his own forces also, as he was prepared to follow with his whole strength.,\xa0There was a marked contrast between army and general. The soldiers were eager; they demanded battle, while the Gallic provinces were still timid and the Spanish hesitant. "Neither winter," they declared, "nor the delay caused by a peace which only a coward would make is an obstacle to us. We must invade Italy, seize Rome. In civil strife, where one must act rather than debate, nothing is more safe than haste." Vitellius, however, was sunk in sloth and was already enjoying a foretaste of his imperial fortune by indolent luxury and extravagant dinners; at midday he was tipsy and gorged with food. Still the soldiers in their eagerness and vigour actually performed the duties of a general, so that they inspired the energetic with hope or the indolent with fear, exactly as if the commander-inâ\x80\x91chief were there in person. They were drawn up in line and eager for action; they demanded the signal for the start. Vitellius was at once given the additional name of Germanicus; the appellation Caesar he forbade even after he was victorious. It was a happy augur to the mind of Fabius Valens and the army which he was leading to war that, on the very day they started, an eagle flew gently along before the advancing army apparently to guide their march; and for a long distance such were the exultant cries of the troops, such the undisturbed calm of the bird, that it was welcomed as a certain omen of a great and successful issue.,\xa0The army approached the Treviri with a sense of security which they naturally felt among allies. But at Divodurum, a town of the Mediomatrici, though received with all courtesy, the army was struck with sudden panic; the soldiers hurriedly seized their arms to massacre the innocent citizens, not for booty or from a desire to loot, but prompted by wild fury, the cause of which was uncertain and the remedies therefore more difficult. Finally, however, they were quieted by their general\'s appeals and refrained from completely destroying the community; still about\xa04,000 had been massacred, and such terror spread over the Gallic provinces that later on, as the army advanced, entire communities headed by their magistrates came out to meet it with appeals, women and children prostrating themselves along the roads, while everything else that can appease an enemy\'s wrath was offered to secure peace, although there was no war.,\xa0Fabius Valens heard the news of Galba\'s death and the accession of Otho in the state of the Leuci. The soldiers were neither moved to joy nor stirred by fear; they thought only of war. The Gauls no longer hesitated; though they hated Otho and Vitellius equally, they also feared Vitellius. The next state was that of the Lingones, which was faithful to his party. There the Roman soldiers enjoyed a kindly reception and vied with one another in good behaviour. Yet the joy over this was short-lived, because of the violence of the auxiliary infantry, which, as we said above, had detached themselves from the Fourteenth legion and been incorporated by Fabius Valens in his force. At first a quarrel arose between the Batavians and the legionaries, and then a brawl. Finally, as the soldiers took sides with one or the other, they broke out almost into open battle, and in fact would have done so had not Valens, by the punishment of a\xa0few men, reminded the Batavians of the authority which they had forgotten. It was in vain that the Roman troops tried to find an excuse for war against the Aeduans; when ordered to furnish money and arms, the Aeduans went so far as to provide the army with supplies without cost, and what the Aeduans had done from fear the people of Lyons did from joy. The Italic legion and the Taurian squadron of horse were withdrawn from the city; it was decided, however, to leave the Eighteenth cohort there, for that was their usual winter quarters. Manlius Valens, commander of the Italic legion, enjoyed no honour with Vitellius, though he had done good service to his party. Fabius had defamed him by secret charges of which Manlius knew nothing, but praised him openly that, being off his guard, he might be more easily deceived.,\xa0The old feud between the people of Lyons and Vienne had been inflamed by the last war. They had inflicted many losses on each other and had done this too frequently and savagely for anyone to believe that they were fighting only for Nero or Galba. Galba too had taken advantage of his displeasure to divert the revenues of Lyons into his own treasury; on the other hand he had shown great honour to the people of Vienne. Hence arose rivalry and envy and a bond of hatred between the peoples who were separated only by a single river. Therefore the people of Lyons began to stir up individual soldiers and spur them on to destroy Vienne by reminding them that its inhabitants had besieged their own colony, aided Vindex in his attempts, and had lately enrolled legions for the defence of Galba. More, after they had put forward these pretexts for hating Vienne, they began to point out the large booty to be obtained, no longer exhorting them in secret, but making public appeals. "Advance as avengers," they said; "destroy the home of war in Gaul. At Vienne there is nothing that is not foreign and hostile. We, a Roman colony and a part of your army, have shared your successes and reverses. Do not abandon us to an angry foe, should fortune prove adverse.",\xa0By these and similar appeals, they had brought the soldiers to the point where not even the commanders and leaders of the party thought it possible to check the army\'s hostile fury, when the people of Vienne, well aware of their danger, diverted the soldiers from their purpose by coming out along the line of advance, bearing veils and fillets, and clasping the soldiers\' weapons, knees, and feet. Valens too gave each soldier three hundred sesterces. The age also and the dignity of the colony prevailed; and the words of Fabius, as he urged the soldiers to leave the Viennese in safety and unharmed, received a favourable hearing. Still the people were all deprived of their weapons, and they assisted the soldiers with private means of every sort. Yet report has always consistently said that Valens himself was bribed with a large sum. He had long been poor; now suddenly becoming rich, he hardly concealed his change of fortune. His desires had been increased by long poverty, so that he now put no restraint upon himself, and after a youth of poverty became a prodigal old man. Next he led his army slowly through the lands of the Allobroges and Vocontii, the very length of each day\'s advance and the choice of encampment being sold by the general, who drove shameless bargains to the detriment of the owners of the land and the local magistrates. Indeed he acted so threateningly that he was on the point of applying the torch to Lucus, a town of the Vocontii, until he was soothed by money. Whenever money was not available, he was appeased by sacrifices to his lust. In this way they reached the Alps.,\xa0Caecina gained even more booty and shed more blood. His reckless spirit had been provoked by the Helvetii, a Gallic people once famous for their deeds in arms and for their heroes, later only for the memory of their name. of Galba\'s murder they knew nothing and they refused to recognize the authority of Vitellius. The origin of the war was due to the greed and haste of the Twenty-first legion, which had embezzled the money sent to pay the garrison of a fort once defended by the Helvetians with their own forces and at their own expense. This angered the Helvetians, who intercepted some letters which were being carried in the name of the army in Germany to the legions in Pannonia, and they kept the centurions and certain soldiers in custody. Caecina, eager for war, always moved to punish every fault instantly before there was a chance for repentance: he immediately shifted camp, devastated the fields, and ravaged a place that during the long peace had been built up into the semblance of a town and was much resorted to for its beauty and healthful waters. Messages were sent to the auxiliaries in Raetia, directing them to attack in the rear the Helvetians who were facing the Roman legion.,\xa0The Helvetians were bold before the crisis came, but timid in the face of danger; and although at the beginning of the trouble they had chosen Claudius Severus leader, they had not learned the use of arms, did not keep their ranks, or consult together. Battle against veterans would be destructive to them; a\xa0siege would be dangerous, for their walls had fallen into ruin from lapse of time. On the one side was Caecina with a strong force, on the other the Raetian horse and foot, and the young men of Raetia itself, who were accustomed to arms and trained in warfare. Everywhere were rapine and slaughter. Wandering about between the two armies, the Helvetians threw away their arms and fled for life to Mt.\xa0Vocetius, the majority of them wounded or straggling. A\xa0cohort of Thracian infantry was immediately dispatched against them and dislodged them. Then, pursued by Germans and Raetians through their forests, they were cut down even in their hiding places. Many thousands were massacred, many thousands sold into slavery. After all had been destroyed, when the Roman army was advancing to attack Aventicum, the capital of the tribe, the people of that town sent envoys to offer surrender and this was accepted. Caecina punished Julius Alpinus, one of the leading men, as the promoter of the war: the rest he left to the mercy or the cruelty of Vitellius.,\xa0It is not easy to say whether the envoys of the Helvetians found the general or the soldiers less merciful. The soldiers demanded the destruction of the state, shaking their weapons, and fists in the faces of the envoys. Even Vitellius did not refrain from threatening words, till Claudius Cossus, one of the envoys, assuaged the anger of the soldiers; Cossus was a man of well-known eloquence, but at this time he concealed his skill as an orator under an appropriate trepidation which made him all the more effective. Like all mobs, the common soldiers were given to sudden change and were as ready to show pity as they had been extravagant in cruelty. By floods of tears and persistent prayers for a milder decision, the envoys obtained safety and protection for their state.,\xa0While Caecina delayed a\xa0few days among the Helvetians until he should learn the views of Vitellius, being engaged at the same time in preparations for the passage of the Alps, he received the joyful news from Italy that the Silian detachment of horse that was operating along the\xa0Po had taken the oath of allegiance to Vitellius. This detachment had served under Vitellius when he was proconsul in Africa; later Nero had removed it to send it to Egypt, but it had been recalled because of the war with Vindex and was at this time in Italy. Prompted by the decurions who, being wholly unacquainted with Otho but bound to Vitellius, kept extolling the strength of the approaching legions and the reputation of the army in Germany, the members of the troop came over to the side of Vitellius, and as a kind of gift to the new emperor, they secured for him the strongest of the transpadane towns, Mediolanum, Novaria, Eporedia, and Vercellae. This fact Caecina learned from the inhabitants of these towns, and since a single squadron of horse could not protect the broadest part of Italy, he sent in advance infantry, made up of Gauls, Lusitanians, and Britons, and some German detachments with the squadron of Petra\'s horse, while he himself delayed a little to see whether he should turn aside over the Raetian range to Noricum to oppose the imperial agent Petronius Urbicus, who was regarded as faithful to Otho since he had called out auxiliary troops and broken down the bridges over the stream. But Caecina was afraid that he might lose the infantry and cavalry which he had already dispatched before him, and, at the same time, he realized that there was more glory in securing Italy, and that wherever the decisive struggle took place, the people of Noricum would come with the other prizes of victory. He accordingly led his reserve troops and the heavy armed legions over the Pennine Pass while the Alps were still covered with the winter\'s snow.,\xa0Otho, meanwhile, contrary to everyone\'s expectation made no dull surrender to luxury or ease: he put off his pleasures, concealed his profligacy, and ordered his whole life as befitted the imperial position; with the result that these simulated virtues and the sure return of his vices only inspired still greater dread. Marius Celsus, consul-elect, whom he had saved from the fury of the soldiers by pretending to imprison him, he had called to the Capitol, for he wished to obtain the credit of being merciful by his treatment of a distinguished man whom his party hated. Celsus boldly pleaded guilty of constant loyalty to Galba and went so far as to claim that his example was to Otho\'s advantage. Otho did not act toward him as if he were pardoning a criminal, but to avoid having to fear him as an enemy took steps to be reconciled to him and immediately began to treat him as one of his intimate friends; he later chose him as one of the leaders for the war. But Celsus, on his side, as by a fatal impulse, maintained a loyalty to Otho which was unbroken and ill-starred. His safety, which gave joy to the chief men of the state and which was commented on favourably by the common people, was not unpopular even with the soldiers, who admired the same virtue which roused their anger.,\xa0Equal delight, but for different reasons, was felt when the destruction of Tigellinus was secured. ofonius Tigellinus was of obscure parentage; his youth had been infamous and in his old age he was profligate. Command of the city watch and of the praetorians and other prizes which belong to virtue he had obtained by vices as the quicker course; then, afterwards, he practised cruelty and later greed, offences which belong to maturity. He also corrupted Nero so that he was ready for any wickedness; he dared certain acts without Nero\'s knowledge and finally deserted and betrayed him. So no one was more persistently demanded for punishment from different motives, both by those who hated Nero and by those who regretted him. Under Galba Tigellinus had been protected by the influence of Titus Vinius, who claimed that Tigellinus had saved his daughter. He undoubtedly had saved her, not, however, prompted by mercy (he had killed so many victims!) but to secure a refuge for the future, since the worst of rascals in their distrust of the present and fear of a change always try to secure private gratitude as an off-set to public detestation, having no regard for innocence, but wishing to obtain mutual impunity in wrong-doing. These facts made the people more hostile toward him, and their old hatred was increased by their recent dislike for Titus Vinius. They rushed from every part of the city to the Palatine and the fora, and, pouring into the circus and theatres where the common people have the greatest licence, they broke out into seditious cries, until finally Tigellinus, at the baths of Sinuessa, receiving the message that the hour of his supreme necessity had come, amid the embraces and kisses of his mistresses, shamefully delaying his end, finally cut his throat with a razor, still further defiling a notorious life by a tardy and ignominious death.,\xa0At the same time the people demanded the punishment of Calvia Crispinilla. She was saved from danger, however, through various artifices on the part of the emperor, who brought ill-reputation upon himself by his duplicity. Crispinilla had taught Nero profligacy; then she had crossed to Africa to stir up Clodius Macer to rebellion, and had openly tried to bring famine on the Roman people. Afterwards she secured popularity with the entire city by her marriage with a former consul, and so was unharmed under Galba, Otho, and Vitellius. Still later she became powerful through her wealth and childlessness, which have equal weight both in good and evil times.,\xa0Meantime Otho sent Vitellius many letters, disfigured by unmanly flattery, offering him money and favour and granting him any quiet place he chose wherein to spend his profligate life. Vitellius made similar proposals. At first both wrote in genial tones, resorting to pretence which was at once foolish and unbecoming: later, as if engaged in a common brawl, they each charged the other with debaucheries and low practices, neither of them falsely. Otho, after recalling the delegates that Galba had dispatched, sent them again in the name of the senate to the two armies in Germany, to the Italic legion, and to the troops that were stationed at Lyons. The envoys remained with Vitellius, too readily for men to think they were detained. The praetorians that Otho had sent with the delegation to show it honour were sent back before they could mix with the legions. Fabius Valens also sent letters in the name of the army in Germany to the praetorian and city cohorts, boasting of the strength of his party and offering terms of agreement. He even reproached them for diverting to Otho the imperial power that had been given to Vitellius so long before.,\xa0Thus the praetorians were plied at the same time with promises and threats. They were told that they were unequal to war but would lose nothing in peace; and yet they did not give up their loyalty. Otho sent secret agents to Germany, and Vitellius sent his agents to Rome. Neither accomplished anything, but the agents of Vitellius got off safely, since amid the great multitude they neither knew people nor were themselves known; Otho\'s agents, however, were betrayed by their strange faces, since in the army everyone knew everyone else. Vitellius wrote a letter to Otho\'s brother, Titianus, in which he threatened him and his son with death if his own mother and children were not kept unharmed. As a matter of fact both families were uninjured: under Otho this was probably due to fear; Vitellius, when victor, got the credit for mercy.,\xa0The first message that gave Otho confidence came from Illyricum, to the effect that the legions of Dalmatia and Pannonia and Moesia had sworn allegiance to him. The same news was brought from Spain, whereupon Otho extolled Cluvius Rufus in a proclamation; but immediately afterwards word was brought that Spain had gone over to Vitellius. Not even Aquitania long remained faithful, although it had been made to swear allegiance to Otho by Julius Cordus. Nowhere was there loyalty or affection. Fear and necessity made men shift now to one side, now to the other. The same terror brought the province of Narbonensis over to Vitellius, it being easy to pass to the side of the nearest and the stronger. The distant provinces and all the armed forces across the sea remained on Otho\'s side, not from any enthusiasm for his party, but because the name of the city and the splendour of the senate had great weight; moreover the emperor of whom they first heard preëmpted their regard. The oath of allegiance to Otho was administered to the army in Judea by Vespasian, to the legions in Syria by Mucianus. At the same time Egypt and all the provinces to the East were governed in Otho\'s name. Africa showed the same ready obedience, led by Carthage, without waiting for the authority of Vipstanius Apronianus, the proconsul; Crescens, one of Nero\'s freedmen â\x80\x94 for in evil times even freedmen take part in the government â\x80\x94 had given the commonfolk a feast in honour of the recent accession; and the people hurried on with extravagant zeal the usual demonstrations. The rest of the communities followed Carthage.,\xa0Since the armies and provinces were thus divided, Vitellius for his part needed to fight to gain the imperial fortune; but Otho was performing the duties of an emperor as if in profound peace. Some things he did in accordance with the dignity of the state, but often he acted contrary to its honour in the haste that was prompted by present need. He himself was consul with his brother Titianus until the first of March. The next months were allotted to Verginius as a sop to the army in Germany. With Verginius he associated Pompeius Vopiscus under the pretext of their ancient friendship; but most interpreted the act as an honour shown the people of Vienne. The rest of the consulships for the year remained as Nero and Galba had assigned them: Caelius Sabinus and Flavius Sabinus until July; Arrius Antoninus and Marius Celsus till September; their honours not even Vitellius vetoed when he became victor. But Otho assigned pontificates and augurships as a crowning distinction to old men who had already gone through the list of offices, or solaced young nobles recently returned from exile with priesthoods which their fathers and ancestors had held. Cadius Rufus, Pedius Blaesus, and Saevinus P.\xa0.\xa0.\xa0were restored to senatorial rank, which they had lost under Claudius and Nero on account of charges of bribery made against them; those who pardoned them decided to shift the name so that what had really been greed should seem treason, which was now so odious that it made even good laws null and useless.,\xa0With the same generosity Otho tried to win over the support of communities and provinces. To the colonies of Hispalis and Emerita he sent additional families. To the whole people of the Lingones he gave Roman citizenship and presented the province Baetica with towns in Mauritania. New constitutions were given Cappadocia and Africa, more for display than to the lasting advantage of the provinces. Even while engaged in these acts, which found their excuse in the necessity of the situation and the anxieties that were forced upon him, he did not forget his loves and had the statues of Poppaea replaced by a vote of the senate. It was believed that he also brought up the question of celebrating Nero\'s memory with the hope of winning over the Roman people; and in fact some set up statues of Nero; moreover on certain days the people and soldiers, as if adding thereby to Otho\'s nobility and distinction, acclaimed him as Nero Otho; he himself remained undecided, from fear to forbid or shame to acknowledge the title.,\xa0While all men\'s thoughts were thus absorbed in civil war, there was no interest in foreign affairs. This inspired the Rhoxolani, a people of Sarmatia who had massacred two cohorts the previous winter, to invade Moesia with great hopes. They numbered nine thousand horse, and their restive temper along with their success made them more intent on booty than on fighting. Consequently, when they were straggling and off their guard, the Third legion with some auxiliary troops suddenly attacked them. On the Roman side everything was ready for battle. The Sarmatians were scattered or in their greed for booty had weighted themselves down with heavy burdens, and since the slippery roads deprived them of the advantage of their horses\' speed, they were cut down as if they were in fetters. For it is a strange fact that the whole courage of the Sarmatians is, so to speak, outside themselves. No people is so cowardly when it comes to fighting on foot, but when they attack the foe on horseback, hardly any line can resist them. On this occasion, however, the day was wet and the snow melting: they could not use their pikes or the long swords which they wield with both hands, for their horses fell and they were weighted down by their coats of mail. This armour is the defence of their princes and all the nobility: it is made of scales of iron or hard hide, and though impenetrable to blows, nevertheless it makes it difficult for the wearer to get up when overthrown by the enemy\'s charge; at the same time they were continually sinking deep in the soft and heavy snow. The Roman soldier with his breast-plate moved readily about, attacking the enemy with his javelin, which he threw, or with his lances; when the situation required he used his short sword and cut down the helpless Sarmatians at close quarters, for they do not use the shield for defensive purposes. Finally the few who escaped battle hid themselves in the swamps, where they lost their lives from the cruel winter or the severity of their wounds. When the news of this reached Rome, Marcus Aponius, governor of Moesia, was given a triumphal statue; Fulvius Aurelius, Julianus Tettius, and Numisius Lupus, commanders of the legions, were presented with the decorations of a consul; for Otho was pleased and took the glory to himself, saying that he was lucky in war and had augmented the State through his generals and his armies.,\xa0In the meantime, from a slight beginning which caused no fear, a mutiny arose which almost destroyed the city. Otho had given orders that Seventeenth cohort be brought from the colony of Ostia to Rome. Varius Crispinus, one of the praetorian tribunes, had been charged with equipping these troops. That he might be the freer to carry out his orders, when the camp was quiet, he ordered the armoury to be opened and the wagons belonging to the cohort to be loaded at nightfall. The hour gave rise to suspicion; his motive became the basis of a charge against him; and his attempt to secure quiet resulted in an uproar, while the sight of arms in the hands of drunken men roused a desire to use them. The soldiers began to murmur and charged the tribunes and centurions with treachery, saying that the slaves of the senators were being armed for Otho\'s destruction. A\xa0part of the soldiers were ignorant of the circumstances and heavy with wine; the worst of them wished to make this an opportunity for looting; the great mass, as is usual, were ready for any new movement, and the natural obedience of the better disposed was rendered ineffective by the night. When the tribune attempted to stay the mutiny, they killed him and the strictest of the centurions. Then they seized their arms, drew their swords, and jumping on their horses, hurried to Rome and to the Palace.,\xa0Otho was giving a great banquet to men and women of the nobility. In terror as to whether this was some chance frenzy on the part of the soldiers or some treachery on the part of the emperor, the guests did not know whether it was more dangerous to stay and be caught or to flee and scatter. Now they pretended courage, now they were unmasked by their fears; at the same time they watched Otho\'s face; and as generally happens when men\'s minds are inclined to suspicion, it was just when Otho felt fear that he made others fear him. Yet he was terrified as much by the danger to the senate as to himself; he had sent at once the prefects of the praetorian guard to calm the soldiers\' anger and he told all to leave the banquet quickly. Then in every direction went officers of the state, throwing away their insignia of office and avoiding the attendance of their friends and slaves; old men and women stole in the darkness along different streets, few of them trying to reach their homes, but most of them hurrying to the houses of their friends and the obscurest hiding-place of the humblest dependent each had.,\xa0The excited soldiers were not kept even by the doors of the palace from bursting into the banquet. They demanded to be shown Otho, and they wounded Julius Martialis, the tribune, and Vitellius Saturninus, prefect of the legion, when they opposed their onrush. On every side were arms and threats directed now against the centurions and tribunes, now against the whole senate, for all were in a state of blind panic, and since they could not fix upon any individual as the object of their wrath, they claimed licence to proceed against all. Finally Otho, disregarding the dignity of his imperial position, stood on his couch and barely succeeded in restraining them with appeals and tears. Then they returned to camp neither willingly nor with guiltless hands. The next day private houses were closed as if the city were in the hands of the enemy; few respectable people were seen in the streets; the rabble was downcast. The soldiers turned their eyes to the ground, but were sorrowful rather than repentant. Licinius Proculus and Plotius Firmus, the prefects, addressed their companies, the one mildly, the other severely, each according to his nature. They ended with the statement that five thousand sesterces were to be paid to each soldier. Only then did Otho dare to enter the camp. He was surrounded by tribunes and centurions, who tore away the insignia of their rank and demanded discharge and safety from their dangerous service. The common soldiers perceived the bad impression that their action had made and settled down to obedience, demanding of their own accord that the ringleaders of the mutiny should be punished.,\xa0Otho was in a difficult position owing to the general disturbance and the divergences of sentiment among the soldiers; for the best of them demanded that some check be put on the present licence, while the larger mob delighted in mutinies and in an emperor whose power depended on popular favour, and were easily driven on to civil war by riots and rapine. He realized, however, that a throne gained by crime cannot be maintained by sudden moderation and old-fashioned dignity; but being distressed by the crisis that had befallen the city and the danger of the senate, he finally spoke as follows: "Fellow soldiers, I\xa0have not come to kindle your sentiments into love for me, nor to exhort your hearts to courage, for both these qualities you have in marked abundance; but I\xa0have come to ask you to put some check to your bravery and some limit to your regard for me. The recent disturbances owed their beginning not to any greed or hate, which are the sentiments that drive most armies to revolt, or even to any shirking or fear of danger; it was your excessive loyalty that spurred you to an action more violent than wise. Very often honourable motives have a fatal end, unless men employ judgment. We are proceeding to war. Do the exigencies of events or the rapid changes in the situation allow every report to be heard openly, every plan to be discussed in the presence of all? It is as proper that soldiers should not know certain things as that they should know them. The authority of the leaders and strict discipline are maintained only by holding it wise that in many cases even centurions and tribunes should simply receive orders. For if individuals may inquire the reason for the orders given them, then discipline is at an end and authority also ceases. Suppose in the field you have to take your arms in the dead of night, shall one or two worthless and drunken men â\x80\x94 for I\xa0cannot believe that the recent madness was due to the panic of more than that â\x80\x94 stain their hands in the blood of a centurion or tribune? Shall they burst into the tent of their general?,\xa0"You, it is true, did that for me. But in time of riot, in the darkness and general confusion, an opportunity may also be given for an attack on me. Suppose Vitellius and his satellites should have an opportunity to choose the spirit and sentiment with which they would pray you to be inspired, what will they prefer to mutiny and strife? Will they not wish that soldier should not obey centurion or centurion tribune, so that we may all, foot and horse, in utter confusion rush to ruin? It is rather by obedience, fellow-soldiers, than by questioning the commands of the leaders, that success in war is obtained, and that is the bravest army in time of crisis which has been most orderly before the crisis. Yours be the arms and spirit; leave to me the plan of campaign and the direction of your valour. Few were at fault; two shall pay the penalty: do all the rest of you blot out the memory of that awful night. And I\xa0pray that no army may ever hear such cries against the senate. That is the head of the empire and the glory of all the provinces; good heavens, not even those Germans whom Vitellius at this moment is stirring up against us would dare to call it to punishment. Shall any child of Italy, any true Roman youth, demand the blood and murder of that order through whose splendid glory we outshine the meanness and base birth of the partisans of Vitellius? Vitellius has won over some peoples; he has a certain shadow of an army, but the senate is with us. And so it is that on our side stands the state, on theirs the enemies of the state. Tell me, do you think that this fairest city consists of houses and buildings and heaps of stone? Those dumb and iimate things can perish and readily be replaced. The eternity of our power, the peace of the world, my safety and yours, are secured by the welfare of the senate. This senate, which was established under auspices by the Father and Founder of our city and which has continued in unbroken line from the time of the kings even down to the time of the emperors, let us hand over to posterity even as we received it from our fathers. For as senators spring from your number, so emperors spring from senators.",\xa0Both this speech, well adapted as it was to reprove and quiet the soldiers, and also his moderation (for he had not ordered the punishment of more than two) were gratefully received, and in this way those who could not be checked by force were calmed for the present. But the city was not yet quiet; there was the din of weapons and the face of war, for while the troops did not engage in any general riot, they nevertheless distributed themselves in disguise among the houses and suspiciously kept watch on all whom high birth or wealth or some distinction had made the object of gossip. Most of them believed that soldiers of Vitellius, too, had come to Rome to learn the sentiments of the different parties, so that there was suspicion everywhere, and the intimacy of the home was hardly free from fear. But there was the greatest terror in public, where men changed their spirit and looks according to the message that rumour brought at the moment, that they might not seem to lose heart over doubtful news or show too much joy over favourable report. Moreover, when the senate had assembled in the chamber, it was hard to maintain the proper measure in anything, that silence might not seem sullen or open speech suspicious; while Otho, who had so recently been a subject and had used the same terms, fully understood flattery. So the senators turned and twisted their proposals to mean this or that, many calling Vitellius an enemy and traitor; but the most foreseeing attacked him only with ordinary terms of abuse, although some made the truth the basis of their insults. Still they did this when there was an uproar and many speaking, or else they obscured their own meaning by a riot of words.,\xa0Prodigies which were reported on various authorities also contributed to the general terror. It was said that in the vestibule of the Capitol the reins of the chariot in which Victory stood had fallen from the goddess\'s hands, that a superhuman form had rushed out of Juno\'s chapel, that a statue of the deified Julius on the island of the Tiber had turned from west to east on a bright calm day, that an ox had spoken in Etruria, that animals had given birth to strange young, and that many other things had happened which in barbarous ages used to be noticed even during peace, but which now are only heard of in seasons of terror. Yet the chief anxiety which was connected with both present disaster and future danger was caused by a sudden overflow of the Tiber which, swollen to a great height, broke down the wooden bridge and then was thrown back by the ruins of the bridge which dammed the stream, and overflowed not only the low-lying level parts of the city, but also parts which are normally free from such disasters. Many were swept away in the public streets, a larger number cut off in shops and in their beds. The common people were reduced to famine by lack of employment and failure of supplies. Apartment houses had their foundations undermined by the standing water and then collapsed when the flood withdrew. The moment people\'s minds were relieved of this danger, the very fact that when Otho was planning a military expedition, the Campus Martius and the Flaminian Way, over which he was to advance, were blocked against him was interpreted as a prodigy and an omen of impending disaster rather than as the result of chance or natural causes.,\xa0Otho purified the city and then considered his plan for a campaign. Since the Pennine and Cottian Alps and the other passes into Gaul were closed by the forces of Vitellius, he decided to attack Narbonese Gaul with his fleet, which was strong and loyal, for he had enrolled as a legion those who had survived the massacre at the Mulvian Bridge and who had been kept in prison by Galba\'s cruelty; and so he had given the rest reason to hope for an honourable service hereafter. He added to the fleet the city cohorts and many of the praetorians to be the strength and back-bone of the army and also to advise and control the leaders themselves. At the head of the expedition he placed Antonius Novellus, Suedius Clemens, centurions of the first rank, and Aemilius Pacensis, to whom he had restored the tribunate which Galba had taken away. His freedman Moschus, however, retained command of the fleet, no change being made in his rank, that he might keep watch over the fidelity of men more honourable than himself. As commanders of the foot and horse he named Suetonius Paulinus, Marius Celsus, Annius Gallus, but he trusted most in Licinius Proculus, prefect of the praetorian guard. Indefatigable on home service, inexperienced in war, Proculus, in strict accordance with their individual characters, made the "influence" of Paulinus, the "energy" of Celsus, the "proved ability" of Gallus the bases of his accusations, and thus â\x80\x94 nothing is easier â\x80\x94 by dishonesty and cunning outdid the virtuous and modest.,\xa0About this time Cornelius Dolabella was banished to the colony of Aquinum. He was not kept under close or secret watch, and no charge was made against him; but he had been made prominent by his ancient name and his close relationship to Galba. Many of the magistrates and a large part of the ex-consuls Otho directed to join his expedition, not to share or help in the war but simply as a suite. Among these was Lucius Vitellius, who was treated in the same way as the others and not at all as the brother of an emperor or as an enemy. This action caused anxiety at Rome. No class was free from fear or danger. The leading men of the senate were weak from old age and had grown inactive through a long peace; the nobility was indolent and had forgotten the art of war; the knights were ignorant of military service; the more all tried to hide and conceal their fear, the more evident they made their terror. Yet, on the other hand, there were some who with absurd ostentation brought splendid arms and fine horses; some made extravagant preparations for banquets and provided incentives to their lust as equipment for war. The wise had thought for peace and for the state; the foolish, careless of the future, were puffed up with idle hopes; many who had been distressed by loss of credit during peace were now enthusiastic in this time of disturbance and felt safest in uncertainty.,\xa0But the mob and the mass of the people, whose vast numbers kept them aloof from cares of state, gradually began to feel the evils of war, for all money was now diverted to the use of the soldiers, and the prices of provisions rose. Such things had not affected the common people so much during the revolt of Vindex, because the city at that time was safe and the war was in a province; since it was between the legions and the Gauls, it was regarded as a foreign war. In fact, from the time when the deified Augustus had established the power of the Caesars, the wars of the Roman people had been far from Rome and had caused anxiety or brought honour to a single individual alone; under Tiberius and Gaius only the misfortunes of peace affected the state; the attempt of Scribonianus against Claudius was checked the moment it was known; Nero had been driven from his throne rather by messages and rumours than by arms. But now, legions and fleets and, by an act almost without precedent, the soldiers of the praetorian and city cohorts were led away to action; the East and the West and all the forces that both have behind them formed material for a long war had there been other leaders. There were some who attempted to delay Otho\'s departure by bringing forward the religious consideration that the sacred shields had not yet been restored to their place. Yet he scorned every delay, for delay had proved ruinous to Nero also; and the fact that Caecina had already crossed the Alps spurred him on.,\xa0On the fourteenth of March, after entrusting the interests of state to the senate, he granted to those who had been recalled from exile all that was left from the sales of property confiscated by Nero, so far as the monies had not yet been paid into the Imperial Treasury, â\x80\x94 a\xa0most just donation, and one that was generous in appearance; but it was worthless because the property had been hastily realized on long before. Then he called an assembly, extolled the majesty of Rome, and praised the enthusiasm of the people and senate in his behalf. Against the party of Vitellius he spoke with moderation, blaming the legions for their ignorance rather than boldness, and making no mention of Vitellius. This omission may have been moderation on his part, or the man who wrote his speech may have omitted all insults towards Vitellius, fearing for himself. This is probable, because it was generally believed that Otho employed the ability of Galerius Trachalus in civil matters, as he did that of Suetonius Paulinus and Marius Celsus in planning his military movements, and there were some who recognized the very style of Trachalus, which was well known, because he frequently appeared in court, and which was copious and sonorous in order to fill the ears of the people. The shouts and cries from the mob, according to their recognized fashion of flattering an emperor, were excessive and insincere. Men vied with one another in the expression of their enthusiasm and vows, as if they were applauding the Dictator Caesar or the Emperor Augustus. They did this, not from fear or affection, but from their passionate love of servitude. As happens in households of slaves, each one was spurred on by his private motive, and the honour of the state was held cheap. When Otho set out, he left the good order of the city and the cares of empire in the charge of his brother, Salvius Titianus.
1.16
\xa0Rome was in a state of excitement and horror-stricken not only at the recent outrageous crime, but also at the thought of Otho\'s former character. Now it was terrified in addition by news with regard to Vitellius, which had been suppressed before Galba\'s death, so that the citizens believed that only the army of Upper Germany had mutinied. Then the thought that two men, the worst in the world for their shamelessness, indolence, and profligacy, had been apparently chosen by fate to ruin the empire, caused open grief not only to the senators and knights who had some share and interest in the state, but even to the common people. Their talk was no longer of the recent horrors of a bloody peace, but they recalled memories of the civil wars and spoke of the many times the city had been captured by Roman armies, of the devastation of Italy, of the plundering of the provinces, of Pharsalia, Philippi, Perusia, and Mutina, names notorious for public disaster. They said that the world had been well-nigh overturned, even when the principate was the prize of honest men; but yet the empire had remained when Julius Caesar won, and had likewise remained when Augustus won; the republic would have remained if Pompey and Brutus had been successful; but now â\x80\x94 should they go to the temples to pray for an Otho or a Vitellius? Prayers for either would be impious and vows for either detestable when, in the struggle between the two, the only thing of which men were certain was that the victor would be the worse. There were some who had forebodings of Vespasian and the armies in the East, and yet although Vespasian was a better man than Otho or Vitellius, they shuddered at another war and another massacre. Indeed Vespasian\'s reputation was uncertain; he, unlike all his predecessors, was the only emperor who was changed for the better by his office.,\xa0I\xa0will now relate the origin and causes of the revolt of Vitellius. After Julius Vindex had been slain and all his forces with him, the army, flushed with joy over the booty and glory it had won, as was natural since it had secured a very rich victory without effort or danger, preferred to advance and fight, to secure rewards rather than mere pay. The soldiers had long endured a profitless service which was severe because of the character of the district and of the climate, and also because discipline was strict. But discipline which is stern in time of peace is broken down by civil strife, for there are men on both sides ready to corrupt, and treachery goes unpunished. The army had men, weapons, and horses in abundance for use and for show, but before the war the soldiers had been acquainted with only their own centuries and squadrons, for the armies were then separated by the boundaries of the provinces. But at that time the legions had been mobilized against Vindex, so that they had become acquainted with their own strength and that of the Gallic provinces. Therefore they were again looking for war and new quarrels; they no longer called the Gauls "allies" as before, but "enemies" and "the defeated." In fact that part of the Gallic provinces which borders the Rhine had not failed to attach itself to the same party and at this time was most vigorous in urging the soldiers on against "the Galbans," for they had given them this name in scorn of Vindex. Accordingly, being hostile first of all towards the Sequani and the Aeduans, and then towards other states in proportion to their wealth, their souls thirsted for the storming of cities, the ravaging of fields, and the looting of houses. Their irritation arose not simply from greed and arrogance â\x80\x94 faults especially common to the stronger â\x80\x94 but also from the insolent spirit of the Gauls, who as an insult to the army boasted that Galba had remitted a\xa0quarter of their tribute and had rewarded them as communities. There was, too, a rumour cleverly spread abroad and rashly believed, that the legions were being decimated and the most active centurions dismissed. From every side came alarming messages and from Rome disturbing reports; the colony of Lyons was hostile and, owing to its persistent loyalty to Nero, was filled with rumours; but the amplest material for imagination and credulity was to be found within the camp\xa0itself in the soldiers\' hatreds, in their fears, and also, when they considered their own strength, in their self-confidence.,\xa0About the first of December in the preceding year Aulus Vitellius had entered Lower Germany and carefully inspected the winter quarters of the legions. Many of the troops had their ranks restored, their disgrace removed, the marks against them cancelled. He did much for his selfish ends, but some things with sound judgment; among these was the honest change he made from the meanness and greed which Fonteius Capito had shown in taking away or bestowing military rank. The acts of Vitellius were not regarded as those simply of a consular legate, but without exception were taken to be more significant; and while the strict thought Vitellius demeaned himself, his partisans called it affability and kindness where he gave away his own property without limit and without judgment and squandered what belonged to others; at the same time their greed for power made them translate his very faults into virtues. There were many in both armies obedient and law-abiding, as well as many unprincipled and energetic. But the commanders of the legions, Alienus Caecina and Fabius Valens, were men of boundless greed and extraordinary recklessness. Valens was hostile to Galba, because Galba had treated with ingratitude his disclosure of Verginius\'s hesitation and his crushing of Capito\'s plans. He began to urge Vitellius on and to point out to him the eager spirit of the soldiers, saying that he enjoyed great fame everywhere, that Flaccus Hordeonius would give no occasion for delay, that Britain would join him, the German auxiliaries follow his standard; the loyalty of the provinces he declared weak, the old emperor\'s rule precarious and sure soon to pass; let him but open his arms and hurry to meet approaching fortune. He maintained that Verginius had hesitated with good reason, for he was of equestrian family, his father was unknown and he would have been unequal to the office if he had got the imperial power, but safe if he refused it; but to Vitellius, his father\'s three consulships and the censorship in which he had Caesar as colleague had long since given him imperial dignity and had taken away from him the security of a subject. These arguments stirred his sluggish nature to covetousness rather than to hope.,\xa0But in Upper Germany, Caecina, a handsome young man of towering stature and boundless ambition, had won over the support of the soldiers by his clever speech and dignified carriage. This youth Galba had put in command of a legion, for when he was quaestor in Baetica, he had not hesitated to join Galba\'s party. But later, when Galba found that he had embezzled public money, he ordered him to be prosecuted for peculation. Caecina took this hard and decided to embroil everything and conceal his private wounds amid the misfortunes of the state. And there were not lacking seeds of discord in the army, because it had taken part in full force in the war against Vindex and had not gone over to Galba until Nero had been killed, and then had been anticipated in taking the oath of allegiance to Galba by some detachments from Lower Germany. The Treviri, too, and Lingones, as well as other states which Galba had punished with harsh edicts or loss of territory, were closely associated with the legions\' winter quarters, with the result that there were seditious conferences and the soldiers were demoralized by mixing with the civilian inhabitants, and the attachment that they apparently showed Verginius was ready to be given to anyone else.,\xa0The community of the Lingones, according to their ancient custom, had sent clasped right hands, an emblem of friendship, as gifts to the legions. Their envoys, assuming the appearance of poverty and sorrow, complained both at headquarters and in the messes of the common soldiers, now of their wrongs, again of the rewards given to neighbouring communities, and, when the soldiers were ready to lend a listening ear, of the dangers and the insults suffered by the army itself, and so inflamed the temper of the troops. In fact, they were not far from mutiny when Hordeonius Flaccus ordered the envoys to leave and told them to go out of camp by night that their departure might be less noticeable. From this arose a disturbing report, for many maintained that the envoys had been killed; and it was urged that if the soldiers did not take thought for themselves, the most energetic among them and those who complained of present conditions would be put to death under the cover of darkness without the knowledge of their fellows. Thereupon the legions bound themselves by a secret oath; the auxiliary soldiers joined them. These had been at first suspected of planning to attack the legions, because their infantry and cavalry had surrounded the camp; but presently they showed themselves more zealous in the same cause; for the wicked conspire more readily to make war than to preserve harmony in time of peace.,\xa0Yet the legions of Lower Germany had taken the usual oath of allegiance to Galba on the first of January, although there was great hesitation and only a\xa0few in the front ranks repeated it, while the rest silently waited, each on the courage of his neighbour, it being human nature to follow eagerly a course that one hesitates to begin. But there was a diversity of sentiment in the legions themselves. The First and Fifth were so mutinous that some stoned Galba\'s images. The Fifteenth and Sixteenth legions, while daring to do nothing worse than murmur and threaten, were seeking some opening for an outbreak. In the Upper army, however, the Fourth and Twenty-second legions, who were wintering in the same camp, on the very first of January tore down the images of Galba, the Fourth legion with greater readiness, the Twenty-second with hesitation at first, but presently in full accord; and they called in their oath on the now forgotten names of the senate and Roman people that they might not seem to give up reverence for the empire. No one of the legates or tribunes made any effort in Galba\'s behalf; some, as is usual in an uproar, were conspicuous in causing trouble. Yet no one addressed the soldiers in formal speech or from the tribunal, for there was no one as yet to whom claim for such service could be made.,\xa0Hordeonius Flaccus, the consular legate, was a spectator of this disgraceful scene. He did not dare to check those who were in a fury or to restrain the doubtful or even to exhort the loyal, but he was slow to act, timid, and innocent only because of his sloth. Four centurions of the Twenty-second legion, Nonius Receptus, Donatius Valens, Romilius Marcellus, Calpurnius Repentinus, were swept away by the onrush of the soldiers when they tried to protect Galba\'s images, and were thrown into chains. No man had any loyalty or thought for his former oath, but as happens in mutinies all joined the majority. On the night which followed January first, an eagle-bearer of the Fourth legion came to Cologne and reported to Vitellius at table that the Fourth and Twenty-second legions had thrown down Galba\'s statues and taken the oath of allegiance to the senate and the Roman people. Such an oath seemed idle; they decided to seize fortune while in the balance and to offer an emperor to the soldiery. Vitellius sent men to the legions and legates to announce that the Upper army had mutinied against Galba: therefore they must either fight against the mutineers or, if they preferred harmony and peace, must take an emperor. There was less danger, he added, in accepting an emperor than in looking for one.,\xa0The winter quarters of the First legion were nearest, and the most energetic of the commanders was Fabius Valens. The next day he entered Cologne with the horsemen of the legion and the auxiliary troops and saluted Vitellius as emperor. The legions of the same province showed the greatest rivalry in following this example; and the Upper army, abandoning the specious names of the senate and the Roman people, came over to Vitellius on the third of January, so that it was easy to realize that during the two preceding days it had never been faithful to the state. The citizens of Cologne, the Treviri, the Lingones, showed the same enthusiasm as the army. Individuals offered their personal services, horses, arms, or money, according to the physical strength, wealth, or talent that each possessed. Not only the chief men of the colonies and camps who had present wealth in abundance and great hopes should they secure a victory, but also whole companies and common soldiers, prompted by excitement and enthusiasm and also by greed, contributed their own spending money, or in place of money their belts and bosses, and the decorations of their armour adorned with silver.,\xa0Therefore Vitellius praised the eager spirit of the soldiers and then distributed the imperial offices which had been usually held by freedmen among Roman knights; he also paid the fees for furloughs to the centurions out of his own purse. He frequently gave his approval to the savagery of the soldiers who demanded that many be given up to punishment; in some rare instances he evaded it by throwing the accused into chains. Pompeius Propinquus, imperial agent in Belgian Gaul, was immediately put to death; Julius Burdo, commander of the German fleet, he saved by a clever ruse. The army\'s anger had blazed out against Burdo, because he had invented a charge against Fonteius Capito, and later had plotted against him. The soldiers remembered Capito with gratitude, and while Vitellius might kill openly before the angry mob, he could not pardon except by deceit. And so Burdo was kept under guard and released only after the victory of Vitellius, when the hatred of the soldiers for him was now appeased. In the meantime the centurion Crispinus was offered as a scapegoat. Capito\'s blood was on his hands, and that made him the more obvious victim of the soldiers\' demands and the cheaper sacrifice in the eyes of the executioner.,\xa0Next Julius Civilis was saved from danger. He had great influence with the Batavians so that Vitellius did not wish to alienate this savage people by punishing him. Moreover there were in the country of the Lingones eight cohorts of Batavians, auxiliaries belonging to the Fourteenth legion, who at that time, owing to the discord of the moment, had withdrawn from the legion; and, whichever way they inclined, these eight cohorts would have great weight as allies or opponents. The centurions Nonius, Donatius, Romilius, and Calpurnius, of whom we have spoken above, he ordered to be executed, for they had been pronounced guilty of loyalty â\x80\x94 the worst of charges among rebels. He also now gained the adherence of Valerius Asiaticus, governor of the Belgic province, whom he later made his son-inâ\x80\x91law; likewise of Junius Blaesus who was in charge of Gallia Lugdunensis, together with the Italic legion and the Taurian squadron of horse who were stationed at Lyons. The forces in Raetia did not delay joining his side at once; nor was there any hesitation even in Britain.,\xa0The governor of Britain was Trebellius Maximus, whose greed and meanness made him despised and hated by his soldiers. Their hostility towards him was increased by Roscius Coelius, the commander of the Twentieth legion, who had long been at odds with him; but now, on the occasion of civil war, the hostility between the two broke out with great violence. Trebellius charged Coelius with stirring up mutiny and destroying discipline; Coelius reproached Trebellius with robbing the legions and leaving them poor, while meantime the discipline of the army was broken down by this shameful quarrel between the commanders; and the trouble reached such a point that Trebellius was openly insulted by the auxiliary soldiers as well as by the legions, and when deserted by the auxiliary foot and horse who joined Coelius, fled to Vitellius. The province remained quiet, although the consular governor had been removed: control was in the hands of the commanders of the legions, who were equal in authority; but Coelius actually had the greater power because of his audacity.,\xa0Now that the army in Britain had joined his standard, Vitellius, who had enormous strength and resources at his command, selected two leaders and two lines of advance for the war. He ordered Fabius Valens to win over the Gallic provinces, or, if they refused his advances, to lay them waste and then break into Italy by the Cottian Alps. Caecina was to descend by the nearer route over the Pennine range. Valens was given picked soldiers from the Lower army together with the eagle of the Fifth legion and auxiliary foot and horse, the whole force numbering about 40,000 armed men. Caecina took from the Upper army 30,000; but his real strength lay in the Twenty-first legion. Both were given in addition German auxiliaries with whom Vitellius completed his own forces also, as he was prepared to follow with his whole strength.,\xa0There was a marked contrast between army and general. The soldiers were eager; they demanded battle, while the Gallic provinces were still timid and the Spanish hesitant. "Neither winter," they declared, "nor the delay caused by a peace which only a coward would make is an obstacle to us. We must invade Italy, seize Rome. In civil strife, where one must act rather than debate, nothing is more safe than haste." Vitellius, however, was sunk in sloth and was already enjoying a foretaste of his imperial fortune by indolent luxury and extravagant dinners; at midday he was tipsy and gorged with food. Still the soldiers in their eagerness and vigour actually performed the duties of a general, so that they inspired the energetic with hope or the indolent with fear, exactly as if the commander-inâ\x80\x91chief were there in person. They were drawn up in line and eager for action; they demanded the signal for the start. Vitellius was at once given the additional name of Germanicus; the appellation Caesar he forbade even after he was victorious. It was a happy augur to the mind of Fabius Valens and the army which he was leading to war that, on the very day they started, an eagle flew gently along before the advancing army apparently to guide their march; and for a long distance such were the exultant cries of the troops, such the undisturbed calm of the bird, that it was welcomed as a certain omen of a great and successful issue.,\xa0The army approached the Treviri with a sense of security which they naturally felt among allies. But at Divodurum, a town of the Mediomatrici, though received with all courtesy, the army was struck with sudden panic; the soldiers hurriedly seized their arms to massacre the innocent citizens, not for booty or from a desire to loot, but prompted by wild fury, the cause of which was uncertain and the remedies therefore more difficult. Finally, however, they were quieted by their general\'s appeals and refrained from completely destroying the community; still about\xa04,000 had been massacred, and such terror spread over the Gallic provinces that later on, as the army advanced, entire communities headed by their magistrates came out to meet it with appeals, women and children prostrating themselves along the roads, while everything else that can appease an enemy\'s wrath was offered to secure peace, although there was no war.,\xa0Fabius Valens heard the news of Galba\'s death and the accession of Otho in the state of the Leuci. The soldiers were neither moved to joy nor stirred by fear; they thought only of war. The Gauls no longer hesitated; though they hated Otho and Vitellius equally, they also feared Vitellius. The next state was that of the Lingones, which was faithful to his party. There the Roman soldiers enjoyed a kindly reception and vied with one another in good behaviour. Yet the joy over this was short-lived, because of the violence of the auxiliary infantry, which, as we said above, had detached themselves from the Fourteenth legion and been incorporated by Fabius Valens in his force. At first a quarrel arose between the Batavians and the legionaries, and then a brawl. Finally, as the soldiers took sides with one or the other, they broke out almost into open battle, and in fact would have done so had not Valens, by the punishment of a\xa0few men, reminded the Batavians of the authority which they had forgotten. It was in vain that the Roman troops tried to find an excuse for war against the Aeduans; when ordered to furnish money and arms, the Aeduans went so far as to provide the army with supplies without cost, and what the Aeduans had done from fear the people of Lyons did from joy. The Italic legion and the Taurian squadron of horse were withdrawn from the city; it was decided, however, to leave the Eighteenth cohort there, for that was their usual winter quarters. Manlius Valens, commander of the Italic legion, enjoyed no honour with Vitellius, though he had done good service to his party. Fabius had defamed him by secret charges of which Manlius knew nothing, but praised him openly that, being off his guard, he might be more easily deceived.,\xa0The old feud between the people of Lyons and Vienne had been inflamed by the last war. They had inflicted many losses on each other and had done this too frequently and savagely for anyone to believe that they were fighting only for Nero or Galba. Galba too had taken advantage of his displeasure to divert the revenues of Lyons into his own treasury; on the other hand he had shown great honour to the people of Vienne. Hence arose rivalry and envy and a bond of hatred between the peoples who were separated only by a single river. Therefore the people of Lyons began to stir up individual soldiers and spur them on to destroy Vienne by reminding them that its inhabitants had besieged their own colony, aided Vindex in his attempts, and had lately enrolled legions for the defence of Galba. More, after they had put forward these pretexts for hating Vienne, they began to point out the large booty to be obtained, no longer exhorting them in secret, but making public appeals. "Advance as avengers," they said; "destroy the home of war in Gaul. At Vienne there is nothing that is not foreign and hostile. We, a Roman colony and a part of your army, have shared your successes and reverses. Do not abandon us to an angry foe, should fortune prove adverse.",\xa0By these and similar appeals, they had brought the soldiers to the point where not even the commanders and leaders of the party thought it possible to check the army\'s hostile fury, when the people of Vienne, well aware of their danger, diverted the soldiers from their purpose by coming out along the line of advance, bearing veils and fillets, and clasping the soldiers\' weapons, knees, and feet. Valens too gave each soldier three hundred sesterces. The age also and the dignity of the colony prevailed; and the words of Fabius, as he urged the soldiers to leave the Viennese in safety and unharmed, received a favourable hearing. Still the people were all deprived of their weapons, and they assisted the soldiers with private means of every sort. Yet report has always consistently said that Valens himself was bribed with a large sum. He had long been poor; now suddenly becoming rich, he hardly concealed his change of fortune. His desires had been increased by long poverty, so that he now put no restraint upon himself, and after a youth of poverty became a prodigal old man. Next he led his army slowly through the lands of the Allobroges and Vocontii, the very length of each day\'s advance and the choice of encampment being sold by the general, who drove shameless bargains to the detriment of the owners of the land and the local magistrates. Indeed he acted so threateningly that he was on the point of applying the torch to Lucus, a town of the Vocontii, until he was soothed by money. Whenever money was not available, he was appeased by sacrifices to his lust. In this way they reached the Alps.,\xa0Caecina gained even more booty and shed more blood. His reckless spirit had been provoked by the Helvetii, a Gallic people once famous for their deeds in arms and for their heroes, later only for the memory of their name. of Galba\'s murder they knew nothing and they refused to recognize the authority of Vitellius. The origin of the war was due to the greed and haste of the Twenty-first legion, which had embezzled the money sent to pay the garrison of a fort once defended by the Helvetians with their own forces and at their own expense. This angered the Helvetians, who intercepted some letters which were being carried in the name of the army in Germany to the legions in Pannonia, and they kept the centurions and certain soldiers in custody. Caecina, eager for war, always moved to punish every fault instantly before there was a chance for repentance: he immediately shifted camp, devastated the fields, and ravaged a place that during the long peace had been built up into the semblance of a town and was much resorted to for its beauty and healthful waters. Messages were sent to the auxiliaries in Raetia, directing them to attack in the rear the Helvetians who were facing the Roman legion.,\xa0The Helvetians were bold before the crisis came, but timid in the face of danger; and although at the beginning of the trouble they had chosen Claudius Severus leader, they had not learned the use of arms, did not keep their ranks, or consult together. Battle against veterans would be destructive to them; a\xa0siege would be dangerous, for their walls had fallen into ruin from lapse of time. On the one side was Caecina with a strong force, on the other the Raetian horse and foot, and the young men of Raetia itself, who were accustomed to arms and trained in warfare. Everywhere were rapine and slaughter. Wandering about between the two armies, the Helvetians threw away their arms and fled for life to Mt.\xa0Vocetius, the majority of them wounded or straggling. A\xa0cohort of Thracian infantry was immediately dispatched against them and dislodged them. Then, pursued by Germans and Raetians through their forests, they were cut down even in their hiding places. Many thousands were massacred, many thousands sold into slavery. After all had been destroyed, when the Roman army was advancing to attack Aventicum, the capital of the tribe, the people of that town sent envoys to offer surrender and this was accepted. Caecina punished Julius Alpinus, one of the leading men, as the promoter of the war: the rest he left to the mercy or the cruelty of Vitellius.,\xa0It is not easy to say whether the envoys of the Helvetians found the general or the soldiers less merciful. The soldiers demanded the destruction of the state, shaking their weapons, and fists in the faces of the envoys. Even Vitellius did not refrain from threatening words, till Claudius Cossus, one of the envoys, assuaged the anger of the soldiers; Cossus was a man of well-known eloquence, but at this time he concealed his skill as an orator under an appropriate trepidation which made him all the more effective. Like all mobs, the common soldiers were given to sudden change and were as ready to show pity as they had been extravagant in cruelty. By floods of tears and persistent prayers for a milder decision, the envoys obtained safety and protection for their state.,\xa0While Caecina delayed a\xa0few days among the Helvetians until he should learn the views of Vitellius, being engaged at the same time in preparations for the passage of the Alps, he received the joyful news from Italy that the Silian detachment of horse that was operating along the\xa0Po had taken the oath of allegiance to Vitellius. This detachment had served under Vitellius when he was proconsul in Africa; later Nero had removed it to send it to Egypt, but it had been recalled because of the war with Vindex and was at this time in Italy. Prompted by the decurions who, being wholly unacquainted with Otho but bound to Vitellius, kept extolling the strength of the approaching legions and the reputation of the army in Germany, the members of the troop came over to the side of Vitellius, and as a kind of gift to the new emperor, they secured for him the strongest of the transpadane towns, Mediolanum, Novaria, Eporedia, and Vercellae. This fact Caecina learned from the inhabitants of these towns, and since a single squadron of horse could not protect the broadest part of Italy, he sent in advance infantry, made up of Gauls, Lusitanians, and Britons, and some German detachments with the squadron of Petra\'s horse, while he himself delayed a little to see whether he should turn aside over the Raetian range to Noricum to oppose the imperial agent Petronius Urbicus, who was regarded as faithful to Otho since he had called out auxiliary troops and broken down the bridges over the stream. But Caecina was afraid that he might lose the infantry and cavalry which he had already dispatched before him, and, at the same time, he realized that there was more glory in securing Italy, and that wherever the decisive struggle took place, the people of Noricum would come with the other prizes of victory. He accordingly led his reserve troops and the heavy armed legions over the Pennine Pass while the Alps were still covered with the winter\'s snow.,\xa0Otho, meanwhile, contrary to everyone\'s expectation made no dull surrender to luxury or ease: he put off his pleasures, concealed his profligacy, and ordered his whole life as befitted the imperial position; with the result that these simulated virtues and the sure return of his vices only inspired still greater dread. Marius Celsus, consul-elect, whom he had saved from the fury of the soldiers by pretending to imprison him, he had called to the Capitol, for he wished to obtain the credit of being merciful by his treatment of a distinguished man whom his party hated. Celsus boldly pleaded guilty of constant loyalty to Galba and went so far as to claim that his example was to Otho\'s advantage. Otho did not act toward him as if he were pardoning a criminal, but to avoid having to fear him as an enemy took steps to be reconciled to him and immediately began to treat him as one of his intimate friends; he later chose him as one of the leaders for the war. But Celsus, on his side, as by a fatal impulse, maintained a loyalty to Otho which was unbroken and ill-starred. His safety, which gave joy to the chief men of the state and which was commented on favourably by the common people, was not unpopular even with the soldiers, who admired the same virtue which roused their anger.,\xa0Equal delight, but for different reasons, was felt when the destruction of Tigellinus was secured. ofonius Tigellinus was of obscure parentage; his youth had been infamous and in his old age he was profligate. Command of the city watch and of the praetorians and other prizes which belong to virtue he had obtained by vices as the quicker course; then, afterwards, he practised cruelty and later greed, offences which belong to maturity. He also corrupted Nero so that he was ready for any wickedness; he dared certain acts without Nero\'s knowledge and finally deserted and betrayed him. So no one was more persistently demanded for punishment from different motives, both by those who hated Nero and by those who regretted him. Under Galba Tigellinus had been protected by the influence of Titus Vinius, who claimed that Tigellinus had saved his daughter. He undoubtedly had saved her, not, however, prompted by mercy (he had killed so many victims!) but to secure a refuge for the future, since the worst of rascals in their distrust of the present and fear of a change always try to secure private gratitude as an off-set to public detestation, having no regard for innocence, but wishing to obtain mutual impunity in wrong-doing. These facts made the people more hostile toward him, and their old hatred was increased by their recent dislike for Titus Vinius. They rushed from every part of the city to the Palatine and the fora, and, pouring into the circus and theatres where the common people have the greatest licence, they broke out into seditious cries, until finally Tigellinus, at the baths of Sinuessa, receiving the message that the hour of his supreme necessity had come, amid the embraces and kisses of his mistresses, shamefully delaying his end, finally cut his throat with a razor, still further defiling a notorious life by a tardy and ignominious death.,\xa0At the same time the people demanded the punishment of Calvia Crispinilla. She was saved from danger, however, through various artifices on the part of the emperor, who brought ill-reputation upon himself by his duplicity. Crispinilla had taught Nero profligacy; then she had crossed to Africa to stir up Clodius Macer to rebellion, and had openly tried to bring famine on the Roman people. Afterwards she secured popularity with the entire city by her marriage with a former consul, and so was unharmed under Galba, Otho, and Vitellius. Still later she became powerful through her wealth and childlessness, which have equal weight both in good and evil times.,\xa0Meantime Otho sent Vitellius many letters, disfigured by unmanly flattery, offering him money and favour and granting him any quiet place he chose wherein to spend his profligate life. Vitellius made similar proposals. At first both wrote in genial tones, resorting to pretence which was at once foolish and unbecoming: later, as if engaged in a common brawl, they each charged the other with debaucheries and low practices, neither of them falsely. Otho, after recalling the delegates that Galba had dispatched, sent them again in the name of the senate to the two armies in Germany, to the Italic legion, and to the troops that were stationed at Lyons. The envoys remained with Vitellius, too readily for men to think they were detained. The praetorians that Otho had sent with the delegation to show it honour were sent back before they could mix with the legions. Fabius Valens also sent letters in the name of the army in Germany to the praetorian and city cohorts, boasting of the strength of his party and offering terms of agreement. He even reproached them for diverting to Otho the imperial power that had been given to Vitellius so long before.,\xa0Thus the praetorians were plied at the same time with promises and threats. They were told that they were unequal to war but would lose nothing in peace; and yet they did not give up their loyalty. Otho sent secret agents to Germany, and Vitellius sent his agents to Rome. Neither accomplished anything, but the agents of Vitellius got off safely, since amid the great multitude they neither knew people nor were themselves known; Otho\'s agents, however, were betrayed by their strange faces, since in the army everyone knew everyone else. Vitellius wrote a letter to Otho\'s brother, Titianus, in which he threatened him and his son with death if his own mother and children were not kept unharmed. As a matter of fact both families were uninjured: under Otho this was probably due to fear; Vitellius, when victor, got the credit for mercy.,\xa0The first message that gave Otho confidence came from Illyricum, to the effect that the legions of Dalmatia and Pannonia and Moesia had sworn allegiance to him. The same news was brought from Spain, whereupon Otho extolled Cluvius Rufus in a proclamation; but immediately afterwards word was brought that Spain had gone over to Vitellius. Not even Aquitania long remained faithful, although it had been made to swear allegiance to Otho by Julius Cordus. Nowhere was there loyalty or affection. Fear and necessity made men shift now to one side, now to the other. The same terror brought the province of Narbonensis over to Vitellius, it being easy to pass to the side of the nearest and the stronger. The distant provinces and all the armed forces across the sea remained on Otho\'s side, not from any enthusiasm for his party, but because the name of the city and the splendour of the senate had great weight; moreover the emperor of whom they first heard preëmpted their regard. The oath of allegiance to Otho was administered to the army in Judea by Vespasian, to the legions in Syria by Mucianus. At the same time Egypt and all the provinces to the East were governed in Otho\'s name. Africa showed the same ready obedience, led by Carthage, without waiting for the authority of Vipstanius Apronianus, the proconsul; Crescens, one of Nero\'s freedmen â\x80\x94 for in evil times even freedmen take part in the government â\x80\x94 had given the commonfolk a feast in honour of the recent accession; and the people hurried on with extravagant zeal the usual demonstrations. The rest of the communities followed Carthage.,\xa0Since the armies and provinces were thus divided, Vitellius for his part needed to fight to gain the imperial fortune; but Otho was performing the duties of an emperor as if in profound peace. Some things he did in accordance with the dignity of the state, but often he acted contrary to its honour in the haste that was prompted by present need. He himself was consul with his brother Titianus until the first of March. The next months were allotted to Verginius as a sop to the army in Germany. With Verginius he associated Pompeius Vopiscus under the pretext of their ancient friendship; but most interpreted the act as an honour shown the people of Vienne. The rest of the consulships for the year remained as Nero and Galba had assigned them: Caelius Sabinus and Flavius Sabinus until July; Arrius Antoninus and Marius Celsus till September; their honours not even Vitellius vetoed when he became victor. But Otho assigned pontificates and augurships as a crowning distinction to old men who had already gone through the list of offices, or solaced young nobles recently returned from exile with priesthoods which their fathers and ancestors had held. Cadius Rufus, Pedius Blaesus, and Saevinus P.\xa0.\xa0.\xa0were restored to senatorial rank, which they had lost under Claudius and Nero on account of charges of bribery made against them; those who pardoned them decided to shift the name so that what had really been greed should seem treason, which was now so odious that it made even good laws null and useless.,\xa0With the same generosity Otho tried to win over the support of communities and provinces. To the colonies of Hispalis and Emerita he sent additional families. To the whole people of the Lingones he gave Roman citizenship and presented the province Baetica with towns in Mauritania. New constitutions were given Cappadocia and Africa, more for display than to the lasting advantage of the provinces. Even while engaged in these acts, which found their excuse in the necessity of the situation and the anxieties that were forced upon him, he did not forget his loves and had the statues of Poppaea replaced by a vote of the senate. It was believed that he also brought up the question of celebrating Nero\'s memory with the hope of winning over the Roman people; and in fact some set up statues of Nero; moreover on certain days the people and soldiers, as if adding thereby to Otho\'s nobility and distinction, acclaimed him as Nero Otho; he himself remained undecided, from fear to forbid or shame to acknowledge the title.,\xa0While all men\'s thoughts were thus absorbed in civil war, there was no interest in foreign affairs. This inspired the Rhoxolani, a people of Sarmatia who had massacred two cohorts the previous winter, to invade Moesia with great hopes. They numbered nine thousand horse, and their restive temper along with their success made them more intent on booty than on fighting. Consequently, when they were straggling and off their guard, the Third legion with some auxiliary troops suddenly attacked them. On the Roman side everything was ready for battle. The Sarmatians were scattered or in their greed for booty had weighted themselves down with heavy burdens, and since the slippery roads deprived them of the advantage of their horses\' speed, they were cut down as if they were in fetters. For it is a strange fact that the whole courage of the Sarmatians is, so to speak, outside themselves. No people is so cowardly when it comes to fighting on foot, but when they attack the foe on horseback, hardly any line can resist them. On this occasion, however, the day was wet and the snow melting: they could not use their pikes or the long swords which they wield with both hands, for their horses fell and they were weighted down by their coats of mail. This armour is the defence of their princes and all the nobility: it is made of scales of iron or hard hide, and though impenetrable to blows, nevertheless it makes it difficult for the wearer to get up when overthrown by the enemy\'s charge; at the same time they were continually sinking deep in the soft and heavy snow. The Roman soldier with his breast-plate moved readily about, attacking the enemy with his javelin, which he threw, or with his lances; when the situation required he used his short sword and cut down the helpless Sarmatians at close quarters, for they do not use the shield for defensive purposes. Finally the few who escaped battle hid themselves in the swamps, where they lost their lives from the cruel winter or the severity of their wounds. When the news of this reached Rome, Marcus Aponius, governor of Moesia, was given a triumphal statue; Fulvius Aurelius, Julianus Tettius, and Numisius Lupus, commanders of the legions, were presented with the decorations of a consul; for Otho was pleased and took the glory to himself, saying that he was lucky in war and had augmented the State through his generals and his armies.,\xa0In the meantime, from a slight beginning which caused no fear, a mutiny arose which almost destroyed the city. Otho had given orders that Seventeenth cohort be brought from the colony of Ostia to Rome. Varius Crispinus, one of the praetorian tribunes, had been charged with equipping these troops. That he might be the freer to carry out his orders, when the camp was quiet, he ordered the armoury to be opened and the wagons belonging to the cohort to be loaded at nightfall. The hour gave rise to suspicion; his motive became the basis of a charge against him; and his attempt to secure quiet resulted in an uproar, while the sight of arms in the hands of drunken men roused a desire to use them. The soldiers began to murmur and charged the tribunes and centurions with treachery, saying that the slaves of the senators were being armed for Otho\'s destruction. A\xa0part of the soldiers were ignorant of the circumstances and heavy with wine; the worst of them wished to make this an opportunity for looting; the great mass, as is usual, were ready for any new movement, and the natural obedience of the better disposed was rendered ineffective by the night. When the tribune attempted to stay the mutiny, they killed him and the strictest of the centurions. Then they seized their arms, drew their swords, and jumping on their horses, hurried to Rome and to the Palace.,\xa0Otho was giving a great banquet to men and women of the nobility. In terror as to whether this was some chance frenzy on the part of the soldiers or some treachery on the part of the emperor, the guests did not know whether it was more dangerous to stay and be caught or to flee and scatter. Now they pretended courage, now they were unmasked by their fears; at the same time they watched Otho\'s face; and as generally happens when men\'s minds are inclined to suspicion, it was just when Otho felt fear that he made others fear him. Yet he was terrified as much by the danger to the senate as to himself; he had sent at once the prefects of the praetorian guard to calm the soldiers\' anger and he told all to leave the banquet quickly. Then in every direction went officers of the state, throwing away their insignia of office and avoiding the attendance of their friends and slaves; old men and women stole in the darkness along different streets, few of them trying to reach their homes, but most of them hurrying to the houses of their friends and the obscurest hiding-place of the humblest dependent each had.,\xa0The excited soldiers were not kept even by the doors of the palace from bursting into the banquet. They demanded to be shown Otho, and they wounded Julius Martialis, the tribune, and Vitellius Saturninus, prefect of the legion, when they opposed their onrush. On every side were arms and threats directed now against the centurions and tribunes, now against the whole senate, for all were in a state of blind panic, and since they could not fix upon any individual as the object of their wrath, they claimed licence to proceed against all. Finally Otho, disregarding the dignity of his imperial position, stood on his couch and barely succeeded in restraining them with appeals and tears. Then they returned to camp neither willingly nor with guiltless hands. The next day private houses were closed as if the city were in the hands of the enemy; few respectable people were seen in the streets; the rabble was downcast. The soldiers turned their eyes to the ground, but were sorrowful rather than repentant. Licinius Proculus and Plotius Firmus, the prefects, addressed their companies, the one mildly, the other severely, each according to his nature. They ended with the statement that five thousand sesterces were to be paid to each soldier. Only then did Otho dare to enter the camp. He was surrounded by tribunes and centurions, who tore away the insignia of their rank and demanded discharge and safety from their dangerous service. The common soldiers perceived the bad impression that their action had made and settled down to obedience, demanding of their own accord that the ringleaders of the mutiny should be punished.,\xa0Otho was in a difficult position owing to the general disturbance and the divergences of sentiment among the soldiers; for the best of them demanded that some check be put on the present licence, while the larger mob delighted in mutinies and in an emperor whose power depended on popular favour, and were easily driven on to civil war by riots and rapine. He realized, however, that a throne gained by crime cannot be maintained by sudden moderation and old-fashioned dignity; but being distressed by the crisis that had befallen the city and the danger of the senate, he finally spoke as follows: "Fellow soldiers, I\xa0have not come to kindle your sentiments into love for me, nor to exhort your hearts to courage, for both these qualities you have in marked abundance; but I\xa0have come to ask you to put some check to your bravery and some limit to your regard for me. The recent disturbances owed their beginning not to any greed or hate, which are the sentiments that drive most armies to revolt, or even to any shirking or fear of danger; it was your excessive loyalty that spurred you to an action more violent than wise. Very often honourable motives have a fatal end, unless men employ judgment. We are proceeding to war. Do the exigencies of events or the rapid changes in the situation allow every report to be heard openly, every plan to be discussed in the presence of all? It is as proper that soldiers should not know certain things as that they should know them. The authority of the leaders and strict discipline are maintained only by holding it wise that in many cases even centurions and tribunes should simply receive orders. For if individuals may inquire the reason for the orders given them, then discipline is at an end and authority also ceases. Suppose in the field you have to take your arms in the dead of night, shall one or two worthless and drunken men â\x80\x94 for I\xa0cannot believe that the recent madness was due to the panic of more than that â\x80\x94 stain their hands in the blood of a centurion or tribune? Shall they burst into the tent of their general?,\xa0"You, it is true, did that for me. But in time of riot, in the darkness and general confusion, an opportunity may also be given for an attack on me. Suppose Vitellius and his satellites should have an opportunity to choose the spirit and sentiment with which they would pray you to be inspired, what will they prefer to mutiny and strife? Will they not wish that soldier should not obey centurion or centurion tribune, so that we may all, foot and horse, in utter confusion rush to ruin? It is rather by obedience, fellow-soldiers, than by questioning the commands of the leaders, that success in war is obtained, and that is the bravest army in time of crisis which has been most orderly before the crisis. Yours be the arms and spirit; leave to me the plan of campaign and the direction of your valour. Few were at fault; two shall pay the penalty: do all the rest of you blot out the memory of that awful night. And I\xa0pray that no army may ever hear such cries against the senate. That is the head of the empire and the glory of all the provinces; good heavens, not even those Germans whom Vitellius at this moment is stirring up against us would dare to call it to punishment. Shall any child of Italy, any true Roman youth, demand the blood and murder of that order through whose splendid glory we outshine the meanness and base birth of the partisans of Vitellius? Vitellius has won over some peoples; he has a certain shadow of an army, but the senate is with us. And so it is that on our side stands the state, on theirs the enemies of the state. Tell me, do you think that this fairest city consists of houses and buildings and heaps of stone? Those dumb and iimate things can perish and readily be replaced. The eternity of our power, the peace of the world, my safety and yours, are secured by the welfare of the senate. This senate, which was established under auspices by the Father and Founder of our city and which has continued in unbroken line from the time of the kings even down to the time of the emperors, let us hand over to posterity even as we received it from our fathers. For as senators spring from your number, so emperors spring from senators.",\xa0Both this speech, well adapted as it was to reprove and quiet the soldiers, and also his moderation (for he had not ordered the punishment of more than two) were gratefully received, and in this way those who could not be checked by force were calmed for the present. But the city was not yet quiet; there was the din of weapons and the face of war, for while the troops did not engage in any general riot, they nevertheless distributed themselves in disguise among the houses and suspiciously kept watch on all whom high birth or wealth or some distinction had made the object of gossip. Most of them believed that soldiers of Vitellius, too, had come to Rome to learn the sentiments of the different parties, so that there was suspicion everywhere, and the intimacy of the home was hardly free from fear. But there was the greatest terror in public, where men changed their spirit and looks according to the message that rumour brought at the moment, that they might not seem to lose heart over doubtful news or show too much joy over favourable report. Moreover, when the senate had assembled in the chamber, it was hard to maintain the proper measure in anything, that silence might not seem sullen or open speech suspicious; while Otho, who had so recently been a subject and had used the same terms, fully understood flattery. So the senators turned and twisted their proposals to mean this or that, many calling Vitellius an enemy and traitor; but the most foreseeing attacked him only with ordinary terms of abuse, although some made the truth the basis of their insults. Still they did this when there was an uproar and many speaking, or else they obscured their own meaning by a riot of words.,\xa0Prodigies which were reported on various authorities also contributed to the general terror. It was said that in the vestibule of the Capitol the reins of the chariot in which Victory stood had fallen from the goddess\'s hands, that a superhuman form had rushed out of Juno\'s chapel, that a statue of the deified Julius on the island of the Tiber had turned from west to east on a bright calm day, that an ox had spoken in Etruria, that animals had given birth to strange young, and that many other things had happened which in barbarous ages used to be noticed even during peace, but which now are only heard of in seasons of terror. Yet the chief anxiety which was connected with both present disaster and future danger was caused by a sudden overflow of the Tiber which, swollen to a great height, broke down the wooden bridge and then was thrown back by the ruins of the bridge which dammed the stream, and overflowed not only the low-lying level parts of the city, but also parts which are normally free from such disasters. Many were swept away in the public streets, a larger number cut off in shops and in their beds. The common people were reduced to famine by lack of employment and failure of supplies. Apartment houses had their foundations undermined by the standing water and then collapsed when the flood withdrew. The moment people\'s minds were relieved of this danger, the very fact that when Otho was planning a military expedition, the Campus Martius and the Flaminian Way, over which he was to advance, were blocked against him was interpreted as a prodigy and an omen of impending disaster rather than as the result of chance or natural causes.,\xa0Otho purified the city and then considered his plan for a campaign. Since the Pennine and Cottian Alps and the other passes into Gaul were closed by the forces of Vitellius, he decided to attack Narbonese Gaul with his fleet, which was strong and loyal, for he had enrolled as a legion those who had survived the massacre at the Mulvian Bridge and who had been kept in prison by Galba\'s cruelty; and so he had given the rest reason to hope for an honourable service hereafter. He added to the fleet the city cohorts and many of the praetorians to be the strength and back-bone of the army and also to advise and control the leaders themselves. At the head of the expedition he placed Antonius Novellus, Suedius Clemens, centurions of the first rank, and Aemilius Pacensis, to whom he had restored the tribunate which Galba had taken away. His freedman Moschus, however, retained command of the fleet, no change being made in his rank, that he might keep watch over the fidelity of men more honourable than himself. As commanders of the foot and horse he named Suetonius Paulinus, Marius Celsus, Annius Gallus, but he trusted most in Licinius Proculus, prefect of the praetorian guard. Indefatigable on home service, inexperienced in war, Proculus, in strict accordance with their individual characters, made the "influence" of Paulinus, the "energy" of Celsus, the "proved ability" of Gallus the bases of his accusations, and thus â\x80\x94 nothing is easier â\x80\x94 by dishonesty and cunning outdid the virtuous and modest.,\xa0About this time Cornelius Dolabella was banished to the colony of Aquinum. He was not kept under close or secret watch, and no charge was made against him; but he had been made prominent by his ancient name and his close relationship to Galba. Many of the magistrates and a large part of the ex-consuls Otho directed to join his expedition, not to share or help in the war but simply as a suite. Among these was Lucius Vitellius, who was treated in the same way as the others and not at all as the brother of an emperor or as an enemy. This action caused anxiety at Rome. No class was free from fear or danger. The leading men of the senate were weak from old age and had grown inactive through a long peace; the nobility was indolent and had forgotten the art of war; the knights were ignorant of military service; the more all tried to hide and conceal their fear, the more evident they made their terror. Yet, on the other hand, there were some who with absurd ostentation brought splendid arms and fine horses; some made extravagant preparations for banquets and provided incentives to their lust as equipment for war. The wise had thought for peace and for the state; the foolish, careless of the future, were puffed up with idle hopes; many who had been distressed by loss of credit during peace were now enthusiastic in this time of disturbance and felt safest in uncertainty.,\xa0But the mob and the mass of the people, whose vast numbers kept them aloof from cares of state, gradually began to feel the evils of war, for all money was now diverted to the use of the soldiers, and the prices of provisions rose. Such things had not affected the common people so much during the revolt of Vindex, because the city at that time was safe and the war was in a province; since it was between the legions and the Gauls, it was regarded as a foreign war. In fact, from the time when the deified Augustus had established the power of the Caesars, the wars of the Roman people had been far from Rome and had caused anxiety or brought honour to a single individual alone; under Tiberius and Gaius only the misfortunes of peace affected the state; the attempt of Scribonianus against Claudius was checked the moment it was known; Nero had been driven from his throne rather by messages and rumours than by arms. But now, legions and fleets and, by an act almost without precedent, the soldiers of the praetorian and city cohorts were led away to action; the East and the West and all the forces that both have behind them formed material for a long war had there been other leaders. There were some who attempted to delay Otho\'s departure by bringing forward the religious consideration that the sacred shields had not yet been restored to their place. Yet he scorned every delay, for delay had proved ruinous to Nero also; and the fact that Caecina had already crossed the Alps spurred him on.,\xa0On the fourteenth of March, after entrusting the interests of state to the senate, he granted to those who had been recalled from exile all that was left from the sales of property confiscated by Nero, so far as the monies had not yet been paid into the Imperial Treasury, â\x80\x94 a\xa0most just donation, and one that was generous in appearance; but it was worthless because the property had been hastily realized on long before. Then he called an assembly, extolled the majesty of Rome, and praised the enthusiasm of the people and senate in his behalf. Against the party of Vitellius he spoke with moderation, blaming the legions for their ignorance rather than boldness, and making no mention of Vitellius. This omission may have been moderation on his part, or the man who wrote his speech may have omitted all insults towards Vitellius, fearing for himself. This is probable, because it was generally believed that Otho employed the ability of Galerius Trachalus in civil matters, as he did that of Suetonius Paulinus and Marius Celsus in planning his military movements, and there were some who recognized the very style of Trachalus, which was well known, because he frequently appeared in court, and which was copious and sonorous in order to fill the ears of the people. The shouts and cries from the mob, according to their recognized fashion of flattering an emperor, were excessive and insincere. Men vied with one another in the expression of their enthusiasm and vows, as if they were applauding the Dictator Caesar or the Emperor Augustus. They did this, not from fear or affection, but from their passionate love of servitude. As happens in households of slaves, each one was spurred on by his private motive, and the honour of the state was held cheap. When Otho set out, he left the good order of the city and the cares of empire in the charge of his brother, Salvius Titianus.' "
3.72
\xa0This was the saddest and most shameful crime that the Roman state had ever suffered since its foundation. Rome had no foreign foe; the gods were ready to be propitious if our characters had allowed; and yet the home of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, founded after due auspices by our ancestors as a pledge of empire, which neither Porsenna, when the city gave itself up to him, nor the Gauls when they captured it, could violate â\x80\x94 this was the shrine that the mad fury of emperors destroyed! The Capitol had indeed been burned before in civil war, but the crime was that of private individuals. Now it was openly besieged, openly burned â\x80\x94 and what were the causes that led to arms? What was the price paid for this great disaster? This temple stood intact so long as we fought for our country. King Tarquinius Priscus had vowed it in the war with the Sabines and had laid its foundations rather to match his hope of future greatness than in accordance with what the fortunes of the Roman people, still moderate, could supply. Later the building was begun by Servius Tullius with the enthusiastic help of Rome's allies, and afterwards carried on by Tarquinius Superbus with the spoils taken from the enemy at the capture of Suessa Pometia. But the glory of completing the work was reserved for liberty: after the expulsion of the kings, Horatius Pulvillus in his second consulship dedicated it; and its magnificence was such that the enormous wealth of the Roman people acquired thereafter adorned rather than increased its splendour. The temple was built again on the same spot when after an interval of four hundred and fifteen years it had been burned in the consulship of Lucius Scipio and Gaius Norbanus. The victorious Sulla undertook the work, but still he did not dedicate it; that was the only thing that his good fortune was refused. Amid all the great works built by the Caesars the name of Lutatius Catulus kept its place down to Vitellius's day. This was the temple that then was burned."' None
50. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.1.8, 1.2.1-1.2.4, 1.3.3, 1.7.3, 2.8.7, 2.10.2, 3.2.5, 3.7.1, 4.2.3, 7.5.1, 9.12.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelia, daughter of Scribonia, mother of the Gracchi • Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi • Cornelius Cossus, Aulus • Cornelius Hispalus • Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, P. • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P., his house • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P., rivalry with Q. Fabius Maximus • Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus, L. • Cornelius Scipio Hispallus, Cn. • Cornelius Sulla Felix, L. • Cornelius Sulla, L. • Cornelius Sulla, L., dreams • Hipsalus (Cn. Cornelius Hipsalus) • Merula, Cornelius • Scipio Africanus Aemilianus, L. Cornelius (minor, cos. II • Scipio Africanus, L. Cornelius (major, cos. II • Scipio Africanus, P. Cornelius • Sulla Felix, L. Cornelius (Dict. r. p. c. • Sulla, L. Cornelius

 Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 586; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 91; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 89, 188; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 105; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 65, 66; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 69, 70, 72, 75, 101, 104, 105, 122; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 180; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 31, 186; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38, 75, 125, 186; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 71, 254; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 208, 350

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1.1.8 No wonder then that the indulgence of the gods was so great in preserving and increasing their empire: for such a scrupulous care seemed to examine the smallest details of religion, so that our city is to be thought never to have had her eyes off from the most exact worship of the gods. And therefore when Marcellus, five times consul, having taken Clastidium, and after that Syracuse, would have in performance of his vows, erected a temple to Honour and Virtue, he was opposed by the college of pontiffs, who denied that one shrine could be rightly dedicated to two gods. For if any prodigy should happen, it would remain doubtful to which deity should be made address: nor was it the custom to sacrifice at once to two deities, unless in some particular cases. Upon which admonition of the pontiffs, Marcellus in two separate temples set up the images of Honour and Virtue; whereby it came to pass, that neither the authority of so great a man was any hindrance to the college, nor the addition of expense any impediment to Marcellus, but that all justice and observation was given to religion.
1.2.1
Numa Pompilius, so that he might oblige his people to the observance of holy things, feigned to have familiarity by night with the goddess Egeria; and that by her direction only, the appropriate worship of the gods which he proposed was instituted. 1.2.2 Scipio, surnamed Africanus, never went about any private or public business, till he had been for some while in the shrine of Capitoline Jupiter; and was therefore thought to have been begot by Jove. 183/9 1.2.3 Lucius Sulla, whenever he resolved to give battle, embracing a little image of Apollo, which was taken out of the temple of Delphi, in the sight of all his soldiers, asked the deity to bring to pass what he had promised. 1.2.4 Q. Sertorius had a tame white hart, which he taught to follow him over all the cragged mountains of Lusitania, by which he feigned himself instructed what to do, or what not.
1.3.3
C. Cornelius Hispallus, a praetor of foreigners, in the time when M. Popilius Laenas and L. Calpurnius were consuls, by edict commanded the Chaldeans to depart out of Italy, who by their false interpretations of the stars cast a profitable mist before the eyes of shallow and foolish characters. The same person banished those who with a counterfeit worship of Jupiter Sabazius sought to corrupt Roman customs.
1.7.3
Remarkable also was that dream, and clear in its outcome, which the two consuls P. Decius Mus and T. Manlius Torquatus dreamed, when they lay encamped not far from the foot of Mount Vesuvius, at the time of the Latin War, which was very fierce and dangerous. For a certain person foretold to both of them, that the Manes and Terra Mater claimed as their due the general of one side, and the whole army of the other side; but whichever general should assail the forces of the enemy, and devote himself as a victim for the good of his army, would obtain the victory. The entrails of the sacrifices confirmed this on the next morning to both consuls, who endeavoured either to expiate the misfortune, if it might be averted, or else resolved to undergo the decision of the gods. Therefore they agreed, that whichever wing should begin to give way, there the commander should with his own life appease the Fates; which while both undauntedly ventured to perform, Decius happened to be the person whom the gods required.
2.8.7
A commander in a civil war, even if he had done great things and very profitable to the commonwealth, was not permitted to have the title of imperator, neither were any supplications or thanksgivings decreed for him, nor was he permitted to triumph either in a chariot or in an ovation. For though such victories were necessary, yet they were full of calamity and sorrow, not obtained with foreign blood, but with the slaughter of their own countrymen. Mournful therefore were the victories of Nasica over Ti. Gracchus, and of Opimius over C. Gracchus. And therefore Catulus having vanquished his colleague Lepidus, with the rabble of all his followers, returned to the city, showing only a moderate joy. Gaius Antonius also, the conqueror of Catiline, brought back his army to their camp with their swords washed clean. Cinna and Marius greedily drank up civil blood, but did not then approach the altars and temples of the Gods. Sulla also, who made the greatest civil wars, and whose success was most cruel and inhumane, though he triumphed in the height of his power, yet as he carried many cities of Greece and Asia, so he showed not one town of Roman citizens.' "
2.10.2
But what wonder that due honour was given to Metellus by his fellow-citizens, which an enemy did not refrain to render to the elder Africanus? For Antiochus, in the war which he made against the Romans, having taken Scipio's son prisoner, not only treated him honourably, but also sent him to his father, laden with royal gifts, though Antiochus had been by then almost driven out of his kingdom by him. But the enraged king rather chose to reverence the majesty of so great a man, than avenge his own misfortune." 3.2.5 Nor ought we to separate the memory of M. Marcellus from these examples, who had so great a courage, that he attacked the king of the Gauls, who was surrounded by a great army near the river Po, with only a few horsemen; forthwith he cut off his head, and despoiled him of his arms, which he dedicated to Jupiter .
3.7.1
When P. and Cn. Scipio with the greatest part of their army were destroyed by the Punic forces, and all the people of that province sided with the Carthaginians, no other of our generals dared to venture thither. Publius Scipio, being then in his twenty-fourth year, proffered himself. This confidence of his afforded both security and victory to the Romans.
4.2.3
A good example of enmity laid aside we find also in the elder Africanus and Ti. Gracchus. For they came to the rites of a sacred table with a boiling hatred towards each other, and from the same table they departed entire friends. For Scipio at the urging of the senate entered into friendship with Gracchus on the Capitol at the feast of Jupiter; but not content with that, he there also espoused his daughter Cornelia to him.
7.5.1
Q. Aelius Tubero, when he was asked to fit out a banqueting hall by Fabius Maximus, who was giving a feast to the people in the name of P. Africanus his uncle, spread Punic couches with goat-skins; and instead of silver dishes, brought forth Samian ware. By which stinginess he so offended all the people, that when he stood for praetor, depending upon L. Paullus his grandfather, and P. Africanus his uncle, he was forced to undergo the shame of a rejection. For though privately they approved thriftiness, yet publicly they were very keen to be lavish. And therefore the city, believing that not just the guests of one banquet, but all her inhabitants had reclined upon goat-skins, avenged the dishonour of the banquet, by the shame of not giving him their votes.
9.12.5
At the same time L. Cornelius Merula, an ex-consul and flamen dialis, so that he might not be an object of scorn to the insolence of the victors, opened his veins in the temple of Jupiter, and so avoided being punished with an ignominious death. The ancient hearth was drenched with the blood of its priest.'' None
51. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Balbus, L. • Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, P. • Scipio Africanus, P. Cornelius

 Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 31, 183, 184, 185, 186; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 350, 362

52. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Sulla Felix, L. • Tacitus, P. Cornelius

 Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 123; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 204

53. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelia, wife of Pompey • Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, P.

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 261; Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 199; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 14; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 261

54. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelia, wife of Pompey

 Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 261; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 261

55. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelia de falsis, lex • Sulla, L. Cornelius

 Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 105; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 439

56. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Gallus, C. Cornelius • senate of Rome, punishes Cornelius Gallus

 Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 139; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 141

57. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Sulla, L. • Tacitus, P. Cornelius

 Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 217; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 135

58. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Atia (mother of Augustus), as imitator of Cornelia • Aurelia (mother of Iulius Caesar), as imitator of Cornelia • Cornelia

 Found in books: Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 203; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 176

59. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Cinna, L. • Cornelius Culleolus, Cn. • Cornelius Sulla, L. • Cornelius Sulla, L., and the Capitol • Cornelius Sulla, L., and the monument of Bocchus • Cornelius Sulla, L., dreams • Cornelius Sulla, L., honoured with equestrian statue • Cornelius Sulla, Lucius

 Found in books: Mowat (2021), Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic, 77; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 151; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 71, 130, 135

60. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Sulla, Lucius, treatment of cities and sanctuaries • Euboia, and Cornelius Sulla, Lucius • Oropos, and Cornelius Sulla, Lucius • Sulla, L. Cornelius

 Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 29; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 207

61. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelia • Cornelius Rufinus, P. • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P., rivalry with Q. Fabius Maximus • Lex Cornelia de Sicariis et Veneficiis • Peter and Cornelius' visions, content • Peter and Cornelius' visions, form • Sulla (Cornelius Sulla Felix) • tomb, of Cornelius Vibrius Saturnius

 Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 213; Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 71; Goldman (2013), Color-Terms in Social and Cultural Context in Ancient Rome, 78; Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 39; Rohland (2022), Carpe Diem: The Poetics of Presence in Greek and Latin Literature, 180; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 38; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 356

62. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelia • Cornelia (mother of the Gracchi), paragon of fecunditas • Cornelia, daughter of Scribonia, mother of the Gracchi • Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi • Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, P. • Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, P., repatriates art works to Sicily • Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus , L. • Cornelius Sulla, L. • Cornelius Tacitus • Cornelius Valerianus • Scipio Africanus, P. Cornelius • Scipio Barbatus, L. Cornelius Cn. f. • Sulla, L. Cornelius

 Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 586; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 91; Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 181, 218; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 54; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 193; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 46, 54, 57, 67, 119, 176, 179, 261; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 355

63. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelia • Cornelius Nepos

 Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 229; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 176

64. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 53.19.1-53.19.5, 53.23.5-53.23.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Gallus, Cornelius • Tacitus (P. Cornelius Tacitus) • Tacitus (P. Cornelius Tacitus), Principate, attitude towards • Tacitus, P. Cornelius • senate of Rome, punishes Cornelius Gallus

 Found in books: Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 139; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 105; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 49, 200; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 71, 100

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53.19.1 \xa0In this way the government was changed at that time for the better and in the interest of greater security; for it was no doubt quite impossible for the people to be saved under a republic. Nevertheless, the events occurring after this time can not be recorded in the same manner as those of previous times. 53.19.2 \xa0Formerly, as we know, all matters were reported to the senate and to the people, even if they happened at a distance; hence all learned of them and many recorded them, and consequently the truth regarding them, no matter to what extent fear or favour, friendship or enmity, coloured the reports of certain writers, was always to a certain extent to be found in the works of the other writers who wrote of the same events and in the public records. 53.19.3 \xa0But after this time most things that happened began to be kept secret and concealed, and even though some things are perchance made public, they are distrusted just because they can not be verified; for it is suspected that everything is said and done with reference to the wishes of the men in power at the time and of their associates. 53.19.4 \xa0As a result, much that never occurs is noised abroad, and much that happens beyond a doubt is unknown, and in the case of nearly every event a version gains currency that is different from the way it really happened. Furthermore, the very magnitude of the empire and the multitude of things that occur render accuracy in regard to them most difficult. 53.19.5 \xa0In Rome, for example, much is going on, and much in the subject territory, while, as regards our enemies, there is something happening all the time, in fact, every day, and concerning these things no one except the participants can easily have correct information, and most people do not even hear of them at all.
53.23.5
\xa0On the other hand, Cornelius Gallus was encouraged to insolence by the honour shown him. Thus, he indulged in a great deal of disrespectful gossip about Augustus and was guilty of many reprehensible actions besides; for he not only set up images of himself practically everywhere in Egypt, but also inscribed upon the pyramids a list of his achievements.' "53.23.6 \xa0For this act he was accused by Valerius Largus, his comrade and intimate, and was disfranchised by Augustus, so that he was prevented from living in the emperor's provinces. After this had happened, many others attacked him and brought numerous indictments against him."' None
65. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 2.11, 3.16, 7.33 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelia • Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi • Cornelius Nepos • Cornelius Priscianus • Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, P., repatriates art works to Sicily

 Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 143, 145; Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 586; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 53; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 476, 510

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2.11 To Arrianus. I know you are always delighted when the senate behaves in a way befitting its rank, for though your love of peace and quiet has caused you to withdraw from Rome, your anxiety that public life should be kept at a high level is as strong as it ever was. So let me tell you what has been going on during the last few days. The proceedings are memorable owing to the commanding position of the person most concerned; they will have a healthy influence because of the sharp lesson that has been administered; and the importance of the case will make them famous for all time. Marius Priscus, on being accused by the people of Africa, whom he had governed as proconsul, declined to defend himself before the senate and asked to have judges assigned to hear the case. * Cornelius Tacitus and myself were instructed to appear for the provincials, and we came to the conclusion that we were bound in honesty to our clients to notify the senate that the charges of inhumanity and cruelty brought against Priscus were too serious to be heard by a panel of judges, inasmuch as he was accused of having received bribes to condemn and even put to death innocent persons. Fronto Catius spoke in reply, and urged that the prosecution should be confined within the law dealing with extortion Well, the witnesses who were summoned came to Rome, viz., Vitellius Honoratus and Flavius Martianus. Honoratus was charged with having bribed Priscus to the tune of three hundred thousand sesterces to exile a Roman knight and put seven of his friends to death; Martianus was accused of having given Priscus seven hundred thousand sesterces to sentence a single Roman knight to still more grievous punishment, for he was beaten with rods, condemned to the mines, and then strangled in prison. Honoratus - luckily for him - escaped the investigation of the senate by dying; Martianus was brought before them when Priscus was not present. Consequently Tuccius Cerealis, a man of consular rank, pleaded senatorial privileges and demanded that Priscus should be informed of the attendance of Martianus, either because he thought that Priscus by being present would have a better chance of awakening the compassion of the senate or to increase the feeling against him, or possibly, and I think this was his real motive, because strict justice demanded that both should defend themselves against a charge that affected them both, and that both should be punished if they could not rebut the accusation. The subject was postponed to the next meeting of the senate, and a very august assembly it was. The Emperor presided in his capacity as consul; besides, the month of January brings crowds of people to Rome and especially senators, † and moreover the importance of the case, the great notoriety it had obtained, which had been increased by the delays that had taken place, and the ingrained curiosity of all men to get to know all the details of an unusually important matter, had made everybody flock to Rome from all quarters. You can imagine how nervous and anxious we were in having to speak in such a gathering and in the presence of the Emperor on such an important case. It was not the first time that I had pleaded in the senate, and there is nowhere where I get a more sympathetic hearing, but then the novelty of the whole position seemed to afflict me with a feeling of nervousness I had never felt before. For in addition to all that I have mentioned above I kept thinking of the difficulties of the case and was oppressed by the feeling that Priscus, the defendant, had once held consular rank and been one of the seven regulators of the sacred feasts, and was now deprived of both these dignities. † So I found it a very trying task to accuse a man on whom sentence had already been passed, for though the shocking offences with which he was charged weighed heavily against him, he yet was protected to a certain extent by the commiseration felt for a man already condemned to punishment that one might have thought final. However, as soon as I had pulled myself together and collected my thoughts, I began my address, and though I was nervous I was on the best of terms with my audience. I spoke for nearly five hours, for, in addition to the twelve water-clocks - the largest I could get - which had been assigned to me, I obtained four others. And, as matters turned out, everything that I thought before speaking would have proved an obstacle in the way of a good speech really helped me during my address. As for the Emperor, he showed me such kind attention and consideration - for it would be too much to call it anxiety on my behalf - that he frequently nodded to my freedman, who was standing just behind me, to give me a hint not to overtax my voice and lungs, when he thought that I was throwing myself too ardently into my pleading and imposing too great a burden on my slender frame. Claudius Marcellinus answered me on behalf of Martianus, and then the senate was dismissed and met again on the following day. For there was no time to begin a fresh speech, as it would have had to be broken off by the fall of night. On the following day, Salvius Liberalis, a man of shrewd wit, careful in the arrangement of his speeches, with a pointed style and a fund of learning, spoke for Marius, and in his speech he certainly brought out all he knew. Cornelius Tacitus replied to him in a wonderfully eloquent address, characterised by that lofty dignity which is the chief charm of his oratory. Then Fronto Catius made another excellent speech on Marius's behalf, and he spent more time in appeals for mercy than in rebutting evidence, as befitted the part of the case that he had then to deal with. The fall of night terminated his speech but did not break it off altogether, and so the proceedings lasted over into the third day. This was quite fine and just like it used to be for the senate to be interrupted by nightfall, and for the members to be called and sit for three days running. Cornutus Tertullus, the consul-designate, a man of high character and a devoted champion of justice, gave as his opinion that the seven hundred thousand sesterces which Marius had received should be confiscated to the Treasury, that Marius should be banished from Rome and Italy, and that Martianus should be banished from Rome, Italy, and Africa. Towards the conclusion of his speech he added the remark that the senate considered that, since Tacitus and myself, who had been summoned to plead for the provincials, had fulfilled our duties with diligence and fearlessness, we had acted in a manner worthy of the commission entrusted to us. The consuls-designate agreed, and all the consulars did likewise, until it was Pompeius Collega's turn to speak. He proposed that the seven hundred thousand sesterces received by Marius should be confiscated to the Treasury, that Martianus should be banished ‡ for five years, and that Marius should suffer no further penalty than that for extortion - which had already been passed upon him. Opinion was largely divided, and there was possibly a majority in favour of the latter proposal, which was the more lenient or less severe of the two, for even some of those who appeared to have supported Cornutus changed sides and were ready to vote for Collega, who had spoken after them. But when the House divided, those who stood near the seats of the consuls began to cross over to the side of Cornutus. Then those who were allowing themselves to be counted as supporters of Collega also crossed over, and Collega was left with a mere handful. He complained bitterly afterwards of those who had led him to make the proposal he did, especially of Regulus, who had failed to support him in the proposal that he himself had suggested. But Regulus is a fickle fellow, rash to a degree, yet a great coward as well. Such was the close of this most important investigation; but there is still another bit of public business on hand of some consequence, for Hostilius Firminus, the legate of Marius Priscus, who was implicated in the matter, had received a very rough handling. It was proved by the accounts of Martianus and a speech he made in the Council of the Town of Leptis that he had engaged with Priscus in a very shady transaction, that he had bargained to receive from Martianus 50,000 denarii and had received in addition ten million sesterces under the head of perfume money - a most disgraceful thing for a soldier, but one which was not at all inconsistent with his character as a man with well-trimmed hair and polished skin. It was agreed on the motion of Cornutus that the case should be investigated at the next meeting of the senate, but at that meeting he did not put in an appearance, either from some accidental reason or because he knew he was guilty. Well, I have told you the news of Rome, you must write and tell me the news of the country. How are your shrubs getting on, your vines and your crops, and those dainty sheep of yours? In short, unless you send me as long a letter I am sending you, you mustn't expect anything more than the scrappiest note from me in the future. Farewell. " 3.16 To Calvisius. I don\'t think I ever spent a more delightful time than during my recent visit at Spurinna\'s house; indeed, I enjoyed myself so much that, if it is my fortune to grow old, there is no one whom I should prefer to take as my model in old age, as there is nothing more methodical than that time of life. Personally, I like to see men map out their lives with the regularity of the fixed courses of the stars, and especially old men. For while one is young a little disorder and rush, so to speak, is not unbecoming; but for old folks, whose days of exertion are past and in whom personal ambition is disgraceful, a placid and well-ordered life is highly suitable. That is the principle upon which Spurinna acts most religiously; even trifles, or what would be trifles were they not of daily occurrence, he goes through in fixed order and, as it were, orbit. In the morning he keeps his couch; at the second hour he calls for his shoes and walks three miles, exercising mind as well as body. If he has friends with him the time is passed in conversation on the noblest of themes, otherwise a book is read aloud, and sometimes this is done even when his friends are present, but never in such a way as to bore them. Then he sits down, and there is more reading aloud or more talk for preference; afterwards he enters his carriage, taking with him either his wife, who is a model lady, or one of his friends, a distinction I recently enjoyed. How delightful, how charming that privacy is! What glimpses of old times one gets! What noble deeds and noble men he tells you of! What lessons you drink in! Yet at the same time it is his custom so to blend his learning with modesty that he never seems to be playing the schoolmaster. After riding seven miles he walks another mile, then he again resumes his seat or betakes himself to his room and his pen. For he composes, both in Latin and Greek, the most scholarly lyrics. They have a wonderful grace, wonderful sweetness, and wonderful humour, and the chastity of the writer enhances its charm. When he is told that the bathing hour has come - which is the ninth hour in winter and the eighth in summer - he takes a walk naked in the sun, if there is no wind. Then he plays at ball for a long spell, throwing himself heartily into the game, for it is by means of this kind of active exercise that he battles with old age. After his bath he lies down and waits a little while before taking food, listening in the meantime to the reading of some light and pleasant book. All this time his friends are at perfect liberty to imitate his example or do anything else they prefer. Then dinner is served, the table being as bright as it is modest, and the silver plain and old-fashioned; he also has some Corinthian vases in use, for which he has a taste though not a mania. The dinner is often relieved by actors of comedy, * so that the pleasures of the table may have a seasoning of letters. Even in the summer the meal lasts well into the night, but no one finds it long, for it is kept up with such good humour and charm. The consequence is that, though he has passed his seventy-seventh year, his hearing and eyesight are as good as ever, his body is still active and alert, and the only symptom of his age is his wisdom. This is the sort of life that I have vowed and determined to follow, and I shall enter upon it with zest as soon as my age justifies me in beating a retreat. Meanwhile, I am distracted with a thousand things to attend to, and my only solace therein is the example of Spurinna again, for he undertook official duties, held magistracies, and governed provinces as long as it became him to do so, and earned his present leisure by abundant toil. That is why I set myself the same race to run and the same goal to attain, and I now register the vow and place it in your hands, so that, if ever you see me being carried beyond the mark, you may bring me to book, quote this letter of mine against me and order me to take my ease, so soon as I shall have made it impossible for people to charge me with laziness. Farewell. ,To Maximus. I think I am justified in asking you to grant to one of my friends a favour which I should certainly have offered to friends of yours, had I the same opportunity for conferring them as you have. Arrianus Maturus is the leading man in Altinum; and when I say that, I mean not that he is the richest man there - though he possesses considerable property - but I refer to his character, to his chastity, justice, weight, and wisdom. I turn to him in business for advice, and for criticism in literary matters, for he is wonderfully loyal, straightforward, and shrewd. He has the same regard for me as you have, and I cannot conceive a more ardent affection than that. He is by no means an ambitious man, and for that reason, though he might easily have attained the highest rank in the state, he has been content to remain in the equestrian order. Yet I feel that I must do something to add to his honours and give him some token of my regard. And so I am very anxious to heap some dignity upon him, though he does not expect it, knows nothing about it, and perhaps even would rather I did not - but it must be a real distinction and one that involves no troublesome responsibilities. So I ask you to confer upon him such a favour at your earliest opportunity, and I shall be profoundly obliged to you. And he will be also, for though he does not run after honours, he welcomes them as thankfully as if his heart were set upon them. Farewell. ,To Corellia Hispulla. I know not whether I regarded your father, who was a man of consummate judgment and rectitude of life, with greater love or reverence, and as I have a very special regard for you for his sake and also for your own, I feel bound to desire and even to do all that lies in my power to help your son to turn out like his grandfather. * For choice, I should prefer him to be like his grandfather on his mother\'s side, though his paternal grandfather was also a man of distinction and eminence, and his father and his uncle won conspicuous laurels. I feel sure that the only way to secure his growing up to be like them in all their good qualities is for him to drink deeply of the honourable arts, and the choice of a teacher from whom he may learn them is a matter of the highest importance. So far, his tender years have naturally kept him close by your side; he has had tutors at home, where there is little or no chance of his going wrong. But now his studies must take him out of doors, and we must look out for a Latin rhetorician with a good reputation for school discipline, for modesty, and above all, for good morals. For our young friend has been endowed, in addition to his other gifts of nature and fortune, with striking physical beauty, and at his slippery age we must find him not only a teacher but a guardian who will keep him straight. Well, I fancy I can recommend to you Julius Genitor. I have a regard for him, and my affection, which was based on judgment, does not blind my judgment of him. He is without faults, a man of real character, perhaps a little over-rugged and austere for this libertine age. You can learn from others what an accomplished speaker he is, for ability to speak is an open gift and is recognised at once when the power is displayed, but a man\'s private life is full of deep recesses and obscure mazes. For the latter in Genitor\'s case you may hold me as guarantor. From a man like him your son will hear nothing but what will be to his profit; he will learn nothing of which he had better have remained in ignorance, and Genitor will remind him, as often as you or I would, of the special obligations in his case of "noblesse oblige" and the dignity of the names he has to worthily uphold. So bid him God-speed and entrust him to a tutor who will teach him morals first and eloquence afterwards, for it is but a poor thing to learn the latter without the former. Farewell. ,To Macrinus. Although my course of action was approved in general estimation and by the friends who were with me at the time, I am anxious to know what you think of it. I should have liked to have had your opinion before finally deciding, so now that the matter is over I am exceedingly keen to hear your judgment. I had run down to my Tuscan estate to lay the foundations of a public building at my own expense, * after obtaining leave of absence as Praefect of the Treasury, when a deputation from the province of Baetica, who were about to lodge complaints against the governorship of Caecilius Classicus, petitioned the senate to appoint me to conduct their case for them. My colleagues, who are the best of fellows and devoted to my interests, pleaded the engagements and duties of the office we hold, and tried to get me off and make excuses for me. The senate passed a handsome resolution, saying that I should be allowed to champion the cause of the provincials if they succeeded in persuading me to take up the brief. Then the deputation was again introduced, when I was in my place in the senate, and asked for my assistance, appealing to my loyalty, of which they had previous experience in the action against Massa Baebius, ** and adducing their legal right to an advocate {patronus}. The senate responded to the appeal with the loud applause which usually precedes a decree of that body. Then I rose and said ,To Baebius Macer. I was delighted to find that you are so zealous a student of my uncle\'s books that you would like to possess copies of them all, and that you ask me to give you a complete list of them. I will play the part of an index for you, and tell you, moreover, the order in which they were written, for this is a point that students are interested to know. Throwing the Javelin from Horseback, one volume; this was composed, with considerable ingenuity and research, when he was on active service as a cavalry lieutet {praefectus alae}. The Life of Pomponius Secundus, two volumes; - Pomponius was remarkably attached to my uncle, who, so to speak, composed this book to his friend\'s memory in payment of his debt of gratitude. The German Wars, twenty volumes; - this comprises an account of all the wars we have waged with the German races. He commenced it, while on service in Germany, in obedience to the warning of a dream, for, while he was asleep, the shade of Drusus Nero, who had won sweeping victories in that country and died there, appeared to him and kept on entrusting his fame to my uncle, beseeching him to rescue his name from ill-deserved oblivion. The Student, three volumes, afterwards split up into six on account of their length; - in this he showed the proper training and equipment of an orator from his cradle up. Ambiguity in Language, in eight volumes, was written in the last years of Nero\'s reign when tyranny had made it dangerous to write any book, no matter the subject, in anything like a free and candid style. A Continuation of the History of Aufidius Bassus, in thirty-one books. Natural History, in thirty-seven books; - a comprehensive and learned work, covering as wide a field as Nature herself. Does it surprise you that a busy man found time to finish so many volumes, many of which deal with such minute details? You will wonder the more when I tell you that he for many years pleaded in the law courts, that he died in his fifty-seventh year, and that in the interval his time was taken up and his studies were hindered by the important offices he held and the duties arising out of his friendship with the Emperors. But he possessed a keen intellect; he had a marvellous capacity for work, and his powers of application were enormous. He used to begin to study at night on the Festival of Vulcan, * not for luck but from his love of study, long before dawn; in winter he would commence at the seventh hour or at the eighth at the very latest, and often at the sixth. He could sleep at call, and it would come upon him and leave him in the middle of his work. Before daybreak he would go to Vespasian - for he too was a night-worker - and then set about his official duties. On his return home he would again give to study any time that he had free. often in summer after taking a meal, which with him, as in the old days, was always a simple and light one, he would lie in the sun if he had any time to spare, and a book would be read aloud, from which he would take notes and extracts. For he never read without taking extracts, and used to say that there never was a book so bad that it was not good in some passage or another. After his sun bath he usually bathed in cold water, then he took a snack and a brief nap, and subsequently, as though another day had begun, he would study till dinner-time. After dinner a book would be read aloud, and he would take notes in a cursory way. I remember that one of his friends, when the reader pronounced a word wrongly, checked him and made him read it again, and my uncle said to him, "Did you not catch the meaning?" When his friend said "yes," he remarked, "Why then did you make him turn back? We have lost more than ten lines through your interruption." So jealous was he of every moment lost. In summer he used to rise from the dinner-table while it was still light; in winter always before the first hour had passed, as though there was a law obliging him to do so. Such was his method of living when up to the eyes in work and amid the bustle of Rome. When he was in the country the only time snatched from his work was when he took his bath, and when I say bath I refer to the actual bathing, for while he was being scraped with the strigil or rubbed down, he used to listen to a reader or dictate. When he was travelling he cut himself aloof from every other thought and gave himself up to study alone. At his side he kept a shorthand writer with a book and tablets, who wore mittens on his hands in winter, so that not even the sharpness of the weather should rob him of a moment, and for the same reason, when in Rome, he used to be carried in a litter. I remember that once he rebuked me for walking, saying, "If you were a student, you could not waste your hours like that," for he considered that all time was wasted which was not devoted to study. Such was the application which enabled him to compile all those volumes I have enumerated, and he left me one hundred and sixty commonplace books, written on both sides of the scrolls, and in a very small handwriting, which really makes the number of the volumes considerably more. He used to say that when he was procurator in Spain he could have sold these commonplace books to Largius Licinus for four hundred thousand sesterces, and at that time they were much fewer in number. Do you not feel when you think of his voluminous writing and reading that he cannot have had any public duties to attend to, and that he cannot have been an intimate friend of the Emperors? Again, when you hear what an amount of work he put into his studies, does it not seem that he neither wrote nor read as much as he might? For his other duties might surely have prevented him from studying altogether, and a man with his application might have accomplished even more than he did. So I often smile when some of my friends call me a book-worm, for if I compare myself with him I am but a shocking idler. Yet am I quite as bad as that, considering the way I am distracted by my public and private duties? Who is there of all those who devote their whole life to literature, who, if compared with him, would not blush for himself as a sleepy-head and a lazy fellow? I have let my pen run on, though I had intended simply to answer your question and give you a list of my uncle\'s works; but I trust that even my letter may give you as much pleasure as his books, and that it will spur you on not only to read them, but also to compose something worthy to be compared with them. Farewell. ,To Annius Severus, Out of a legacy which I have come in for I have just bought a Corinthian bronze, small it is true, but a charming and sharply-cut piece of work, so far as I have any knowledge of art, and that, as in everything else perhaps, is very slight. But as for the statue in question even I can appreciate its merits. For it is a nude, and neither conceals its faults, if there are any, nor hides at all its strong points. It represents an old man in a standing posture; the bones, muscles, nerves, veins, and even the wrinkles appear quite life-like; the hair is thin and scanty on the forehead; the brow is broad; the face wizened; the neck thin; the shoulders are bowed; the breast is flat, and the belly hollow. The back too gives the same impression of age, as far as a back view can. The bronze itself, judging by the genuine colour, is old and of great antiquity. In fact, in every respect it is a work calculated to catch the eye of a connoisseur and to delight the eye of an amateur, and this is what tempted me to purchase it, although I am the merest novice. But I bought it not to keep it at home - for as yet I have no Corinthian art work in my house - but that I might put it up in my native country in some frequented place, and I specially had in mind the Temple of Jupiter. For the statue seems to me to be worthy of the temple, and the gift to be worthy of the god. So I hope that you will show me your usual kindness when I give you a commission, and that you will undertake the following for me. Will you order a pedestal to be made, of any marble you like, to be inscribed with my name and titles, if you think the latter ought to be mentioned? I will send you the statue as soon as I can find anyone who is not overburdened with luggage, or I will bring myself along with it, as I dare say you would prefer me to do. For, if only my duties allow me, I am intending to run down thither. You are glad that I promise to come, but you will frown when I add that I can only stay a few days. For the business which hitherto has kept me from getting away will not allow of my being absent any longer. Farewell. ,To Caninius Rufus. News has just come that Silius Italicus * has starved himself to death at his villa near Neapolis. Ill-health was the cause assigned. He had an incurable tumour, which made him weary of life and resolved him to face death with a determination that nothing could shake, yet to his last day he was prosperous and happy, save that he lost the younger of his two children. The elder and the better of the two still survives him in prosperous circumstances and of consular rank. During Nero\'s reign Silius had injured his reputation, for it was thought that he voluntarily informed against people, but he had conducted himself with prudence and courtesy as one of the friends of Vitellius; he had returned from his governorship of Asia covered with glory, and he had succeeded in obliterating the stains on his character, caused by his activity in his young days, by the admirable use he made of his retirement. He ranked among the leading men of the State, though he held no official position and excited no man\'s envy. People paid their respects to him and courted his society, and, though he spent much of his time on his couch, his room was always full of company who were no mere chance callers, and he passed his days in learned and scholarly conversation, when he was not busy composing. He wrote verses which show abundant pains rather than genius, and sometimes he submitted them to general criticism by having them read in public. At last he retired from the city, prompted thereto by his great age, and settled in Campania, nor did he stir from the spot, even at the accession of the new Emperor. A Caesar deserves great credit for allowing a subject such liberty, and Italicus deserves the same for venturing to avail himself of it. ** He was such a keen virtuoso † that he got the reputation of always itching to buy new things. He owned a number of villas in the same neighbourhood, and used to neglect his old ones through his passion for his recent purchases. In each he had any quantity of books, statues and busts, which he not only kept by him but even treated with a sort of veneration, especially the busts of Virgil, whose birthday he kept up far more scrupulously than he did his own, principally at Naples, where he used to approach the poet\'s monument as though it were a temple. In these peaceful surroundings he completed his seventy-fifth year, his health being delicate rather than weak, and just as he was the last consul appointed by Nero, so too in him died the sole survivor of all the consuls appointed by that Emperor. It is also a curious fact that, besides his being the last of Nero\'s consuls, it was in his term of office that Nero perished. When I think of this, I feel a sort of compassion for the frailty of humanity. For what is so circumscribed and so short as even the longest human life? Does it not seem to you as if Nero were alive only the other day? Yet of all those who held the consulship during his reign not one survives at the present moment. But, after all, what is there remarkable in that? Not so long ago Lucius Piso, the father of the Piso who was most shamefully put to death in Africa by Valerius Festus, used to say that he did not see a single soul in the senate of all those whom he had called upon to speak during his consulship. Within such narrow limits are the powers of living of even the mightiest throng confined †† that it seems to me the royal tears are not only excusable but even praiseworthy. For the story goes that when Xerxes cast his eyes over his enormous host, he wept to think of the fate that in such brief space would lay so many thousands low. But that is all the more reason why we should apply all the fleeting, rushing moments at our disposal, if not to great achievements - for these may be destined for other hands than ours - at least to study, and why, as long life is denied us, we should leave behind us some memorial that we have lived. I know that you need no spurring on, yet the affection I have for you prompts me even to spur a willing horse, just as you do with me. Well, it is a noble contention when friends exhort one another to work and sharpen one another\'s desires to win an immortal name. Farewell. ,To Suetonius Tranquillus. It is just like your usual respectful regard for me that you beg me so earnestly to transfer the tribuneship, * which I obtained for you from that noble man ** Neratius Marcellus, to your relative Caesennius Silvanus. I should have been delighted to see you as tribune, but I shall be equally pleased to see another take the post through your generosity, for I do not think it would be becoming in me to grudge a man whom you desire to advance in dignity the fame of family affection, which is a greater distinction than any honorific titles. Besides, as it is a splendid thing both to deserve benefits and to confer them, I see that you will at one and the same time receive credit for both, now that you bestow on another what your own merits have won. Moreover, I quite understand that I too shall come in for some glory when it is known through your generous deed that friends of mine can not only fill the office of tribune, but can bestow it on others. For these reasons I bow to the wishes which do you the greatest credit. No name has yet been placed on the lists, and so we can quite well substitute that of Silvanus for yours. I hope that he will show himself as grateful to you as you have to me. Farewell. 0 ,To Cornelius Minicianus. I can now give you a full account of the enormous trouble entailed upon me in the public trial brought by the Province of Baetica. It was a complicated suit, and new issues kept constantly cropping up. Why this variety, and why these different pleadings? you well ask. Well, Caecilius Classicus - a low rascal who carries his villainy in his face - had during his proconsulship in Baetica, in the same year that Marius Priscus was Governor of Africa, behaved both with violence and rapacity. Now, Priscus came from Baetica and Classicus from Africa, and so there was a rather good saying among the people of Baetica, for even resentment often inspires wit I was acting for the Province, assisted by Lucceius Albinus, an eloquent and ornate speaker, and though we have long been on terms of the closest regard for one another, our association in this suit has made me feel vastly more attached to him. As a rule, and especially in oratorical efforts, people do not run well in double harness in their striving for glory, but he and I were not in any sense rivals and there was no jealousy between us, as we both did our level best, not for our own hand, but for the common cause, which was of such a serious character and of such public importance that it seemed to demand from us that we should not over-elaborate each single pleading. We were afraid that time would fail us, and that our voices and lungs would break down if we tied up together so many charges and so many defendants into one bundle. Again, we feared that the attention of the judges would not only be wearied by the introduction of so many names and charges, but that they would be confused thereby, that the sum-total of the influence of each one of the accused might procure for each the strength of all, and finally we were afraid lest the most influential of the accused should make a scapegoat of the meanest among them, and so slip out of the hands of justice at the expense of someone else - for favour and personal interest are strongest when they can skulk behind some pretence of severity. Moreover, we were advised by the well-known story of Sertorius, who set two soldiers - one young and powerful, and the other old and weak - to pull off the tail of a horse. You know how it finishes. And so we too thought that we could get the better of even such a long array of defendants, provided we took them one by one. Our plan was first to prove the guilt of Classicus himself; then it was a natural transition to his intimates and tools, because the latter could never be condemned unless Classicus were guilty. Consequently, we took two of them and closely connected them with Classicus, Baebius Probus and Fabius Hispanus, both men of some influence, while Hispanus possesses a strong gift of eloquence. To prove the guilt of Classicus was an easy and simple task that did not take us long. He had left in his own handwriting a document showing what profits he had made out of each transaction and case, and he had even despatched a letter couched in a boasting and impudent strain to one of his mistresses containing the words, "Hurrah! hurrah! I am coming back to you with my hands free; * for I have already sold the interests of the Baetici to the tune of four million sesterces." But we had to sweat to get a conviction against Hispanus and Probus. Before I dealt with the charges against them, I thought it necessary to establish the legal point that the execution of an unjust sentence is an indictable offence, for if I had not done this it would have been useless for me to prove that they had been the henchmen of Classicus. Moreover, their line of defence was not a denial. They pleaded that they could not help themselves and therefore were to be pardoned, arguing that they were mere provincials and were frightened into doing anything that a proconsul bade them do. Claudius Restitutus, who replied to me, a practised and watchful speaker who is equal to any emergency however suddenly sprung up upon him, is now going about saying that he never was so dumbfounded and thrown off his balance as when he discovered that the ground on which he placed full reliance for his defence had been cut from under him and stolen away from him. Well, the outcome of our line of attack was as follows In the third action, we thought our best course was to lump the defendants together, fearing lest, if the trial were to be spun out to undue length, those who were hearing the case would grow sick and tired of it, and their zeal for strict justice and severity would abate. Besides, the accused persons, who had been designedly kept over till then, were all of comparatively little importance, except the wife of Classicus, and, although suspicion against her was strong, the proofs seemed rather weak. As for the daughter of Classicus, who was also among the defendants, she had cleared herself even of suspicion. Consequently, when I reached her name in the last trial - for there was no fear then as there had been at the beginning that such an admission would weaken the force of the prosecution - I thought the most honourable course was to refrain from pressing the charge against an innocent person, and I frankly said so, repeating the idea in various forms. For example, I asked the deputation of the Baetici whether they had given me definite instructions on any point which they felt confident they could prove against her; I turned to the senators and inquired whether they thought I ought to employ what eloquence I might possess against an innocent person, and hold, as it were, the knife to her throat; and, finally, I concluded the subject with these words Well, the conclusion of this trial, with its crowd of defendants, was that a certain few were acquitted, but the majority were condemned and banished, some for a fixed term of years, and others for life. In the same decree the senate expressed in most handsome terms its appreciation of our industry, loyalty, and perseverance, and this was the only possible worthy and adequate reward for the trouble we had taken. You can imagine how worn out we were, when you think how often we had to plead, and answer the pleadings of our opponents, and how many witnesses we had to cross-question, encourage, and refute. Besides, you know how trying and vexatious it is to say "no" to the friends of the accused when they come pleading with you in private, and to stoutly oppose them when they confront you in open court. I will tell you one of the things I said. When one of those who were acting as judges interrupted me on behalf of one of the accused in whom he took a special interest, I replied I have brought you up to date as well as I could. You will say, "It was not worthwhile, for what have I to do with such a long letter?" If you do, don\'t ask again what is going on at Rome, and bear in mind that you cannot call a letter long which covers so many days, so many trials, and so many defendants and pleadings. I think I have dealt with all these subjects as briefly as I am sure they are exactly dealt with. But no, I was rash to say "exactly"; I remember a point which I had omitted, and I will tell you about it even now, though it is out of its proper place. Homer does this, and many other authors have followed his example - with very good effect too - though that is not my reason for so doing. One of the witnesses, annoyed at being summoned to appear, or bribed by some one of the defendants in order to weaken the prosecution, laid an accusation against Norbanus Licinianus, a member of the deputation, who had been instructed to get up the case, and charged him with having acted in collusion with the other side in relation to Casta, the wife of Classicus. It is a legal rule in such instances that the trial of the accused must be finished before inquiry is made into a charge of collusion, on the ground that one can best form an opinion on the sincerity of the prosecution by noticing how the case has been carried through. However, Norbanus reaped no advantage from this point of law, nor did his position as member of the deputation, nor his duties as one of those getting up the action stand him in good stead. A storm of prejudice broke out against him, and there is no denying that his hands were crime-stained, that he, like many others, had taken advantage of the evil times of Domitian, and that he had been selected by the provincials to get up the case, not as a man of probity and honour, but because he had been a personal enemy of Classicus, by whom, indeed, he had been banished. He demanded that a day should be fixed for his trial, and that the charge against him should be published; both were refused, and he was obliged to answer on the spot. He did so, and though the thorough badness and depravity of the fellow make me hesitate to say whether he showed more impudence or resolution, he certainly replied with great readiness. There were sundry things brought against him which did him much greater damage than the charge of collusion, and two men of consular rank, Pomponius Rufus and Libo Frugi, severely damaged him by giving evidence to the effect that during the reign of Domitian he had assisted the prosecution of Salvius Liberalis before the judge. He was convicted and banished to an island. Consequently, when I was accusing Casta, I especially pressed the point that her accuser had been found guilty of collusion. But I did so in vain, and we had the novel and inconsistent result that the accused was acquitted though her accuser was found guilty of collusion with her. You may ask what we were about while this was going on. We told the senate that we had received all our instructions for this public trial from Norbanus, and that the case ought to be tried afresh if he were proved guilty of collusion, and so, while his trial was proceeding, we sat still. Subsequently Norbanus was present every day the trial lasted, and showed right up to the end the same resolute or impudent front. I wonder if I have forgotten anything else. Well, I almost did. On the last day Salvius Liberalis bitterly assailed the rest of the deputation on the ground that they had not brought accusations against all whom they were commissioned to accuse by the province. He is a powerful and able speaker, and he put them
7.33
To Tacitus. I venture to prophesy - and I know my prognostics are right - that your histories will be immortal, and that, I frankly confess, makes me the more anxious to figure in them. For if it is quite an ordinary thing for us to take care to secure the best painter to paint our portrait, ought we not also to be desirous of getting an author and historian of your calibre to describe our deeds ? That is why though it could hardly escape your careful eye, as it is to be found in the public records - I bring the following incident before your notice, and I do so in order to assure you how pleased I shall be, if you will lend your powers of description and the weight of your testimony to setting forth the way I behaved on an occasion when I reaped credit, owing to the dangers to which I exposed myself. The senate had appointed me to act with Herennius Senecio on behalf of the province of Baetica in the prosecution of Baebius Massa, * and, when Massa had been sentenced, it decreed that his property should be placed under public custody. Senecio came to me, after finding out that the consuls would be at liberty to hear petitions, and said My conduct on this occasion, whatever its worth may have been, will be made even more famous, more distinguished, and more noble if you describe it, although I do not ask of you to go beyond the strict letter of what actually occurred. For history ought never to transgress against truth, and an honourable action wants nothing more than to be faithfully recorded. Farewell. %%% '" None
66. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelia (daughter of Scribonia) • Cornelia (mother of the Gracchi), exemplum of maternal loss • Cornelia Cossa • Cornelius Lentulus Gaetulicus, Cn. • Cornelius Lentulus, P. • Cornelius Merula • Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, P. • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P. • Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus, L. • Cornelius Scipio Nasica Corculum, P. • Cornelius Scipio, L. • Cornelius Sulla Felix, L. • Cornelius Sulla Felix, L., dictator • Fronto (M. Cornelius Fronto) • Scipio Africanus, L. Cornelius (major, cos. II • Sulla, L. Cornelius • Tacitus, P. Cornelius

 Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 272, 273; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 66, 67; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 87, 140; Mueller (2002), Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 70; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 44; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 105; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 307; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 12, 143; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 411; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 208

67. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Tacitus, historian • P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica • P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica Serapio

 Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 105; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 220

68. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Nepos • Fronto (M. Cornelius Fronto) • Fronto (M. Cornelius Fronto), Principia Historiae • Tacitus (P. Cornelius Tacitus) • Tacitus (P. Cornelius Tacitus), Annals • Tacitus (P. Cornelius Tacitus), Histories • Tacitus (P. Cornelius Tacitus), historical approach of

 Found in books: Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 47; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 26, 49

69. None, None, nan (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Culleolus, Cn. • Cornelius Sulla, L., and the Capitol • Cornelius Sulla, Lucius

 Found in books: Mowat (2021), Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic, 77; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 135

70. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, P. • Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus, L. • Sulla, L. Cornelius

 Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 105; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 208

71. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelia de falsis, lex • Cornelia de sicariis et venenciis, lex • Cornelius Lentulus, Cossus • Cornelius Lupus • Cornelius Sulla, Faustus • Lex Cornelia de Sicariis et Veneficiis

 Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 50, 71, 139, 161, 162; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 439, 440, 441, 455, 456

72. None, None, nan (7th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Celsus, Cornelius • lex Cornelia de sicariis

 Found in books: Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 194; O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 285

73. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Lentulus (Marcellinus),(Gnaeus) • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P., forbids images to himself • Cornelius Scipio Africanus, P., image in Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus • Cornelius Valerianus • Scipio Aemilianus, P. Cornelius (Africanus the younger) • Sulla, L. Cornelius • Sulla, L. Cornelius, retirement from public life

 Found in books: Galinsky (2016), Memory in Ancient Rome and Early Christianity, 173, 216; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 147; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 57, 292

74. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Balbus, L. • Tacitus, P. Cornelius • lex Cornelia de XX quaestoribus

 Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 32; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 31

75. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Balbus, L. • lex Cornelia de XX quaestoribus

 Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 32; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 31

76. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Cornelius Fronto, writer, orator, and tutor of Marcus Aurelius • Cornelius Tacitus, historian • Lex, Cornelia

 Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Law in the Roman Provinces, 250; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 366

77. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Tacitus (P. [?] Cornelius Tacitus), fecunditas of Agrippina the Elder • Tacitus (P. [?] Cornelius Tacitus), on Nero’s divorce of Octavia • Tacitus, P. Cornelius

 Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 202, 205; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 198




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