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23 results for "conversion"

1. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 9.20 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, attitude towards •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, in jewish antiquities Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 200

2. Hebrew Bible, Joshua, 2.9-2.11 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, attitude towards •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, in jewish antiquities Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 200

2.9. וַתֹּאמֶר אֶל־הָאֲנָשִׁים יָדַעְתִּי כִּי־נָתַן יְהוָה לָכֶם אֶת־הָאָרֶץ וְכִי־נָפְלָה אֵימַתְכֶם עָלֵינוּ וְכִי נָמֹגוּ כָּל־יֹשְׁבֵי הָאָרֶץ מִפְּנֵיכֶם׃ 2.11. וַנִּשְׁמַע וַיִּמַּס לְבָבֵנוּ וְלֹא־קָמָה עוֹד רוּחַ בְּאִישׁ מִפְּנֵיכֶם כִּי יְהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם הוּא אֱלֹהִים בַּשָּׁמַיִם מִמַּעַל וְעַל־הָאָרֶץ מִתָּחַת׃

2.9. and she said unto the men: ‘I know that the LORD hath given you the land, and that your terror is fallen upon us, and that all the inhabitants of the land melt away before you. 2.10. For we have heard how the LORD dried up the water of the Red Sea before you, when ye came out of Egypt; and what ye did unto the two kings of the Amorites, that were beyond the Jordan, unto Sihon and to Og, whom ye utterly destroyed. 2.11. And as soon as we had heard it, our hearts did melt, neither did there remain any more spirit in any man, because of you; for the LORD your God, He is God in heaven above, and on earth beneath.

3. Hebrew Bible, 1 Kings, 8.41-8.43 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, attitude towards •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, in jewish antiquities Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 200

8.41. וְגַם אֶל־הַנָּכְרִי אֲשֶׁר לֹא־מֵעַמְּךָ יִשְׂרָאֵל הוּא וּבָא מֵאֶרֶץ רְחוֹקָה לְמַעַן שְׁמֶךָ׃ 8.42. כִּי יִשְׁמְעוּן אֶת־שִׁמְךָ הַגָּדוֹל וְאֶת־יָדְךָ הַחֲזָקָה וּזְרֹעֲךָ הַנְּטוּיָה וּבָא וְהִתְפַּלֵּל אֶל־הַבַּיִת הַזֶּה׃ 8.43. אַתָּה תִּשְׁמַע הַשָּׁמַיִם מְכוֹן שִׁבְתֶּךָ וְעָשִׂיתָ כְּכֹל אֲשֶׁר־יִקְרָא אֵלֶיךָ הַנָּכְרִי לְמַעַן יֵדְעוּן כָּל־עַמֵּי הָאָרֶץ אֶת־שְׁמֶךָ לְיִרְאָה אֹתְךָ כְּעַמְּךָ יִשְׂרָאֵל וְלָדַעַת כִּי־שִׁמְךָ נִקְרָא עַל־הַבַּיִת הַזֶּה אֲשֶׁר בָּנִיתִי׃

8.41. Moreover concerning the stranger that is not of Thy people Israel, when he shall come out of a far country for Thy name’s sake— 8.42. for they shall hear of Thy great name, and of Thy mighty hand, and of Thine outstretched arm—when he shall come and pray toward this house; 8.43. hear Thou in heaven Thy dwelling-place, and do according to all that the stranger calleth to Thee for; that all the peoples of the earth may know Thy name, to fear Thee, as doth Thy people Israel, and that they may know that Thy name is called upon this house which I have built.

4. Septuagint, Esther, 8.17 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, distinction •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, in jewish antiquities •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, in jewish war Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 196, 198

5. Septuagint, Judith, 14.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 0th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, distinction Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 189

14.10. And when Achior saw all that the God of Israel had done, he believed firmly in God, and was circumcised, and joined the house of Israel, remaining so to this day.

6. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 2.17-2.24 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, in against apion Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 204

2.17. But this is not so entirely wonderful, although it may fairly by itself be considered a thing of great intrinsic importance, that his laws were kept securely and immutably from all time; but this is more wonderful by far, as it seems, that not only the Jews, but that also almost every other nation, and especially those who make the greatest account of virtue, have dedicated themselves to embrace and honour them, for they have received this especial honour above all other codes of laws, which is not given to any other code. 2.18. And a proof of this is to be found in the fact that of all the cities in Greece and in the territory of the barbarians, if one may so say, speaking generally, there is not one single city which pays any respect to the laws of another state. In fact, a city scarcely adheres to its own laws with any constancy for ever, but continually modifies them, and adapts them to the changes of times and circumstances. 2.19. The Athenians rejected the customs and laws of the Lacedaemonians, and so did the Lacedaemonians repudiate the laws of the Athenians. Nor, again, in the countries of the barbarians do the Egyptians keep the laws of the Scythians, nor do the Scythians keep the laws of the Egyptians; nor, in short, do those who live in Asia attend to the laws which obtain in Europe, nor do the inhabitants of Europe respect the laws of the Asiatic nations. And, in short, it is very nearly an universal rule, from the rising of the sun to its extreme west, that every country, and nation, and city, is alienated from the laws and customs of foreign nations and states, and that they think that they are adding to the estimation in which they hold their own laws by despising those in use among other nations. 2.20. But this is not the case with our laws which Moses has given to us; for they lead after them and influence all nations, barbarians, and Greeks, the inhabitants of continents and islands, the eastern nations and the western, Europe and Asia; in short, the whole habitable world from one extremity to the other. 2.21. For what man is there who does not honour that sacred seventh day, granting in consequence a relief and relaxation from labour, for himself and for all those who are near to him, and that not to free men only, but also to slaves, and even to beasts of burden; 2.22. for the holiday extends even to every description of animal, and to every beast whatever which performs service to man, like slaves obeying their natural master, and it affects even every species of plant and tree; for there is no shoot, and no branch, and no leaf even which it is allowed to cut or to pluck on that day, nor any fruit which it is lawful to gather; but everything is at liberty and in safety on that day, and enjoys, as it were, perfect freedom, no one ever touching them, in obedience to a universal proclamation. 2.23. Again, who is there who does not pay all due respect and honour to that which is called "the fast," and especially to that great yearly one which is of a more austere and venerable character than the ordinary solemnity at the full moon? on which, indeed, much pure wine is drunk, and costly entertainments are provided, and everything which relates to eating and drinking is supplied in the most unlimited profusion, by which the insatiable pleasures of the belly are inflamed and increased. 2.24. But on this fast it is not lawful to take any food or any drink, in order that no bodily passion may at all disturb or hinder the pure operations of the mind; but these passions are wont to be generated by fulness and satiety, so that at this time men feast, propitiating the Father of the universe with holy prayers, by which they are accustomed to solicit pardon for their former sins, and the acquisition and enjoyment of new blessings.

7. Philo of Alexandria, On The Virtues, 103, 102 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 189

102. Moreover, after the lawgiver has established commandments respecting one's fellow countrymen, he proceeds to show that he looks upon strangers also as worthy of having their interests attended to by his laws, since they have forsaken their natural relations by blood, and their native land and their national customs, and the sacred temples of their gods, and the worship and honour which they had been wont to pay to them, and have migrated with a holy migration, changing their abode of fabulous inventions for that of the certainty and clearness of truth, and of the worship of the one true and living God.

8. Strabo, Geography, 16.2.34 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, attitude towards •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, in jewish antiquities Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 201

16.2.34. The western extremities of Judaea towards Casius are occupied by Idumaeans, and by the lake [Sirbonis]. The Idumaeans are Nabataeans. When driven from their country by sedition, they passed over to the Jews, and adopted their customs. The greater part of the country along the coast to Jerusalem is occupied by the Lake Sirbonis, and by the tract contiguous to it; for Jerusalem is near the sea, which, as we have said, may be seen from the arsenal of Joppa. These districts (of Jerusalem and Joppa) lie towards the north; they are inhabited generally, and each place in particular, by mixed tribes of Egyptians, Arabians, and Phoenicians. of this description are the inhabitants of Galilee, of the plain of Jericho, and of the territories of Philadelphia and Samaria, surnamed Sebaste by Herod; but although there is such a mixture of inhabitants, the report most credited, [one] among many things believed respecting the temple [and the inhabitants] of Jerusalem, is, that the Egyptians were the ancestors of the present Jews.

9. Tacitus, Histories, 5.5.1-5.5.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 206

10. Plutarch, Cicero, 7.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, in jewish antiquities •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, in jewish war Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 196

7.6. τοῦ δὲ ῥήτορος Ὁρτησίου τὴν μὲν εὐθεῖαν τῷ Βέρρῃ συνειπεῖν μὴ τολμήσαντος, ἐν δὲ τῷ τιμήματι πεισθέντος παραγενέσθαι καὶ λαβόντος ἐλεφαντίνην Σφίγγα μισθόν, εἶπέ τι πλαγίως ὁ Κικέρων πρὸς αὐτόν τοῦ δὲ φήσαντος αἰνιγμάτων λύσεως ἀπείρως ἔχειν, καὶ μὴν ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας ἔφη, οἰκιας, ἔφη, τὴν Graux with M a : οἰκίας τήν . τὴν Σφίγγα ἔχεις.

7.6. Nevertheless, many witty sayings of his in connection with this trial are on record. For instance, "verres" is the Roman word for a castrated porker; when, accordingly, a freedman named Caecilius, who was suspected of Jewish practices, wanted to thrust aside the Sicilian accusers and denounce Verres himself, Cicero said: "What has a Jew to do with a Verres?"

11. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 1.192, 2.305, 3.179, 3.217, 3.318-3.319, 4.114-4.116, 4.127-4.128, 5.318-5.337, 8.116-8.117, 9.208-9.214, 11.87, 11.285, 13.257-13.258, 13.318-13.319, 13.397, 14.110, 15.254-15.255, 16.42-16.43, 16.225, 18.63, 18.81-18.84, 18.140-18.141, 18.340-18.352, 19.355, 20.17-20.96, 20.139, 20.141-20.143, 20.145-20.146, 20.158, 20.195 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 206, 208

1.192. προσέταξέ τε βουλόμενος τὸ ἀπ' αὐτοῦ γένος μένειν τοῖς ἄλλοις οὐ συμφυρόμενον περιτέμνεσθαι τὰ αἰδοῖα καὶ τοῦτο ποιεῖν ὀγδόῃ ἡμέρᾳ μετὰ τὸ γεννηθῆναι. τὴν αἰτίαν δὲ τῆς περιτομῆς ἡμῶν ἐν ἄλλοις δηλώσω. 3.179. Θαυμάσειε δ' ἄν τις τῶν ἀνθρώπων τὴν πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἀπέχθειαν, ἣν ὡς ἐκφαυλιζόντων ἡμῶν τὸ θεῖον ὅπερ αὐτοὶ σέβειν προῄρηνται διατετελέκασιν ἐσχηκότες: 3.217. τοσαύτη γὰρ ἀπήστραπτεν ἀπ' αὐτῶν αὐγὴ μήπω τῆς στρατιᾶς κεκινημένης, ὡς τῷ πλήθει παντὶ γνώριμον εἶναι τὸ παρεῖναι τὸν θεὸν εἰς τὴν ἐπικουρίαν, ὅθεν ̔́Ελληνες οἱ τὰ ἡμέτερα τιμῶντες ἔθη διὰ τὸ μηδὲν ἀντιλέγειν δύνασθαι τούτοις τὸν ἐσσῆνα λόγιον καλοῦσιν. 3.318. καὶ πολλὰ μὲν καὶ ἄλλα τεκμήρια τῆς ὑπὲρ ἄνθρωπόν ἐστι δυνάμεως αὐτοῦ, ἤδη δέ τινες καὶ τῶν ὑπὲρ Εὐφράτην μηνῶν ὁδὸν τεσσάρων ἐλθόντες κατὰ τιμὴν τοῦ παρ' ἡμῖν ἱεροῦ μετὰ πολλῶν κινδύνων καὶ ἀναλωμάτων καὶ θύσαντες οὐκ ἴσχυσαν τῶν ἱερῶν μεταλαβεῖν Μωυσέος ἀπηγορευκότος ἐπί τινι τῶν οὐ νομιζομένων οὐδ' ἐκ τῶν πατρίων ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς συντυχόντων. 3.319. καὶ οἱ μὲν μηδὲ θύσαντες, οἱ δὲ ἡμιέργους τὰς θυσίας καταλιπόντες, πολλοὶ δ' οὐδ' ἀρχὴν εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν δυνηθέντες ἀπίασιν ὑπακούειν τοῖς Μωυσέος προστάγμασι μᾶλλον ἢ ποιεῖν τὰ κατὰ βούλησιν τὴν ἑαυτῶν προτιμῶντες, καὶ τὸν ἐλέγξοντα περὶ τούτων αὐτοὺς οὐ δεδιότες, ἀλλὰ μόνον τὸ συνειδὸς ὑφορώμενοι. 4.114. ὡς τρόπον εἶδε σημαινομένην, “ὁ λεώς, φησίν, οὗτος εὐδαίμων, ᾧ ὁ θεὸς δίδωσι μυρίων κτῆσιν ἀγαθῶν καὶ σύμμαχον εἰς ἅπαντα καὶ ἡγεμόνα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ πρόνοιαν ἐπένευσεν. ὡς οὐδέν ἐστιν ἀνθρώπινον γένος, οὗ μὴ κατ' ἀρετὴν καὶ ζήλωσιν ἐπιτηδευμάτων ἀρίστων καὶ καθαρῶν πονηρίας ὑμεῖς ἀμείνους κριθήσεσθε καὶ παισὶ βελτίοσιν αὐτῶν ταῦτα καταλείψετε, θεοῦ μόνους ὑμᾶς ἀνθρώπους ἐφορῶντος καὶ ὅθεν ἂν γένοισθε πάντων εὐδαιμονέστεροι τῶν ὑπὸ τὸν ἥλιον ἐκπορίζοντος. 4.115. γῆν τε οὖν ἐφ' ἣν ὑμᾶς αὐτὸς ἔστειλε καθέξετε δουλεύσουσαν αἰεὶ παισὶν ὑμετέροις καὶ τοῦ περὶ αὐτῶν κλέους ἐμπλησθήσεται πᾶσα ἡ γῆ καὶ θάλασσα, ἀρκέσετε δὲ τῷ κόσμῳ παρασχεῖν ἑκάστῃ γῇ τῶν ἀφ' ὑμετέρου γένους οἰκήτορας. 4.116. θαυμάζετε οὖν, ὦ μακάριος στρατός, ὅτι τοσοῦτος ἐξ ἑνὸς πατρὸς γεγόνατε. ἀλλὰ τὸν νῦν ὑμῶν ὀλίγον ἡ Χαναναίων χωρήσει γῆ, τὴν δ' οἰκουμένην οἰκητήριον δι' αἰῶνος ἴστε προκειμένην ὑμῖν, καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ὑμῶν ἔν τε νήσοις καὶ κατ' ἤπειρον βιοτεύσετε ὅσον ἐστὶν οὐδ' ἀστέρων ἀριθμὸς ἐν οὐρανῷ. τοσούτοις δὲ οὖσιν οὐκ ἀπαγορεύσει τὸ θεῖον ἀφθονίαν μὲν παντοίων ἀγαθῶν ἐν εἰρήνῃ χορηγοῦν, νίκην δὲ καὶ κράτος ἐν πολέμῳ. 4.127. “Βάλακε, φησί, καὶ Μαδιηνιτῶν οἱ παρόντες, χρὴ γὰρ καὶ παρὰ βούλησιν τοῦ θεοῦ χαρίσασθαι ὑμῖν, τὸ μὲν ̔Εβραίων γένος οὐκ ἂν ὄλεθρος παντελὴς καταλάβοι οὔτ' ἐν πολέμῳ οὔτ' ἐν λοιμῷ καὶ σπάνει τῶν ἀπὸ γῆς καρπῶν, οὔτ' ἄλλη τις αἰτία παράλογος διαφθείρειεν. 4.128. πρόνοια γάρ ἐστιν αὐτῶν τῷ θεῷ σώζειν ἀπὸ παντὸς κακοῦ καὶ μηδὲν ἐπ' αὐτοὺς ἐᾶσαι τοιοῦτον πάθος ἐλθεῖν, ὑφ' οὗ κἂν ἀπόλοιντο πάντες: συμπέσοι δ' αὐτοῖς ὀλίγα τε καὶ πρὸς ὀλίγον, ὑφ' ὧν ταπεινοῦσθαι δοκοῦντες εἶτ' ἀνθήσουσιν ἐπὶ φόβῳ τῶν ἐπαγαγόντων αὐτοῖς τὰς βλάβας. 5.318. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Σαμψῶνος τελευτὴν προέστη τῶν ̓Ισραηλιτῶν ̓Ηλὶς ὁ ἀρχιερεύς. ἐπὶ τούτου λιμῷ τῆς χώρας κακοπαθούσης αὐτῶν ̓Αβιμέλεχος ἐκ Βηθλέμων, ἔστι δὲ ἡ πόλις αὕτη τῆς ̓Ιούδα φυλῆς, ἀντέχειν τῷ δεινῷ μὴ δυνάμενος τήν τε γυναῖκα Νααμεὶν καὶ τοὺς παῖδας τοὺς ἐξ αὐτῆς αὐτῷ γεγενημένους Χελλιῶνα καὶ Μαλαῶνα ἐπαγόμενος εἰς τὴν Μωαβῖτιν μετοικίζεται. 5.319. καὶ προχωρούντων αὐτῷ κατὰ νοῦν τῶν πραγμάτων ἄγεται τοῖς υἱοῖς γυναῖκας Μωαβίτιδας Χελλιῶνι μὲν ̓Ορφᾶν ̔Ρούθην δὲ Μαλαῶνι. διελθόντων δὲ δέκα ἐτῶν ὅ τε ̓Αβιμέλεχος καὶ μετ' αὐτὸν οἱ παῖδες δι' ὀλίγου τελευτῶσι, 5.321. καὶ γὰρ ἤδη καλῶς τὰ κατ' αὐτὴν ἐπυνθάνετο χωρεῖν. οὐκ ἐκαρτέρουν δὲ διαζευγνύμεναι αὐτῆς αἱ νύμφαι, οὐδὲ παραιτουμένη βουλομένας συνεξορμᾶν πείθειν ἐδύνατο, ἀλλ' ἐγκειμένων εὐξαμένη γάμον εὐτυχέστερον αὐταῖς οὗ διημαρτήκεσαν παισὶ τοῖς αὐτῆς γαμηθεῖσαι καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀγαθῶν κτῆσιν, ὅτε τὰ πρὸς αὐτὴν οὕτως ἐστί, 5.322. μένειν αὐτόθι παρεκάλει καὶ μὴ συμμεταλαμβάνειν αὐτῇ βούλεσθαι πραγμάτων ἀδήλων τὴν πάτριον γῆν καταλιπούσας. ἡ μὲν οὖν ̓Ορφᾶ μένει, τὴν δὲ ̔Ρούθην μὴ πεισθεῖσαν ἀπήγαγε κοινωνὸν παντὸς τοῦ προστυχόντος γενησομένην. 5.323. ̓Ελθοῦσαν δὲ ̔Ρούθην μετὰ τῆς πενθερᾶς εἰς τὴν Βηθλεέμων Βοώζης ̓Αβιμελέχου συγγενὴς ὢν δέχεται ξενίᾳ. καὶ ἡ Ναάμις, προσαγορευόντων αὐτὴν ὀνομαστί, δικαιότερον εἶπε Μαρὰν καλεῖτέ με: σημαίνει δὲ καθ' ̔Εβραίων γλῶτταν ναάμις μὲν εὐτυχίαν, μαρὰ δὲ ὀδύνην. 5.324. ἀμήτου δὲ γενομένου ἐξῄει καλαμησομένη κατὰ συγχώρησιν τῆς πενθερᾶς ἡ ̔Ρούθη, ὅπως τροφῆς εὐποροῖεν, καὶ εἰς τὸ Βοώζου τυχαίως ἀφικνεῖται χωρίον. παραγενόμενος δὲ Βόαζος μετ' ὀλίγον καὶ θεασάμενος τὴν κόρην ἀνέκρινε τὸν ἀγροκόμον περὶ τῆς παιδός. ὁ δὲ μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν παρ' αὐτῆς ἅπαντα προπεπυσμένος ἐδήλου τῷ δεσπότῃ. 5.325. ὁ δὲ τῆς περὶ τὴν πενθερὰν εὐνοίας ἅμα καὶ μνήμης τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτῆς ᾧ συνῴκησεν ἀσπασάμενος καὶ εὐξάμενος αὐτῇ πεῖραν ἀγαθῶν καλαμᾶσθαι μὲν αὐτὴν οὐκ ἠξίωσεν, θερίζειν δὲ πᾶν ὅ τι καὶ δύναιτο καὶ λαμβάνειν ἐπιτρέπει προστάξας τῷ ἀγροκόμῳ μηδὲν αὐτὴν διακωλύειν λαμβάνειν, ἄριστόν τε παρέχειν αὐτῇ καὶ ποτόν, ὁπότε σιτίζοι τοὺς θερίζοντας. 5.326. ̔Ρούθη δὲ ἄλφιτα λαβοῦσα παρ' αὐτοῦ ἐφύλαξε τῇ ἑκυρᾷ καὶ παρῆν ὀψὲ κομίζουσα μετὰ τῶν σταχύων: ἐτετηρήκει δ' αὐτῇ καὶ ἡ Ναάμις ἀπομοίρας βρωμάτων τινῶν, οἷς αὐτὴν ἐπολυώρουν οἱ γειτονεύοντες: διηγεῖται δὲ αὐτῇ καὶ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Βοάζου πρὸς αὐτὴν εἰρημένα. 5.327. δηλωσάσης δ' ἐκείνης ὡς συγγενής ἐστι καὶ τάχα ἂν δι' εὐσέβειαν προνοήσειεν αὐτῶν, ἐξῄει πάλιν ταῖς ἐχομέναις ἡμέραις ἐπὶ καλάμης συλλογὴν σὺν ταῖς Βοάζου θεραπαινίσιν. 5.328. ̓Ελθών τε μετ' οὐ πολλὰς ἡμέρας καὶ Βόαζος ἤδη τῆς κριθῆς λελικμημένης ἐπὶ τῆς ἅλωος ἐκάθευδε. τοῦτο πυθομένη ἡ Ναάμις τεχνᾶται παρακατακλῖναι τὴν ̔Ρούθην αὐτῷ: καὶ γὰρ ἔσεσθαι χρηστὸν αὐταῖς ὁμιλήσαντα τῇ παιδί: καὶ πέμπει τὴν κόρην ὑπνωσομένην αὐτοῦ παρὰ τοῖς ποσίν. 5.329. ἡ δέ, πρὸς οὐδὲν γὰρ ἀντιλέγειν τῶν ὑπὸ τῆς ἑκυρᾶς κελευομένων ὅσιον ἡγεῖτο, παραγίνεται καὶ παραυτίκα μὲν λανθάνει τὸν Βόαζον βαθέως καθυπνωκότα, περιεγερθεὶς δὲ περὶ μέσην νύκτα καὶ αἰσθόμενος τῆς ἀνθρώπου παρακατακειμένης ἀνέκρινε τίς εἴη. 5.331. “περὶ μέντοι τοῦ παντὸς οὕτω, φησίν, ἔσται, ἐρωτᾶν τὸν ἔγγιστά μου τῷ γένει τυγχάνοντα, εἰ σοῦ χρεία γαμετῆς ἐστιν αὐτῷ, καὶ λέγοντι μὲν ἀκολουθήσεις ἐκείνῳ, παραιτουμένου δὲ νόμῳ σε συνοικήσουσαν ἄξομαι.” 5.332. Ταῦτα τῇ ἑκυρᾷ δηλωσάσης εὐθυμία κατεῖχεν αὐτὰς ἐν ἐλπίδι τοῦ πρόνοιαν ἕξειν αὐτῶν Βόαζον γενομένας. κἀκεῖνος ἤδη μεσούσης τῆς ἡμέρας κατελθὼν εἰς τὴν πόλιν τήν τε γερουσίαν συνῆγε καὶ μεταπεμψάμενος ̔Ρούθην ἐκάλει καὶ τὸν συγγενῆ, καὶ παραγενομένου φησίν: 5.333. “̓Αβιμελέχου καὶ τῶν υἱῶν αὐτοῦ κλήρων κρατεῖς;” ὁμολογήσαντος δὲ συγχωρούντων τῶν νόμων κατὰ ἀγχιστείαν, “οὐκοῦν, φησὶν ὁ Βόαζος, οὐκ ἐξ ἡμισείας δεῖ μεμνῆσθαι τῶν νόμων. ἀλλὰ πάντα ποιεῖν κατ' αὐτούς. Μαάλου γὰρ δεῦρ' ἥκει γύναιον, ὅπερ εἰ θέλεις τῶν ἀγρῶν κρατεῖν γαμεῖν σε δεῖ κατὰ τοὺς νόμους.” 5.334. ὁ δὲ Βοάζῳ καὶ τοῦ κλήρου καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς παρεχώρει συγγενεῖ μὲν ὄντι καὶ αὐτῷ τῶν τετελευτηκότων, εἶναι δὲ καὶ γυναῖκα λέγων αὐτῷ καὶ παῖδας ἤδη. 5.335. μαρτυράμενος οὖν ὁ Βόαζος τὴν γερουσίαν ἐκέλευε τῇ γυναικὶ ὑπολῦσαι αὐτὸν προσελθοῦσαν κατὰ τὸν νόμον καὶ πτύειν εἰς τὸ πρόσωπον. γενομένου δὲ τούτου Βόαζος γαμεῖ τὴν ̔Ρούθην καὶ γίνεται παιδίον αὐτοῖς μετ' ἐνιαυτὸν ἄρρεν. 5.336. τοῦτο ἡ Ναάμις τιτθευομένη κατὰ συμβουλίαν τῶν γυναικῶν ̓Ωβήδην ἐκάλεσεν ἐπὶ γηροκομίᾳ τῇ αὐτῆς τραφησόμενον: ὠβήδης γὰρ κατὰ διάλεκτον τὴν ̔Εβραίων ἀποσημαίνει δουλεύων. ̓Ωβήδου δὲ γίνεται παῖς ̓Ιεσσαῖος, τούτου Δαβίδης ὁ βασιλεύσας καὶ παισὶ τοῖς αὐτοῦ καταλιπὼν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἐπὶ μίαν καὶ εἴκοσι γενεὰς ἀνδρῶν. 5.337. τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ ̔Ρούθην ἀναγκαίως διηγησάμην ἐπιδεῖξαι βουλόμενος τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ δύναμιν, ὅτι τούτῳ παράγειν ἐφικτόν ἐστιν εἰς ἀξίωμα λαμπρὸν καὶ τοὺς ἐπιτυχόντας, εἰς οἷον ἀνήγαγε καὶ Δαβίδην ἐκ τοιούτων γενόμενον. 8.116. ταύτην δὲ οὐχ ̔Εβραίοις μόνον δέομαι παρὰ σοῦ τὴν βοήθειαν εἶναι σφαλεῖσιν, ἀλλὰ κἂν ἀπὸ περάτων τῆς οἰκουμένης τινὲς ἀφίκωνται κἂν ὁποθενδηποτοῦν προστρεπόμενοι καὶ τυχεῖν τινος ἀγαθοῦ λιπαροῦντες, δὸς αὐτοῖς ἐπήκοος γενόμενος. 8.117. οὕτως γὰρ ἂν μάθοιεν πάντες, ὅτι σὺ μὲν αὐτὸς ἐβουλήθης παρ' ἡμῖν κατασκευασθῆναί σοι τὸν οἶκον, ἡμεῖς δ' οὐκ ἀπάνθρωποι τὴν φύσιν ἐσμὲν οὐδ' ἀλλοτρίως πρὸς τοὺς οὐχ ὁμοφύλους ἔχομεν, ἀλλὰ πᾶσι κοινὴν τὴν ἀπὸ σοῦ βοήθειαν καὶ τὴν τῶν ἀγαθῶν ὄνησιν ὑπάρχειν ἠθελήσαμεν.” 9.209. ἐπιγενομένου δὲ χειμῶνος σφοδροτάτου καὶ κινδυνεύοντος καταδῦναι τοῦ σκάφους οἱ μὲν ναῦται καὶ οἱ κυβερνῆται καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ ναύκληρος εὐχὰς ἐποιοῦντο χαριστηρίους, εἰ διαφύγοιεν τὴν θάλασσαν, ὁ δὲ ̓Ιωνᾶς συγκαλύψας αὑτὸν ἐβέβλητο μηδὲν ὧν τοὺς ἄλλους ἑώρα ποιοῦντας μιμούμενος. 9.211. κληρωσαμένων οὖν ὁ προφήτης λαγχάνει πυνθανομένων τε πόθεν τε εἴη καὶ τί μετέρχεται τὸ μὲν γένος ἔλεγεν ̔Εβραῖος εἶναι προφήτης τοῦ μεγίστου θεοῦ: συνεβούλευσεν οὖν αὐτοῖς, εἰ θέλουσιν ἀποδράναι τὸν παρόντα κίνδυνον, ἐκβαλεῖν αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ πέλαγος: αἴτιον γὰρ αὐτοῖς εἶναι τοῦ χειμῶνος. 9.212. οἱ δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οὐκ ἐτόλμων κρίναντες ἀσέβημα ξένον ἄνθρωπον καὶ πεπιστευκότα αὐτοῖς τὸ ζῆν εἰς φανερὰν αὐτοὺς ἀπώλειαν ἐκρῖψαι, τελευταῖον δ' ὑπερβιαζομένου τοῦ κακοῦ καὶ ὅσον οὔπω μέλλοντος βαπτίζεσθαι τοῦ σκάφους, ὑπό τε τοῦ προφήτου παρορμηθέντες αὐτοῦ καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ δέους τοῦ περὶ τῆς αὑτῶν σωτηρίας ῥίπτουσιν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν. 9.214. ἔνθα τοῦ θεοῦ δεηθεὶς συγγνώμην αὐτῷ παρασχεῖν τῶν ἡμαρτημένων ἀπῆλθεν εἰς τὴν Νίνου πόλιν καὶ σταθεὶς εἰς ἐπήκοον ἐκήρυσσεν, ὡς μετ' ὀλίγον πάλιν ἀποβαλοῦσι τὴν ἀρχὴν τῆς ̓Ασίας, καὶ ταῦτα δηλώσας ὑπέστρεψε. διεξῆλθον δὲ τὴν περὶ αὐτοῦ διήγησιν, ὡς εὗρον ἀναγεγραμμένην. 11.87. προσκυνεῖν δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐφιέναι καὶ τοῦτο μόνον εἶναι κοινόν, εἰ βούλονται, πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ἀφικνουμένοις εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν σέβειν τὸν θεόν. 11.285. χαρὰ δὲ καὶ σωτήριον φέγγος ἐκτιθεμένων τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως γραμμάτων καὶ τοὺς κατὰ πόλιν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ τοὺς κατὰ χώραν ἐπεῖχεν, ὡς πολλὰ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν διὰ τὸν ἐκ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων φόβον περιτεμνόμενα τὴν αἰδῶ τὸ ἀκίνδυνον αὐτοῖς ἐκ τούτου πραγματεύσασθαι. 13.257. ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ καὶ τῆς ̓Ιδουμαίας αἱρεῖ πόλεις ̓́Αδωρα καὶ Μάρισαν, καὶ ἅπαντας τοὺς ̓Ιδουμαίους ὑπὸ χεῖρα ποιησάμενος ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτοῖς μένειν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, εἰ περιτέμνοιντο τὰ αἰδοῖα καὶ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίων νόμοις χρήσασθαι θέλοιεν. 13.258. οἱ δὲ πόθῳ τῆς πατρίου γῆς καὶ τὴν περιτομὴν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην τοῦ βίου δίαιταν ὑπέμειναν τὴν αὐτὴν ̓Ιουδαίοις ποιήσασθαι. κἀκείνοις αὐτοῖς χρόνος ὑπῆρχεν ὥστε εἶναι τὸ λοιπὸν ̓Ιουδαίους. 13.318. ταῦτ' εἰπὼν ἐπαποθνήσκει τοῖς λόγοις βασιλεύσας ἐνιαυτόν, χρηματίσας μὲν Φιλέλλην, πολλὰ δ' εὐεργετήσας τὴν πατρίδα, πολεμήσας ̓Ιτουραίους καὶ πολλὴν αὐτῶν τῆς χώρας τῇ ̓Ιουδαίᾳ προσκτησάμενος ἀναγκάσας τε τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας, εἰ βούλονται μένειν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, περιτέμνεσθαι καὶ κατὰ τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίων νόμους ζῆν. 13.319. φύσει δ' ἐπιεικεῖ κέχρητο καὶ σφόδρα ἦν αἰδοῦς ἥττων, ὡς μαρτυρεῖ τούτῳ καὶ Στράβων ἐκ τοῦ Τιμαγένους ὀνόματος λέγων οὕτως: “ἐπιεικής τε ἐγένετο οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ πολλὰ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις χρήσιμος: χώραν τε γὰρ αὐτοῖς προσεκτήσατο καὶ τὸ μέρος τοῦ τῶν ̓Ιτουραίων ἔθνους ᾠκειώσατο δεσμῷ συνάψας τῇ τῶν αἰδοίων περιτομῇ.” 13.397. Μωαβίτιδας ̓Ησεβὼν Μήδαβα Λεμβὰ Ορωναιμαγελεθων Ζόαρα Κιλίκων αὐλῶνα Πέλλαν, ταύτην κατέσκαψεν ὑποσχομένων τῶν ἐνοικούντων ἐς πάτρια τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθη μεταβαλεῖσθαι, ἄλλας τε πόλεις πρωτευούσας τῆς Συρίας ἦσαν κατεστραμμένοι. 15.254. ̔Υρκανοῦ δὲ τὴν πολιτείαν αὐτῶν εἰς τὰ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα μεταστήσαντος ̔Ηρώδης παραλαβὼν τὴν βασιλείαν ἄρχοντα τῆς ̓Ιδουμαίας καὶ Γάζης ἀποδείκνυσιν τὸν Κοστόβαρον καὶ δίδωσιν αὐτῷ τὴν ἀδελφὴν Σαλώμην ̓Ιώσηπον ἀνελὼν τὸν εἰληφότα πρότερον αὐτήν, ὡς ἐδηλώσαμεν. 15.255. Κοστόβαρος δὲ τούτων τυχὼν ἀσμένως καὶ παρὰ δόξαν ἤρθη μᾶλλον ὑπὸ τῆς εὐτυχίας καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν ἐξέβαινεν, οὔθ' αὑτῷ καλὸν ἡγούμενος ἄρχοντος ̔Ηρώδου τὸ προσταττόμενον ποιεῖν οὔτε τοῖς ̓Ιδουμαίοις τὰ ̓Ιουδαίων μεταλαβοῦσιν ὑπ' ἐκείνοις εἶναι. 16.42. τὸ γὰρ θεῖον, εἰ χαίρει τιμώμενον, χαίρει τοῖς ἐπιτρέπουσι τιμᾶν, ἐθῶν τε τῶν ἡμετέρων ἀπάνθρωπον μὲν οὐδέν ἐστιν, εὐσεβῆ δὲ πάντα καὶ τῇ συνήθει δικαιοσύνῃ συγκαθωσιωμένα. 16.43. καὶ οὔτε ἀποκρυπτόμεθα τὰ παραγγέλματα, οἷς χρώμεθα πρὸς τὸν βίον ὑπομνήμασιν τῆς εὐσεβείας καὶ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων ἐπιτηδευμάτων, τήν τε ἑβδόμην τῶν ἡμερῶν ἀνίεμεν τῇ μαθήσει τῶν ἡμετέρων ἐθῶν καὶ νόμου, μελέτην ὥσπερ ἄλλου τινὸς καὶ τούτων ἀξιοῦντες εἶναι δι' ὧν οὐχ ἁμαρτησόμεθα. 16.225. τοῦ δὲ ̔Ηρώδου τὸν λόγον ἀναφέροντος καὶ πυνθανομένου τῆς ἀδελφῆς, εἰ πρὸς τὸν γάμον ἑτοίμως ἔχει, ταχέως μὲν ἐκείνη προσήκατο, Σύλλαιος δὲ ἀξιούντων αὐτὸν ἐγγραφῆναι τοῖς τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθεσι καὶ τότε γαμεῖν, ἄλλως γὰρ οὐκ εἶναι δυνατόν, οὐχ ὑπομείνας, ἀλλὰ καὶ καταλευσθήσεσθαι πρὸς τῶν ̓Αράβων εἰπών, εἰ τοῦτο πράξειεν, ἀπαλλάττεται. 18.63. Γίνεται δὲ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ̓Ιησοῦς σοφὸς ἀνήρ, εἴγε ἄνδρα αὐτὸν λέγειν χρή: ἦν γὰρ παραδόξων ἔργων ποιητής, διδάσκαλος ἀνθρώπων τῶν ἡδονῇ τἀληθῆ δεχομένων, καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν ̓Ιουδαίους, πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ τοῦ ̔Ελληνικοῦ ἐπηγάγετο: ὁ χριστὸς οὗτος ἦν. 18.81. ̓͂Ην ἀνὴρ ̓Ιουδαῖος, φυγὰς μὲν τῆς αὐτοῦ κατηγορίᾳ τε παραβάσεων νόμων τινῶν καὶ δέει τιμωρίας τῆς ἐπ' αὐτοῖς, πονηρὸς δὲ εἰς τὰ πάντα. καὶ δὴ τότε ἐν τῇ ̔Ρώμῃ διαιτώμενος προσεποιεῖτο μὲν ἐξηγεῖσθαι σοφίαν νόμων τῶν Μωυσέως, 18.82. προσποιησάμενος δὲ τρεῖς ἄνδρας εἰς τὰ πάντα ὁμοιοτρόπους τούτοις ἐπιφοιτήσασαν Φουλβίαν τῶν ἐν ἀξιώματι γυναικῶν καὶ νομίμοις προσεληλυθυῖαν τοῖς ̓Ιουδαϊκοῖς πείθουσι πορφύραν καὶ χρυσὸν εἰς τὸ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἱερὸν διαπέμψασθαι, καὶ λαβόντες ἐπὶ χρείας τοῖς ἰδίοις ἀναλώμασιν αὐτὰ ποιοῦνται, ἐφ' ὅπερ καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἡ αἴτησις ἐπράσσετο. 18.83. καὶ ὁ Τιβέριος, ἀποσημαίνει γὰρ πρὸς αὐτὸν φίλος ὢν Σατορνῖνος τῆς Φουλβίας ἀνὴρ ἐπισκήψει τῆς γυναικός, κελεύει πᾶν τὸ ̓Ιουδαϊκὸν τῆς ̔Ρώμης ἀπελθεῖν. 18.84. οἱ δὲ ὕπατοι τετρακισχιλίους ἀνθρώπους ἐξ αὐτῶν στρατολογήσαντες ἔπεμψαν εἰς Σαρδὼ τὴν νῆσον, πλείστους δὲ ἐκόλασαν μὴ θέλοντας στρατεύεσθαι διὰ φυλακὴν τῶν πατρίων νόμων. καὶ οἱ μὲν δὴ διὰ κακίαν τεσσάρων ἀνδρῶν ἠλαύνοντο τῆς πόλεως. 18.141. καὶ τὸ μὲν ̓Αλεξάνδρου γένος εὐθὺς ἅμα τῷ φυῆναι τὴν θεραπείαν ἐξέλιπεν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐπιχωρίων μεταταξάμενοι πρὸς τὰ ̔́Ελλησι πάτρια: ταῖς δὲ λοιπαῖς θυγατράσιν ̔Ηρώδου τοῦ βασιλέως ἀτέκνοις τελευτᾶν συνέπεσεν. 18.342. ταύτης εἴτε ἀκοῇ τῆς εὐπρεπείας ἐκμαθὼν εἴτε καὶ ἄλλως αὐτόπτης γενόμενος ̓Ανιλαῖος ὁ τοῦ ̓Ασιναίου ἀδελφὸς ἐραστής τε ἐγεγόνει καὶ πολέμιος, τὸ μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ μὴ ἄλλως ἐλπίζειν ἐκπράσσεσθαι τὴν σύνοδον τῆς γυναικὸς μὴ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ὡς ἐπ' αὐτῇ κτηθείσῃ παραλαβών, τὸ δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ δυσαντίλεκτον κρίνειν τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν. 18.343. ἅμα τε οὖν πολέμιος ἐπ' αὐτῆς ἀνὴρ κεχειροτόνητο κτείνων κιτιῶν καὶ μάχης ἐπάκτου γενομένης πεσόντος ἀνῃρημένου ἁλοῦσα ἐγεγάμητο τῷ ἐραστῇ. οὐ μὴν δίχα γε μεγάλων δυστυχιῶν ̓Ανιλαίῳ τε ἅμα αὐτῷ καὶ ̓Ασιναίῳ ἡ γυνὴ ἀφίκετο εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ σύν τινι μεγάλῳ κακῷ διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν: 19.355. καθωμολόγηντο δ' ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς πρὸς γάμον ̓Ιουλίῳ μὲν ̓Αρχελάῳ τοῦ Χελκίου παιδὶ Μαριάμμη, Δρούσιλλα δὲ ̓Επιφανεῖ, τοῦ δὲ τῆς Κομμαγηνῆς βασιλέως ̓Αντιόχου υἱὸς ἦν οὗτος. 20.17. Κατὰ τοῦτον δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τῶν ̓Αδιαβηνῶν βασιλὶς ̔Ελένη καὶ ὁ παῖς αὐτῆς ̓Ιζάτης εἰς τὰ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθη τὸν βίον μετέβαλον διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν: 20.17. θέλειν γὰρ ἔφασκεν αὐτοῖς ἐκεῖθεν ἐπιδεῖξαι, ὡς κελεύσαντος αὐτοῦ πίπτοι τὰ τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν τείχη, δι' ὧν καὶ τὴν εἴσοδον αὐτοῖς παρέξειν ἐπηγγέλλετο. 20.18. Μονόβαζος ὁ τῶν ̓Αδιαβηνῶν βασιλεύς, ᾧ καὶ Βαζαῖος ἐπίκλησις ἦν, τῆς ἀδελφῆς ̔Ελένης ἁλοὺς ἔρωτι τῇ πρὸς γάμου κοινωνίᾳ ἄγεται καὶ κατέστησεν ἐγκύμονα. συγκαθεύδων δέ ποτε τῇ γαστρὶ τῆς γυναικὸς τὴν χεῖρα προσαναπαύσας ἡνίκα καθύπνωσεν, φωνῆς τινος ἔδοξεν ὑπακούειν κελευούσης αἴρειν ἀπὸ τῆς νηδύος τὴν χεῖρα καὶ μὴ θλίβειν τὸ ἐν αὐτῇ βρέφος θεοῦ προνοίᾳ καὶ ἀρχῆς τυχὸν καὶ τέλους εὐτυχοῦς τευξόμενον. 20.18. ἐξάπτεται δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσι στάσις πρὸς τοὺς ἱερεῖς καὶ τοὺς πρώτους τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν, ἕκαστός τε αὐτῶν στῖφος ἀνθρώπων τῶν θρασυτάτων καὶ νεωτεριστῶν ἑαυτῷ ποιήσας ἡγεμὼν ἦν, καὶ συρράσσοντες ἐκακολόγουν τε ἀλλήλους καὶ λίθοις ἔβαλλον. ὁ δ' ἐπιπλήξων ἦν οὐδὲ εἷς, ἀλλ' ὡς ἐν ἀπροστατήτῳ πόλει ταῦτ' ἐπράσσετο μετ' ἐξουσίας. 20.19. ταραχθεὶς οὖν ὑπὸ τῆς φωνῆς εὐθὺς διεγερθεὶς ἔφραζε τῇ γυναικὶ ταῦτα, καί γε τὸν υἱὸν ̓Ιζάτην ἐπεκάλεσεν. 20.19. τὸ δὲ βασίλειον ἐγεγόνει πάλαι ὑπὸ τῶν ̓Ασαμωναίου παίδων, ἐφ' ὑψηλοῦ δὲ τόπου κείμενον τοῖς κατοπτεύειν ἀπ' αὐτοῦ βουλομένοις τὴν πόλιν ἐπιτερπεστάτην παρεῖχεν τὴν θέαν, ἧς ἐφιέμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκεῖθεν ἀφεώρα κατακείμενος τὰ κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν πρασσόμενα. 20.21. φθόνος δὲ τοὐντεῦθεν τῷ παιδὶ παρὰ τῶν ὁμοπατρίων ἀδελφῶν ἐφύετο κἀκ τούτου μῖσος ηὔξετο λυπουμένων ἁπάντων, ὅτι τὸν ̓Ιζάτην αὐτῶν ὁ πατὴρ προτιμῴη. 20.21. τοῦτο μειζόνων κακῶν ἦρξεν: οἱ γὰρ λῃσταὶ παντοίως ἐπεμηχανῶντο τῶν ̓Ανανίου τινὰς συλλαμβάνειν οἰκείων καὶ συνεχῶς ζωγροῦντες οὐκ ἀπέλυον πρὶν ἤ τινας τῶν σικαρίων ἀπολάβοιεν γενόμενοί τε πάλιν ἀριθμὸς οὐκ ὀλίγος ἀναθαρρήσαντες τὴν χώραν ἅπασαν ἐκάκουν. 20.22. ταῦτα δὲ καίπερ σαφῶς αἰσθανόμενος ὁ πατὴρ ἐκείνοις μὲν συνεγίνωσκεν ὡς μὴ διὰ κακίαν αὐτὸ πάσχουσιν ἀλλ' ἤτοι παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτῶν ἕκαστον ἀξιῶν εὐνοίας τυγχάνειν, τὸν δὲ νεανίαν, σφόδρα γὰρ ἐδεδοίκει περὶ αὐτοῦ, μὴ μισούμενος ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν πάθοι τι, πολλὰ δωρησάμενος πρὸς ̓Αβεννήριγον ἐκπέμπει τὸν Σπασίνου χάρακος βασιλέα, παρακατατιθέμενος ἐκείνῳ τὴν τοῦ παιδὸς σωτηρίαν. 20.22. καὶ χρήματα μὲν ἀπόθετα διὰ τὸν ἐκ ̔Ρωμαίων φόβον ἔχειν οὐ θέλων, προνοούμενος δὲ τῶν τεχνιτῶν καὶ εἰς τούτους ἀναλοῦν τοὺς θησαυροὺς βουλόμενος, καὶ γὰρ εἰ μίαν τις ὥραν τῆς ἡμέρας ἐργάσαιτο, τὸν μισθὸν ὑπὲρ ταύτης εὐθέως ἐλάμβανεν, ἔπειθον τὸν βασιλέα τὴν ἀνατολικὴν στοὰν ἀνεγεῖραι. 20.23. ὁ δὲ ̓Αβεννήριγος ἄσμενός τε δέχεται τὸν νεανίαν καὶ διὰ πολλῆς εὐνοίας ἄγων γυναῖκα μὲν αὐτῷ τὴν θυγατέρα, Σαμαχὼς δ' ἦν ὄνομα ταύτῃ, δίδωσι: δωρεῖται δὲ χώραν, ἐξ ἧς μεγάλας λήψοιτο προσόδους. 20.23. γίνεται δὲ τῶν ἐτῶν ἀριθμὸς ὧν ἦρξαν οἱ δεκατρεῖς ἀφ' ἧς ἡμέρας οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν ἐξέλιπον Αἴγυπτον Μωυσέως ἄγοντος μέχρι τῆς τοῦ ναοῦ κατασκευῆς, ὃν Σολόμων ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἀνήγειρεν, ἔτη δώδεκα πρὸς τοῖς ἑξακοσίοις. 20.24. Μονόβαζος δὲ ἤδη γηραιὸς ὢν καὶ τοῦ ζῆν ὀλίγον αὐτῷ τὸν λοιπὸν ὁρῶν χρόνον ἠθέλησεν εἰς ὄψιν ἀφικέσθαι τῷ παιδὶ πρὸ τοῦ τελευτῆσαι. μεταπεμψάμενος οὖν αὐτὸν ἀσπάζεται φιλοφρονέστατα, καὶ χώραν δίδωσιν Καρρῶν λεγομένην. 20.24. καὶ τοῦτον δὲ δόλῳ παρὰ συμπόσιον ὑπὸ τοῦ γαμβροῦ διαφθαρέντα διεδέξατο παῖς ̔Υρκανὸς ὄνομα ὃν κατασχόντα τὴν ἱερωσύνην πλείονα τἀδελφοῦ χρόνον ἐνιαυτῷ, τριακονταὲν ἔτη τῆς τιμῆς ̔Υρκανὸς ἀπολαύσας τελευτᾷ γηραιὸς ̓Ιούδᾳ τῷ καὶ ̓Αριστοβούλῳ κληθέντι τὴν διαδοχὴν καταλιπών. 20.25. φέρειν δ' ἡ γῆ πλεῖστον τὸ ἄμωμον ἀγαθή: ἔστι δ' ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ τὰ λείψανα τῆς λάρνακος, ᾗ Νῶχον ἐκ τῆς ἐπομβρίας διασεσῶσθαι λόγος ἔχει, καὶ μέχρι νῦν ταῦτα τοῖς ἰδεῖν βουλομένοις ἐπιδείκνυται. 20.25. εἰσὶν οὖν οἱ ἀπὸ τῶν ̔Ηρώδου χρόνων ἀρχιερατεύσαντες μέχρι τῆς ἡμέρας, ἧς τὸν ναὸν καὶ τὴν πόλιν Τίτος ἑλὼν ἐπυρπόλησεν, οἱ πάντες εἴκοσι καὶ ὀκτώ, χρόνος δὲ τούτων ἔτη πρὸς τοῖς ἑκατὸν ἑπτά. 20.26. διέτριβεν οὖν ὁ ̓Ιζάτης ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ ταύτῃ μέχρι τῆς τελευτῆς τοῦ πατρός. ᾗ δ' ἐξέλιπεν ἡμέρᾳ τὸν βίον ὁ Μονόβαζος ἡ βασιλὶς ̔Ελένη μεταπέμπεται πάντας τοὺς μεγιστᾶνας καὶ τῆς βασιλείας σατράπας καὶ τοὺς τὰς δυνάμεις πεπιστευμένους. 20.26. ὅσα τε πεπόνθαμεν ὑπὸ ̓Ασσυρίων τε καὶ Βαβυλωνίων, τίνα τε Πέρσαι καὶ Μακεδόνες διατεθείκασιν ἡμᾶς, καὶ μετ' ἐκείνους ̔Ρωμαῖοι: πάντα γὰρ οἶμαι μετ' ἀκριβείας συντεταχέναι. 20.27. οἷς ἀφικομένοις, “ὅτι μὲν ὁ ἐμὸς ἀνήρ, εἶπε, τῆς βασιλείας αὐτῷ διάδοχον ̓Ιζάτην ηὔξατο γενέσθαι καὶ τοῦτον ἄξιον ἔκρινεν, οὐδ' ὑμᾶς λεληθέναι δοκῶ, περιμένω δὲ ὅμως καὶ τὴν ὑμετέραν κρίσιν: μακάριος γὰρ οὐχ ὁ παρ' ἑνός, ἀλλὰ πλειόνων καὶ θελόντων τὴν ἀρχὴν λαμβάνων.” 20.28. ἡ μὲν ταῦτ' εἶπεν ἐπὶ πείρᾳ τοῦ τί φρονοῖεν οἱ συγκληθέντες: οἱ δὲ ἀκούσαντες πρῶτον μὲν προσεκύνησαν τὴν βασιλίδα, καθὼς ἔθος ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς, εἶτ' ἔφασαν τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως γνώμην βεβαιοῦν καὶ ὑπακούσεσθαι χαίροντες ̓Ιζάτῃ δικαίως ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς προκριθέντι τῶν ἀδελφῶν κατὰ τὰς εὐχὰς τὰς ἁπάντων. 20.29. βούλεσθαί τ' ἔφασαν προαποκτεῖναι πρῶτον αὐτοῦ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς καὶ συγγενεῖς ὑπὲρ τοῦ τὴν ἀρχὴν ̓Ιζάτην μετ' ἀσφαλείας κατασχεῖν: φθαρέντων γὰρ ἐκείνων καθαιρεθήσεσθαι πάντα τὸν φόβον τὸν ὑπὸ μίσους τοῦ παρ' αὐτῶν καὶ φθόνου γινόμενον. 20.31. οἱ δ' ἐπεὶ ἀνελεῖν συμβουλεύσαντες οὐκ ἔπεισαν, ἀλλὰ φυλάσσειν αὐτοὺς δεσμίους παρῄνουν μέχρι τῆς ἐκείνου παρουσίας ὑπὲρ ἀσφαλείας τῆς ἑαυτῶν. συνεβούλευον δ' αὐτῇ μεταξὺ προστήσασθαί τινα τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπίτροπον, ᾧ μάλιστα πιστεύει. 20.32. πείθεται τούτοις ἡ ̔Ελένη, καὶ καθίστησι τὸν πρεσβύτατον παῖδα Μονόβαζον βασιλέα περιθεῖσα τὸ διάδημα καὶ δοῦσα τὸν σημαντῆρα τοῦ πατρὸς δακτύλιον τήν τε σαμψηρὰν ὀνομαζομένην παρ' αὐτοῖς, διοικεῖν τε τὴν βασιλείαν παρῄνεσεν μέχρι τῆς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ παρουσίας. 20.33. ἧκε δ' οὗτος ταχέως ἀκούσας τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτὴν καὶ διαδέχεται τὸν ἀδελφὸν Μονόβαζον ὑπεκστάντος τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτῷ. 20.34. Καθ' ὃν δὲ χρόνον ὁ ̓Ιζάτης ἐν τῷ Σπασίνου χάρακι διέτριβεν ̓Ιουδαῖός τις ἔμπορος ̓Ανανίας ὄνομα πρὸς τὰς γυναῖκας εἰσιὼν τοῦ βασιλέως ἐδίδασκεν αὐτὰς τὸν θεὸν σέβειν, ὡς ̓Ιουδαίοις πάτριον ἦν, 20.35. καὶ δὴ δι' αὐτῶν εἰς γνῶσιν ἀφικόμενος τῷ ̓Ιζάτῃ κἀκεῖνον ὁμοίως συνανέπεισεν μετακληθέντι τε ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς εἰς τὴν ̓Αδιαβηνὴν συνεξῆλθεν κατὰ πολλὴν ὑπακούσας δέησιν: συνεβεβήκει δὲ καὶ τὴν ̔Ελένην ὁμοίως ὑφ' ἑτέρου τινὸς ̓Ιουδαίου διδαχθεῖσαν εἰς τοὺς ἐκείνων μετακεκομίσθαι νόμους. 20.36. ὁ δ' ̓Ιζάτης ὡς παρέλαβεν τὴν βασιλείαν, ἀφικόμενος εἰς τὴν ̓Αδιαβηνὴν καὶ θεασάμενος τούς τε ἀδελφοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους συγγενεῖς δεδεμένους ἐδυσχέρανεν τῷ γεγονότι. 20.37. καὶ τὸ μὲν ἀνελεῖν ἢ φυλάττειν δεδεμένους ἀσεβὲς ἡγούμενος, τὸ δὲ μνησικακοῦντας ἔχειν σὺν αὐτῷ μὴ δεδεμένους σφαλερὸν εἶναι νομίζων, τοὺς μὲν ὁμηρεύσοντας μετὰ τέκνων εἰς τὴν ̔Ρώμην ἐξέπεμψε Κλαυδίῳ Καίσαρι, τοὺς δὲ πρὸς ̓Αρταβάνην τὸν Πάρθον ἐφ' ὁμοίαις προφάσεσιν ἀπέστειλεν. 20.38. Πυθόμενος δὲ πάνυ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθεσιν χαίρειν τὴν μητέρα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἔσπευσε καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς ἐκεῖνα μεταθέσθαι, νομίζων τε μὴ ἂν εἶναι βεβαίως ̓Ιουδαῖος, εἰ μὴ περιτέμνοιτο, πράττειν ἦν ἕτοιμος. 20.39. μαθοῦσα δ' ἡ μήτηρ κωλύειν ἐπειρᾶτο ἐπιφέρειν αὐτῷ κίνδυνον λέγουσα: βασιλέα γὰρ εἶναι, καὶ καταστήσειν εἰς πολλὴν δυσμένειαν τοὺς ὑπηκόους μαθόντας, ὅτι ξένων ἐπιθυμήσειεν καὶ ἀλλοτρίων αὐτοῖς ἐθῶν, οὐκ ἀνέξεσθαί τε βασιλεύοντος αὐτῶν ̓Ιουδαίου. 20.41. δεδοικέναι γὰρ ἔλεγεν, μὴ τοῦ πράγματος ἐκδήλου πᾶσιν γενομένου κινδυνεύσειε τιμωρίαν ὑποσχεῖν ὡς αὐτὸς αἴτιος τούτων καὶ διδάσκαλος τῷ βασιλεῖ ἀπρεπῶν ἔργων γενόμενος, δυνάμενον δ' αὐτὸν ἔφη καὶ χωρὶς τῆς περιτομῆς τὸ θεῖον σέβειν, εἴγε πάντως κέκρικε ζηλοῦν τὰ πάτρια τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων: τοῦτ' εἶναι κυριώτερον τοῦ περιτέμνεσθαι: 20.42. συγγνώμην δ' ἕξειν αὐτῷ καὶ τὸν θεὸν φήσαντος μὴ πράξαντι τὸ ἔργον δι' ἀνάγκην καὶ τὸν ἐκ τῶν ὑπηκόων φόβον, ἐπείσθη μὲν τότε τοῖς λόγοις ὁ βασιλεύς. 20.43. μετὰ ταῦτα δέ, τὴν γὰρ ἐπιθυμίαν οὐκ ἐξεβεβλήκει παντάπασιν, ̓Ιουδαῖός τις ἕτερος ἐκ τῆς Γαλιλαίας ἀφικόμενος ̓Ελεάζαρος ὄνομα πάνυ περὶ τὰ πάτρια δοκῶν ἀκριβὴς εἶναι προετρέψατο πρᾶξαι τοὖργον. 20.44. ἐπεὶ γὰρ εἰσῆλθεν ἀσπασόμενος αὐτὸν καὶ κατέλαβε τὸν Μωυσέος νόμον ἀναγινώσκοντα, “λανθάνεις, εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τὰ μέγιστα τοὺς νόμους καὶ δι' αὐτῶν τὸν θεὸν ἀδικῶν: οὐ γὰρ ἀναγινώσκειν σε δεῖ μόνον αὐτούς, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρότερον τὰ προστασσόμενα ποιεῖν ὑπ' αὐτῶν. 20.45. μέχρι τίνος ἀπερίτμητος μενεῖς; ἀλλ' εἰ μήπω τὸν περὶ τούτου νόμον ἀνέγνως, ἵν' εἰδῇς τίς ἐστιν ἡ ἀσέβεια, νῦν ἀνάγνωθι.” 20.46. ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ βασιλεὺς οὐχ ὑπερεβάλετο τὴν πρᾶξιν, μεταστὰς δ' εἰς ἕτερον οἴκημα καὶ τὸν ἰατρὸν εἰσκαλεσάμενος τὸ προσταχθὲν ἐτέλει καὶ μεταπεμψάμενος τήν τε μητέρα καὶ τὸν διδάσκαλον ̓Ανανίαν ἐσήμαινεν αὐτὸν πεπραχέναι τοὖργον. 20.47. τοὺς δ' ἔκπληξις εὐθὺς ἔλαβεν καὶ φόβος οὔτι μέτριος, μὴ τῆς πράξεως εἰς ἔλεγχον ἐλθούσης κινδυνεύσειεν μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀποβαλεῖν οὐκ ἀνασχομένων τῶν ὑπηκόων ἄρχειν αὐτῶν ἄνδρα τῶν παρ' ἑτέροις ζηλωτὴν ἐθῶν, κινδυνεύσειαν δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ τῆς αἰτίας ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ἐνεχθείσης. 20.48. θεὸς δ' ἦν ὁ κωλύσων ἄρα τοὺς ἐκείνων φόβους ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τέλος: πολλοῖς γὰρ αὐτόν τε τὸν ̓Ιζάτην περιπεσόντα κινδύνοις καὶ παῖδας τοὺς ἐκείνου διέσωσεν ἐξ ἀμηχάνων πόρον εἰς σωτηρίαν παρασχών, ἐπιδεικνὺς ὅτι τοῖς εἰς αὐτὸν ἀποβλέπουσιν καὶ μόνῳ πεπιστευκόσιν ὁ καρπὸς οὐκ ἀπόλλυται ὁ τῆς εὐσεβείας. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον ἀπαγγελοῦμεν. 20.49. ̔Ελένη δὲ ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως μήτηρ ὁρῶσα τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν βασιλείαν εἰρηνευόμενα, τὸν δὲ υἱὸν αὐτῆς μακάριον καὶ παρὰ πᾶσι ζηλωτὸν καὶ τοῖς ἀλλοεθνέσι διὰ τὴν ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ πρόνοιαν, ἐπιθυμίαν ἔσχεν εἰς τὴν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλιν ἀφικομένη τὸ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις περιβόητον ἱερὸν τοῦ θεοῦ προσκυνῆσαι καὶ χαριστηρίους θυσίας προσενεγκεῖν, ἐδεῖτό τε τοῦ παιδὸς ἐπιτρέψαι. 20.51. γίνεται δὲ αὐτῆς ἡ ἄφιξις πάνυ συμφέρουσα τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολυμίταις: λιμοῦ γὰρ αὐτῶν τὴν πόλιν κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐκεῖνον πιεζοῦντος καὶ πολλῶν ὑπ' ἐνδείας ἀναλωμάτων φθειρομένων ἡ βασιλὶς ̔Ελένη πέμπει τινὰς τῶν ἑαυτῆς, τοὺς μὲν εἰς τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδρειαν πολλῶν σῖτον ὠνησομένους χρημάτων, τοὺς δ' εἰς Κύπρον ἰσχάδων φόρτον οἴσοντας. 20.52. ὡς δ' ἐπανῆλθον ταχέως κομίζοντες τοῖς ἀπορουμένοις διένειμε τροφὴν καὶ μεγίστην αὐτῆς μνήμην τῆς εὐποιίας ταύτης εἰς τὸ πᾶν ἡμῶν ἔθνος καταλέλοιπε. 20.53. πυθόμενος δὲ καὶ ὁ παῖς αὐτῆς ̓Ιζάτης τὰ περὶ τὸν λιμὸν ἔπεμψε πολλὰ χρήματα τοῖς πρώτοις τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἃ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἡμῶν ἀγαθὰ πέπρακται μετὰ ταῦτα δηλώσομεν. 20.54. ̔Ο δὲ τῶν Πάρθων βασιλεὺς ̓Αρταβάνης αἰσθόμενος τοὺς σατράπας ἐπιβουλὴν ἐπ' αὐτὸν συντεθεικότας, μένειν παρ' αὐτοῖς ἀσφαλὲς οὐχ ὁρῶν ἔγνω πρὸς ̓Ιζάτην ἀπαίρειν, πόρον παρ' αὐτοῦ βουλόμενος σωτηρίας εὑρέσθαι καὶ κάθοδον εἰς τὴν ἀρχήν, εἰ δυνηθείη. 20.55. καὶ δὴ ἀφικνεῖται συγγενῶν τε καὶ οἰκετῶν περὶ χιλίους τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἐπαγόμενος συντυγχάνει τε τῷ ̓Ιζάτῃ καθ' ὁδόν. 20.56. αὐτός τε σαφῶς ἐκεῖνον ἐπιστάμενος, ὑπ' ̓Ιζάτου δὲ οὐ γινωσκόμενος, πλησίον καταστὰς πρῶτον μὲν κατὰ τὸ πάτριον προσεκύνησεν αὐτόν, εἶτα “βασιλεῦ”, φησίν, “μὴ περιίδῃς με τὸν σὸν ἱκέτην μηδ' ὑπερηφανήσῃς δεομένου: ταπεινὸς γὰρ ἐκ μεταβολῆς γενόμενος καὶ ἐκ βασιλέως ἰδιώτης τῆς σῆς ἐπικουρίας χρῄζω. 20.57. βλέψον οὖν εἰς τὸ τῆς τύχης ἄστατον καὶ κοινὴν εἶναι νόμισον καὶ ὑπὲρ σαυτοῦ πρόνοιαν: ἐμοῦ γὰρ ἀνεκδικήτου περιοφθέντος ἔσονται θρασύτεροι πολλοὶ καὶ κατὰ τῶν ἄλλων βασιλέων.” 20.58. ὁ μὲν ταῦτ' ἔλεγεν δακρύων καὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ κάτω νεύων, ὁ δὲ ̓Ιζάτης ὡς ἤκουσε τοὔνομα καὶ εἶδεν ἱκέτην αὐτῷ παρεστῶτα τὸν ̓Αρταβάνην, κατεπήδησεν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἵππου καί “θάρσησον, 20.59. εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, μηδέ σε συγχείτω τὸ παρὸν ὡς ἀνήκεστον: ταχεῖα γὰρ ἔσται τῆς λύπης ἡ μεταβολή. φίλον δέ με καὶ σύμμαχον εὑρήσεις κρείττω τῆς ἐλπίδος: ἢ γὰρ εἰς τὴν Πάρθων σε καταστήσω βασιλείαν πάλιν ἢ τῆς ἐμῆς ἐκστήσομαι.” 20.61. ὁ δὲ πεισθεὶς ἐπὶ τὸν ἵππον ἥλατο καὶ ἀγαγὼν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν πᾶσαν τιμὴν ἀπένειμεν ἔν τε συνεδρίαις καὶ ταῖς περὶ τὰς ἑστιάσεις προκατακλίσεσιν, οὐκ εἰς τὸ παρὸν αὐτοῦ τῆς τύχης ἀποβλέπων, ἀλλ' εἰς τὸ πρότερον ἀξίωμα, καί τι καὶ λογισμῷ διδούς, ὡς κοιναὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις αἱ μεταβολαὶ τῆς τύχης. 20.62. γράφει τε πρὸς τοὺς Πάρθους πείθων αὐτοὺς τὸν ̓Αρταβάνην ὑποδέξασθαι, πίστιν προτείνων τῆς τῶν πεπραγμένων ἀμνηστίας δεξιὰν καὶ ὅρκους καὶ μεσιτείαν τὴν αὐτοῦ. 20.63. τῶν δὲ Πάρθων δέξασθαι μὲν αὐτὸν θέλειν οὐκ ἀρνουμένων, μὴ δύνασθαι δὲ λεγόντων διὰ τὸ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἑτέρῳ πεπιστευκέναι, Κίνναμος δ' ἦν ὄνομα τῷ παρειληφότι, καὶ δεδοικέναι, μὴ στάσις αὐτοὺς ἐκ τούτου καταλάβῃ, 20.64. μαθὼν τὴν προαίρεσιν αὐτῶν ὁ Κίνναμος ταύτην αὐτὸς γράφει τῷ ̓Αρταβάνῃ, τέθραπτο γὰρ ὑπ' αὐτοῦ καὶ φύσει δ' ἦν καλὸς καὶ ἀγαθός, παρακαλῶν αὐτῷ πιστεύσαντα παραγενέσθαι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀποληψόμενον τὴν αὐτοῦ. 20.65. καὶ ὁ ̓Αρταβάνης πιστεύσας παρῆν. ὑπαντᾷ δ' αὐτῷ ὁ Κίνναμος καὶ προσκυνήσας βασιλέα τε προσαγορεύσας περιτίθησιν αὐτοῦ τῇ κεφαλῇ τὸ διάδημα ἀφελὼν τῆς ἑαυτοῦ. 20.66. Καὶ ̓Αρταβάνης οὕτω διὰ ̓Ιζάτου πάλιν εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν καθίσταται πρότερον αὐτῆς ἐκπεσὼν διὰ τοὺς μεγιστᾶνας. οὐκ ἐγένετο μὴν ἀμνήμων τῶν εἰς αὐτὸν εὐεργεσιῶν, ἀλλ' ἀντιδωρεῖται τὸν ̓Ιζάτην ταῖς μεγίσταις τιμαῖς παρ' αὐτοῖς: 20.67. τήν τε γὰρ τιάραν ὀρθὴν ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτῷ φορεῖν καὶ ἐπὶ κλίνης χρυσῆς καθεύδειν, ἅπερ μόνων ἐστὶ γέρα καὶ σημεῖα τῶν Πάρθων βασιλέων. 20.68. ἔδωκεν δὲ καὶ χώραν πολλὴν αὐτῷ κἀγαθὴν τοῦ τῶν ̓Αρμενίων βασιλέως ἀποτεμόμενος, Νίσιβις δέ ἐστιν ὄνομα τῇ γῇ, καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ πρότερον Μακεδόνες ἐκτίσαντο πόλιν ̓Αντιόχειαν, ἣν ̓Επιμυγδονίαν προσηγόρευσαν. ταύταις μὲν δὴ ταῖς τιμαῖς ὁ ̓Ιζάτης ὑπὸ τοῦ τῶν Πάρθων βασιλέως ἐτιμήθη. 20.69. Μετ' οὐ πολὺν δὲ χρόνον ̓Αρταβάνης τελευτᾷ τὴν βασιλείαν τῷ παιδὶ Οὐαρδάνῃ καταλιπών. οὗτος δὴ πρὸς τὸν ̓Ιζάτην ἀφικόμενος ἔπειθεν αὐτὸν μέλλων πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους πόλεμον ἐκφέρειν συστρατεύεσθαι καὶ συμμαχίαν ἑτοιμάζειν. 20.71. ἔτι τε πεπομφὼς πέντε μὲν τὸν ἀριθμὸν υἱοὺς τὴν ἡλικίαν νέους γλῶτταν τὴν παρ' ἡμῖν πάτριον καὶ παιδείαν ἀκριβῶς μαθησομένους, τὴν δὲ μητέρα προσκυνήσουσαν τὸ ἱερόν, ὡς προεῖπον, ὀκνηρότερος ἦν καὶ τὸν Οὐαρδάνην ἐκώλυεν συνεχῶς διηγούμενος τὰς ̔Ρωμαίων δυνάμεις τε καὶ πράξεις, διὰ τούτων οἰόμενος αὐτὸν φοβήσειν καὶ παύσειν ἐπιθυμοῦντα τῆς ἐπ' αὐτοὺς στρατείας. 20.72. παροξυνθεὶς δ' ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ Πάρθος πόλεμον εὐθὺς πρὸς ̓Ιζάτην κατήγγειλεν. οὐ μὴν ἔλαβεν οὐδὲ τῆς ἐπὶ τούτῳ στρατείας ὄνησιν τοῦ θεοῦ τὰς ἐλπίδας αὐτοῦ πάσας ὑποτεμόντος: 20.73. μαθόντες γὰρ οἱ Πάρθοι τὴν διάνοιαν τοῦ Οὐαρδάνου καὶ ὡς ἐπὶ ̔Ρωμαίους στρατεύειν ἔκρινεν, αὐτὸν μὲν ἀναιροῦσιν, τὴν ἀρχὴν δὲ τῷ ἀδελφῷ Κοτάρδῃ παρέδοσαν. 20.74. καὶ τοῦτον δὲ μετ' οὐ πολὺν χρόνον ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς τελευτήσαντα διαδέχεται Οὐολογέσης ὁ ἀδελφός, ὃς δὴ καὶ τοῖς ὁμοπατρίοις δυσὶν ἀδελφοῖς δυναστείας ἐπίστευσεν, Πακόρῳ μὲν τῷ καὶ πρεσβυτέρῳ τὴν Μήδων, Τιριδάτῃ δὲ τῷ νεωτέρῳ τὴν ̓Αρμενίαν. 20.75. ̔Ο δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφὸς Μονόβαζος καὶ οἱ συγγενεῖς θεωροῦντες τὸν ̓Ιζάτην διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσέβειαν ζηλωτὸν παρὰ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις γεγενημένον ἔσχον ἐπιθυμίαν καὶ αὐτοὶ τὰ πάτρια καταλιπόντες ἔθεσι χρῆσθαι τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίων. 20.76. γίνεται δ' ἡ πρᾶξις αὐτῶν κατάφωρος τοῖς ὑπηκόοις, κἀπὶ τούτῳ χαλεπήναντες οἱ μεγιστᾶνες οὐκ ἐφανέρουν μὲν τὴν ὀργήν, κατὰ νοῦν δὲ ἔχοντες καιρὸν ἐπιτήδειον ἐζήτουν δίκην εἰσπράξασθαι σπεύδοντες παρ' αὐτῶν. 20.77. καὶ δὴ γράφουσιν πρὸς ̓Αβίαν τὸν ̓Αράβων βασιλέα χρήματα πολλὰ δώσειν ὑπισχνούμενοι στρατεύσασθαι θελήσαντι κατὰ τοῦ παρ' αὐτοῖς βασιλέως, ἐπηγγέλλοντο δὲ καὶ περὶ τὴν πρώτην συμβολὴν ἐγκαταλείψειν τὸν βασιλέα: θέλειν γὰρ αὐτὸν τιμωρήσασθαι μισήσαντα τὰ παρ' αὐτοῖς ἔθη: καὶ ὅρκοις τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐνδησάμενοι πίστιν σπεύδειν παρεκάλουν. 20.78. πείθεται δὲ ὁ ̓́Αραψ, καὶ πολλὴν ἐπαγόμενος δύναμιν ἧκεν ἐπὶ τὸν ̓Ιζάτην. μελλούσης δὲ τῆς πρώτης συμβολῆς πρὶν εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν καταλείπουσιν τὸν ̓Ιζάτην ἐκ συνθήματος πάντες ὡς πανικῷ δείματι κατασχεθέντες, καὶ τὰ νῶτα τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐντρέψαντες ἔφευγον. 20.79. οὐ μὴν ὁ ̓Ιζάτης κατεπλάγη, νοήσας δὲ προδοσίαν ὑπὸ τῶν μεγιστάνων γεγενῆσθαι καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον ὑπεχώρησεν, καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν ζητήσας ὡς ἔμαθεν συντεταγμένους πρὸς τὸν ̓́Αραβα, τοὺς μὲν αἰτίους ἀναιρεῖ, τῇ δ' ἐπιούσῃ συμβαλὼν πλείστους μὲν ἀπέκτεινε, 20.81. ̓Αποτυχόντες δὲ οἱ τῶν ̓Αδιαβηνῶν μεγιστᾶνες τῆς πρώτης ἐπιχειρήσεως παραδόντος αὐτοὺς τοῦ θεοῦ τῷ βασιλεῖ οὐδ' ὣς ἠρέμουν, ἀλλὰ γράφουσιν πάλιν Οὐολογέσῃ, βασιλεὺς δὲ Πάρθων οὗτος ἦν, παρακαλοῦντες ἀποκτεῖναι μὲν τὸν ̓Ιζάτην, καταστῆσαι δ' αὐτοῖς ἕτερον δυνάστην καὶ τῷ γένει Πάρθον: μισεῖν γὰρ ἔλεγον τὸν ἑαυτῶν βασιλέα καταλύσαντα μὲν τὰ πάτρια, ξένων δ' ἐραστὴν ἐθῶν γενόμενον. 20.82. ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ Πάρθος ἐπήρθη πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, καὶ προφάσεως δικαίας μηδεμίαν ἀφορμὴν ἔχων τὰς ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτῷ δοθείσας τιμὰς ἔπεμψεν ἀπαιτῶν, ἀπειθήσαντι δὲ πόλεμον κατήγγελλεν. 20.83. ταράσσεται δὲ τὴν ψυχὴν οὐχὶ μετρίως ὁ ̓Ιζάτης, ὡς ἤκουσεν ταῦτα, κατάγνωσιν μὲν φέρειν αὐτῷ νομίσας τὸ τῶν δωρεῶν ἐξίστασθαι δοκεῖν διὰ φόβον τοῦτο πράξας. 20.84. εἰδὼς δέ, ὅτι καὶ ἀπολαβὼν ὁ Πάρθος τὰς τιμὰς οὐκ ἂν ἠρεμήσειεν, ἔκρινεν ἐπιτρέψαι τῷ κηδεμόνι θεῷ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ψυχῆς κίνδυνον, 20.85. καὶ τοῦτον μέγιστον ἡγησάμενος ἔχειν σύμμαχον κατατίθεται μὲν τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας εἰς τὰ τῶν φρουρίων ἀσφαλέστατα, τὸν σῖτον δὲ πάντα μὲν τὸν εἰς τὰς βάρεις * ἐμπίπρησιν τόν τε χόρτον καὶ τὰς νομάς, ταῦτά τε προευτρεπισάμενος ἐξεδέχετο τοὺς πολεμίους. 20.86. παραγενομένου δὲ τοῦ Πάρθου μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως πεζῶν τε καὶ ἱππέων θᾶττον ἐλπίδος, ὥδευσε γὰρ συντόνως, βαλλομένου τε χάρακα πρὸς τῷ ποταμῷ τῷ τὴν ̓Αδιαβηνὴν καὶ τὴν Μηδίαν ὁρίζοντι, τίθησι καὶ ὁ ̓Ιζάτης τὸ στρατόπεδον οὐκ ἄπωθεν ἔχων περὶ αὐτὸν ἱππεῖς τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἑξακισχιλίους. 20.87. ἀφικνεῖται δὲ πρὸς τὸν ̓Ιζάτην ἄγγελος παρὰ τοῦ Πάρθου πεμφθείς, ὃς τὴν Πάρθων δύναμιν ὅση τίς ἐστιν ἤγγελλεν ἀπὸ Εὐφράτου ποταμοῦ μέχρι Βάκτρων τοὺς ὅρους αὐτῆς τιθέμενος καὶ τοὺς ὑπηκόους αὐτῆς βασιλέας καταλέγων. 20.88. ἠπείλει δὲ δώσειν αὐτὸν δίκας ἀχάριστον περὶ δεσπότας τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ γενόμενον, καὶ ῥύεσθαι τῶν βασιλέως αὐτὸν χειρῶν οὐδὲ τὸν θεὸν ὃν σέβει δυνήσεσθαι. 20.89. ταῦτα τοῦ ἀγγέλου φράσαντος ὁ ̓Ιζάτης εἰδέναι μὲν τὴν Πάρθων δύναμιν ἔφη πολὺ τῆς αὐτοῦ διαφέρουσαν, γινώσκειν δ' οὖν ἔτι μᾶλλον πάντων ἀνθρώπων ἔλεγεν κρείσσω τὸν θεόν. καὶ τοιαύτην δοὺς τὴν ἀπόκρισιν ἐπὶ τὴν ἱκετείαν ἐτρέπετο τοῦ θεοῦ, χαμαί τε ῥίψας αὑτὸν καὶ σποδῷ τὴν κεφαλὴν καταισχύνας μετὰ γυναικὸς καὶ τέκνων ἐνήστευεν ἀνακαλῶν τὸν θεὸν καὶ λέγων, 20.91. ὁ μὲν ταῦτ' ἐποτνιᾶτο δακρύων καὶ ὀδυρόμενος, ἐπήκοος δὲ ὁ θεὸς ἐγίνετο, καὶ κατ' ἐκείνην εὐθὺς τὴν νύκτα δεξάμενος Οὐολογέσης ἐπιστολάς, ἐν αἷς ἐγέγραπτο Δαῶν καὶ Σακῶν χεῖρα μεγάλην καταφρονήσασαν αὐτοῦ τῆς ἀποδημίας ἐπιστρατευσαμένην διαρπάζειν τὴν Παρθυηνῶν, ἄπρακτος ἀνέζευξεν εἰς τοὐπίσω. καὶ ̓Ιζάτης οὕτω κατὰ θεοῦ πρόνοιαν τὰς ἀπειλὰς τοῦ Πάρθου διαφεύγει. 20.92. Μετ' οὐ πολὺν δὲ χρόνον πεντηκοστὸν μὲν καὶ πέμπτον ἀπὸ γενεᾶς πληρώσας ἔτος τέταρτον δὲ πρὸς εἰκοστῷ δυναστεύσας, καταλιπὼν παῖδας ἄρρενας εἰκοσιτέσσαρας καὶ θυγατέρας εἰκοσιτέσσαρας καταστρέφει τὸν βίον. 20.93. τὴν μέντοι διαδοχὴν τῆς ἀρχῆς τὸν ἀδελφὸν Μονόβαζον ἐκέλευεν παραλαβεῖν, ἀμειβόμενος αὐτὸν ὅτι κατὰ τὴν ἀποδημίαν αὐτοῦ μετὰ τὸν τοῦ πατρὸς θάνατον πιστῶς φυλάξειεν αὐτῷ τὴν δυναστείαν. 20.94. ἡ δὲ μήτηρ ̔Ελένη τὸν τοῦ παιδὸς θάνατον ἀκούσασα βαρέως μὲν ἤνεγκεν ὡς εἰκὸς μητέρα στερομένην εὐσεβεστάτου παιδός, παραμυθίαν δ' ὅμως εἶχεν τὴν διαδοχὴν ἀκούσασα εἰς τὸν πρεσβύτερον αὐτῆς υἱὸν ἥκουσαν, καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔσπευδεν. παραγενομένη δὲ εἰς τὴν ̓Αδιαβηνὴν οὐ πολὺν ̓Ιζάτῃ τῷ παιδὶ χρόνον ἐπεβίωσεν. 20.95. ὁ δὲ Μονόβαζος τά τε ἐκείνης ὀστᾶ καὶ τὰ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ πέμψας εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα θάψαι προσέταξεν ἐν ταῖς πυραμίσιν, ἃς ἡ μήτηρ κατεσκευάκει τρεῖς τὸν ἀριθμὸν τρία στάδια τῆς ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλεως ἀπεχούσας. 20.96. ἀλλὰ Μονόβαζος μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς ὅσα κατὰ τὸν τῆς ζωῆς χρόνον ἔπραξεν, ὕστερον ἀπαγγελοῦμεν. 20.139. λαβὼν δὲ τὴν δωρεὰν παρὰ τοῦ Καίσαρος ̓Αγρίππας ἐκδίδωσι πρὸς γάμον ̓Αζίζῳ τῷ ̓Εμεσῶν βασιλεῖ περιτέμνεσθαι θελήσαντι Δρούσιλλαν τὴν ἀδελφήν: ̓Επιφανὴς γὰρ ὁ ̓Αντιόχου τοῦ βασιλέως παῖς παρῃτήσατο τὸν γάμον μὴ βουληθεὶς τὰ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθη μεταλαβεῖν καίπερ τοῦτο ποιήσειν προϋπεσχημένος αὐτῆς τῷ πατρί. 20.141. Διαλύονται δὲ τῇ Δρουσίλλῃ πρὸς τὸν ̓́Αζιζον οἱ γάμοι μετ' οὐ πολὺν χρόνον τοιαύτης ἐμπεσούσης αἰτίας: 20.142. καθ' ὃν χρόνον τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας ἐπετρόπευε Φῆλιξ θεασάμενος ταύτην, καὶ γὰρ ἦν κάλλει πασῶν διαφέρουσα, λαμβάνει τῆς γυναικὸς ἐπιθυμίαν, καὶ ̓́Ατομον ὀνόματι τῶν ἑαυτοῦ φίλων ̓Ιουδαῖον, Κύπριον δὲ τὸ γένος, μάγον εἶναι σκηπτόμενον πέμπων πρὸς αὐτὴν ἔπειθεν τὸν ἄνδρα καταλιποῦσαν αὐτῷ γήμασθαι, μακαρίαν ποιήσειν ἐπαγγελλόμενος μὴ ὑπερηφανήσασαν αὐτόν. 20.143. ἡ δὲ κακῶς πράττουσα καὶ φυγεῖν τὸν ἐκ τῆς ἀδελφῆς Βερενίκης βουλομένη φθόνον αὑτῇ διὰ τὸ κάλλος παρεκάλει παρ' ἐκείνης οἰόμενος οὐκ ἐν ὀλίγοις ἔβλαπτεν, παραβῆναί τε τὰ πάτρια νόμιμα πείθεται καὶ τῷ Φήλικι γήμασθαι. 20.145. Βερενίκη δὲ μετὰ τὴν ̔Ηρώδου τελευτήν, ὃς αὐτῆς ἀνὴρ καὶ θεῖος ἐγεγόνει, πολὺν χρόνον ἐπιχηρεύσασα, φήμης ἐπισχούσης, ὅτι τἀδελφῷ συνείη, πείθει Πολέμωνα, Κιλικίας δὲ ἦν οὗτος βασιλεύς, περιτεμόμενον ἀγαγέσθαι πρὸς γάμον αὐτήν: οὕτως γὰρ ἐλέγξειν ᾤετο ψευδεῖς τὰς διαβολάς. 20.146. καὶ ὁ Πολέμων ἐπείσθη μάλιστα διὰ τὸν πλοῦτον αὐτῆς: οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ πολὺ συνέμεινεν ὁ γάμος, ἀλλ' ἡ Βερενίκη δι' ἀκολασίαν, ὡς ἔφασαν, καταλείπει τὸν Πολέμωνα. ὁ δ' ἅμα τοῦ τε γάμου καὶ τοῦ τοῖς ἔθεσι τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐμμένειν ἀπήλλακτο. 20.158. Τῷ γὰρ πρώτῳ τῆς Νέρωνος ἀρχῆς ἔτει τελευτήσαντος τοῦ ̓Εμέσων δυνάστου ̓Αζίζου Σόεμος ἀδελφὸς τὴν ἀρχὴν διαδέχεται. τὴν δὲ τῆς μικρᾶς ̓Αρμενίας προστασίαν ̓Αριστόβουλος ̔Ηρώδου τῆς Χαλκίδος βασιλέως παῖς ὑπὸ Νέρωνος ἐγχειρίζεται. 20.195. Νέρων δὲ διακούσας αὐτῶν οὐ μόνον συνέγνω περὶ τοῦ πραχθέντος, ἀλλὰ καὶ συνεχώρησεν ἐᾶν οὕτως τὴν οἰκοδομίαν, τῇ γυναικὶ Ποππαίᾳ, θεοσεβὴς γὰρ ἦν, ὑπὲρ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων δεηθείσῃ χαριζόμενος, ἣ τοῖς μὲν δέκα προσέταξεν ἀπιέναι, τὸν δ' ̔Ελκίαν καὶ τὸν ̓Ισμάηλον ὁμηρεύσοντας παρ' ἑαυτῇ κατέσχεν.

1.192. But he charged him, in order to keep his posterity unmixed with others, that they should be circumcised in the flesh of their foreskin, and that this should be done on the eighth day after they were born: the reason of which circumcision I will explain in another place. 3.179. 7. Now here one may wonder at the ill-will which men bear to us, and which they profess to bear on account of our despising that Deity which they pretend to honor; 3.217. for so great a splendor shone forth from them before the army began to march, that all the people were sensible of God’s being present for their assistance. Whence it came to pass that those Greeks, who had a veneration for our laws, because they could not possibly contradict this, called that breastplate the Oracle. 3.318. There are also many other demonstrations that his power was more than human, for still some there have been, who have come from the parts beyond Euphrates, a journey of four months, through many dangers, and at great expenses, in honor of our temple; and yet, when they had offered their oblations, could not partake of their own sacrifices, because Moses had forbidden it, by somewhat in the law that did not permit them, or somewhat that had befallen them, which our ancient customs made inconsistent therewith; 3.319. ome of these did not sacrifice at all, and others left their sacrifices in an imperfect condition; nay, many were not able, even at first, so much as to enter into the temple, but went their ways in this state, as preferring a submission to the laws of Moses before the fulfilling of their own inclinations, even when they had no fear upon them that anybody could convict them, but only out of a reverence to their own conscience. 4.114. Then said he, “Happy is this people, on whom God bestows the possession of innumerable good things, and grants them his own providence to be their assistant and their guide; so that there is not any nation among mankind but you will be esteemed superior to them in virtue, and in the earnest prosecution of the best rules of life, and of such as are pure from wickedness, and will leave those rules to your excellent children; and this out of the regard that God bears to you, and the provision of such things for you as may render you happier than any other people under the sun. 4.115. You shall retain that land to which he hath sent you, and it shall ever be under the command of your children; and both all the earth, as well as the seas, shall be filled with your glory: and you shall be sufficiently numerous to supply the world in general, and every region of it in particular, with inhabitants out of your stock. 4.116. However, O blessed army! wonder that you are become so many from one father: and truly, the land of Canaan can now hold you, as being yet comparatively few; but know ye that the whole world is proposed to be your place of habitation for ever. The multitude of your posterity also shall live as well in the islands as on the continent, and that more in number than are the stars of heaven. And when you are become so many, God will not relinquish the care of you, but will afford you an abundance of all good things in times of peace, with victory and dominion in times of war. 4.127. and spake thus to them:—“O Balak, and you Midianites that are here present, (for I am obliged even without the will of God to gratify you,) it is true no entire destruction can seize upon the nation of the Hebrews, neither by war, nor by plague, nor by scarcity of the fruits of the earth, nor can any other unexpected accident be their entire ruin; 4.128. for the providence of God is concerned to preserve them from such a misfortune; nor will it permit any such calamity to come upon them whereby they may all perish; but some small misfortunes, and those for a short time, whereby they may appear to be brought low, may still befall them; but after that they will flourish again, to the terror of those that brought those mischiefs upon them. 5.318. 1. Now after the death of Samson, Eli the high priest was governor of the Israelites. Under him, when the country was afflicted with a famine, Elimelech of Bethlehem, which is a city of the tribe of Judah, being not able to support his family under so sore a distress, took with him Naomi his wife, and the children that were born to him by her, Chillon and Mahlon, and removed his habitation into the land of Moab; 5.319. and upon the happy prosperity of his affairs there, he took for his sons wives of the Moabites, Orpah for Chillon, and Ruth for Mahlon. But in the compass of ten years, both Elimelech, and a little while after him, the sons, died; 5.320. and Naomi being very uneasy at these accidents, and not being able to bear her lonesome condition, now those that were dearest to her were dead, on whose account it was that she had gone away from her own country, she returned to it again, for she had been informed it was now in a flourishing condition. 5.321. However, her daughters-in-law were not able to think of parting with her; and when they had a mind to go out of the country with her, she could not dissuade them from it; but when they insisted upon it, she wished them a more happy wedlock than they had with her sons, and that they might have prosperity in other respects also; 5.322. and seeing her own affairs were so low, she exhorted them to stay where they were, and not to think of leaving their own country, and partaking with her of that uncertainty under which she must return. Accordingly Orpah staid behind; but she took Ruth along with her, as not to be persuaded to stay behind her, but would take her fortune with her, whatsoever it should prove. 5.323. 2. When Ruth was come with her mother-in-law to Bethlehem, Booz, who was near of kin to Elimelech, entertained her; and when Naomi was so called by her fellow citizens, according to her true name, she said, “You might more truly call me Mara.” Now Naomi signifies in the Hebrew tongue happiness, and Mara, sorrow. 5.324. It was now reaping time; and Ruth, by the leave of her mother-in-law, went out to glean, that they might get a stock of corn for their food. Now it happened that she came into Booz’s field; and after some time Booz came thither, and when he saw the damsel, he inquired of his servant that was set over the reapers concerning the girl. The servant had a little before inquired about all her circumstances, and told them to his master, 5.325. who kindly embraced her, both on account of her affection to her mother-in-law, and her remembrance of that son of hers to whom she had been married, and wished that she might experience a prosperous condition; so he desired her not to glean, but to reap what she was able, and gave her leave to carry it home. He also gave it in charge to that servant who was over the reapers, not to hinder her when she took it away, and bade him give her her dinner, and make her drink when he did the like to the reapers. 5.326. Now what corn Ruth received of him she kept for her mother-in-law, and came to her in the evening, and brought the ears of corn with her; and Naomi had kept for her a part of such food as her neighbors had plentifully bestowed upon her. Ruth also told her mother-in-law what Booz had said to her; 5.327. and when the other had informed her that he was near of kin to them, and perhaps was so pious a man as to make some provision for them, she went out again on the days following, to gather the gleanings with Booz’s maidservants. 5.328. 3. It was not many days before Booz, after the barley was winnowed, slept in his thrashing-floor. When Naomi was informed of this circumstance she contrived it so that Ruth should lie down by him, for she thought it might be for their advantage that he should discourse with the girl. Accordingly she sent the damsel to sleep at his feet; 5.329. who went as she bade her, for she did not think it consistent with her duty to contradict any command of her mother-in-law. And at first she lay concealed from Booz, as he was fast asleep; but when he awaked about midnight, and perceived a woman lying by him, he asked who she was;— 5.330. and when she told him her name, and desired that he whom she owned for her lord would excuse her, he then said no more; but in the morning, before the servants began to set about their work, he awaked her, and bid her take as much barley as she was able to carry, and go to her mother-in-law before any body there should see that she had lain down by him, because it was but prudent to avoid any reproach that might arise on that account, especially when there had been nothing done that was ill. 5.331. But as to the main point she aimed at, the matter should rest here,—“He that is nearer of kin than I am, shall be asked whether he wants to take thee to wife: if he says he does, thou shalt follow him; but if he refuse it, I will marry thee, according to the law.” 5.332. 4. When she had informed her mother-in-law of this, they were very glad of it, out of the hope they had that Booz would make provision for them. Now about noon Booz went down into the city, and gathered the senate together, and when he had sent for Ruth, he called for her kinsman also; 5.333. and when he was come, he said, “Dost not thou retain the inheritance of Elimelech and his sons?” He confessed that he did retain it, and that he did as he was permitted to do by the laws, because he was their nearest kinsman. Then said Booz, “Thou must not remember the laws by halves, but do every thing according to them; for the wife of Mahlon is come hither, whom thou must marry, according to the law, in case thou wilt retain their fields.” 5.334. So the man yielded up both the field and the wife to Booz, who was himself of kin to those that were dead, as alleging that he had a wife already, and children also; 5.335. o Booz called the senate to witness, and bid the woman to loose his shoe, and spit in his face, according to the law; and when this was done, Booz married Ruth, and they had a son within a year’s time. 5.336. Naomi was herself a nurse to this child; and by the advice of the women, called him Obed, as being to be brought up in order to be subservient to her in her old age, for Obed in the Hebrew dialect signifies a servant. The son of Obed was Jesse, and David was his son, who was king, and left his dominions to his sons for oneandtwenty generations. 5.337. I was therefore obliged to relate this history of Ruth, because I had a mind to demonstrate the power of God, who, without difficulty, can raise those that are of ordinary parentage to dignity and splendor, to which he advanced David, though he were born of such mean parents. 8.116. Nay, moreover, this help is what I implore of thee, not for the Hebrews only, when they are in distress, but when any shall come hither from any ends of the world whatsoever, and shall return from their sins and implore thy pardon, do thou then pardon them, and hear their prayer. 8.117. For hereby all shall learn that thou thyself wast pleased with the building of this house for thee; and that we are not ourselves of an unsociable nature, nor behave ourselves like enemies to such as are not of our own people; but are willing that thy assistance should be communicated by thee to all men in common, and that they may have the enjoyment of thy benefits bestowed upon them.” 9.209. and upon the rise of a most terrible storm, which was so great that the ship was in danger of sinking, the mariners, the master, and the pilot himself, made prayers and vows, in case they escaped the sea: but Jonah lay still and covered [in the ship,] without imitating any thing that the others did; 9.211. When they had cast lots, the lot fell upon the prophet; and when they asked him whence he came, and what he had done? he replied, that he was a Hebrew by nation, and a prophet of Almighty God; and he persuaded them to cast him into the sea, if they would escape the danger they were in, for that he was the occasion of the storm which was upon them. 9.212. Now at the first they durst not do so, as esteeming it a wicked thing to cast a man who was a stranger, and who had committed his life to them, into such manifest perdition; but at last, when their misfortune overbore them, and the ship was just going to be drowned, and when they were animated to do it by the prophet himself, and by the fear concerning their own safety, they cast him into the sea; 9.214. and there, on his prayer to God, he obtained pardon for his sins, and went to the city Nineveh, where he stood so as to be heard, and preached, that in a very little time they should lose the dominion of Asia. And when he had published this, he returned. Now I have given this account about him as I found it written [in our books.] 11.87. although it was indeed lawful for them to come and worship there if they pleased, and that they could allow them nothing but that in common with them, which was common to them with all other men, to come to their temple and worship God there. 11.285. and joy and a beam of salvation encompassed the Jews, both those that were in the cities, and those that were in the countries, upon the publication of the king’s letters, insomuch that many even of other nations circumcised their foreskin for fear of the Jews, that they might procure safety to themselves thereby; 13.257. Hyrcanus took also Dora and Marissa, cities of Idumea, and subdued all the Idumeans; and permitted them to stay in that country, if they would circumcise their genitals, and make use of the laws of the Jews; 13.258. and they were so desirous of living in the country of their forefathers, that they submitted to the use of circumcision, and of the rest of the Jewish ways of living; at which time therefore this befell them, that they were hereafter no other than Jews. 13.318. He was called a lover of the Grecians; and had conferred many benefits on his own country, and made war against Iturea, and added a great part of it to Judea, and compelled the inhabitants, if they would continue in that country, to be circumcised, and to live according to the Jewish laws. 13.319. He was naturally a man of candor, and of great modesty, as Strabo bears witness, in the name of Timagenes; who says thus: “This man was a person of candor, and very serviceable to the Jews; for he added a country to them, and obtained a part of the nation of the Itureans for them, and bound them to them by the bond of the circumcision of their genitals.” 13.397. in the country of Moab, Heshbon, and Medaba, Lemba, and Oronas, Gelithon, Zara, the valley of the Cilices, and Pella; which last they utterly destroyed, because its inhabitants would not bear to change their religious rites for those peculiar to the Jews. The Jews also possessed others of the principal cities of Syria, which had been destroyed. 15.254. but after Hyrcanus had made a change in their political government, and made them receive the Jewish customs and law, Herod made Costobarus governor of Idumea and Gaza, and gave him his sister Salome to wife; and this was upon the slaughter of [his uncle] Joseph, who had that government before, as we have related already. 15.255. When Costobarus had gotten to be so highly advanced, it pleased him and was more than he hoped for, and he was more and more puffed up by his good success, and in a little while he exceeded all bounds, and did not think fit to obey what Herod, as their ruler, commanded him, or that the Idumeans should make use of the Jewish customs, or be subject to them. 16.42. for if the Divinity delights in being honored, it must delight in those that permit them to be honored. And there are none of our customs which are inhuman, but all tending to piety, and devoted to the preservation of justice; 16.43. nor do we conceal those injunctions of ours by which we govern our lives, they being memorials of piety, and of a friendly conversation among men. And the seventh day we set apart from labor; it is dedicated to the learning of our customs and laws, we thinking it proper to reflect on them, as well as on any [good] thing else, in order to our avoiding of sin. 16.225. Accordingly, when Herod discoursed with his sister about it, and asked her whether she were disposed to this match, she immediately agreed to it. But when Sylleus was desired to come over to the Jewish religion, and then he should marry her, and that it was impossible to do it on any other terms, he could not bear that proposal, and went his way; for he said, that if he should do so, he should be stoned by the Arabs. 18.63. 3. Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over to him both many of the Jews and many of the Gentiles. He was [the] Christ. 18.81. 5. There was a man who was a Jew, but had been driven away from his own country by an accusation laid against him for transgressing their laws, and by the fear he was under of punishment for the same; but in all respects a wicked man. He, then living at Rome, professed to instruct men in the wisdom of the laws of Moses. 18.82. He procured also three other men, entirely of the same character with himself, to be his partners. These men persuaded Fulvia, a woman of great dignity, and one that had embraced the Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to the temple at Jerusalem; and when they had gotten them, they employed them for their own uses, and spent the money themselves, on which account it was that they at first required it of her. 18.83. Whereupon Tiberius, who had been informed of the thing by Saturninus, the husband of Fulvia, who desired inquiry might be made about it, ordered all the Jews to be banished out of Rome; 18.84. at which time the consuls listed four thousand men out of them, and sent them to the island Sardinia; but punished a greater number of them, who were unwilling to become soldiers, on account of keeping the laws of their forefathers. Thus were these Jews banished out of the city by the wickedness of four men. 18.141. But these descendants of Alexander, soon after their birth, deserted the Jewish religion, and went over to that of the Greeks. But for the rest of the daughters of Herod the king, it happened that they died childless. 18.342. Anileus, the brother of Asineus, either heard of that her beauty from others, or perhaps saw her himself also, and so became at once her lover and her enemy; partly because he could not hope to enjoy this woman but by obtaining power over her as a captive, and partly because he thought he could not conquer his inclinations for her. 18.343. As soon therefore as her husband had been declared an enemy to them, and was fallen in the battle, the widow of the deceased was married to this her lover. However, this woman did not come into their house without producing great misfortunes, both to Anileus himself, and to Asineus also; but brought great mischiefs upon them on the occasion following. 19.355. Now these his daughters were thus espoused by their father: Mariamne to Julius Archelaus Epiphanes, the son of Antiochus, the son of Chelcias; and Drusilla to the king of Commagena. 20.17. 1. About this time it was that Helena, queen of Adiabene, and her son Izates, changed their course of life, and embraced the Jewish customs, and this on the occasion following: 20.18. Monobazus, the king of Adiabene, who had also the name of Bazeus, fell in love with his sister Helena, and took her to be his wife, and begat her with child. But as he was in bed with her one night, he laid his hand upon his wife’s belly, and fell asleep, and seemed to hear a voice, which bid him take his hand off his wife’s belly, and not hurt the infant that was therein, which, by God’s providence, would be safely born, and have a happy end. 20.19. This voice put him into disorder; so he awaked immediately, and told the story to his wife; and when his son was born, he called him Izates. 20.20. He had indeed Monobazus, his elder brother, by Helena also, as he had other sons by other wives besides. Yet did he openly place all his affections on this his only begotten son Izates, 20.21. which was the origin of that envy which his other brethren, by the same father, bore to him; while on this account they hated him more and more, and were all under great affliction that their father should prefer Izates before them. 20.22. Now although their father was very sensible of these their passions, yet did he forgive them, as not indulging those passions out of an ill disposition, but out of a desire each of them had to be beloved by their father. However, he sent Izates, with many presents, to Abennerig, the king of Charax-Spasini, and that out of the great dread he was in about him, lest he should come to some misfortune by the hatred his brethren bore him; and he committed his son’s preservation to him. 20.23. Upon which Abennerig gladly received the young man, and had a great affection for him, and married him to his own daughter, whose name was Samacha: he also bestowed a country upon him, from which he received large revenues. 20.24. 2. But when Monobazus was grown old, and saw that he had but a little time to live, he had a mind to come to the sight of his son before he died. So he sent for him, and embraced him after the most affectionate manner, and bestowed on him the country called Carra; 20.25. it was a soil that bare amomum in great plenty: there are also in it the remains of that ark, wherein it is related that Noah escaped the deluge, and where they are still shown to such as are desirous to see them. 20.26. Accordingly, Izates abode in that country until his father’s death. But the very day that Monobazus died, queen Helena sent for all the grandees, and governors of the kingdom, and for those that had the armies committed to their command; 20.27. and when they were come, she made the following speech to them: “I believe you are not unacquainted that my husband was desirous Izates should succeed him in the government, and thought him worthy so to do. However, I wait your determination; for happy is he who receives a kingdom, not from a single person only, but from the willing suffrages of a great many.” 20.28. This she said, in order to try those that were invited, and to discover their sentiments. Upon the hearing of which, they first of all paid their homage to the queen, as their custom was, and then they said that they confirmed the king’s determination, and would submit to it; and they rejoiced that Izates’s father had preferred him before the rest of his brethren, as being agreeable to all their wishes: 20.29. but that they were desirous first of all to slay his brethren and kinsmen, that so the government might come securely to Izates; because if they were once destroyed, all that fear would be over which might arise from their hatred and envy to him. 20.30. Helena replied to this, that she returned them her thanks for their kindness to herself and to Izates; but desired that they would however defer the execution of this slaughter of Izates’s brethren till he should be there himself, and give his approbation to it. 20.31. So since these men had not prevailed with her, when they advised her to slay them, they exhorted her at least to keep them in bonds till he should come, and that for their own security; they also gave her counsel to set up some one whom she could put the greatest trust in, as a governor of the kingdom in the mean time. 20.32. So queen Helena complied with this counsel of theirs, and set up Monobazus, the eldest son, to be king, and put the diadem upon his head, and gave him his father’s ring, with its signet; as also the ornament which they call Sampser, and exhorted him to administer the affairs of the kingdom till his brother should come; 20.33. who came suddenly upon hearing that his father was dead, and succeeded his brother Monobazus, who resigned up the government to him. 20.34. 3. Now, during the time Izates abode at Charax-Spasini, a certain Jewish merchant, whose name was Aias, got among the women that belonged to the king, and taught them to worship God according to the Jewish religion. 20.35. He, moreover, by their means, became known to Izates, and persuaded him, in like manner, to embrace that religion; he also, at the earnest entreaty of Izates, accompanied him when he was sent for by his father to come to Adiabene; it also happened that Helena, about the same time, was instructed by a certain other Jew and went over to them. 20.36. But when Izates had taken the kingdom, and was come to Adiabene, and there saw his brethren and other kinsmen in bonds, he was displeased at it; 20.37. and as he thought it an instance of impiety either to slay or imprison them, but still thought it a hazardous thing for to let them have their liberty, with the remembrance of the injuries that had been offered them, he sent some of them and their children for hostages to Rome, to Claudius Caesar, and sent the others to Artabanus, the king of Parthia, with the like intentions. 20.38. 4. And when he perceived that his mother was highly pleased with the Jewish customs, he made haste to change, and to embrace them entirely; and as he supposed that he could not be thoroughly a Jew unless he were circumcised, he was ready to have it done. 20.39. But when his mother understood what he was about, she endeavored to hinder him from doing it, and said to him that this thing would bring him into danger; and that, as he was a king, he would thereby bring himself into great odium among his subjects, when they should understand that he was so fond of rites that were to them strange and foreign; and that they would never bear to be ruled over by a Jew. 20.40. This it was that she said to him, and for the present persuaded him to forbear. And when he had related what she had said to Aias, he confirmed what his mother had said; and when he had also threatened to leave him, unless he complied with him, he went away from him, 20.41. and said that he was afraid lest such an action being once become public to all, he should himself be in danger of punishment for having been the occasion of it, and having been the king’s instructor in actions that were of ill reputation; and he said that he might worship God without being circumcised, even though he did resolve to follow the Jewish law entirely, which worship of God was of a superior nature to circumcision. 20.42. He added, that God would forgive him, though he did not perform the operation, while it was omitted out of necessity, and for fear of his subjects. So the king at that time complied with these persuasions of Aias. 20.43. But afterwards, as he had not quite left off his desire of doing this thing, a certain other Jew that came out of Galilee, whose name was Eleazar, and who was esteemed very skillful in the learning of his country, persuaded him to do the thing; 20.44. for as he entered into his palace to salute him, and found him reading the law of Moses, he said to him, “Thou dost not consider, O king! that thou unjustly breakest the principal of those laws, and art injurious to God himself, [by omitting to be circumcised]; for thou oughtest not only to read them, but chiefly to practice what they enjoin thee. 20.45. How long wilt thou continue uncircumcised? But if thou hast not yet read the law about circumcision, and dost not know how great impiety thou art guilty of by neglecting it, read it now.” 20.46. When the king had heard what he said, he delayed the thing no longer, but retired to another room, and sent for a surgeon, and did what he was commanded to do. He then sent for his mother, and Aias his tutor, and informed them that he had done the thing; 20.47. upon which they were presently struck with astonishment and fear, and that to a great degree, lest the thing should be openly discovered and censured, and the king should hazard the loss of his kingdom, while his subjects would not bear to be governed by a man who was so zealous in another religion; and lest they should themselves run some hazard, because they would be supposed the occasion of his so doing. 20.48. But it was God himself who hindered what they feared from taking effect; for he preserved both Izates himself and his sons when they fell into many dangers, and procured their deliverance when it seemed to be impossible, and demonstrated thereby that the fruit of piety does not perish as to those that have regard to him, and fix their faith upon him only. But these events we shall relate hereafter. 20.49. 5. But as to Helena, the king’s mother, when she saw that the affairs of Izates’s kingdom were in peace, and that her son was a happy man, and admired among all men, and even among foreigners, by the means of God’s providence over him, she had a mind to go to the city of Jerusalem, in order to worship at that temple of God which was so very famous among all men, and to offer her thank-offerings there. So she desired her son to give her leave to go thither; 20.50. upon which he gave his consent to what she desired very willingly, and made great preparations for her dismission, and gave her a great deal of money, and she went down to the city Jerusalem, her son conducting her on her journey a great way. 20.51. Now her coming was of very great advantage to the people of Jerusalem; for whereas a famine did oppress them at that time, and many people died for want of what was necessary to procure food withal, queen Helena sent some of her servants to Alexandria with money to buy a great quantity of corn, and others of them to Cyprus, to bring a cargo of dried figs. 20.52. And as soon as they were come back, and had brought those provisions, which was done very quickly, she distributed food to those that were in want of it, and left a most excellent memorial behind her of this benefaction, which she bestowed on our whole nation. 20.53. And when her son Izates was informed of this famine, he sent great sums of money to the principal men in Jerusalem. However, what favors this queen and king conferred upon our city Jerusalem shall be further related hereafter. 20.55. So he came to Izates, and brought a thousand of his kindred and servants with him, and met him upon the road, 20.56. while he well knew Izates, but Izates did not know him. When Artabanus stood near him, and, in the first place, worshipped him, according to the custom, he then said to him, “O king! do not thou overlook me thy servant, nor do thou proudly reject the suit I make thee; for as I am reduced to a low estate, by the change of fortune, and of a king am become a private man, I stand in need of thy assistance. 20.57. Have regard, therefore, unto the uncertainty of fortune, and esteem the care thou shalt take of me to be taken of thyself also; for if I be neglected, and my subjects go off unpunished, many other subjects will become the more insolent towards other kings also.” 20.58. And this speech Artabanus made with tears in his eyes, and with a dejected countece. Now as soon as Izates heard Artabanus’s name, and saw him stand as a supplicant before him, he leaped down from his horse immediately, 20.59. and said to him, “Take courage, O king! nor be disturbed at thy present calamity, as if it were incurable; for the change of thy sad condition shall be sudden; for thou shalt find me to be more thy friend and thy assistant than thy hopes can promise thee; for I will either re-establish thee in the kingdom of Parthia, or lose my own.” 20.60. 2. When he had said this, he set Artabanus upon his horse, and followed him on foot, in honor of a king whom he owned as greater than himself; which, when Artabanus saw, he was very uneasy at it, and sware by his present fortune and honor that he would get down from his horse, unless Izates would get upon his horse again, and go before him. 20.61. So he complied with his desire, and leaped upon his horse; and when he had brought him to his royal palace, he showed him all sorts of respect when they sat together, and he gave him the upper place at festivals also, as regarding not his present fortune, but his former dignity, and that upon this consideration also, that the changes of fortune are common to all men. 20.62. He also wrote to the Parthians, to persuade them to receive Artabanus again; and gave them his right hand and his faith, that he should forget what was past and done, and that he would undertake for this as a mediator between them. 20.63. Now the Parthians did not themselves refuse to receive him again, but pleaded that it was not now in their power so to do, because they had committed the government to another person, who had accepted of it, and whose name was Cinnamus; and that they were afraid lest a civil war should arise on this account. 20.64. When Cinnamus understood their intentions, he wrote to Artabanus himself, for he had been brought up by him, and was of a nature good and gentle also, and desired him to put confidence in him, and to come and take his own dominions again. 20.65. Accordingly, Artabanus trusted him, and returned home; when Cinnamus met him, worshipped him, and saluted him as a king, and took the diadem off his own head, and put it on the head of Artabanus. 20.66. 3. And thus was Artahanus restored to his kingdom again by the means of Izates, when he had lost it by the means of the grandees of the kingdom. Nor was he unmindful of the benefits he had conferred upon him, but rewarded him with such honors as were of the greatest esteem among them; 20.67. for he gave him leave to wear his tiara upright, and to sleep upon a golden bed, which are privileges and marks of honor peculiar to the kings of Parthia. 20.68. He also cut off a large and fruitful country from the king of Armenia, and bestowed it upon him. The name of the country is Nisibis, wherein the Macedonians had formerly built that city which they called Antioch of Mygodonla. And these were the honors that were paid Izates by the king of the Parthians. 20.69. 4. But in no long time Artabanus died, and left his kingdom to his son Bardanes. Now this Bardanes came to Izates, and would have persuaded him to join him with his army, and to assist him in the war he was preparing to make with the Romans; 20.70. but he could not prevail with him. For Izates so well knew the strength and good fortune of the Romans, that he took Bardanes to attempt what was impossible to be done; 20.71. and having besides sent his sons, five in number, and they but young also, to learn accurately the language of our nation, together with our learning, as well as he had sent his mother to worship at our temple, as I have said already, was the more backward to a compliance; and restrained Bardanes, telling him perpetually of the great armies and famous actions of the Romans, and thought thereby to terrify him, and desired thereby to hinder him from that expedition. 20.72. But the Parthian king was provoked at this his behavior, and denounced war immediately against Izates. Yet did he gain no advantage by this war, because God cut off all his hopes therein; 20.73. for the Parthians perceiving Bardanes’s intentions, and how he had determined to make war with the Romans, slew him, and gave his kingdom to his brother Gotarzes. 20.74. He also, in no long time, perished by a plot made against him, and Vologases, his brother, succeeded him, who committed two of his provinces to two of his brothers by the same father; that of the Medes to the elder, Pacorus; and Armenia to the younger, Tiridates. 20.75. 1. Now when the king’s brother, Monobazus, and his other kindred, saw how Izates, by his piety to God, was become greatly esteemed by all men, they also had a desire to leave the religion of their country, and to embrace the customs of the Jews; 20.76. but that act of theirs was discovered by Izates’s subjects. Whereupon the grandees were much displeased, and could not contain their anger at them; but had an intention, when they should find a proper opportunity, to inflict a punishment upon them. 20.77. Accordingly, they wrote to Abia, king of the Arabians, and promised him great sums of money, if he would make an expedition against their king; and they further promised him, that, on the first onset, they would desert their king, because they were desirous to punish him, by reason of the hatred he had to their religious worship; then they obliged themselves, by oaths, to be faithful to each other, and desired that he would make haste in this design. 20.78. The king of Arabia complied with their desires, and brought a great army into the field, and marched against Izates; and, in the beginning of the first onset, and before they came to a close fight, those Handees, as if they had a panic terror upon them, all deserted Izates, as they had agreed to do, and, turning their backs upon their enemies, ran away. 20.79. Yet was not Izates dismayed at this; but when he understood that the grandees had betrayed him, he also retired into his camp, and made inquiry into the matter; and as soon as he knew who they were that had made this conspiracy with the king of Arabia, he cut off those that were found guilty; and renewing the fight on the next day, he slew the greatest part of his enemies, 20.80. and forced all the rest to betake themselves to flight. He also pursued their king, and drove him into a fortress called Arsamus, and following on the siege vigorously, he took that fortress. And when he had plundered it of all the prey that was in it, which was not small, he returned to Adiabene; yet did not he take Abia alive, because, when he found himself encompassed on every side, he slew himself. 20.81. 2. But although the grandees of Adiabene had failed in their first attempt, as being delivered up by God into their king’s hands, yet would they not even then be quiet, but wrote again to Vologases, who was then king of Parthia, and desired that he would kill Izates, and set over them some other potentate, who should be of a Parthian family; for they said that they hated their own king for abrogating the laws of their forefathers, and embracing foreign customs. 20.82. When the king of Parthia heard this, he boldly made war upon Izates; and as he had no just pretense for this war, he sent to him, and demanded back those honorable privileges which had been bestowed on him by his father, and threatened, on his refusal, to make war upon him. 20.83. Upon hearing of this, Izates was under no small trouble of mind, as thinking it would be a reproach upon him to appear to resign those privileges that had been bestowed upon him out of cowardice; 20.84. yet because he knew, that though the king of Parthia should receive back those honors, yet would he not be quiet, he resolved to commit himself to God, his Protector, in the present danger he was in of his life; 20.85. and as he esteemed him to be his principal assistant, he intrusted his children and his wives to a very strong fortress, and laid up his corn in his citadels, and set the hay and the grass on fire. And when he had thus put things in order, as well as he could, he awaited the coming of the enemy. 20.86. And when the king of Parthia was come, with a great army of footmen and horsemen, which he did sooner than was expected, (for he marched in great haste,) and had cast up a bank at the river that parted Adiabene from Media,—Izates also pitched his camp not far off, having with him six thousand horsemen. 20.87. But there came a messenger to Izates, sent by the king of Parthia, who told him how large his dominions were, as reaching from the river Euphrates to Bactria, and enumerated that king’s subjects; 20.88. he also threatened him that he should be punished, as a person ungrateful to his lords; and said that the God whom he worshipped could not deliver him out of the king’s hands. 20.89. When the messenger had delivered this his message, Izates replied that he knew the king of Parthia’s power was much greater than his own; but that he knew also that God was much more powerful than all men. And when he had returned him this answer, he betook himself to make supplication to God, and threw himself upon the ground, and put ashes upon his head, in testimony of his confusion, and fasted, together with his wives and children. Then he called upon God, and said, 20.90. “O Lord and Governor, if I have not in vain committed myself to thy goodness, but have justly determined that thou only art the Lord and principal of all beings, come now to my assistance, and defend me from my enemies, not only on my own account, but on account of their insolent behavior with regard to thy power, while they have not feared to lift up their proud and arrogant tongue against thee.” 20.91. Thus did he lament and bemoan himself, with tears in his eyes; whereupon God heard his prayer. And immediately that very night Vologases received letters, the contents of which were these, that a great band of Dahe and Sacse, despising him, now he was gone so long a journey from home, had made an expedition, and laid Parthia waste; so that he [was forced to] retire back, without doing any thing. And thus it was that Izates escaped the threatenings of the Parthians, by the providence of God. 20.92. 3. It was not long ere Izates died, when he had completed fifty-five years of his life, and had ruled his kingdom twenty-four years. He left behind him twenty-four sons and twenty-four daughters. 20.93. However, he gave order that his brother Monobazus should succeed in the government, thereby requiting him, because, while he was himself absent after their father’s death, he had faithfully preserved the government for him. 20.94. But when Helena, his mother, heard of her son’s death, she was in great heaviness, as was but natural, upon her loss of such a most dutiful son; yet was it a comfort to her that she heard the succession came to her eldest son. Accordingly, she went to him in haste; and when she was come into Adiabene, she did not long outlive her son Izates. 20.95. But Monobazus sent her bones, as well as those of Izates, his brother, to Jerusalem, and gave order that they should be buried at the pyramids which their mother had erected; they were three in number, and distant no more than three furlongs from the city Jerusalem. 20.96. But for the actions of Monobazus the king, which he did during the rest of his life, we will relate them hereafter. 20.139. And when Agrippa had received these countries as the gift of Caesar, he gave his sister Drusilla in marriage to Azizus, king of Emesa, upon his consent to be circumcised; for Epiphanes, the son of king Antiochus, had refused to marry her, because, after he had promised her father formerly to come over to the Jewish religion, he would not now perform that promise. 20.141. 2. But for the marriage of Drusilla with Azizus, it was in no long time afterward dissolved upon the following occasion: 20.142. While Felix was procurator of Judea, he saw this Drusilla, and fell in love with her; for she did indeed exceed all other women in beauty; and he sent to her a person whose name was Simon one of his friends; a Jew he was, and by birth a Cypriot, and one who pretended to be a magician, and endeavored to persuade her to forsake her present husband, and marry him; and promised, that if she would not refuse him, he would make her a happy woman. 20.143. Accordingly she acted ill, and because she was desirous to avoid her sister Bernice’s envy, for she was very ill treated by her on account of her beauty, was prevailed upon to transgress the laws of her forefathers, and to marry Felix; and when he had had a son by her, he named him Agrippa. 20.145. 3. But as for Bernice, she lived a widow a long while after the death of Herod [king of Chalcis], who was both her husband and her uncle; but when the report went that she had criminal conversation with her brother, [Agrippa, junior,] she persuaded Poleme, who was king of Cilicia, to be circumcised, and to marry her, as supposing that by this means she should prove those calumnies upon her to be false; 20.146. and Poleme was prevailed upon, and that chiefly on account of her riches. Yet did not this matrimony endure long; but Bernice left Poleme, and, as was said, with impure intentions. So he forsook at once this matrimony, and the Jewish religion; 20.158. 4. For in the first year of the reign of Nero, upon the death of Azizus, king of Emesa, Soemus, his brother, succeeded in his kingdom, and Aristobulus, the son of Herod, king of Chalcis, was intrusted by Nero with the government of the Lesser Armenia. 20.195. And when Nero had heard what they had to say, he not only forgave them what they had already done, but also gave them leave to let the wall they had built stand. This was granted them in order to gratify Poppea, Nero’s wife, who was a religious woman, and had requested these favors of Nero, and who gave order to the ten ambassadors to go their way home; but retained Helcias and Ismael as hostages with herself.

12. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.388, 2.454, 2.462-2.463, 2.520, 2.560, 5.15, 5.268, 5.474, 6.126, 6.356, 7.45, 7.191 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, in jewish war •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, in jewish antiquities •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, distinction Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 190, 194, 195, 196, 208

2.388. τίνας οὖν ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἐκ τῆς ἀοικήτου παραλήψεσθε συμμάχους; οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκουμένης πάντες εἰσὶν ̔Ρωμαῖοι, εἰ μή τις ὑπὲρ Εὐφράτην ἐκτείνει τὰς ἐλπίδας καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ̓Αδιαβηνῆς ὁμοφύλους οἴεται προσαμυνεῖν, 2.454. οἱ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ὠμῶς ἀπεσφάγησαν ἅπαντες πλὴν Μετιλίου, τοῦτον γὰρ ἱκετεύσαντα καὶ μέχρι περιτομῆς ἰουδαί̈σειν ὑποσχόμενον διέσωσαν μόνον, τὸ δὲ πάθος ̔Ρωμαίοις μὲν ἦν κοῦφον, ἐκ γὰρ ἀπλέτου δυνάμεως ἀπαναλώθησαν ὀλίγοι, ̓Ιουδαίων δὲ προοίμιον ἁλώσεως ἔδοξεν. 2.462. δεινὴ δὲ ὅλην τὴν Συρίαν ἐπεῖχεν ταραχή, καὶ πᾶσα πόλις εἰς δύο διῄρητο στρατόπεδα, σωτηρία δὲ τοῖς ἑτέροις ἦν τὸ τοὺς ἑτέρους φθάσαι. 2.463. καὶ τὰς μὲν ἡμέρας ἐν αἵματι διῆγον, τὰς δὲ νύκτας δέει χαλεπωτέρας: καὶ γὰρ ἀπεσκευάσθαι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους δοκοῦντες ἕκαστοι τοὺς ἰουδαί̈ζοντας εἶχον ἐν ὑποψίᾳ, καὶ τὸ παρ' ἑκάστοις ἀμφίβολον οὔτε ἀνελεῖν τις προχείρως ὑπέμενεν καὶ μεμιγμένον ὡς βεβαίως ἀλλόφυλον ἐφοβεῖτο. 5.15. καίπερ γὰρ πρὸς πᾶσαν ἀσέβειαν ἐκλελυσσηκότες, ὅμως τοὺς θύειν ἐθέλοντας εἰσηφίεσαν, μεθ' ὑποψιῶν μὲν καὶ φυλακῆς τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους, διερευνώμενοι δὲ τοὺς ξένους: οἳ καίπερ περὶ τὰς εἰσόδους δυσωπήσαντες αὐτῶν τὴν ὠμότητα παρανάλωμα τῆς στάσεως ἐγίνοντο. 5.15. διεταφρεύθη γὰρ ἐπίτηδες, ὡς μὴ τῷ λόφῳ συνάπτοντες οἱ θεμέλιοι τῆς ̓Αντωνίας εὐπρόσιτοί τε εἶεν καὶ ἧττον ὑψηλοί: 5.474. Τεφθέος δέ τις ἀπὸ Γάρις πόλεως τῆς Γαλιλαίας, καὶ Μαγάσσαρος τῶν βασιλικῶν Μαριάμμης θεράπων, μεθ' ὧν ̓Αδιαβηνός τις υἱὸς Ναβαταίου, τοὔνομα κληθεὶς ἀπὸ τῆς τύχης καὶ ἀγίρας, ὅπερ σημαίνει χωλός, ἁρπάσαντες λαμπάδας προεπήδησαν ἐπὶ τὰς μηχανάς. 6.126. οὐχ ἡμεῖς δὲ τοὺς ὑπερβάντας ὑμῖν ἀναιρεῖν ἐπετρέψαμεν, κἂν ̔Ρωμαῖός τις ᾖ; τί οὖν νῦν, ἀλιτήριοι, καὶ νεκροὺς ἐν αὐτῷ καταπατεῖτε; τί δὲ τὸν ναὸν αἵματι ξένῳ καὶ ἐγχωρίῳ φύρετε; 7.45. τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ τρόπον καὶ τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα βασιλέων αὐτοῖς προσφερομένων εἴς τε πλῆθος ἐπέδωκαν καὶ τῇ κατασκευῇ καὶ τῇ πολυτελείᾳ τῶν ἀναθημάτων τὸ ἱερὸν ἐξελάμπρυναν, ἀεί τε προσαγόμενοι ταῖς θρησκείαις πολὺ πλῆθος ̔Ελλήνων, κἀκείνους τρόπῳ τινὶ μοῖραν αὐτῶν πεποίηντο. 7.45. Οὐεσπασιανὸς δὲ τὸ πρᾶγμα ὑποπτεύσας ἀναζητεῖ τὴν ἀλήθειαν καὶ γνοὺς ἄδικον τὴν αἰτίαν τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἐπενηνεγμένην τοὺς μὲν ἀφίησι τῶν ἐγκλημάτων Τίτου σπουδάσαντος, δίκην δ' ἐπέθηκεν ̓Ιωνάθῃ τὴν προσήκουσαν: ζῶν γὰρ κατεκαύθη πρότερον αἰκισθείς. 7.191. οἱ δ' ἔνδον ἀπειλημμένοι τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων αὐτοὶ καθ' ἑαυτοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν ξένων διακριθέντες ἐκείνους μὲν ἠνάγκασαν, ὄχλον ἄλλως εἶναι νομίζοντες, ἐν τῇ κάτω πόλει παραμένειν καὶ τοὺς κινδύνους προεκδέχεσθαι,

2.388. Where then are those people whom you are to have for your auxiliaries? Must they come from the parts of the world that are uninhabited? for all that are in the habitable earth are [under the] Romans. Unless any of you extend his hopes as far as beyond the Euphrates, and suppose that those of your own nation that dwell in Adiabene will come to your assistance 2.454. And thus were all these men barbarously murdered, excepting Metilius; for when he entreated for mercy, and promised that he would turn Jew, and be circumcised, they saved him alive, but none else. This loss to the Romans was but light, there being no more than a few slain out of an immense army; but still it appeared to be a prelude to the Jews’ own destruction, 2.462. o that the disorders in all Syria were terrible, and every city was divided into two armies, encamped one against another, and the preservation of the one party was in the destruction of the other; 2.463. o the daytime was spent in shedding of blood, and the night in fear,—which was of the two the more terrible; for when the Syrians thought they had ruined the Jews, they had the Judaizers in suspicion also; and as each side did not care to slay those whom they only suspected on the other, so did they greatly fear them when they were mingled with the other, as if they were certainly foreigners. 2.520. of whom the most valiant were the kinsmen of Monobazus, king of Adiabene, and their names were Monobazus and Kenedeus; and next to them were Niger of Perea, and Silas of Babylon, who had deserted from king Agrippa to the Jews; for he had formerly served in his army. 5.15. For notwithstanding these men were mad with all sorts of impiety, yet did they still admit those that desired to offer their sacrifices, although they took care to search the people of their own country beforehand, and both suspected and watched them; while they were not so much afraid of strangers, who, although they had gotten leave of them, how cruel soever they were, to come into that court, were yet often destroyed by this sedition; 5.474. And here one Tephtheus, of Garsis, a city of Galilee, and Megassarus, one who was derived from some of queen Mariamne’s servants, and with them one from Adiabene, he was the son of Nabateus, and called by the name of Chagiras, from the ill fortune he had, the word signifying “a lame man,” snatched some torches, and ran suddenly upon the engines. 6.126. Have not we given you leave to kill such as go beyond it, though he were a Roman? And what do you do now, you pernicious villains? Why do you trample upon dead bodies in this temple? and why do you pollute this holy house with the blood of both foreigners and Jews themselves? 7.45. and as the succeeding kings treated them after the same manner, they both multiplied to a great number, and adorned their temple gloriously by fine ornaments, and with great magnificence, in the use of what had been given them. They also made proselytes of a great many of the Greeks perpetually, and thereby, after a sort, brought them to be a portion of their own body. 7.191. As for the Jews that were caught in this place, they separated themselves from the strangers that were with them, and they forced those strangers, as an otherwise useless multitude, to stay in the lower part of the city, and undergo the principal dangers,

13. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.162-1.167, 1.169-1.171, 1.308, 2.123, 2.141-2.143, 2.175, 2.209-2.210, 2.257-2.261, 2.281-2.284 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, in against apion •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, in jewish antiquities •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, distinction •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, attitude towards Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 198, 200, 203, 204

1.162. Πυθαγόρας τοίνυν ὁ Σάμιος ἀρχαῖος ὤν, σοφίᾳ δὲ καὶ τῇ περὶ τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβείᾳ πάντων ὑπειλημμένος διενεγκεῖν τῶν φιλοσοφησάντων, οὐ μόνον ἐγνωκὼς τὰ παρ' ἡμῖν δῆλός ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ζηλωτὴς αὐτῶν ἐκ πλείστου γεγενημένος. 1.163. αὐτοῦ μὲν οὖν οὐδὲν ὁμολογεῖται σύγγραμμα, πολλοὶ δὲ τὰ περὶ αὐτὸν ἱστορήκασι, καὶ τούτων ἐπισημότατός 1.164. ἐστιν ̔́Ερμιππος ἀνὴρ περὶ πᾶσαν ἱστορίαν ἐπιμελής. λέγει τοίνυν ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ τῶν περὶ Πυθαγόρου βιβλίων, ὅτι Πυθαγόρας ἑνὸς αὐτοῦ τῶν συνουσιαστῶν τελευτήσαντος τοὔνομα Καλλιφῶντος τὸ γένος Κροτωνιάτου τὴν ἐκείνου ψυχὴν ἔλεγε συνδιατρίβειν αὐτῷ καὶ νύκτωρ καὶ μεθ' ἡμέραν: καὶ ὅτι παρεκελεύετο μὴ διέρχεσθαι τόπον, ἐφ' ὃν ὄνος ὀκλάσῃ, καὶ τῶν διψίων ὑδάτων ἀπέχεσθαι 1.165. καὶ πάσης ἀπέχειν βλασφημίας. εἶτα προστίθησι μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ τάδε: “ταῦτα δὲ ἔπραττεν καὶ ἔλεγε τὰς ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ Θρᾳκῶν δόξας μιμούμενος καὶ μεταφέρων εἰς ἑαυτόν. λέγεται γὰρ ὡς ἀληθῶς ὁ ἀνὴρ ἐκεῖνος πολλὰ τῶν παρὰ ̓Ιουδαίοις νομίμων εἰς τὴν 1.166. αὐτοῦ μετενεγκεῖν φιλοσοφίαν.” ἦν δὲ καὶ κατὰ πόλεις οὐκ ἄγνωστον ἡμῶν πάλαι τὸ ἔθνος, καὶ πολλὰ τῶν ἐθῶν εἴς τινας ἤδη διαπεφοιτήκει καὶ ζήλου παρ' ἐνίοις ἠξιοῦτο. δηλοῖ δὲ ὁ Θεόφραστος 1.167. ἐν τοῖς περὶ νόμων: λέγει γάρ, ὅτι κωλύουσιν οἱ Τυρίων νόμοι ξενικοὺς ὅρκους ὀμνύειν, ἐν οἷς μετά τινων ἄλλων καὶ τὸν καλούμενον ὅρκον κορβὰν καταριθμεῖ. παρ' οὐδενὶ δ' ἂν οὗτος εὑρεθείη πλὴν μόνοις ̓Ιουδαίοις, δηλοῖ δ' ὡς ἂν εἴποι τις ἐκ τῆς ̔Εβραίων μεθερμηνευόμενος διαλέκτου δῶρον θεοῦ. 1.169. βίβλῳ φησὶν οὕτως: “μοῦνοι δὲ πάντων, φησί, Κόλχοι καὶ Αἰγύπτιοι καὶ Αἰθίοπες περιτέμνονται ἀπ' ἀρχῆς τὰ αἰδοῖα. Φοίνικες δὲ καὶ Σύριοι οἱ ἐν τῇ Παλαιστίνῃ καὶ οὗτοι ὁμολογοῦσι παρ' Αἰγυπτίων μεμαθηκέναι. 1.171. ἔχω εἰπεῖν ὁπότεροι παρὰ τῶν ἑτέρων ἐξέμαθον.” οὐκοῦν εἴρηκε Σύρους τοὺς ἐν τῇ Παλαιστίνῃ περιτέμνεσθαι: τῶν δὲ τὴν Παλαιστίνην κατοικούντων μόνοι τοῦτο ποιοῦσιν ̓Ιουδαῖοι: τοῦτο ἄρα 1.308. εἰς τὸ πέλαγος. βυθισθέντων δὲ τῶν λεπρῶν καὶ ψωρῶν τοὺς ἄλλους συναθροισθέντας εἰς τόπους ἐρήμους ἐκτεθῆναι ἐπ' ἀπωλείᾳ, συναχθέντας δὲ βουλεύσασθαι περὶ αὑτῶν, νυκτὸς δὲ ἐπιγενομένης πῦρ καὶ λύχνους καύσαντας φυλάττειν ἑαυτοὺς τήν τ' ἐπιοῦσαν νύκτα νηστεύσαντας ἱλάσκεσθαι τοὺς θεοὺς περὶ τοῦ σῶσαι αὐτούς. 2.123. ἀλλ' ἐπὶ συμφοραῖς ἐξεληλαμένοι. τῶν ̔Ελλήνων δὲ πλέον τοῖς τόποις ἢ τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν ἀφεστήκαμεν, ὥστε μηδεμίαν ἡμῖν εἶναι πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἔχθραν μηδὲ ζηλοτυπίαν. τοὐναντίον μέντοι πολλοὶ παρ' αὐτῶν εἰς τοὺς ἡμετέρους νόμους συνέβησαν εἰσελθεῖν, καί τινες μὲν ἐνέμειναν, εἰσὶ δ' οἳ τὴν καρτερίαν οὐχ ὑπομείναντες πάλιν ἀπέστησαν. 2.141. τοὺς ἱερεῖς: δύο γὰρ αὐτούς φασιν ὑπὸ τῶν βασιλέων ἐξ ἀρχῆς ταῦτα προστετάχθαι, τὴν τῶν θεῶν θεραπείαν καὶ τῆς σοφίας τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν. ἐκεῖνοι τοίνυν ἅπαντες καὶ περιτέμνονται καὶ χοιρείων ἀπέχονται βρωμάτων, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τῶν ἄλλων Αἰγυπτίων 2.142. οὐδὲ εἷς ὗν θύει τοῖς θεοῖς. ἆρ' οὖν τυφλὸς ἦν τὸν νοῦν ̓Απίων ὑπὲρ Αἰγυπτίων ἡμῖν λοιδορεῖν συνθέμενος, ἐκείνων δὲ κατηγορῶν, οἵ γε μὴ μόνον χρῶνται τοῖς ὑπὸ τούτου λοιδορουμένοις ἔθεσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐδίδαξαν περιτέμνεσθαι, καθάπερ εἴρηκεν ̔Ηρόδοτος; 2.143. ὅθεν εἰκότως μοι δοκεῖ τῆς εἰς τοὺς πατρίους αὐτοῦ νόμους βλασφημίας δοῦναι δίκην ̓Απίων τὴν πρέπουσαν: περιετμήθη γὰρ ἐξ ἀνάγκης ἑλκώσεως αὐτῷ περὶ τὸ αἰδοῖον γενομένης. καὶ μηδὲν ὠφεληθεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς περιτομῆς ἀλλὰ σηπόμενος ἐν δειναῖς ὀδύναις ἀπέθανεν. 2.175. οὐδὲ γὰρ τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀγνοίας ὑποτίμησιν κατέλιπεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ κάλλιστον καὶ ἀναγκαιότατον ἀπέδειξε παίδευμα τὸν νόμον, οὐκ εἰσάπαξ ἀκροασομένοις οὐδὲ δὶς ἢ πολλάκις, ἀλλ' ἑκάστης ἑβδομάδος τῶν ἄλλων ἔργων ἀφεμένους ἐπὶ τὴν ἀκρόασιν ἐκέλευσε τοῦ νόμου συλλέγεσθαι καὶ τοῦτον ἀκριβῶς ἐκμανθάνειν: ὃ δὴ πάντες ἐοίκασιν οἱ νομοθέται παραλιπεῖν. 2.209. Πῶς δὲ καὶ τῆς πρὸς ἀλλοφύλους ἐπιεικείας ἐφρόντισεν ὁ νομοθέτης, ἄξιον ἰδεῖν, [φανεῖται γὰρ ἄριστα πάντων προνοησάμενος] ὅπως μήτε τὰ οἰκεῖα διαφθείρωμεν μήτε φθονήσωμεν τοῖς μετέχειν τῶν ἡμετέρων προαιρουμένοις. 2.257. μάλιστα δὲ Πλάτων μεμίμηται τὸν ἡμέτερον νομοθέτην κἀν τῷ μηδὲν οὕτω παίδευμα προστάττειν τοῖς πολίταις ὡς τὸ πάντας ἀκριβῶς τοὺς νόμους ἐκμανθάνειν, καὶ μὴν καὶ περὶ τοῦ μὴ δεῖν ὡς ἔτυχεν ἐπιμίγνυσθαί τινας ἔξωθεν, ἀλλ' εἶναι καθαρὸν 2.258. τὸ πολίτευμα τῶν ἐμμενόντων τοῖς νόμοις προυνόησεν. ὧν οὐδὲν λογισάμενος ὁ Μόλων ̓Απολλώνιος ἡμῶν κατηγόρησεν, ὅτι μὴ παραδεχόμεθα τοὺς ἄλλαις προκατειλημμένους δόξαις περὶ θεοῦ μηδὲ κοινωνεῖν ἐθέλομεν τοῖς καθ' ἑτέραν συνήθειαν βίου ζῆν προαιρουμένοις. 2.259. ἀλλ' οὐδὲ τοῦτ' ἔστιν ἴδιον ἡμῶν, κοινὸν δὲ πάντων, οὐχ ̔Ελλήνων δὲ μόνων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἐν τοῖς ̔́Ελλησιν εὐδοκιμωτάτων: Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ καὶ ξενηλασίας ποιούμενοι διετέλουν καὶ τοῖς αὐτῶν ἀποδημεῖν πολίταις οὐκ ἐπέτρεπον διαφθορὰν ἐξ 2.261. τῆς πολιτείας οὔτε τῆς παρ' αὐτοῖς μετεδίδοσαν διατριβῆς: ἡμεῖς δὲ τὰ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων ζηλοῦν οὐκ ἀξιοῦμεν, τοὺς μέντοι μετέχειν τῶν ἡμετέρων βουλομένους ἡδέως δεχόμεθα. καὶ τοῦτο ἂν εἴη τεκμήριον, οἶμαι, φιλανθρωπίας ἅμα καὶ μεγαλοψυχίας. 2.281. ἀνθρώποις ἀεὶ καὶ μᾶλλον αὑτῶν ζῆλον ἐμπεποιήκασι. πρῶτοι μὲν γὰρ οἱ παρὰ τοῖς ̔́Ελλησι φιλοσοφήσαντες τῷ μὲν δοκεῖν τὰ πάτρια διεφύλαττον, ἐν δὲ τοῖς πράγμασι καὶ τῷ φιλοσοφεῖν ἐκείνῳ κατηκολούθησαν, ὅμοια μὲν περὶ θεοῦ φρονοῦντες, εὐτέλειαν δὲ 2.282. βίου καὶ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους κοινωνίαν διδάσκοντες. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ πλήθεσιν ἤδη πολὺς ζῆλος γέγονεν ἐκ μακροῦ τῆς ἡμετέρας εὐσεβείας, οὐδ' ἔστιν οὐ πόλις ̔Ελλήνων οὐδητισοῦν οὐδὲ βάρβαρον οὐδὲ ἓν ἔθνος, ἔνθα μὴ τὸ τῆς ἑβδομάδος, ἣν ἀργοῦμεν ἡμεῖς, τὸ ἔθος [δὲ] διαπεφοίτηκεν καὶ αἱ νηστεῖαι καὶ λύχνων ἀνακαύσεις καὶ πολλὰ τῶν εἰς βρῶσιν ἡμῖν οὐ νενομισμένων παρατετήρηται. 2.283. μιμεῖσθαι δὲ πειρῶνται καὶ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἡμῶν ὁμόνοιαν καὶ τὴν τῶν ὄντων ἀνάδοσιν καὶ τὸ φιλεργὸν ἐν ταῖς τέχναις καὶ 2.284. τὸ καρτερικὸν ἐν ταῖς ὑπὲρ τῶν νόμων ἀνάγκαις: τὸ γὰρ θαυμασιώτατον, ὅτι χωρὶς τοῦ τῆς ἡδονῆς ἐπαγωγοῦ δελέατος αὐτὸς καθ' ἑαυτὸν ἴσχυσεν ὁ νόμος, καὶ ὥσπερ ὁ θεὸς διὰ παντὸς τοῦ κόσμου πεφοίτηκεν, οὕτως ὁ νόμος διὰ πάντων ἀνθρώπων βεβάδικεν. αὐτὸς δέ τις ἕκαστος τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὸν οἶκον ἐπισκοπῶν τὸν αὐτοῦ τοῖς ὑπ' ἐμοῦ λεγομένοις οὐκ ἀπιστήσει.

1.162. Pythagoras, therefore, of Samos, lived in very ancient times, and was esteemed a person superior to all philosophers in wisdom and piety towards God. Now it is plain that he did not only know our doctrines, but was in very great measure a follower and admirer of them. 1.163. There is not, indeed, extant any writing that is owned for his; but many there are who have written his history, of whom Hermippus is the most celebrated, who was a person very inquisitive in all sorts of history. 1.164. Now this Hermippus, in his first book concerning Pythagoras, speaks thus:—“That Pythagoras, upon the death of one of his associates, whose name was Calliphon, a Crotoniate by birth, affirmed that this man’s soul conversed with him both night and day, and enjoined him not to pass over a place where an ass had fallen down; as also not to drink of such waters as caused thirst again; and to abstain from all sorts of reproaches.” 1.165. After which he adds thus:—“This he did and said in imitation of the doctrines of the Jews and Thracians, which he transferred into his own philosophy.” For it is very truly affirmed of this Pythagoras, that he took a great many of the laws of the Jews into his own philosophy. 1.166. Nor was our nation unknown of old to several of the Grecian cities, and indeed was thought worthy of imitation by some of them. 1.167. This is declared by Theophrastus, in his writings concerning laws; for he says that “the laws of the Tyrians forbid men to swear foreign oaths.” Among which he enumerates some others, and particularly that called Corban; which oath can only be found among the Jews, and declares what a man may call “A thing devoted to God.” 1.169. His words are these:—“The only people who were circumcised in their privy members originally were the Colchians, the Egyptians, and the Ethiopians; but the Phoenicians and those Syrians that are in Palestine confess that they learned it from the Egyptians; 1.170. and as for those Syrians who live about the rivers Thermodon and Parthenius, and their neighbors the Macrones, they say they have lately learned it from the Colchians; for these are the only people that are circumcised among mankind, and appear to have done the very same thing with the Egyptians; but as for the Egyptians and Ethiopians themselves, I am not able to say which of them received it from the other.” 1.171. This, therefore, is what Herodotus, says, that “the Syrians that are in Palestine are circumcised.” But there are no inhabitants of Palestine that are circumcised excepting the Jews; and therefore it must be his knowledge of them that enabled him to speak so much concerning them. 1.308. Hereupon the scabby and leprous people were drowned, and the rest were gotten together, and sent into desert places, in order to be exposed to destruction. In this case they assembled themselves together, and took counsel what they should do; and determined, that, as the night was coming on, they should kindle fires and lamps, and keep watch; that they also should fast the next night, and propitiate the gods, in order to obtain deliverance from them. 2.123. for as to the Grecians, we are rather remote from them in place than different from them in our institutions, insomuch that we have no enmity with them, nor any jealousy of them. On the contrary, it hath so happened, that many of them have come over to our laws, and some of them have continued in their observation, although others of them had not courage enough to persevere, and so departed from them again; 2.141. for the histories say that two things were originally committed to their care by their king’s injunctions, the worship of the gods, and the support of wisdom and philosophy. Accordingly, these priests are all circumcised, and abstain from swine’s flesh; nor does any one of the other Egyptians assist them in slaying those sacrifices they offer to the gods. 2.142. Apion was therefore quite blinded in his mind when, for the sake of the Egyptians, he contrived to reproach us, and to accuse such others as not only make use of that conduct of life which he so much abuses, but have also taught other men to be circumcised, as says Herodotus; 2.143. which makes me think that Apion is hereby justly punished for his casting such reproaches on the laws of his own country; for he was circumcised himself of necessity, on account of an ulcer in his privy member; and when he received no benefit by such circumcision, but his member became putrid, he died in great torment. 2.175. for he did not suffer the guilt of ignorance to go on without punishment, but demonstrated the law to be the best and the most necessary instruction of all others, permitting the people to leave off their other employments, and to assemble together for the hearing of the law, and learning it exactly, and this not once or twice, or oftener, but every week; which thing all the other legislators seem to have neglected.

14. Josephus Flavius, Life, 113, 149, 112 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 201

112. Κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ἀφικνοῦνται πρός με δύο μεγιστᾶνες τῶν ὑπὸ τὴν ἐξουσίαν τοῦ βασιλέως ἐκ τῆς τῶν Τραχωνιτῶν χώρας ἐπαγόμενοι τοὺς ἑαυτῶν ἵππους καὶ ὅπλα, χρήματα δ' ὑποκομίζοντες.

15. Juvenal, Satires, 14.96-14.102 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 207

16. New Testament, 1 Thessalonians, 1.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, distinction Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 190

1.9. αὐτοὶ γὰρ περὶ ἡμῶν ἀπαγγέλλουσιν ὁποίαν εἴσοδον ἔσχομεν πρὸς ὑμᾶς, καὶ πῶς ἐπεστρέψατε πρὸς τὸν θεὸν ἀπὸ τῶν εἰδώλων δουλεύειν θεῷ ζῶντι καὶ ἀληθινῷ,

1.9. For they themselves report concerning us what kind of a reception we had from you; and how you turned to God from idols, to serve a living and true God,

17. New Testament, Galatians, 2.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, in jewish antiquities •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, in jewish war Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 196

2.14. ἀλλʼ ὅτε εἶδον ὅτι οὐκ ὀρθοποδοῦσιν πρὸς τὴν ἀλήθειαν τοῦ εὐαγγελίου, εἶπον τῷ Κηφᾷ ἔμπροσθεν πάντων Εἰ σὺ Ἰουδαῖος ὑπάρχων ἐθνικῶς καὶ οὐκ Ἰουδαϊκῶς ζῇς, πῶς τὰ ἔθνη ἀναγκάζεις Ἰουδαΐζειν;

2.14. But when I sawthat they didn't walk uprightly according to the truth of the gospel, Isaid to Peter before them all, "If you, being a Jew, live as theGentiles do, and not as the Jews do, why do you compel the Gentiles tolive as the Jews do?

18. Suetonius, Domitianus, 12.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 207

12.2. Estates of those in no way connected with him were confiscated, if but one man came forward to declare that he had heard from the deceased during his lifetime that Caesar was his heir. Besides other taxes, that on the Jews was levied with the utmost rigour, and those were prosecuted who without publicly acknowledging that faith yet lived as Jews, as well as those who concealed their origin and did not pay the tribute levied upon their people. I recall being present in my youth when the person of a man ninety years old was examined before the procurator and a very crowded court, to see whether he was circumcised.

19. Suetonius, Augustus, 93 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus, in jewish war Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 194

20. Plutarch, Moralia, 140d (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •conversion, conversion/adherence in josephus Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 208

21. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 67.14.2, 37.17.1, 66.7.2, 66.4.3, 66.5.4, 57.18.5a (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 199, 207

67.14.2. The charge brought against them both was that of atheism, a charge on which many others who drifted into Jewish ways were condemned. Some of these were put to death, and the rest were at least deprived of their property.

22. Babylonian Talmud, Yevamot, 47b, 47a (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cohen, The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism (2010) 189

47a. אין לי אלא בארץ בח"ל מנין תלמוד לומר אתך בכל מקום שאתך אם כן מה ת"ל בארץ בארץ צריך להביא ראיה בח"ל אין צריך להביא ראיה דברי ר' יהודה וחכמים אומרים בין בארץ בין בחוצה לארץ צריך להביא ראיה,בא הוא ועדיו עמו קרא למה לי אמר רב ששת דאמרי שמענו שנתגייר בב"ד של פלוני סד"א לא ליהמנייהו קמ"ל,בארץ אין לי אלא בארץ בח"ל מנין ת"ל אתך בכל מקום שאתך והא אפיקתיה חדא מאתך וחדא מעמך,וחכ"א בין בארץ בין בח"ל צריך להביא ראיה ואלא הא כתיב בארץ,ההוא מיבעי ליה דאפילו בארץ מקבלים גרים דסד"א משום טיבותא דארץ ישראל קמגיירי והשתא נמי דליכא טיבותא איכא לקט שכחה ופאה ומעשר עני קמ"ל,א"ר חייא בר אבא אמר ר' יוחנן הלכה בין בארץ בין בח"ל צריך להביא ראיה פשיטא יחיד ורבים הלכה כרבים מהו דתימא מסתבר טעמא דרבי יהודה דקמסייעי ליה קראי קמ"ל,ת"ר (דברים א, טז) ושפטתם צדק בין איש ובין אחיו ובין גרו מכאן א"ר יהודה גר שנתגייר בב"ד הרי זה גר בינו לבין עצמו אינו גר,מעשה באחד שבא לפני רבי יהודה ואמר לו נתגיירתי ביני לבין עצמי א"ל רבי יהודה יש לך עדים אמר ליה לאו יש לך בנים א"ל הן א"ל נאמן אתה לפסול את עצמך ואי אתה נאמן לפסול את בניך,[ומי] א"ר יהודה אבנים לא מהימן והתניא (דברים כא, יז) יכיר יכירנו לאחרים מכאן א"ר יהודה נאמן אדם לומר זה בני בכור וכשם שנאמן לומר זה בני בכור כך נאמן לומר בני זה בן גרושה הוא או בן חלוצה הוא וחכ"א אינו נאמן,א"ר נחמן בר יצחק ה"ק ליה לדבריך עובד כוכבים אתה ואין עדות לעובד כוכבים רבינא אמר הכי קאמר ליה יש לך בנים הן יש לך בני בנים הן א"ל נאמן אתה לפסול בניך ואי אתה נאמן לפסול בני בניך,תניא נמי הכי ר' יהודה אומר נאמן אדם לומר על בנו קטן ואין נאמן על בנו גדול ואמר ר' חייא בר אבא א"ר יוחנן לא קטן קטן ממש ולא גדול גדול ממש אלא קטן ויש לו בנים זהו גדול גדול ואין לו בנים זהו קטן,והלכתא כוותיה דרב נחמן בר יצחק והתניא כוותיה דרבינא ההוא לענין יכיר איתמר,תנו רבנן גר שבא להתגייר בזמן הזה אומרים לו מה ראית שבאת להתגייר אי אתה יודע שישראל בזמן הזה דוויים דחופים סחופים ומטורפין ויסורין באין עליהם אם אומר יודע אני ואיני כדאי מקבלין אותו מיד,ומודיעין אותו מקצת מצות קלות ומקצת מצות חמורות ומודיעין אותו עון לקט שכחה ופאה ומעשר עני ומודיעין אותו ענשן של מצות אומרים לו הוי יודע שעד שלא באת למדה זו אכלת חלב אי אתה ענוש כרת חללת שבת אי אתה ענוש סקילה ועכשיו אכלת חלב ענוש כרת חללת שבת ענוש סקילה,וכשם שמודיעין אותו ענשן של מצות כך מודיעין אותו מתן שכרן אומרים לו הוי יודע שהעולם הבא אינו עשוי אלא לצדיקים וישראל בזמן הזה אינם יכולים לקבל

47a. I have derived only that a convert is accepted in Eretz Yisrael; from where do I derive that also outside of Eretz Yisrael he is to be accepted? The verse states “with you,” which indicates that in any place that he is with you, you should accept him. If so, what is the meaning when the verse states: In the land? This indicates that in Eretz Yisrael he needs to bring evidence that he is a convert, but outside of Eretz Yisrael he does not need to bring evidence that he is a convert; rather, his claim is accepted. This is the statement of Rabbi Yehuda. And the Rabbis say: Whether he is in Eretz Yisrael or whether he is outside of Eretz Yisrael, he needs to bring evidence.,The Gemara analyzes the baraita: In the case when he came and brought witnesses to his conversion with him, why do I need a verse to teach that he is accepted? In all cases, the testimony of witnesses is fully relied upon. Rav Sheshet said: The case is where they say: We heard that he converted in the court of so-and-so, but they did not witness the actual conversion. And it is necessary to teach this because it could enter your mind to say that they should not be relied upon; therefore, the verse teaches us that they are relied upon.,As cited above, the latter clause of the baraita states: “With you in your land” (Leviticus 19:33). I have derived only that a convert is accepted in Eretz Yisrael; from where do I derive that also outside of Eretz Yisrael he is to be accepted? The verse states: “With you,” which indicates that in any place that he is with you, you should accept him. The Gemara asks: But didn’t you already expound that phrase in the first clause of the baraita to teach that one doesn’t accept the claims of an individual that he is a valid convert? The Gemara explains: One of these halakhot is derived from the phrase “with you” in the verse cited, and the other one is derived from the phrase “with you” in a subsequent verse (Leviticus 25:35).,The baraita states: And the Rabbis say: Whether he is in Eretz Yisrael or whether he is outside of Eretz Yisrael, he needs to bring evidence. The Gemara asks: But isn’t “in your land” written in the verse? How can the Rabbis deny any distinction between the halakha inside and outside of Eretz Yisrael?,The Gemara explains: That phrase is necessary to teach that even in Eretz Yisrael, the Jewish people should accept converts, as it could enter your mind to say that it is only for the sake of benefiting from the goodness of Eretz Yisrael, and not for the sake of Heaven, that they are converting, and therefore they should not be accepted. And it could also enter your mind to say that even nowadays, when God’s blessing has ceased and there is no longer the original goodness from which to benefit, one should still suspect their purity of motives because there are the gleanings, the forgotten sheaves, and the corners of fields, and the poor man’s tithe from which they would benefit by converting. Therefore, the verse teaches us that they are accepted even in Eretz Yisrael.,Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba said that Rabbi Yoḥa said: The halakha is that whether a convert is in Eretz Yisrael or whether he is outside of Eretz Yisrael, he needs to bring evidence. The Gemara asks: Isn’t this obvious; in all disputes between an individual Sage and many Sages the halakha is in accordance with the opinion of the many Sages. The Gemara explains: It is necessary to state this lest you say that Rabbi Yehuda’s reason is more logical, being that the verse supports him when it states: “In your land.” Therefore, it is necessary for Rabbi Yoḥa to teach us that the halakha is not in accordance with his opinion.,The Sages taught: The verse states that Moses charged the judges of a court: “And judge righteously between a man and his brother, and the convert with him” (Deuteronomy 1:16). From here, based on the mention of a convert in the context of judgment in a court, Rabbi Yehuda said: A potential convert who converts in a court is a valid convert. However, if he converts in private, he is not a convert.,The Gemara relates: There was an incident involving one who was presumed to be Jewish who came before Rabbi Yehuda and said to him: I converted in private, and therefore I am not actually Jewish. Rabbi Yehuda said to him: Do you have witnesses to support your claim? He said to him: No. Rabbi Yehuda asked: Do you have children? He said to him: Yes. Rabbi Yehuda said to him: You are deemed credible in order to render yourself unfit to marry a Jewish woman by claiming that you are a gentile, but you are not deemed credible in order to render your children unfit.,The Gemara asks: But did Rabbi Yehuda actually say that with regard to his children he is not deemed credible? But isn’t it taught in a baraita: The verse states: “He shall acknowledge [yakir] the firstborn, the son of the hated, by giving him a double portion of all that he has” (Deuteronomy 21:17). The phrase “he shall acknowledge” is apparently superfluous. It is therefore expounded to teach that the father is deemed credible so that he can identify him [yakirenu] to others. From here Rabbi Yehuda said: A man is deemed credible to say: This is my firstborn son, and just as he is deemed credible to say: This is my firstborn son, so too, a priest is deemed credible to say: This son of mine is a son of a divorced woman and myself, or to say: He is a son of a ḥalutza and myself, and therefore he is disqualified due to flawed lineage [ḥalal]. And the Rabbis say: He is not deemed credible. If Rabbi Yehuda holds that a father is deemed credible to render his children unfit, why did he rule otherwise in the case of the convert?,Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak said that this is what Rabbi Yehuda said to him: According to your statement you are a gentile, and there is no testimony for a gentile, as a gentile is a disqualified witness. Consequently, you cannot testify about the status of your children and render them unfit. Ravina said that this is what Rabbi Yehuda said to him: Do you have children? He said: Yes. He said to him: Do you have grandchildren? He said: Yes. He said to him: You are deemed credible in order to render your children unfit, based on the phrase “he shall acknowledge,” but you are not deemed credible in order to render your grandchildren unfit, as the verse affords a father credibility only with respect to his children.,This opinion of Ravina is also taught in a baraita: Rabbi Yehuda says: A man is deemed credible to say about his minor son that he is unfit, but he is not deemed credible to say about his adult son that he is unfit. And in explanation of the baraita, Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba said that Rabbi Yoḥa said: The reference to a minor son does not mean one who is literally a minor, who has not yet reached majority, and the reference to an adult son does not mean one who is literally an adult, who has reached majority; rather, a minor who has children, this is what the baraita is referring to as an adult, and an adult who does not have children, this is what the baraita is referring to as a minor.,The Gemara concludes: And the halakha is in accordance with the opinion of Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak. The Gemara asks: But isn’t it taught in the baraita in accordance with the opinion of Ravina? If there is a baraita that supports his opinion, the halakha should be in accordance with his opinion. The Gemara explains: That baraita was stated concerning the matter of “he shall acknowledge,” that a father is deemed credible to render his son unfit; however, if one claims he is a gentile, he is not deemed credible to say the same about his son.,§ The Sages taught in a baraita: With regard to a potential convert who comes to a court in order to convert, at the present time, when the Jews are in exile, the judges of the court say to him: What did you see that motivated you to come to convert? Don’t you know that the Jewish people at the present time are anguished, suppressed, despised, and harassed, and hardships are frequently visited upon them? If he says: I know, and although I am unworthy of joining the Jewish people and sharing in their sorrow, I nevertheless desire to do so, then the court accepts him immediately to begin the conversion process.,And the judges of the court inform him of some of the lenient mitzvot and some of the stringent mitzvot, and they inform him of the sin of neglecting the mitzva to allow the poor to take gleanings, forgotten sheaves, and produce in the corner of one’s field, and about the poor man’s tithe. And they inform him of the punishment for transgressing the mitzvot, as follows: They say to him: Be aware that before you came to this status and converted, had you eaten forbidden fat, you would not be punished by karet, and had you profaned Shabbat, you would not be punished by stoning, since these prohibitions do not apply to gentiles. But now, once converted, if you have eaten forbidden fat you are punished by karet, and if you have profaned Shabbat, you are punished by stoning.,And just as they inform him about the punishment for transgressing the mitzvot, so too, they inform him about the reward granted for fulfilling them. They say to him: Be aware that the World-to-Come is made only for the righteous, and if you observe the mitzvot you will merit it, and be aware that the Jewish people, at the present time, are unable to receive their full reward in this world;

Tiresias: The Ancient Mediterranean Religions Source Database