1. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 11.4, 11.7 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Clement of Alexandria, controversial or polemical aspects • virtue, contest of
Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 375, 376; Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 209
sup> 11.4 אַךְ אֶת־זֶה לֹא תֹאכְלוּ מִמַּעֲלֵי הַגֵּרָה וּמִמַּפְרִיסֵי הַפַּרְסָה אֶת־הַגָּמָל כִּי־מַעֲלֵה גֵרָה הוּא וּפַרְסָה אֵינֶנּוּ מַפְרִיס טָמֵא הוּא לָכֶם׃ 11.4 וְהָאֹכֵל מִנִּבְלָתָהּ יְכַבֵּס בְּגָדָיו וְטָמֵא עַד־הָעָרֶב וְהַנֹּשֵׂא אֶת־נִבְלָתָהּ יְכַבֵּס בְּגָדָיו וְטָמֵא עַד־הָעָרֶב׃ 11.7 וְאֶת־הַחֲזִיר כִּי־מַפְרִיס פַּרְסָה הוּא וְשֹׁסַע שֶׁסַע פַּרְסָה וְהוּא גֵּרָה לֹא־יִגָּר טָמֵא הוּא לָכֶם׃'' None | sup> 11.4 Nevertheless these shall ye not eat of them that only chew the cud, or of them that only part the hoof: the camel, because he cheweth the cud but parteth not the hoof, he is unclean unto you. 11.7 And the swine, because he parteth the hoof, and is cloven-footed, but cheweth not the cud, he is unclean unto you.'' None |
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2. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 1.1 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Clement of Alexandria, controversial or polemical aspects • Theater, pagan content
Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 374, 375; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 147
sup> 1.1 אַשְׁרֵי־הָאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר לֹא הָלַךְ בַּעֲצַת רְשָׁעִים וּבְדֶרֶךְ חַטָּאִים לֹא עָמָד וּבְמוֹשַׁב לֵצִים לֹא יָשָׁב׃'' None | sup> 1.1 HAPPY IS the man that hath not walked in the counsel of the wicked, Nor stood in the way of sinners, nor sat in the seat of the scornful.'' None |
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3. Hesiod, Works And Days, 20-26, 668 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • contests • contests, poetic • religion, content of (traditional) religion • wisdom (expertise), wisdom contests
Found in books: Alvarez (2018), The Derveni Papyrus: Unearthing Ancient Mysteries, 80; Castelli and Sluiter 92023), Agents of Change in the Greco-Roman and Early Modern Periods: Ten Case Studies in Agency in Innovation. 98; Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 87; Segev (2017), Aristotle on Religion, 16
sup> 20 ἥτε καὶ ἀπάλαμόν περ ὁμῶς ἐπὶ ἔργον ἔγειρεν.'21 εἰς ἕτερον γάρ τίς τε ἰδὼν ἔργοιο χατίζει 22 πλούσιον, ὃς σπεύδει μὲν ἀρώμεναι ἠδὲ φυτεύειν 23 οἶκόν τʼ εὖ θέσθαι· ζηλοῖ δέ τε γείτονα γείτων 24 εἰς ἄφενος σπεύδοντʼ· ἀγαθὴ δʼ Ἔρις ἥδε βροτοῖσιν. 25 καὶ κεραμεὺς κεραμεῖ κοτέει καὶ τέκτονι τέκτων, 26 καὶ πτωχὸς πτωχῷ φθονέει καὶ ἀοιδὸς ἀοιδῷ. 668 ἢ Ζεὺς ἀθανάτων βασιλεὺς ἐθέλῃσιν ὀλέσσαι· ' None | sup> 20 Even the slack to work. One craves to toil'21 When others prosper, hankering to seed 22 And plough and set his house in harmony. 23 So neighbour vies with neighbour in great need 24 of wealth: this Strife well serves humanity. 25 Potter hates potter, builder builder, and 26 A beggar bears his fellow-beggar spite, 668 To flee Orion’s rain, the Pleiade ' None |
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4. Hesiod, Theogony, 26-28, 35, 1003-1007 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Panhellenism, contested visions of • contests, athletic • contests, poetic • contests, territory as motive for • memories, kept alive or evoked in ritual, contested, of conflict • table of contents
Found in books: Johnson (2008), Ovid before Exile: Art and Punishment in the Metamorphoses, 72; Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 64, 87; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138, 203; Laemmle (2021), Lists and Catalogues in Ancient Literature and Beyond: Towards a Poetics of Enumeration, 94, 95
sup> 26 ποιμένες ἄγραυλοι, κάκʼ ἐλέγχεα, γαστέρες οἶον, 27 ἴδμεν ψεύδεα πολλὰ λέγειν ἐτύμοισιν ὁμοῖα, 28 ἴδμεν δʼ, εὖτʼ ἐθέλωμεν, ἀληθέα γηρύσασθαι. 35 ἀλλὰ τί ἦ μοι ταῦτα περὶ δρῦν ἢ περὶ πέτρην; 1003 αὐτὰρ Νηρῆος κοῦραι,· ἁλίοιο γέροντος,'1004 ἦ τοι μὲν Φῶκον Ψαμάθη τέκε δῖα θεάων 1005 Αἰακοῦ ἐν φιλότητι διὰ χρυσέην Ἀφροδίτην, 1006 Πηλέι δὲ δμηθεῖσα θεὰ Θέτις ἀργυρόπεζα 1007 γείνατʼ Ἀχιλλῆα ῥηξήνορα θυμολέοντα. ' None | sup> 26 of Helicon, and in those early day 27 Those daughters of Lord Zeus proclaimed to me: 28 “You who tend sheep, full of iniquity, 35 Into my throat that I may eulogize 1003 Who Eileithyia, Hebe and Ares bore.'1004 But Zeus himself yet brought forth, furthermore, 1005 Bright-eyed Tritogeneia from his head, 1006 The queen who stirred up conflict and who led 1007 Her troops in dreadful strife, unwearying, ' None |
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5. Homer, Iliad, 2.494-2.510, 2.562, 2.683-2.684, 9.363, 9.447, 9.478, 15.193 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Amphiktyony, Delphic, contested rule • Panhellenism, contested visions of • contest between Athena and Poseidon • contests, athletic • memories, kept alive or evoked in ritual, contested, of conflict • sanctuaries,, controversial control of • spaces, contested • table of contents
Found in books: Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 38; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 198, 209, 366; Laemmle (2021), Lists and Catalogues in Ancient Literature and Beyond: Towards a Poetics of Enumeration, 27; Skempis and Ziogas (2014), Geography, Topography, Landscape: Configurations of Space in Greek and Roman Epic 67; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 398, 406
sup> 2.494 Βοιωτῶν μὲν Πηνέλεως καὶ Λήϊτος ἦρχον 2.495 Ἀρκεσίλαός τε Προθοήνωρ τε Κλονίος τε, 2.496 οἵ θʼ Ὑρίην ἐνέμοντο καὶ Αὐλίδα πετρήεσσαν 2.497 Σχοῖνόν τε Σκῶλόν τε πολύκνημόν τʼ Ἐτεωνόν, 2.498 Θέσπειαν Γραῖάν τε καὶ εὐρύχορον Μυκαλησσόν, 2.499 οἵ τʼ ἀμφʼ Ἅρμʼ ἐνέμοντο καὶ Εἰλέσιον καὶ Ἐρυθράς, 2.500 οἵ τʼ Ἐλεῶνʼ εἶχον ἠδʼ Ὕλην καὶ Πετεῶνα, 2.501 Ὠκαλέην Μεδεῶνά τʼ ἐϋκτίμενον πτολίεθρον, 2.502 Κώπας Εὔτρησίν τε πολυτρήρωνά τε Θίσβην, 2.503 οἵ τε Κορώνειαν καὶ ποιήενθʼ Ἁλίαρτον, 2.504 οἵ τε Πλάταιαν ἔχον ἠδʼ οἳ Γλισᾶντʼ ἐνέμοντο, 2.505 οἵ θʼ Ὑποθήβας εἶχον ἐϋκτίμενον πτολίεθρον, 2.506 Ὀγχηστόν θʼ ἱερὸν Ποσιδήϊον ἀγλαὸν ἄλσος, 2.507 οἵ τε πολυστάφυλον Ἄρνην ἔχον, οἵ τε Μίδειαν 2.508 Νῖσάν τε ζαθέην Ἀνθηδόνα τʼ ἐσχατόωσαν· 2.509 τῶν μὲν πεντήκοντα νέες κίον, ἐν δὲ ἑκάστῃ 2.510 κοῦροι Βοιωτῶν ἑκατὸν καὶ εἴκοσι βαῖνον. 2.562 οἵ τʼ ἔχον Αἴγιναν Μάσητά τε κοῦροι Ἀχαιῶν, 2.683 οἵ τʼ εἶχον Φθίην ἠδʼ Ἑλλάδα καλλιγύναικα, 2.684 Μυρμιδόνες δὲ καλεῦντο καὶ Ἕλληνες καὶ Ἀχαιοί, 9.363 ἤματί κε τριτάτῳ Φθίην ἐρίβωλον ἱκοίμην. 9.447 οἷον ὅτε πρῶτον λίπον Ἑλλάδα καλλιγύναικα 9.478 φεῦγον ἔπειτʼ ἀπάνευθε διʼ Ἑλλάδος εὐρυχόροιο, 15.193 γαῖα δʼ ἔτι ξυνὴ πάντων καὶ μακρὸς Ὄλυμπος.'' None | sup> 2.494 and a voice unwearying, and though the heart within me were of bronze, did not the Muses of Olympus, daughters of Zeus that beareth the aegis, call to my mind all them that came beneath Ilios. Now will I tell the captains of the ships and the ships in their order.of the Boeotians Peneleos and Leïtus were captains, 2.495 and Arcesilaus and Prothoënor and Clonius; these were they that dwelt in Hyria and rocky Aulis and Schoenus and Scolus and Eteonus with its many ridges, Thespeia, Graea, and spacious Mycalessus; and that dwelt about Harma and Eilesium and Erythrae; 2.500 and that held Eleon and Hyle and Peteon, Ocalea and Medeon, the well-built citadel, Copae, Eutresis, and Thisbe, the haunt of doves; that dwelt in Coroneia and grassy Haliartus, and that held Plataea and dwelt in Glisas; 2.505 that held lower Thebe, the well-built citadel, and holy Onchestus, the bright grove of Poseidon; and that held Arne, rich in vines, and Mideia and sacred Nisa and Anthedon on the seaboard. of these there came fifty ships, and on board of each 2.510 /went young men of the Boeotians an hundred and twenty. 2.562 and Hermione and Asine, that enfold the deep gulf, Troezen and Eïonae and vine-clad Epidaurus, and the youths of the Achaeans that held Aegina and Mases,—these again had as leaders Diomedes, good at the war-cry, and Sthenelus, dear son of glorious Capaneus. 2.683 And with them were ranged thirty hollow ships.Now all those again that inhabited Pelasgian Argos, and dwelt in Alos and Alope and Trachis, and that held Phthia and Hellas, the land of fair women, and were called Myrmidons and Hellenes and Achaeans— 9.363 my ships at early dawn sailing over the teeming Hellespont, and on board men right eager to ply the oar; and if so be the great Shaker of the Earth grants me fair voyaging, on the third day shall I reach deep-soiled Phthia. Possessions full many have I that I left on my ill-starred way hither, 9.447 to be left alone without thee, nay, not though a god himself should pledge him to strip from me my old age and render me strong in youth as in the day when first I left Hellas, the home of fair women, fleeing from strife with my father Amyntor, son of Ormenus; for he waxed grievously wroth against me by reason of his fair-haired concubine, 9.478 then verily I burst the cunningly fitted doors of my chamber and leapt the fence of the court full easily, unseen of the watchmen and the slave women. Thereafter I fled afar through spacious Hellas, and came to deep-soiled Phthia, mother of flocks, 15.193 I verily, when the lots were shaken, won for my portion the grey sea to be my habitation for ever, and Hades won the murky darkness, while Zeus won the broad heaven amid the air and the clouds; but the earth and high Olympus remain yet common to us all. Wherefore will I not in any wise walk after the will of Zeus; nay in quiet '' None |
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6. None, None, nan (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • bow contest • contentment, theme of • contest between Athena and Poseidon • contests, athletic • memories, kept alive or evoked in ritual, contested, of conflict
Found in books: Beck (2021), Repetition, Communication, and Meaning in the Ancient World, 82; Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 46, 64; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 406; Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 215
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7. None, None, nan (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • athletic contests, at Pellana • athletic contests, at Sikyon • sanctuaries,, controversial control of
Found in books: Eisenfeld (2022), Pindar and Greek Religion Theologies of Mortality in the Victory Odes, 112; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 176
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8. None, None, nan (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • contests, athletic • sanctuaries,, controversial control of
Found in books: Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 25; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 9
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9. None, None, nan (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Gnomai, about contentment • mousike, music, contests
Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 57; Meister (2019), Greek Praise Poetry and the Rhetoric of Divinity, 122
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10. Euripides, Hecuba, 466-470 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Arachne, contest with Minerva • contest between Athena and Poseidon • controversy / confrontation
Found in books: Johnson (2008), Ovid before Exile: Art and Punishment in the Metamorphoses, 90; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 359
sup> 466 ἢ Παλλάδος ἐν πόλει'467 τὰς καλλιδίφρους ̓Αθα- 468 ναίας ἐν κροκέῳ πέπλῳ 469 ζεύξομαι ἆρα πώλους ἐν' "470 δαιδαλέαισι ποικίλλους'" '' None | sup> 466 Or in the city of Pallas, the home of Athena of the lovely chariot, shall I then upon her saffron robe yoke horses,'467 Or in the city of Pallas, the home of Athena of the lovely chariot, shall I then upon her saffron robe yoke horses, 470 embroidering them on my web in brilliant varied shades, or the race of Titans, put to sleep by Zeus the son of Cronos with bolt of flashing flame? Choru ' None |
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11. Herodotus, Histories, 5.67, 7.143, 8.73 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Panhellenism, contested visions of • argumentum, truth-content • athletic contests • athletic contests, at Sikyon • memories, kept alive or evoked in ritual, contested, of conflict • performances of myth and ritual (also song), labouring contested memories • wisdom (expertise), wisdom contests
Found in books: Alvarez (2018), The Derveni Papyrus: Unearthing Ancient Mysteries, 83; Eisenfeld (2022), Pindar and Greek Religion Theologies of Mortality in the Victory Odes, 160, 161; Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 197; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138, 142, 221; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 81
sup> 5.67 ταῦτα δέ, δοκέειν ἐμοί, ἐμιμέετο ὁ Κλεισθένης οὗτος τὸν ἑωυτοῦ μητροπάτορα Κλεισθένεα τὸν Σικυῶνος τύραννον. Κλεισθένης γὰρ Ἀργείοισι πολεμήσας τοῦτο μὲν ῥαψῳδοὺς ἔπαυσε ἐν Σικυῶνι ἀγωνίζεσθαι τῶν Ὁμηρείων ἐπέων εἵνεκα, ὅτι Ἀργεῖοί τε καὶ Ἄργος τὰ πολλὰ πάντα ὑμνέαται· τοῦτο δέ, ἡρώιον γὰρ ἦν καὶ ἔστι ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ ἀγορῇ τῶν Σικυωνίων Ἀδρήστου τοῦ Ταλαοῦ, τοῦτον ἐπεθύμησε ὁ Κλεισθένης ἐόντα Ἀργεῖον ἐκβαλεῖν ἐκ τῆς χώρης. ἐλθὼν δὲ ἐς Δελφοὺς ἐχρηστηριάζετο εἰ ἐκβάλοι τὸν Ἄδρηστον· ἡ δὲ Πυθίη οἱ χρᾷ φᾶσα Ἄδρηστον μὲν εἶναι Σικυωνίων βασιλέα, κεῖνον δὲ λευστῆρα. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ θεὸς τοῦτό γε οὐ παρεδίδου, ἀπελθὼν ὀπίσω ἐφρόντιζε μηχανὴν τῇ αὐτὸς ὁ Ἄδρηστος ἀπαλλάξεται. ὡς δέ οἱ ἐξευρῆσθαι ἐδόκεε, πέμψας ἐς Θήβας τὰς Βοιωτίας ἔφη θέλειν ἐπαγαγέσθαι Μελάνιππον τὸν Ἀστακοῦ· οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι ἔδοσαν. ἐπαγαγόμενος δὲ ὁ Κλεισθένης τὸν Μελάνιππον τέμενός οἱ ἀπέδεξε ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ πρυτανηίῳ καί μιν ἵδρυσε ἐνθαῦτα ἐν τῷ ἰσχυροτάτῳ. ἐπηγάγετο δὲ τὸν Μελάνιππον ὁ Κλεισθένης ʽ καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο δεῖ ἀπηγήσασθαἰ ὡς ἔχθιστον ἐόντα Ἀδρήστῳ, ὃς τόν τε ἀδελφεόν οἱ Μηκιστέα ἀπεκτόνεε καὶ τὸν γαμβρὸν Τυδέα. ἐπείτε δέ οἱ τὸ τέμενος ἀπέδεξε, θυσίας τε καὶ ὁρτὰς Ἀδρήστου ἀπελόμενος ἔδωκε τῷ Μελανίππῳ. οἱ δὲ Σικυώνιοι ἐώθεσαν μεγαλωστὶ κάρτα τιμᾶν τὸν Ἄδρηστον· ἡ γὰρ χώρη ἦν αὕτη Πολύβου, ὁ δὲ Ἄδρηστος ἦν Πολύβου θυγατριδέος, ἄπαις δὲ Πόλυβος τελευτῶν διδοῖ Ἀδρήστῳ τὴν ἀρχήν. τά τε δὴ ἄλλα οἱ Σικυώνιοι ἐτίμων τὸν Ἄδρηστον καὶ δὴ πρὸς τὰ πάθεα αὐτοῦ τραγικοῖσι χοροῖσι ἐγέραιρον, τὸν μὲν Διόνυσον οὐ τιμῶντες, τὸν δὲ Ἄδρηστον. Κλεισθένης δὲ χοροὺς μὲν τῷ Διονύσῳ ἀπέδωκε, τὴν δὲ ἄλλην θυσίην Μελανίππῳ. 7.143 ἦν δὲ τῶν τις Ἀθηναίων ἀνὴρ ἐς πρώτους νεωστὶ παριών, τῷ οὔνομα μὲν ἦν Θεμιστοκλέης, παῖς δὲ Νεοκλέος ἐκαλέετο. οὗτος ὡνὴρ οὐκ ἔφη πᾶν ὀρθῶς τοὺς χρησμολόγους συμβάλλεσθαι, λέγων τοιάδε· εἰ ἐς Ἀθηναίους εἶχε τὸ ἔπος εἰρημένον ἐόντως, οὐκ ἂν οὕτω μιν δοκέειν ἠπίως χρησθῆναι, ἀλλὰ ὧδε “ὦ σχετλίη Σαλαμίσ” ἀντὶ τοῦ “ὦ θείη Σαλαμίς,” εἴ πέρ γε ἔμελλον οἱ οἰκήτορες ἀμφʼ αὐτῇ τελευτήσειν· ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους τῷ θεῷ εἰρῆσθαι τὸ χρηστήριον συλλαμβάνοντι κατὰ τὸ ὀρθόν, ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἐς Ἀθηναίους· παρασκευάζεσθαι ὦν αὐτοὺς ὡς ναυμαχήσοντας συνεβούλευε, ὡς τούτου ἐόντος τοῦ ξυλίνου τείχεος. ταύτῃ Θεμιστοκλέος ἀποφαινομένου Ἀθηναῖοι ταῦτα σφίσι ἔγνωσαν αἱρετώτερα εἶναι μᾶλλον ἢ τὰ τῶν χρησμολόγων, οἳ οὐκ ἔων ναυμαχίην ἀρτέεσθαι, τὸ δὲ σύμπαν εἰπεῖν οὐδὲ χεῖρας ἀνταείρεσθαι, ἀλλὰ ἐκλιπόντας χώρην τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἄλλην τινὰ οἰκίζειν. 8.73 οἰκέει δὲ τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἔθνεα ἑπτά. τούτων δὲ τὰ μὲν δύο αὐτόχθονα ἐόντα κατὰ χώρην ἵδρυται νῦν τε καὶ τὸ πάλαι οἴκεον, Ἀρκάδες τε καὶ Κυνούριοι· ἓν δὲ ἔθνος τὸ Ἀχαιϊκὸν ἐκ μὲν Πελοποννήσου οὐκ ἐξεχώρησε, ἐκ μέντοι τῆς ἑωυτῶν, οἰκέει δὲ τὴν ἀλλοτρίην. τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ ἔθνεα τῶν ἑπτὰ τέσσερα ἐπήλυδα ἐστί, Δωριέες τε καὶ Αἰτωλοὶ καὶ Δρύοπες καὶ Λήμνιοι. Δωριέων μὲν πολλαί τε καὶ δόκιμοι πόλιες, Αἰτωλῶν δὲ Ἦλις μούνη, Δρυόπων δὲ Ἑρμιών τε καὶ Ἀσίνη ἡ πρὸς Καρδαμύλῃ τῇ Λακωνικῇ, Λημνίων δὲ Παρωρεῆται πάντες. οἱ δὲ Κυνούριοι αὐτόχθονες ἐόντες δοκέουσι μοῦνοι εἶναι Ἴωνες, ἐκδεδωρίευνται δὲ ὑπό τε Ἀργείων ἀρχόμενοι καὶ τοῦ χρόνου, ἐόντες Ὀρνεῆται καὶ οἱ περίοικοι. τούτων ὦν τῶν ἑπτὰ ἐθνέων αἱ λοιπαὶ πόλιες, πάρεξ τῶν κατέλεξα, ἐκ τοῦ μέσου κατέατο· εἰ δὲ ἐλευθέρως ἔξεστι εἰπεῖν, ἐκ τοῦ κατήμενοι ἐμήδιζον.'' None | sup> 5.67 In doing this, to my thinking, this Cleisthenes was imitating his own mother's father, Cleisthenes the tyrant of Sicyon, for Cleisthenes, after going to war with the Argives, made an end of minstrels' contests at Sicyon by reason of the Homeric poems, in which it is the Argives and Argos which are primarily the theme of the songs. Furthermore, he conceived the desire to cast out from the land Adrastus son of Talaus, the hero whose shrine stood then as now in the very marketplace of Sicyon because he was an Argive. ,He went then to Delphi, and asked the oracle if he should cast Adrastus out, but the priestess said in response: “Adrastus is king of Sicyon, and you but a stone thrower.” When the god would not permit him to do as he wished in this matter, he returned home and attempted to devise some plan which might rid him of Adrastus. When he thought he had found one, he sent to Boeotian Thebes saying that he would gladly bring Melanippus son of Astacus into his country, and the Thebans handed him over. ,When Cleisthenes had brought him in, he consecrated a sanctuary for him in the government house itself, where he was established in the greatest possible security. Now the reason why Cleisthenes brought in Melanippus, a thing which I must relate, was that Melanippus was Adrastus' deadliest enemy, for Adrastus had slain his brother Mecisteus and his son-in-law Tydeus. ,Having then designated the precinct for him, Cleisthenes took away all Adrastus' sacrifices and festivals and gave them to Melanippus. The Sicyonians had been accustomed to pay very great honor to Adrastus because the country had once belonged to Polybus, his maternal grandfather, who died without an heir and bequeathed the kingship to him. ,Besides other honors paid to Adrastus by the Sicyonians, they celebrated his lamentable fate with tragic choruses in honor not of Dionysus but of Adrastus. Cleisthenes, however, gave the choruses back to Dionysus and the rest of the worship to Melanippus. " " 7.143 Now there was a certain Athenian, by name and title Themistocles son of Neocles, who had lately risen to be among their chief men. He claimed that the readers of oracles had incorrectly interpreted the whole of the oracle and reasoned that if the verse really pertained to the Athenians, it would have been formulated in less mild language, calling Salamis “cruel” rather than “divine ” seeing that its inhabitants were to perish. ,Correctly understood, the gods' oracle was spoken not of the Athenians but of their enemies, and his advice was that they should believe their ships to be the wooden wall and so make ready to fight by sea. ,When Themistocles put forward this interpretation, the Athenians judged him to be a better counsellor than the readers of oracles, who would have had them prepare for no sea fight, and, in short, offer no resistance at all, but leave Attica and settle in some other country. " " 8.73 Seven nations inhabit the Peloponnese. Two of these are aboriginal and are now settled in the land where they lived in the old days, the Arcadians and Cynurians. One nation, the Achaean, has never left the Peloponnese, but it has left its own country and inhabits another nation's land. ,The four remaining nations of the seven are immigrants, the Dorians and Aetolians and Dryopians and Lemnians. The Dorians have many famous cities, the Aetolians only Elis, the Dryopians Hermione and Asine near Laconian Cardamyle, the Lemnians all the Paroreatae. ,The Cynurians are aboriginal and seem to be the only Ionians, but they have been Dorianized by time and by Argive rule. They are the Orneatae and the perioikoi. All the remaining cities of these seven nations, except those I enumerated, stayed neutral. If I may speak freely, by staying neutral they medized. "" None |
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12. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • festivals, contests/competitions • liturgies, controversy surrounding
Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 230; Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 201
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13. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Aeschylus, beauty contests • dithyramb/dithyrambic choruses/contests
Found in books: Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 229; Rutter and Sparkes (2012), Word and Image in Ancient Greece, 201
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14. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • De Re Rustica (Varro), technical content of • allusion, to artistic and singing contests • contests, adjudication of • contests, allusions to • contests, drawing of lots as procedure • contests, pastoral settings and • contests, poetic • contests, power imbalanceandinjustice in
Found in books: Johnson (2008), Ovid before Exile: Art and Punishment in the Metamorphoses, 38, 44, 45; Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 143
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15. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • contents of, use of • contests, athletic
Found in books: Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 184; Strong (2021), The Fables of Jesus in the Gospel of Luke: A New Foundation for the Study of Parables 83
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16. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 5.308-5.309, 5.319-5.330, 5.341-5.348, 5.363, 5.365-5.377, 5.379, 5.391, 5.427-5.429 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Arachne, contest with Minerva • Metamorphoses, Pierides’ contest with Muses • allusion, to artistic and singing contests • contests, adjudication of • contests, allusions to • contests, artistic hubris and entry into • contests, drawing of lots as procedure • contests, pastoral settings and • contests, power imbalanceandinjustice in • performance settings,, for weaving contest
Found in books: Johnson (2008), Ovid before Exile: Art and Punishment in the Metamorphoses, 34, 44, 46, 64, 66, 80, 87; Williams and Vol (2022), Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 173, 174, 176, 179, 180, 182
sup> 5.308 “Desinite indoctum vana dulcedine vulgus 5.309 fallere: nobiscum, siqua est fiducia vobis, 5.319 bella canit superum, falsoque in honore Gigantas 5.320 ponit et extenuat magnorum facta deorum; 5.321 emissumque ima de sede Typhoea terrae 5.322 caelitibus fecisse metum cunctosque dedisse 5.323 terga fugae, donec fessos Aegyptia tellus 5.324 ceperit et septem discretus in ostia Nilus. 5.325 Huc quoque terrigenam venisse Typhoea narrat 5.327 “duxque gregis” dixit “fit Iuppiter; unde recurvis 5.328 nunc quoque formatus Libys est cum cornibus Ammon. 5.329 Delius in corvo, proles Semeleia capro, 5.330 fele soror Phoebi, nivea Saturnia vacca, 5.341 “Prima Ceres unco glaebam dimovit aratro, 5.342 prima dedit fruges alimentaque mitia terris, 5.343 prima dedit leges: Cereris sunt omnia munus. 5.344 Illa canenda mihi est. Utinam modo dicere possem 5.345 carmina digna dea: certe dea carmine digna est. 5.346 Vasta giganteis ingesta est insula membris 5.347 Trinacris et magnis subiectum molibus urget 5.348 aetherias ausum sperare Typhoea sedes. 5.363 depositoque metu, videt hunc Erycina vagantem 5.365 “arma manusque meae, mea, nate, potentia”, dixit, 5.366 “illa, quibus superas omnes, cape tela, Cupido, 5.367 inque dei pectus celeres molire sagittas, 5.368 cui triplicis cessit fortuna novissima regni. 5.370 victa domas ipsumque, regit qui numina ponti. 5.371 Tartara quid cessant? cur non matrisque tuumque 5.372 imperium profers? agitur pars tertia mundi. 5.373 Et tamen in caelo, quae iam patientia nostra est, 5.374 spernimur, ac mecum vires minuuntur Amoris. 5.375 Pallada nonne vides iaculatricemque Dianam 5.377 si patiemur, erit: nam spes adfectat easdem. 5.379 iunge deam patruo.” Dixit Venus. Ille pharetram 5.391 perpetuum ver est. Quo dum Proserpina luco 5.427 mente gerit tacita lacrimisque absumitur omnis, 5.428 et quarum fuerat magnum modo numen, in illas 5.429 ossa pati flexus, ungues posuisse rigorem;' ' None | sup> 5.308 “Your craven spirits have benumbed you, not' "5.309 Medusa's poison.—Come with me and strike" 5.319 the soldier hardened to an upright stone.— 5.320 Assured he was alive, Astyage 5.321 now struck him with his long sword, but the blade 5.322 resounded with a ringing note; and there, 5.323 astonished at the sound, Astyages, 5.324 himself, assumed that nature; and remained 5.325 with wonder pictured on his marble face. 5.327 prung from the middle classes, there remained 5.328 two hundred warriors eager for the fight—' "5.329 as soon as they could see Medusa's face," '5.330 two hundred warriors stiffened into stone. 5.341 to Perseus, and confessed his wicked deeds; 5.342 and thus imploring spoke; 5.343 “Remove, I pray, 5.344 O Perseus, thou invincible, remove 5.345 from me that dreadful Gorgon: take away 5.346 the stone-creating countece of thy 5.347 unspeakable Medusa! For we warred 5.348 not out of hatred, nor to gain a throne, 5.363 a monument, that ages may record 5.365 thus always, in the palace where reside 5.366 my father-in-law, that my surrendered spouse 5.367 may soften her great grief when she but see 5.368 the darling image of her first betrothed.” 5.370 where Phineus had turned his trembling face: 5.371 and as he struggled to avert his gaze 5.372 his neck grew stiff; the moisture of his eye 5.373 was hardened into stone.—And since that day 5.374 his timid face and coward eyes and hands, 5.375 forever shall be guilty as in life. 5.377 and sought the confines of his native land; 5.379 he punished Proetus—who by force of arm 5.391 there is no limit to your unjust rage. 5.427 that fountain, flowing where the hoof had struck, 5.428 turned round to view the groves of ancient trees; 5.429 the grottoes and the grass bespangled, rich' ' None |
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17. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Calliope, contest with Emathides • allusion, to artistic and singing contests • contentment, theme of • contests, allusions to • contests, as framing devices • contests, pastoral settings and • performance settings,, for singing contest
Found in books: Johnson (2008), Ovid before Exile: Art and Punishment in the Metamorphoses, 42; Yona (2018), Epicurean Ethics in Horace: The Psychology of Satire, 81, 82
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18. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: • Metamorphoses, Pierides’ contest with Muses • pastoral, contest
Found in books: Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 229; Williams and Vol (2022), Philosophy in Ovid, Ovid as Philosopher, 168
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19. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 2.10, 15.50-15.52 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Origenist controversy • Scripture, as contested authority • Tefillah, Contents • spiritual gifts, form and content of
Found in books: Allison (2020), Saving One Another: Philodemus and Paul on Moral Formation in Community, 151, 152; Bickerman and Tropper (2007), Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 565; Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 239, 252, 253; Iricinschi et al. (2013), Beyond the Gnostic Gospels: Studies Building on the Work of Elaine Pagels, 257, 260
sup> 2.10 ἡμῖν γὰρ ἀπεκάλυψεν ὁ θεὸς διὰ τοῦ πνεύματος, τὸ γὰρ πνεῦμα πάντα ἐραυνᾷ, καὶ τὰ βάθη τοῦ θεοῦ. 15.50 Τοῦτο δέ φημι, ἀδελφοί, ὅτι σὰρξ καὶ αἷμα βασιλείαν θεοῦ κληρονομῆσαι οὐ δύναται, οὐδὲ ἡ φθορὰ τὴν ἀφθαρσίαν κληρονομεῖ. 15.51 ἰδοὺ μυστήριον ὑμῖν λέγω· πάντες οὐ κοιμηθησόμεθα πάντες δὲ ἀλλαγησόμεθα, 15.52 ἐν ἀτόμῳ, ἐν ῥιπῇ ὀφθαλμοῦ, ἐν τῇ ἐσχάτῃ σάλπιγγι· σαλπίσει γάρ, καὶ οἱ νεκροὶ ἐγερθήσονται ἄφθαρτοι, καὶ ἡμεῖς ἀλλαγησόμεθα.'' None | sup> 2.10 But to us, God revealed them through the Spirit. For theSpirit searches all things, yes, the deep things of God.' " 15.50 Now I say this, brothers, that flesh and blood can'tinherit the Kingdom of God; neither does corruption inheritincorruption." '15.51 Behold, I tell you a mystery. We will not all sleep, but wewill all be changed, 15.52 in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye,at the last trumpet. For the trumpet will sound, and the dead will beraised incorruptible, and we will be changed.'' None |
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20. New Testament, 1 Timothy, 6.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Scripture, as contested authority • theological controversy, use of forensic skills in
Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 179; Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 223
sup> 6.20 Ὦ Τιμόθεε, τὴν παραθήκην φύλαξον, ἐκτρεπόμενος τὰς βεβήλους κενοφωνίας καὶ ἀντιθέσεις τῆς ψευδωνύμου γνώσεως,'' None | sup> 6.20 Timothy, guard that which is committed to you, turning away from the empty chatter and oppositions of the knowledge which is falsely so called; '' None |
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21. New Testament, Acts, 2.38, 8.18-8.24, 10.3, 10.9, 10.28, 10.30, 10.34, 17.16 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Acts of the Apostles, baptismal content of • Contest • Contest, binding and loosing • Contest, divine-human • Contest, dramatic • Contest, rhetorical • Contest, teacher-rival • Lord’s Prayer, Content of the • Peter and Cornelius' visions, content • Prayer, Content of • controversies, over rebaptism • controversy / confrontation • controversy, allusions • theological, controversies
Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 89; Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 10; Hanghan (2019), Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus, 152; Hillier (1993), Arator on the Acts of the Apostles: A Baptismal Commentary, 20, 21, 22, 23; Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 152; Langstaff, Stuckenbruck, and Tilly, (2022), The Lord’s Prayer, 217; Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 40, 85, 86, 265; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 204
sup> 2.38 ἄνδρες ἀδελφοί; Πέτρος δὲ πρὸς αὐτούς Μετανοήσατε, καὶ βαπτισθήτω ἕκαστος ὑμῶν ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ εἰς ἄφεσιν τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν ὑμῶν, καὶ λήμψεσθε τὴν δωρεὰν τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος· 8.18 Ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ Σίμων ὅτι διὰ τῆς ἐπιθέσεως τῶν χειρῶν τῶν ἀποστόλων δίδοται τὸ πνεῦμα προσήνεγκεν αὐτοῖς χρήματα λέγων Δότε κἀμοὶ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ταύτην ἵνα ᾧ ἐὰν ἐπιθῶ τὰς χεῖ 8.19 ρας λαμβάνῃ πνεῦμα ἅγιον. 8.20 Πέτρος δὲ εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτόν Τὸ ἀργύριόν σου σὺν σοὶ εἴη εἰς ἀπώλειαν, ὅτι τὴν δωρεὰν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐνόμισας διὰ χρημάτων κτᾶσθαι. 8.21 οὐκ ἔστιν σοι μερὶς οὐδὲ κλῆρος ἐν τῷ λόγῳ τούτῳ, ἡ γὰρκαρδία σου οὐκ ἔστιν εὐθεῖα ἔναντι τοῦ θεοῦ. 8.22 μετανόησον οὖν ἀπὸ τῆς κακίας σου ταύτης, καὶ δεήθητι τοῦ κυρίου εἰ ἄρα ἀφεθήσεταί σοι ἡ ἐπίνοια τῆς καρδίας σου· 8.23 εἰς γὰρ χολὴν πικρίας καὶσύνδεσμον ἀδικίας ὁρῶ σε ὄντα. 8.24 ἀποκριθεὶς δὲ ὁ Σίμων εἶπεν Δεήθητε ὑμεῖς ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ πρὸς τὸν κύριον ὅπως μηδὲν ἐπέλθῃ ἐπʼ ἐμὲ ὧν εἰρήκατε. 10.3 εἶδεν ἐν ὁράματι φανερῶς ὡσεὶ περὶ ὥραν ἐνάτην τῆς ἡμέρας ἄγγελον τοῦ θεοῦ εἰσελθόντα πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ εἰπόντα αὐτῷ Κορνήλιε. 10.9 Τῇ δὲ ἐπαύριον ὁδοιπορούντων ἐκείνων καὶ τῇ πόλει ἐγγιζόντων ἀνέβη Πέτρος ἐπὶ τὸ δῶμα προσεύξασθαι περὶ ὥραν ἕκτην. 10.28 ἔφη τε πρὸς αὐτούς Ὑμεῖς ἐπίστασθε ὡς ἀθέμιτόν ἐστιν ἀνδρὶ Ἰουδαίῳ κολλᾶσθαι ἢ προσέρχεσθαι ἀλλοφύλῳ· κἀμοὶ ὁ θεὸς ἔδειξεν μηδένα κοινὸν ἢ ἀκάθαρτον λέγειν ἄνθρωπον·
10.30 καὶ ὁ Κορνήλιος ἔφη Ἀπὸ τετάρτης ἡμέρας μέχρι ταύτης τῆς ὥρας ἤμην τὴν ἐνάτην προσευχόμενος ἐν τῷ οἴκῳ μου, καὶ ἰδοὺ ἀνὴρ ἔστη ἐνώπιόν μου ἐν ἐσθῆτι λαμπρᾷ
10.34 ἀνοίξας δὲ Πέτρος τὸ στόμα εἶπεν Ἐπʼ ἀληθείας καταλαμβάνομαι ὅτι οὐκ ἔστιν προσωπολήμπτης ὁ θεός, 17.16 Ἐν δὲ ταῖς Ἀθήναις ἐκδεχομένου αὐτοὺς τοῦ Παύλου, παρωξύνετο τὸ πνεῦμα αὐτοῦ ἐν αὐτῷ θεωροῦντος κατείδωλον οὖσαν τὴν πόλιν.'' None | sup> 2.38 Peter said to them, "Repent, and be baptized, everyone of you, in the name of Jesus Christ for the forgiveness of sins, and you will receive the gift of the Holy Spirit. ' " 8.18 Now when Simon saw that the Holy Spirit was given through the laying on of the apostles' hands, he offered them money, " '8.19 saying, "Give me also this power, that whoever I lay my hands on may receive the Holy Spirit." 8.20 But Peter said to him, "May your silver perish with you, because you thought you could obtain the gift of God with money! ' "8.21 You have neither part nor lot in this matter, for your heart isn't right before God. " '8.22 Repent therefore of this, your wickedness, and ask God if perhaps the thought of your heart may be forgiven you. 8.23 For I see that you are in the gall of bitterness and in the bondage of iniquity." 8.24 Simon answered, "Pray for me to the Lord, that none of the things which you have spoken come on me." 10.3 At about the ninth hour of the day, he clearly saw in a vision an angel of God coming to him, and saying to him, "Cornelius!" 10.9 Now on the next day as they were on their journey, and got close to the city, Peter went up on the housetop to pray at about noon. 10.28 He said to them, "You yourselves know how it is an unlawful thing for a man who is a Jew to join himself or come to one of another nation, but God has shown me that I shouldn\'t call any man unholy or unclean.
10.30 Cornelius said, "Four days ago, I was fasting until this hour, and at the ninth hour, I prayed in my house, and behold, a man stood before me in bright clothing,
10.34 Peter opened his mouth and said, "Truly I perceive that God doesn\'t show favoritism; 17.16 Now while Paul waited for them at Athens, his spirit was provoked within him as he saw the city full of idols. '' None |
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22. New Testament, John, 1.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Arius and Arian controversy • Trinitarian controversies • adoption as master-metaphor in Christian divine sonship, Arian controversy • adoption metaphor in Arian controversy • creation, in Trinitarian controversies
Found in books: Bar Asher Siegal (2018), Jewish-Christian Dialogues on Scripture in Late Antiquity: Heretic Narratives of the Babylonian Talmud, 76; Peppard (2011), The Son of God in the Roman World: Divine Sonship in its Social and Political Context, 165
sup> 1.3 πάντα διʼ αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο, καὶ χωρὶς αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο οὐδὲ ἕν.'' None | sup> 1.3 All things were made through him. Without him was not anything made that has been made. '' None |
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23. New Testament, Luke, 1.5-1.17, 2.46-2.47, 4.16, 11.9, 18.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Belief, Content of • Contest, dramatic • Contest, rhetorical • Lukan Fable Collection, contents of • Prayer, Content of • Scripture, as contested authority • contents of • contents of, examples in Luke • contents of, form and style of • contents of, source critical value of • controversy, allusions • controversy, interpretation
Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 252; Hanghan (2019), Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus, 152; Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 152; Langstaff, Stuckenbruck, and Tilly, (2022), The Lord’s Prayer, 193, 216; Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 265; Strong (2021), The Fables of Jesus in the Gospel of Luke: A New Foundation for the Study of Parables 402, 405, 490, 513, 514, 515, 516; Zawanowska and Wilk (2022), The Character of David in Judaism, Christianity and Islam: Warrior, Poet, Prophet and King, 535
sup> 1.5 ΕΓΕΝΕΤΟ ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις Ἡρῴδου βασιλέως τῆς Ἰουδαίας ἱερεύς τις ὀνόματι Ζαχαρίας ἐξ ἐφημερίας Ἀβιά, καὶ γυνὴ αὐτῷ ἐκ τῶν θυγατέρων Ἀαρών, καὶ τὸ ὄνομα αὐτῆς Ἐλεισάβετ. 1.6 ἦσαν δὲ δίκαιοι ἀμφότεροι ἐναντίον τοῦ θεοῦ, πορευόμενοι ἐν πάσαις ταῖς ἐντολαῖς καὶ δικαιώμασιν τοῦ κυρίου ἄμεμπτοι. 1.7 καὶ οὐκ ἦν αὐτοῖς τέκνον, καθότι ἦν ἡ Ἐλεισάβετ στεῖρα, καὶ ἀμφότεροι προβεβηκότες ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις αὐτῶν ἦσαν. 1.8 Ἐγένετο δὲ ἐν τῷ ἱερατεύειν αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ τάξει τῆς ἐφημερίας αὐτοῦ ἔναντι τοῦ θεοῦ 1.9 κατὰ τὸ ἔθος τῆς ἱερατίας ἔλαχε τοῦ θυμιᾶσαι εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὸν ναὸν τοῦ κυρίου, 1.10 καὶ πᾶν τὸ πλῆθος ἦν τοῦ λαοῦ προσευχόμενον ἔξω τῇ ὥρᾳ τοῦ θυμιάματος· 1.11 ὤφθη δὲ αὐτῷ ἄγγελος Κυρίου ἑστὼς ἐκ δεξιῶν τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου τοῦ θυμιάματος. 1.12 καὶ ἐταράχθη Ζαχαρίας ἰδών, καὶ φόβος ἐπέπεσεν ἐπʼ αὐτόν. 1.13 εἶπεν δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ ἄγγελος Μὴ φοβοῦ, Ζαχαρία, διότι εἰσηκούσθη ἡ δέησίς σου, καὶ ἡ γυνή σου Ἐλεισάβετ γεννήσει υἱόν σοι, καὶ καλέσεις τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ Ἰωάνην· 1.14 καὶ ἔσται χαρά σοι καὶ ἀγαλλίασις, καὶ πολλοὶ ἐπὶ τῇ γενέσει αὐτοῦ χαρήσονται· 1.15 ἔσται γὰρ μέγας ἐνώπιον Κυρίου, καὶ οἶνον καὶ σίκερα οὐ μὴ πίῃ, καὶ πνεύματος ἁγίου πλησθήσεται ἔτι ἐκ κοιλίας μητρὸς αὐτοῦ, 1.16 καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν υἱῶν Ἰσραὴλ ἐπιστρέψει ἐπὶ Κύριον τὸν θεὸν αὐτῶν· 1.17 καὶ αὐτὸς προελεύσεται ἐνώπιον αὐτοῦ ἐν πνεύματι καὶ δυνάμει Ἠλεία, ἐπιστρέψαι καρδίας πατέρων ἐπὶ τέκνα καὶ ἀπειθεῖς ἐν φρονήσει δικαίων, ἑτοιμάσαι Κυρίῳ λαὸν κατεσκευασμένον. 2.46 καὶ ἐγένετο μετὰ ἡμέρας τρεῖς εὗρον αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ καθεζόμενον ἐν μέσῳ τῶν διδασκάλων καὶ ἀκούοντα αὐτῶν καὶ ἐπερωτῶντα αὐτούς· 2.47 ἐξίσταντο δὲ πάντες οἱ ἀκούοντες αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τῇ συνέσει καὶ ταῖς ἀποκρίσεσιν αὐτοῦ. 4.16 Καὶ ἦλθεν εἰς Ναζαρά, οὗ ἦν τεθραμμένος, καὶ εἰσῆλθεν κατὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς αὐτῷ ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῶν σαββάτων εἰς τὴν συναγωγήν, καὶ ἀνέστη ἀναγνῶναι. 11.9 Κἀγὼ ὑμῖν λέγω, αἰτεῖτε, καὶ δοθήσεται ὑμῖν· ζητεῖτε, καὶ εὑρήσετε· κρούετε, καὶ ἀνοιγήσεται ὑμῖν. 18.8 λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι ποιήσει τὴν ἐκδίκησιν αὐτῶν ἐν τάχει. πλὴν ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐλθὼν ἆρα εὑρήσει τὴν πίστιν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς;'' None | sup> 1.5 There was in the days of Herod, the king of Judea, a certain priest named Zacharias, of the priestly division of Abijah. He had a wife of the daughters of Aaron, and her name was Elizabeth. 1.6 They were both righteous before God, walking blamelessly in all the commandments and ordices of the Lord. 1.7 But they had no child, because Elizabeth was barren, and they both were well advanced in years. ' "1.8 Now it happened, while he executed the priest's office before God in the order of his division, " "1.9 according to the custom of the priest's office, his lot was to enter into the temple of the Lord and burn incense. " '1.10 The whole multitude of the people were praying outside at the hour of incense. 1.11 An angel of the Lord appeared to him, standing on the right side of the altar of incense. 1.12 Zacharias was troubled when he saw him, and fear fell upon him. 1.13 But the angel said to him, "Don\'t be afraid, Zacharias, because your request has been heard, and your wife, Elizabeth, will bear you a son, and you shall call his name John. 1.14 You will have joy and gladness; and many will rejoice at his birth. ' "1.15 For he will be great in the sight of the Lord, and he will drink no wine nor strong drink. He will be filled with the Holy Spirit, even from his mother's womb. " '1.16 He will turn many of the children of Israel to the Lord, their God. 1.17 He will go before him in the spirit and power of Elijah, \'to turn the hearts of the fathers to the children,\' and the disobedient to the wisdom of the just; to make ready a people prepared for the Lord." 2.46 It happened after three days they found him in the temple, sitting in the midst of the teachers, both listening to them, and asking them questions. 2.47 All who heard him were amazed at his understanding and his answers. 4.16 He came to Nazareth, where he had been brought up. He entered, as was his custom, into the synagogue on the Sabbath day, and stood up to read. 11.9 "I tell you, keep asking, and it will be given you. Keep seeking, and you will find. Keep knocking, and it will be opened to you. 18.8 I tell you that he will avenge them quickly. Nevertheless, when the Son of Man comes, will he find faith on the earth?"'' None |
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24. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 1.6.43-1.6.45 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • controversy, values
Found in books: Hanghan (2019), Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus, 53; Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 53
| sup> 1.6.43 Usage remains to be discussed. For it would be almost laughable to prefer the language of the past to that of the present day, and what is ancient speech but ancient usage of speaking? But even here the critical faculty is necessary, and we must make up our minds what we mean by usage. 1.6.44 \xa0If it be defined merely as the practice of the majority, we shall have a very dangerous rule affecting not merely style but life as well, a far more serious matter. For where is so much good to be found that what is right should please the majority? The practices of depilation, of dressing the hair in tiers, or of drinking in excess at the baths, although they may have thrust their way into society, cannot claim the support of usage, since there is something to blame in all of them (although we have usage on our side when we bathe or have our hair cut or take our meals together). So too in speech we must not accept as a rule of language words and phrases that have become a vicious habit with a\xa0number of persons. 1.6.45 \xa0To say nothing of the language of the uneducated, we are all of us well aware that whole theatres and the entire crowd of spectators will often commit barbarisms in the cries which they utter as one man. I\xa0will therefore define usage in speech as the agreed practice of educated men, just as where our way of life is concerned I\xa0should define it as the agreed practice of all good men.'' None |
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25. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Alexander III (‘the Great’) of Macedon, and musical contests • Panhellenic contests • dithyramb/dithyrambic choruses/contests
Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 33; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 153; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 327
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26. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Intentionality, content of • Peter and Cornelius' visions, content
Found in books: Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 104; Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 39
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27. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • appraisal, propositional content of • knowledge, not invariable in content
Found in books: Graver (2007), Stoicism and Emotion, 246; Hockey (2019), The Role of Emotion in 1 Peter, 75
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28. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 1.10.1-1.10.2, 1.27.4, 2.15.3, 2.28.2, 3.1.1, 3.3.3, 3.4.2, 3.11.9, 3.12.12, 3.15.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Christianity/Christians, Easter controversy • Donatist controversy/Donatists • Easter controversy • Quartodeciman controversy • Scripture, as contested authority
Found in books: Boulluec (2022), The Notion of Heresy in Greek Literature in the Second and Third Centuries, 179, 183, 184, 191, 243, 244, 245, 246, 249, 250, 252, 253, 255; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 239; Iricinschi et al. (2013), Beyond the Gnostic Gospels: Studies Building on the Work of Elaine Pagels, 131; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 387, 401, 404; Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 48; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 531; Osborne (2001), Irenaeus of Lyons, 6
| sup> 1.10.1 The Church, though dispersed through our the whole world, even to the ends of the earth, has received from the apostles and their disciples this faith: She believes in one God, the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven, and earth, and the sea, and all things that are in them; and in one Christ Jesus, the Son of God, who became incarnate for our salvation; and in the Holy Spirit, who proclaimed through the prophets the dispensations of God, and the advents, and the birth from a virgin, and the passion, and the resurrection from the dead, and the ascension into heaven in the flesh of the beloved Christ Jesus, our Lord, and His future manifestation from heaven in the glory of the Father "to gather all things in one," and to raise up anew all flesh of the whole human race, in order that to Christ Jesus, our Lord, and God, and Saviour, and King, according to the will of the invisible Father, "every knee should bow, of things in heaven,, and things in earth, and things under the earth, and that every tongue should confess" to Him, and that He should execute just judgment towards all; that He may send "spiritual wickednesses," and the angels who transgressed and became apostates, together with the ungodly, and unrighteous, and wicked, and profane among men, into everlasting fire; but may, in the exercise of His grace, confer immortality on the righteous, and holy, and those who have kept His commandments, and have persevered in His love, some from the beginning of their Christian course, and others from the date of their repentance, and may surround them with everlasting glory. 1.10.2 As I have already observed, the Church, having received this preaching and this faith, although scattered throughout the whole world, yet, as if occupying but one house, carefully preserves it. She also believes these points of doctrine just as if she had but one soul, and one and the same heart, and she proclaims them, and teaches them, and hands them down, with perfect harmony, as if she possessed only one mouth. For, although the languages of the world are dissimilar, yet the import of the tradition is one and the same. For the Churches which have been planted in Germany do not believe or hand down anything different, nor do those in Spain, nor those in Gaul, nor those in the East, nor those in Egypt, nor those in Libya, nor those which have been established in the central regions of the world. But as the sun, that creature of God, is one and the same throughout the whole world, so also the preaching of the truth shineth everywhere, and enlightens all men that are willing to come to a knowledge of the truth. Nor will any one of the rulers in the Churches, however highly gifted he may be in point of eloquence, teach doctrines different from these (for no one is greater than the Master); nor, on the other hand, will he who is deficient in power of expression inflict injury on the tradition. For the faith being ever one and the same, neither does one who is able at great length to discourse regarding it, make any addition to it, nor does one, who can say but little diminish it. 1.27.4 But since this man is the only one who has dared openly to mutilate the Scriptures, and unblushingly above all others to inveigh against God, I purpose specially to refute him, convicting him out of his own writings; and, with the help of God, I shall overthrow him out of those discourses of the Lord and the apostles, which are of authority with him, and of which he makes use. At present, however, I have simply been led to mention him, that thou mightest know that all those who in any way corrupt the truth, and injuriously affect the preaching of the Church, are the disciples and successors of Simon Magus of Samaria. Although they do not confess the name of their master, in order all the more to seduce others, yet they do teach his doctrines. They set forth, indeed, the name of Christ Jesus as a sort of lure, but in various ways they introduce the impieties of Simon; and thus they destroy multitudes, wickedly disseminating their own doctrines by the use of a good name, and, through means of its sweetness and beauty, extending to their hearers the bitter and maligt poison of the serpent, the great author of apostasy? 2.15.3 The account which we give of creation is one harmonious with that regular order of things prevailing in the world, for this scheme of ours is adapted to the things which have actually been made; but it is a matter of necessity that they, being unable to assign any reason belonging to the things themselves, with regard to those beings that existed before creation, and were perfected by themselves, should fall into the greatest perplexity. For, as to the points on which they interrogate us as knowing nothing of creation, they themselves, when questioned in turn respecting the Pleroma, either make mention of mere human feelings, or have recourse to that sort of speech which bears only upon that harmony observable in creation, improperly giving us replies concerning things which are secondary, and not concerning those which, as they maintain, are primary. For we do not question them concerning that harmony which belongs to creation, nor concerning human feelings; but because they must acknowledge, as to their octiform, deciform, and duodeciform Pleroma (the image of which they declare creation to be), that their Father formed it of that figure vainly and thoughtlessly, and must ascribe to Him deformity, if He made anything without a reason. Or, again, if they declare that the Pleroma was so produced in accordance with the foresight of the Father, for the sake of creation, as if He had thus symmetrically arranged its very essence, then it follows that the Pleroma can no longer be regarded as having been formed on its own account, but for the sake of that creation which was to be its image as possessing its likeness (just as the clay model is not moulded for its own sake, but for the sake of the statue in brass, or gold, or silver about to be formed), then creation will have greater honour than the Pleroma, if, for its sake, those things above were produced. 2.28.2 If, however, we cannot discover explanations of all those things in Scripture which are made the subject of investigation, yet let us not on that account seek after any other God besides Him who really exists. For this is the very greatest impiety. We should leave things of that nature to God who created us, being most properly assured that the Scriptures are indeed perfect, since they were spoken by the Word of God and His Spirit; but we, inasmuch as we are inferior to, and later in existence than, the Word of God and His Spirit, are on that very account destitute of the knowledge of His mysteries. And there is no cause for wonder if this is the case with us as respects things spiritual and heavenly, and such as require to be made known to us by revelation, since many even of those things which lie at our very feet (I mean such as belong to this world, which we handle, and see, and are in close contact with) transcend out knowledge, so that even these we must leave to God. For it is fitting that He should excel all in knowledge. For how stands the case, for instance, if we endeavour to explain the cause of the rising of the Nile? We may say a great deal, plausible or otherwise, on the subject; but what is true, sure, and incontrovertible regarding it, belongs only to God. Then, again, the dwelling-place of birds--of those, I mean, which come to us in spring, but fly away again on the approach of autumn--though it is a matter connected with this world, escapes our knowledge. What explanation, again, can we give of the flow and ebb of the ocean, although every one admits there must be a certain cause for these phenomena? Or what can we say as to the nature of those things which lie beyond it? What, moreover, can we say as to the formation of rain, lightning, thunder, gatherings of clouds, vapours, the bursting forth of winds, and such like things; of tell as to the storehouses of snow, hail, and other like things? What do we know respecting the conditions requisite for the preparation of clouds, or what is the real nature of the vapours in the sky? What as to the reason why the moon waxes and wanes, or what as to the cause of the difference of nature among various waters, metals, stones, and such like things? On all these points we may indeed say a great deal while we search into their causes, but God alone who made them can declare the truth regarding them. 3.1.1 WE have learned from none others the plan of our salvation, than from those through whom the Gospel has come down to us, which they did at one time proclaim in public, and, at a later period, by the will of God, handed down to us in the Scriptures, to be the ground and pillar of our faith. For it is unlawful to assert that they preached before they possessed "perfect knowledge," as some do even venture to say, boasting themselves as improvers of the apostles. For, after our Lord rose from the dead, the apostles were invested with power from on high when the Holy Spirit came down upon them, were filled from all His gifts, and had perfect knowledge: they departed to the ends of the earth, preaching the glad tidings of the good things sent from God to us, and proclaiming the peace of heaven to men, who indeed do all equally and individually possess the Gospel of God. Matthew also issued a written Gospel among the Hebrews in their own dialect, while Peter and Paul were preaching at Rome, and laying the foundations of the Church. After their departure, Mark, the disciple and interpreter of Peter, did also hand down to us in writing what had been preached by Peter. Luke also, the companion of Paul, recorded in a book the Gospel preached by him. Afterwards, John, the disciple of the Lord, who also had leaned upon His breast, did himself publish a Gospel during his residence at Ephesus in Asia. 3.3.3 The blessed apostles, then, having founded and built up the Church, committed into the hands of Linus the office of the episcopate. of this Linus, Paul makes mention in the Epistles to Timothy. To him succeeded Anacletus; and after him, in the third place from the apostles, Clement was allotted the bishopric. This man, as he had seen the blessed apostles, and had been conversant with them, might be said to have the preaching of the apostles still echoing in his ears, and their traditions before his eyes. Nor was he alone in this, for there were many still remaining who had received instructions from the apostles. In the time of this Clement, no small dissension having occurred among the brethren at Corinth, the Church in Rome despatched a most powerful letter to the Corinthians, exhorting them to peace, renewing their faith, and declaring the tradition which it had lately received from the apostles, proclaiming the one God, omnipotent, the Maker of heaven and earth, the Creator of man, who brought on the deluge, and called Abraham, who led the people from the land of Egypt, spake with Moses, set forth the law, sent the prophets, and who has prepared fire for the devil and his angels. From this document, whosoever chooses to do so, may learn that He, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, was preached by the Churches, and may also understand the apostolical tradition of the Church, since this Epistle is of older date than these men who are now propagating falsehood, and who conjure into existence another god beyond the Creator and the Maker of all existing things. To this Clement there succeeded Evaristus. Alexander followed Evaristus; then, sixth from the apostles, Sixtus was appointed; after him, Telephorus, who was gloriously martyred; then Hyginus; after him, Pius; then after him, Anicetus. Sorer having succeeded Anicetus, Eleutherius does now, in the twelfth place from the apostles, hold the inheritance of the episcopate. In this order, and by this succession, the ecclesiastical tradition from the apostles, and the preaching of the truth, have come down to us. And this is most abundant proof that there is one and the same vivifying faith, which has been preserved in the Church from the apostles until now, and handed down in truth. 3.4.2 To which course many nations of those barbarians who believe in Christ do assent, having salvation written in their hearts by the Spirit, without paper or ink, and, carefully preserving the ancient tradition, believing in one God, the Creator of heaven and earth, and all things therein, by means of Christ Jesus, the Son of God; who, because of His surpassing love towards His creation, condescended to be born of the virgin, He Himself uniting man through Himself to God, and having suffered under Pontius Pilate, and rising again, and having been received up in splendour, shall come in glory, the Saviour of those who are saved, and the Judge of those who are judged, and sending into eternal fire those who transform the truth, and despise His Father and His advent. Those who, in the absence of written documents, have believed this faith, are barbarians, so far as regards our language; but as regards doctrine, manner, and tenor of life, they are, because of faith, very wise indeed; and they do please God, ordering their conversation in all righteousness, chastity, and wisdom. If any one were to preach to these men the inventions of the heretics, speaking to them in their own language, they would at once stop their ears, and flee as far off as possible, not enduring even to listen to the blasphemous address. Thus, by means of that ancient tradition of the apostles, they do not suffer their mind to conceive anything of the doctrines suggested by the portentous language of these teachers, among whom neither Church nor doctrine has ever been established. 3.11.9 These things being so, all who destroy the form of the Gospel are vain, unlearned, and also audacious; those, I mean, who represent the aspects of the Gospel as being either more in number than as aforesaid, or, on the other hand, fewer. The former class do so, that they may seem to have discovered more than is of the truth; the latter, that they may set the dispensations of God aside. For Marcion, rejecting the entire Gospel, yea rather, cutting himself off from the Gospel, boasts that he has part in the blessings of the Gospel. Others, again (the Montanists), that they may set at nought the gift of the Spirit, which in the latter times has been, by the good pleasure of the Father, poured out upon the human race, do not admit that aspect of the evangelical dispensation presented by John\'s Gospel, in which the Lord promised that He would send the Paraclete; but set aside at once both the Gospel and the prophetic Spirit. Wretched men indeed! who wish to be pseudo- prophets, forsooth, but who set aside the gift of prophecy from the Church; acting like those (the Encratitae) who, on account of such as come in hypocrisy, hold themselves aloof from the communion of the brethren. We must conclude, moreover, that these men (the Montanists) can not admit the Apostle Paul either. For, in his Epistle to the Corinthians, he speaks expressly of prophetical gifts, and recognises men and women prophesying in the Church. Sinning, therefore, in all these particulars, against the Spirit of God, they fall into the irremissible sin. But those who are from Valentinus, being, on the other hand, altogether reckless, while they put forth their own compositions, boast that they possess more Gospels than there really are. Indeed, they have arrived at such a pitch of audacity, as to entitle their comparatively recent writing "the Gospel of Truth," though it agrees in nothing with the Gospels of the Apostles, so that they have really no Gospel which is not full of blasphemy. For if what they have published is the Gospel of truth, and yet is totally unlike those which have been handed down to us from the apostles, any who please may learn, as is shown from the Scriptures themselves, that that which has been handed down from the apostles can no longer be reckoned the Gospel of truth. But that these Gospels alone are true and reliable, and admit neither an increase nor diminution of the aforesaid number, I have proved by so many and such arguments. For, since God made all things in due proportion and adaptation, it was fit also that the outward aspect of the Gospel should be well arranged and harmonized. The opinion of those men, therefore, who handed the Gospel down to us, having been investigated, from their very fountainheads, let us proceed also to the remaining apostles, and inquire into their doctrine with regard to God; then, in due course we shall listen to the very words of the Lord. 3.12.12 For all those who are of a perverse mind, having been set against the Mosaic legislation, judging it to be dissimilar and contrary to the doctrine of the Gospel, have not applied themselves to investigate the causes of the difference of each covet. Since, therefore, they have been deserted by the paternal love, and puffed up by Satan, being brought over to the doctrine of Simon Magus, they have apostatized in their opinions from Him who is God, and imagined that they have themselves discovered more than the apostles, by finding out another god; and maintained that the apostles preached the Gospel still somewhat under the influence of Jewish opinions, but that they themselves are purer in doctrine, and more intelligent, than the apostles. Wherefore also Marcion and his followers have betaken themselves to mutilating the Scriptures, not acknowledging some books at all; and, curtailing the Gospel according to Luke and the Epistles of Paul, they assert that these are alone authentic, which they have themselves thus shortened. In another work, however, I shall, God granting me strength, refute them out of these which they still retain. But all the rest, inflated with the false name of "knowledge," do certainly recognise the Scriptures; but they pervert the interpretations, as I have shown in the first book. And, indeed, the followers of Marcion do directly blaspheme the Creator, alleging him to be the creator of evils, but holding a more tolerable theory as to his origin, and maintaining that there are two beings, gods by nature, differing from each other,--the one being good, but the other evil. Those from Valentinus, however, while they employ names of a more honourable kind, and set forth that He who is Creator is both Father, and Lord, and God, do nevertheless render their theory or sect more plasphemous, by maintaining that He was not produced from any one of those Aeons within the Pleroma, but from that defect which had been expelled beyond the Pleroma. Ignorance of the Scriptures and of the dispensation of God has brought all these things upon them. And in the course of this work I shall touch upon the cause of the difference of the covets on the one hand, and, on the other hand, of their unity and harmony. 3.15.2 For this is the subterfuge of false persons, evil seducers, and hypocrites, as they act who are from Valentinus. These men discourse to the multitude about those who belong to the Church, whom they do themselves term "vulgar," and "ecclesiastic." By these words they entrap the more simple, and entice them, imitating our phraseology, that these dupes may listen to them the oftener; and then these are asked regarding us, how it is, that when they hold doctrines similar to ours, we, without cause, keep ourselves aloof from their company; and how it is, that when they say the same things, and hold the same doctrine, we call them heretics? When they have thus, by means of questions, overthrown the faith of any, and rendered them uncontradicting hearers of their own, they describe to them in private the unspeakable mystery of their Pleroma. But they are altogether deceived, who imagine that they may learn from the Scriptural texts adduced by heretics, that doctrine which their words plausibly teach. For error is plausible, and bears a resemblance to the truth, but requires to be disguised; while truth is without disguise, and therefore has been entrusted to children. And if any one of their auditors do indeed demand explanations, or start objections to them, they affirm that he is one not capable of receiving the truth, and not having from above the seed derived from their Mother; and thus really give him no reply, but simply declare that he is of the intermediate regions, that is, belongs to animal natures. But if any one do yield himself up to them like a little sheep, and follows out their practice, and their "redemption," such an one is puffed up to such an extent, that he thinks he is neither in heaven nor on earth, but that he has passed within the Pleroma; and having already embraced his angel, he walks with a strutting gait and a supercilious countece, possessing all the pompous air of a cock. There are those among them who assert that that man who comes from above ought to follow a good course of conduct; wherefore they do also pretend a gravity of demeanour with a certain superciliousness. The majority, however, having become scoffers also, as if already perfect, and living without regard to appearances, yea, in contempt of that which is good, call themselves "the spiritual," and allege that they have already become acquainted with that place of refreshing which is within their Pleroma.'' None |
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29. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 1.10, 3.9, 7.27 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • controversy • controversy, in North Africa
Found in books: Hanghan (2019), Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus, 37, 86, 139; Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 37, 86, 139
| sup> 1.10 To Attius Clemens. If ever there was a time when this Rome of ours was devoted to learning, it is now. There are many shining lights, of whom it will be enough to mention but one. I refer to Euphrates the philosopher. * I saw a great deal of him, even in the privacy of his home life, during my young soldiering days in Syria, and I did my best to win his affection, though that was not a hard task, for he is ever easy of access, frank, and full of the humanities that he teaches. I only wish that I had been as successful in fulfilling the hopes he then formed of me as he has been increasing his large stock of virtues, though possibly it is I who now admire them the more because I can appreciate them the better. Even now my appreciation is not as complete as it might be. It is only an artist who can thoroughly judge another painter, sculptor, or image-maker, and so too it needs a philosopher to estimate another philosopher at his full merit. But so far as I can judge, Euphrates has many qualities so conspicuously brilliant that they arrest the eyes and attention even of those who have but modest pretensions to learning. His reasoning is acute, weighty, and elegant, often attaining to the breadth and loftiness that we find in Plato. His conversation flows in a copious yet varied stream, strikingly pleasant to the ear, and with a charm that seizes and carries away even the reluctant hearer. Add to this a tall, commanding presence, a handsome face, long flowing hair, a streaming white beard - all of which may be thought accidental adjuncts and without significance, but they do wonderfully increase the veneration he inspires. There is no studied negligence in his dress, it is severely plain but not austere; when you meet him you revere him without shrinking away in awe. His life is purity itself, but he is just as genial; his lash is not for men but for their vices; for the erring he has gentle words of correction rather than sharp rebuke. When he gives advice you cannot help listening in rapt attention, and you hope he will go on persuading you even when the persuasion is complete. He has three children, two of them sons, whom he has brought up with the strictest care. His father-in-law is Pompeius Julianus, a man of great distinction, but whose chief title to fame is that though, as ruler of a province, he might have chosen a son-in-law of the highest social rank, he preferred one who was distinguished not for social dignities but for wisdom. Yet why describe at greater length a man whose society I can no longer enjoy? Is it to make myself feel my loss the more? For my time is all taken up by the duties of an office - important, no doubt, but tedious in the extreme. I sit on the magistrates' bench; I countersign petitions, I make out the public accounts; I write hosts of letters, but what unliterary productions they are! ** Sometimes - but how seldom I get the opportunity - I complain to Euphrates about these uncongenial duties. He consoles me and even assures me that there is no more noble part in the whole of philosophy than to be a public official, to hear cases, pass judgment, explain the laws and administer justice, and so practise in short what the philosophers do but teach. But he never can persuade me of this, that it is better to be busy as I am than to spend whole days in listening to and acquiring knowledge from him. That makes me the readier to urge you, whose time is your own, to let him put a finish and polish upon you when you come to town, and I hope you will come all the sooner on that account. I am not one of those - and there are many of them - who grudge to others the happiness they are debarred from themselves; on the contrary, I feel a very lively sense of pleasure in seeing my friends abounding in joys that are denied to me. Farewell. 0 " 3.9 To Cornelius Minicianus. I can now give you a full account of the enormous trouble entailed upon me in the public trial brought by the Province of Baetica. It was a complicated suit, and new issues kept constantly cropping up. Why this variety, and why these different pleadings? you well ask. Well, Caecilius Classicus - a low rascal who carries his villainy in his face - had during his proconsulship in Baetica, in the same year that Marius Priscus was Governor of Africa, behaved both with violence and rapacity. Now, Priscus came from Baetica and Classicus from Africa, and so there was a rather good saying among the people of Baetica, for even resentment often inspires wit I was acting for the Province, assisted by Lucceius Albinus, an eloquent and ornate speaker, and though we have long been on terms of the closest regard for one another, our association in this suit has made me feel vastly more attached to him. As a rule, and especially in oratorical efforts, people do not run well in double harness in their striving for glory, but he and I were not in any sense rivals and there was no jealousy between us, as we both did our level best, not for our own hand, but for the common cause, which was of such a serious character and of such public importance that it seemed to demand from us that we should not over-elaborate each single pleading. We were afraid that time would fail us, and that our voices and lungs would break down if we tied up together so many charges and so many defendants into one bundle. Again, we feared that the attention of the judges would not only be wearied by the introduction of so many names and charges, but that they would be confused thereby, that the sum-total of the influence of each one of the accused might procure for each the strength of all, and finally we were afraid lest the most influential of the accused should make a scapegoat of the meanest among them, and so slip out of the hands of justice at the expense of someone else - for favour and personal interest are strongest when they can skulk behind some pretence of severity. Moreover, we were advised by the well-known story of Sertorius, who set two soldiers - one young and powerful, and the other old and weak - to pull off the tail of a horse. You know how it finishes. And so we too thought that we could get the better of even such a long array of defendants, provided we took them one by one. Our plan was first to prove the guilt of Classicus himself; then it was a natural transition to his intimates and tools, because the latter could never be condemned unless Classicus were guilty. Consequently, we took two of them and closely connected them with Classicus, Baebius Probus and Fabius Hispanus, both men of some influence, while Hispanus possesses a strong gift of eloquence. To prove the guilt of Classicus was an easy and simple task that did not take us long. He had left in his own handwriting a document showing what profits he had made out of each transaction and case, and he had even despatched a letter couched in a boasting and impudent strain to one of his mistresses containing the words, "Hurrah! hurrah! I am coming back to you with my hands free; * for I have already sold the interests of the Baetici to the tune of four million sesterces." But we had to sweat to get a conviction against Hispanus and Probus. Before I dealt with the charges against them, I thought it necessary to establish the legal point that the execution of an unjust sentence is an indictable offence, for if I had not done this it would have been useless for me to prove that they had been the henchmen of Classicus. Moreover, their line of defence was not a denial. They pleaded that they could not help themselves and therefore were to be pardoned, arguing that they were mere provincials and were frightened into doing anything that a proconsul bade them do. Claudius Restitutus, who replied to me, a practised and watchful speaker who is equal to any emergency however suddenly sprung up upon him, is now going about saying that he never was so dumbfounded and thrown off his balance as when he discovered that the ground on which he placed full reliance for his defence had been cut from under him and stolen away from him. Well, the outcome of our line of attack was as follows In the third action, we thought our best course was to lump the defendants together, fearing lest, if the trial were to be spun out to undue length, those who were hearing the case would grow sick and tired of it, and their zeal for strict justice and severity would abate. Besides, the accused persons, who had been designedly kept over till then, were all of comparatively little importance, except the wife of Classicus, and, although suspicion against her was strong, the proofs seemed rather weak. As for the daughter of Classicus, who was also among the defendants, she had cleared herself even of suspicion. Consequently, when I reached her name in the last trial - for there was no fear then as there had been at the beginning that such an admission would weaken the force of the prosecution - I thought the most honourable course was to refrain from pressing the charge against an innocent person, and I frankly said so, repeating the idea in various forms. For example, I asked the deputation of the Baetici whether they had given me definite instructions on any point which they felt confident they could prove against her; I turned to the senators and inquired whether they thought I ought to employ what eloquence I might possess against an innocent person, and hold, as it were, the knife to her throat; and, finally, I concluded the subject with these words Well, the conclusion of this trial, with its crowd of defendants, was that a certain few were acquitted, but the majority were condemned and banished, some for a fixed term of years, and others for life. In the same decree the senate expressed in most handsome terms its appreciation of our industry, loyalty, and perseverance, and this was the only possible worthy and adequate reward for the trouble we had taken. You can imagine how worn out we were, when you think how often we had to plead, and answer the pleadings of our opponents, and how many witnesses we had to cross-question, encourage, and refute. Besides, you know how trying and vexatious it is to say "no" to the friends of the accused when they come pleading with you in private, and to stoutly oppose them when they confront you in open court. I will tell you one of the things I said. When one of those who were acting as judges interrupted me on behalf of one of the accused in whom he took a special interest, I replied I have brought you up to date as well as I could. You will say, "It was not worthwhile, for what have I to do with such a long letter?" If you do, don\'t ask again what is going on at Rome, and bear in mind that you cannot call a letter long which covers so many days, so many trials, and so many defendants and pleadings. I think I have dealt with all these subjects as briefly as I am sure they are exactly dealt with. But no, I was rash to say "exactly"; I remember a point which I had omitted, and I will tell you about it even now, though it is out of its proper place. Homer does this, and many other authors have followed his example - with very good effect too - though that is not my reason for so doing. One of the witnesses, annoyed at being summoned to appear, or bribed by some one of the defendants in order to weaken the prosecution, laid an accusation against Norbanus Licinianus, a member of the deputation, who had been instructed to get up the case, and charged him with having acted in collusion with the other side in relation to Casta, the wife of Classicus. It is a legal rule in such instances that the trial of the accused must be finished before inquiry is made into a charge of collusion, on the ground that one can best form an opinion on the sincerity of the prosecution by noticing how the case has been carried through. However, Norbanus reaped no advantage from this point of law, nor did his position as member of the deputation, nor his duties as one of those getting up the action stand him in good stead. A storm of prejudice broke out against him, and there is no denying that his hands were crime-stained, that he, like many others, had taken advantage of the evil times of Domitian, and that he had been selected by the provincials to get up the case, not as a man of probity and honour, but because he had been a personal enemy of Classicus, by whom, indeed, he had been banished. He demanded that a day should be fixed for his trial, and that the charge against him should be published; both were refused, and he was obliged to answer on the spot. He did so, and though the thorough badness and depravity of the fellow make me hesitate to say whether he showed more impudence or resolution, he certainly replied with great readiness. There were sundry things brought against him which did him much greater damage than the charge of collusion, and two men of consular rank, Pomponius Rufus and Libo Frugi, severely damaged him by giving evidence to the effect that during the reign of Domitian he had assisted the prosecution of Salvius Liberalis before the judge. He was convicted and banished to an island. Consequently, when I was accusing Casta, I especially pressed the point that her accuser had been found guilty of collusion. But I did so in vain, and we had the novel and inconsistent result that the accused was acquitted though her accuser was found guilty of collusion with her. You may ask what we were about while this was going on. We told the senate that we had received all our instructions for this public trial from Norbanus, and that the case ought to be tried afresh if he were proved guilty of collusion, and so, while his trial was proceeding, we sat still. Subsequently Norbanus was present every day the trial lasted, and showed right up to the end the same resolute or impudent front. I wonder if I have forgotten anything else. Well, I almost did. On the last day Salvius Liberalis bitterly assailed the rest of the deputation on the ground that they had not brought accusations against all whom they were commissioned to accuse by the province. He is a powerful and able speaker, and he put them 7.27 To Sura. The leisure we are both of us enjoying gives you an opportunity of imparting, and me an opportunity of receiving, information. So I should very much like to know whether in your opinion there are such things as ghosts, whether you think they have a shape of their own and a touch of the supernatural in them, or whether you consider they are vain, empty shadows and mere creatures of our fears and imaginations. For my own part, I feel led to believe that they have a real existence, and this mainly from what I hear befell Curtius Rufus. * In the days when he was still poor and obscure, he had attached himself to the person of the governor of Africa. One evening at sundown he was walking in the portico, when the figure of a woman - but taller and more beautiful than mortal woman - presented itself before him and told Rufus, who was terrified with fright, that she was Africa and could foretell the future. She declared that he would go to Rome and hold high offices of state, and that he would also return with plenary powers as governor to that same province, and there meet his death. All these details were fulfilled. Moreover, when he was entering Carthage and just stepping out of his ship, the same figure is said to have met him on the beach. Certain it is that when he was attacked by illness, he interpreted the future by the past, and his coming adversity by his present prosperity, and, though none of his people were despairing of his recovery, he cast aside all hope of getting better. Now I want you to consider whether the following story, which I shall tell you just as I heard it, is not even more terrifying and no less wonderful than the other. There stood at Athens a spacious and roomy house, but it had an evil reputation of being fatal to those who lived in it. In the silence of the night the clank of iron and, if you listened with closer attention, the rattle of chains were heard, the sound coming first from a distance and afterwards quite close at hand. Then appeared the ghostly form of an old man, emaciated, filthy, decrepit, with a flowing beard and hair on end, with fetters round his legs and chains on his hands, which he kept shaking. The terrified inmates passed sleepless nights of fearful terror, and following upon their sleeplessness came disease and then death as their fears increased. For every now and again, though the ghost had vanished, memory conjured up the vision before their eyes, and their fright remained longer than the apparition which had caused it. Then the house was deserted and condemned to stand empty, and was wholly abandoned to the spectre, while the authorities forbade that it should be sold or let to anyone wishing to take it, not knowing under what a curse it lay. The philosopher Athenodorus came to Athens, read the notice board, and on hearing the price hesitated, because the low rent made him suspicious. Then he was told the whole story, and, so far from being deterred, he became the more eager to rent it When evening began to fall, he ordered his people to make him up a bed in the front of the house, and asked for his tablets, a pen, and a lamp. Dismissing all his servants to the inner rooms, he applied mind, eyes, and hand to the task of writing, lest by having nothing to think about he might begin to conjure up the apparition of which he had been told and other idle fears. At first the night was just as still there as elsewhere, then the iron was rattled and the chains clanked. Athenodorus did not raise his eyes, nor cease to write, but fortified his resolution and closed his ears. The noise became louder and drew nearer, and was heard now on the threshold and then within the room itself. He turned his head, and saw and recognised the ghost which had been described to him. It stood and beckoned with its finger, as if calling him; but Athenodorus merely motioned with his hand, as if to bid it wait a little, and once more bent over his tablets and plied his pen. As he wrote the spectre rattled its chains over his head, and looking round he saw that it was beckoning as before, so, without further delay, he took up the lamp and followed. The spectre walked with slow steps, as though burdened by the chains, then it turned off into the courtyard of the house and suddenly vanished, leaving its companion alone, who thereupon plucked some grass and foliage to mark the place. On the following day he went to the magistrates and advised them to give orders that the place should be dug up. Bones were found with chains wound round them. Time and the action of the soil had made the flesh moulder, and left the bones bare and eaten away by the chains, but the remains were collected and given a public burial. Ever afterwards the house was free of the ghost which had been thus laid with due ceremony. I quite believe those who vouch for these details, but the following story I can vouch for to others. I have a freedman who is a man of some education. A younger brother of his was sleeping with him in the same bed, and he thought he saw someone sitting upon the bed and applying a pair of shears to his head, and even cutting off some hair from his crown. When day broke, his hair actually was cut at the crown, and the locks were found lying close by. A little time elapsed, and a similar incident occurred to make people believe the other story was true. A young slave of mine was sleeping with a number of others in the dormitory, when, according to his story, two men clothed in white tunics entered by the window and cut his hair as he slept, retiring by the way they came. Daylight revealed that his hair had been cut and the locks lay scattered around. No incident of any note followed, unless it was that I escaped prosecution, as I should not have done if Domitian, in whose reign these incidents had taken place, had lived any longer than he did. For in his writing-desk there was discovered a document sent in by Carus which denounced me. This gives rise to the conjecture that, as it is the custom for accused persons to let their hair go untrimmed, the fact that the hair of my slaves was cut was a sign that the peril overhanging me had passed away. I beg of you to bring your erudition to bear on these stories. The matter is one which is worth long and careful, consideration, nor am I altogether undeserving of your imparting to me your plentiful knowledge. I will let you follow your usual habit of arguing on both sides of the case, but be sure that you take up one side more strongly than the other, so that I may not go away in suspense and uncertainty, when the reason I asked your advice was just this - that you should put an end to my doubts. Farewell. '" None |
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30. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 5.4.1-5.4.2, 5.23-5.24, 5.24.6, 10.5.19 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • Christianity/Christians, Easter controversy • Donatist controversy/Donatists • Donatists, Donatist controversy • Easter controversy • Letter of the Churches of Vienne and Lyons, ,content • Quartodeciman controversy
Found in books: Ayres and Ward (2021), The Rise of the Early Christian Intellectual, 146; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 239; Iricinschi et al. (2013), Beyond the Gnostic Gospels: Studies Building on the Work of Elaine Pagels, 129; Lampe (2003), Christians at Rome in the First Two Centuries: From Paul to Valentinus, 381, 387; Lieu (2015), Marcion and the Making of a Heretic: God and Scripture in the Second Century, 49; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 546; Moss (2012), Ancient Christian Martyrdom: Diverse Practices, Theologies, and Traditions, 101, 116; Osborne (2001), Irenaeus of Lyons, 5, 6; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 217
| sup> 5.4.1 The same witnesses also recommended Irenaeus, who was already at that time a presbyter of the parish of Lyons, to the above-mentioned bishop of Rome, saying many favorable things in regard to him, as the following extract shows: 5.4.2 We pray, father Eleutherus, that you may rejoice in God in all things and always. We have requested our brother and comrade Irenaeus to carry this letter to you, and we ask you to hold him in esteem, as zealous for the covet of Christ. For if we thought that office could confer righteousness upon any one, we should commend him among the first as a presbyter of the church, which is his position. 5.24.6 All these observed the fourteenth day of the passover according to the Gospel, deviating in no respect, but following the rule of faith. And I also, Polycrates, the least of you all, do according to the tradition of my relatives, some of whom I have closely followed. For seven of my relatives were bishops; and I am the eighth. And my relatives always observed the day when the people put away the leaven. 10.5.19 it has seemed good to me that Caecilianus himself, with ten of the bishops that appear to accuse him, and with ten others whom he may consider necessary for his defense, should sail to Rome, that there, in the presence of yourselves and of Retecius and Maternus and Marinus, your colleagues, whom I have commanded to hasten to Rome for this purpose, he may be heard, as you may understand to be in accordance with the most holy law.' ' None |
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31. Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, 4.10.24 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • controversy, scripture
Found in books: Hanghan (2019), Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus, 51; Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 51
| sup> 4.10.24 24. Now a strong desire for clearness sometimes leads to neglect of the more polished forms of speech, and indifference about what sounds well, compared with what clearly expresses and conveys the meaning intended. Whence a certain author, when dealing with speech of this kind, says that there is in it a kind of careful negligence. Yet while taking away ornament, it does not bring in vulgarity of speech; though good teachers have, or ought to have, so great an anxiety about teaching that they will employ a word which cannot be made pure Latin without becoming obscure or ambiguous, but which when used according to the vulgar idiom is neither ambiguous nor obscure, not in the way the learned, but rather in the way the unlearned employ it. For if our translators did not shrink from saying, Non congregabo conventicula eorum de sanguinibus, because they felt that it was important for the sense to put a word here in the plural which in Latin is only used in the singular; why should a teacher of godliness who is addressing an unlearned audience shrink from using ossum instead of os, if he fear that the latter might be taken not as the singular of ossa, but as the singular of ora, seeing that African ears have no quick perception of the shortness or length of vowels? And what advantage is there in purity of speech which does not lead to understanding in the hearer, seeing that there is no use at all in speaking, if they do not understand us for whose sake we speak? He, therefore, who teaches will avoid all words that do not teach; and if instead of them he can find words which are at once pure and intelligible, he will take these by preference; if, however, he cannot, either because there are no such words, or because they do not at the time occur to him, he will use words that are not quite pure, if only the substance of his thought be conveyed and apprehended in its integrity. 25. And this must be insisted on as necessary to our being understood, not only in conversations, whether with one person or with several, but much more in the case of a speech delivered in public: for in conversation any one has the power of asking a question; but when all are silent that one may be heard, and all faces are turned attentively upon him, it is neither customary nor decorous for a person to ask a question about what he does not understand; and on this account the speaker ought to be especially careful to give assistance to those who cannot ask it. Now a crowd anxious for instruction generally shows by its movements if it understands what is said; and until some indication of this sort be given, the subject discussed ought to be turned over and over, and put in every shape and form and variety of expression, a thing which cannot be done by men who are repeating words prepared beforehand and committed to memory. As soon, however, as the speaker has ascertained that what he says is understood, he ought either to bring his address to a close, or pass on to another point. For if a man gives pleasure when he throws light upon points on which people wish for instruction, he becomes wearisome when he dwells at length upon things that are already well known, especially when men's expectation was fixed on having the difficulties of the passage removed. For even things that are very well known are told for the sake of the pleasure they give, if the attention be directed not to the things themselves, but to the way in which they are told. Nay, even when the style itself is already well known, if it be pleasing to the hearers, it is almost a matter of indifference whether he who speaks be a speaker or a reader. For things that are gracefully written are often not only read with delight by those who are making their first acquaintance with them, but re-read with delight by those who have already made acquaintance with them, and have not yet forgotten them; nay, both these classes will derive pleasure even from hearing another man repeat them. And if a man has forgotten anything, when he is reminded of it he is taught. But I am not now treating of the mode of giving pleasure. I am speaking of the mode in which men who desire to learn ought to be taught. And the best mode is that which secures that he who hears shall hear the truth, and that what he hears he shall understand. And when this point has been reached, no further labor need be spent on the truth itself, as if it required further explanation; but perhaps some trouble may be taken to enforce it so as to bring it home to the heart. If it appear right to do this, it ought to be done so moderately as not to lead to weariness and impatience. "" None |
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32. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • controversy
Found in books: Hanghan (2019), Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus, 37; Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 37
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33. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • controversy, episcopal elections
Found in books: Hanghan (2019), Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus, 52; Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 52
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34. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • controversy, heaven
Found in books: Hanghan (2019), Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus, 181; Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 181
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35. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • controversy, leadership
Found in books: Hanghan (2019), Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus, 6; Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 6
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36. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • controversy • controversy, allusions • controversy, heaven • controversy, leadership • controversy, martyrdom • controversy, scripture • controversy, values
Found in books: Hanghan (2019), Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus, 6, 19, 37, 53, 55, 56, 118, 121, 126, 129, 132, 133, 135, 151, 152, 156, 160, 168, 181; Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 6, 19, 37, 53, 55, 56, 118, 121, 126, 129, 132, 133, 135, 151, 152, 156, 160, 168, 181
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37. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: • controversy, heaven • controversy, scripture
Found in books: Hanghan (2019), Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus, 51, 181; Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 51, 181
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38. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 3092 Tagged with subjects: • dithyramb, contests • dithyramb/dithyrambic choruses/contests
Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 27; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 27
| sup> 3092 A Front Left Mnesistratos son of Misgon (and) Diopeithes son of Diodoros were sponsors (echorēgon), Dikaiogenes was director (edidasken). A Front Right Mnesimachos son of Mnesistratos (and) Theotimos son of Diotimos were sponsors (echorēgon), Ariphron was director (edidasken), Polychares son of Komon was director (edidasken). B Right Side Theotimos son of Diotimos, Mnesi- . . . were sponsors (echorēgon), Thersandros was director (edidasken). text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG II2 3092 - Choregic dedication (Acharnai) '' None |
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39. Vergil, Aeneis, 2.501-2.502 Tagged with subjects: • Amphiktyony, Delphic, contested rule • Catullus epithalamia, singing contest in Poem • memories, kept alive or evoked in ritual, contested, of conflict • sanctuaries,, controversial control of
Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 199; Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 62
sup> 2.501 vidi Hecubam centumque nurus, Priamumque per aras 2.502 sanguine foedantem, quos ipse sacraverat, ignis.'' None | sup> 2.501 thus, all unchallenged, hailed us as his own : 2.502 “Haste, heroes! Are ye laggards at this hour? '' None |
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40. None, None, nan Tagged with subjects: • Catullus epithalamia, singing contest in Poem • allusion, to artistic and singing contests • contests, adjudication of • contests, allusions to • contests, drawing of lots as procedure • contests, pastoral settings and • singing contests
Found in books: Johnson (2008), Ovid before Exile: Art and Punishment in the Metamorphoses, 44; Panoussi(2019), Brides, Mourners, Bacchae: Women's Rituals in Roman Literature, 32
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