|1. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 18.25-18.26 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Deuteronomy, constitutional polity of • Institutional justice • Judicial administration, institutional justice • Tannaitic literature alternative juridical models, institutional justice
Found in books: DeJong (2022), A Prophet like Moses (Deut 18:15, 18): The Origin, History, and Influence of the Mosaic Prophetic Succession, 217; Flatto (2021), The Crown and the Courts, 158
18.25 וַיִּבְחַר מֹשֶׁה אַנְשֵׁי־חַיִל מִכָּל־יִשְׂרָאֵל וַיִּתֵּן אֹתָם רָאשִׁים עַל־הָעָם שָׂרֵי אֲלָפִים שָׂרֵי מֵאוֹת שָׂרֵי חֲמִשִּׁים וְשָׂרֵי עֲשָׂרֹת׃ 18.26 וְשָׁפְטוּ אֶת־הָעָם בְּכָל־עֵת אֶת־הַדָּבָר הַקָּשֶׁה יְבִיאוּן אֶל־מֹשֶׁה וְכָל־הַדָּבָר הַקָּטֹן יִשְׁפּוּטוּ הֵם׃'' None
18.25 And Moses chose able men out of all Israel, and made them heads over the people, rulers of thousands, rulers of hundreds, rulers of fifties, and rulers of tens. 18.26 And they judged the people at all seasons: the hard causes they brought unto Moses, but every small matter they judged themselves.'' None
|2. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 9.20 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Apostolic Constitutions • institution narrative
Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 213; McGowan (1999), Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals, 205
9.20 And Noah, the man of the land, began and planted a vineyard.'' None
|3. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 11.16-11.17, 11.24-11.25 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Deuteronomy, constitutional polity of • elders, institute of
Found in books: DeJong (2022), A Prophet like Moses (Deut 18:15, 18): The Origin, History, and Influence of the Mosaic Prophetic Succession, 217; Nikolsky and Ilan (2014), Rabbinic Traditions Between Palestine and Babylonia, 298, 299, 300
11.16 וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה אֶל־מֹשֶׁה אֶסְפָה־לִּי שִׁבְעִים אִישׁ מִזִּקְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל אֲשֶׁר יָדַעְתָּ כִּי־הֵם זִקְנֵי הָעָם וְשֹׁטְרָיו וְלָקַחְתָּ אֹתָם אֶל־אֹהֶל מוֹעֵד וְהִתְיַצְּבוּ שָׁם עִמָּךְ׃ 11.17 וְיָרַדְתִּי וְדִבַּרְתִּי עִמְּךָ שָׁם וְאָצַלְתִּי מִן־הָרוּחַ אֲשֶׁר עָלֶיךָ וְשַׂמְתִּי עֲלֵיהֶם וְנָשְׂאוּ אִתְּךָ בְּמַשָּׂא הָעָם וְלֹא־תִשָּׂא אַתָּה לְבַדֶּךָ׃
11.24 וַיֵּצֵא מֹשֶׁה וַיְדַבֵּר אֶל־הָעָם אֵת דִּבְרֵי יְהוָה וַיֶּאֱסֹף שִׁבְעִים אִישׁ מִזִּקְנֵי הָעָם וַיַּעֲמֵד אֹתָם סְבִיבֹת הָאֹהֶל׃ 11.25 וַיֵּרֶד יְהוָה בֶּעָנָן וַיְדַבֵּר אֵלָיו וַיָּאצֶל מִן־הָרוּחַ אֲשֶׁר עָלָיו וַיִּתֵּן עַל־שִׁבְעִים אִישׁ הַזְּקֵנִים וַיְהִי כְּנוֹחַ עֲלֵיהֶם הָרוּחַ וַיִּתְנַבְּאוּ וְלֹא יָסָפוּ׃'' None
11.16 And the LORD said unto Moses: ‘Gather unto Me seventy men of the elders of Israel, whom thou knowest to be the elders of the people, and officers over them; and bring them unto the tent of meeting, that they may stand there with thee. 11.17 And I will come down and speak with thee there; and I will take of the spirit which is upon thee, and will put it upon them; and they shall bear the burden of the people with thee, that thou bear it not thyself alone.
11.24 And Moses went out, and told the people the words of the LORD; and he gathered seventy men of the elders of the people, and set them round about the Tent. 11.25 And the LORD came down in the cloud, and spoke unto him, and took of the spirit that was upon him, and put it upon the seventy elders; and it came to pass, that, when the spirit rested upon them, they prophesied, but they did so no more.'' None
|4. Hesiod, Works And Days, 282-285 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Hesiod, its constitutive terms • threat constitutive element of a law
Found in books: Laks (2022), Plato's Second Republic: An Essay on the Laws. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2022 215; Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 66
282 ὃς δέ κε μαρτυρίῃσι ἑκὼν ἐπίορκον ὀμόσσας'283 ψεύσεται, ἐν δὲ δίκην βλάψας νήκεστον ἀασθῇ, 284 τοῦ δέ τʼ ἀμαυροτέρη γενεὴ μετόπισθε λέλειπται· 285 ἀνδρὸς δʼ εὐόρκου γενεὴ μετόπισθεν ἀμείνων. ' None
282 And, should he wish, takes note nor fails to know'283 The justice in a city. I’d not be 284 A just man nor would have my son be so – 285 It’s no use being good when wickedne ' None
|5. Homer, Iliad, 9.443 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • constitution,, ancestral • social memory, and institutions
Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 17; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 28
9.443 μύθων τε ῥητῆρʼ ἔμεναι πρηκτῆρά τε ἔργων.'' None
9.443 a mere child, knowing naught as yet of evil war, neither of gatherings wherein men wax preeminent. For this cause sent he me to instruct thee in all these things, to be both a speaker of words and a doer of deeds. Wherefore, dear child, I am not minded hereafter '' None
|6. None, None, nan (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Sparta, and Athens, institutions • constitution • reform,, constitutional
Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 32; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 58, 60
|7. Euripides, Orestes, 1507-1508 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Xenophon of Athens, on religious customs and institutions • institutions
Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 43; Papadodima (2022), Ancient Greek Literature and the Foreign: Athenian Dialogues II, 14
1507 προσκυνῶ ς', ἄναξ, νόμοισι βαρβάροισι προσπίτνων."1508 οὐκ ἐν ̓Ιλίῳ τάδ' ἐστίν, ἀλλ' ἐν ̓Αργείᾳ χθονί." "" None
1507 Before you I prostrate myself, lord, and supplicate you in my foreign way. Oreste'1508 We are not in Ilium , but the land of Argos . Phrygian ' None
|8. Euripides, Suppliant Women, 406-407 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Constitution of Athens (Aristotle) • constitution
Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 160; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 5, 106
406 δῆμος δ' ἀνάσσει διαδοχαῖσιν ἐν μέρει"407 ἐνιαυσίαισιν, οὐχὶ τῷ πλούτῳ διδοὺς' "' None
406 by one man, but is free. The people rule in succession year by year, allowing no preference to wealth, but the poor man shares equally with the rich. Herald'407 by one man, but is free. The people rule in succession year by year, allowing no preference to wealth, but the poor man shares equally with the rich. Herald ' None
|9. Herodotus, Histories, 1.8, 1.65, 3.80-3.82, 5.3, 5.66, 5.78, 6.133-6.135, 9.65 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • (the) twelve gods, constitution of • Athenian constitution • Constitution of Athens (Aristotle) • Ezekiel, Exagoge, Passover, institution of • Herodotus, Constitutional Debate • Herodotus, on Athenian origins, constitutional debate • Sparta, and Athens, institutions • Xenophon of Athens, on religious customs and institutions • constitution • constitutional debate, Persian • democratic institutions • institution • mixed constitution • warfare, as a means of acquiring slaves, and the constitution
Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 303; Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 111, 285; Ebrey and Kraut (2022), The Cambridge Companion to Plato, 2nd ed, 42; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 100, 282, 561; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 267, 268; Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 573; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 23, 103; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 140; Morrison (2020), Apollonius Rhodius, Herodotus and Historiography, 168, 191; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 313; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 77, 79, 151; Versnel (2011), Coping with the Gods: Wayward Readings in Greek Theology, 269
1.8 οὗτος δὴ ὦν ὁ Κανδαύλης ἠράσθη τῆς ἑωυτοῦ γυναικός, ἐρασθεὶς δὲ ἐνόμιζέ οἱ εἶναι γυναῖκα πολλὸν πασέων καλλίστην. ὥστε δὲ ταῦτα νομίζων, ἦν γάρ οἱ τῶν αἰχμοφόρων Γύγης ὁ Δασκύλου ἀρεσκόμενος μάλιστα, τούτῳ τῷ Γύγῃ καὶ τὰ σπουδαιέστερα τῶν πρηγμάτων ὑπερετίθετο ὁ Κανδαύλης καὶ δὴ καὶ τὸ εἶδος τῆς γυναικὸς ὑπερεπαινέων. χρόνου δὲ οὐ πολλοῦ διελθόντος ʽχρῆν γὰρ Κανδαύλῃ γενέσθαι κακῶσ̓ ἔλεγε πρὸς τὸν Γύγην τοιάδε. “Γύγη, οὐ γὰρ σε δοκέω πείθεσθαι μοι λέγοντι περὶ τοῦ εἴδεος τῆς γυναικός ʽὦτα γὰρ τυγχάνει ἀνθρώποισι ἐόντα ἀπιστότερα ὀφθαλμῶν̓, ποίεε ὅκως ἐκείνην θεήσεαι γυμνήν.” ὃ δʼ ἀμβώσας εἶπε “δέσποτα, τίνα λέγεις λόγον οὐκ ὑγιέα, κελεύων με δέσποιναν τὴν ἐμὴν θεήσασθαι γυμνήν; ἅμα δὲ κιθῶνι ἐκδυομένῳ συνεκδύεται καὶ τὴν αἰδῶ γυνή. πάλαι δὲ τὰ καλὰ ἀνθρώποισι ἐξεύρηται, ἐκ τῶν μανθάνειν δεῖ· ἐν τοῖσι ἓν τόδε ἐστί, σκοπέειν τινὰ τὰ ἑωυτοῦ. ἐγὼ δὲ πείθομαι ἐκείνην εἶναι πασέων γυναικῶν καλλίστην, καὶ σέο δέομαι μὴ δέεσθαι ἀνόμων.”
1.65 τοὺς μέν νυν Ἀθηναίους τοιαῦτα τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον ἐπυνθάνετο ὁ Κροῖσος κατέχοντα, τοὺς δὲ Λακεδαιμονίους ἐκ κακῶν τε μεγάλων πεφευγότας καὶ ἐόντας ἤδη τῷ πολέμῳ κατυπερτέρους Τεγεητέων. ἐπὶ γὰρ Λέοντος βασιλεύοντος καὶ Ἡγησικλέος ἐν Σπάρτῃ τοὺς ἄλλους πολέμους εὐτυχέοντες οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι πρὸς Τεγεήτας μούνους προσέπταιον. τὸ δὲ ἔτι πρότερον τούτων καί κακονομώτατοι ἦσαν σχεδὸν πάντων Ἑλλήνων κατά τε σφέας αὐτοὺς καὶ ξείνοισι ἀπρόσμικτοι· μετέβαλον δὲ ὧδε ἐς εὐνομίην. Λυκούργου τῶν Σπαρτιητέων δοκίμου ἀνδρὸς ἐλθόντος ἐς Δελφοὺς ἐπὶ τὸ χρηστήριον, ὡς ἐσήιε ἐς τὸ μέγαρον, εὐθὺς ἡ Πυθίη λέγει τάδε. ἥκεις ὦ Λυκόοργε ἐμὸν ποτὶ πίονα νηόν Ζηνὶ φίλος καὶ πᾶσιν Ὀλύμπια δώματʼ ἔχουσι. δίζω ἤ σε θεὸν μαντεύσομαι ἢ ἄνθρωπον. ἀλλʼ ἔτι καὶ μᾶλλον θεὸν ἔλπομαι, ὦ Λυκόοργε. οἳ μὲν δή τινες πρὸς τούτοισι λέγουσι καὶ φράσαι αὐτῷ τὴν Πυθίην τὸν νῦν κατεστεῶτα κόσμον Σπαρτιήτῃσι. ὡς δʼ αὐτοὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι λέγουσι, Λυκοῦργον ἐπιτροπεύσαντα Λεωβώτεω, ἀδελφιδέου μὲν ἑωυτοῦ βασιλεύοντος δὲ Σπαρτιητέων, ἐκ Κρήτης ἀγαγέσθαι ταῦτα. ὡς γὰρ ἐπετρόπευσε τάχιστα, μετέστησε τὰ νόμιμα πάντα, καὶ ἐφύλαξε ταῦτα μὴ παραβαίνειν· μετὰ δὲ τὰ ἐς πόλεμον ἔχοντα, ἐνωμοτίας καὶ τριηκάδας καὶ συσσίτια, πρός τε τούτοισι τοὺς ἐφόρους καὶ γέροντας ἔστησε Λυκοῦργος.
3.80 ἐπείτε δὲ κατέστη ὁ θόρυβος καὶ ἐκτὸς πέντε ἡμερέων ἐγένετο, ἐβουλεύοντο οἱ ἐπαναστάντες τοῖσι Μάγοισι περὶ τῶν πάντων πρηγμάτων καὶ ἐλέχθησαν λόγοι ἄπιστοι μὲν ἐνίοισι Ἑλλήνων, ἐλέχθησαν δʼ ὦν. Ὀτάνης μὲν ἐκέλευε ἐς μέσον Πέρσῃσι καταθεῖναι τὰ πρήγματα, λέγων τάδε. “ἐμοὶ δοκέει ἕνα μὲν ἡμέων μούναρχον μηκέτι γενέσθαι. οὔτε γὰρ ἡδὺ οὔτε ἀγαθόν. εἴδετε μὲν γὰρ τὴν Καμβύσεω ὕβριν ἐπʼ ὅσον ἐπεξῆλθε, μετεσχήκατε δὲ καὶ τῆς τοῦ Μάγου ὕβριος. κῶς δʼ ἂν εἴη χρῆμα κατηρτημένον μουναρχίη, τῇ ἔξεστι ἀνευθύνῳ ποιέειν τὰ βούλεται; καὶ γὰρ ἂν τὸν ἄριστον ἀνδρῶν πάντων στάντα ἐς ταύτην ἐκτὸς τῶν ἐωθότων νοημάτων στήσειε. ἐγγίνεται μὲν γάρ οἱ ὕβρις ὑπὸ τῶν παρεόντων ἀγαθῶν, φθόνος δὲ ἀρχῆθεν ἐμφύεται ἀνθρώπῳ. δύο δʼ ἔχων ταῦτα ἔχει πᾶσαν κακότητα· τὰ μὲν γὰρ ὕβρι κεκορημένος ἔρδει πολλὰ καὶ ἀτάσθαλα, τὰ δὲ φθόνῳ. καίτοι ἄνδρα γε τύραννον ἄφθονον ἔδει εἶναι, ἔχοντά γε πάντα τὰ ἀγαθά. τὸ δὲ ὑπεναντίον τούτου ἐς τοὺς πολιήτας πέφυκε· φθονέει γὰρ τοῖσι ἀρίστοισι περιεοῦσί τε καὶ ζώουσι, χαίρει δὲ τοῖσι κακίστοισι τῶν ἀστῶν, διαβολὰς δὲ ἄριστος ἐνδέκεσθαι. ἀναρμοστότατον δὲ πάντων· ἤν τε γὰρ αὐτὸν μετρίως θωμάζῃς, ἄχθεται ὅτι οὐ κάρτα θεραπεύεται, ἤν τε θεραπεύῃ τις κάρτα, ἄχθεται ἅτε θωπί. τὰ δὲ δὴ μέγιστα ἔρχομαι ἐρέων· νόμαιά τε κινέει πάτρια καὶ βιᾶται γυναῖκας κτείνει τε ἀκρίτους. πλῆθος δὲ ἄρχον πρῶτα μὲν οὔνομα πάντων κάλλιστον ἔχει, ἰσονομίην, δεύτερα δὲ τούτων τῶν ὁ μούναρχος ποιέει οὐδέν· πάλῳ μὲν ἀρχὰς ἄρχει, ὑπεύθυνον δὲ ἀρχὴν ἔχει, βουλεύματα δὲ πάντα ἐς τὸ κοινὸν ἀναφέρει. τίθεμαι ὦν γνώμην μετέντας ἡμέας μουναρχίην τὸ πλῆθος ἀέξειν· ἐν γὰρ τῷ πολλῷ ἔνι τὰ πάντα.” 3.81 Ὀτάνης μὲν δὴ ταύτην γνώμην ἐσέφερε· Μεγάβυζος δὲ ὀλιγαρχίῃ ἐκέλευε ἐπιτρέπειν, λέγων τάδε. “τὰ μὲν Ὀτάνης εἶπε τυραννίδα παύων, λελέχθω κἀμοὶ ταῦτα, τὰ δʼ ἐς τὸ πλῆθος ἄνωγε φέρειν τὸ κράτος, γνώμης τῆς ἀρίστης ἡμάρτηκε· ὁμίλου γὰρ ἀχρηίου οὐδέν ἐστι ἀξυνετώτερον οὐδὲ ὑβριστότερον. καίτοι τυράννου ὕβριν φεύγοντας ἄνδρας ἐς δήμου ἀκολάστου ὕβριν πεσεῖν ἐστὶ οὐδαμῶς ἀνασχετόν. ὃ μὲν γὰρ εἴ τι ποιέει, γινώσκων ποιέει, τῷ δὲ οὐδὲ γινώσκειν ἔνι· κῶς γὰρ ἂν γινώσκοι ὃς οὔτʼ ἐδιδάχθη οὔτε εἶδε καλὸν οὐδὲν οἰκήιον, 1 ὠθέει τε ἐμπεσὼν τὰ πρήγματα ἄνευ νόου, χειμάρρῳ ποταμῷ εἴκελος; δήμῳ μέν νυν, οἳ Πέρσῃσι κακὸν νοέουσι, οὗτοι χράσθων, ἡμεῖς δὲ ἀνδρῶν τῶν ἀρίστων ἐπιλέξαντες ὁμιλίην τούτοισι περιθέωμεν τὸ κράτος· ἐν γὰρ δὴ τούτοισι καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐνεσόμεθα· ἀρίστων δὲ ἀνδρῶν οἰκὸς ἄριστα βουλεύματα γίνεσθαι.” 3.82 Μεγάβυζος μὲν δὴ ταύτην γνώμην ἐσέφερε· τρίτος δὲ Δαρεῖος ἀπεδείκνυτο γνώμην, λέγων “ἐμοὶ δὲ τὰ μὲν εἶπε Μεγάβυζος ἐς τὸ πλῆθος ἔχοντα δοκέει ὀρθῶς λέξαι, τὰ δὲ ἐς ὀλιγαρχίην οὐκ ὀρθῶς. τριῶν γὰρ προκειμένων καὶ πάντων τῷ λόγῳ ἀρίστων ἐόντων, δήμου τε ἀρίστου καὶ ὀλιγαρχίης καὶ μουνάρχου, πολλῷ τοῦτο προέχειν λέγω. ἀνδρὸς γὰρ ἑνὸς τοῦ ἀρίστου οὐδὲν ἄμεινον ἂν φανείη· γνώμῃ γὰρ τοιαύτῃ χρεώμενος ἐπιτροπεύοι ἂν ἀμωμήτως τοῦ πλήθεος, σιγῷτό τε ἂν βουλεύματα ἐπὶ δυσμενέας ἄνδρας οὕτω μάλιστα. ἐν δὲ ὀλιγαρχίῃ πολλοῖσι ἀρετὴν ἐπασκέουσι ἐς τὸ κοινὸν ἔχθεα ἴδια ἰσχυρὰ φιλέει ἐγγίνεσθαι· αὐτὸς γὰρ ἕκαστος βουλόμενος κορυφαῖος εἶναι γνώμῃσί τε νικᾶν ἐς ἔχθεα μεγάλα ἀλλήλοισι ἀπικνέονται, ἐξ ὧν στάσιες ἐγγίνονται, ἐκ δὲ τῶν στασίων φόνος· ἐκ δὲ τοῦ φόνου ἀπέβη ἐς μουναρχίην, καὶ ἐν τούτῳ διέδεξε ὅσῳ ἐστὶ τοῦτο ἄριστον. δήμου τε αὖ ἄρχοντος ἀδύνατα μὴ οὐ κακότητα ἐγγίνεσθαι· κακότητος τοίνυν ἐγγινομένης ἐς τὰ κοινὰ ἔχθεα μὲν οὐκ ἐγγίνεται τοῖσι κακοῖσι, φιλίαι δὲ ἰσχυραί· οἱ γὰρ κακοῦντες τὰ κοινὰ συγκύψαντες ποιεῦσι. τοῦτο δὲ τοιοῦτο γίνεται ἐς ὃ ἂν προστάς τις τοῦ δήμου τοὺς τοιούτους παύσῃ. ἐκ δὲ αὐτῶν θωμάζεται οὗτος δὴ ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου, θωμαζόμενος δὲ ἀνʼ ὦν ἐφάνη μούναρχος ἐών, καὶ ἐν τούτῳ δηλοῖ καὶ οὗτος ὡς ἡ μουναρχίη κράτιστον. ἑνὶ δὲ ἔπεϊ πάντα συλλαβόντα εἰπεῖν, κόθεν ἡμῖν ἡ ἐλευθερίη ἐγένετο καὶ τεῦ δόντος; κότερα παρὰ τοῦ δήμου ἢ ὀλιγαρχίης ἢ μουνάρχου; ἔχω τοίνυν γνώμην ἡμέας ἐλευθερωθέντας διὰ ἕνα ἄνδρα τὸ τοιοῦτο περιστέλλειν, χωρίς τε τούτου πατρίους νόμους μὴ λύειν ἔχοντας εὖ· οὐ γὰρ ἄμεινον.”
5.3 Θρηίκων δὲ ἔθνος μέγιστον ἐστὶ μετά γε Ἰνδοὺς πάντων ἀνθρώπων· εἰ δὲ ὑπʼ ἑνὸς ἄρχοιτο ἢ φρονέοι κατὰ τὠυτό, ἄμαχόν τʼ ἂν εἴη καὶ πολλῷ κράτιστον πάντων ἐθνέων κατὰ γνώμην τὴν ἐμήν. ἀλλὰ γὰρ τοῦτο ἄπορόν σφι καὶ ἀμήχανον μή κοτε ἐγγένηται, εἰσὶ δὴ κατὰ τοῦτο ἀσθενέες. οὐνόματα δʼ ἔχουσι πολλὰ κατὰ χώρας ἕκαστοι, νόμοισι δὲ οὗτοι παραπλησίοισι πάντες χρέωνται κατὰ πάντα, πλὴν Γετέων καὶ Τραυσῶν καὶ τῶν κατύπερθε Κρηστωναίων οἰκεόντων.
5.66 Ἀθῆναι, ἐοῦσαι καὶ πρὶν μεγάλαι, τότε ἀπαλλαχθεῖσαι τυράννων ἐγίνοντο μέζονες· ἐν δὲ αὐτῇσι δύο ἄνδρες ἐδυνάστευον, Κλεισθένης τε ἀνὴρ Ἀλκμεωνίδης, ὅς περ δὴ λόγον ἔχει τὴν Πυθίην ἀναπεῖσαι, καὶ Ἰσαγόρης Τισάνδρου οἰκίης μὲν ἐὼν δοκίμου, ἀτὰρ τὰ ἀνέκαθεν οὐκ ἔχω φράσαι· θύουσι δὲ οἱ συγγενέες αὐτοῦ Διὶ Καρίῳ. οὗτοι οἱ ἄνδρες ἐστασίασαν περὶ δυνάμιος, ἑσσούμενος δὲ ὁ Κλεισθένης τὸν δῆμον προσεταιρίζεται. μετὰ δὲ τετραφύλους ἐόντας Ἀθηναίους δεκαφύλους ἐποίησε, τῶν Ἴωνος παίδων Γελέοντος καὶ Αἰγικόρεος καὶ Ἀργάδεω καὶ Ὅπλητος ἀπαλλάξας τὰς ἐπωνυμίας, ἐξευρὼν δὲ ἑτέρων ἡρώων ἐπωνυμίας ἐπιχωρίων, πάρεξ Αἴαντος· τοῦτον δὲ ἅτε ἀστυγείτονα καὶ σύμμαχον, ξεῖνον ἐόντα προσέθετο.
5.78 Ἀθηναῖοι μέν νυν ηὔξηντο. δηλοῖ δὲ οὐ κατʼ ἓν μοῦνον ἀλλὰ πανταχῇ ἡ ἰσηγορίη ὡς ἔστι χρῆμα σπουδαῖον, εἰ καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι τυραννευόμενοι μὲν οὐδαμῶν τῶν σφέας περιοικεόντων ἦσαν τὰ πολέμια ἀμείνους, ἀπαλλαχθέντες δὲ τυράννων μακρῷ πρῶτοι ἐγένοντο. δηλοῖ ὦν ταῦτα ὅτι κατεχόμενοι μὲν ἐθελοκάκεον ὡς δεσπότῃ ἐργαζόμενοι, ἐλευθερωθέντων δὲ αὐτὸς ἕκαστος ἑωυτῷ προεθυμέετο κατεργάζεσθαι.
6.133 παραλαβὼν δὲ ὁ Μιλτιάδης τὴν στρατιὴν ἔπλεε ἐπὶ Πάρον, πρόφασιν ἔχων ὡς οἱ Πάριοι ὑπῆρξαν πρότεροι στρατευόμενοι τριήρεσι ἐς Μαραθῶνα ἅμα τῷ Πέρσῃ. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ πρόσχημα λόγων ἦν, ἀτάρ τινα καὶ ἔγκοτον εἶχε τοῖσι Παρίοισι διὰ Λυσαγόρεα τὸν Τισίεω, ἐόντα γένος Πάριον, διαβαλόντα μιν πρὸς Ὑδάρνεα τὸν Πέρσην. ἀπικόμενος δὲ ἐπʼ ἣν ἔπλεε ὁ Μιλτιάδης τῇ στρατιῇ ἐπολιόρκεε Παρίους κατειλημένους ἐντὸς τείχεος, καὶ ἐσπέμπων κήρυκα αἴτεε ἑκατὸν τάλαντα, φάς, ἢν μιν οὐ δῶσι, οὐκ ἀπονοστήσειν τὴν στρατιὴν πρὶν ἢ ἐξέλῃ σφέας. οἱ δὲ Πάριοι ὅκως μέν τι δώσουσι Μιλτιάδῃ ἀργύριον οὐδὲ διενοεῦντο, οἳ δὲ ὅκως διαφυλάξουσι τὴν πόλιν τοῦτο ἐμηχανῶντο, ἄλλα τε ἐπιφραζόμενοι καὶ τῇ μάλιστα ἔσκε ἑκάστοτε ἐπίμαχον τοῦ τείχεος, τοῦτο ἅμα νυκτὶ ἐξηείρετο διπλήσιον τοῦ ἀρχαίου. 6.134 ἐς μὲν δὴ τοσοῦτο τοῦ λόγου οἱ πάντες Ἕλληνες λέγουσι, τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ αὐτοὶ Πάριοι γενέσθαι ὧδε λέγουσι. Μιλτιάδῃ ἀπορέοντι ἐλθεῖν ἐς λόγους αἰχμάλωτον γυναῖκα, ἐοῦσαν μὲν Παρίην γένος, οὔνομα δέ οἱ εἶναι Τιμοῦν, εἶναι δὲ ὑποζάκορον τῶν χθονίων θεῶν· ταύτην ἐλθοῦσαν ἐς ὄψιν Μιλτιάδεω συμβουλεῦσαι, εἰ περὶ πολλοῦ ποιέεται Πάρον ἑλεῖν, τὰ ἂν αὐτὴ ὑποθῆται, ταῦτα ποιέειν. μετὰ δὲ τὴν μὲν ὑποθέσθαι, τὸν δὲ διερχόμενον ἐπὶ τὸν κολωνὸν τὸν πρὸ τῆς πόλιος ἐόντα ἕρκος θεσμοφόρου Δήμητρος ὑπερθορεῖν, οὐ δυνάμενον τὰς θύρας ἀνοῖξαι, ὑπερθορόντα δὲ ἰέναι ἐπὶ τὸ μέγαρον ὅ τι δὴ ποιήσοντα ἐντός, εἴτε κινήσοντά τι τῶν ἀκινήτων εἴτε ὅ τι δή κοτε πρήξοντα· πρὸς τῇσι θύρῃσί τε γενέσθαι καὶ πρόκατε φρίκης αὐτὸν ὑπελθούσης ὀπίσω τὴν αὐτὴν ὁδὸν ἵεσθαι, καταθρώσκοντα δὲ τὴν αἱμασιὴν τὸν μηρὸν σπασθῆναι· οἳ δὲ αὐτὸν τὸ γόνυ προσπταῖσαι λέγουσι. 6.135 Μιλτιάδης μέν νυν φλαύρως ἔχων ἀπέπλεε ὀπίσω, οὔτε χρήματα Ἀθηναίοισι ἄγων οὔτε Πάρον προσκτησάμενος, ἀλλὰ πολιορκήσας τε ἓξ καὶ εἴκοσι ἡμέρας καὶ δηιώσας τὴν νῆσον. Πάριοι δὲ πυθόμενοι ὡς ἡ ὑποζάκορος τῶν θεῶν Τιμὼ Μιλτιάδῃ κατηγήσατο, βουλόμενοί μιν ἀντὶ τούτων τιμωρήσασθαι, θεοπρόπους πέμπουσι ἐς Δελφούς ὥς σφεας ἡσυχίη τῆς πολιορκίης ἔσχε· ἔπεμπον δὲ ἐπειρησομένους εἰ καταχρήσωνται τὴν ὑποζάκορον τῶν θεῶν τὴν ἐξηγησαμένην τοῖσι ἐχθροῖσι τῆς πατρίδος ἅλωσιν καὶ τὰ ἐς ἔρσενα γόνον ἄρρητα ἱρὰ ἐκφήνασαν Μιλτιάδῃ. ἡ δὲ Πυθίη οὐκ ἔα, φᾶσα οὐ Τιμοῦν εἶναι τὴν αἰτίην τούτων, ἀλλὰ δεῖν γὰρ Μιλτιάδεα τελευτᾶν μὴ εὖ, φανῆναί οἱ τῶν κακῶν κατηγεμόνα.
9.65 ἐν δὲ Πλαταιῇσι οἱ Πέρσαι ὡς ἐτράποντο ὑπὸ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, ἔφευγον οὐδένα κόσμον ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον τὸ ἑωυτῶν καὶ ἐς τὸ τεῖχος τὸ ξύλινον τὸ ἐποιήσαντο ἐν μοίρῃ τῇ Θηβαΐδι. θῶμα δέ μοι ὅκως παρὰ τῆς Δήμητρος τὸ ἄλσος μαχομένων οὐδὲ εἷς ἐφάνη τῶν Περσέων οὔτε ἐσελθὼν ἐς τὸ τέμενος οὔτε ἐναποθανών, περί τε τὸ ἱρὸν οἱ πλεῖστοι ἐν τῷ βεβήλῳ ἔπεσον. δοκέω δέ, εἴ τι περὶ τῶν θείων πρηγμάτων δοκέειν δεῖ, ἡ θεὸς αὐτή σφεας οὐκ ἐδέκετο ἐμπρήσαντας τὸ ἱρὸν τὸ ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι ἀνάκτορον.'' None
1.8 This Candaules, then, fell in love with his own wife, so much so that he believed her to be by far the most beautiful woman in the world; and believing this, he praised her beauty beyond measure to Gyges son of Dascylus, who was his favorite among his bodyguard; for it was to Gyges that he entrusted all his most important secrets. ,After a little while, Candaules, doomed to misfortune, spoke to Gyges thus: “Gyges, I do not think that you believe what I say about the beauty of my wife; men trust their ears less than their eyes: so you must see her naked.” Gyges protested loudly at this. ,“Master,” he said, “what an unsound suggestion, that I should see my mistress naked! When a woman's clothes come off, she dispenses with her modesty, too. ,Men have long ago made wise rules from which one ought to learn; one of these is that one should mind one's own business. As for me, I believe that your queen is the most beautiful of all women, and I ask you not to ask of me what is lawless.” " 1.65 So Croesus learned that at that time such problems were oppressing the Athenians, but that the Lacedaemonians had escaped from the great evils and had mastered the Tegeans in war. In the kingship of Leon and Hegesicles at Sparta, the Lacedaemonians were successful in all their other wars but met disaster only against the Tegeans. ,Before this they had been the worst-governed of nearly all the Hellenes and had had no dealings with strangers, but they changed to good government in this way: Lycurgus, a man of reputation among the Spartans, went to the oracle at Delphi . As soon as he entered the hall, the priestess said in hexameter: ,
3.80 After the tumult quieted down, and five days passed, the rebels against the Magi held a council on the whole state of affairs, at which sentiments were uttered which to some Greeks seem incredible, but there is no doubt that they were spoken. ,Otanes was for turning the government over to the Persian people: “It seems to me,” he said, “that there can no longer be a single sovereign over us, for that is not pleasant or good. You saw the insolence of Cambyses, how far it went, and you had your share of the insolence of the Magus. ,How can monarchy be a fit thing, when the ruler can do what he wants with impunity? Give this power to the best man on earth, and it would stir him to unaccustomed thoughts. Insolence is created in him by the good things to hand, while from birth envy is rooted in man. ,Acquiring the two he possesses complete evil; for being satiated he does many reckless things, some from insolence, some from envy. And yet an absolute ruler ought to be free of envy, having all good things; but he becomes the opposite of this towards his citizens; he envies the best who thrive and live, and is pleased by the worst of his fellows; and he is the best confidant of slander. ,of all men he is the most inconsistent; for if you admire him modestly he is angry that you do not give him excessive attention, but if one gives him excessive attention he is angry because one is a flatter. But I have yet worse to say of him than that; he upsets the ancestral ways and rapes women and kills indiscriminately. ,But the rule of the multitude has in the first place the loveliest name of all, equality, and does in the second place none of the things that a monarch does. It determines offices by lot, and holds power accountable, and conducts all deliberating publicly. Therefore I give my opinion that we make an end of monarchy and exalt the multitude, for all things are possible for the majority.” 3.81 Such was the judgment of Otanes: but Megabyzus urged that they resort to an oligarchy. “I agree,” said he, “with all that Otanes says against the rule of one; but when he tells you to give the power to the multitude, his judgment strays from the best. Nothing is more foolish and violent than a useless mob; ,for men fleeing the insolence of a tyrant to fall victim to the insolence of the unguided populace is by no means to be tolerated. Whatever the one does, he does with knowledge, but for the other knowledge is impossible; how can they have knowledge who have not learned or seen for themselves what is best, but always rush headlong and drive blindly onward, like a river in flood? ,Let those like democracy who wish ill to Persia ; but let us choose a group of the best men and invest these with the power. For we ourselves shall be among them, and among the best men it is likely that there will be the best counsels.” ' "3.82 Such was the judgment of Megabyzus. Darius was the third to express his opinion. “It seems to me,” he said, “that Megabyzus speaks well concerning democracy but not concerning oligarchy. For if the three are proposed and all are at their best for the sake of argument, the best democracy and oligarchy and monarchy, I hold that monarchy is by far the most excellent. ,One could describe nothing better than the rule of the one best man; using the best judgment, he will govern the multitude with perfect wisdom, and best conceal plans made for the defeat of enemies. ,But in an oligarchy, the desire of many to do the state good service often produces bitter hate among them; for because each one wishes to be first and to make his opinions prevail, violent hate is the outcome, from which comes faction and from faction killing, and from killing it reverts to monarchy, and by this is shown how much better monarchy is. ,Then again, when the people rule it is impossible that wickedness will not occur; and when wickedness towards the state occurs, hatred does not result among the wicked, but strong alliances; for those that want to do the state harm conspire to do it together. This goes on until one of the people rises to stop such men. He therefore becomes the people's idol, and being their idol is made their monarch; and thus he also proves that monarchy is best. ,But (to conclude the whole matter in one word) tell me, where did freedom come from for us and who gave it, from the people or an oligarchy or a single ruler? I believe, therefore, that we who were liberated through one man should maintain such a government, and, besides this, that we should not alter our ancestral ways that are good; that would not be better.” " 5.3 The Thracians are the biggest nation in the world, next to the Indians. If they were under one ruler, or united, they would, in my judgment, be invincible and the strongest nation on earth. Since, however, there is no way or means to bring this about, they are weak. ,The Thracians have many names, each tribe according to its region, but they are very similar in all their customs, save the Getae, the Trausi, and those who dwell above the Crestonaeans.
5.66 Athens, which had been great before, now grew even greater when her tyrants had been removed. The two principal holders of power were Cleisthenes an Alcmaeonid, who was reputed to have bribed the Pythian priestess, and Isagoras son of Tisandrus, a man of a notable house but his lineage I cannot say. His kinsfolk, at any rate, sacrifice to Zeus of Caria. ,These men with their factions fell to contending for power, Cleisthenes was getting the worst of it in this dispute and took the commons into his party. Presently he divided the Athenians into ten tribes instead of four as formerly. He called none after the names of the sons of Ion—Geleon, Aegicores, Argades, and Hoples—but invented for them names taken from other heroes, all native to the country except Aias. Him he added despite the fact that he was a stranger because he was a neighbor and an ally.
5.78 So the Athenians grew in power and proved, not in one respect only but in all, that equality is a good thing. Evidence for this is the fact that while they were under tyrannical rulers, the Athenians were no better in war than any of their neighbors, yet once they got rid of their tyrants, they were by far the best of all. This, then, shows that while they were oppressed, they were, as men working for a master, cowardly, but when they were freed, each one was eager to achieve for himself. ' "
6.133 Miltiades took his army and sailed for Paros, on the pretext that the Parians had brought this on themselves by first sending triremes with the Persian fleet to Marathon. Such was the pretext of his argument, but he had a grudge against the Parians because Lysagoras son of Tisias, a man of Parian descent, had slandered him to Hydarnes the Persian. ,When he reached his voyage's destination, Miltiades with his army drove the Parians inside their walls and besieged them; he sent in a herald and demanded a hundred talents, saying that if they did not give it to him, his army would not return home before it had stormed their city. ,The Parians had no intention of giving Miltiades any money at all, and they contrived how to defend their city. They did this by building their wall at night to double its former height where it was most assailable, and also by other devices." '6.134 All the Greeks tell the same story up to this point; after this the Parians themselves say that the following happened: as Miltiades was in a quandary, a captive woman named Timo, Parian by birth and an under-priestess of the goddesses of the dead, came to talk with him. ,Coming before Miltiades, she advised him, if taking Paros was very important to him, to do whatever she suggested. Then, following her advice, he passed through to the hill in front of the city and jumped over the fence of the precinct of Demeter the Lawgiver, since he was unable to open the door. After leaping over, he went to the shrine, whether to move something that should not be moved, or with some other intention. When he was right at the doors, he was immediately seized with panic and hurried back by the same route; leaping down from the wall he twisted his thigh, but some say he hit his knee. ' "6.135 So Miltiades sailed back home in a sorry condition, neither bringing money for the Athenians nor having won Paros; he had besieged the town for twenty-six days and ravaged the island. ,The Parians learned that Timo the under-priestess of the goddesses had been Miltiades' guide and desired to punish her for this. Since they now had respite from the siege, they sent messengers to Delphi to ask if they should put the under-priestess to death for guiding their enemies to the capture of her native country, and for revealing to Miltiades the rites that no male should know. ,But the Pythian priestess forbade them, saying that Timo was not responsible: Miltiades was doomed to make a bad end, and an apparition had led him in these evils. " 9.65 At Plataea, however, the Persians, routed by the Lacedaemonians, fled in disorder to their own camp and inside the wooden walls which they had made in the territory of Thebes. ,It is indeed a marvel that although the battle was right by the grove of Demeter, there was no sign that any Persian had been killed in the precinct or entered into it; most of them fell near the temple in unconsecrated ground. I think—if it is necessary to judge the ways of the gods—that the goddess herself denied them entry, since they had burnt her temple, the shrine at Eleusis. '" None
|10. Plato, Symposium, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Athenian constitution • causation, constituted by the One
Found in books: Ebrey and Kraut (2022), The Cambridge Companion to Plato, 2nd ed, 77; Marmodoro and Prince (2015), Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity, 146
|209d ἀνθρωπίνους, καὶ εἰς Ὅμηρον ἀποβλέψας καὶ Ἡσίοδον καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ποιητὰς τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ζηλῶν, οἷα ἔκγονα ἑαυτῶν καταλείπουσιν, ἃ ἐκείνοις ἀθάνατον κλέος καὶ μνήμην παρέχεται αὐτὰ τοιαῦτα ὄντα· εἰ δὲ βούλει, ἔφη, οἵους Λυκοῦργος παῖδας κατελίπετο ἐν Λακεδαίμονι σωτῆρας τῆς Λακεδαίμονος καὶ ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν τῆς Ἑλλάδος. τίμιος δὲ παρʼ ὑμῖν καὶ Σόλων διὰ τὴν τῶν νόμων γέννησιν, καὶ ἄλλοι'' None||209d merely from turning a glance upon Homer and Hesiod and all the other good poets, and envying the fine offspring they leave behind to procure them a glory immortally renewed in the memory of men. Or only look, she said, at the fine children whom Lycurgus left behind him in Lacedaemon to deliver his country and—I may almost say—the whole of Greece ; while Solon is highly esteemed among you for begetting his laws; and so are'' None|
|11. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 2.65.9, 6.54.6 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aeschylus, institutional settings and vocabularies • Athenian Constitution • Constitution of Athens (Aristotle) • Herodotus, Constitutional Debate • Sparta, and Athens, institutions • constitution • institution • reform,, constitutional
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 178; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 558; Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 20; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 24; Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 56; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 82; Rutter and Sparkes (2012), Word and Image in Ancient Greece, 196
2.65.9 ὁπότε γοῦν αἴσθοιτό τι αὐτοὺς παρὰ καιρὸν ὕβρει θαρσοῦντας, λέγων κατέπλησσεν ἐπὶ τὸ φοβεῖσθαι, καὶ δεδιότας αὖ ἀλόγως ἀντικαθίστη πάλιν ἐπὶ τὸ θαρσεῖν. ἐγίγνετό τε λόγῳ μὲν δημοκρατία, ἔργῳ δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ πρώτου ἀνδρὸς ἀρχή.
6.54.6 τὰ δὲ ἄλλα αὐτὴ ἡ πόλις τοῖς πρὶν κειμένοις νόμοις ἐχρῆτο, πλὴν καθ’ ὅσον αἰεί τινα ἐπεμέλοντο σφῶν αὐτῶν ἐν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς εἶναι. καὶ ἄλλοι τε αὐτῶν ἦρξαν τὴν ἐνιαύσιον Ἀθηναίοις ἀρχὴν καὶ Πεισίστρατος ὁ Ἱππίου τοῦ τυραννεύσαντος υἱός, τοῦ πάππου ἔχων τοὔνομα, ὃς τῶν δώδεκα θεῶν βωμὸν τὸν ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ ἄρχων ἀνέθηκε καὶ τὸν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ἐν Πυθίου.' ' None
2.65.9 Whenever he saw them unseasonably and insolently elated, he would with a word reduce them to alarm; on the other hand, if they fell victims to a panic, he could at once restore them to confidence. In short, what was nominally a democracy became in his hands government by the first citizen.
6.54.6 For the rest, the city was left in full enjoyment of its existing laws, except that care was always taken to have the offices in the hands of some one of the family. Among those of them that held the yearly archonship at Athens was Pisistratus, son of the tyrant Hippias, and named after his grandfather, who dedicated during his term of office the altar to the twelve gods in the market-place, and that of Apollo in the Pythian precinct. ' ' None
|12. Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.4.13-1.4.14, 1.4.18, 1.4.20 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Xenophon of Athens, on religious customs and institutions • democratic institutions
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 143; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 330
1.4.13 When he sailed in, the common crowd of Piraeus and of the city gathered to his ships, filled with wonder and desiring to see the famous Alcibiades. Some of them said that he was the best of the citizens; that he alone was banished without just cause, but rather because he was plotted against by those who had less power than he and spoke less well and ordered their political doings with a view to their own private gain, whereas he was always 407 B.C. advancing the common weal, both by his own means and by the power of the state.
1.4.18 Meanwhile Alcibiades, who had come to anchor close to the shore, did not at once disembark, through fear of his enemies; but mounting upon the deck of 407 B.C. his ship, he looked to see whether his friends were present.
1.4.20 And after he had spoken in his own defence before the Senate and the Assembly, saying that he had not committed sacrilege and that he had been unjustly treated, and after more of the same sort had been said, with no one speaking in opposition because the Assembly would not have tolerated it, he was proclaimed general-in-chief with absolute authority, the people thinking that he was the man to recover for the state its former power; then, as his first act, he led out all his troops and conducted by land the procession From Athens to the temple of Demeter at Eleusis. of the Eleusinian Mysteries, which the Athenians had been conducting by sea on account of the war;' ' None
|13. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Politeia (citizenship/constitution) • institutional memory
Found in books: Halser (2020), Archival Historiography in Jewish Antiquity, 3; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 146
|14. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, Athenian Constitution • Athenian Constitution • Cleisthenes, constitution of • Constitution of Athens (Aristotle) • constitution • constitution,, ancestral • reform,, constitutional
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 168; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 480; Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 160, 573; Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 56; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 15, 17, 51, 109; Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 149
|15. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Egyptians, ancient constitution of • citizen, in relation to constitutions • constitution • constitutions • correct constitutions • definition,of constitutions • despotic rule, constitutions • evaluation, of constitutions • figures, compared to constitutions • justice, of constitutions • numbers, compared to constitutions • ordered series, constitutions • priority, of constitutions • psychic faculties, compared to constitutions • religion, institutions of • useful (advantageous, beneficial), common advantage as the goal of constitutions • winds, compared with constitutions
Found in books: Fortenbaugh (2006), Aristotle's Practical Side: On his Psychology, Ethics, Politics and Rhetoric, 269, 271, 273; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 355; Liatsi (2021), Ethics in Ancient Greek Literature: Aspects of Ethical Reasoning from Homer to Aristotle and Beyond, 94; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 156; Segev (2017), Aristotle on Religion, 54
|16. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 5.47, 5.71 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Constitution / constitutio • goods, constitutive of the telos
Found in books: Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 136; Tsouni (2019), Antiochus and Peripatetic Ethics, 60
5.47 Quid? in quid in RNV quod in BE motu et et etiam BE in statu corporis nihil inest, quod animadvertendum esse ipsa natura iudicet? quem ad modum quis ambulet, sedeat, qui ductus oris, qui vultus in quoque sit? nihilne est in his rebus, quod dignum libero aut indignum esse ducamus? nonne odio multos dignos putamus, qui quodam motu aut statu videntur naturae legem et modum contempsisse? et quoniam haec deducuntur ducuntur NV de corpore, quid est cur non recte pulchritudo etiam ipsa propter se expetenda ducatur? nam si pravitatem inminutionemque corporis propter se fugiendam fugienda BER putamus, cur non etiam, ac etiam ac N 2 iam et hanc BE etiam (eciam V) hac RV etiam hanc N 1 fortasse magis, propter se formae dignitatem sequamur? et si turpitudinem fugimus fugimus P. Man. fugiamus in statu et motu corporis, quid est cur pulchritudinem non sequamur? atque etiam valitudinem, vires, vacuitatem doloris non propter utilitatem solum, sed etiam ipsas propter se expetemus. quoniam enim natura suis omnibus expleri partibus vult, hunc statum corporis per se ipsum expetit, qui est maxime e natura, quae tota perturbatur, si aut aegrum corpus corpus V opus est aut dolet aut caret viribus.
5.71 iam non dubitabis, quin earum compotes homines magno animo erectoque viventes semper sint beati, qui omnis motus fortunae mutationesque rerum et temporum levis et inbecillos fore intellegant, si in virtutis certamen venerint. illa enim, quae sunt a nobis bona corporis numerata, complent ea quidem beatissimam vitam, sed ita, ut sine illis possit beata vita existere. consistere R ita enim parvae et exiguae sunt istae accessiones bonorum, ut, quem ad modum stellae in radiis solis, sic istae in virtutum splendore ne certur quidem. Atque hoc ut vere dicitur, parva esse ad beate vivendum momenta ista corporis commodorum, sic nimis violentum est nulla esse dicere;'' None
5.47 \xa0Again, is there nothing in the movements and postures of the body which Nature herself judges to be of importance? A\xa0man's mode of walking and sitting, his particular cast of features and expression â\x80\x94 is there nothing in these things that we consider worthy or unworthy of a free man? Do we not often think people deserving of dislike, who by some movement or posture appear to have violated a law or principle of nature? And since people try to get rid of these defects of bearing, why should not even beauty have a good claim to be considered as desirable for its own sake? For we think imperfection or mutilation of the body things to be avoided for their own sake, why should we not with equal or perhaps still greater reason pursue distinction of form for its own sake? And if we avoid ugliness in bodily movement and posture, why should we not pursue beauty? Health also, and strength and freedom from pain we shall desire not merely for their utility but also for their own sakes. For since our nature aims at the full development of all its parts, she desires for its own sake that state of body which is most in accordance with himself; because she is thrown into utter disorder if the body is diseased or in pain or weak. <" 5.71 \xa0Come now, my dear Lucius, build in your imagination the lofty and towering structure of the virtues; then you will feel no doubt that those who achieve them, guiding themselves by magimity and uprightness, are always happy; realizing as they do that all the vicissitudes of fortune, the ebb and flow of time and of circumstance, will be trifling and feeble if brought into conflict with virtue. The things we reckon as bodily goods do, it is true, form a factor in supreme happiness, but yet happiness is possible without them. For those supplementary goods are so small and slight in the full radiance of the virtues they are as invisible as the stars in sunlight. <'" None
|17. Cicero, On Duties, 3.17 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Constitution / constitutio • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), on the mixed constitution • mixed constitution
Found in books: Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 135; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 18
3.17 Quocirca nec id, quod vere honestum est, fas est cum utilitatis repugtia comparari, nec id, quod communiter appellamus honestum, quod colitur ab iis, qui bonos se viros haberi volunt, cum emolumentis umquam est comparandum, tamque id honestum, quod in nostram intellegentiam cadit, tuendum conservandumque nobis est quam illud, quod proprie dicitur vereque est honestum, sapientibus; aliter enim teneri non potest, si qua ad virtutem est facta progressio. Sed haec quidem de iis, qui conservatione officiorum existimantur boni.'' None
3.17 \xa0For these reasons it is unlawful either to weigh true morality against conflicting expediency, or common morality, which is cultivated by those who wish to be considered good men, against what is profitable; but we every-day people must observe and live up to that moral right which comes within the range of our comprehension as jealously as the truly wise men have to observe and live up to that which is morally right in the technical and true sense of the word. For otherwise we cannot maintain such progress as we have made in the direction of virtue. So much for those who have won a reputation for being good men by their careful observance of duty. <'' None
|18. Polybius, Histories, 6.3.7, 6.4.10, 6.9.5, 6.10.6-6.10.11, 6.18.5, 6.56.1-6.56.6, 6.57, 31.25 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, on Spartan constitution • Constitution, the Roman, • On Law and Justice (attrib. Archytas), on the best constitution • Plato, on Spartan constitution • Sparta, constitution • aristocracy, in Spartan constitution • constitution, Carthaginian • constitution, Cretan • constitution, Roman • constitution, Spartan • constitution, mixed • constitutional systems • constitutions, cycle of • constitutions, cycle of, mixed • democracy, in Spartan constitution • institutions • mixed constitution • monarchy, in Spartan constitution • oligarchy, in Spartan constitution
Found in books: Chaniotis (2021), Unveiling Emotions III: Arousal, Display, and Performance of Emotions in the Greek World, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184; Hau (2017), Moral History from Herodotus to Diodorus Siculus, 49, 67; Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 368; Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 72, 124, 125, 126, 129; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 22; Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 472
6.3.7 κατʼ ἀμφότερα γὰρ ἀγνοεῖν μοι δοκοῦσι. δῆλον γὰρ ὡς ἀρίστην μὲν ἡγητέον πολιτείαν τὴν ἐκ πάντων τῶν προειρημένων ἰδιωμάτων συνεστῶσαν·' 6.10.6 ἃ προϊδόμενος Λυκοῦργος οὐχ ἁπλῆν οὐδὲ μονοειδῆ συνεστήσατο τὴν πολιτείαν, ἀλλὰ πάσας ὁμοῦ συνήθροιζε τὰς ἀρετὰς καὶ τὰς ἰδιότητας τῶν ἀρίστων πολιτευμάτων, 6.10.10 ὥστε τὴν τῶν ἐλαττουμένων μερίδα διὰ τὸ τοῖς ἔθεσιν ἐμμένειν, ταύτην ἀεὶ γίνεσθαι μείζω καὶ βαρυτέραν τῇ τῶν γερόντων προσκλίσει καὶ ῥοπῇ. 6.10.11 τοιγαροῦν οὕτως συστησάμενος πλεῖστον ὧν ἡμεῖς ἴσμεν χρόνον διεφύλαξε τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις τὴν ἐλευθερίαν.
6.56.1 καὶ μὴν τὰ περὶ τοὺς χρηματισμοὺς ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα βελτίω παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἐστὶν ἢ παρὰ Καρ 6.56.2 χηδονίοις παρʼ οἷς μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲν αἰσχρὸν τῶν ἀνηκόντων πρὸς κέρδος, παρʼ οἷς δʼ οὐδὲν αἴσχιον τοῦ δωροδοκεῖσθαι καὶ τοῦ πλεονεκτεῖν ἀπὸ τῶν μὴ 6.56.3 καθηκόντων καθʼ ὅσον γὰρ ἐν καλῷ τίθενται τὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ κρατίστου χρηματισμόν, κατὰ τοσοῦτο πάλιν ἐν ὀνείδει ποιοῦνται τὴν ἐκ τῶν ἀπειρημένων πλεονεξίαν. 6.56.4 σημεῖον δὲ τοῦτο· παρὰ μὲν Καρχηδονίοις δῶρα φανερῶς διδόντες λαμβάνουσι τὰς ἀρχάς, παρὰ δὲ Ῥωμαίοις θάνατός ἐστι περὶ τοῦτο πρόστιμον. 6.56.5 ὅθεν τῶν ἄθλων τῆς ἀρετῆς ἐναντίων τιθεμένων παρʼ ἀμφοῖν, εἰκὸς ἀνόμοιον εἶναι καὶ τὴν παρασκευὴν ἑκατέρων πρὸς ταῦτα. 6.56.6 μεγίστην δέ μοι δοκεῖ διαφορὰν ἔχειν τὸ Ῥωμαίων πολίτευμα πρὸς βέλτιον ἐν τῇ περὶ θεῶν διαλήψει.'' None
6.3.7 \xa0for in either case my opinion is that they are wrong. For it is evident that we must regard as the best constitution a combination of all these three varieties, since we have had proof of this not only theoretically but by actual experience, Lycurgus having been the first to draw up a constitution â\x80\x94 that of Sparta â\x80\x94 on this principle. <' "
6.4.10 1. \xa0The truth of what I\xa0say is evident from the following considerations.,2. \xa0It is by no means every monarchy which we can call straight off a kingship, but only that which is voluntarily accepted by the subjects and where they are governed rather by an appeal to their reason than by fear and force.,3. \xa0Nor again can we style every oligarchy an aristocracy, but only that where the government is in the hands of a selected body of the justest and wisest men.,4. \xa0Similarly that is no true democracy in which the whole crowd of citizens is free to do whatever they wish or purpose,,5. \xa0but when, in a community where it is traditional and customary to reverence the gods, to honour our parents, to respect our elders, and to obey the laws, the will of the greater number prevails, this is to be called a democracy.,6. \xa0We should therefore assert that there are six kinds of governments, the three above mentioned which are in everyone's mouth and the three which are naturally allied to them, I\xa0mean monarchy, oligarchy, and mob-rule.,7. \xa0Now the first of these to come into being is monarchy, its growth being natural and unaided; and next arises kingship derived from monarchy by the aid of art and by the correction of defects.,8. \xa0Monarchy first changes into its vicious allied form, tyranny; and next, the abolishment of both gives birth to aristocracy.,9. \xa0Aristocracy by its very nature degenerates into oligarchy; and when the commons inflamed by anger take vengeance on this government for its unjust rule, democracy comes into being; and in due course the licence and lawlessness of this form of government produces mob-rule to complete the series.,11. \xa0The truth of what I\xa0have just said will be quite clear to anyone who pays due attention to such beginnings, origins, and changes as are in each case natural.,12. \xa0For he alone who has seen how each form naturally arises and develops, will be able to see when, how, and where the growth, perfection, change, and end of each are likely to occur again.,13. \xa0And it is to the Roman constitution above all that this method, I\xa0think, may be successfully applied, since from the outset its formation and growth have been due to natural causes. " 6.10.6 \xa0Lycurgus, then, foreseeing this, did not make his constitution simple and uniform, but united in it all the good and distinctive features of the best governments, so that none of the principles should grow unduly and be perverted into its allied evil, but that, the force of each being neutralized by that of the others, neither of them should prevail and outbalance another, but that the constitution should remain for long in a state of equilibrium like a well-trimmed boat, kingship being guarded from arrogance by the fear of the commons, who were given a sufficient share in the government, and the commons on the other hand not venturing to treat the kings with contempt from fear of the elders, who being selected from the best citizens would be sure all of them to be always on the side of justice; < 6.10.7 1. \xa0At present I\xa0will give a brief account of the legislation of Lycurgus, a matter not alien to my present purpose.,2. \xa0Lycurgus had perfectly well understood that all the above changes take place necessarily and naturally, and had taken into consideration that every variety of constitution which is simple and formed on principle is precarious, as it is soon perverted into the corrupt form which is proper to it and naturally follows on it.,3. \xa0For just as rust in the case of iron and wood-worms and ship-worms in the case of timber are inbred pests, and these substances, even though they escape all external injury, fall a prey to the evils engendered in them, so each constitution has a vice engendered in it and inseparable from it. In kingship it is despotism, in aristocracy oligarchy,,5. \xa0and in democracy the savage rule of violence; and it is impossible, as I\xa0said above, that each of these should not in course of time change into this vicious form.,6. \xa0Lycurgus, then, foreseeing this, did not make his constitution simple and uniform, but united in it all the good and distinctive features of the best governments, so that none of the principles should grow unduly and be perverted into its allied evil, but that, the force of each being neutralized by that of the others, neither of them should prevail and outbalance another, but that the constitution should remain for long in a state of equilibrium like a well-trimmed boat, kingship being guarded from arrogance by the fear of the commons, who were given a sufficient share in the government, and the commons on the other hand not venturing to treat the kings with contempt from fear of the elders, who being selected from the best citizens would be sure all of them to be always on the side of justice;,10. \xa0so that that part of the state which was weakest owing to its subservience to traditional custom, acquired power and weight by the support and influence of the elders.,11. \xa0The consequence was that by drawing up his constitution thus he preserved liberty at Sparta for a longer period than is recorded elsewhere.,12. \xa0Lycurgus then, foreseeing, by a process of reasoning, whence and how events naturally happen, constructed his constitution untaught by adversity,,13. \xa0but the Romans while they have arrived at the same final result as regards their form of government,,14. \xa0have not reached it by any process of reasoning, but by the discipline of many struggles and troubles, and always choosing the best by the light of the experience gained in disaster have thus reached the same result as Lycurgus, that is to say, the best of all existing constitutions. V.\xa0On the Roman Constitution at its Prime 6.10.10 \xa0so that that part of the state which was weakest owing to its subservience to traditional custom, acquired power and weight by the support and influence of the elders. < 6.10.11 \xa0The consequence was that by drawing up his constitution thus he preserved liberty at Sparta for a longer period than is recorded elsewhere. <
6.56.1 \xa0Again, the laws and customs relating to the acquisition of wealth are better in Rome than at Carthage. < 6.56.2 \xa0At Carthage nothing which results in profit is regarded as disgraceful; at Rome nothing is considered more so than to accept bribes and seek gain from improper channels. < 6.56.3 \xa0For no less strong than their approval of money-making is their condemnation of unscrupulous gain from forbidden sources. < 6.56.4 \xa0A\xa0proof of this is that at Carthage candidates for office practise open bribery, whereas at Rome death is the penalty for it. < 6.56.5 \xa0Therefore as the rewards offered to merit are the opposite in the two cases, it is natural that the steps taken to gain them should also be dissimilar. < 6.56.6 \xa0But the quality in which the Roman commonwealth is most distinctly superior is in my opinion the nature of their religious convictions. <' "
31.25 1. \xa0From that time onwards continuing in the actual conduct of life to give proof to each other of their worth, they came to regard each other with an affection like that of father and son or near relations.,2. \xa0The first direction taken by Scipio's ambition to lead a virtuous life, was to attain a reputation for temperance and excel in this respect all the other young men of the same age.,3. \xa0This is a high prize indeed and difficult to gain, but it was at this time easy to pursue at Rome owing to the vicious tendencies of most of the youths.,4. \xa0For some of them had abandoned themselves to amours with boys and others to the society of courtesans, and many to musical entertainments and banquets, and the extravagance they involve, having in the course of the war with Perseus been speedily infected by the Greek laxity in these respects.,5. \xa0So great in fact was the incontinence that had broken out among the young men in such matters, that many paid a talent for a male favourite and many three hundred drachmas for a jar of caviar.,5a. \xa0This aroused the indignation of Cato, who said once in a public speech that it was the surest sign of deterioration in the republic when pretty boys fetch more than fields, and jars of caviar more than ploughmen.,6. \xa0It was just at the period we are treating of that this present tendency to extravagance declared itself, first of all because they thought that now after the fall of the Macedonian kingdom their universal dominion was undisputed,,7. \xa0and next because after the riches of Macedonia had been transported to Rome there was a great display of wealth both in public and in private.,8. \xa0Scipio, however, setting himself to pursue the opposite course of conduct, combating all his appetites and moulding his life to be in every way coherent and uniform, in about the first five years established his universal reputation for strictness and temperance.,9. \xa0In the next place he sedulously studied to distinguish himself from others in magimity and cleanhandedness in money matters.,10. \xa0In this respect the part of his life he spent with his real father was an excellent grounding for him, and he had good natural impulses towards the right; but chance too helped him much in carrying out this resolve. " ' None
|19. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Sparta, as ideal constitution • Terentius Varro, M. (Varro), on the mixed constitution • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), on the mixed constitution • dictator, constitutional position vis-à-vis consul • health, equated with the mixed constitution • mixed constitution • praetors, constitutional position vis-à-vis consul • senate (constitutional role of)
Found in books: Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 174; Hayes (2015), What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives, 80; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 85, 86; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 19
|20. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Constitution / constitutio • Terentius Varro, M. (Varro), on the mixed constitution • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), on the mixed constitution • constitution, Cretan • constitution, Roman • constitution, Spartan • constitution, main forms • constitution, mixed • constitutive rules • dictator, constitutional position vis-à-vis consul • health, equated with the mixed constitution • institutions • law, constitutional • mixed constitution • mixed constitution, • praetors, constitutional position vis-à-vis consul • senate (constitutional role of)
Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 8; Atkins (2021), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy 225, 228; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 127, 130, 131, 136, 221, 222; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 85, 86, 87; Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 196, 199, 201, 357; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 112; Miltsios (2023), Leadership and Leaders in Polybius. 132; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 18, 19, 21
|21. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 3.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Sparta, and Athens, institutions • Torah, constitution • constitution
Found in books: Brooke et al. (2008), Past Renewals: Interpretative Authority, Renewed Revelation, and the Quest for Perfection in Jewish Antiquity, 144; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 40
3.4 But though I groan at my fate, I still hold out and resist, retaining in my soul that desire of instruction which has been implanted in it from my earliest youth, and this desire taking pity and compassion on me continually raises me up and alleviates my sorrow. And it is through this fondness for learning that I at times lift up my head, and with the eyes of my soul, which are indeed dim (for the mist of affairs, wholly inconsistent with their proper objects, has overshadowed their acute clear-sightedne'' None
|22. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • constitution • timocratic constitution
Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 108; Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 177
|23. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 1.1-1.6, 1.10, 1.13, 3.78, 3.84, 3.180, 3.223, 4.196-4.209, 4.211-4.219, 4.222-4.239, 4.241-4.249, 4.251-4.259, 4.261-4.269, 4.271-4.279, 4.281-4.289, 4.291-4.299, 4.301, 4.303-4.304, 4.307, 4.320, 4.327-4.331, 6.36, 6.268, 12.142, 13.258, 14.41-14.42, 16.164, 20.224-20.239, 20.241-20.249, 20.251 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antioch, synagogue, communal institution (first century c.e.) • Cities, institutions • Deuteronomy, constitutional polity of • Ethnic boundary making model, institutional frameworks • Hellenistic, institutions and practices • Politeia (citizenship/constitution) • Torah, constitution • constituent parts • constitution • constitution (Jewish) (see also politeia)
Found in books: Brooke et al. (2008), Past Renewals: Interpretative Authority, Renewed Revelation, and the Quest for Perfection in Jewish Antiquity, 7, 131, 133, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 145, 146, 170; DeJong (2022), A Prophet like Moses (Deut 18:15, 18): The Origin, History, and Influence of the Mosaic Prophetic Succession, 213, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220; Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 182; Garcia (2021), On Human Nature in Early Judaism: Creation, Composition, and Condition, 142, 154; Gera (2014), Judith, 179; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 405; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 61, 71, 267; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 41, 43, 146; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 121
1.1 Εὗρον τοίνυν, ὅτι Πτολεμαίων μὲν ὁ δεύτερος μάλιστα δὴ βασιλεὺς περὶ παιδείαν καὶ βιβλίων συναγωγὴν σπουδάσας ἐξαιρέτως ἐφιλοτιμήθη τὸν ἡμέτερον νόμον καὶ τὴν κατ' αὐτὸν διάταξιν τῆς πολιτείας εἰς τὴν ̔Ελλάδα φωνὴν μεταβαλεῖν," "
1.1 Τοῖς τὰς ἱστορίας συγγράφειν βουλομένοις οὐ μίαν οὐδὲ τὴν αὐτὴν ὁρῶ τῆς σπουδῆς γινομένην αἰτίαν, ἀλλὰ πολλὰς καὶ πλεῖστον ἀλλήλων διαφερούσας.' "
1.1 σῶφρον γὰρ εἶναι τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτοῖς μηδὲ χαρίσασθαι τὸ ζῆν ἢ δόντα τοῦτο διαφθείρειν: ἀλλ' οἷς ἐξύβριζον εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν εὐσέβειαν καὶ ἀρετήν, τούτοις ἐξεβιάσαντό με ταύτην αὐτοῖς ἐπιθεῖναι τὴν δίκην." "1.2 οἱ δὲ ἄγγελοι παρεγένοντο εἰς τὴν τῶν Σοδομιτῶν πόλιν, καὶ ὁ Λῶτος αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ ξενίαν παρεκάλει: λίαν γὰρ ἦν περὶ τοὺς ξένους φιλάνθρωπος καὶ μαθητὴς τῆς ̔Αβράμου χρηστότητος. οἱ δὲ Σοδομῖται θεασάμενοι τοὺς νεανίσκους εὐπρεπεστάτους τῇ ὄψει διαφέροντας καὶ παρὰ Λώτῳ καταχθέντας ἐπὶ βίαν καὶ ὕβριν αὐτῶν τῆς ὥρας ἐτράπησαν.' "1.2 οὔτε γὰρ αὐτῷ ποτ' ἂν γενέσθαι νοῦν ἀγαθὸν τῷ νομοθέτῃ ταύτης ἀπολειπομένῳ τῆς θέας, οὔτε τῶν γραφησομένων εἰς ἀρετῆς λόγον οὐδὲν ἀποβήσεσθαι τοῖς λαβοῦσιν, εἰ μὴ πρὸ παντὸς ἄλλου διδαχθεῖεν, ὅτι πάντων πατήρ τε καὶ δεσπότης ὁ θεὸς ὢν καὶ πάντα ἐπιβλέπων τοῖς μὲν ἑπομένοις αὐτῷ δίδωσιν εὐδαίμονα βίον, τοὺς ἔξω δὲ βαίνοντας ἀρετῆς μεγάλαις περιβάλλει συμφοραῖς." '1.2 τινὲς μὲν γὰρ ἐπιδεικνύμενοι λόγων δεινότητα καὶ τὴν ἀπ' αὐτῆς θηρευόμενοι δόξαν ἐπὶ τοῦτο τῆς παιδείας τὸ μέρος ὁρμῶσιν, ἄλλοι δὲ χάριν ἐκείνοις φέροντες, περὶ ὧν τὴν ἀναγραφὴν εἶναι συμβέβηκε, τὸν εἰς αὐτὴν πόνον καὶ παρὰ δύναμιν ὑπέστησαν:" "1.3 εἰσὶ δ' οἵτινες ἐβιάσθησαν ὑπ' αὐτῆς τῆς τῶν πραγμάτων ἀνάγκης οἷς πραττομένοις παρέτυχον ταῦτα γραφῇ δηλούσῃ περιλαβεῖν: πολλοὺς δὲ χρησίμων μέγεθος πραγμάτων ἐν ἀγνοίᾳ κειμένων προύτρεψε τὴν περὶ αὐτῶν ἱστορίαν εἰς κοινὴν ὠφέλειαν ἐξενεγκεῖν." "1.3 μετὰ δὴ τοῦτο τῇ δευτέρᾳ τῶν ἡμερῶν τὸν οὐρανὸν τοῖς ὅλοις ἐπιτίθησιν, ὅτ' αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων διακρίνας κατ' αὐτὸν ἠξίωσε τετάχθαι, κρύσταλλόν τε περιπήξας αὐτῷ καὶ νότιον αὐτὸν καὶ ὑετώδη πρὸς τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν δρόσων ὠφέλειαν ἁρμοδίως τῇ γῇ μηχανησάμενος." "1.3 τοῦ δ' ̓Ιακώβου τούτοις συγχωροῦντος ἑπτὰ ἐτῶν χρόνον συντίθεται: τοσάδε γὰρ αὐτῷ κέκριται θητεῦσαι τῷ πενθερῷ, ἵνα τῆς ἀρετῆς πεῖραν δοὺς ἐπιγνωσθῇ μᾶλλον τίς εἴη. καὶ προσδεξάμενος τὸν λόγον Λάβανος τοῦ χρόνου διελθόντος προυτίθει τὴν εὐωχίαν τῶν γάμων." '1.4 ̔Ο δὴ τοίνυν θεὸς τὸν ̓́Αδαμον καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα τῶν μὲν ἄλλων φυτῶν ἐκέλευε γεύεσθαι, τοῦ δὲ τῆς φρονήσεως ἀπέχεσθαι, προειπὼν ἁψαμένοις ἀπ' αὐτοῦ ὄλεθρον γενησόμενον." "1.4 τούτων δὴ τῶν προειρημένων αἰτιῶν αἱ τελευταῖαι δύο κἀμοὶ συμβεβήκασι: τὸν μὲν γὰρ πρὸς τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίους πόλεμον ἡμῖν τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις γενόμενον καὶ τὰς ἐν αὐτῷ πράξεις καὶ τὸ τέλος οἷον ἀπέβη πείρᾳ μαθὼν ἐβιάσθην ἐκδιηγήσασθαι διὰ τοὺς ἐν τῷ γράφειν λυμαινομένους τὴν ἀλήθειαν,' "1.5 ἀφείλετο δὲ καὶ τὸν ὄφιν τὴν φωνὴν ὀργισθεὶς ἐπὶ τῇ κακοηθείᾳ τῇ πρὸς τὸν ̓́Αδαμον καὶ ἰὸν ἐντίθησιν ὑπὸ τὴν γλῶτταν αὐτῷ πολέμιον ἀποδείξας ἀνθρώποις καὶ ὑποθέμενος κατὰ τῆς κεφαλῆς φέρειν τὰς πληγάς, ὡς ἐν ἐκείνῃ τοῦ τε κακοῦ τοῦ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους κειμένου καὶ τῆς τελευτῆς ῥᾴστης τοῖς ἀμυνομένοις ἐσομένης, ποδῶν τε αὐτὸν ἀποστερήσας σύρεσθαι κατὰ τῆς γῆς ἰλυσπώμενον ἐποίησε.' "1.5 ταύτην δὲ τὴν ἐνεστῶσαν ἐγκεχείρισμαι πραγματείαν νομίζων ἅπασι φανεῖσθαι τοῖς ̔́Ελλησιν ἀξίαν σπουδῆς: μέλλει γὰρ περιέξειν ἅπασαν τὴν παρ' ἡμῖν ἀρχαιολογίαν καὶ διάταξιν τοῦ πολιτεύματος ἐκ τῶν ̔Εβραϊκῶν μεθηρμηνευμένην γραμμάτων." '1.6 Πολλὴν δ' ἐπελθὼν γῆν ἱδρύεται μετὰ τῆς γυναικὸς Κάις Ναί̈δα τόπον οὕτω καλούμενον καὶ αὐτόθι ποιεῖται τὴν κατοίκησιν, ἔνθ' αὐτῷ καὶ παῖδες ἐγένοντο: οὐκ ἐπὶ νουθεσίᾳ δὲ τὴν κόλασιν ἔλαβεν, ἀλλ' ἐπ' αὐξήσει τῆς κακίας, ἡδονὴν μὲν πᾶσαν ἐκπορίζων αὐτοῦ τῷ σώματι, κἂν μεθ' ὕβρεως τῶν συνόντων δέῃ ταύτην ἔχειν:" "1.6 ἤδη μὲν οὖν καὶ πρότερον διενοήθην, ὅτε τὸν πόλεμον συνέγραφον, δηλῶσαι τίνες ὄντες ἐξ ἀρχῆς ̓Ιουδαῖοι καὶ τίσι χρησάμενοι τύχαις ὑφ' οἵῳ τε παιδευθέντες νομοθέτῃ τὰ πρὸς εὐσέβειαν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ἄσκησιν ἀρετῆς πόσους τε πολέμους ἐν μακροῖς πολεμήσαντες χρόνοις εἰς τὸν τελευταῖον ἄκοντες πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους κατέστησαν." "
1.13 Οἱ δὲ Χάμου παῖδες τὴν ἀπὸ Συρίας καὶ ̓Αμάνου καὶ Λιβάνου τῶν ὀρῶν γῆν κατέσχον, ὅσα πρὸς θάλασσαν αὐτῆς ἐτέτραπτο καταλαβόντες καὶ τὰ μέχρι τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ ἐξιδιωσάμενοι: αἱ μέντοι προσηγορίαι τῶν μὲν καὶ παντελῶς ἐξίτηλοι γεγόνασιν, ἐνίων δὲ μεταβαλοῦσαι καὶ μεταρρυθμισθεῖσαι πρὸς ἑτέρας δύσγνωστοι τυγχάνουσιν, ὀλίγοι δὲ οἱ φυλάξαντες ἀκεραίους τὰς προσηγορίας ὑπάρχουσι.' "
1.13 μυρία δ' ἐστὶ τὰ δηλούμενα διὰ τῶν ἱερῶν γραμμάτων, ἅτε δὴ πεντακισχιλίων ἐτῶν ἱστορίας ἐν αὐτοῖς ἐμπεριειλημμένης, καὶ παντοῖαι μέν εἰσι παράλογοι περιπέτειαι, πολλαὶ δὲ τύχαι πολέμων καὶ στρατηγῶν ἀνδραγαθίαι καὶ πολιτευμάτων μεταβολαί." 3.78 ἑορτάζοντες δὲ τὸν στρατηγὸν περιέμενον ἁγνεύοντες τήν τε ἄλλην ἁγνείαν καὶ ἀπὸ συνουσίας τῆς γυναικῶν ἡμέρας τρεῖς, καθὼς ἐκεῖνος αὐτοῖς προεῖπε, καὶ παρακαλοῦντες τὸν θεὸν εὐμενῆ συμβάλλοντα Μωυσεῖ δοῦναι δωρεάν, ὑφ' ἧς εὖ βιώσονται. ταῖς τ' οὖν διαίταις ἐχρῶντο πολυτελεστέραις καὶ τῷ κόσμῳ γυναιξὶν ὁμοῦ καὶ τέκνοις ἐκπρεπῶς ἤσκηντο." 3.84 ἐπὶ τούτοις οὖν συγκαλεῖ τὸ πλῆθος εἰς ἐκκλησίαν ἀκουσόμενον ὧν ὁ θεὸς εἴποι πρὸς αὐτόν, καὶ συναθροισθέντων στὰς ἐπὶ ὑψηλοῦ τινος, ὅθεν ἔμελλον πάντες ἀκούσεσθαι, “ὁ μὲν θεός, εἶπεν, ὦ ̔Εβραῖοι, καθάπερ καὶ πρότερον εὐμενὴς προσεδέξατό με καὶ βίον τε ὑμῖν εὐδαίμονα καὶ πολιτείας κόσμον ὑπαγορεύσας πάρεστι καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον.' "
3.223 οὓς κρείττονας ἢ κατὰ σύνεσιν ἀνθρωπίνην ὄντας εἰς τὸν ἅπαντα βεβαίως αἰῶνα συνέβη φυλαχθῆναι δωρεὰν εἶναι δόξαντας τοῦ θεοῦ, ὡς μήτ' ἐν εἰρήνῃ ὑπὸ τρυφῆς μήτ' ἐν πολέμῳ κατ' ἀνάγκην ̔Εβραίους παραβῆναί τινα τῶν νόμων. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων παύομαι λέγων γραφὴν ἑτέραν ἠξιωκὼς συνθεῖναι περὶ τῶν νόμων." "
4.196 Βούλομαι δὲ τὴν πολιτείαν πρότερον εἰπὼν τῷ τε Μωυσέος ἀξιώματι τῆς ἀρετῆς ἀναλογοῦσαν καὶ μαθεῖν παρέξων δι' αὐτῆς τοῖς ἐντευξομένοις. οἷα τὰ καθ' ἡμᾶς ἀρχῆθεν ἦν, ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν ἄλλων τραπέσθαι διήγησιν. γέγραπται δὲ πάνθ' ὡς ἐκεῖνος κατέλιπεν οὐδὲν ἡμῶν ἐπὶ καλλωπισμῷ προσθέντων οὐδ' ὅτι μὴ κατελέλοιπε Μωυσῆς." "4.197 νενεωτέρισται δ' ἡμῖν τὸ κατὰ γένος ἕκαστα τάξαι: σποράδην γὰρ ὑπ' ἐκείνου κατελείφθη γραφέντα καὶ ὡς ἕκαστόν τι παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ πύθοιτο. τούτου χάριν ἀναγκαῖον ἡγησάμην προδιαστείλασθαι, μὴ καί τις ἡμῖν παρὰ τῶν ὁμοφύλων ἐντυχόντων τῇ γραφῇ μέμψις ὡς διημαρτηκόσι γένηται." '4.198 ἔχει δὲ οὕτως ἡ διάταξις ἡμῶν τῶν νόμων τῶν ἀνηκόντων εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν. οὓς δὲ κοινοὺς ἡμῖν καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους κατέλιπε τούτους ὑπερεθέμην εἰς τὴν περὶ ἐθῶν καὶ αἰτιῶν ἀπόδοσιν, ἣν συλλαμβανομένου τοῦ θεοῦ μετὰ ταύτην ἡμῖν τὴν πραγματείαν συντάξασθαι πρόκειται. 4.199 ̓Επειδὰν τὴν Χαναναίων γῆν κτησάμενοι καὶ σχολὴν ἐν χρήσει τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἔχοντες πόλεις τὸ λοιπὸν ἤδη κτίζειν προαιρῆσθε, ταῦτα ποιοῦντες τῷ θεῷ φίλα πράξετε καὶ τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν βεβαίαν ἕξετε:' "4.201 ἡ δ' ἐπὶ τοῦτον πρόσβασις ἔστω μὴ διὰ βαθμίδων, ἀλλὰ προσχώσεως αὐτῷ καταπρανοῦς γενομένης. ἐν ἑτέρᾳ δὲ πόλει μήτε βωμὸς μήτε νεὼς ἔστω: θεὸς γὰρ εἷς καὶ τὸ ̔Εβραίων γένος ἕν." "4.202 ̔Ο δὲ βλασφημήσας θεὸν καταλευσθεὶς κρεμάσθω δι' ἡμέρας καὶ ἀτίμως καὶ ἀφανῶς θαπτέσθω." '4.203 Συνερχέσθωσαν δὲ εἰς ἣν ἀποφήνωσι πόλιν τὸν νεὼν τρὶς τοῦ ἔτους οἱ ἐκ τῶν περάτων τῆς γῆς, ἧς ἂν ̔Εβραῖοι κρατῶσιν, ὅπως τῷ θεῷ τῶν μὲν ὑπηργμένων εὐχαριστῶσι καὶ περὶ τῶν εἰς τὸ μέλλον παρακαλῶσι καὶ συνιόντες ἀλλήλοις καὶ συνευωχούμενοι προσφιλεῖς ὦσι: 4.204 καλὸν γὰρ εἶναι μὴ ἀγνοεῖν ἀλλήλους ὁμοφύλους τε ὄντας καὶ τῶν αὐτῶν κοινωνοῦντας ἐπιτηδευμάτων, τοῦτο δὲ ἐκ μὲν τῆς αὐτῆς ἐπιμιξίας αὐτοῖς ὑπάρξειν, τῇ τε ὄψει καὶ τῇ ὁμιλίᾳ μνήμην αὐτῶν ἐντιθέντας: ἀνεπιμίκτους γὰρ ἀλλήλοις μένοντας ἀλλοτριωτάτους αὑτοῖς νομισθήσεσθαι. 4.205 ̓́Εστω δὲ καὶ δεκάτη τῶν καρπῶν ἐξαίρεσις ὑμῖν χωρὶς ἧς διετάξατε τοῖς ἱερεῦσι καὶ Λευίταις δεδόσθαι, ἣ πιπρασκέσθω μὲν ἐπὶ τῶν πατρίδων, εἰς δὲ τὰς εὐωχίας ὑπηρετείτω καὶ τὰς θυσίας τὰς ἐν τῇ ἱερᾷ πόλει: δίκαιον γὰρ εἶναι τῶν ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἀναδιδομένων, ἣν ὁ θεὸς αὐτοῖς κτήσασθαι παρέσχεν, ἐπὶ τιμῇ τοῦ δεδωκότος ἀπολαύειν.' "4.206 ̓Εκ μισθοῦ γυναικὸς ἡταιρημένης θυσίας μὴ τελεῖν: ἥδεσθαι γὰρ μηδενὶ τῶν ἀφ' ὕβρεως τὸ θεῖον, χείρων δ' οὐκ ἂν εἴη τῆς ἐπὶ τοῖς σώμασιν αἰσχύνης: ὁμοίως μηδ' ἂν ἐπ' ὀχεύσει κυνὸς ἤτοι θηρευτικοῦ ἢ ποιμνίων φύλακος λάβῃ τις μισθόν, ἐκ τούτου θύειν τῷ θεῷ." "4.207 Βλασφημείτω δὲ μηδεὶς θεοὺς οὓς πόλεις ἄλλαι νομίζουσι. μηδὲ συλᾶν ἱερὰ ξενικά, μηδ' ἂν ἐπωνομασμένον ᾖ τινι θεῷ κειμήλιον λαμβάνειν." "4.208 Μηδεὶς δ' ἐξ ὑμῶν κλωστὴν ἐξ ἐρίου καὶ λίνου στολὴν φορείτω: τοῖς γὰρ ἱερεῦσι μόνοις ταύτην ἀποδεδεῖχθαι." "4.209 Συνελθόντος δὲ τοῦ πλήθους εἰς τὴν ἱερὰν πόλιν ἐπὶ ταῖς θυσίαις δι' ἐτῶν ἑπτὰ τῆς σκηνοπηγίας ἑορτῆς ἐνστάσης ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἐπὶ βήματος ὑψηλοῦ σταθείς, ἀφ' οὗ γένοιτο ἐξάκουστος, ἀναγινωσκέτω τοὺς νόμους ἅπασι, καὶ μήτε γυνὴ μήτε παῖδες εἰργέσθωσαν τοῦ ἀκούειν, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ οἱ δοῦλοι:" "
4.211 ὥστ' εἶναι διὰ παντὸς ἔνδον αὐτοῖς τὴν προαίρεσιν αὐτῶν ἧς ὀλιγωρήσαντες ἠδίκησαν καὶ τῆς ζημίας αὑτοῖς αἴτιοι γεγόνασι. μανθανέτωσαν δὲ καὶ οἱ παῖδες πρῶτον τοὺς νόμους μάθημα κάλλιστον καὶ τῆς εὐδαιμονίας αἴτιον." "4.212 Δίς τε ἑκάστης ἡμέρας ἀρχομένης τε αὐτῆς καὶ ὁπότε πρὸς ὕπνον ὥρα τρέπεσθαι μαρτυρεῖν τῷ θεῷ τὰς δωρεάς, ἃς ἀπαλλαγεῖσιν αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῆς Αἰγυπτίων γῆς παρέσχε, δικαίας οὔσης φύσει τῆς εὐχαριστίας καὶ γενομένης ἐπ' ἀμοιβῇ μὲν τῶν ἤδη γεγονότων ἐπὶ δὲ προτροπῇ τῶν ἐσομένων:" '4.213 ἐπιγράφειν δὲ καὶ τοῖς θυρώμασιν αὐτῶν τὰ μέγιστα ὧν εὐεργέτησεν αὐτοὺς ὁ θεὸς ἔν τε βραχίοσιν ἕκαστον διαφαίνειν, ὅσα τε τὴν ἰσχὺν ἀποσημαίνειν δύναται τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τὴν πρὸς αὐτοὺς εὔνοιαν φέρειν ἐγγεγραμμένα ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς καὶ τοῦ βραχίονος, ὡς περίβλεπτον πανταχόθεν τὸ περὶ αὐτοὺς πρόθυμον τοῦ θεοῦ.' "4.214 ̓Αρχέτωσαν δὲ καθ' ἑκάστην πόλιν ἄνδρες ἑπτὰ οἱ καὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν καὶ τὴν περὶ τὸ δίκαιον σπουδὴν προησκηκότες: ἑκάστῃ δὲ ἀρχῇ δύο ἄνδρες ὑπηρέται διδόσθωσαν ἐκ τῆς τῶν Λευιτῶν φυλῆς." '4.215 ἔστωσαν δὲ καὶ οἱ δικάζειν λαχόντες ταῖς πόλεσιν ἐν πάσῃ τιμῇ, ὡς μήτε βλασφημεῖν ἐκείνων παρόντων μήτε θρασύνεσθαί τισιν ἐξεῖναι τῆς πρὸς τοὺς ἐν ἀξιώματι τῶν ἀνθρώπων αἰδοῦς αὐτῶν εὐλαβεστέρους, ὥστε τοῦ θεοῦ μὴ καταφρονεῖν, ἀπεργαζομένης.' "4.216 οἱ δὲ δικασταὶ ἀποφήνασθαι κύριοι περὶ τοῦ δόξαντος αὐτοῖς ἔστωσαν, πλὴν εἰ μή τι χρήματα λαβόντας τις αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ διαφθορᾷ τοῦ δικαίου ἐνδείξαιτ' ἢ ἄλλην τινὰ αἰτίαν προφέροι, καθ' ἣν οὐ καλῶς ἐλέγχει αὐτοὺς ἀποφηναμένους: οὔτε γὰρ κέρδει χαριζομένους οὔτ' ἀξιώματι προσῆκε φανερὰς ποιεῖσθαι τὰς κρίσεις, ἀλλὰ τὸ δίκαιον ἐπάνω πάντων τιθεμένους." '4.217 ὁ γὰρ θεὸς ἂν οὕτως δόξειε καταφρονεῖσθαι καὶ ἀσθενέστερος ἐκείνων οἷς ἄν τις κατὰ φόβον ἰσχύος προσνέμοι τὴν ψῆφον κεκρίσθαι: τοῦ θεοῦ γὰρ ἰσχύς ἐστι τὸ δίκαιον. ὃ τοῖς ἐν ἀξιώμασι τυγχάνουσι καταχαριζόμενός τις ἐκείνους τοῦ θεοῦ δυνατωτέρους ποιεῖ.' "4.218 ἂν δ' οἱ δικασταὶ μὴ νοῶσι περὶ τῶν ἐπ' αὐτοὺς παρατεταγμένων ἀποφήνασθαι, συμβαίνει δὲ πολλὰ τοιαῦτα τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, ἀναπεμπέτωσαν τὴν δίκην εἰς τὴν ἱερὰν πόλιν, καὶ συνελθόντες ὅ τε ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ ὁ προφήτης καὶ ἡ γερουσία τὸ δοκοῦν ἀποφαινέσθωσαν." "4.219 Εἷς δὲ μὴ πιστευέσθω μάρτυς, ἀλλὰ τρεῖς ἢ τὸ τελευταῖον δύο, ὧν τὴν μαρτυρίαν ἀληθῆ ποιήσει τὰ προβεβιωμένα. γυναικῶν δὲ μὴ ἔστω μαρτυρία διὰ κουφότητα καὶ θράσος τοῦ γένους αὐτῶν: μαρτυρείτωσαν δὲ μηδὲ δοῦλοι διὰ τὴν τῆς ψυχῆς ἀγένειαν, οὓς ἢ διὰ κέρδος εἰκὸς ἢ διὰ φόβον μὴ τἀληθῆ μαρτυρῆσαι. ἂν δέ τις ψευδομαρτυρήσας πιστευθῇ, πασχέτω ταῦτ' ἐλεγχθεὶς ὅσα ὁ καταμαρτυρηθεὶς πάσχειν ἔμελλεν." 4.222 καὶ χέρνιβας ἑλόμενοι ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς τῆς βοὸς οἱ ἱερεῖς καὶ οἱ Λευῖται καὶ ἡ γερουσία τῆς πόλεως ἐκείνης καθαρὰς ἀναβοησάτωσαν τὰς χεῖρας ἔχειν ἀπὸ τοῦ φόνου καὶ μήτε δρᾶσαι μήτε δρωμένῳ παρατυχεῖν, ἐπικαλεῖσθαι δὲ ἵλεω τὸν θεὸν καὶ μηκέτι τοιοῦτον δεινὸν συμβῆναι τῇ γῇ πάθος.' "4.223 ̓Αριστοκρατία μὲν οὖν κράτιστον καὶ ὁ κατ' αὐτὴν βίος, καὶ μὴ λάβῃ πόθος ὑμᾶς ἄλλης πολιτείας, ἀλλὰ ταύτην στέργοιτε καὶ τοὺς νόμους ἔχοντες δεσπότας κατ' αὐτοὺς ἕκαστα πράττετε: ἀρκεῖ γὰρ ὁ θεὸς ἡγεμὼν εἶναι. βασιλέως δ' εἰ γένοιτο ἔρως ὑμῖν, ἔστω μὲν οὗτος ὁμόφυλος, πρόνοια δ' αὐτῷ δικαιοσύνης καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἀρετῆς διὰ παντὸς ἔστω." "4.224 παραχωροίη δὲ οὗτος τοῖς μὲν νόμοις καὶ τῷ θεῷ τὰ πλείονα τοῦ φρονεῖν, πρασσέτω δὲ μηδὲν δίχα τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ τῆς τῶν γερουσιαστῶν γνώμης γάμοις τε μὴ πολλοῖς χρώμενος μηδὲ πλῆθος διώκων χρημάτων μηδ' ἵππων, ὧν αὐτῷ παραγενομένων ὑπερήφανος ἂν τῶν νόμων ἔσοιτο. κωλυέσθω δ', εἰ τούτων τι διὰ σπουδῆς ἔχοι, γίγνεσθαι τοῦ συμφέροντος ὑμῖν δυνατώτερος." "4.225 ̔́Ορους γῆς μὴ ἐξέστω κινεῖν μήτε οἰκείας μήτ' ἀλλοτρίας πρὸς οὕς ἐστιν ὑμῖν εἰρήνη, φυλαττέσθω δ' ὥσπερ θεοῦ ψῆφον βεβαίαν εἰς αἰῶνα κειμένην ἀναιρεῖν, ὡς πολέμων ἐντεῦθεν καὶ στάσεων γινομένων ἐκ τοῦ πλεονεκτοῦντας προσωτέρω χωρεῖν βούλεσθαι τῶν ὅρων: μὴ γὰρ μακρὰν εἶναι τοῦ καὶ τοὺς νόμους ὑπερβαίνειν τοὺς τὸν ὅρον μετακινοῦντας." "4.226 Γῆν ὁ φυτεύσας, πρὸ ἐτῶν τεσσάρων ἂν καρπὸν προβάλῃ τὰ φυτά, μήτε τῷ θεῷ ἀπαρχὰς ἐντεῦθεν ἀποφερέτω μήτ' αὐτὸς χρήσθω: οὐ γὰρ κατὰ καιρὸν τοῦτον ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἐνεχθῆναι, βιασαμένης δὲ τῆς φύσεως ἀώρως μήτε τῷ θεῷ ἁρμόζειν μήτ' αὐτῷ τῷ δεσπότῃ χρῆσθαι." "4.227 τῷ δὲ τετάρτῳ τρυγάτω πᾶν τὸ γενόμενον, τότε γὰρ ὥριον εἶναι, καὶ συναγαγὼν εἰς τὴν ἱερὰν πόλιν κομιζέτω, καὶ σὺν τῇ δεκάτῃ τοῦ ἄλλου καρποῦ μετὰ τῶν φίλων εὐωχούμενος ἀναλισκέτω καὶ μετ' ὀρφανῶν καὶ χηρευουσῶν γυναικῶν. πέμπτου δὲ ἔτους κύριος ἔστω τὰ φυτὰ καρποῦσθαι." "4.228 Τὴν ἀμπέλοις κατάφυτον γῆν μὴ σπείρειν: ἀρκεῖσθαι γὰρ αὐτὴν τρέφειν τοῦτο τὸ φυτὸν καὶ τῶν ἐξ ἀρότρου πόνων ἀπηλλάχθαι. βουσὶν ἀροῦν τὴν γῆν, καὶ μηδὲν τῶν ἑτέρων ζῴων σὺν αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ ζεύγλην ἄγοντας, ἀλλὰ κατ' οἰκεῖα γένη κἀκείνοις ποιεῖσθαι τὸν ἄροτον. εἶναι δὲ καθαρὰ τὰ σπέρματα καὶ ἀνεπίμικτα, καὶ μὴ σύνδυο καὶ τρία σπείρειν: οὐ γὰρ τῇ τῶν ἀνομοίων κοινωνίᾳ χαίρειν τὴν φύσιν." '4.229 μηδὲ κτήνεσιν ἐπάγειν ὅσα μὴ συγγενῆ: δέος γὰρ ἐκ τούτου μὴ διαβῇ καὶ μέχρι τῶν ἀνθρωπείων ἡ πρὸς τὸ ὁμόφυλον ἀτιμία τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπὸ τῶν περὶ τὰ μικρὰ καὶ τὰ φαῦλα πρότερον λαβοῦσα. 4.231 ̓Αμῶντας δὲ καὶ συναιροῦντας τὰ θέρη μὴ καλαμᾶσθαι, καταλιπεῖν δέ τινα καὶ τῶν δραγμάτων τοῖς βίου σπανίζουσιν ἕρμαιον εἶναι τούτοις πρὸς διατροφήν: ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τῆς τρύγης ἀπολιπεῖν τὰς ἐπιφυλλίδας τοῖς πένησι καὶ τῶν ἐλαιῶν παρεῖναί τι τοῦ καρποῦ πρὸς συλλογὴν τοῖς ἐξ ἰδίων οὐκ ἔχουσι μεταλαβεῖν:' "4.232 οὐ τοσαύτη γὰρ ἂν ἐκ τῆς ἐπ' ἀκριβὲς αὐτῶν συλλογῆς εὐπορία τοῖς δεσπόταις γένοιτο, ὅση χάρις ἐκ τῶν δεομένων ἔλθοι, τό τε θεῖον τὴν γῆν προθυμοτέραν εἰς τὴν ἐκτροφὴν τῶν καρπῶν ἀπεργάσεται μὴ τοῦ κατ' αὐτοὺς προνοουμένων λυσιτελοῦς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς τῶν ἄλλων διατροφῆς λόγον ἐχόντων." '4.233 μηδὲ βοῶν ὁπότε τρίβοιεν τοὺς στάχυας ἀποδεῖν τὰ στόματα ἐπὶ τῆς ἅλωος: οὐ γὰρ εἶναι δίκαιον εἴργειν τοὺς συνειργασμένους τοῦ καρποῦ καὶ περὶ τὴν γένεσιν αὐτοῦ πονήσαντας.' "4.234 μηδὲ ὀπώρας ἀκμαζούσης κωλύειν ἅπτεσθαι τοὺς ὁδῷ βαδίζοντας, ἀλλ' ὡς ἐξ οἰκείων αὐτοῖς ἐπιτρέπειν ἐμπίπλασθαι, κἂν ἐγχώριοι τυγχάνωσι κἂν ξένοι, χαίροντας ἐπὶ τῷ παρέχειν αὐτοῖς τῶν ὡραίων μεταλαμβάνειν: ἀποφέρεσθαι δ' αὐτοῖς μηδὲν ἐξέστω." '4.235 μηδὲ τρυγῶντες ὧν ἂν εἰς τὰς ληνοὺς κομίζωσιν εἰργέτωσαν τοὺς ὑπαντιάζοντας ἐπεσθίειν: ἄδικον γὰρ ἀγαθῶν, ἃ κατὰ βούλησιν θεοῦ παρῆλθεν εἰς τὸν βίον, φθονεῖν τοῖς ἐπιθυμοῦσιν αὐτῶν μεταλαμβάνειν τῆς ὥρας ἐν ἀκμῇ τε οὔσης καὶ σπευδούσης ἀπελθεῖν:' "4.236 ὡς τῷ θεῷ κεχαρισμένον ἂν εἴη, κἂν ὑπ' αἰσχύνης τινὰς ὀκνοῦντας ἅψασθαι λαβεῖν παρακαλῶσιν, ὄντας μὲν ̓Ισραηλίτας ὡς κοινωνοὺς καὶ δεσπότας διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν, ἀφιγμένους δ' ἀλλαχόθεν ἀνθρώπους ξενίων τυχεῖν ἀξιοῦντας ὧν ὁ θεὸς καθ' ὥραν αὐτοῖς παρέσχεν." '4.237 ἀναλώματα γὰρ οὐχ ἡγητέον ὅσα τις κατὰ χρηστότητα παρίησιν ἀνθρώποις λαμβάνειν, τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν ἀφθονίαν τῶν ἀγαθῶν χορηγοῦντος οὐκ ἐπὶ τῷ καρποῦσθαι μόνοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ τοῖς ἄλλοις μεταδιδόναι φιλοτίμως, καὶ βουλομένου τῷ τρόπῳ τούτῳ τὴν ἰδίαν περὶ τὸν ̓Ισραηλιτῶν λαὸν εὔνοιαν καὶ τὴν χορηγίαν τῆς εὐδαιμονίας καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐμφανίζεσθαι ἐκ πολλοῦ τοῦ περιόντος αὐτοῖς κἀκείνοις μεταδιδόντων. 4.238 ὁ δὲ παρὰ ταῦτα ποιήσας πληγὰς μιᾷ λειπούσας τεσσαράκοντα τῷ δημοσίῳ σκύτει λαβὼν τιμωρίαν ταύτην αἰσχίστην ἐλεύθερος ὑπομενέτω, ὅτι τῷ κέρδει δουλεύσας ὕβρισε τὸ ἀξίωμα: 4.239 καλῶς γὰρ ὑμῖν ἔχει πεπειραμένοις ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ συμφορῶν καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἐρημίαν πρόνοιαν τῶν ἐν τοῖς ὁμοίοις ὑπαρχόντων ποιεῖσθαι, καὶ τυχόντας εὐπορίας ἐξ ἐλέου καὶ προνοίας τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν αὐτὴν ταύτην ἐξ ὁμοίου πάθους ἀπομερίζειν τοῖς δεομένοις.' "
4.241 τῶν δ' ὡραίων ὅ τι καὶ πρῶτον ἑκάστῳ τύχῃ γενόμενον εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν κομιζέτωσαν, καὶ τὸν θεὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐνεγκαμένης αὐτὸ γῆς, ἣν αὐτοῖς κτήσασθαι παρέσχεν, εὐλογήσαντες θυσίας ἃς ὁ νόμος αὐτοῖς ἐπιφέρειν κελεύει ἐπιτελέσαντες τούτων τὰ προτέλεια τοῖς ἱερεῦσι διδότωσαν." "4.242 ἐπειδὰν δὲ ταῦτά τις ποιήσας καὶ πάντων τὰς δεκάτας ἅμα ταῖς εἰς τοὺς Λευίτας καὶ τὰς εὐωχίας ἀπενηνοχὼς ἀπιέναι μέλλῃ πρὸς αὑτὸν οἴκαδε, στὰς ἀντικρὺ τοῦ τεμενίσματος εὐχαριστησάτω μὲν τῷ θεῷ, ὅτι τῆς ἀπ' Αἰγυπτίων αὐτοὺς ὕβρεως ἀπαλλάξας γῆν αὐτοῖς ἀγαθὴν καὶ πολλὴν ἔδωκε καρποῦσθαι," '4.243 μαρτυράμενος δὲ ὡς τάς τε δεκάτας κατὰ τοὺς Μωυσέος τελέσειε νόμους αἰτησάσθω τὸν θεὸν εὐμενῆ καὶ ἵλεων αὐτῷ διὰ παντὸς εἶναι καὶ κοινῇ πᾶσιν ̔Εβραίοις διαμένειν, φυλάττοντα μὲν ἃ δέδωκεν αὐτοῖς ἀγαθὰ προσκτήσασθαι δὲ ὅσα δύναται χαρίζεσθαι.' "4.244 Γαμείτωσαν δὲ ἐν ὥρᾳ γάμου γενόμενοι παρθένους ἐλευθέρας γονέων ἀγαθῶν, ὁ δὲ μὴ μέλλων ἄγεσθαι παρθένον μὴ ζευγνύσθω συνοικοῦσαν ἄλλῳ νοθεύσας μηδὲ λυπῶν τὸν πρότερον αὐτῆς ἄνδρα: δούλας δὲ μὴ γαμεῖσθαι τοῖς ἐλευθέροις, μηδ' ἂν ὑπ' ἔρωτος πρὸς τοῦτό τινες ἐκβιάζωνται, κρατεῖν δὲ τῆς ἐπιθυμίας τὸ εὐπρεπὲς καὶ τοῖς ἀξιώμασι πρόσφορον." "4.245 ἔτι μηδὲ ἡταιρημένης εἶναι γάμον, ἧς δι' ὕβριν τοῦ σώματος τὰς ἐπὶ τῷ γάμῳ θυσίας ὁ θεὸς οὐκ ἂν προσοῖτο: γένοιτο γὰρ ἂν οὕτω τῶν παίδων τὰ φρονήματα ἐλευθέρια καὶ πρὸς ἀρετὴν ὄρθια, εἰ μὴ τύχοιεν ἐκ γάμων φύντες αἰσχρῶν, μηδ' ἐξ ἐπιθυμίας οὐκ ἐλευθερίας συνελθόντων." '4.246 εἴ τις ὡς παρθένον μνηστευσάμενος ἔπειτα μὴ τοιαύτην εὕροι, δίκην λαχὼν αὐτὸς μὲν κατηγορείτω χρώμενος εἰς ἀπόδειξιν οἷς ἂν ἔχῃ τεκμηρίοις, ἀπολογείσθω δὲ ὁ τῆς κόρης πατὴρ ἢ ἀδελφὸς ἢ ὃς ἂν μετὰ τούτους ἐγγυτέρω δοκῇ τοῦ γένους.' "4.247 καὶ κριθεῖσα μὲν ἡ κόρη μὴ ἀδικεῖν συνοικείτω τῷ κατηγορήσαντι μηδεμίαν ἐξουσίαν ἔχοντος ἐκείνου ἀποπέμπεσθαι αὐτήν, πλὴν εἰ μὴ μεγάλας αἰτίας αὐτῷ παράσχοι καὶ πρὸς ἃς οὐδ' ἀντειπεῖν δυνηθείη." "4.248 τοῦ δὲ τολμηρῶς καὶ προπετῶς ἐπενεγκεῖν αἰτίαν καὶ διαβολὴν πρόστιμον ἐκτινύτω πληγὰς τεσσαράκοντα μιᾷ λειπούσας λαμβάνων καὶ πεντήκοντα σίκλους ἀποτινύτω τῷ πατρί. ἂν δ' ἐξελέγξῃ τὴν παιδίσκην ἐφθαρμένην, δημότις μὲν οὖσα τοῦ μὴ σωφρόνως προστῆναι τῆς παρθενίας ἄχρι νομίμων γάμων καταλευέσθω, ἂν δ' ἐξ ἱερέων ᾖ γεγενημένη, καιέσθω ζῶσα." "4.249 δύο γυναικῶν οὐσῶν τινι, καὶ τῆς μὲν ἑτέρας ἐν τιμῇ σφόδρα καὶ εὐνοίᾳ κειμένης ἢ δι' ἔρωτα καὶ κάλλος ἢ κατ' ἄλλην αἰτίαν, τῆς δ' ἑτέρας ἐν ἐλάττονι μοίρᾳ τυγχανούσης, ἂν ὁ ἐκ τῆς ἀγαπωμένης παῖς γενόμενος νεώτερος ὢν τοῦ ἐκ τῆς ἑτέρας φύντος ἀξιοῖ διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὴν μητέρα τοῦ πατρὸς εὔνοιαν τῶν πρεσβείων τυγχάνειν, ὥστε διπλοῦν τὸ μέρος τῆς πατρῴας οὐσίας ἐκλαμβάνειν, τοῦτο γὰρ ἐν τοῖς νόμοις διεταξάμην, μὴ συγκεχωρήσθω:" "
4.251 ὁ κόρην ἄλλῳ κατηγγυημένην φθείρας, εἰ μὲν πείσας καὶ πρὸς τὴν φθορὰν συγκάταινον λαβών, ἀποθνησκέτω σὺν αὐτῇ: πονηροὶ γὰρ ὁμοίως ἑκάτεροι, ὁ μὲν τὸ αἴσχιστον πείσας ἑκουσίως ὑπομεῖναι καὶ προτιμῆσαι τοῦτο τοῦ ἐλευθέρου γάμου τὴν κόρην, ἡ δὲ παρασχεῖν ἑαυτὴν πεισθεῖσα δι' ἡδονὴν ἢ διὰ κέρδος πρὸς τὴν ὕβριν:" '4.252 ἐὰν δέ που μόνῃ περιπεσὼν βιάσηται μηδενὸς βοηθοῦ παρόντος, μόνος ἀποθνησκέτω. ὁ φθείρας παρθένον μήπω κατηγγυημένην αὐτὸς γαμείτω: ἢν δὲ τῷ πατρὶ τῆς κόρης μὴ δόξῃ συνοικίζειν αὐτῷ, πεντήκοντα σίκλους τιμὴν τῆς ὕβρεως καταβαλλέτω.' "4.253 γυναικὸς δὲ τῆς συνοικούσης βουλόμενος διαζευχθῆναι καθ' ἁσδηποτοῦν αἰτίας, πολλαὶ δ' ἂν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις τοιαῦται γίγνοιντο, γράμμασι μὲν περὶ τοῦ μηδέποτε συνελθεῖν ἰσχυριζέσθω: λάβοι γὰρ ἂν οὕτως ἐξουσίαν συνοικεῖν ἑτέρῳ, πρότερον γὰρ οὐκ ἐφετέον: εἰ δὲ καὶ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον κακωθείη καὶ τελευτήσαντος αὐτοῦ θελήσειε γαμεῖν ὁ πρότερος, μὴ ἐξεῖναι αὐτῇ ἐπανιέναι." '4.254 τὴν ἄτεκνον τἀνδρὸς αὐτῇ τετελευτηκότος ὁ ἀδελφὸς ἐκείνου γαμείτω καὶ τὸν παῖδα τὸν γενόμενον τῷ τοῦ τεθνεῶτος καλέσας ὀνόματι τρεφέτω τοῦ κλήρου διάδοχον: τοῦτο γὰρ καὶ τοῖς δημοσίοις λυσιτελήσει γιγνόμενον τῶν οἴκων οὐκ ἐκλειπόντων καὶ τῶν χρημάτων τοῖς συγγενέσι μενόντων, καὶ ταῖς γυναιξὶ κουφισμὸν οἴσει τῆς συμφορᾶς τοῖς ἔγγιστα τῶν προτέρων ἀνδρῶν συνοικούσαις.' "4.255 ἐὰν δὲ μὴ βούληται γαμεῖν ὁ ἀδελφός, ἐπὶ τὴν γερουσίαν ἐλθοῦσα ἡ γυνὴ μαρτυράσθω τοῦθ', ὅτι βουλομένην αὐτὴν ἐπὶ τοῦ οἴκου μένειν καὶ τεκνοῦν ἐξ αὐτοῦ μὴ προσδέχοιτο ὑβρίζων τὴν τοῦ τεθνηκότος ἀδελφοῦ μνήμην. ἐρομένης δὲ τῆς γερουσίας, διὰ ποίαν αἰτίαν ἀλλοτρίως ἔχοι πρὸς τὸν γάμον, ἄν τε μικρὰν ἄν τε μείζω λέγῃ, πρὸς ταῦτα ῥεπέτω:" "4.256 ὑπολύσασα δ' αὐτὸν ἡ γυνὴ τἀδελφοῦ τὰ σάνδαλα, καὶ πτύουσα αὐτοῦ εἰς τὸ πρόσωπον τούτων αὐτὸν ἄξιον εἶναι παρ' αὐτῆς λεγέτω τυγχάνειν ὑβρίσαντα τὴν τοῦ κατοιχομένου μνήμην. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐκ τῆς γερουσίας ἀπίτω τοῦτ' ἔχων ὄνειδος πρὸς ἅπαντα τὸν βίον, ἡ δ' ᾧπερ ἂν βουληθῇ τινι τῶν δεομένων γαμείσθω." "4.257 ἂν δ' αἰχμάλωτόν τις λάβῃ παρθένον ἄν τε καὶ γεγαμημένην, βουλομένῳ συνοικεῖν μὴ πρότερον ἐξέστω εὐνῆς ἅψασθαι καὶ κοινωνίας, πρὶν ἢ ξυραμένην αὐτὴν καὶ πένθιμον σχῆμα ἀναλαβοῦσαν ἀποθρηνῆσαι συγγενεῖς καὶ φίλους τοὺς ἀπολωλότας ἐν τῇ μάχῃ," "4.258 ὅπως τὸ ἐπ' αὐτοῖς κορέσασα λυπηρὸν ἔπειθ' οὕτως ἐπ' εὐωχίας τράπηται καὶ γάμους: καλὸν γὰρ εἶναι καὶ δίκαιον παιδοποιὸν παραλαμβάνοντα θεραπεύειν αὐτῆς τὸ βουλητὸν, ἀλλὰ μὴ τὴν ἰδίαν ἡδονὴν διώκοντα μόνον τοῦ κατ' αὐτὴν ἀμελεῖν κεχαρισμένου." "4.259 τριάκοντα δ' ἡμερῶν τῷ πένθει διελθουσῶν, αὐτάρκεις γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῖς δακρύοις αὗται τῶν φιλτάτων ταῖς φρονίμοις, τότε χωρεῖν ἐπὶ τὸν γάμον. εἰ δ' ἐμπλησθεὶς τῆς ἐπιθυμίας ὑπερηφανεύσειεν αὐτὴν γαμετὴν ἔχειν, μηκέτ' ἐξουσίαν ἐχέτω καταδουλοῦν αὐτήν, ἀλλ' ὅπη βούλεται χωρεῖν ἀπίτω τοῦτο ἐλεύθερον ἔχουσα." "
4.261 συνελθεῖν μὲν ἀλλήλοις οὐχ ἡδονῆς ἕνεκα λέγοντες οὐδὲ τῆς τῶν χρημάτων αὐξήσεως κοινῶν τῶν ἑκατέροις ὑπαρχόντων γενομένων, ἀλλ' ὅπως παίδων τύχωσιν, οἳ γηρωκομήσουσιν αὐτοὺς καὶ ὧν ἂν δέωνται παρ' αὐτῶν ἕξουσι, “γενόμενόν τε μετὰ χαρᾶς καὶ τοῦ τῷ θεῷ χάριν εἰδέναι τὴν μεγίστην ἀράμενοι διὰ σπουδῆς ἀνεθρέψαμεν μηδενὸς φειδὼ ποιούμενοι τοῦ καὶ δόξαντος εἰς σωτηρίαν τὴν σὴν καὶ παιδείαν τῶν ἀρίστων εἶναι χρησίμου." "4.262 νῦν δέ, συγγνώμην γὰρ χρὴ νέμειν ἐφ' ἁμαρτήμασι νέων, ἀπόχρη σοι ὅσα τῆς εἰς ἡμᾶς τιμῆς ὠλιγώρησας, καὶ μεταβαλοῦ πρὸς τὸ σωφρονέστερον λογισάμενος καὶ τὸν θεὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς εἰς πατέρας τολμωμένοις χαλεπῶς ἔχειν, ὅτι καὶ αὐτὸς πατὴρ τοῦ παντὸς ἀνθρώπων γένους ἐστὶ καὶ συνατιμοῦσθαι δοκεῖ τοῖς τὴν αὐτὴν αὐτῷ προσηγορίαν ἔχουσιν οὐχ ὧν προσῆκεν αὐτοῖς παρὰ τῶν παίδων τυγχανόντων, καὶ νόμος κολαστὴς γίνεται τῶν τοιούτων ἀπαραίτητος, οὗ σὺ μὴ πειραθείης.”" '4.263 κἂν μὲν τούτοις θεραπεύηται τὸ τῶν νέων αὔθαδες, ἀπαλλαττέσθωσαν τῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἠγνοημένοις ὀνειδῶν. οὕτως γὰρ ἂν ὅ τε νομοθέτης ἀγαθὸς εἴη καὶ οἱ πατέρες εὐτυχεῖς οὐκ ἐπιδόντες οὔτε υἱὸν κολαζόμενον οὔτε θυγατέρα.' "4.264 οὐδ' ἂν οἱ λόγοι καὶ ἡ παρ' αὐτῶν διδασκαλία τοῦ σωφρονεῖν τὸ μηδὲν εἶναι φανῶσιν, ἐχθροὺς δ' ἀσπόνδους αὑτῷ ποιῇ τοὺς νόμους τοῖς συνεχέσι κατὰ τῶν γονέων τολμήμασι, προαχθεὶς ὑπ' αὐτῶν τούτων ἔξω τῆς πόλεως τοῦ πλήθους ἑπομένου καταλευέσθω καὶ μείνας δι' ὅλης τῆς ἡμέρας εἰς θέαν τὴν ἁπάντων θαπτέσθω νυκτός." '4.265 οὕτως δὲ καὶ οἱ ὁπωσοῦν ὑπὸ τῶν νόμων ἀναιρεθῆναι κατακριθέντες. θαπτέσθωσαν δὲ καὶ οἱ πολέμιοι καὶ νεκρὸς μηδὲ εἷς ἄμοιρος γῆς κείσθω περαιτέρω τοῦ δικαίου τιμωρίαν ἐκτίνων.' "4.266 Δανείζειν δ' ̔Εβραίων ἐπὶ τόκοις ἐξέστω μηδενὶ μήτε βρωτὸν μήτε ποτόν: οὐ γὰρ δίκαιον προσοδεύεσθαι τοῦ ὁμοφύλου τὰς τύχας, ἀλλὰ βοηθήσαντας ταῖς χρείαις αὐτοῦ κέρδος εἶναι νομίζειν τήν τ' ἐκείνων εὐχαριστίαν καὶ τὴν ἀμοιβὴν τὴν παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ γενησομένην ἐπὶ τῇ χρηστότητι." "4.267 Οἱ δὲ λαβόντες εἴτε ἀργύρια εἴτε τινὰ τῶν καρπῶν ὑγρὸν ἢ ξηρόν, κατὰ νοῦν αὐτοῖς τῶν παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ χωρησάντων κομίζοντες μεθ' ἡδονῆς ἀποδιδότωσαν τοῖς δοῦσιν ὥσπερ ἀποθέμενοι εἰς τὰ αὑτῶν καὶ πάλιν εἰ δεηθεῖεν ἕξοντες." "4.268 ἂν δὲ ἀναισχυντῶσι περὶ τὴν ἀπόδοσιν, μὴ περὶ τὴν οἰκίαν βαδίσαντας ἐνεχυριάζειν πρὶν ἢ δίκη περὶ τούτου γένηται: τὸ δ' ἐνέχυρον αἰτεῖν ἔξω καὶ τὸν ὀφείλοντα κομίζειν δι' αὐτοῦ μηδὲν ἀντιλέγοντα τῷ μετὰ νόμου βοηθείας ἐπ' αὐτὸν ἥκοντι." "4.269 κἂν μὲν εὔπορος ᾖ ὁ ἐνεχυρασμένος, κατεχέτω τοῦτο μέχρι τῆς ἀποδόσεως ὁ δεδανεικώς, ἂν δὲ πένης, ἀποτιθέτω πρὶν ἡλίου δυσμῶν, καὶ μάλιστ' ἂν ἱμάτιον ᾖ τὸ ἐνέχυρον, ὅπως εἰς ὕπνον ἔχῃ τοῦτο, φύσει τοῦ θεοῦ τοῖς πενομένοις ἔλεον νέμοντος." "
4.271 ̓Επ' ἀνθρώπου μὲν κλοπῇ θάνατος ἔστω ζημία, ὁ δὲ χρυσὸν ἢ ἄργυρον ὑφελόμενος τὸ διπλοῦν ἀποτινέτω. κτείνας δ' ἐπὶ τοῖς κατ' οἶκον κλεπτομένοις τις ἀθῷος ἔστω κἂν εἰ πρὸς διορύγματι τειχίου." "4.272 βόσκημα δὲ ὁ κλέψας τετραπλῆν τὴν ζημίαν ἀποτινέτω πλὴν βοός, πενταπλῆν δ' ὑπὲρ τούτου καταβαλλέτω. ὁ δὲ τὸ ἐπιτίμιον ἄπορος διαλύσασθαι δοῦλος ἔστω τοῖς καταδεδικασμένοις." "4.273 Πραθεὶς δὲ ὁμοφύλῳ τις ἓξ ἔτη δουλευέτω, τῷ δ' ἑβδόμῳ ἐλεύθερος ἀφείσθω: ἐὰν δὲ τέκνων αὐτῷ γενομένων ἐκ δούλης παρὰ τῷ πριαμένῳ διὰ τὴν εὔνοιαν καὶ τὴν πρὸς τὰ οἰκεῖα φιλοστοργίαν βούληται δουλεύειν, ἐνιαυτοῦ ἐνστάντος τοῦ ἰοβήλου, πεντηκοστὸς δὲ ἐνιαυτός ἐστιν, ἐλευθερούσθω καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα ἐλευθέραν ἐπαγόμενος." "4.274 ̓Εὰν δέ τις ἢ χρυσίον ἢ ἀργύριον εὕρῃ καθ' ὁδόν, ἐπιζητήσας τὸν ἀπολωλεκότα καὶ κηρύξας τὸν τόπον ἐν ᾧ εὗρεν ἀποδότω, τὴν ἐκ τῆς ἑτέρου ζημίας ὠφέλειαν οὐκ ἀγαθὴν ὑπολαμβάνων. ὁμοίως καὶ περὶ βοσκημάτων οἷς ἂν ἐντύχῃ τις κατ' ἐρημίαν πλανωμένοις, μὴ εὑρεθέντος τοῦ κυρίου παραχρῆμα παρ' αὑτῷ φυλαττέτω μαρτυράμενος τὸν θεὸν μὴ νοσφίζεσθαι ἀλλότρια." '4.275 Μὴ ἐξεῖναι δὲ παριέναι κτηνῶν τινι κακοπαθούντων ὑπὸ χειμῶνος πεπτωκότων ἐν πηλῷ, συνδιασώζειν δὲ καὶ τὸν πόνον οἰκεῖον ἡγησάμενον βοηθεῖν. 4.276 Μηνύειν δὲ καὶ τὰς ὁδοὺς τοῖς ἀγνοοῦσι, καὶ μὴ γέλωτα θηρωμένους αὑτοῖς ἐμποδίζειν πλάνῃ τὴν ἑτέρου χρείαν. ̔Ομοίως μηδὲ βλασφημείτω τις τὸν ἀπόντα καὶ τὸν ἐνεόν.' "4.277 ̓Εν μάχῃ τις ὅπου μὴ σίδηρος πληγεὶς παραχρῆμα μὲν ἀποθανὼν ἐκδικείσθω ταὐτὸν παθόντος τοῦ πεπληχότος. ἂν δὲ κομισθεὶς παρ' ἑαυτὸν καὶ νοσήσας ἐπὶ πλείονας ἡμέρας ἔπειτ' ἀποθάνῃ, ἀθῷος ἔστω ὁ πλήξας, σωθέντος δὲ καὶ πολλὰ δαπανήσαντος εἰς τὴν νοσηλείαν ἀποτινέτω πάνθ' ὅσα παρὰ τὸν χρόνον τῆς κατακλίσεως ἀνάλωσε καὶ ὅσα τοῖς ἰατροῖς ἔδωκεν." "4.278 ὁ γυναῖκα λακτίσας ἔγκυον, ἂν μὲν ἐξαμβλώσῃ ἡ γυνὴ ζημιούσθω χρήμασιν ὑπὸ τῶν δικαστῶν ὡς παρὰ τὸ διαφθαρὲν ἐν τῇ γαστρὶ μειώσας τὸ πλῆθος, διδόσθω δὲ καὶ τῷ ἀνδρὶ τῆς γυναικὸς παρ' αὐτοῦ χρήματα: θνησκούσης δ' ἐκ τῆς πληγῆς καὶ αὐτὸς ἀποθνησκέτω ψυχὴν ἀντὶ ψυχῆς καταθέσθαι δικαιοῦντος τοῦ νόμου." "4.279 Φάρμακον μήτε θανάσιμον μήτε τῶν εἰς ἄλλας βλάβας πεποιημένων ̓Ισραηλιτῶν ἐχέτω μηδὲ εἷς: ἐὰν δὲ κεκτημένος φωραθῇ τεθνάτω, τοῦτο πάσχων ὃ διέθηκεν ἂν ἐκείνους καθ' ὧν τὸ φάρμακον ἦν παρεσκευασμένον." "
4.281 Βοῦν τοῖς κέρασι πλήττοντα ὁ δεσπότης ἀποσφαττέτω: εἰ δ' ἐφ' ἅλωος κτείνειέ τινα πλήξας, αὐτὸς μὲν καταλευσθεὶς ἀποθνησκέτω μηδ' εἰς τροφὴν εὔχρηστος εἶναι κατηξιωμένος, ἐὰν δὲ καὶ ὁ δεσπότης ἐλέγχηται προειδὼς αὐτοῦ τὴν φύσιν καὶ μὴ φυλαξάμενος, ἀποθνησκέτω ὡς αἴτιος τῷ ὑπὸ τοῦ βοὸς ἀνῃρημένῳ γεγενημένος." '4.282 ἐὰν δὲ δοῦλον ἢ θεράπαιναν ἀποκτείνῃ βοῦς, αὐτὸς μὲν καταλιθούσθω, τριάκοντα δὲ σίκλους ὁ κύριος τοῦ βοὸς ἀποτινέτω τῷ δεσπότῃ τοῦ ἀνῃρημένου. βοῦς δὲ ἐὰν οὕτως πληγεὶς ἀποθάνῃ, πωλείσθωσαν καὶ ὁ τεθνεὼς καὶ ὁ πλήξας καὶ τὴν τιμὴν τὴν ἀμφοτέρων οἱ δεσπόται αὐτῶν διανεμέσθωσαν.' "4.283 Οἱ φρέαρ ἢ λάκκον ὀρύξαντες ἐπιμελὲς ποιείσθωσαν ὥστε σανίδων ἐπιβολαῖς ἔχειν κεκλεισμένα, οὐχ ὅπως τινὲς εἴργοιντο ὑδρείας, ἀλλ' ἵνα μηδεὶς κίνδυνος ὡς ἐμπεσουμένοις ᾖ." "4.284 οὗ δ' ἂν εἰς ὄρυγμα τοιοῦτον μὴ κλειστὸν ἐμπεσὸν βόσκημά τινος διαφθαρῇ, τὴν τιμὴν αὐτοῦ τῷ δεσπότῃ καταβαλλέτω. περιβαλλέσθω δὲ καὶ τοῖς στέγεσιν ἅπερ ὡς ἀντὶ τείχους ὄντα οὐκ ἐάσει τινὰς ἀποκυλισθέντας ἀπολέσθαι." "4.285 Παρακαταθήκην δὲ ὥσπερ ἱερόν τι καὶ θεῖον χρῆμα ὁ παραλαβὼν φυλακῆς ἀξιούτω, καὶ μηδεὶς ἀποστερῆσαι θρασυνθείη τὸν πεπιστευκότα μήτ' ἀνὴρ μήτε γυνή, μηδ' εἰ χρυσὸν ἄπειρον μέλλοι κερδαίνειν, καταφρονῶν τῷ μηδένα εἶναι τὸν ἐξελέγξοντα." "4.286 καθόλου μὲν γὰρ τὸ συνειδὸς ἐπιστάμενον τὸ αὐτοῦ προσῆκεν ἕκαστον εὖ πράττειν, καὶ μάρτυρι ἀρκούμενος αὐτῷ πάντα ποιείτω ἃ παρ' ἄλλων ἔπαινον αὐτῷ παρέξει, μάλιστα δὲ τὸν θεόν, ὃν οὐδεὶς πονηρὸς ὢν λανθάνει." '4.287 εἰ δὲ μηδὲν ἐπίβουλον δρῶν ὁ πιστευθεὶς ἀπολέσειεν, ἀφικόμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς ἑπτὰ κριτὰς ὀμνύτω τὸν θεόν, ὅτι μηδὲν παρὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ βούλησιν ἀπόλοιτο καὶ κακίαν οὐδὲ χρησαμένου τινὶ μέρει αὐτῆς, καὶ οὕτως ἀνεπαιτίατος ἀπίτω. χρησάμενος δὲ κἂν ἐλαχίστῳ μέρει τῶν πεπιστευμένων ἂν ἀπολέσας τύχῃ τὰ λοιπὰ πάντα ἃ ἔλαβεν ἀποδοῦναι κατεγνώσθω.' "4.288 ὁμοίως δὲ τῷ περὶ παρακαταθηκῶν κἂν μισθόν τις ἀποστερήσῃ τῶν ἐπὶ σώμασι τοῖς αὐτῶν ἐργαζομένων, μεμισήσθω. ὅθεν οὐκ ἀποστερητέον ἀνδρὸς πένητος μισθὸν εἰδότας, ὡς ἀντὶ γῆς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων κτημάτων ὁ θεὸς αὐτῷ τοῦτον εἴη παρεσχηκώς: ἀλλὰ μηδὲ ἀναβάλλεσθαι τὴν ἀπόδοσιν, ἀλλ' αὐθημερὸν ἐκτίνειν ὡς οὐ βουλομένου τοῦ θεοῦ τῆς ἐξ ὧν πεπόνηκε χρήσεως ὑστερεῖν τὸν ἐργασάμενον." '4.289 Παῖδας ὑπὲρ ἀδικίας πατέρων μὴ κολάζειν, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν ἐκείνων αὐτῶν ἀρετὴν οἴκτου μᾶλλον ἀξιοῦν, ὅτι μοχθηρῶν ἐγένοντο πατέρων, ἢ μίσους φύντας ἐκ φαύλων. οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ πατράσιν υἱῶν ἁμαρτίαν λογιστέον τῶν νέων πολλὰ παρὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν διδασκαλίαν αὐτοῖς ἐπιτρεπόντων ὑπερηφανίᾳ τοῦ διδάσκεσθαι.
4.291 δῆλον γάρ, ὡς τῆς ψυχῆς αὐτοῖς τεθηλυσμένης μετεκοσμήσαντο πρὸς τοῦτο καὶ τὸ σῶμα: ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ πᾶν τὸ νομιζόμενον τέρας τοῖς ὁρῶσι. μὴ ἐξεῖναι δὲ ποιεῖν ἐκτομίας μήτε ἀνθρώπους μήτε τῶν ἄλλων ζῴων. 4.292 Αὕτη μὲν οὖν ὑμῖν εἰρηνικὴ τῶν νόμων κατὰ τὴν πολιτείαν διάταξις ἔστω: καὶ ὁ θεὸς εὐμενὴς ἀστασίαστον αὐτῆς τὸν κόσμον παρέξεται, γένοιτο δὲ χρόνος μηδὲ εἷς, ὃς καινίσει τι τούτων καὶ πρὸς τὸ ἐναντίον μεταβαλεῖ. 4.293 ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀνάγκη τὸ ἀνθρώπειον καὶ εἰς ἀβουλήτους ἢ κατὰ προαίρεσιν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους ἐμπεσεῖν, φέρε καὶ περὶ τούτων βραχέα προσδιατάξωμεν, ὡς ἂν προειδότες ἃ χρὴ ποιεῖν ἐν τῇ χρείᾳ τῶν σωτηρίων εὐπορῆτε καὶ μὴ τότε ἃ δεῖ ποιεῖν ἐπιζητοῦντες ἀπαρασκεύαστοι τοῖς καιροῖς περιπέσητε. 4.294 Γῆν ὑμῖν ἣν ὁ θεὸς ἔδωκε πόνων καταφρονοῦσι καὶ ψυχὰς πρὸς ἀρετὴν ἠσκημένοις ἀπόλεμον μὲν νέμεσθαι παράσχοι τε κεκτημένοις αὐτὴν μήτε ἀλλοτρίων εἰς αὐτὴν ἐπὶ κακώσει στρατευσάντων μήτε στάσεως ἐμφυλίου κατασχούσης ὑμᾶς,' "4.295 ὑφ' ἧς τἀναντία πατράσι τοῖς ἑαυτῶν πράττοντες ἀπολεῖτε τὰ ἐκείνοις νομισθέντα, χρώμενοί τε νόμοις οὓς ἀγαθοὺς δοκιμάσας ὁ θεὸς παραδίδωσι διατελοίητε: ἔργον δ' ὅτι ἂν πολεμικὸν ἢ νῦν ὑφ' ὑμῶν ἢ ὕστερον ἐπὶ παίδων ὑμετέρων γένηται τοῦθ' ὑπερόριον πραχθείη." '4.296 μέλλοντας δὲ πολεμεῖν πρεσβείαν καὶ κήρυκας πέμπειν παρὰ τοὺς ἑκουσίως πολεμίους: πρὸ γὰρ τῶν ὅπλων καλὸν εἶναι χρῆσθαι λόγοις πρὸς αὐτοὺς δηλοῦντας, ὅτι καὶ στρατιὰν πολλὴν ἔχοντες καὶ ἵππους καὶ ὅπλα καὶ πρὸ τούτων εὐμενῆ τὸν θεὸν καὶ σύμμαχον, ὅμως ἀξιοῦτε μὴ ἀναγκάζεσθαι πολεμεῖν αὐτοῖς μηδὲ τὰ ἐκείνων ἀφαιρουμένους ἀβούλητον αὑτοῖς κέρδος προσλαμβάνειν.' "4.297 καὶ πειθομένων μὲν καλῶς ὑμᾶς ἔχειν τὴν εἰρήνην φυλάττειν, εἰ δὲ φρονοῦντες ἐφ' ἑαυτοῖς ὡς ἰσχύι διαφέρουσιν ἀδικεῖν ἐθέλοιεν, στρατὸν ἐπ' αὐτοὺς ἀγάγοιτε, στρατηγῷ μὲν αὐτοκράτορι χρώμενοι τῷ θεῷ, ὑποστράτηγον δὲ χειροτονήσαντες ἕνα τὸν ἀρετῇ προύχοντα: πολυαρχία γὰρ πρὸς τῷ τοῖς ὀξέως τι πράττειν ἀνάγκην ἔχουσιν ἐμπόδιον εἶναι καὶ βλάπτειν πέφυκε τοὺς χρωμένους." "4.298 στρατὸν δ' ἄγειν καθαρὸν ἐκ πάντων τῶν ῥώμῃ σωμάτων καὶ ψυχῆς εὐτολμίᾳ διαφερόντων τὸ δειλὸν ἀποκρίναντας, μὴ τοὺς πολεμίους παρὰ τὸ ἔργον τραπὲν εἰς φυγὴν ὠφελήσῃ. τούς τε νεωστὶ δειμαμένους οἰκίας, οἷς οὔπω χρόνος ἀπολαύσεως αὐτῶν ἐνιαύσιος, καὶ φυτεύσαντας οὔπω δὲ καρπῶν μετεσχηκότας, ἐᾶν κατὰ χώραν, καὶ τοὺς μνηστευσαμένους δὲ καὶ νεωστὶ γεγαμηκότας, μὴ πόθῳ τούτων φειδόμενοι τοῦ ζῆν καὶ τηροῦντες αὑτοὺς εἰς τὴν τούτων ἀπόλαυσιν ἐθελοκακήσωσι περὶ τὰς γυναῖκας." "4.299 Στρατοπεδευσάμενοι δὲ προνοεῖσθε, μή τι τῶν δυσχερεστέρων ἐργάσησθε. πολιορκοῦντας δὲ καὶ ξύλων ἀπορουμένους εἰς ποίησιν μηχανημάτων μὴ κείρειν τὴν γῆν ἥμερα δένδρα κόπτοντας ἀλλὰ φείδεσθαι, λογιζομένους ἐπ' ὠφελείᾳ ταῦτα τῶν ἀνθρώπων γεγονέναι, καὶ φωνῆς ἂν εὐπορήσαντα δικαιολογήσασθαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς, ὡς οὐδὲν αἴτια τοῦ πολέμου γεγονότα πάσχοι κακῶς παρὰ δίκην, εἰ δύναμις αὐτοῖς ἦν καὶ μετοικήσαντα ἂν καὶ πρὸς ἄλλην μεταβάντα γῆν." "
4.301 Φυλάσσειν δὲ μάλιστα ἐν ταῖς μάχαις, ὡς μήτε γυναῖκα ἀνδρικῇ σκευῇ χρῆσθαι μήτ' ἄνδρα στολῇ γυναικείᾳ." "
4.303 ἔπειτα ποίησιν ἑξάμετρον αὐτοῖς ἀνέγνω, ἣν καὶ καταλέλοιπεν ἐν βίβλῳ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ πρόρρησιν περιέχουσαν τῶν ἐσομένων, καθ' ἣν καὶ γέγονε τὰ πάντα καὶ γίνεται, μηδὲν ἐκείνου διημαρτηκότος τῆς ἀληθείας." "4.304 ταῦτ' οὖν τὰ βιβλία παραδίδωσι τοῖς ἱερεῦσι καὶ τὴν κιβωτόν, εἰς ἣν καὶ τοὺς δέκα λόγους γεγραμμένους ἐν δυσὶ πλαξὶ κατέθετο, καὶ τὴν σκηνήν: τῷ τε λαῷ παρῄνεσε κρατήσαντι τῆς γῆς καὶ ἱδρυθέντι μὴ λήθην λαβεῖν τῆς ̓Αμαληκιτῶν ὕβρεως, ἀλλὰ στρατεύσαντας ἐπ' αὐτοὺς τιμωρίαν ἀπολαβεῖν ὧν ἐπὶ τῆς ἐρήμου τυγχάνοντας ἐποίησαν κακῶς," 4.307 ἔπειτα κατὰ ταὐτὰ τοῖς παραβησομένοις κατάρας τίθεσθαι ὑποφωνούσας ἀλλήλαις ἐπὶ τῇ κυρώσει τῶν λεγομένων. ἀνέγραψε δὲ τὰς εὐλογίας καὶ τὰς κατάρας αὐτός, ὡς μηδέποτε ἐκλιπεῖν τὴν μάθησιν αὐτῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ χρόνου,' "
4.327 ̓Εβίωσε δὲ τὸν πάντα χρόνον ἐτῶν εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατόν, ὧν ἦρξε τὸ τρίτον μέρος ἑνὶ λείποντι μηνί. ἐτελεύτησε δὲ τῷ ὑστάτῳ μηνὶ τοῦ ἔτους, ὑπὸ μὲν Μακεδόνων Δύστρου καλουμένου ̓Αδάρου δ' ὑφ' ἡμῶν νουμηνίᾳ," "4.328 συνέσει τε τοὺς πώποτ' ἀνθρώπους ὑπερβαλὼν καὶ χρησάμενος ἄριστα τοῖς νοηθεῖσιν, εἰπεῖν τε καὶ πλήθεσιν ὁμιλῆσαι κεχαρισμένος τά τε ἄλλα καὶ τῶν παθῶν αὐτοκράτωρ," "4.329 ὡς μηδὲ ἐνεῖναι τούτων τῇ ψυχῇ δοκεῖν αὐτοῦ καὶ γινώσκειν μόνον αὐτῶν τὴν προσηγορίαν ἐκ τοῦ παρ' ἄλλοις αὐτὰ βλέπειν μᾶλλον ἢ παρ' αὑτῷ. καὶ στρατηγὸς μὲν ἐν ὀλίγοις, προφήτης δὲ οἷος οὐκ ἄλλος, ὥσθ' ὅ τι ἂν φθέγξαιτο δοκεῖν αὐτοῦ λέγοντος ἀκροᾶσθαι τοῦ θεοῦ." "4.331 ἐπόθουν δ' αὐτὸν οὐχ οἱ πειραθέντες αὐτοῦ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ οἱ τοῖς νόμοις ἐντυγχάνοντες αὐτοῦ δεινὴν ἐποιοῦντο τὴν ἐπιζήτησιν, τὸ περιὸν αὐτοῦ τῆς ἀρετῆς ἐκ τούτων λογιζόμενοι. καὶ τὸ μὲν κατὰ Μωυσῆν τέλος τοιοῦτον ἡμῖν δεδηλώσθω." 6.36 ἐλύπησαν δὲ σφόδρα τὸν Σαμουῆλον οἱ λόγοι διὰ τὴν σύμφυτον δικαιοσύνην καὶ τὸ πρὸς τοὺς βασιλέας μῖσος: ἥττητο γὰρ δεινῶς τῆς ἀριστοκρατίας ὡς θείας καὶ μακαρίους ποιούσης τοὺς χρωμένους αὐτῆς τῇ πολιτείᾳ.' "
6.36 τοῦ δ' ἀρχιερέως διώκειν κελεύσαντος ἐκπηδήσας μετὰ τῶν ἑξακοσίων ὁπλιτῶν εἵπετο τοῖς πολεμίοις: παραγενόμενος δ' ἐπί τινα χειμάρρουν Βάσελον λεγόμενον καὶ πλανωμένῳ τινὶ περιπεσὼν Αἰγυπτίῳ μὲν τὸ γένος ὑπ' ἐνδείας δὲ καὶ λιμοῦ παρειμένῳ, τρισὶ γὰρ ἡμέραις ἐν τῇ ἐρημίᾳ πλανώμενος ἄσιτος διεκαρτέρησε, πρῶτον αὐτὸν ποτῷ καὶ τροφῇ παραστησάμενος καὶ ἀναλαβὼν ἐπύθετο, τίς τε εἴη καὶ πόθεν." "
6.268 τοῦτο Σαοῦλος ἡμῖν ὁ Κείσου παῖς, ὁ πρῶτος μετὰ τὴν ἀριστοκρατίαν καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς κριταῖς πολιτείαν ̔Εβραίων βασιλεύσας, φανερὸν πεποίηκε τριακοσίους ἀποκτείνας ἱερέας καὶ προφήτας ἐκ τῆς πρὸς ̓Αβιμέλεχον ὑποψίας, ἐπικαταβαλὼν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὸν ἐν τρόπῳ τινὶ ναὸν σπουδάσας ἱερέων καὶ προφητῶν ἔρημον καταστῆσαι τοσούτους μὲν ἀνελών, μεῖναι δ' ἐάσας οὐδὲ τὴν πατρίδα αὐτῶν πρὸς τὸ καὶ μετ' ἐκείνους ἄλλους γενέσθαι." "
12.142 πολιτευέσθωσαν δὲ πάντες οἱ ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους κατὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους, ἀπολυέσθω δ' ἡ γερουσία καὶ οἱ ἱερεῖς καὶ γραμματεῖς τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ ἱεροψάλται ὧν ὑπὲρ τῆς κεφαλῆς τελοῦσιν καὶ τοῦ στεφανιτικοῦ φόρου καὶ τοῦ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων." 13.258 οἱ δὲ πόθῳ τῆς πατρίου γῆς καὶ τὴν περιτομὴν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην τοῦ βίου δίαιταν ὑπέμειναν τὴν αὐτὴν ̓Ιουδαίοις ποιήσασθαι. κἀκείνοις αὐτοῖς χρόνος ὑπῆρχεν ὥστε εἶναι τὸ λοιπὸν ̓Ιουδαίους.' "
14.41 ἔνθα δὴ καὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων διήκουσεν καὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων αὐτῶν, οἳ πρός τε ἀλλήλους διεφέροντο ̔Υρκανὸς καὶ ̓Αριστόβουλος καὶ τὸ ἔθνος πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους, τὸ μὲν οὐκ ἀξιοῦν βασιλεύεσθαι: πάτριον γὰρ εἶναι τοῖς ἱερεῦσι τοῦ τιμωμένου παρ' αὐτοῖς θεοῦ πειθαρχεῖν, ὄντας δὲ τούτους ἀπογόνους τῶν ἱερέων εἰς ἄλλην μετάγειν ἀρχὴν τὸ ἔθνος ζητῆσαι, ὅπως καὶ δοῦλον γένοιτο." 14.41 οὐ μὴν ̔Ηρώδης τούτων πραττομένων ἠρέμει, δέκα δὲ σπείρας ἀναλαβών, ὧν πέντε μὲν ̔Ρωμαίων, πέντε δὲ ̓Ιουδαίων ἦσαν, καὶ μισθοφόρους μιγάδας πρὸς οἷς ὀλίγους τῶν ἱππέων ἐπὶ ̔Ιεριχοῦντα παραγίνεται, καὶ τὴν μὲν πόλιν ἐκλελειμμένην καταλαβών, πεντακοσίους δὲ τὰ ἄκρα κατειληφότας σὺν γυναιξὶν καὶ γενεαῖς, τούτους μὲν ἀπέλυσεν λαβών, ̔Ρωμαῖοι δὲ εἰσπεσόντες διήρπασαν τὴν πόλιν μεσταῖς ἐπιτυγχάνοντες παντοίων κειμηλίων ταῖς οἰκίαις.' "14.42 ̔Υπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ̓Αντώνιος μὲν διέτριβεν ἐν ̓Αθήναις, κατὰ δὲ Συρίαν Οὐεντίδιος Σίλωνα μεταπεμπόμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς Πάρθους ἐπέστελλεν πρῶτον μὲν ̔Ηρώδῃ συλλαμβάνεσθαι τοῦ πολέμου, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν σφέτερον καλεῖν τοὺς συμμάχους. 14.42 ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ κατηγόρει, ὅτι πρεσβύτερος ὢν ἀφαιρεθείη τὸ πρεσβεῖον ὑπὸ ̓Αριστοβούλου καὶ μικρὸν ἔχοι μέρος τῆς χώρας ὑφ' αὑτῷ, τὴν δὲ ἄλλην βίᾳ λαβὼν ̓Αριστόβουλος:" 16.164 ἐὰν δέ τις φωραθῇ κλέπτων τὰς ἱερὰς βίβλους αὐτῶν ἢ τὰ ἱερὰ χρήματα ἔκ τε σαββατείου ἔκ τε ἀνδρῶνος, εἶναι αὐτὸν ἱερόσυλον καὶ τὸν βίον αὐτοῦ ἐνεχθῆναι εἰς τὸ δημόσιον τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων.' "
20.224 ̓Αναγκαῖον δ' εἶναι νομίζω καὶ τῇ ἱστορίᾳ ταύτῃ προσῆκον διηγήσασθαι περὶ τῶν ἀρχιερέων, πῶς ἀρξάμενοι καὶ τίσιν ἔξεστι τῆς τιμῆς ταύτης μεταλαμβάνειν καὶ πόσοι γεγόνασιν μέχρι τῆς τοῦ πολέμου τελευτῆς." "20.225 πρῶτον μὲν οὖν πάντων λέγουσιν ̓Ααρῶνα τὸν Μωυσέως ἀδελφὸν ἀρχιερατεῦσαι τῷ θεῷ, τελευτήσαντος δὲ ἐκείνου διαδέξασθαι τοὺς παῖδας εὐθὺς κἀπ' ἐκείνων τοῖς ἐγγόνοις αὐτῶν διαμεῖναι τὴν τιμὴν ἅπασιν." "20.226 ὅθεν καὶ πάτριόν ἐστι μηδένα τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην λαμβάνειν ἢ τὸν ἐξ αἵματος τοῦ ̓Ααρῶνος, ἑτέρου δὲ γένους οὐδ' ἂν βασιλεὺς ὢν τύχῃ τεύξεται τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης." '20.227 ἐγένοντο οὖν πάντες τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἀπὸ ̓Ααρῶνος, ὡς ἔφαμεν, τοῦ πρώτου γενομένου μέχρι Φανάσου τοῦ κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον ὑπὸ τῶν στασιαστῶν ἀρχιερέως ἀναδειχθέντος ὀγδοήκοντα τρεῖς. 20.228 ἐκ τούτων κατὰ τὴν ἔρημον ἐπὶ τῶν Μωυσέως χρόνων τῆς σκηνῆς ἑστώσης, ἣν Μωυσῆς τῷ θεῷ κατεσκεύασεν, μέχρι τῆς εἰς ̓Ιουδαίαν ἀφίξεως, ἔνθα Σολόμων ὁ βασιλεὺς τῷ θεῷ τὸν ναὸν ἤγειρεν, ἀρχιεράτευσαν δεκατρεῖς. 20.229 τὸ γὰρ πρῶτον ἕως τοῦ βίου τελευτῆς τὰς ἀρχιερωσύνας εἶχον, ὕστερον δὲ καὶ παρὰ ζώντων διεδέχοντο. οἱ τοίνυν δεκατρεῖς οὗτοι τῶν δύο παίδων ̓Ααρῶνος ὄντες ἔγγονοι κατὰ διαδοχὴν τὴν τιμὴν παρελάμβανον. ἐγένετο δὲ αὐτῶν ἀριστοκρατικὴ μὲν ἡ πρώτη πολιτεία, μετὰ ταύτην δὲ μοναρχία, βασιλέων δὲ τρίτη. 20.231 Μετὰ δὲ τοὺς δεκατρεῖς ἀρχιερέας ἐκείνους οἱ δέκα καὶ ὀκτὼ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἔσχον ἀπὸ Σολόμωνος βασιλέως ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις αὐτὴν διαδεξάμενοι, μέχρι οὗ Ναβουχοδονόσορος ὁ τῶν Βαβυλωνίων βασιλεὺς ἐπιστρατεύσας τῇ πόλει τὸν μὲν ναὸν ἐνέπρησεν, τὸ δὲ ἔθνος ἡμῶν εἰς Βαβυλῶνα μετήνεγκεν καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα ̓Ιωσαδάκην αἰχμάλωτον ἔλαβεν. 20.232 τούτων χρόνος τῆς ἱερωσύνης τετρακοσίων ἑξηκονταὲξ ἐτῶν ἐστι μηνῶν ἓξ ἡμερῶν δέκα ἤδη βασιλευομένων ̓Ιουδαίων. 20.233 μετὰ δὲ χρόνον ἐτῶν ἁλώσεως ἑβδομήκοντα τῆς ὑπὸ Βαβυλωνίων γενομένης Κῦρος ὁ Περσῶν βασιλεὺς ἀπέλυσεν τοὺς ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος ̓Ιουδαίους ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκείαν γῆν πάλιν καὶ συνεχώρησεν τὸν ναὸν ἀνεγεῖραι.' "20.234 τότε δὴ τῶν ὑποστρεψάντων αἰχμαλώτων ̓Ιησοῦς ὁ τοῦ ̓Ιωσεδὲκ εἷς ὢν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην λαμβάνει. λαμβάνει δ' οὗτος αὐτὸς καὶ οἱ ἔγγονοι αὐτοῦ πεντεκαίδεκα συνάπαντες μέχρι βασιλέως ̓Αντιόχου τοῦ Εὐπάτορος, ἐπολιτεύοντο δὲ δημοκρατικῶς ἔτη τετρακόσια δεκατέσσαρα." "20.235 Πρῶτος δ' ̓Αντίοχος ὁ προειρημένος καὶ ὁ στρατηγὸς αὐτοῦ Λυσίας τὸν ̓Ονίαν, ᾧ Μενέλαος ἐπίκλην, παύουσι τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης ἀνελόντες αὐτὸν ἐν Βεροίᾳ καὶ καθιστᾶσιν ̓Ιάκιμον ἀρχιερέα, γένους μὲν τοῦ ̓Ααρῶνος, οὐκ ὄντα δὲ τῆς οἰκίας ταύτης." '20.236 διὰ τοῦτο καὶ ̓Ονίας ὁ τοῦ τετελευτηκότος ̓Ονίου ἐξάδελφος ὁμώνυμος τῷ πατρὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς Αἴγυπτον καὶ διὰ φιλίας ἀφικόμενος Πτολεμαίῳ τῷ Φιλομήτορι καὶ Κλεοπάτρᾳ τῇ γυναικὶ αὐτοῦ, πείθει τούτους κατὰ τὸν ̔Ηλιοπολίτην νομὸν δειμαμένους τῷ θεῷ ναὸν παραπλήσιον τῷ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις αὐτὸν ἀρχιερέα καταστῆσαι.' "20.237 ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τοῦ ἱεροῦ τοῦ κατασκευασθέντος ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ πολλάκις ἐδηλώσαμεν. ὁ δὲ ̓Ιάκιμος ἔτη τρία τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην κατασχὼν ἐτελεύτησεν. διεδέξατο δ' αὐτὸν οὐδείς, ἀλλὰ διετέλεσεν ἡ πόλις ἐνιαυτοὺς ἑπτὰ χωρὶς ἀρχιερέως οὖσα." '20.238 πάλιν δὲ οἱ τῶν ̓Ασαμωναίου παίδων ἔγγονοι τὴν προστασίαν τοῦ ἔθνους πιστευθέντες καὶ πολεμήσαντες Μακεδόσιν ̓Ιωνάθην ἀρχιερέα καθιστᾶσιν, ὃς ἦρξεν ἐνιαυτοὺς ἑπτά. 20.239 τελευτήσαντος δὲ ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐνέδρας τῆς ὑπὸ Τρύφωνος μηχανηθείσης, ὡς ἀνωτέρω που προειρήκαμεν, λαμβάνει τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην Σίμων ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ.
20.241 κληρονομεῖ δὲ καὶ τοῦτον ἀδελφὸς ̓Αλέξανδρος, ὑπὸ νόσου μὲν τελευτήσαντα, τὴν ἱερωσύνην δὲ κατασχόντα μετὰ βασιλείας, καὶ γὰρ διάδημα πρῶτος περιέθετο ὁ ̓Ιούδας, ἐνιαυτὸν ἕνα. 20.242 Βασιλεύσας δὲ ὁ ̓Αλέξανδρος καὶ ἱερατεύσας ἔτη εἰκοσιεπτὰ καταστρέφει τὸν βίον ̓Αλεξάνδρᾳ τῇ γυναικὶ καταστῆσαι τὸν ἀρχιερατευσόμενον ἐπιτρέψας. ἡ δὲ τὴν μὲν ἀρχιερωσύνην ̔Υρκανῷ δίδωσιν, αὐτὴ δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν ἔτη ἐννέα κατασχοῦσα τελευτᾷ τὸν βίον: τὸν ἴσον δὲ χρόνον τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ὁ παῖς αὐτῆς ̔Υρκανὸς ἔσχεν:' "20.243 μετὰ γὰρ τὸν θάνατον αὐτῆς πολεμήσας πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ ἀδελφὸς ̓Αριστόβουλος καὶ νικήσας ἀφαιρεῖται μὲν ἐκεῖνον τὴν ἀρχήν, αὐτὸς δ' ἐβασίλευέ τε καὶ ἀρχιεράτευεν τοῦ ἔθνους." "20.244 ἔτει δὲ τρίτῳ τῆς βασιλείας καὶ πρὸς μησὶν τοῖς ἴσοις Πομπήιος ἐλθὼν καὶ τὴν τῶν ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλιν κατὰ κράτος ἑλὼν αὐτὸν μὲν εἰς ̔Ρώμην μετὰ τῶν τέκνων δήσας ἔπεμψεν, τῷ δ' ̔Υρκανῷ πάλιν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀποδοὺς τὴν μὲν τοῦ ἔθνους προστασίαν ἐπέτρεψεν, διάδημα δὲ φορεῖν ἐκώλυσεν." '20.245 ἦρξεν δὲ πρὸς τοῖς ἐννέα τοῖς πρώτοις ὁ ̔Υρκανὸς τέσσαρα καὶ εἴκοσιν. Βαζαφράνης δὲ καὶ Πάκορος οἱ τῆς Παρθυηνῆς δυνάσται διαβάντες τὸν Εὐφράτην καὶ πολεμήσαντες ̔Υρκανῷ αὐτὸν μὲν ζωγρίᾳ συνέλαβον, τὸν ̓Αριστοβούλου δὲ υἱὸν ̓Αντίγονον κατέστησαν βασιλέα.' "20.246 τρία δ' ἔτη καὶ τρεῖς μῆνας ἄρξαντα τοῦτον Σόσσιός τε καὶ ̔Ηρώδης ἐξεπολιόρκησαν, ̓Αντώνιος δ' ἀνεῖλεν εἰς τὴν ̓Αντιόχειαν ἀναχθέντα." '20.247 Τὴν δὲ βασιλείαν ̔Ηρώδης παρὰ ̔Ρωμαίων ἐγχειρισθεὶς οὐκέτι τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ ̓Ασαμωναίου γένους καθίστησιν ἀρχιερεῖς, ἀλλά τισιν ἀσήμοις καὶ μόνον ἐξ ἱερέων οὖσιν πλὴν ἑνὸς ̓Αριστοβούλου τὴν τιμὴν ἀπένεμεν.' "20.248 τὸν δ' ̓Αριστόβουλον ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ὑπὸ Πάρθων ληφθέντος υἱωνὸν ὄντα καταστήσας ἀρχιερέα τῇ ἀδελφῇ αὐτοῦ συνῴκησεν Μαριάμμῃ, τὴν τοῦ πλήθους πρὸς ἑαυτὸν θηρώμενος εὔνοιαν διὰ τὴν ̔Υρκανοῦ μνήμην. εἶτα φοβηθείς, μὴ πρὸς τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον πάντες ἀποκλίνωσιν, ἀνεῖλεν αὐτὸν ἐν ̔Ιεριχοῖ πνιγῆναι μηχανησάμενος κολυμβῶντα, καθὼς ἤδη δεδηλώκαμεν." '20.249 μετὰ τοῦτον οὐκέτι τοῖς ἐγγόνοις τῶν ̓Ασαμωναίου παίδων τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην ἐπίστευσεν. ἔπραξεν δὲ ὅμοια τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ περὶ τῆς καταστάσεως τῶν ἱερέων ̓Αρχέλαός τε ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ καὶ μετὰ τοῦτον τὴν ἀρχὴν ̔Ρωμαῖοι τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων παραλαβόντες.
20.251 καὶ τινὲς μὲν αὐτῶν ἐπολιτεύσαντο ἐπί τε ̔Ηρώδου βασιλεύοντος καὶ ἐπὶ ̓Αρχελάου τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ, μετὰ δὲ τὴν τούτων τελευτὴν ἀριστοκρατία μὲν ἦν ἡ πολιτεία, τὴν δὲ προστασίαν τοῦ ἔθνους οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς ἐπεπίστευντο. περὶ μὲν οὖν τῶν ἀρχιερέων ἱκανὰ ταῦτα.' ' None
1.1 1. Those who undertake to write histories, do not, I perceive, take that trouble on one and the same account, but for many reasons, and those such as are very different one from another.
1.1 3. I found, therefore, that the second of the Ptolemies was a king who was extraordinarily diligent in what concerned learning, and the collection of books; that he was also peculiarly ambitious to procure a translation of our law, and of the constitution of our government therein contained, into the Greek tongue.
1.1 it being an instance of greater wisdom not to have granted them life at all, than, after it was granted, to procure their destruction; “But the injuries,” said he, “they offered to my holiness and virtue, forced me to bring this punishment upon them. 1.2 And when God had replied that there was no good man among the Sodomites; for if there were but ten such man among them, he would not punish any of them for their sins, Abraham held his peace. And the angels came to the city of the Sodomites, and Lot entreated them to accept of a lodging with him; for he was a very generous and hospitable man, and one that had learned to imitate the goodness of Abraham. Now when the Sodomites saw the young men to be of beautiful counteces, and this to an extraordinary degree, and that they took up their lodgings with Lot, they resolved themselves to enjoy these beautiful boys by force and violence; 1.2 For some of them apply themselves to this part of learning to show their skill in composition, and that they may therein acquire a reputation for speaking finely. Others of them there are who write histories in order to gratify those that happen to be concerned in them, and on that account have spared no pains, but rather gone beyond their own abilities in the performance. 1.2 neither could the legislator himself have a right mind without such a contemplation; nor would any thing he should write tend to the promotion of virtue in his readers; I mean, unless they be taught first of all, that God is the Father and Lord of all things, and sees all things, and that thence he bestows a happy life upon those that follow him; but plunges such as do not walk in the paths of virtue into inevitable miseries. 1.3 After this, on the second day, he placed the heaven over the whole world, and separated it from the other parts, and he determined it should stand by itself. He also placed a crystalline firmament round it, and put it together in a manner agreeable to the earth, and fitted it for giving moisture and rain, and for affording the advantage of dews. 1.3 And when Jacob had given his consent to this, he agreed to stay seven years; for so many years he had resolved to serve his father-in-law, that, having given a specimen of his virtue, it might be better known what sort of a man he was. And Jacob, accepting of his terms, after the time was over, he made the wedding-feast; 1.3 But others there are, who, of necessity and by force, are driven to write history, because they are concerned in the facts, and so cannot excuse themselves from committing them to writing, for the advantage of posterity; nay, there are not a few who are induced to draw their historical facts out of darkness into light, and to produce them for the benefit of the public, on account of the great importance of the facts themselves with which they have been concerned. 1.4 4. God therefore commanded that Adam and his wife should eat of all the rest of the plants, but to abstain from the tree of knowledge; and foretold to them, that if they touched it, it would prove their destruction. 1.4 Now of these several reasons for writing history, I must profess the two last were my own reasons also; for since I was myself interested in that war which we Jews had with the Romans, and knew myself its particular actions, and what conclusion it had, I was forced to give the history of it, because I saw that others perverted the truth of those actions in their writings. 1.5 2. Now I have undertaken the present work, as thinking it will appear to all the Greeks worthy of their study; for it will contain all our antiquities, and the constitution of our government, as interpreted out of the Hebrew Scriptures. 1.5 He also deprived the serpent of speech, out of indignation at his malicious disposition towards Adam. Besides this, he inserted poison under his tongue, and made him an enemy to men; and suggested to them, that they should direct their strokes against his head, that being the place wherein lay his mischievous designs towards men, and it being easiest to take vengeance on him, that way. And when he had deprived him of the use of his feet, he made him to go rolling all along, and dragging himself upon the ground. 1.6 2. And when Cain had traveled over many countries, he, with his wife, built a city, named Nod, which is a place so called, and there he settled his abode; where also he had children. However, he did not accept of his punishment in order to amendment, but to increase his wickedness; for he only aimed to procure every thing that was for his own bodily pleasure, though it obliged him to be injurious to his neighbors. 1.6 And indeed I did formerly intend, when I wrote of the war, to explain who the Jews originally were,—what fortunes they had been subject to,—and by what legislator they had been instructed in piety, and the exercise of other virtues,—what wars also they had made in remote ages, till they were unwillingly engaged in this last with the Romans:
1.13 2. The children of Ham possessed the land from Syria and Amanus, and the mountains of Libanus; seizing upon all that was on its sea-coasts, and as far as the ocean, and keeping it as their own. Some indeed of its names are utterly vanished away; others of them being changed, and another sound given them, are hardly to be discovered; yet a few there are which have kept their denominations entire.
1.13 while there were a vast number of other matters in our sacred books. They, indeed, contain in them the history of five thousand years; in which time happened many strange accidents, many chances of war, and great actions of the commanders, and mutations of the form of our government.
3.78 So they feasted and waited for their conductor, and kept themselves pure as in other respects, and not accompanying with their wives for three days, as he had before ordered them to do. And they prayed to God that he would favorably receive Moses in his conversing with him, and bestow some such gift upon them by which they might live well. They also lived more plentifully as to their diet; and put on their wives and children more ornamental and decent clothing than they usually wore.
3.84 whereupon he called together the people to a congregation, in order to their hearing what God would say to them: and when they were gathered together, he stood on an eminence whence they might all hear him, and said, “God has received me graciously, O Hebrews, as he has formerly done; and has suggested a happy method of living for you, and an order of political government, and is now present in the camp:
3.223 which laws were preferable to what have been devised by human understanding, and proved to be firmly observed for all time to come, as being believed to be the gift of God, insomuch that the Hebrews did not transgress any of those laws, either as tempted in times of peace by luxury, or in times of war by distress of affairs. But I say no more here concerning them, because I have resolved to compose another work concerning our laws.
4.196 4. Accordingly, I shall now first describe this form of government which was agreeable to the dignity and virtue of Moses; and shall thereby inform those that read these Antiquities, what our original settlements were, and shall then proceed to the remaining histories. Now those settlements are all still in writing, as he left them; and we shall add nothing by way of ornament, nor any thing besides what Moses left us; 4.197 only we shall so far innovate, as to digest the several kinds of laws into a regular system; for they were by him left in writing as they were accidentally scattered in their delivery, and as he upon inquiry had learned them of God. On which account I have thought it necessary to premise this observation beforehand, lest any of my own countrymen should blame me, as having been guilty of an offense herein. 4.198 Now part of our constitution will include the laws that belong to our political state. As for those laws which Moses left concerning our common conversation and intercourse one with another, I have reserved that for a discourse concerning our manner of life, and the occasions of those laws; which I propose to myself, with God’s assistance, to write, after I have finished the work I am now upon. 4.199 5. When you have possessed yourselves of the land of Canaan, and have leisure to enjoy the good things of it, and when you have afterward determined to build cities, if you will do what is pleasing to God, you will have a secure state of happiness. 4.201 Let the ascent to it be not by steps but by an acclivity of raised earth. And let there be neither an altar nor a temple in any other city; for God is but one, and the nation of the Hebrews is but one. 4.202 6. He that blasphemeth God, let him be stoned; and let him hang upon a tree all that day, and then let him be buried in an ignominious and obscure manner. 4.203 7. Let those that live as remote as the bounds of the land which the Hebrews shall possess, come to that city where the temple shall be, and this three times in a year, that they may give thanks to God for his former benefits, and may entreat him for those they shall want hereafter; and let them, by this means, maintain a friendly correspondence with one another by such meetings and feastings together, 4.204 for it is a good thing for those that are of the same stock, and under the same institution of laws, not to be unacquainted with each other; which acquaintance will be maintained by thus conversing together, and by seeing and talking with one another, and so renewing the memorials of this union; for if they do not thus converse together continually, they will appear like mere strangers to one another. 4.205 8. Let there be taken out of your fruits a tenth, besides that which you have allotted to give to the priests and Levites. This you may indeed sell in the country, but it is to be used in those feasts and sacrifices that are to be celebrated in the holy city; for it is fit that you should enjoy those fruits of the earth which God gives you to possess, so as may be to the honor of the donor. 4.206 9. You are not to offer sacrifices out of the hire of a woman who is a harlot for the Deity is not pleased with any thing that arises from such abuses of nature; of which sort none can be worse than this prostitution of the body. In like manner no one may take the price of the covering of a bitch, either of one that is used in hunting, or in keeping of sheep, and thence sacrifice to God. 4.207 10. Let no one blaspheme those gods which other cities esteem such; nor may any one steal what belongs to strange temples, nor take away the gifts that are dedicated to any god. 4.208 11. Let not any one of you wear a garment made of woolen and linen, for that is appointed to be for the priests alone. 4.209 12. When the multitude are assembled together unto the holy city for sacrificing every seventh year, at the feast of tabernacles, let the high priest stand upon a high desk, whence he may be heard, and let him read the laws to all the people; and let neither the women nor the children be hindered from hearing, no, nor the servants neither;
4.211 that so there may always be within their minds that intention of the laws which they have despised and broken, and have thereby been the causes of their own mischief. Let the children also learn the laws, as the first thing they are taught, which will be the best thing they can be taught, and will be the cause of their future felicity. 4.212 13. Let every one commemorate before God the benefits which he bestowed upon them at their deliverance out of the land of Egypt, and this twice every day, both when the day begins and when the hour of sleep comes on, gratitude being in its own nature a just thing, and serving not only by way of return for past, but also by way of invitation of future favors. 4.213 They are also to inscribe the principal blessings they have received from God upon their doors, and show the same remembrance of them upon their arms; as also they are to bear on their forehead and their arm those wonders which declare the power of God, and his good-will towards them, that God’s readiness to bless them may appear every where conspicuous about them. 4.214 14. Let there be seven men to judge in every city, and these such as have been before most zealous in the exercise of virtue and righteousness. Let every judge have two officers allotted him out of the tribe of Levi. 4.215 Let those that are chosen to judge in the several cities be had in great honor; and let none be permitted to revile any others when these are present, nor to carry themselves in an insolent manner to them; it being natural that reverence towards those in high offices among men should procure men’s fear and reverence towards God. 4.216 Let those that judge be permitted to determine according as they think to be right, unless any one can show that they have taken bribes, to the perversion of justice, or can allege any other accusation against them, whereby it may appear that they have passed an unjust sentence; for it is not fit that causes should be openly determined out of regard to gain, or to the dignity of the suitors, but that the judges should esteem what is right before all other things, 4.217 otherwise God will by that means be despised, and esteemed inferior to those, the dread of whose power has occasioned the unjust sentence; for justice is the power of God. He therefore that gratifies those in great dignity, supposes them more potent than God himself. 4.218 But if these judges be unable to give a just sentence about the causes that come before them, (which case is not unfrequent in human affairs,) let them send the cause undetermined to the holy city, and there let the high priest, the prophet, and the sanhedrim, determine as it shall seem good to them. 4.219 15. But let not a single witness be credited, but three, or two at the least, and those such whose testimony is confirmed by their good lives. But let not the testimony of women be admitted, on account of the levity and boldness of their sex Nor let servants be admitted to give testimony, on account of the ignobility of their soul; since it is probable that they may not speak truth, either out of hope of gain, or fear of punishment. But if any one be believed to have borne false witness, let him, when he is convicted, suffer all the very same punishments which he against whom he bore witness was to have suffered.
4.222 then the priests and Levites, and the senate of that city, shall take water and wash their hands over the head of the heifer; and they shall openly declare that their hands are innocent of this murder, and that they have neither done it themselves, nor been assisting to any that did it. They shall also beseech God to be merciful to them, that no such horrid act may any more be done in that land. 4.223 17. Aristocracy, and the way of living under it, is the best constitution: and may you never have any inclination to any other form of government; and may you always love that form, and have the laws for your governors, and govern all your actions according to them; for you need no supreme governor but God. But if you shall desire a king, let him be one of your own nation; let him be always careful of justice and other virtues perpetually; 4.224 let him submit to the laws, and esteem God’s commands to be his highest wisdom; but let him do nothing without the high priest and the votes of the senators: let him not have a great number of wives, nor pursue after abundance of riches, nor a multitude of horses, whereby he may grow too proud to submit to the laws. And if he affect any such things, let him be restrained, lest he become so potent that his state be inconsistent with your welfare. 4.225 18. Let it not be esteemed lawful to remove boundaries, neither our own, nor of those with whom we are at peace. Have a care you do not take those landmarks away which are, as it were, a divine and unshaken limitation of rights made by God himself, to last for ever; since this going beyond limits, and gaining ground upon others, is the occasion of wars and seditions; for those that remove boundaries are not far off an attempt to subvert the laws. 4.226 19. He that plants a piece of land, the trees of which produce fruits before the fourth year, is not to bring thence any first-fruits to God, nor is he to make use of that fruit himself, for it is not produced in its proper season; for when nature has a force put upon her at an unseasonable time, the fruit is not proper for God, nor for the master’s use; 4.227 but let the owner gather all that is grown on the fourth year, for then it is in its proper season. And let him that has gathered it carry it to the holy city, and spend that, together with the tithe of his other fruits, in feasting with his friends, with the orphans, and the widows. But on the fifth year the fruit is his own, and he may use it as he pleases. 4.228 20. You are not to sow with seed a piece of land which is planted with vines, for it is enough that it supply nourishment to that plant, and be not harassed by ploughing also. You are to plough your land with oxen, and not to oblige other animals to come under the same yoke with them; but to till your land with those beasts that are of the same kind with each other. The seeds are also to be pure, and without mixture, and not to be compounded of two or three sorts, since nature does not rejoice in the union of things that are not in their own nature alike; 4.229 nor are you to permit beasts of different kinds to gender together, for there is reason to fear that this unnatural abuse may extend from beasts of different kinds to men, though it takes its first rise from evil practices about such smaller things. 4.231 21. Let not those that reap, and gather in the corn that is reaped, gather in the gleanings also; but let them rather leave some handfuls for those that are in want of the necessaries of life, that it may be a support and a supply to them, in order to their subsistence. In like manner when they gather their grapes, let them leave some smaller bunches for the poor, and let them pass over some of the fruits of the olive-trees, when they gather them, and leave them to be partaken of by those that have none of their own; 4.232 for the advantage arising from the exact collection of all, will not be so considerable to the owners as will arise from the gratitude of the poor. And God will provide that the land shall more willingly produce what shall be for the nourishment of its fruits, in case you do not merely take care of your own advantage, but have regard to the support of others also. 4.233 Nor are you to muzzle the mouths of the oxen when they tread the ears of corn in the thrashing-floor; for it is not just to restrain our fellow-laboring animals, and those that work in order to its production, of this fruit of their labors. 4.234 Nor are you to prohibit those that pass by at the time when your fruits are ripe to touch them, but to give them leave to fill themselves full of what you have; and this whether they be of your own country or strangers,—as being glad of the opportunity of giving them some part of your fruits when they are ripe; but let it not be esteemed lawful for them to carry any away. 4.235 Nor let those that gather the grapes, and carry them to the wine-presses, restrain those whom they meet from eating of them; for it is unjust, out of envy, to hinder those that desire it, to partake of the good things that come into the world according to God’s will, and this while the season is at the height, and is hastening away as it pleases God. 4.236 Nay, if some, out of bashfulness, are unwilling to touch these fruits, let them be encouraged to take of them (I mean, those that are Israelites) as if they were themselves the owners and lords, on account of the kindred there is between them. Nay, let them desire men that come from other countries, to partake of these tokens of friendship which God has given in their proper season; 4.237 for that is not to be deemed as idly spent, which any one out of kindness communicates to another, since God bestows plenty of good things on men, not only for themselves to reap the advantage, but also to give to others in a way of generosity; and he is desirous, by this means, to make known to others his peculiar kindness to the people of Israel, and how freely he communicates happiness to them, while they abundantly communicate out of their great superfluities to even these foreigners also. 4.238 But for him that acts contrary to this law, let him be beaten with forty stripes save one by the public executioner; let him undergo this punishment, which is a most ignominious one for a free-man, and this because he was such a slave to gain as to lay a blot upon his dignity; 4.239 for it is proper for you who have had the experience of the afflictions in Egypt, and of those in the wilderness, to make provision for those that are in the like circumstances; and while you have now obtained plenty yourselves, through the mercy and providence of God, to distribute of the same plenty, by the like sympathy, to such as stand in need of it.
4.241 But as to the ripe fruits, let them carry that which is ripe first of all into the temple; and when they have blessed God for that land which bare them, and which he had given them for a possession, when they have also offered those sacrifices which the law has commanded them to bring, let them give the first-fruits to the priests. 4.242 But when any one hath done this, and hath brought the tithe of all that he hath, together with those first-fruits that are for the Levites, and for the festivals, and when he is about to go home, let him stand before the holy house, and return thanks to God, that he hath delivered them from the injurious treatment they had in Egypt, and hath given them a good land, and a large, and lets them enjoy the fruits thereof; and when he hath openly testified that he hath fully paid the tithes and other dues according to the laws of Moses, 4.243 let him entreat God that he will be ever merciful and gracious to him, and continue so to be to all the Hebrews, both by preserving the good things which he hath already given them, and by adding what it is still in his power to bestow upon them. 4.244 23. Let the Hebrews marry, at the age fit for it, virgins that are free, and born of good parents. And he that does not marry a virgin, let him not corrupt another man’s wife, and marry her, nor grieve her former husband. Nor let free men marry slaves, although their affections should strongly bias any of them so to do; for it is decent, and for the dignity of the persons themselves, to govern those their affections. 4.245 And further, no one ought to marry a harlot, whose matrimonial oblations, arising from the prostitution of her body, God will not receive; for by these means the dispositions of the children will be liberal and virtuous; I mean, when they are not born of base parents, and of the lustful conjunction of such as marry women that are not free. 4.246 If any one has been espoused to a woman as to a virgin, and does not afterward find her so to be, let him bring his action, and accuse her, and let him make use of such indications to prove his accusation as he is furnished withal; and let the father or the brother of the damsel, or some one that is after them nearest of kin to her, defend her. 4.247 If the damsel obtain a sentence in her favor, that she had not been guilty, let her live with her husband that accused her; and let him not have any further power at all to put her away, unless she give him very great occasions of suspicion, and such as can be no way contradicted. 4.248 But for him that brings an accusation and calumny against his wife in an impudent and rash manner, let him be punished by receiving forty stripes save one, and let him pay fifty shekels to her father: but if the damsel be convicted, as having been corrupted, and is one of the common people, let her be stoned, because she did not preserve her virginity till she were lawfully married; but if she were the daughter of a priest, let her be burnt alive. 4.249 If any one has two wives, and if he greatly respect and be kind to one of them, either out of his affection to her, or for her beauty, or for some other reason, while the other is of less esteem with him; and if the son of her that is beloved be the younger by birth than another born of the other wife, but endeavors to obtain the right of primogeniture from his father’s kindness to his mother, and would thereby obtain a double portion of his father’s substance, for that double portion is what I have allotted him in the laws,—let not this be permitted;
4.251 He that hath corrupted a damsel espoused to another man, in case he had her consent, let both him and her be put to death, for they are both equally guilty; the man, because he persuaded the woman willingly to submit to a most impure action, and to prefer it to lawful wedlock; the woman, because she was persuaded to yield herself to be corrupted, either for pleasure or for gain. 4.252 However, if a man light on a woman when she is alone, and forces her, where nobody was present to come to her assistance, let him only be put to death. Let him that hath corrupted a virgin not yet espoused marry her; but if the father of the damsel be not willing that she should be his wife, let him pay fifty shekels as the price of her prostitution. 4.253 He that desires to be divorced from his wife for any cause whatsoever, (and many such causes happen among men,) let him in writing give assurance that he will never use her as his wife any more; for by this means she may be at liberty to marry another husband, although before this bill of divorce be given, she is not to be permitted so to do: but if she be misused by him also, or if, when he is dead, her first husband would marry her again, it shall not be lawful for her to return to him. 4.254 If a woman’s husband die, and leave her without children, let his brother marry her, and let him call the son that is born to him by his brother’s name, and educate him as the heir of his inheritance, for this procedure will be for the benefit of the public, because thereby families will not fail, and the estate will continue among the kindred; and this will be for the solace of wives under their affliction, that they are to be married to the next relation of their former husbands. 4.255 But if the brother will not marry her, let the woman come before the senate, and protest openly that this brother will not admit her for his wife, but will injure the memory of his deceased brother, while she is willing to continue in the family, and to hear him children. And when the senate have inquired of him for what reason it is that he is averse to this marriage, whether he gives a bad or a good reason, the matter must come to this issue, 4.256 That the woman shall loose the sandals of the brother, and shall spit in his face, and say, He deserves this reproachful treatment from her, as having injured the memory of the deceased. And then let him go away out of the senate, and bear this reproach upon him all his life long; and let her marry to whom she pleases, of such as seek her in marriage. 4.257 But now, if any man take captive, either a virgin, or one that hath been married, and has a mind to marry her, let him not be allowed to bring her to bed to him, or to live with her as his wife, before she hath her head shaven, and hath put on her mourning habit, and lamented her relations and friends that were slain in the battle, 4.258 that by this means she may give vent to her sorrow for them, and after that may betake herself to feasting and matrimony; for it is good for him that takes a woman, in order to have children by her, to be complaisant to her inclinations, and not merely to pursue his own pleasure, while he hath no regard to what is agreeable to her. 4.259 But when thirty days are past, as the time of mourning, for so many are sufficient to prudent persons for lamenting the dearest friends, then let them proceed to the marriage; but in case when he hath satisfied his lust, he be too proud to retain her for his wife, let him not have it in his power to make her a slave, but let her go away whither she pleases, and have that privilege of a free woman.
4.261 and let them say thus to them:—That they cohabited together, not for the sake of pleasure, nor for the augmentation of their riches, by joining both their stocks together, but that they might have children to take care of them in their old age, and might by them have what they then should want. And say further to him, “That when thou wast born, we took thee up with gladness, and gave God the greatest thanks for thee, and brought time up with great care, and spared for nothing that appeared useful for thy preservation, and for thy instruction in what was most excellent. 4.262 And now, since it is reasonable to forgive the sins of those that are young, let it suffice thee to have given so many indications of thy contempt of us; reform thyself, and act more wisely for the time to come; considering that God is displeased with those that are insolent towards their parents, because he is himself the Father of the whole race of mankind, and seems to bear part of that dishonor which falls upon those that have the same name, when they do not meet with dire returns from their children. And on such the law inflicts inexorable punishment; of which punishment mayst thou never have the experience.” 4.263 Now if the insolence of young men be thus cured, let them escape the reproach which their former errors deserved; for by this means the lawgiver will appear to be good, and parents happy, while they never behold either a son or a daughter brought to punishment. 4.264 But if it happen that these words and instructions, conveyed by them in order to reclaim the man, appear to be useless, then the offender renders the laws implacable enemies to the insolence he has offered his parents; let him therefore be brought forth by these very parents out of the city, with a multitude following him, and there let him be stoned; and when he has continued there for one whole day, that all the people may see him, let him be buried in the night. 4.265 And thus it is that we bury all whom the laws condemn to die, upon any account whatsoever. Let our enemies that fall in battle be also buried; nor let any one dead body lie above the ground, or suffer a punishment beyond what justice requires. 4.266 25. Let no one lend to any one of the Hebrews upon usury, neither usury of what is eaten or what is drunken, for it is not just to make advantage of the misfortunes of one of thy own countrymen; but when thou hast been assistant to his necessities, think it thy gain if thou obtainest their gratitude to thee; and withal that reward which will come to thee from God, for thy humanity towards him. 4.267 26. Those who have borrowed either silver or any sort of fruits, whether dry or wet, (I mean this, when the Jewish affairs shall, by the blessing of God, be to their own mind,) let the borrowers bring them again, and restore them with pleasure to those who lent them, laying them up, as it were, in their own treasuries, and justly expecting to receive them thence, if they shall want them again. 4.268 But if they be without shame, and do not restore it, let not the lender go to the borrower’s house, and take a pledge himself, before judgment be given concerning it; but let him require the pledge, and let the debtor bring it of himself, without the least opposition to him that comes upon him under the protection of the law. 4.269 And if he that gave the pledge be rich, let the creditor retain it till what he lent be paid him again; but if he be poor, let him that takes it return it before the going down of the sun, especially if the pledge be a garment, that the debtor may have it for a covering in his sleep, God himself naturally showing mercy to the poor.
4.271 27. Let death be the punishment for stealing a man; but he that hath purloined gold or silver, let him pay double. If any one kill a man that is stealing something out of his house, let him be esteemed guiltless, although the man were only breaking in at the wall. 4.272 Let him that hath stolen cattle pay fourfold what is lost, excepting the case of an ox, for which let the thief pay fivefold. Let him that is so poor that he cannot pay what mulct is laid upon him, be his servant to whom he was adjudged to pay it. 4.273 28. If any one be sold to one of his own nation, let him serve him six years, and on the seventh let him go free. But if he have a son by a womanservant in his purchaser’s house, and if, on account of his good-will to his master, and his natural affection to his wife and children, he will be his servant still, let him be set free only at the coming of the year of jubilee, which is the fiftieth year, and let him then take away with him his children and wife, and let them be free also. 4.274 29. If any one find gold or silver on the road, let him inquire after him that lost it, and make proclamation of the place where he found it, and then restore it to him again, as not thinking it right to make his own profit by the loss of another. And the same rule is to be observed in cattle found to have wandered away into a lonely place. If the owner be not presently discovered, let him that is the finder keep it with himself, and appeal to God that he has not purloined what belongs to another. 4.275 30. It is not lawful to pass by any beast that is in distress, when in a storm it is fallen down in the mire, but to endeavor to preserve it, as having a sympathy with it in its pain. 4.276 31. It is also a duty to show the roads to those who do not know them, and not to esteem it a matter for sport, when we hinder others’ advantages, by setting them in a wrong way.4.277 33. If men strive together, and there be no instrument of iron, let him that is smitten be avenged immediately, by inflicting the same punishment on him that smote him: but if when he is carried home he lie sick many days, and then die, let him that smote him escape punishment; but if he that is smitten escape death, and yet be at great expense for his cure, the smiter shall pay for all that has been expended during the time of his sickness, and for all that he has paid the physician. 4.278 He that kicks a woman with child, so that the woman miscarry, let him pay a fine in money, as the judges shall determine, as having diminished the multitude by the destruction of what was in her womb; and let money also be given the woman’s husband by him that kicked her; but if she die of the stroke, let him also be put to death, the law judging it equitable that life should go for life. 4.279 34. Let no one of the Israelites keep any poison that may cause death, or any other harm; but if he be caught with it, let him be put to death, and suffer the very same mischief that he would have brought upon them for whom the poison was prepared.
4.281 36. Let him that is the owner of an ox which pusheth with his horn, kill him: but if he pushes and gores any one in the thrashing-floor, let him be put to death by stoning, and let him not be thought fit for food: but if his owner be convicted as having known what his nature was, and hath not kept him up, let him also be put to death, as being the occasion of the ox’s having killed a man. 4.282 But if the ox have killed a man-servant, or a maid-servant, let him be stoned; and let the owner of the ox pay thirty shekels to the master of him that was slain; but if it be an ox that is thus smitten and killed, let both the oxen, that which smote the other and that which was killed, be sold, and let the owners of them divide their price between them. 4.283 37. Let those that dig a well or a pit be careful to lay planks over them, and so keep them shut up, not in order to hinder any persons from drawing water, but that there may be no danger of falling into them. 4.284 But if any one’s beast fall into such a well or pit thus digged, and not shut up, and perish, let the owner pay its price to the owner of the beast. Let there be a battlement round the tops of your houses instead of a wall, that may prevent any persons from rolling down and perishing. 4.285 38. Let him that has received any thing in trust for another, take care to keep it as a sacred and divine thing; and let no one invent any contrivance whereby to deprive him that hath intrusted it with him of the same, and this whether he be a man or a woman; no, not although he or she were to gain an immense sum of gold, and this where he cannot be convicted of it by any body; 4.286 for it is fit that a man’s own conscience, which knows what he hath, should in all cases oblige him to do well. Let this conscience be his witness, and make him always act so as may procure him commendation from others; but let him chiefly have regard to God, from whom no wicked man can lie concealed: 4.287 but if he in whom the trust was reposed, without any deceit of his own, lose what he was intrusted withal, let him come before the seven judges, and swear by God that nothing hath been lost willingly, or with a wicked intention, and that he hath not made use of any part thereof, and so let him depart without blame; but if he hath made use of the least part of what was committed to him, and it be lost, let him be condemned to repay all that he had received. 4.288 After the same manner as in these trusts it is to be, if any one defraud those that undergo bodily labor for him. And let it be always remembered, that we are not to defraud a poor man of his wages, as being sensible that God has allotted these wages to him instead of land and other possessions; nay, this payment is not at all to be delayed, but to be made that very day, since God is not willing to deprive the laborer of the immediate use of what he hath labored for. 4.289 39. You are not to punish children for the faults of their parents, but on account of their own virtue rather to vouchsafe them commiseration, because they were born of wicked parents, than hatred, because they were born of bad ones. Nor indeed ought we to impute the sin of children to their fathers, while young persons indulge themselves in many practices different from what they have been instructed in, and this by their proud refusal of such instruction.
4.291 for evident it is, that while their soul is become effeminate, they have withal transfused that effeminacy to their body also. In like manner do you treat all that is of a monstrous nature when it is looked on; nor is it lawful to geld men or any other animals. 4.292 41. Let this be the constitution of your political laws in time of peace, and God will be so merciful as to preserve this excellent settlement free from disturbance: and may that time never come which may innovate any thing, and change it for the contrary. 4.293 But since it must needs happen that mankind fall into troubles and dangers, either undesignedly or intentionally, come let us make a few constitutions concerning them, that so being apprised beforehand what ought to be done, you may have salutary counsels ready when you want them, and may not then be obliged to go to seek what is to be done, and so be unprovided, and fall into dangerous circumstances. 4.294 May you be a laborious people, and exercise your souls in virtuous actions, and thereby possess and inherit the land without wars; while neither any foreigners make war upon it, and so afflict you, nor any internal sedition seize upon it, 4.295 whereby you may do things that are contrary to your fathers, and so lose the laws which they have established. And may you continue in the observation of those laws which God hath approved of, and hath delivered to you. Let all sort of warlike operations, whether they befall you now in your own time, or hereafter in the times of your posterity, be done out of your own borders: 4.296 but when you are about to go to war, send embassages and heralds to those who are your voluntary enemies, for it is a right thing to make use of words to them before you come to your weapons of war; and assure them thereby, that although you have a numerous army, with horses and weapons, and, above these, a God merciful to you, and ready to assist you, you do however desire them not to compel you to fight against them, nor to take from them what they have, which will indeed be our gain, but what they will have no reason to wish we should take to ourselves. 4.297 And if they hearken to you, it will be proper for you to keep peace with them; but if they trust in their own strength, as superior to yours, and will not do you justice, lead your army against them, making use of God as your supreme Commander, but ordaining for a lieutet under him one that is of the greatest courage among you; for these different commanders, besides their being an obstacle to actions that are to be done on the sudden, are a disadvantage to those that make use of them. 4.298 Lead an army pure, and of chosen men, composed of all such as have extraordinary strength of body and hardiness of soul; but do you send away the timorous part, lest they run away in the time of action, and so afford an advantage to your enemies. Do you also give leave to those that have lately built them houses, and have not yet lived in them a year’s time; and to those that have planted them vineyards, and have not yet been partakers of their fruits,—to continue in their own country; as well as those also who have betrothed, or lately married them wives, lest they have such an affection for these things that they be too sparing of their lives, and, by reserving themselves for these enjoyments, they become voluntary cowards, on account of their wives. 4.299 42. When you have pitched your camp, take care that you do nothing that is cruel. And when you are engaged in a siege; and want timber for the making of warlike engines, do not you render the land naked by cutting down trees that bear fruit, but spare them, as considering that they were made for the benefit of men; and that if they could speak, they would have a just plea against you, because, though they are not occasions of the war, they are unjustly treated, and suffer in it, and would, if they were able, remove themselves into another land.
4.301 43, Take care, especially in your battles, that no woman use the habit of a man, nor man the garment of a woman.
4.303 After this, he read to them a poetic song, which was composed in hexameter verse, and left it to them in the holy book: it contained a prediction of what was to come to pass afterward; agreeably whereto all things have happened all along, and do still happen to us; and wherein he has not at all deviated from the truth. 4.304 Accordingly, he delivered these books to the priest, with the ark; into which he also put the ten commandments, written on two tables. He delivered to them the tabernacle also, and exhorted the people, that when they had conquered the land, and were settled in it, they should not forget the injuries of the Amalekites, but make war against them, and inflict punishment upon them for what mischief they did them when they were in the wilderness;
4.307 After this, curses were denounced upon those that should transgress those laws, they, answering one another alternately, by way of confirmation of what had been said. Moses also wrote their blessings and their curses, that they might learn them so thoroughly, that they might never be forgotten by length of time.
4.327 49. Now Moses lived in all one hundred and twenty years; a third part of which time, abating one month, he was the people’s ruler; and he died on the last month of the year, which is called by the Macedonians Dystrus, but by us Adar, on the first day of the month. 4.328 He was one that exceeded all men that ever were in understanding, and made the best use of what that understanding suggested to him. He had a very graceful way of speaking and addressing himself to the multitude; and as to his other qualifications, he had such a full command of his passions, 4.329 as if he hardly had any such in his soul, and only knew them by their names, as rather perceiving them in other men than in himself. He was also such a general of an army as is seldom seen, as well as such a prophet as was never known, and this to such a degree, that whatsoever he pronounced, you would think you heard the voice of God himself. 4.331 nor were those that had experienced his conduct the only persons that desired him, but those also that perused the laws he left behind him had a strong desire after him, and by them gathered the extraordinary virtue he was master of. And this shall suffice for the declaration of the manner of the death of Moses.
6.36 And when the high priest bade him to pursue after them, he marched apace, with his four hundred men, after the enemy; and when he was come to a certain brook called Besor, and had lighted upon one that was wandering about, an Egyptian by birth, who was almost dead with want and famine, (for he had continued wandering about without food in the wilderness three days,) he first of all gave him sustece, both meat and drink, and thereby refreshed him. He then asked him to whom he belonged, and whence he came.
6.36 o they begged of him, and entreated him, to appoint some person to be king over them, who might rule over the nation, and avenge them of the Philistines, who ought to be punished for their former oppressions. These words greatly afflicted Samuel, on account of his innate love of justice, and his hatred to kingly government, for he was very fond of an aristocracy, as what made the men that used it of a divine and happy disposition;
6.268 This reflection is openly confirmed to us from the example of Saul, the son of Kish, who was the first king who reigned after our aristocracy and government under the judges were over; and that by his slaughter of three hundred priests and prophets, on occasion of his suspicion about Ahimelech, and by the additional wickedness of the overthrow of their city, and this is as he were endeavoring in some sort to render the temple tabernacle destitute both of priests and prophets, which endeavor he showed by slaying so many of them, and not suffering the very city belonging to them to remain, that so others might succeed them.
12.142 and let all of that nation live according to the laws of their own country; and let the senate, and the priests, and the scribes of the temple, and the sacred singers, be discharged from poll-money and the crown tax and other taxes also.
13.258 and they were so desirous of living in the country of their forefathers, that they submitted to the use of circumcision, and of the rest of the Jewish ways of living; at which time therefore this befell them, that they were hereafter no other than Jews.
14.41 However, Herod was not idle in the mean time, for he took ten bands of soldiers, of whom five were of the Romans, and five of the Jews, with some mercenaries among them, and with some few horsemen, and came to Jericho; and as they found the city deserted, but that five hundred of them had settled themselves on the tops of the hills, with their wives and children, those he took and sent away; but the Romans fell upon the city, and plundered it, and found the houses full of all sorts of good things.
14.41 and there it was that he heard the causes of the Jews, and of their governors Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were at difference one with another, as also of the nation against them both, which did not desire to be under kingly’ government, because the form of government they received from their forefathers was that of subjection to the priests of that God whom they worshipped; and they complained, that though these two were the posterity of priests, yet did they seek to change the government of their nation to another form, in order to enslave them. 14.42 5. About this time it was that Antony continued some time at Athens, and that Ventidius, who was now in Syria, sent for Silo, and commanded him to assist Herod, in the first place, to finish the present war, and then to send for their confederates for the war they were themselves engaged in; 14.42 Hyrcanus complained, that although he were the elder brother, he was deprived of the prerogative of his birth by Aristobulus, and that he had but a small part of the country under him, Aristobulus having taken away the rest from him by force.
16.164 But if any one be caught stealing their holy books, or their sacred money, whether it be out of the synagogue or public school, he shall be deemed a sacrilegious person, and his goods shall be brought into the public treasury of the Romans.
20.224 1. And now I think it proper and agreeable to this history to give an account of our high priests; how they began, who those are which are capable of that dignity, and how many of them there had been at the end of the war. 20.225 In the first place, therefore, history informs us that Aaron, the brother of Moses, officiated to God as a high priest, and that, after his death, his sons succeeded him immediately; and that this dignity hath been continued down from them all to their posterity. 20.226 Whence it is a custom of our country, that no one should take the high priesthood of God but he who is of the blood of Aaron, while every one that is of another stock, though he were a king, can never obtain that high priesthood. 20.227 Accordingly, the number of all the high priests from Aaron, of whom we have spoken already, as of the first of them, until Phanas, who was made high priest during the war by the seditious, was eighty-three; 20.228 of whom thirteen officiated as high priests in the wilderness, from the days of Moses, while the tabernacle was standing, until the people came into Judea, when king Solomon erected the temple to God; 20.229 for at the first they held the high priesthood till the end of their life, although afterward they had successors while they were alive. Now these thirteen, who were the descendants of two of the sons of Aaron, received this dignity by succession, one after another; for their form of government was an aristocracy, and after that a monarchy, and in the third place the government was regal. 20.231 After those thirteen high priests, eighteen took the high priesthood at Jerusalem, one in succession to another, from the days of king Solomon, until Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, made an expedition against that city, and burnt the temple, and removed our nation into Babylon, and then took Josadek, the high priest, captive; 20.232 the times of these high priests were four hundred and sixty-six years, six months, and ten days, while the Jews were still under the regal government. 20.233 But after the term of seventy years’ captivity under the Babylonians, Cyrus, king of Persia, sent the Jews from Babylon to their own land again, and gave them leave to rebuild their temple; 20.234 at which time Jesus, the son of Josadek, took the high priesthood over the captives when they were returned home. Now he and his posterity, who were in all fifteen, until king Antiochus Eupator, were under a democratical government for four hundred and fourteen years; 20.235 and then the forementioned Antiochus, and Lysias the general of his army, deprived Onias, who was also called Menelaus, of the high priesthood, and slew him at Berea; and driving away the son of Onias the third, put Jacimus into the place of the high priest, one that was indeed of the stock of Aaron, but not of the family of Onias. 20.236 On which account Onias, who was the nephew of Onias that was dead, and bore the same name with his father, came into Egypt, and got into the friendship of Ptolemy Philometor, and Cleopatra his wife, and persuaded them to make him the high priest of that temple which he built to God in the prefecture of Heliopolis, and this in imitation of that at Jerusalem; 20.237 but as for that temple which was built in Egypt, we have spoken of it frequently already. Now when Jacimus had retained the priesthood three years, he died, and there was no one that succeeded him, but the city continued seven years without a high priest. 20.238 But then the posterity of the sons of Asamoneus, who had the government of the nation conferred upon them, when they had beaten the Macedonians in war, appointed Jonathan to be their high priest, who ruled over them seven years. 20.239 And when he had been slain by the treacherous contrivance of Trypho, as we have related some where, Simon his brother took the high priesthood;
20.241 whose brother Alexander was his heir; which Judas died of a sore distemper, after he had kept the priesthood, together with the royal authority; for this Judas was the first that put on his head a diadem for one year. 20.242 And when Alexander had been both king and high priest twenty-seven years, he departed this life, and permitted his wife Alexandra to appoint him that should be high priest; so she gave the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, but retained the kingdom herself nine years, and then departed this life. The like duration and no longer did her son Hyrcanus enjoy the high priesthood; 20.243 for after her death his brother Aristobulus fought against him, and beat him, and deprived him of his principality; and he did himself both reign, and perform the office of high priest to God. 20.244 But when he had reigned three years, and as many months, Pompey came upon him, and not only took the city of Jerusalem by force, but put him and his children in bonds, and sent them to Rome. He also restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, and made him governor of the nation, but forbade him to wear a diadem. 20.245 This Hyrcanus ruled, besides his first nine years, twenty-four years more, when Barzapharnes and Pacorus, the generals of the Parthians, passed over Euphrates, and fought with Hyrcanus, and took him alive, and made Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, king; 20.246 and when he had reigned three years and three months, Sosius and Herod besieged him, and took him, when Antony had him brought to Antioch, and slain there. 20.247 Herod was then made king by the Romans, but did no longer appoint high priests out of the family of Asamoneus; but made certain men to be so that were of no eminent families, but barely of those that were priests, excepting that he gave that dignity to Aristobulus; 20.248 for when he had made this Aristobulus, the grandson of that Hyrcanus who was then taken by the Parthians, and had taken his sister Mariarmne to wife, he thereby aimed to win the good-will of the people, who had a kind remembrance of Hyrcanus his grandfather. Yet did he afterward, out of his fear lest they should all bend their inclinations to Aristobulus, put him to death, and that by contriving how to have him suffocated as he was swimming at Jericho, as we have already related that matter; 20.249 but after this man he never intrusted the priesthood to the posterity of the sons of Asamoneus. Archelaus also, Herod’s son, did like his father in the appointment of the high priests, as did the Romans also, who took the government over the Jews into their hands afterward.
20.251 Some of these were the political governors of the people under the reign of Herod, and under the reign of Archelaus his son, although, after their death, the government became an aristocracy, and the high priests were intrusted with a dominion over the nation. And thus much may suffice to be said concerning our high priests.' ' None
|24. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.199, 2.185, 2.190-2.199, 2.201-2.209, 2.211-2.217, 2.225-2.231 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Deuteronomy, constitutional polity of • Jewish votive institutions, and freewill offerings • Jewish votive institutions, popular character of • New Institutional Economics (NIE) • Politeia (citizenship/constitution) • Sparta, as ideal constitution • Torah, constitution • constitution • constitution (Jewish) (see also politeia)
Found in books: Brakke, Satlow, Weitzman (2005), Religion and the Self in Antiquity. 97; Brooke et al. (2008), Past Renewals: Interpretative Authority, Renewed Revelation, and the Quest for Perfection in Jewish Antiquity, 132, 133, 137, 147; DeJong (2022), A Prophet like Moses (Deut 18:15, 18): The Origin, History, and Influence of the Mosaic Prophetic Succession, 217; Hayes (2015), What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives, 79; Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 143; Piotrkowski (2019), Priests in Exile: The History of the Temple of Onias and Its Community in the Hellenistic Period, 71, 270, 291; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 43
1.199 δύο τάλαντα τὴν ὁλκήν. ἐπὶ τούτων φῶς ἐστιν ἀναπόσβεστον καὶ τὰς νύκτας καὶ τὰς ἡμέρας. ἄγαλμα δὲ οὐκ ἔστιν οὐδὲ ἀνάθημα τὸ παράπαν οὐδὲ φύτευμα παντελῶς οὐδὲν οἷον ἀλσῶδες ἤ τι τοιοῦτον. διατρίβουσι δ' ἐν αὐτῷ καὶ τὰς νύκτας καὶ τὰς ἡμέρας ἱερεῖς ἁγνείας τινὰς ἁγνεύοντες καὶ τὸ παράπαν οἶνον οὐ πίνοντες ἐν" 2.185 καὶ τίς ἂν καλλίων ἢ δικαιοτέρα γένοιτο τῆς θεὸν μὲν ἡγεμόνα τῶν ὅλων πεποιημένης, τοῖς ἱερεῦσι δὲ κοινῇ μὲν τὰ μέγιστα διοικεῖν ἐπιτρεπούσης, τῷ δὲ πάντων ἀρχιερεῖ πάλιν αὖ πεπιστευκυίας' "2.191 ἡμῖν ἄφατος: πᾶσα μὲν ὕλη πρὸς εἰκόνα τὴν τούτου κἂν ᾖ πολυτελὴς ἄτιμος, πᾶσα δὲ τέχνη πρὸς μιμήσεως ἐπίνοιαν ἄτεχνος. οὐδὲν ὅμοιον οὔτ' εἴδομεν οὔτ' ἐπινοοῦμεν οὔτ' εἰκάζειν ἐστὶν ὅσιον." "2.192 ἔργα βλέπομεν αὐτοῦ φῶς οὐρανὸν γῆν ἥλιον ὕδατα ζῴων γενέσεις καρπῶν ἀναδόσεις. ταῦτα θεὸς ἐποίησεν οὐ χερσὶν οὐ πόνοις οὔ τινων συνεργασομένων ἐπιδεηθείς, ἀλλ' αὐτοῦ θελήσαντος καλῶς ἦν εὐθὺς γεγονότα. τοῦτον θεραπευτέον ἀσκοῦντας ἀρετήν: τρόπος γὰρ θεοῦ θεραπείας οὗτος ὁσιώτατος." '2.193 Εἷς ναὸς ἑνὸς θεοῦ, φίλον γὰρ ἀεὶ παντὶ τὸ ὅμοιον, κοινὸς ἁπάντων κοινοῦ θεοῦ ἁπάντων. τοῦτον θεραπεύσουσιν μὲν διὰ παντὸς οἱ ἱερεῖς, ἡγήσεται δὲ τούτων ὁ πρῶτος ἀεὶ κατὰ γένος. 2.194 οὗτος μετὰ τῶν συνιερέων θύσει τῷ θεῷ, φυλάξει τοὺς νόμους, δικάσει περὶ τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων, κολάσει τοὺς ἐλεγχθέντας. ὁ τούτῳ μὴ πειθόμενος ὑφέξει δίκην ὡς εἰς θεὸν αὐτὸν ἀσεβῶν.' "2.195 θύομεν τὰς θυσίας οὐκ εἰς μέθην ἑαυτοῖς, ἀβούλητον γὰρ θεῷ τόδε, ἀλλ' εἰς σωφροσύνην." "2.196 καὶ ἐπὶ ταῖς θυσίαις χρὴ πρῶτον ὑπὲρ τῆς κοινῆς εὔχεσθαι σωτηρίας, εἶθ' ὑπὲρ ἑαυτῶν: ἐπὶ γὰρ κοινωνίᾳ γεγόναμεν καὶ ταύτην ὁ προτιμῶν τοῦ καθ' αὑτὸν ἰδίου μάλιστα θεῷ κεχαρισμένος." "2.197 δέησις δ' ἔστω πρὸς τὸν θεόν, οὐχ ὅπως δῷ τἀγαθά, δέδωκεν γὰρ αὐτὸς ἑκὼν καὶ πᾶσιν εἰς μέσον κατατέθεικεν, ἀλλ' ὅπως δέχεσθαι δυνώμεθα καὶ λαβόντες φυλάττωμεν." "2.198 ἁγνείας ἐπὶ ταῖς θυσίαις διείρηκεν ὁ νόμος ἀπὸ κήδους ἀπὸ λέχους ἀπὸ κοινωνίας τῆς πρὸς γυναῖκα καὶ πολλῶν ἄλλων. ἃ μακρὸν ἂν εἴη γράφειν. τοιοῦτος μὲν ὁ περὶ θεοῦ καὶ τῆς ἐκείνου θεραπείας λόγος ἡμῖν ἐστιν, ὁ δ' αὐτὸς ἅμα καὶ νόμος." "2.199 Τίνες δ' οἱ περὶ γάμων νόμοι; μῖξιν μόνην οἶδεν ὁ νόμος τὴν κατὰ φύσιν τὴν πρὸς γυναῖκα καὶ ταύτην, εἰ μέλλοι τέκνων ἕνεκα γίνεσθαι. τὴν δὲ πρὸς ἄρρενας ἀρρένων ἐστύγηκεν καὶ θάνατος τοὐπιτίμιον, εἴ τις ἐπιχειρήσειεν." "
2.201 γυνὴ χείρων, φησίν, ἀνδρὸς εἰς ἅπαντα. τοιγαροῦν ὑπακουέτω, μὴ πρὸς ὕβριν, ἀλλ' ἵν' ἄρχηται: θεὸς γὰρ ἀνδρὶ τὸ κράτος ἔδωκεν. ταύτῃ συνεῖναι δεῖ τὸν γήμαντα μόνῃ, τὸ δὲ τὴν ἄλλου πειρᾶν ἀνόσιον. εἰ δέ τις τοῦτο πράξειεν, οὐδεμία θανάτου παραίτησις, οὔτ' εἰ βιάσαιτο παρθένον ἑτέρῳ προωμολογημένην, οὔτ' εἰ πείσειεν γεγαμημένην." "2.202 τέκνα τρέφειν ἅπαντα προσέταξεν, καὶ γυναιξὶν ἀπεῖπεν μήτ' ἀμβλοῦν τὸ σπαρὲν μήτε διαφθείρειν ἀλλὰ ἢν φανείη τεκνοκτόνος ἂν εἴη ψυχὴν ἀφανίζουσα καὶ τὸ γένος ἐλαττοῦσα. τοιγαροῦν οὐδ' εἴ τις ἐπὶ λέχους" '2.203 φθορὰν παρέλθοι, καθαρὸς εἶναι τότε προσήκει. καὶ μετὰ τὴν νόμιμον συνουσίαν ἀνδρὸς καὶ γυναικὸς ἀπολούσασθαι: ψυχῆς γὰρ ἔχειν τοῦτο μερισμὸν πρὸς ἄλλην χώραν ὑπέλαβεν: καὶ γὰρ ἐμφυομένη σώμασιν κακοπαθεῖ καὶ τούτων αὖ θανάτῳ διακριθεῖσα. διόπερ ἁγνείας ἐπὶ πᾶσι τοῖς τοιούτοις ἔταξεν.' "2.204 Οὐ μὴν οὐδ' ἐπὶ ταῖς τῶν παίδων γενέσεσιν ἐπέτρεψεν εὐωχίας συντελεῖν καὶ προφάσεις ποιεῖσθαι μέθης, ἀλλὰ σώφρονα τὴν ἀρχὴν εὐθὺς τῆς τροφῆς ἔταξε. καὶ γράμματα παιδεύειν ἐκέλευσεν τὰ περὶ τοὺς νόμους καὶ τῶν προγόνων τὰς πράξεις ἐπίστασθαι, τὰς μὲν ἵνα μιμῶνται, τοῖς δ' ἵνα συντρεφόμενοι μήτε παραβαίνωσι μήτε σκῆψιν ἀγνοίας ἔχωσι." '2.205 Τῆς εἰς τοὺς τετελευτηκότας προυνόησεν ὁσίας οὐ πολυτελείαις ἐνταφίων οὐ κατασκευαῖς μνημείων ἐπιφανῶν, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν περὶ τὴν κηδείαν τοῖς οἰκειοτάτοις ἐπιτελεῖν, πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς παριοῦσι καὶ προσελθεῖν καὶ συναποδύρασθαι. καθαίρειν δὲ καὶ τὸν οἶκον καὶ τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας ἀπὸ κήδους, ἵνα πλεῖστον ἀπέχῃ τοῦ δοκεῖν καθαρὸς εἶναί τις φόνον ἐργασάμενος.' "2.206 Γονέων τιμὴν μετὰ τὴν πρὸς θεὸν δευτέραν ἔταξεν καὶ τὸν οὐκ ἀμειβόμενον τὰς παρ' αὐτῶν χάριτας ἀλλ' εἰς ὁτιοῦν ἐλλείποντα λευσθησόμενον παραδίδωσι. καὶ παντὸς τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου τιμὴν ἔχειν τοὺς νέους φησίν, ἐπεὶ πρεσβύτατον ὁ θεός." '2.207 κρύπτειν οὐδὲν ἐᾷ πρὸς φίλους: οὐ γὰρ εἶναι φιλίαν τὴν μὴ πάντα πιστεύουσαν. κἂν συμβῇ τις ἔχθρα, τἀπόρρητα λέγειν κεκώλυκε. δικάζων εἰ δῶρα τις λάβοι, θάνατος ἡ ζημία. περιορῶν ἱκέτην 2.208 βοηθεῖν ἐνὸν ὑπεύθυνος. ὃ μὴ κατέθηκέν τις οὐκ ἀναιρήσεται, τῶν ἀλλοτρίων οὐδενὸς ἅψεται, τόκον οὐ λήψεται. ταῦτα καὶ πολλὰ τούτοις ὅμοια τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἡμῶν συνέχει κοινωνίαν 2.209 Πῶς δὲ καὶ τῆς πρὸς ἀλλοφύλους ἐπιεικείας ἐφρόντισεν ὁ νομοθέτης, ἄξιον ἰδεῖν, φανεῖται γὰρ ἄριστα πάντων προνοησάμενος ὅπως μήτε τὰ οἰκεῖα διαφθείρωμεν μήτε φθονήσωμεν τοῖς μετέχειν τῶν ἡμετέρων προαιρουμένοις.
2.211 Τἆλλα δὲ προείρηκεν, ὧν ἡ μετάδοσίς ἐστιν ἀναγκαία: πᾶσι παρέχειν τοῖς δεομένοις πῦρ ὕδωρ τροφήν, ὁδοὺς φράζειν, ἄταφον μὴ περιορᾶν, ἐπιεικεῖς δὲ καὶ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους 2.212 κριθέντας εἶναι οὐ γὰρ ἐᾷ τὴν γῆν αὐτῶν πυρπολεῖν οὐδὲ τέμνειν ἥμερα δένδρα, ἀλλὰ καὶ σκυλεύειν ἀπείρηκεν τοὺς ἐν τῇ μάχῃ πεσόντας, καὶ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων προυνόησεν, ὅπως αὐτῶν ὕβρις ἀπῇ,' "2.213 μάλιστα δὲ γυναικῶν. οὕτως δ' ἡμερότητα καὶ φιλανθρωπίαν ἡμᾶς ἐξεπαίδευσεν, ὡς μηδὲ τῶν ἀλόγων ζῴων ὀλιγωρεῖν, ἀλλὰ μόνην ἐφῆκε τούτων χρῆσιν τὴν νόμιμον, πᾶσαν δ' ἑτέραν ἐκώλυσεν: ἃ δ' ὥσπερ ἱκετεύοντα προσφεύγει ταῖς οἰκίαις ἀπεῖπεν ἀνελεῖν. οὐδὲ νεοττοῖς τοὺς γονέας αὐτῶν ἐπέτρεψε συνεξαιρεῖν, φείδεσθαι δὲ κἀν τῇ πολεμίᾳ τῶν ἐργαζομένων ζῴων" "2.214 καὶ μὴ φονεύειν. οὕτως πανταχόθεν τὰ πρὸς ἐπιείκειαν περιεσκέψατο, διδασκαλικοῖς μὲν τοῖς προειρημένοις χρησάμενος νόμοις, τοὺς δ' αὖ κατὰ τῶν παραβαινόντων τιμωρητικοὺς τάξας ἄνευ προφάσεως." '2.215 Ζημία γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῖς πλείστοις τῶν παραβαινόντων ὁ θάνατος, ἂν μοιχεύσῃ τις, ἂν βιάσηται κόρην, ἂν ἄρρενι τολμήσῃ πεῖραν προσφέρειν, ἂν ὑπομείνῃ παθεῖν ὁ πειρασθείς. ἔστι δὲ' "2.216 καὶ ἐπὶ δούλοις ὁμοίως ὁ νόμος ἀπαραίτητος. ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ μέτρων ἤν τις κακουργήσῃ ἢ σταθμῶν ἢ περὶ πράσεως ἀδίκου καὶ δόλῳ γενομένης, κἂν ὑφέληταί τις ἀλλότριον, κἂν ὃ μὴ κατέθηκεν ἀνέληται, πάντων εἰσὶ κολάσεις οὐχ οἷαι παρ' ἑτέροις, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ" '2.217 τὸ μεῖζον. περὶ μὲν γὰρ γονέων ἀδικίας ἢ τῆς εἰς θεὸν ἀσεβείας κἂν μελλήσῃ τις, εὐθὺς ἀπόλλυται. τοῖς μέντοι γε νομίμως βιοῦσι γέρας ἐστὶν οὐκ ἄργυρος οὐδὲ χρυσὸς οὐ κοτίνου στέφανος ἢ σελίνου
2.225 ἀσφαλὲς ἐξενεγκεῖν. ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν Πλάτωνος λόγους τινὲς εἶναι κενοὺς νομίζουσι κατὰ πολλὴν ἐξουσίαν κεκαλλιγραφημένους, μάλιστα δὲ τῶν νομοθετῶν Λυκοῦργον τεθαυμάκασι καὶ τὴν Σπάρτην ἅπαντες ὑμνοῦσιν, ὅτι τοῖς ἐκείνου νόμοις ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐνεκαρτέρησαν. 2.226 οὐκοῦν τοῦτο μὲν ὡμολογήσθω τεκμήριον ἀρετῆς εἶναι τὸ πείθεσθαι τοῖς νόμοις: οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμονίους θαυμάζοντες τὸν ἐκείνων χρόνον ἀντιπαραβαλλέτωσαν τοῖς πλείοσιν ἢ δισχιλίοις' "2.227 ἔτεσι τῆς ἡμετέρας πολιτείας, καὶ προσέτι λογιζέσθωσαν, ὅτι Λακεδαιμόνιοι ὅσον ἐφ' ἑαυτῶν χρόνον εἶχον τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀκριβῶς ἔδοξαν τοὺς νόμους διαφυλάττειν, ἐπεὶ μέντοι περὶ αὐτοὺς ἐγένοντο μεταβολαὶ τῆς τύχης, μικροῦ δεῖν ἁπάντων ἐπελάθοντο τῶν νόμων." "2.228 ἡμεῖς δ' ἐν τύχαις γεγονότες μυρίαις διὰ τὰς τῶν βασιλευσάντων τῆς ̓Ασίας μεταβολὰς οὐδ' ἐν τοῖς ἐσχάτοις τῶν δεινῶν τοὺς νόμους προύδομεν οὐκ ἀργίας οὐδὲ τρυφῆς αὐτοὺς χάριν περιέποντες, ἀλλ' εἴ τις ἐθέλοι σκοπεῖν, πολλῷ τινι τῆς δοκούσης ἐπιτετάχθαι Λακεδαιμονίοις καρτερίας μείζονας ἄθλους καὶ πόνους ἡμῖν ἐπιτεθέντας" '2.229 * οἱ μέν γε μήτε γῆν ἐργαζόμενοι μήτε περὶ τέχνας πονοῦντες ἀλλὰ πάσης ἐργασίας ἄφετοι λιπαροὶ καὶ τὰ σώματα' "2.231 τὸ κρατεῖν πάντων, ἐφ' οὓς ἂν στρατεύωσιν. ὅτι δὲ μηδὲ τοῦτο κατώρθωσαν, ἐῶ λέγειν: οὐ γὰρ καθ' ἕνα μόνον, ἀλλὰ πολλοὶ πολλάκις ἀθρόως τῶν τοῦ νόμου προσταγμάτων ἀμελήσαντες αὑτοὺς μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων παρέδοσαν τοῖς πολεμίοις." " None
1.199 upon these there is a light that is never extinguished, neither by night nor by day. There is no image, nor any thing, nor any donations therein; nothing at all is there planted, neither grove, nor any thing of that sort. The priests abide therein both nights and days, performing certain purifications, and drinking not the least drop of wine while they are in the temple.”
2.185 And where shall we find a better or more righteous constitution than ours, while this makes us esteem God to be the governor of the universe, and permits the priests in general to be the administrators of the principal affairs, and withal intrusts the government over the other priests to the chief high priest himself! 2.191 All materials, let them be ever so costly, are unworthy to compose an image for him; and all arts are unartful to express the notion we ought to have of him. We can neither see nor think of any thing like him, nor is it agreeable to piety to form a resemblance of him. 2.192 We see his works, the light, the heaven, the earth, the sun and the moon, the waters, the generations of animals, the productions of fruits. These things hath God made, not with hands, nor with labor, nor as wanting the assistance of any to cooperate with him; but as his will resolved they should be made and be good also, they were made, and became good immediately. All men ought to follow this Being, and to worship him in the exercise of virtue; for this way of worship of God is the most holy of all others. 2.193 24. There ought also to be but one temple for one God; for likeness is the constant foundation of agreement. This temple ought to be common to all men, because he is the common God of all men. His priests are to be continually about his worship, over whom he that is the first by his birth is to be their ruler perpetually. 2.194 His business must be to offer sacrifices to God, together with those priests that are joined with him, to see that the laws be observed, to determine controversies, and to punish those that are convicted of injustice; while he that does not submit to him shall be subject to the same punishment, as if he had been guilty of impiety towards God himself. 2.195 When we offer sacrifices to him we do it not in order to surfeit ourselves, or to be drunken; for such excesses are against the will of God, and would be an occasion of injuries and of luxury: but by keeping ourselves sober, orderly, and ready for our other occupations, and being more temperate than others. 2.196 And for our duty at the sacrifices themselves, we ought in the first place to pray for the common welfare of all, and after that our own; for we are made for fellowship one with another; and he who prefers the common good before what is peculiar to himself, is above all acceptable to God. 2.197 And let our prayers and supplications be made humbly to God, not so much that he would give us what is good (for he hath already given that of his own accord, and hath proposed the same publicly to all), as that we may duly receive it, and when we have received it, may preserve it. 2.198 Now the law has appointed several purifications at our sacrifices, whereby we are cleansed after a funeral after what sometimes happens to us in bed, and after accompanying with our wives, and upon many other occasions, which it would be too long now to set down. And this is our doctrine concerning God and his worship, and is the same that the law appoints for our practice. 2.199 25. But then, what are our laws about marriage? That law owns no other mixture of sexes but that which nature hath appointed, of a man with his wife, and that this be used only for the procreation of children. But it abhors the mixture of a male with a male; and if any one do that, death is his punishment.
2.201 for (says the scripture) “A woman is inferior to her husband in all things.” Let her, therefore, be obedient to him; not so, that he should abuse her, but that she may acknowledge her duty to her husband; for God hath given the authority to the husband. A husband, therefore, is to lie only with his wife whom he hath married; but to have to do with another man’s wife is a wicked thing; which, if any one ventures upon, death is inevitably his punishment: no more can he avoid the same who forces a virgin betrothed to another man, or entices another man’s wife. 2.202 The law, moreover enjoins us to bring up all our offspring, and forbids women to cause abortion of what is begotten, or to destroy it afterward; and if any woman appears to have so done, she will be a murderer of her child, by destroying a living creature, and diminishing human kind: if any one, therefore, proceeds to such fornication or murder, he cannot be clean. 2.203 Moreover, the law enjoins, that after the man and wife have lain together in a regular way, they shall bathe themselves; for there is a defilement contracted thereby, both in soul and body, as if they had gone into another country; for indeed the soul, by being united to the body, is subject to miseries, and is not freed therefrom again but by death; on which account the law requires this purification to be entirely performed. 26. 2.204 Nay, indeed, the law does not permit us to make festivals at the births of our children, and thereby afford occasion of drinking to excess; but it ordains that the very beginning of our education should be immediately directed to sobriety. It also commands us to bring those children up in learning and to exercise them in the laws, and make them acquainted with the acts of their predecessors, in order to their imitation of them, and that they might be nourished up in the laws from their infancy, and might neither transgress them, nor have any pretense for their ignorance of them. 2.205 27. Our law hath also taken care of the decent burial of the dead, but without any extravagant expenses for their funerals, and without the erection of any illustrious monuments for them; but hath ordered that their nearest relations should perform their obsequies; and hath shown it to be regular, that all who pass by when any one is buried, should accompany the funeral, and join in the lamentation. It also ordains, that the house and its inhabitants should be purified after the funeral is over, that every one may thence learn to keep at a great distance from the thoughts of being pure, if he hath been once guilty of murder. 2.206 28. The law ordains also, that parents should be honored immediately after God himself, and delivers that son who does not requite them for the benefits he hath received from them, but is deficient on any such occasion, to be stoned. It also says, that the young men should pay due respect to every elder, since God is the eldest of all beings. 2.207 It does not give leave to conceal any thing from our friends, because that is not true friendship which will not commit all things to their fidelity: it also forbids the revelation of secrets even though an enmity arise between them. If any judge takes bribes, his punishment is death: he that overlooks one that offers him a petition, and this when he is able to relieve him, he is a guilty person. 2.208 What is not by any one intrusted to another, ought not to be required back again. No one is to touch another’s goods. He that lends money must not demand usury for its loan. These, and many more of the like sort, are the rules that unite us in the bands of society one with another. 2.209 29. It will be also worth our while to see what equity our legislator would have us exercise in our intercourse with strangers; for it will thence appear that he made the best provision he possibly could, both that we should not dissolve our own constitution, nor show any envious mind towards those that would cultivate a friendship with us.
2.211 30. However, there are other things which our legislator ordained for us beforehand, which of necessity we ought to do in common to all men; as to afford fire, and water, and food to such as want it; to show them the roads; nor to let any one lie unburied. He also would have us treat those that are esteemed our enemies with moderation: 2.212 for he doth not allow us to set their country on fire, nor permit us to cut down those trees that bear fruit: nay, farther, he forbids us to spoil those that have been slain in war. He hath also provided for such as are taken captive, that they may not be injured, and especially that the women may not be abused. 2.213 Indeed he hath taught us gentleness and humanity so effectually, that he hath not despised the care of brute beasts, by permitting no other than a regular use of them, and forbidding any other; and if any of them come to our houses, like supplicants, we are forbidden to slay them: nor may we kill the dams, together with their young ones; but we are obliged, even in an enemy’s country, to spare and not kill those creatures that labor for mankind. 2.214 Thus hath our lawgiver contrived to teach us an equitable conduct every way, by using us to such laws as instruct us therein; while at the same time he hath ordained, that such as break these laws should be punished, without the allowance of any excuse whatsoever. 2.215 31. Now the greatest part of offenses with us are capital, as if any one be guilty of adultery; if any one force a virgin; if any one be so impudent as to attempt sodomy with a male; or if, upon another’s making an attempt upon him, he submits to be so used. There is also a law for slaves of the like nature that can never be avoided. 2.216 Moreover, if any one cheats another in measures or weights, or makes a knavish bargain and sale, in order to cheat another; if any one steals what belongs to another, and takes what he never deposited; all these have punishments allotted them, not such as are met with among other nations, but more severe ones. 2.217 And as for attempts of unjust behavior towards parents, or for impiety against God, though they be not actually accomplished, the offenders are destroyed immediately. However, the reward for such as live exactly according to the laws, is not silver or gold; it is not a garland of olive branches or of small age, nor any such public sign of commendation;
2.225 Yet do some men look upon Plato’s discourses as no better than certain idle words set off with great artifice. However, they admire Lycurgus as the principal lawgiver; and all men celebrate Sparta for having continued in the firm observance of his laws for a very long time. 2.226 So far then we have gained, that it is to be confessed a mark of virtue to submit to laws. But then let such as admire this in the Lacedemonians compare that duration of theirs with more than two thousand years which our political government hath continued; 2.227 and let them farther consider, that though the Lacedemonians did seem to observe their laws exactly while they enjoyed their liberty, yet that when they underwent a change of their fortune, they forgot almost all those laws; 2.228 while we, having been under ten thousand changes in our fortune by the changes that happened among the kings of Asia, have never betrayed our laws under the most pressing distresses we have been in; nor have we neglected them either out of sloth or for a livelihood. Nay, if any one will consider it, the difficulties and labors laid upon us have been greater than what appears to have been borne by the Lacedemonian fortitude, 2.229 while they neither ploughed their land nor exercised any trades, but lived in their own city, free from all such painstaking, in the enjoyment of plenty, and using such exercises as might improve their bodies, 2.231 I need not add this, that they have not been fully able to observe their laws; for not only a few single persons, but multitudes of them, have in heaps neglected those laws, and have delivered themselves, together with their arms, into the hands of their enemies.
|25. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 10.16, 11.21, 11.23-11.26 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Words of Institution • institution narrative
Found in books: McGowan (1999), Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals, 205, 240; Visnjic (2021), The Invention of Duty: Stoicism as Deontology, 436, 437, 448, 450, 451
10.16 Τὸ ποτήριον τῆς εὐλογίας ὃ εὐλογοῦμεν, οὐχὶ κοινωνία ἐστὶν τοῦ αἵματος τοῦ χριστοῦ; τὸν ἄρτον ὃν κλῶμεν, οὐχὶ κοινωνία τοῦ σώματος τοῦ χριστοῦ ἐστίν;
11.21 ἕκαστος γὰρ τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον προλαμβάνει ἐν τῷ φαγεῖν, καὶ ὃς μὲν πεινᾷ, ὃς δὲ μεθύει.
11.23 ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου, ὃ καὶ παρέδωκα ὑμῖν, ὅτι ὁ κύριος Ἰησοῦς ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ ᾗ παρεδίδετο ἔλαβεν ἄρτον καὶ εὐχαριστήσας ἔκλασεν καὶ εἶπεν 11.24 Τοῦτό μού ἐστιν τὸ σῶμα τὸ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν· τοῦτο ποιεῖτε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν. ὡσαύτως καὶ τὸ ποτήριον μετὰ τὸ δειπνῆσαι, λέγων 11.25 Τοῦτο τὸ ποτήριον ἡ καινὴδιαθήκηἐστὶν ἐντῷἐμῷαἵματι·τοῦτο ποιεῖτε, ὁσάκις ἐὰν πίνητε, εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν. 11.26 ὁσάκις γὰρ ἐὰν ἐσθίητε τὸν ἄρτον τοῦτον καὶ τὸ ποτήριον πίνητε, τὸν θάνατον τοῦ κυρίου καταγγέλλετε, ἄχρι οὗ ἔλθῃ.'' None
10.16 Thecup of blessing which we bless, isn't it a communion of the blood ofChrist? The bread which we break, isn't it a communion of the body ofChrist?" 11.21 For in your eatingeach one takes his own supper before others. One is hungry, and anotheris drunken.
11.23 For I received from the Lord that which also I delivered toyou, that the Lord Jesus on the night in which he was betrayed tookbread. 11.24 When he had given thanks, he broke it, and said, "Take,eat. This is my body, which is broken for you. Do this in memory ofme." 11.25 In the same way he also took the cup, after supper,saying, "This cup is the new covet in my blood. Do this, as often asyou drink, in memory of me."' "11.26 For as often as you eat this breadand drink this cup, you proclaim the Lord's death until he comes."" None
|26. New Testament, Luke, 1.1-1.4, 22.15-22.16, 22.18 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Augustus, institution of census • Politeia (citizenship/constitution) • Words of Institution • institution narrative
Found in books: Huebner (2013), The Family in Roman Egypt: A Comparative Approach to Intergenerational Solidarity and Conflict. 35; McGowan (1999), Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals, 241, 242; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 43; Visnjic (2021), The Invention of Duty: Stoicism as Deontology, 443, 449, 450, 451
1.1 ΕΠΕΙΔΗΠΕΡ ΠΟΛΛΟΙ ἐπεχείρησαν ἀνατάξασθαι διήγησιν περὶ τῶν πεπληροφορημένων ἐν ἡμῖν πραγμάτων, 1.2 καθὼς παρέδοσαν ἡμῖν οἱ ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς αὐτόπται καὶ ὑπηρέται γενόμενοι τοῦ λόγου, 1.3 ἔδοξε κἀμοὶ παρηκολουθηκότι ἄνωθεν πᾶσιν ἀκριβῶς καθεξῆς σοι γράψαι, κράτιστε Θεόφιλε, 1.4 ἵνα ἐπιγνῷς περὶ ὧν κατηχήθης λόγων τὴν ἀσφάλειαν.
22.15 καὶ εἶπεν πρὸς αὐτούς Ἐπιθυμίᾳ ἐπεθύμησα τοῦτο τὸ πάσχα φαγεῖν μεθʼ ὑμῶν πρὸ τοῦ με παθεῖν· 22.16 λέγω γὰρ ὑμῖν ὅτι οὐ μὴ φάγω αὐτὸ ἕως ὅτου πληρωθῇ ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ.
22.18 λέγω γὰρ ὑμῖν, οὐ μὴ πίω ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν ἀπὸ τοῦ γενήματος τῆς ἀμπέλου ἕως οὗ ἡ βασιλεία τοῦ θεοῦ ἔλθῃ.'' None
1.1 Since many have undertaken to set in order a narrative concerning those matters which have been fulfilled among us, 1.2 even as those who from the beginning were eyewitnesses and ministers of the word delivered them to us, 1.3 it seemed good to me also, having traced the course of all things accurately from the first, to write to you in order, most excellent Theophilus; 1.4 that you might know the certainty concerning the things in which you were instructed.
22.15 He said to them, "I have earnestly desired to eat this Passover with you before I suffer, 22.16 for I tell you, I will no longer by any means eat of it until it is fulfilled in the Kingdom of God."
22.18 for I tell you, I will not drink at all again from the fruit of the vine, until the Kingdom of God comes."'' None
|27. New Testament, Matthew, 25.37, 25.42 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Apostolic Constitutions • synagogues, as communal institutions
Found in books: Ernst (2009), Martha from the Margins: The Authority of Martha in Early Christian Tradition, 254; Gardner (2015), The Origins of Organized Charity in Rabbinic Judaism, 105
25.37 τότε ἀποκριθήσονται αὐτῷ οἱ δίκαιοι λέγοντες Κύριε, πότε σε εἴδαμεν πεινῶντα καὶ ἐθρέψαμεν, ἢ διψῶντα καὶ ἐποτίσαμεν;
25.42 ἐπείνασα γὰρ καὶ οὐκ ἐδώκατέ μοι φαγεῖν, καὶ ἐδίψησα καὶ οὐκ ἐποτίσατέ με,'' None
25.37 "Then the righteous will answer him, saying, \'Lord, when did we see you hungry, and feed you; or thirsty, and give you a drink? ' "
25.42 for I was hungry, and you didn't give me food to eat; I was thirsty, and you gave me no drink; "' None
|28. Plutarch, Lycurgus, 31.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, on Spartan constitution • On Law and Justice (attrib. Archytas), on the best constitution • Plato, on Spartan constitution • Sparta, constitution • aristocracy, in Spartan constitution • constitution • constitutional systems • democracy, in Spartan constitution • monarchy, in Spartan constitution • oligarchy, in Spartan constitution
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 241; Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 472
31.2 ταύτην καὶ Πλάτων ἔλαβε τῆς πολιτείας ὑπόθεσιν καὶ Διογένης καὶ Ζήνων καὶ πάντες ὅσοι τι περὶ τούτων ἐπιχειρήσαντες εἰπεῖν ἐπαινοῦνται, γράμματα καὶ λόγους ἀπολιπόντες μόνον, ὁ δὲ οὐ γράμματα καὶ λόγους, ἀλλʼ ἔργῳ πολιτείαν ἀμίμητον εἰς φῶς προενεγκάμενος, καὶ τοῖς ἀνύπαρκτον εἶναι τὴν λεγομένην περὶ τὸν σοφὸν διάθεσιν ὑπολαμβάνουσιν ἐπιδείξας ὅλην τὴν πόλιν φιλοσοφοῦσαν, εἰκότως ὑπερῆρε τῇ δόξῃ τοὺς πώποτε πολιτευσαμένους ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησι.'' None
31.2 His design for a civil polity was adopted by Plato, Diogenes, Zeno, and by all those who have won approval for their treatises on this subject, although they left behind them only writings and words. Lycurgus, on the other hand, produced not writings and words, but an actual polity which was beyond imitation, and because he gave, to those who maintain that the much talked of natural disposition to wisdom exists only in theory, an example of an entire city given to the love of wisdom, his fame rightly transcended that of all who ever founded polities among the Greeks.'' None
|29. Plutarch, Solon, 12.3-12.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristotle, Athenian Constitution • constitution • reform,, constitutional
Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 480; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 53
12.3 Μύρωνος δὲ τοῦ Φλυέως κατηγοροῦντος ἑάλωσαν οἱ ἄνδρες, καὶ μετέστησαν οἱ ζῶντες· τῶν δʼ ἀποθανόντων τοὺς νεκροὺς ἀνορύξαντες ἐξέρριψαν ὑπὲρ τοὺς ὅρους. ταύταις δὲ ταῖς ταραχαῖς καὶ Μεγαρέων συνεπιθεμένων ἀπέβαλόν τε Νίσαιαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Σαλαμῖνος ἐξέπεσον αὖθις. καὶ φόβοι τινὲς ἐκ δεισιδαιμονίας ἅμα καὶ φάσματα κατεῖχε τὴν πόλιν, οἵ τε μάντεις ἄγη καὶ μιασμοὺς δεομένους καθαρμῶν προφαίνεσθαι διὰ τῶν ἱερῶν ἠγόρευον. 12.4 οὕτω δὴ μετάπεμπτος αὐτοῖς ἧκεν ἐκ Κρήτης Ἐπιμενίδης ὁ Φαίστιος, ὃν ἕβδομον ἐν τοῖς σοφοῖς καταριθμοῦσιν ἔνιοι τῶν οὐ προσιεμένων τὸν Περίανδρον. ἐδόκει δέ τις εἶναι θεοφιλὴς καὶ σοφὸς περὶ τὰ θεῖα τὴν ἐνθουσιαστικὴν καὶ τελεστικὴν σοφίαν, διὸ καὶ παῖδα νύμφης ὄνομα Βάλτης καὶ Κούρητα νέον αὐτὸν οἱ τότε ἄνθρωποι προσηγόρευον. ἐλθὼν δὲ καὶ τῷ Σόλωνι χρησάμενος φίλῳ πολλὰ προσυπειργάσατο καὶ προωδοποίησεν αὐτῷ τῆς νομοθεσίας.'' None
12.3 Myron of Phlya conducted the prosecution, and the family of Megacles was found guilty. Those who were alive were banished, and the bodies of the dead were dug up and cast forth beyond the borders of the country. During these disturbances the Megarians also attacked the Athenians, who lost Nisaea, and were driven out of Salamis once more. The city was also visited with superstitious fears and strange appearances, and the seers declared that their sacrifices indicated pollutions and defilements which demanded expiation. 12.4 Under these circumstances they summoned to their aid from Crete Epimenides of Phaestus, who is reckoned as the seventh Wise Man by some of those who refuse Periander a place in the list. See note on Plut. Sol. 3.5, and cf. Aristot. Const. Ath. 1 . He was reputed to be a man beloved of the gods, and endowed with a mystical and heaven-sent wisdom in religious matters. Therefore the men of his time said that he was the son of a nymph named Balte, and called him a new Cures. The Curetes were Cretan priests of Idaean Zeus, who took their name from the demi-gods to whose care Rhea was said to have committed the infant Zeus. On coming to Athens he made Solon his friend, assisted him in many ways, and paved the way for his legislation.'' None
|30. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 121.16 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Constitution / constitutio • Self, Self vs. constitution
Found in books: Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 134; Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 248
121.16 The periods of infancy, boyhood, youth, and old age, are different; but I, who have been infant, boy, and youth, am still the same. Thus, although each has at different times a different constitution, the adaptation of each to its constitution is the same. For nature does not consign boyhood or youth, or old age, to me; it consigns me to them. Therefore, the child is adapted to that constitution which is his at the present moment of childhood, not to that which will be his in youth. For even if there is in store for him any higher phase into which he must be changed, the state in which he is born is also according to nature. '' None
|31. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Torah, constitution • constitution • pneuma (spirit) in Paul, constituting a temple of God
Found in books: Brooke et al. (2008), Past Renewals: Interpretative Authority, Renewed Revelation, and the Quest for Perfection in Jewish Antiquity, 170, 176; Engberg-Pedersen (2010), Cosmology and Self in the Apostle Paul: The Material Spirit, 204
|32. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Xenophon of Athens, on religious customs and institutions • democratic institutions
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 155; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 330
|33. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Gaius, Institutes, Justinian’s Institutes and • Imperial constitutions • Justinianic jurisprudence,, Institutes • Justinianic jurisprudence,, sources for Institutes • Marcian (jurist), Institutes • Ulpian (jurist), Edict, and Justinian’s Institutes • belief, constitutive • constitution • constitutional, constitutionalism,constitutionality • constitutions, imperial • constitutive rules • institutions • law, constitutional
Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 131; Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 288; Farag (2021), What Makes a Church Sacred? Legal and Ritual Perspectives from Late Antiquity, 183, 184; Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 72; Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 179, 203, 366; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 76, 237, 285
|34. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.49, 1.53 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Athenian Constitution • constitution • constitution,, ancestral
Found in books: Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 52; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 64
1.49 Thereafter the people looked up to him, and would gladly have had him rule them as tyrant; he refused, and, early perceiving the designs of his kinsman Pisistratus (so we are told by Sosicrates), did his best to hinder them. He rushed into the Assembly armed with spear and shield, warned them of the designs of Pisistratus, and not only so, but declared his willingness to render assistance, in these words: Men of Athens, I am wiser than some of you and more courageous than others: wiser than those who fail to understand the plot of Pisistratus, more courageous than those who, though they see through it, keep silence through fear. And the members of the council, who were of Pisistratus' party, declared that he was mad: which made him say the lines:A little while, and the event will showTo all the world if I be mad or no." 1.53 I am not the only man who has aimed at a tyranny in Greece, nor am I, a descendant of Codrus, unfitted for the part. That is, I resume the privileges which the Athenians swore to confer upon Codrus and his family, although later they took them away. In everything else I commit no offence against God or man; but I leave to the Athenians the management of their affairs according to the ordices established by you. And they are better governed than they would be under a democracy; for I allow no one to extend his rights, and though I am tyrant I arrogate to myself no undue share of reputation and honour, but merely such stated privileges as belonged to the kings in former times. Every citizen pays a tithe of his property, not to me but to a fund for defraying the cost of the public sacrifices or any other charges on the State or the expenditure on any war which may come upon us.'" None
|35. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 6.25.12 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Divine Institutes (Lactantius), biblical text • Newman Institute
Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 283; Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 175
6.25.12 Now let us speak briefly concerning sacrifice itself. Ivory, says Plato, is not a pure offering to God. What then? Are embroidered and costly textures? Nay, rather nothing is a pure offering to God which can be corrupted or taken away secretly. But as he saw this, that nothing which was taken from a dead body ought to be offered to a living being, why did he not see that a corporeal offering ought not to be presented to an incorporeal being? How much better and more truly does Seneca speak: Will you think of God as great and placid, and a friend to be reverenced with gentle majesty, and always at hand? Not to be worshipped with the immolation of victims and with much blood - for what pleasure arises from the slaughter of innocent animals? - but with a pure mind and with a good and honourable purpose. Temples are not to be built to Him with stones piled up on high; He is to be consecrated by each man in his own breast. Therefore, if any one thinks that garments, and jewels, and other things which are esteemed precious, are valued by God, he is altogether ignorant of what God is, since he thinks that those things are pleasing to Him which even a man would be justly praised for despising. What, then, is pure, what is worthy of God, but that which He Himself has demanded in that divine law of His? There are two things which ought to be offered, the gift and the sacrifice; the gift as a perpetual offering, the sacrifice for a time. But with those who by no means understand the nature of the Divine Being, a gift is anything which is wrought of gold or silver; likewise anything which is woven of purple and silk: a sacrifice is a victim, and as many things as are burnt upon the altar. But God does not make use either of the one or the other, because He is free from corruption, and that is altogether corruptible. Therefore, in each case, that which is incorporeal must be offered to God, for He accepts this. His offering is innocency of soul; His sacrifice praise and a hymn. For if God is not seen, He ought therefore to be worshipped with things which are not seen. Therefore no other religion is true but that which consists of virtue and justice. But in what manner God deals with the justice of man is easily understood. For if man shall be just, having received immortality, he will serve God forever. But that men are not born except for justice, both the ancient philosophers and even Cicero suspects. For, discussing the Laws, he says: But of all things which are discussed by learned men, nothing assuredly is of greater importance than that it should be entirely understood that we are born to justice. We ought therefore to hold forth and offer to God that alone for the receiving of which He Himself produced us. But how true this twofold kind of sacrifice is, Trismegistus Hermes is a befitting witness, who agrees with us, that is, with the prophets, whom we follow, as much in fact as in words. He thus spoke concerning justice: Adore and worship this word, O son. But the worship of God consists of one thing, not to be wicked. Also in that perfect discourse, when he heard Asclepius inquiring from his son whether it pleased him that incense and other odours for divine sacrifice were offered to his father, exclaimed: Speak words of good omen, O Asclepius. For it is the greatest impiety to entertain any such thought concerning that being of pre-eminent goodness. For these things, and things resembling these, are not adapted to Him. For He is full of all things, as many as exist, and He has need of nothing at all. But let us give Him thanks, and adore Him. For His sacrifice consists only of blessing. And he spoke rightly. For we ought to sacrifice to God in word; inasmuch as God is the Word, as He Himself confessed. Therefore the chief ceremonial in the worship of God is praise from the mouth of a just man directed towards God. That this, however, may be accepted by God, there is need of humility, and fear, and devotion in the greatest degree, lest any one should chance to place confidence in his integrity and innocence, and thus incur the charge of pride and arrogance, and by this deed lose the recompense of his virtue. But that he may obtain the favour of God, and be free from every stain, let him always implore the mercy of God, and pray for nothing else but pardon for his sins, even though he has none. If he desires anything else, there is no need of expressing it in word to one who knows what we wish; if anything good shall happen to him, let him give thanks; if any evil, let him make amends, and let him confess that the evil has happened to him on account of his faults; and even in evils let him nothing less give thanks, and make amends in good things, that he may be the same at all times, and be firm, and unchangeable, and unshaken. And let him not suppose that this is to be done by him only in the temple, but at home, and even in his very bed. In short, let him always have God with himself, consecrated in his heart, inasmuch as he himself is a temple of God. But if he has served God, his Father and Lord, with this assiduity, obedience, and devotion, justice is complete and perfect; and he who shall keep this, as we before testified, has obeyed God, and has satisfied the obligations of religion and his own duty. <'' None
|36. None, None, nan (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Lactantius, Divine Institutes • constitutions, monarchic
Found in books: Niccolai (2023), Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire. 141; Omeara (2005), Platonopolis: Platonic Political Philosophy in Late Antiquity 146
|37. None, None, nan (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Institution • oracles (institutional),- Greek
Found in books: Bortolani et al. (2019), William Furley, Svenja Nagel, and Joachim Friedrich Quack, Cultural Plurality in Ancient Magical Texts and Practices: Graeco-Egyptian Handbooks and Related Traditions, 128; Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 109
|38. None, None, nan (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Constitution • Proclus, on self-constitution
Found in books: Joosse (2021), Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher, 63; Marmodoro and Prince (2015), Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity, 207
|39. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Sirmondian Constitutions • law, constitutional
Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 128; Masterson (2016), Man to Man: Desire, Homosociality, and Authority in Late-Roman Manhood. 34
|40. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Gaius, Institutes, Justinian’s Institutes and • Imperial constitutions • Institutes, of Gaius • Justinianic jurisprudence,, Institutes • Justinianic jurisprudence,, sources for Institutes • Marcian (jurist), Institutes • Ulpian (jurist), Edict, and Justinian’s Institutes • institutions
Found in books: Farag (2021), What Makes a Church Sacred? Legal and Ritual Perspectives from Late Antiquity, 183, 184; Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 52; Hayes (2015), What's Divine about Divine Law?: Early Perspectives, 82; Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 179
|41. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Constitution • Korsgaard, Christine, on self-constitution • Neoplatonic philosophers, on self-constitution • Proclus, on self-constitution • paradox, of self-constitution
Found in books: Joosse (2021), Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher, 63; Marmodoro and Prince (2015), Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity, 205, 213
|42. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Constitution • G/good(ness) and self-constitution • self-constituted intelligibly, vitally, existentially • self-constitution
Found in books: Joosse (2021), Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher, 63; d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 68
|43. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.3.3
Tagged with subjects: • Institution • law, constitutional
Found in books: Ando and Ruepke (2006), Religion and Law in Classical and Christian Rome, 132; Bricault and Bonnet (2013), Panthée: Religious Transformations in the Graeco-Roman Empire, 51
1.3.3 C. Cornelius Hispallus, a praetor of foreigners, in the time when M. Popilius Laenas and L. Calpurnius were consuls, by edict commanded the Chaldeans to depart out of Italy, who by their false interpretations of the stars cast a profitable mist before the eyes of shallow and foolish characters. The same person banished those who with a counterfeit worship of Jupiter Sabazius sought to corrupt Roman customs.'' None
|44. Vergil, Aeneis, 3.330-3.332, 3.443-3.452, 6.824-6.825, 8.688-8.713
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, Julius, ending Republican institutions • Hellenization of Egyptian institutions, in Statius • Theriomorphism, trademark institution of Egypt, criticized by authors • Theriomorphism, trademark institution of Egypt, investigated by Statius • authority, mutual constitution of • oracles (institutional),- Greek • tragedy, civic institution
Found in books: Bortolani et al. (2019), William Furley, Svenja Nagel, and Joachim Friedrich Quack, Cultural Plurality in Ancient Magical Texts and Practices: Graeco-Egyptian Handbooks and Related Traditions, 164; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 212; Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 132; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 30, 31, 200, 206; Pandey (2018), The Poetics of Power in Augustan Rome, 158, 199
3.330 Ast illum, ereptae magno inflammatus amore 3.331 coniugis et scelerum Furiis agitatus, Orestes 3.332 excipit incautum patriasque obtruncat ad aras.
3.443 insanam vatem aspicies, quae rupe sub ima 3.444 fata canit, foliisque notas et nomina mandat. 3.445 Quaecumque in foliis descripsit carmina virgo, 3.446 digerit in numerum, atque antro seclusa relinquit. 3.447 Illa manent immota locis, neque ab ordine cedunt; 3.448 verum eadem, verso tenuis cum cardine ventus 3.450 numquam deinde cavo volitantia prendere saxo, 3.451 nec revocare situs aut iungere carmina curat: 3.452 inconsulti abeunt, sedemque odere Sibyllae.
6.824 Quin Decios Drusosque procul saevumque securi 6.825 aspice Torquatum et referentem signa Camillum.
8.688 Bactra vehit, sequiturque (nefas) Aegyptia coniunx. 8.689 Una omnes ruere, ac totum spumare reductis 8.690 convolsum remis rostrisque tridentibus aequor. 8.691 alta petunt: pelago credas innare revolsas 8.692 Cycladas aut montis concurrere montibus altos, 8.693 tanta mole viri turritis puppibus instant. 8.694 stuppea flamma manu telisque volatile ferrum 8.695 spargitur, arva nova Neptunia caede rubescunt. 8.696 Regina in mediis patrio vocat agmina sistro 8.697 necdum etiam geminos a tergo respicit anguis. 8.698 omnigenumque deum monstra et latrator Anubis 8.699 contra Neptunum et Venerem contraque Minervam 8.700 tela tenent. Saevit medio in certamine Mavors 8.701 caelatus ferro tristesque ex aethere Dirae, 8.702 et scissa gaudens vadit Discordia palla, 8.703 quam cum sanguineo sequitur Bellona flagello. 8.704 Actius haec cernens arcum tendebat Apollo 8.705 desuper: omnis eo terrore Aegyptus et Indi, 8.706 omnis Arabs, omnes vertebant terga Sabaei. 8.707 Ipsa videbatur ventis regina vocatis 8.708 vela dare et laxos iam iamque inmittere funis. 8.709 Illam inter caedes pallentem morte futura 8.710 fecerat Ignipotens undis et Iapyge ferri, 8.711 contra autem magno maerentem corpore Nilum 8.712 pandentemque sinus et tota veste vocantem 8.713 caeruleum in gremium latebrosaque flumina victos.' ' None
3.330 from every quarter flew, and seized its prey 3.331 with taloned feet and carrion lip most foul. 3.332 I called my mates to arms and opened war ' "
3.443 “I live, 't is true. I lengthen out my days " '3.444 through many a desperate strait. But O, believe 3.445 that what thine eyes behold is vision true. 3.446 Alas! what lot is thine, that wert unthroned ' "3.447 from such a husband's side? What after-fate " '3.448 could give thee honor due? Andromache, 3.450 With drooping brows and lowly voice she cried : 3.451 “O, happy only was that virgin blest, 3.452 daughter of Priam, summoned forth to die
6.824 of groves where all is joy,—a blest abode! 6.825 An ampler sky its roseate light bestows
8.688 pallas, my son, and bid him find in thee 8.689 a master and example, while he learns ' "8.690 the soldier's arduous toil. With thy brave deeds " '8.691 let him familiar grow, and reverence thee 8.692 with youthful love and honor. In his train 8.693 two hundred horsemen of Arcadia, 8.694 our choicest men-at-arms, shall ride; and he 8.695 in his own name an equal band shall bring 8.696 to follow only thee.” Such the discourse. 8.697 With meditative brows and downcast eyes 8.698 Aeneas and Achates, sad at heart, 8.699 mused on unnumbered perils yet to come. ' "8.700 But out of cloudless sky Cythera's Queen " "8.701 gave sudden signal: from th' ethereal dome " '8.702 a thunder-peal and flash of quivering fire 8.703 tumultuous broke, as if the world would fall, 8.704 and bellowing Tuscan trumpets shook the air. 8.705 All eyes look up. Again and yet again 8.706 crashed the terrible din, and where the sky 8.707 looked clearest hung a visionary cloud, 8.708 whence through the brightness blazed resounding arms. ' "8.709 All hearts stood still. But Troy 's heroic son " '8.710 knew that his mother in the skies redeemed 8.711 her pledge in sound of thunder: so he cried, 8.712 “Seek not, my friend, seek not thyself to read ' "8.713 the meaning of the omen. 'T is to me " ' None
|45. Vergil, Georgics, 3.28-3.29
Tagged with subjects: • Theriomorphism, trademark institution of Egypt, criticized by authors • authority, mutual constitution of
Found in books: Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 31; Pandey (2018), The Poetics of Power in Augustan Rome, 2, 199, 215, 218, 221, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 238, 239, 240, 242, 243
3.28 atque hic undantem bello magnumque fluentem 3.29 Nilum ac navali surgentis aere columnas.'' None
3.28 Whilst I, my head with stripped green olive crowned,' "3.29 Will offer gifts. Even 'tis present joy"' None
|46. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Sirmondian Constitutions • Sirmondian constitutions
Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 158, 159, 160; Masterson (2016), Man to Man: Desire, Homosociality, and Authority in Late-Roman Manhood. 34
|47. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Apostolic Constitutions • institutions,
Found in books: Ernst (2009), Martha from the Margins: The Authority of Martha in Early Christian Tradition, 238; Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 311, 312
|48. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Xenophon of Athens, on religious customs and institutions • demes, non-constitutional
Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 313; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 30