1. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 32.15, 32.21 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • combat myth • minim, rabbinic combat against • war (battle, combat)
Found in books: Kaplan (2015) 66; Lynskey (2021) 140; Schremer (2010) 50
32.15. וַיִּשְׁמַן יְשֻׁרוּן וַיִּבְעָט שָׁמַנְתָּ עָבִיתָ כָּשִׂיתָ וַיִּטֹּשׁ אֱלוֹהַ עָשָׂהוּ וַיְנַבֵּל צוּר יְשֻׁעָתוֹ׃
32.21. הֵם קִנְאוּנִי בְלֹא־אֵל כִּעֲסוּנִי בְּהַבְלֵיהֶם וַאֲנִי אַקְנִיאֵם בְּלֹא־עָם בְּגוֹי נָבָל אַכְעִיסֵם׃''. None | 32.15. But Jeshurun waxed fat, and kicked— Thou didst wax fat, thou didst grow thick, thou didst become gross— And he forsook God who made him, And contemned the Rock of his salvation.
32.21. They have roused Me to jealousy with a no-god; They have provoked Me with their vanities; And I will rouse them to jealousy with a no-people; I will provoke them with a vile nation.''. None |
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2. None, None, nan (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Creation Battle • Primordial,, Battle
Found in books: Fishbane (2003) 64; Trudinger (2004) 207
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3. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 27.1, 51.9-51.10 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Creation Battle • Primordial,, Battle • battle • cosmic battle • devil, battle with • martyrdom cosmic battle
Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022) 143; Fishbane (2003) 64; Moss (2010) 92; Moss (2012) 114; Trudinger (2004) 143
27.1. בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא יִפְקֹד יְהוָה בְּחַרְבוֹ הַקָּשָׁה וְהַגְּדוֹלָה וְהַחֲזָקָה עַל לִוְיָתָן נָחָשׁ בָּרִחַ וְעַל לִוְיָתָן נָחָשׁ עֲקַלָּתוֹן וְהָרַג אֶת־הַתַּנִּין אֲשֶׁר בַּיָּם׃
27.1. כִּי עִיר בְּצוּרָה בָּדָד נָוֶה מְשֻׁלָּח וְנֶעֱזָב כַּמִּדְבָּר שָׁם יִרְעֶה עֵגֶל וְשָׁם יִרְבָּץ וְכִלָּה סְעִפֶיהָ׃
51.9. עוּרִי עוּרִי לִבְשִׁי־עֹז זְרוֹעַ יְהוָה עוּרִי כִּימֵי קֶדֶם דֹּרוֹת עוֹלָמִים הֲלוֹא אַתְּ־הִיא הַמַּחְצֶבֶת רַהַב מְחוֹלֶלֶת תַּנִּין׃' '. None | 27.1. In that day the LORD with his sore and great and strong sword will punish leviathan the slant serpent, and leviathan the tortuous serpent; and He will slay the dragon that is in the sea.
51.9. Awake, awake, put on strength, O arm of the LORD; Awake, as in the days of old, The generations of ancient times. Art thou not it that hewed Rahab in pieces, That pierced the dragon? 51.10. Art thou not it that dried up the sea, The waters of the great deep; That made the depths of the sea a way For the redeemed to pass over?''. None |
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4. Hesiod, Theogony, 825-826 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Actium, battle of • Chalcidian vases, hydria with Zeus fighting Typhon
Found in books: Giusti (2018) 95; Simon (2021) 27
825. ἣν ἑκατὸν κεφαλαὶ ὄφιος, δεινοῖο δράκοντος,'826. γλώσσῃσιν δνοφερῇσι λελιχμότες, ἐκ δέ οἱ ὄσσων '. None | 825. Or climbing back to Heaven. Day peacefully'826. Roams through the earth and the broad backs of the sea, '. None |
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5. Homer, Iliad, 1.1, 2.211-2.277, 2.507, 2.546-2.552, 2.562, 2.594-2.600, 3.3-3.7, 3.103-3.104, 3.292, 4.51, 5.333, 11.68-11.72, 13.202, 16.852-16.853, 17.201-17.208, 18.177, 18.478-18.482, 18.509-18.540, 18.579-18.581, 19.109-19.114, 19.252-19.254, 19.266-19.268, 22.173, 22.345-22.354 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Achilles, absence from battle • Achilles, battle with Aeneas • Achilles, battle with the River Scamander/ Xanthus • Achilles, returns to battle • Aeneas, absence from battle • Aeneas, return to battle • Aigina, Aiginetans, at battle of Salamis • Athens, at battle of Salamis • Cronos, Cunaxa,battle of • Delium, battle of • Hector, fight with Achilles • Marathon, battle of • Pharsalus, battle • Salamis, Battle of • Salamis, battle of • Semele, Sepeia, battle of • Simeon, Homeric battle scene • battle • battle scenes in Homer, in Roman epic • battle, pre-battle sacrifice • battle-line or pre-battle sacrifices • combat, single • keratinos bomos (horned altar), Keressos, battle of • narrative, battle, in the Aeneid • narrative, battle, in the Iliad • pygmies, and battle with cranes • pygmies, and battle with cranes,, literary references • sacrifice, animal, pre-battle • soldiers,, fighting in mass
Found in books: Braund and Most (2004) 278, 279; Edmunds (2021) 84; Ekroth (2013) 252; Farrell (2021) 51, 70, 148, 163, 179, 256, 264; Gera (2014) 431; Henderson (2020) 149; Hitch (2017) 229, 230; Jouanna (2018) 11; Kowalzig (2007) 167, 209, 349; Laes Goodey and Rose (2013) 18, 225; Maciver (2012) 28, 50, 67, 76, 102, 115, 133, 187, 188; Mcclellan (2019) 76, 175; Naiden (2013) 122; Petrovic and Petrovic (2016) 218; Potter Suh and Holladay (2021) 152; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007) 26, 27; Repath and Whitmarsh (2022) 175; Rutter and Sparkes (2012) 80; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014) 139, 140
1.1. μῆνιν ἄειδε θεὰ Πηληϊάδεω Ἀχιλῆος
2.211. ἄλλοι μέν ῥʼ ἕζοντο, ἐρήτυθεν δὲ καθʼ ἕδρας· 2.212. Θερσίτης δʼ ἔτι μοῦνος ἀμετροεπὴς ἐκολῴα, 2.213. ὃς ἔπεα φρεσὶν ᾗσιν ἄκοσμά τε πολλά τε ᾔδη 2.214. μάψ, ἀτὰρ οὐ κατὰ κόσμον, ἐριζέμεναι βασιλεῦσιν, 2.215. ἀλλʼ ὅ τι οἱ εἴσαιτο γελοίϊον Ἀργείοισιν 2.216. ἔμμεναι· αἴσχιστος δὲ ἀνὴρ ὑπὸ Ἴλιον ἦλθε· 2.217. φολκὸς ἔην, χωλὸς δʼ ἕτερον πόδα· τὼ δέ οἱ ὤμω 2.218. κυρτὼ ἐπὶ στῆθος συνοχωκότε· αὐτὰρ ὕπερθε 2.219. φοξὸς ἔην κεφαλήν, ψεδνὴ δʼ ἐπενήνοθε λάχνη. 2.220. ἔχθιστος δʼ Ἀχιλῆϊ μάλιστʼ ἦν ἠδʼ Ὀδυσῆϊ· 2.221. τὼ γὰρ νεικείεσκε· τότʼ αὖτʼ Ἀγαμέμνονι δίῳ 2.222. ὀξέα κεκλήγων λέγʼ ὀνείδεα· τῷ δʼ ἄρʼ Ἀχαιοὶ 2.223. ἐκπάγλως κοτέοντο νεμέσσηθέν τʼ ἐνὶ θυμῷ. 2.224. αὐτὰρ ὃ μακρὰ βοῶν Ἀγαμέμνονα νείκεε μύθῳ· 2.225. Ἀτρεΐδη τέο δʼ αὖτʼ ἐπιμέμφεαι ἠδὲ χατίζεις; 2.226. πλεῖαί τοι χαλκοῦ κλισίαι, πολλαὶ δὲ γυναῖκες 2.227. εἰσὶν ἐνὶ κλισίῃς ἐξαίρετοι, ἅς τοι Ἀχαιοὶ 2.228. πρωτίστῳ δίδομεν εὖτʼ ἂν πτολίεθρον ἕλωμεν. 2.229. ἦ ἔτι καὶ χρυσοῦ ἐπιδεύεαι, ὅν κέ τις οἴσει 2.230. Τρώων ἱπποδάμων ἐξ Ἰλίου υἷος ἄποινα, 2.231. ὅν κεν ἐγὼ δήσας ἀγάγω ἢ ἄλλος Ἀχαιῶν, 2.232. ἠὲ γυναῖκα νέην, ἵνα μίσγεαι ἐν φιλότητι, 2.233. ἥν τʼ αὐτὸς ἀπονόσφι κατίσχεαι; οὐ μὲν ἔοικεν 2.234. ἀρχὸν ἐόντα κακῶν ἐπιβασκέμεν υἷας Ἀχαιῶν. 2.235. ὦ πέπονες κάκʼ ἐλέγχεʼ Ἀχαιΐδες οὐκέτʼ Ἀχαιοὶ 2.236. οἴκαδέ περ σὺν νηυσὶ νεώμεθα, τόνδε δʼ ἐῶμεν 2.237. αὐτοῦ ἐνὶ Τροίῃ γέρα πεσσέμεν, ὄφρα ἴδηται 2.238. ἤ ῥά τί οἱ χἠμεῖς προσαμύνομεν ἦε καὶ οὐκί· 2.239. ὃς καὶ νῦν Ἀχιλῆα ἕο μέγʼ ἀμείνονα φῶτα 2.240. ἠτίμησεν· ἑλὼν γὰρ ἔχει γέρας αὐτὸς ἀπούρας. 2.241. ἀλλὰ μάλʼ οὐκ Ἀχιλῆϊ χόλος φρεσίν, ἀλλὰ μεθήμων· 2.242. ἦ γὰρ ἂν Ἀτρεΐδη νῦν ὕστατα λωβήσαιο· 2.243. ὣς φάτο νεικείων Ἀγαμέμνονα ποιμένα λαῶν, 2.244. Θερσίτης· τῷ δʼ ὦκα παρίστατο δῖος Ὀδυσσεύς, 2.245. καί μιν ὑπόδρα ἰδὼν χαλεπῷ ἠνίπαπε μύθῳ· 2.246. Θερσῖτʼ ἀκριτόμυθε, λιγύς περ ἐὼν ἀγορητής, 2.247. ἴσχεο, μηδʼ ἔθελʼ οἶος ἐριζέμεναι βασιλεῦσιν· 2.248. οὐ γὰρ ἐγὼ σέο φημὶ χερειότερον βροτὸν ἄλλον 2.249. ἔμμεναι, ὅσσοι ἅμʼ Ἀτρεΐδῃς ὑπὸ Ἴλιον ἦλθον. 2.250. τὼ οὐκ ἂν βασιλῆας ἀνὰ στόμʼ ἔχων ἀγορεύοις, 2.251. καί σφιν ὀνείδεά τε προφέροις, νόστόν τε φυλάσσοις. 2.252. οὐδέ τί πω σάφα ἴδμεν ὅπως ἔσται τάδε ἔργα, 2.253. ἢ εὖ ἦε κακῶς νοστήσομεν υἷες Ἀχαιῶν. 2.254. τὼ νῦν Ἀτρεΐδῃ Ἀγαμέμνονι ποιμένι λαῶν 2.255. ἧσαι ὀνειδίζων, ὅτι οἱ μάλα πολλὰ διδοῦσιν 2.256. ἥρωες Δαναοί· σὺ δὲ κερτομέων ἀγορεύεις. 2.257. ἀλλʼ ἔκ τοι ἐρέω, τὸ δὲ καὶ τετελεσμένον ἔσται· 2.258. εἴ κʼ ἔτι σʼ ἀφραίνοντα κιχήσομαι ὥς νύ περ ὧδε, 2.259. μηκέτʼ ἔπειτʼ Ὀδυσῆϊ κάρη ὤμοισιν ἐπείη, 2.260. μηδʼ ἔτι Τηλεμάχοιο πατὴρ κεκλημένος εἴην, 2.261. εἰ μὴ ἐγώ σε λαβὼν ἀπὸ μὲν φίλα εἵματα δύσω, 2.262. χλαῖνάν τʼ ἠδὲ χιτῶνα, τά τʼ αἰδῶ ἀμφικαλύπτει, 2.263. αὐτὸν δὲ κλαίοντα θοὰς ἐπὶ νῆας ἀφήσω 2.264. πεπλήγων ἀγορῆθεν ἀεικέσσι πληγῇσιν. 2.265. ὣς ἄρʼ ἔφη, σκήπτρῳ δὲ μετάφρενον ἠδὲ καὶ ὤμω 2.266. πλῆξεν· ὃ δʼ ἰδνώθη, θαλερὸν δέ οἱ ἔκπεσε δάκρυ· 2.267. σμῶδιξ δʼ αἱματόεσσα μεταφρένου ἐξυπανέστη 2.268. σκήπτρου ὕπο χρυσέου· ὃ δʼ ἄρʼ ἕζετο τάρβησέν τε, 2.269. ἀλγήσας δʼ ἀχρεῖον ἰδὼν ἀπομόρξατο δάκρυ. 2.270. οἳ δὲ καὶ ἀχνύμενοί περ ἐπʼ αὐτῷ ἡδὺ γέλασσαν· 2.271. ὧδε δέ τις εἴπεσκεν ἰδὼν ἐς πλησίον ἄλλον· 2.272. ὢ πόποι ἦ δὴ μυρίʼ Ὀδυσσεὺς ἐσθλὰ ἔοργε 2.273. βουλάς τʼ ἐξάρχων ἀγαθὰς πόλεμόν τε κορύσσων· 2.274. νῦν δὲ τόδε μέγʼ ἄριστον ἐν Ἀργείοισιν ἔρεξεν, 2.275. ὃς τὸν λωβητῆρα ἐπεσβόλον ἔσχʼ ἀγοράων. 2.276. οὔ θήν μιν πάλιν αὖτις ἀνήσει θυμὸς ἀγήνωρ 2.277. νεικείειν βασιλῆας ὀνειδείοις ἐπέεσσιν.
2.507. οἵ τε πολυστάφυλον Ἄρνην ἔχον, οἵ τε Μίδειαν
2.546. οἳ δʼ ἄρʼ Ἀθήνας εἶχον ἐϋκτίμενον πτολίεθρον 2.547. δῆμον Ἐρεχθῆος μεγαλήτορος, ὅν ποτʼ Ἀθήνη 2.548. θρέψε Διὸς θυγάτηρ, τέκε δὲ ζείδωρος ἄρουρα, 2.549. κὰδ δʼ ἐν Ἀθήνῃς εἷσεν ἑῷ ἐν πίονι νηῷ· 2.550. ἔνθα δέ μιν ταύροισι καὶ ἀρνειοῖς ἱλάονται 2.551. κοῦροι Ἀθηναίων περιτελλομένων ἐνιαυτῶν· 2.552. τῶν αὖθʼ ἡγεμόνευʼ υἱὸς Πετεῶο Μενεσθεύς.
2.562. οἵ τʼ ἔχον Αἴγιναν Μάσητά τε κοῦροι Ἀχαιῶν,
2.594. καὶ Πτελεὸν καὶ Ἕλος καὶ Δώριον, ἔνθά τε Μοῦσαι 2.595. ἀντόμεναι Θάμυριν τὸν Θρήϊκα παῦσαν ἀοιδῆς 2.596. Οἰχαλίηθεν ἰόντα παρʼ Εὐρύτου Οἰχαλιῆος· 2.597. στεῦτο γὰρ εὐχόμενος νικησέμεν εἴ περ ἂν αὐταὶ 2.598. Μοῦσαι ἀείδοιεν κοῦραι Διὸς αἰγιόχοιο· 2.599. αἳ δὲ χολωσάμεναι πηρὸν θέσαν, αὐτὰρ ἀοιδὴν 2.600. θεσπεσίην ἀφέλοντο καὶ ἐκλέλαθον κιθαριστύν·
3.3. ἠΰτε περ κλαγγὴ γεράνων πέλει οὐρανόθι πρό· 3.4. αἵ τʼ ἐπεὶ οὖν χειμῶνα φύγον καὶ ἀθέσφατον ὄμβρον 3.5. κλαγγῇ ταί γε πέτονται ἐπʼ ὠκεανοῖο ῥοάων 3.6. ἀνδράσι Πυγμαίοισι φόνον καὶ κῆρα φέρουσαι· 3.7. ἠέριαι δʼ ἄρα ταί γε κακὴν ἔριδα προφέρονται.
3.103. οἴσετε ἄρνʼ, ἕτερον λευκόν, ἑτέρην δὲ μέλαιναν, 3.104. Γῇ τε καὶ Ἠελίῳ· Διὶ δʼ ἡμεῖς οἴσομεν ἄλλον·
3.292. ἦ, καὶ ἀπὸ στομάχους ἀρνῶν τάμε νηλέϊ χαλκῷ·
4.51. ἤτοι ἐμοὶ τρεῖς μὲν πολὺ φίλταταί εἰσι πόληες
5.333. οὔτʼ ἄρʼ Ἀθηναίη οὔτε πτολίπορθος Ἐνυώ.
11.68. ὄγμον ἐλαύνωσιν ἀνδρὸς μάκαρος κατʼ ἄρουραν 11.69. πυρῶν ἢ κριθῶν· τὰ δὲ δράγματα ταρφέα πίπτει· 11.70. ὣς Τρῶες καὶ Ἀχαιοὶ ἐπʼ ἀλλήλοισι θορόντες 11.71. δῄουν, οὐδʼ ἕτεροι μνώοντʼ ὀλοοῖο φόβοιο. 11.72. ἴσας δʼ ὑσμίνη κεφαλὰς ἔχεν, οἳ δὲ λύκοι ὣς
13.202. τεύχεα συλήτην· κεφαλὴν δʼ ἁπαλῆς ἀπὸ δειρῆς
16.852. οὔ θην οὐδʼ αὐτὸς δηρὸν βέῃ, ἀλλά τοι ἤδη 16.853. ἄγχι παρέστηκεν θάνατος καὶ μοῖρα κραταιὴ
17.201. ἆ δείλʼ οὐδέ τί τοι θάνατος καταθύμιός ἐστιν 17.202. ὃς δή τοι σχεδὸν εἶσι· σὺ δʼ ἄμβροτα τεύχεα δύνεις 17.203. ἀνδρὸς ἀριστῆος, τόν τε τρομέουσι καὶ ἄλλοι· 17.204. τοῦ δὴ ἑταῖρον ἔπεφνες ἐνηέα τε κρατερόν τε, 17.205. τεύχεα δʼ οὐ κατὰ κόσμον ἀπὸ κρατός τε καὶ ὤμων 17.206. εἵλευ· ἀτάρ τοι νῦν γε μέγα κράτος ἐγγυαλίξω, 17.207. τῶν ποινὴν ὅ τοι οὔ τι μάχης ἐκνοστήσαντι 17.208. δέξεται Ἀνδρομάχη κλυτὰ τεύχεα Πηλεΐωνος.
18.177. πῆξαι ἀνὰ σκολόπεσσι ταμόνθʼ ἁπαλῆς ἀπὸ δειρῆς.
18.478. ποίει δὲ πρώτιστα σάκος μέγα τε στιβαρόν τε 18.479. πάντοσε δαιδάλλων, περὶ δʼ ἄντυγα βάλλε φαεινὴν 18.480. τρίπλακα μαρμαρέην, ἐκ δʼ ἀργύρεον τελαμῶνα. 18.481. πέντε δʼ ἄρʼ αὐτοῦ ἔσαν σάκεος πτύχες· αὐτὰρ ἐν αὐτῷ 18.482. ποίει δαίδαλα πολλὰ ἰδυίῃσι πραπίδεσσιν.
18.509. τὴν δʼ ἑτέρην πόλιν ἀμφὶ δύω στρατοὶ ἥατο λαῶν 18.510. τεύχεσι λαμπόμενοι· δίχα δέ σφισιν ἥνδανε βουλή, 18.511. ἠὲ διαπραθέειν ἢ ἄνδιχα πάντα δάσασθαι 18.512. κτῆσιν ὅσην πτολίεθρον ἐπήρατον ἐντὸς ἔεργεν· 18.513. οἳ δʼ οὔ πω πείθοντο, λόχῳ δʼ ὑπεθωρήσσοντο. 18.514. τεῖχος μέν ῥʼ ἄλοχοί τε φίλαι καὶ νήπια τέκνα 18.515. ῥύατʼ ἐφεσταότες, μετὰ δʼ ἀνέρες οὓς ἔχε γῆρας· 18.516. οἳ δʼ ἴσαν· ἦρχε δʼ ἄρά σφιν Ἄρης καὶ Παλλὰς Ἀθήνη 18.517. ἄμφω χρυσείω, χρύσεια δὲ εἵματα ἕσθην, 18.518. καλὼ καὶ μεγάλω σὺν τεύχεσιν, ὥς τε θεώ περ 18.519. ἀμφὶς ἀριζήλω· λαοὶ δʼ ὑπολίζονες ἦσαν. 18.520. οἳ δʼ ὅτε δή ῥʼ ἵκανον ὅθι σφίσιν εἶκε λοχῆσαι 18.521. ἐν ποταμῷ, ὅθι τʼ ἀρδμὸς ἔην πάντεσσι βοτοῖσιν, 18.522. ἔνθʼ ἄρα τοί γʼ ἵζοντʼ εἰλυμένοι αἴθοπι χαλκῷ. 18.523. τοῖσι δʼ ἔπειτʼ ἀπάνευθε δύω σκοποὶ εἵατο λαῶν 18.524. δέγμενοι ὁππότε μῆλα ἰδοίατο καὶ ἕλικας βοῦς. 18.525. οἳ δὲ τάχα προγένοντο, δύω δʼ ἅμʼ ἕποντο νομῆες 18.526. τερπόμενοι σύριγξι· δόλον δʼ οὔ τι προνόησαν. 18.527. οἳ μὲν τὰ προϊδόντες ἐπέδραμον, ὦκα δʼ ἔπειτα 18.528. τάμνοντʼ ἀμφὶ βοῶν ἀγέλας καὶ πώεα καλὰ 18.529. ἀργεννέων οἰῶν, κτεῖνον δʼ ἐπὶ μηλοβοτῆρας. 18.530. οἳ δʼ ὡς οὖν ἐπύθοντο πολὺν κέλαδον παρὰ βουσὶν 18.531. εἰράων προπάροιθε καθήμενοι, αὐτίκʼ ἐφʼ ἵππων 18.532. βάντες ἀερσιπόδων μετεκίαθον, αἶψα δʼ ἵκοντο. 18.533. στησάμενοι δʼ ἐμάχοντο μάχην ποταμοῖο παρʼ ὄχθας, 18.534. βάλλον δʼ ἀλλήλους χαλκήρεσιν ἐγχείῃσιν. 18.535. ἐν δʼ Ἔρις ἐν δὲ Κυδοιμὸς ὁμίλεον, ἐν δʼ ὀλοὴ Κήρ, 18.536. ἄλλον ζωὸν ἔχουσα νεούτατον, ἄλλον ἄουτον, 18.537. ἄλλον τεθνηῶτα κατὰ μόθον ἕλκε ποδοῖιν· 18.538. εἷμα δʼ ἔχʼ ἀμφʼ ὤμοισι δαφοινεὸν αἵματι φωτῶν. 18.539. ὡμίλευν δʼ ὥς τε ζωοὶ βροτοὶ ἠδʼ ἐμάχοντο, 18.540. νεκρούς τʼ ἀλλήλων ἔρυον κατατεθνηῶτας.
18.579. σμερδαλέω δὲ λέοντε δύʼ ἐν πρώτῃσι βόεσσι 18.580. ταῦρον ἐρύγμηλον ἐχέτην· ὃ δὲ μακρὰ μεμυκὼς 18.581. ἕλκετο· τὸν δὲ κύνες μετεκίαθον ἠδʼ αἰζηοί.
19.109. ἦ μὲν τὸν πάντεσσι περικτιόνεσσιν ἀνάξειν 19.110. ὅς κεν ἐπʼ ἤματι τῷδε πέσῃ μετὰ ποσσὶ γυναικὸς 19.111. τῶν ἀνδρῶν οἳ σῆς ἐξ αἵματός εἰσι γενέθλης. 19.112. ὣς ἔφατο· Ζεὺς δʼ οὔ τι δολοφροσύνην ἐνόησεν, 19.113. ἀλλʼ ὄμοσεν μέγαν ὅρκον, ἔπειτα δὲ πολλὸν ἀάσθη. 19.114. Ἥρη δʼ ἀΐξασα λίπεν ῥίον Οὐλύμποιο,
19.252. Ἀτρεΐδης δὲ ἐρυσσάμενος χείρεσσι μάχαιραν, 19.253. ἥ οἱ πὰρ ξίφεος μέγα κουλεὸν αἰὲν ἄωρτο, 19.254. κάπρου ἀπὸ τρίχας ἀρξάμενος Διὶ χεῖρας ἀνασχὼν
19.266. ἦ, καὶ ἀπὸ στόμαχον κάπρου τάμε νηλέϊ χαλκῷ. 19.267. τὸν μὲν Ταλθύβιος πολιῆς ἁλὸς ἐς μέγα λαῖτμα 19.268. ῥῖψʼ ἐπιδινήσας βόσιν ἰχθύσιν· αὐτὰρ Ἀχιλλεὺς
22.173. ἄστυ πέρι Πριάμοιο ποσὶν ταχέεσσι διώκει.
22.345. μή με κύον γούνων γουνάζεο μὴ δὲ τοκήων· 22.346. αἲ γάρ πως αὐτόν με μένος καὶ θυμὸς ἀνήη 22.347. ὤμʼ ἀποταμνόμενον κρέα ἔδμεναι, οἷα ἔοργας, 22.348. ὡς οὐκ ἔσθʼ ὃς σῆς γε κύνας κεφαλῆς ἀπαλάλκοι, 22.349. οὐδʼ εἴ κεν δεκάκις τε καὶ εἰκοσινήριτʼ ἄποινα 22.350. στήσωσʼ ἐνθάδʼ ἄγοντες, ὑπόσχωνται δὲ καὶ ἄλλα, 22.351. οὐδʼ εἴ κέν σʼ αὐτὸν χρυσῷ ἐρύσασθαι ἀνώγοι 22.352. Δαρδανίδης Πρίαμος· οὐδʼ ὧς σέ γε πότνια μήτηρ 22.353. ἐνθεμένη λεχέεσσι γοήσεται ὃν τέκεν αὐτή, 22.354. ἀλλὰ κύνες τε καὶ οἰωνοὶ κατὰ πάντα δάσονται.' '. None | 1.1. The wrath sing, goddess, of Peleus' son, Achilles, that destructive wrath which brought countless woes upon the Achaeans, and sent forth to Hades many valiant souls of heroes, and made them themselves spoil for dogs and every bird; thus the plan of Zeus came to fulfillment, " '
2.211. thundereth on the long beach, and the deep roareth.Now the others sate them down and were stayed in their places, only there still kept chattering on Thersites of measureless speech, whose mind was full of great store of disorderly words, wherewith to utter revilings against the kings, idly, and in no orderly wise, 2.215. but whatsoever he deemed would raise a laugh among the Argives. Evil-favoured was he beyond all men that came to Ilios: he was bandy-legged and lame in the one foot, and his two shoulders were rounded, stooping together over his chest, and above them his head was warped, and a scant stubble grew thereon. 2.220. Hateful was he to Achilles above all, and to Odysseus, for it was they twain that he was wont to revile; but now again with shrill cries he uttered abuse against goodly Agamemnon. With him were the Achaeans exceeding wroth, and had indignation in their hearts. 2.224. Hateful was he to Achilles above all, and to Odysseus, for it was they twain that he was wont to revile; but now again with shrill cries he uttered abuse against goodly Agamemnon. With him were the Achaeans exceeding wroth, and had indignation in their hearts. Howbeit with loud shoutings he spake and chid Agamemnon: ' "2.225. Son of Atreus, with what art thou now again discontent, or what lack is thine? Filled are thy huts with bronze, and women full many are in thy huts, chosen spoils that we Achaeans give thee first of all, whensoe'er we take a citadel. Or dost thou still want gold also, " "2.229. Son of Atreus, with what art thou now again discontent, or what lack is thine? Filled are thy huts with bronze, and women full many are in thy huts, chosen spoils that we Achaeans give thee first of all, whensoe'er we take a citadel. Or dost thou still want gold also, " '2.230. which some man of the horse-taming Trojans shall bring thee out of Ilios as a ransom for his son, whom I haply have bound and led away or some other of the Achaeans? Or is it some young girl for thee to know in love, whom thou wilt keep apart for thyself? Nay, it beseemeth not one that is their captain to bring to ill the sons of the Achaeans. 2.235. Soft fools! base things of shame, ye women of Achaea, men no more, homeward let us go with our ships, and leave this fellow here in the land of Troy to digest his prizes, that so he may learn whether in us too there is aught of aid for him or no—for him that hath now done dishonour to Achilles, a man better far than he; 2.240. for he hath taken away, and keepeth his prize by his own arrogant act. of a surety there is naught of wrath in the heart of Achilles; nay, he heedeth not at all; else, son of Atreus, wouldest thou now work insolence for the last time. So spake Thersites, railing at Agamemnon, shepherd of the host. But quickly to his side came goodly Odysseus, 2.245. and with an angry glance from beneath his brows, chid him with harsh words, saying:Thersites of reckless speech, clear-voiced talker though thou art, refrain thee, and be not minded to strive singly against kings. For I deem that there is no viler mortal than thou amongst all those that with the sons of Atreus came beneath Ilios. 2.249. and with an angry glance from beneath his brows, chid him with harsh words, saying:Thersites of reckless speech, clear-voiced talker though thou art, refrain thee, and be not minded to strive singly against kings. For I deem that there is no viler mortal than thou amongst all those that with the sons of Atreus came beneath Ilios. ' "2.250. Wherefore 'twere well thou shouldst not take the name of kings in thy mouth as thou protest, to cast reproaches upon them, and to watch for home-going. In no wise do we know clearly as yet how these things are to be, whether it be for good or ill that we sons of the Achaeans shall return. Therefore dost thou now continually utter revilings against Atreus' son, Agamemnon, shepherd of the host, " "2.254. Wherefore 'twere well thou shouldst not take the name of kings in thy mouth as thou protest, to cast reproaches upon them, and to watch for home-going. In no wise do we know clearly as yet how these things are to be, whether it be for good or ill that we sons of the Achaeans shall return. Therefore dost thou now continually utter revilings against Atreus' son, Agamemnon, shepherd of the host, " '2.255. for that the Danaan warriors give him gifts full many; whereas thou pratest on with railings. But I will speak out to thee, and this word shall verily be brought to pass: if I find thee again playing the fool, even as now thou dost, then may the head of Odysseus abide no more upon his shoulders, 2.260. nor may I any more be called the father of Telemachus, if I take thee not, and strip off thy raiment, thy cloak, and thy tunic that cover thy nakedness, and for thyself send thee wailing to the swift ships, beaten forth from the place of gathering with shameful blows. 2.264. nor may I any more be called the father of Telemachus, if I take thee not, and strip off thy raiment, thy cloak, and thy tunic that cover thy nakedness, and for thyself send thee wailing to the swift ships, beaten forth from the place of gathering with shameful blows. 2.265. So spake Odysseus, and with his staff smote his back and shoulders; and Thersites cowered down, and a big tear fell from him, and a bloody weal rose up on his back beneath the staff of gold. Then he sate him down, and fear came upon him, and stung by pain with helpless looks he wiped away the tear. 2.270. But the Achaeans, sore vexed at heart though they were, broke into a merry laugh at him, and thus would one speak with a glance at his neighbour:Out upon it! verily hath Odysseus ere now wrought good deeds without number as leader in good counsel and setting battle in army, but now is this deed far the best that he hath wrought among the Argives, 2.275. eeing he hath made this scurrilous babbler to cease from his prating. Never again, I ween, will his proud spirit henceforth set him on to rail at kings with words of reviling. So spake the multitude; but up rose Odysseus, sacker of cities, the sceptre in his hand, and by his side flashing-eyed Athene,
2.507. that held lower Thebe, the well-built citadel, and holy Onchestus, the bright grove of Poseidon; and that held Arne, rich in vines, and Mideia and sacred Nisa and Anthedon on the seaboard. of these there came fifty ships, and on board of each
2.546. /And with him there followed forty black ships. 2.549. And with him there followed forty black ships. And they that held Athens, the well-built citadel, the land of great-hearted Erechtheus, whom of old Athene, daughter of Zeus, fostered, when the earth, the giver of grain, had borne him; and she made him to dwell in Athens, in her own rich sanctuary, 2.550. and there the youths of the Athenians, as the years roll on in their courses, seek to win his favour with sacrifices of bulls and rams;—these again had as leader Menestheus, son of Peteos. Like unto him was none other man upon the face of the earth for the marshalling of chariots and of warriors that bear the shield.
2.562. and Hermione and Asine, that enfold the deep gulf, Troezen and Eïonae and vine-clad Epidaurus, and the youths of the Achaeans that held Aegina and Mases,—these again had as leaders Diomedes, good at the war-cry, and Sthenelus, dear son of glorious Capaneus. ' "
2.594. to get him requital for his strivings and groanings for Helen's sake.And they that dwelt in Pylos and lovely Arene and Thryum, the ford of Alpheius, and fair-founded Aepy, and that had their abodes in Cyparisseïs and Amphigeneia and Pteleos and Helus and Dorium, " '2.595. where the Muses met Thamyris the Thracian and made an end of his singing, even as he was journeying from Oechalia, from the house of Eurytus the Oechalian: for he vaunted with boasting that he would conquer, were the Muses themselves to sing against him, the daughters of Zeus that beareth the aegis; but they in their wrath maimed him, 2.600. and took from him his wondrous song, and made him forget his minstrelsy;—all these folk again had as leader the horseman, Nestor of Gerenia. And with him were ranged ninety hollow ships.And they that held Arcadia beneath the steep mountain of Cyllene, beside the tomb of Aepytus, where are warriors that fight in close combat;
3.3. Now when they were marshalled, the several companies with their captains, the Trojans came on with clamour and with a cry like birds, even as the clamour of cranes ariseth before the face of heaven, when they flee from wintry storms and measureless rain, 3.5. and with clamour fly toward the streams of Ocean, bearing slaughter and death to Pigmy men, and in the early dawn they offer evil battle. But the Achaeans came on in silence, breathing fury, eager at heart to bear aid each man to his fellow. 3.7. and with clamour fly toward the streams of Ocean, bearing slaughter and death to Pigmy men, and in the early dawn they offer evil battle. But the Achaeans came on in silence, breathing fury, eager at heart to bear aid each man to his fellow. ' "
3.103. because of my quarrel and Alexander's beginning thereof. And for whichsoever of us twain death and fate are appointed, let him lie dead; but be ye others parted with all speed. Bring ye two lambs, a white ram and a black ewe, for Earth and Sun, and for Zeus we will bring another; " "
3.292. then will I fight on even thereafter, to get me recompense, and will abide here until I find an end of war. He spake, and cut the lambs' throats with the pitiless bronze; and laid them down upon the ground gasping and failing of breath, for the bronze had robbed them of their strength. " "
4.51. Then in answer to him spake ox-eyed, queenly Hera:Verily have I three cities that are far dearest in my sight, Argos and Sparta and broad-wayed Mycenae; these do thou lay waste whensoe'er they shall be hateful to thy heart. Not in their defence do I stand forth, nor account them too greatly. " '
5.333. He the while had gone in pursuit of Cypris with his pitiless bronze, discerning that she was a weakling goddess, and not one of those that lord it in the battle of warriors,—no Athene she, nor Enyo, sacker of cities. But when he had come upon her as he pursued her through the great throng, ' "
11.68. and now amid the hindmost giving them commands; and all in bronze he flashed like the lightning of father Zeus that beareth the aegis.And as reapers over against each other drive their swathes in a rich man's field of wheat or barley, and the handfuls fall thick and fast; " "11.69. and now amid the hindmost giving them commands; and all in bronze he flashed like the lightning of father Zeus that beareth the aegis.And as reapers over against each other drive their swathes in a rich man's field of wheat or barley, and the handfuls fall thick and fast; " '11.70. even so the Trojans and Achaeans leapt upon one another and made havoc, nor would either side take thought of ruinous flight; and equal heads had the battle, and they raged like wolves. And Strife, that is fraught with many groanings, was glad as she looked thereon; for alone of the gods she was with them in their fighting;
13.202. holding it in their jaws high above the ground, even so the twain warrior Aiantes held Imbrius on high, and stripped him of his armour. And the head did the son of Oïleus cut from the tender neck, being wroth for the slaying of Amphimachus, and with a swing he sent it rolling through the throng like a ball;
16.852. and of men Euphorbus, while thou art the third in my slaying. And another thing will I tell thee, and do thou lay it to heart: verily thou shalt not thyself be long in life, but even now doth death stand hard by thee, and mighty fate, that thou be slain beneath the hands of Achilles, the peerless son of Aeacus.
17.201. he shook his head, and thus he spake unto his own heart:Ah, poor wretch, death verily is not in thy thoughts, that yet draweth nigh thee; but thou art putting upon thee the immortal armour of a princely man before whom others besides thee are wont to quail. His comrade, kindly and valiant, hast thou slain, 17.205. and in unseemly wise hast stripped the armour from his head and shoulders. Howbeit for this present will I vouch-safe thee great might, in recompense for this—that in no wise shalt thou return from out the battle for Andromache to receive from thee the glorious armour of the son of Peleus.
18.177. is fain to drag him away; and his heart biddeth him shear the head from the tender neck, and fix it on the stakes of the wall. Nay, up then, lie here no more! Let awe come upon thy soul that Patroclus should become the sport of the dogs of Troy.
18.478. and precious gold and silver; and thereafter he set on the anvil-block a great anvil, and took in one hand a massive hammer, and in the other took he the tongs.First fashioned he a shield, great and sturdy, adorning it cunningly in every part, and round about it set a bright rim, 18.480. threefold and glittering, and therefrom made fast a silver baldric. Five were the layers of the shield itself; and on it he wrought many curious devices with cunning skill.Therein he wrought the earth, therein the heavens therein the sea, and the unwearied sun, and the moon at the full,
18.509. holding in their hands the staves of the loud-voiced heralds. Therewith then would they spring up and give judgment, each in turn. And in the midst lay two talents of gold, to be given to him whoso among them should utter the most righteous judgment.But around the other city lay in leaguer two hosts of warriors 18.510. gleaming in armour. And twofold plans found favour with them, either to lay waste the town or to divide in portions twain all the substance that the lovely city contained within. Howbeit the besieged would nowise hearken thereto, but were arming to meet the foe in an ambush. The wall were their dear wives and little children guarding, 18.515. as they stood thereon, and therewithal the men that were holden of old age; but the rest were faring forth, led of Ares and Pallas Athene, both fashioned in gold, and of gold was the raiment wherewith they were clad. Goodly were they and tall in their harness, as beseemeth gods, clear to view amid the rest, and the folk at their feet were smaller. 18.520. But when they were come to the place where it seemed good unto them to set their ambush, in a river-bed where was a watering-place for all herds alike, there they sate them down, clothed about with flaming bronze. Thereafter were two scouts set by them apart from the host, waiting till they should have sight of the sheep and sleek cattle. 18.525. And these came presently, and two herdsmen followed with them playing upon pipes; and of the guile wist they not at all. 18.529. And these came presently, and two herdsmen followed with them playing upon pipes; and of the guile wist they not at all. But the liers-in-wait, when they saw these coming on, rushed forth against them and speedily cut off the herds of cattle and fair flocks of white-fleeced sheep, and slew the herdsmen withal. 18.530. But the besiegers, as they sat before the places of gathering and heard much tumult among the kine, mounted forthwith behind their high-stepping horses, and set out thitherward, and speedily came upon them. Then set they their battle in array and fought beside the river banks, and were ever smiting one another with bronze-tipped spears. 18.535. And amid them Strife and Tumult joined in the fray, and deadly Fate, grasping one man alive, fresh-wounded, another without a wound, and another she dragged dead through the mellay by the feet; and the raiment that she had about her shoulders was red with the blood of men. Even as living mortals joined they in the fray and fought; 18.539. And amid them Strife and Tumult joined in the fray, and deadly Fate, grasping one man alive, fresh-wounded, another without a wound, and another she dragged dead through the mellay by the feet; and the raiment that she had about her shoulders was red with the blood of men. Even as living mortals joined they in the fray and fought; ' "18.540. and they were haling away each the bodies of the others' slain.Therein he set also soft fallow-land, rich tilth and wide, that was three times ploughed; and ploughers full many therein were wheeling their yokes and driving them this way and that. And whensoever after turning they came to the headland of the field, " '
18.579. and with lowing hasted they forth from byre to pasture beside the sounding river, beside the waving reed. And golden were the herdsmen that walked beside the kine, four in number, and nine dogs swift of foot followed after them. But two dread lions amid the foremost kine 18.580. were holding a loud-lowing bull, and he, bellowing mightily, was haled of them, while after him pursued the dogs and young men. The lions twain had rent the hide of the great bull, and were devouring the inward parts and the black blood, while the herdsmen vainly sought to fright them, tarring on the swift hounds.
19.109. even one of the race of those men who are of me by blood.’ But with crafty mind the queenly Hera spake unto him:‘Thou wilt play the cheat, and not bring thy word to fulfillment. Nay, come, Olympian, swear me now a mighty oath that in very truth that man shall be lord of all them that dwell round about, ' "19.110. whoso this day shall fall between a woman's feet, even one of those men who are of the blood of thy stock.’ So spake she; howbeit Zeus in no wise marked her craftiness, but sware a great oath, and therewithal was blinded sore. " "19.114. whoso this day shall fall between a woman's feet, even one of those men who are of the blood of thy stock.’ So spake she; howbeit Zeus in no wise marked her craftiness, but sware a great oath, and therewithal was blinded sore. But Hera darted down and left the peak of Olympus, " "
19.252. rose up, and Talthybius, whose voice was like a god's, took his stand by the side of the shepherd of the people, holding a boar in his hands. And the son of Atreus drew forth with his hand the knife that ever hung beside the great sheath of his sword, and cut the firstling hairs from the boar, and lifting up his hands " "
19.266. full many, even all that they are wont to give to him whoso sinneth against them in his swearing. He spake, and cut the boar's throat with the pitiless bronze, and the body Talthybius whirled and flung into the great gulf of the grey sea, to be food for the fishes; but Achilles uprose, and spake among the war-loving Argives: " "19.268. full many, even all that they are wont to give to him whoso sinneth against them in his swearing. He spake, and cut the boar's throat with the pitiless bronze, and the body Talthybius whirled and flung into the great gulf of the grey sea, to be food for the fishes; but Achilles uprose, and spake among the war-loving Argives: " '
22.173. for Hector, who hath burned for me many thighs of oxen on the crests of many-ridged Ida, and at other times on the topmost citadel; but now again is goodly Achilles pursuing him with swift feet around the city of Priam. Nay then, come, ye gods, bethink you and take counsel
22.345. Implore me not, dog, by knees or parents. Would that in any wise wrath and fury might bid me carve thy flesh and myself eat it raw, because of what thou hast wrought, as surely as there lives no man that shall ward off the dogs from thy head; nay, not though they should bring hither and weigh out ransom ten-fold, aye, twenty-fold, 22.350. and should promise yet more; nay, not though Priam, son of Dardanus, should bid pay thy weight in gold; not even so shall thy queenly mother lay thee on a bier and make lament for thee, the son herself did bear, but dogs and birds shall devour thee utterly. 22.354. and should promise yet more; nay, not though Priam, son of Dardanus, should bid pay thy weight in gold; not even so shall thy queenly mother lay thee on a bier and make lament for thee, the son herself did bear, but dogs and birds shall devour thee utterly.' ". None |
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6. None, None, nan (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Achilles, returns to battle • Cannae, battle of • battle • narrative, battle, in the Aeneid • narrative, battle, in the Iliad
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 302; Farrell (2021) 51; Maciver (2012) 28; Verhagen (2022) 302
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7. None, None, nan (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Chaironeia, battles at • Cronos, Cunaxa,battle of • Salamis, Battle of • battle, pre-battle sacrifice • battle-line or pre-battle sacrifices
Found in books: Ekroth (2013) 252; Henderson (2020) 149; Hitch (2017) 223, 230; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014) 139, 142; Wilding (2022) 265
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8. None, None, nan (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Actium, battle of • Artemisia, Artemisium, battle of • Himera, Battle of • Plataea, battle of • Rutilius Rufus, P., Salamis, battle of • Salamis, Battle of • Salamis, island, Salamis, battle of • Theramenes, Thermopylae, battle of • heteroglossia, Himera, battle of • mantis, Marathon, battle of
Found in books: Csapo (2022) 23; Giusti (2018) 94; Humphreys (2018) 1152; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 152; Kowalzig (2007) 218
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9. Euripides, Suppliant Women, 1201 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cronos, Cunaxa,battle of • battle-line or pre-battle sacrifices
Found in books: Ekroth (2013) 252; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014) 139, 140
1201. ἐν τῷδε λαιμοὺς τρεῖς τριῶν μήλων τεμὼν''. None | 1201. enjoined thee to set up at the Pythian shrine. O’er it cut the throats of three sheep; then grave within the tripod’s hollow belly the oath; this done, deliver it to the god who watches over Delphi to keep, a witness and memorial unto Hellas of the oath.''. None |
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10. Herodotus, Histories, 1.53, 1.139, 2.177.2, 3.11, 3.37, 3.136, 5.32, 5.66.2, 5.67, 5.78-5.79, 6.89, 6.105, 6.109, 6.123, 6.127, 7.139-7.144, 7.150-7.152, 7.166, 7.172-7.173, 7.206, 7.221, 7.226-7.228, 8.46, 8.74-8.75, 8.111, 9.27.3-9.27.4, 9.33, 9.36, 9.57, 9.59, 9.61-9.62, 9.65, 9.82, 9.101 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aigina, Aiginetans, at battle of Salamis • Artemisia, Artemisium, battle of • Athens, at battle of Salamis • Battles, Keressos 6th cent. bc( • Battles, Oinophyta ( • Battles, Phaleron ( • Himera, Battle of • Leuktra, battle of (, Leviticus, oracles in • Mantineia, battle of • Marathon (Battle of) • Marathon, battle and ephebes • Marathon, battle of • Mycale, battle of • Mykale (battle of) • Placentia, Plataia, Battle of • Plataea, Plataeans, battle of • Plataea, battle of • Plataia, Plataia, Battle of • Plataiai, battle of • Rhodes, Salamis, battle of • Rutilius Rufus, P., Salamis, battle of • Sacrifices, before battle • Salamis, Battle of • Salamis, battle of • Salamis, island, Salamis, battle of • Salamis, naval battle of • Salamis,, battle of • Semele, Sepeia, battle of • Theramenes, Thermopylae, battle of • Thermopylae, Battle of • Thermopylae, battle of • battle • battle, pre-battle sacrifice • battle, sacrifice before • ephebes, battle of Marathon and • heteroglossia, Himera, battle of • malice (kakoêtheia)., Marathon, Battle of • mantis, battle participation of manteis • pistis, Plataea, battle of • pygmies, and battle with cranes • pygmies, and battle with cranes,, literary references • sacrilege, Sagras, battle at • soldiers,, fighting in mass
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 110, 111, 112; Barbato (2020) 146; Beneker et al. (2022) 158, 159, 161; Csapo (2022) 22, 23; Edmunds (2021) 25; Eidinow (2007) 259; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 56; Fabre-Serris et al (2021) 57, 59, 60, 64; Gruen (2011) 14, 19; Henderson (2020) 254; Hitch (2017) 224, 230; Johnston (2008) 117; Johnston and Struck (2005) 205, 209; Jouanna (2018) 9; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 125, 130, 131, 132, 147, 152, 162, 174; Kirkland (2022) 137; Konig (2022) 360; Kowalzig (2007) 94, 105, 106, 163, 167, 207, 208, 218, 221, 320, 321, 385, 389; Laes Goodey and Rose (2013) 225; Lalone (2019) 50, 140, 189; Lupu(2005) 173, 380; Mikalson (2003) 30, 64, 66, 93, 95, 96; Morrison (2020) 197; Papazarkadas (2011) 31; Parker (2005) 109; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007) 135, 137, 147, 152, 162; Rutter and Sparkes (2012) 82; Simon (2021) 194; Wilding (2022) 32
1.53. τοῖσι δὲ ἄγειν μέλλουσι τῶν Λυδῶν ταῦτα τὰ δῶρα ἐς τὰ ἱρὰ ἐνετέλλετο ὁ Κροῖσος ἐπειρωτᾶν τὰ χρηστήρια εἰ στρατεύηται ἐπὶ Πέρσας Κροῖσος καὶ εἴ τινα στρατὸν ἀνδρῶν προσθέοιτο φίλον, ὡς δὲ ἀπικόμενοι ἐς τὰ ἀπεπέμφθησαν, οἱ Λυδοὶ ἀνέθεσαν τὰ ἀναθήματα, ἐχρέωντο τοῖσι χρηστηρίοισι λέγοντες “Κροῖσος ὁ Λυδῶν τε καὶ ἄλλων ἐθνέων βασιλεύς, νομίσας τάδε μαντήια εἶναι μοῦνα ἐν ἀνθρώποισι, ὑμῖν τε ἄξια δῶρα ἔδωκε τῶν ἐξευρημάτων, καὶ νῦν ὑμέας ἐπειρωτᾷ εἰ στρατεύηται ἐπὶ Πέρσας καὶ εἴ τινα στρατὸν ἀνδρῶν προσθέοιτο σύμμαχον.” οἳ μὲν ταῦτα ἐπειρώτων, τῶν δὲ μαντηίων ἀμφοτέρων ἐς τὠυτὸ αἱ γνῶμαι συνέδραμον, προλέγουσαι Κροίσῳ, ἢν στρατεύηται ἐπὶ Πέρσας, μεγάλην ἀρχὴν μιν καταλύσειν· τοὺς δὲ Ἑλλήνων δυνατωτάτους συνεβούλευόν οἱ ἐξευρόντα φίλους προσθέσθαι.
1.139. καὶ τόδε ἄλλο σφι ὧδε συμπέπτωκε γίνεσθαι, τὸ Πέρσας μὲν αὐτοὺς λέληθε, ἡμέας μέντοι οὔ· τὰ οὐνόματά σφι ἐόντα ὅμοια τοῖσι σώμασι καὶ τῇ μεγαλοπρεπείῃ τελευτῶσι πάντα ἐς τὠυτὸ γράμμα, τὸ Δωριέες μὲν σὰν καλέουσι, Ἴωνες δὲ σίγμα· ἐς τοῦτο διζήμενος εὑρήσεις τελευτῶντα τῶν Περσέων τὰ οὐνόματα, οὐ τὰ μὲν τὰ δʼ οὔ, ἀλλὰ πάντα ὁμοίως.' '
3.11. οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι ἐπείτε διεξελάσαντες τὴν ἄνυδρον ἵζοντο πέλας τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ὡς συμβαλέοντες, ἐνθαῦτα οἱ ἐπίκουροι οἱ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου, ἐόντες ἄνδρες Ἕλληνές τε καὶ Κᾶρες, μεμφόμενοι τῷ Φάνῃ ὅτι στρατὸν ἤγαγε ἐπʼ Αἴγυπτον ἀλλόθροον, μηχανῶνται πρῆγμα ἐς αὐτὸν τοιόνδε. ἦσαν τῷ Φάνῃ παῖδες ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καταλελειμμένοι· τοὺς ἀγαγόντες ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ ἐς ὄψιν τοῦ πατρὸς κρητῆρα ἐν μέσῳ ἔστησαν ἀμφοτέρων τῶν στρατοπέδων, μετὰ δὲ ἀγινέοντες κατὰ ἕνα ἕκαστον τῶν παίδων ἔσφαζον ἐς τὸν κρητῆρα· διὰ πάντων δὲ διεξελθόντες τῶν παίδων οἶνόν τε καὶ ὕδωρ ἐσεφόρεον ἐς αὐτόν, ἐμπιόντες δὲ τοῦ αἵματος πάντες οἱ ἐπίκουροι οὕτω δὴ συνέβαλον. μάχης δὲ γενομένης καρτερῆς καὶ πεσόντων ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων τῶν στρατοπέδων πλήθεϊ πολλῶν ἐτράποντο οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι.
3.37. ὃ μὲν δὴ τοιαῦτα πολλὰ ἐς Πέρσας τε καὶ τοὺς συμμάχους ἐξεμαίνετο, μένων ἐν Μέμφι καὶ θήκας τε παλαιὰς ἀνοίγων καὶ σκεπτόμενος τοὺς νεκρούς. ὣς δὲ δὴ καὶ ἐς τοῦ Ἡφαίστου τὸ ἱρὸν ἦλθε καὶ πολλὰ τῷ ἀγάλματι κατεγέλασε. ἔστι γὰρ τοῦ Ἡφαίστου τὤγαλμα τοῖσι Φοινικηίοισι Παταΐκοισι ἐμφερέστατον, τοὺς οἱ Φοίνικες ἐν τῇσι πρῴρῃσι τῶν τριηρέων περιάγουσι. ὃς δὲ τούτους μὴ ὄπωπε, ὧδε σημανέω· πυγμαίου ἀνδρὸς μίμησις ἐστί. ἐσῆλθε δὲ καὶ ἐς τῶν Καβείρων τὸ ἱρόν, ἐς τὸ οὐ θεμιτόν ἐστι ἐσιέναι ἄλλον γε ἢ τὸν ἱρέα· ταῦτα δὲ τὰ ἀγάλματα καὶ ἐνέπρησε πολλὰ κατασκώψας. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ὅμοια τοῖσι τοῦ Ἡφαίστου· τούτου δὲ σφέας παῖδας λέγουσι εἶναι.
3.136. καταβάντες δὲ οὗτοι ἐς Φοινίκην καὶ Φοινίκης ἐς Σιδῶνα πόλιν αὐτίκα μὲν τριήρεας δύο ἐπλήρωσαν, ἅμα δὲ αὐτῇσι καὶ γαῦλον μέγαν παντοίων ἀγαθῶν· παρεσκευασμένοι δὲ πάντα ἔπλεον ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα, προσίσχοντες δὲ αὐτῆς τὰ παραθαλάσσια ἐθηεῦντο καὶ ἀπεγράφοντο, ἐς ὃ τὰ πολλὰ αὐτῆς καὶ ὀνομαστὰ θεησάμενοι ἀπίκοντο τῆς Ἰταλίης ἐς Τάραντα. ἐνθαῦτα δὲ ἐκ ῥηστώνης τῆς Δημοκήδεος Ἀριστοφιλίδης τῶν Ταραντίνων ὁ βασιλεὺς τοῦτο μὲν τὰ πηδάλια παρέλυσε τῶν Μηδικέων νεῶν, τοῦτο δὲ αὐτοὺς τοὺς Πέρσας εἶρξε ὡς κατασκόπους δῆθεν ἐόντας. ἐν ᾧ δὲ οὗτοι ταῦτα ἔπασχον, ὁ Δημοκήδης ἐς τὴν Κρότωνα ἀπικνέεται· ἀπιγμένου δὲ ἤδη τούτου ἐς τὴν ἑωυτοῦ ὁ Ἀριστοφιλίδης ἔλυσε τοὺς Πέρσας, καὶ τὰ παρέλαβε τῶν νεῶν ἀπέδωκέ σφι.
5.32. ὁ μὲν δὴ Ἀρισταγόρης ὡς ταῦτα ἤκουσε, περιχαρὴς ἐὼν ἀπήιε ἐς Μίλητον. ὁ δὲ Ἀρταφρένης, ὥς οἱ πέμψαντι ἐς Σοῦσα καὶ ὑπερθέντι τὰ ἐκ τοῦ Ἀρισταγόρεω λεγόμενα συνέπαινος καὶ αὐτὸς Δαρεῖος ἐγένετο, παρεσκευάσατο μὲν διηκοσίας τριήρεας, πολλὸν δὲ κάρτα ὅμιλον Περσέων τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων, στρατηγὸν δὲ τούτων ἀπέδεξε Μεγαβάτην ἄνδρα Πέρσην τῶν Ἀχαιμενιδέων, ἑωυτοῦ τε καὶ Δαρείου ἀνεψιόν, τοῦ Παυσανίης ὁ Κλεομβρότου Λακεδαιμόνιος, εἰ δὴ ἀληθής γε ἐστὶ ὁ λόγος, ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ τούτων ἡρμόσατο θυγατέρα, ἔρωτα σχὼν τῆς Ἑλλάδος τύραννος γενέσθαι. ἀποδέξας δὲ Μεγαβάτην στρατηγὸν Ἀρταφρένης ἀπέστειλε τὸν στρατὸν παρὰ τὸν Ἀρισταγόρεα.
5.67. ταῦτα δέ, δοκέειν ἐμοί, ἐμιμέετο ὁ Κλεισθένης οὗτος τὸν ἑωυτοῦ μητροπάτορα Κλεισθένεα τὸν Σικυῶνος τύραννον. Κλεισθένης γὰρ Ἀργείοισι πολεμήσας τοῦτο μὲν ῥαψῳδοὺς ἔπαυσε ἐν Σικυῶνι ἀγωνίζεσθαι τῶν Ὁμηρείων ἐπέων εἵνεκα, ὅτι Ἀργεῖοί τε καὶ Ἄργος τὰ πολλὰ πάντα ὑμνέαται· τοῦτο δέ, ἡρώιον γὰρ ἦν καὶ ἔστι ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ ἀγορῇ τῶν Σικυωνίων Ἀδρήστου τοῦ Ταλαοῦ, τοῦτον ἐπεθύμησε ὁ Κλεισθένης ἐόντα Ἀργεῖον ἐκβαλεῖν ἐκ τῆς χώρης. ἐλθὼν δὲ ἐς Δελφοὺς ἐχρηστηριάζετο εἰ ἐκβάλοι τὸν Ἄδρηστον· ἡ δὲ Πυθίη οἱ χρᾷ φᾶσα Ἄδρηστον μὲν εἶναι Σικυωνίων βασιλέα, κεῖνον δὲ λευστῆρα. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ θεὸς τοῦτό γε οὐ παρεδίδου, ἀπελθὼν ὀπίσω ἐφρόντιζε μηχανὴν τῇ αὐτὸς ὁ Ἄδρηστος ἀπαλλάξεται. ὡς δέ οἱ ἐξευρῆσθαι ἐδόκεε, πέμψας ἐς Θήβας τὰς Βοιωτίας ἔφη θέλειν ἐπαγαγέσθαι Μελάνιππον τὸν Ἀστακοῦ· οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι ἔδοσαν. ἐπαγαγόμενος δὲ ὁ Κλεισθένης τὸν Μελάνιππον τέμενός οἱ ἀπέδεξε ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ πρυτανηίῳ καί μιν ἵδρυσε ἐνθαῦτα ἐν τῷ ἰσχυροτάτῳ. ἐπηγάγετο δὲ τὸν Μελάνιππον ὁ Κλεισθένης ʽ καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο δεῖ ἀπηγήσασθαἰ ὡς ἔχθιστον ἐόντα Ἀδρήστῳ, ὃς τόν τε ἀδελφεόν οἱ Μηκιστέα ἀπεκτόνεε καὶ τὸν γαμβρὸν Τυδέα. ἐπείτε δέ οἱ τὸ τέμενος ἀπέδεξε, θυσίας τε καὶ ὁρτὰς Ἀδρήστου ἀπελόμενος ἔδωκε τῷ Μελανίππῳ. οἱ δὲ Σικυώνιοι ἐώθεσαν μεγαλωστὶ κάρτα τιμᾶν τὸν Ἄδρηστον· ἡ γὰρ χώρη ἦν αὕτη Πολύβου, ὁ δὲ Ἄδρηστος ἦν Πολύβου θυγατριδέος, ἄπαις δὲ Πόλυβος τελευτῶν διδοῖ Ἀδρήστῳ τὴν ἀρχήν. τά τε δὴ ἄλλα οἱ Σικυώνιοι ἐτίμων τὸν Ἄδρηστον καὶ δὴ πρὸς τὰ πάθεα αὐτοῦ τραγικοῖσι χοροῖσι ἐγέραιρον, τὸν μὲν Διόνυσον οὐ τιμῶντες, τὸν δὲ Ἄδρηστον. Κλεισθένης δὲ χοροὺς μὲν τῷ Διονύσῳ ἀπέδωκε, τὴν δὲ ἄλλην θυσίην Μελανίππῳ.
5.78. Ἀθηναῖοι μέν νυν ηὔξηντο. δηλοῖ δὲ οὐ κατʼ ἓν μοῦνον ἀλλὰ πανταχῇ ἡ ἰσηγορίη ὡς ἔστι χρῆμα σπουδαῖον, εἰ καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι τυραννευόμενοι μὲν οὐδαμῶν τῶν σφέας περιοικεόντων ἦσαν τὰ πολέμια ἀμείνους, ἀπαλλαχθέντες δὲ τυράννων μακρῷ πρῶτοι ἐγένοντο. δηλοῖ ὦν ταῦτα ὅτι κατεχόμενοι μὲν ἐθελοκάκεον ὡς δεσπότῃ ἐργαζόμενοι, ἐλευθερωθέντων δὲ αὐτὸς ἕκαστος ἑωυτῷ προεθυμέετο κατεργάζεσθαι. 5.79. οὗτοι μέν νυν ταῦτα ἔπρησσον. Θῃβαῖοι δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα ἐς θεὸν ἔπεμπον, βουλόμενοι τίσασθαι Ἀθηναίους. ἡ δὲ Πυθίη ἀπὸ σφέων μὲν αὐτῶν οὐκ ἔφη αὐτοῖσι εἶναι τίσιν, ἐς πολύφημον δὲ ἐξενείκαντας ἐκέλευε τῶν ἄγχιστα δέεσθαι. ἀπελθόντων ὦν τῶν θεοπρόπων, ἐξέφερον τὸ χρηστήριον ἁλίην ποιησάμενοι· ὡς ἐπυνθάνοντο δὲ λεγόντων αὐτῶν τῶν ἄγχιστα δέεσθαι, εἶπαν οἱ Θηβαῖοι ἀκούσαντες τούτων “οὐκ ὦν ἄγχιστα ἡμέων οἰκέουσι Ταναγραῖοί τε καὶ Κορωναῖοι καὶ Θεσπιέες; καὶ οὗτοί γε ἅμα ἡμῖν αἰεὶ μαχόμενοι προθύμως συνδιαφέρουσι τὸν πόλεμον· τί δεῖ τούτων γε δέεσθαι; ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον μὴ οὐ τοῦτο ᾖ τὸ χρηστήριον.”
6.89. μετὰ ταῦτα καταλαμβάνει μὲν κατὰ τὰ συνεθήκατο Ἀθηναίοισι ὁ Νικόδρομος τὴν παλαιὴν καλεομένην πόλιν, Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ οὐ παραγίνονται ἐς δέον· οὐ γὰρ ἔτυχον ἐοῦσαι νέες σφι ἀξιόμαχοι τῇσι Αἰγινητέων συμβαλεῖν. ἐν ᾧ ὦν Κορινθίων ἐδέοντο χρῆσαι σφίσι νέας, ἐν τούτῳ διεφθάρη τὰ πρήγματα. οἱ δὲ Κορίνθιοι, ἦσαν γάρ σφι τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον φίλοι ἐς τὰ μάλιστα, Ἀθηναίοισι διδοῦσι δεομένοισι εἴκοσι νέας, διδοῦσι δὲ πενταδράχμους ἀποδόμενοι· δωρεὴν γὰρ ἐν τῷ νόμῳ οὐκ ἐξῆν δοῦναι. ταύτας τε δὴ λαβόντες οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ τὰς σφετέρας, πληρώσαντες ἑβδομήκοντα νέας τὰς ἁπάσας, ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τὴν Αἴγιναν καὶ ὑστέρησαν ἡμέρῃ μιῇ τῆς συγκειμένης.
6.105. καὶ πρῶτα μὲν ἐόντες ἔτι ἐν τῷ ἄστεϊ οἱ στρατηγοὶ ἀποπέμπουσι ἐς Σπάρτην κήρυκα Φειδιππίδην Ἀθηναῖον μὲν ἄνδρα, ἄλλως δὲ ἡμεροδρόμην τε καὶ τοῦτο μελετῶντα· τῷ δή, ὡς αὐτός τε ἔλεγε Φειδιππίδης καὶ Ἀθηναίοισι ἀπήγγελλε, περὶ τὸ Παρθένιον ὄρος τὸ ὑπὲρ Τεγέης ὁ Πὰν περιπίπτει· βώσαντα δὲ τὸ οὔνομα τοῦ Φειδιππίδεω τὸν Πᾶνα Ἀθηναίοισι κελεῦσαι ἀπαγγεῖλαι, διʼ ὅ τι ἑωυτοῦ οὐδεμίαν ἐπιμελείην ποιεῦνται ἐόντος εὐνόου Ἀθηναίοισι καὶ πολλαχῇ γενομένου σφι ἤδη χρησίμου, τὰ δʼ ἔτι καὶ ἐσομένου. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι, καταστάντων σφι εὖ ἤδη τῶν πρηγμάτων, πιστεύσαντες εἶναι ἀληθέα ἱδρύσαντο ὑπὸ τῇ ἀκροπόλι Πανὸς ἱρόν, καὶ αὐτὸν ἀπὸ ταύτης τῆς ἀγγελίης θυσίῃσι ἐπετείοισι καὶ λαμπάδι ἱλάσκονται.
6.109. τοῖσι δὲ Ἀθηναίων στρατηγοῖσι ἐγίνοντο δίχα αἱ γνῶμαι, τῶν μὲν οὐκ ἐώντων συμβαλεῖν ʽὀλίγους γὰρ εἶναι στρατιῇ τῇ Μήδων συμβάλλειν’ τῶν δὲ καὶ Μιλτιάδεω κελευόντων. ὡς δὲ δίχα τε ἐγίνοντο καὶ ἐνίκα ἡ χείρων τῶν γνωμέων, ἐνθαῦτα, ἦν γὰρ ἑνδέκατος ψηφιδοφόρος ὁ τῷ κυάμῳ λαχὼν Ἀθηναίων πολεμαρχέειν ʽτὸ Παλαιὸν γὰρ Ἀθηναῖοι ὁμόψηφον τὸν πολέμαρχον ἐποιεῦντο τοῖσι στρατηγοῖσἰ, ἦν δὲ τότε πολέμαρχος Καλλίμαχος Ἀφιδναῖος· πρὸς τοῦτον ἐλθὼν Μιλτιάδης ἔλεγε τάδε. “ἐν σοὶ νῦν Καλλίμαχε ἐστὶ ἢ καταδουλῶσαι Ἀθήνας ἢ ἐλευθέρας ποιήσαντα μνημόσυνα λιπέσθαι ἐς τὸν ἅπαντα ἀνθρώπων βίον οἷα οὐδὲ Ἁρμόδιός τε καὶ Ἀριστογείτων λείπουσι. νῦν γὰρ δὴ ἐξ οὗ ἐγένοντο Ἀθηναῖοι ἐς κίνδυνον ἥκουσι μέγιστον, καὶ ἢν μέν γε ὑποκύψωσι τοῖσι Μήδοισι, δέδοκται τὰ πείσονται παραδεδομένοι Ἱππίῃ, ἢν δὲ περιγένηται αὕτη ἡ πόλις, οἵη τε ἐστὶ πρώτη τῶν Ἑλληνίδων πολίων γενέσθαι. κῶς ὦν δὴ ταῦτα οἷά τε ἐστὶ γενέσθαι, καὶ κῶς ἐς σέ τοι τούτων ἀνήκει τῶν πρηγμάτων τὸ κῦρος ἔχειν, νῦν ἔρχομαι φράσων. ἡμέων τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐόντων δέκα δίχα γίνονται αἱ γνῶμαι, τῶν μὲν κελευόντων τῶν δὲ οὒ συμβάλλειν. ἢν μέν νυν μὴ συμβάλωμεν, ἔλπομαι τινὰ στάσιν μεγάλην διασείσειν ἐμπεσοῦσαν τὰ Ἀθηναίων φρονήματα ὥστε μηδίσαι· ἢν δὲ συμβάλωμεν πρίν τι καὶ σαθρὸν Ἀθηναίων μετεξετέροισι ἐγγενέσθαι, θεῶν τὰ ἴσα νεμόντων οἷοί τε εἰμὲν περιγενέσθαι τῇ συμβολῇ. ταῦτα ὦν πάντα ἐς σὲ νῦν τείνει καὶ ἐκ σέο ἤρτηται. ἢν γὰρ σὺ γνώμῃ τῇ ἐμῇ προσθῇ, ἔστι τοι πατρίς τε ἐλευθέρη καὶ πόλις πρώτη τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι· ἢν δὲ τὴν τῶν ἀποσπευδόντων τὴν συμβολὴν ἕλῃ, ὑπάρξει τοι τῶν ἐγὼ κατέλεξα ἀγαθῶν τὰ ἐναντία.”
6.123. καὶ οἱ Ἀλκμεωνίδαι ὁμοίως ἢ οὐδὲν ἧσσον τούτου ἦσαν μισοτύραννοι. θῶμα ὦν μοι καὶ οὐ προσίεμαι τὴν διαβολὴν τούτους γε ἀναδέξαι ἀσπίδα, οἵτινες ἔφευγόν τε τὸν πάντα χρόνον τοὺς τυράννους, ἐκ μηχανῆς τε τῆς τούτων ἐξέλιπον Πεισιστρατίδαι τὴν τυραννίδα, καὶ οὕτω τὰς Ἀθήνας οὗτοι ἦσαν οἱ ἐλευθερώσαντες πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἤ περ Ἁρμόδιός τε καὶ Ἀριστογείτων, ὡς ἐγὼ κρίνω. οἳ μὲν γὰρ ἐξηγρίωσαν τοὺς ὑπολοίπους Πεισιστρατιδέων Ἵππαρχον ἀποκτείναντες, οὐδέ τι μᾶλλον ἔπαυσαν τοὺς λοιποὺς τυραννεύοντας· Ἀλκμεωνίδαι δὲ ἐμφανέως ἠλευθέρωσαν, εἰ δὴ οὗτοί γε ἀληθέως ἦσαν οἱ τὴν Πυθίην ἀναπείσαντες προσημαίνειν Λακεδαιμονίοισι ἐλευθεροῦν τὰς Ἀθήνας, ὥς μοι πρότερον δεδήλωται.
6.127. ἀπὸ μὲν δὴ Ἰταλίης ἦλθε Σμινδυρίδης ὁ Ἱπποκράτεος Συβαρίτης, ὃς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον δὴ χλιδῆς εἷς ἀνὴρ ἀπίκετο ʽἡ δὲ Σύβαρις ἤκμαζε τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον μάλιστἀ, καὶ Σιρίτης Δάμασος Ἀμύριος τοῦ σοφοῦ λεγομένου παῖς. οὗτοι μὲν ἀπὸ Ἰταλίης ἦλθον, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ κόλπου τοῦ Ἰονίου Ἀμφίμνηστος Ἐπιστρόφου Ἐπιδάμνιος· οὗτος δὲ ἐκ τοῦ Ἰονίου κόλπου. Αἰτωλὸς δὲ ἦλθε Τιτόρμου τοῦ ὑπερφύντος τε Ἕλληνας ἰσχύι καὶ φυγόντος ἀνθρώπους ἐς τὰς ἐσχατιὰς τῆς Αἰτωλίδος χώρης, τούτου τοῦ Τιτόρμου ἀδελφεὸς Μάλης. ἀπὸ δὲ Πελοποννήσου Φείδωνος τοῦ Ἀργείων τυράννου παῖς Λεωκήδης, Φείδωνος δὲ τοῦ τὰ μέτρα ποιήσαντος Πελοποννησίοισι καὶ ὑβρίσαντος μέγιστα δὴ Ἑλλήνων πάντων, ὃς ἐξαναστήσας τοὺς Ἠλείων ἀγωνοθέτας αὐτὸς τὸν ἐν Ὀλυμπίῃ ἀγῶνα ἔθηκε· τούτου τε δὴ παῖς καὶ Ἀμίαντος Λυκούργου Ἀρκὰς ἐκ Τραπεζοῦντος, καὶ Ἀζὴν ἐκ Παίου πόλιος Λαφάνης Εὐφορίωνος τοῦ δεξαμένου τε, ὡς λόγος ἐν Ἀρκαδίῃ λέγεται, τοὺς Διοσκούρους οἰκίοισι καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου ξεινοδοκέοντος πάντας ἀνθρώπους, καὶ Ἠλεῖος Ὀνόμαστος Ἀγαίου. οὗτοι μὲν δὴ ἐξ αὐτῆς Πελοποννήσου ἦλθον, ἐκ δὲ Ἀθηνέων ἀπίκοντο Μεγακλέης τε ὁ Ἀλκμέωνος τούτου τοῦ παρὰ Κροῖσον ἀπικομένου, καὶ ἄλλος Ἱπποκλείδης Τισάνδρου, πλούτῳ καὶ εἴδεϊ προφέρων Ἀθηναίων. ἀπὸ δὲ Ἐρετρίης ἀνθεύσης τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον Λυσανίης· οὗτος δὲ ἀπʼ Εὐβοίης μοῦνος. ἐκ δὲ Θεσσαλίης ἦλθε τῶν Σκοπαδέων Διακτορίδης Κραννώνιος, ἐκ δὲ Μολοσσῶν Ἄλκων.
7.139. ἐνθαῦτα ἀναγκαίῃ ἐξέργομαι γνώμην ἀποδέξασθαι ἐπίφθονον μὲν πρὸς τῶν πλεόνων ἀνθρώπων, ὅμως δὲ τῇ γέ μοι φαίνεται εἶναι ἀληθὲς οὐκ ἐπισχήσω. εἰ Ἀθηναῖοι καταρρωδήσαντες τὸν ἐπιόντα κίνδυνον ἐξέλιπον τὴν σφετέρην, ἢ καὶ μὴ ἐκλιπόντες ἀλλὰ μείναντες ἔδοσαν σφέας αὐτοὺς Ξέρξῃ, κατὰ τὴν θάλασσαν οὐδαμοὶ ἂν ἐπειρῶντο ἀντιούμενοι βασιλέι. εἰ τοίνυν κατὰ τὴν θάλασσαν μηδεὶς ἠντιοῦτο Ξέρξῃ, κατά γε ἂν τὴν ἤπειρον τοιάδε ἐγίνετο· εἰ καὶ πολλοὶ τειχέων κιθῶνες ἦσαν ἐληλαμένοι διὰ τοῦ Ἰσθμοῦ Πελοποννησίοισι, προδοθέντες ἂν Λακεδαιμόνιοι ὑπὸ τῶν συμμάχων οὐκ ἑκόντων ἀλλʼ ὑπʼ ἀναγκαίης, κατὰ πόλις ἁλισκομένων ὑπὸ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ στρατοῦ τοῦ βαρβάρου, ἐμουνώθησαν, μουνωθέντες δὲ ἂν καὶ ἀποδεξάμενοι ἔργα μεγάλα ἀπέθανον γενναίως. ἢ ταῦτα ἂν ἔπαθον, ἢ πρὸ τοῦ ὁρῶντες ἂν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Ἕλληνας μηδίζοντας ὁμολογίῃ ἂν ἐχρήσαντο πρὸς Ξέρξην. καὶ οὕτω ἂν ἐπʼ ἀμφότερα ἡ Ἑλλὰς ἐγίνετο ὑπὸ Πέρσῃσι. τὴν γὰρ ὠφελίην τὴν τῶν τειχέων τῶν διὰ τοῦ Ἰσθμοῦ ἐληλαμένων οὐ δύναμαι πυθέσθαι ἥτις ἂν ἦν, βασιλέος ἐπικρατέοντος τῆς θαλάσσης. νῦν δὲ Ἀθηναίους ἄν τις λέγων σωτῆρας γενέσθαι τῆς Ἑλλάδος οὐκ ἂν ἁμαρτάνοι τὸ ἀληθές. οὗτοι γὰρ ἐπὶ ὁκότερα τῶν πρηγμάτων ἐτράποντο, ταῦτα ῥέψειν ἔμελλε· ἑλόμενοι δὲ τὴν Ἑλλάδα περιεῖναι ἐλευθέρην, τοῦτο τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν πᾶν τὸ λοιπόν, ὅσον μὴ ἐμήδισε, αὐτοὶ οὗτοι ἦσαν οἱ ἐπεγείραντες καὶ βασιλέα μετά γε θεοὺς ἀνωσάμενοι. οὐδὲ σφέας χρηστήρια φοβερὰ ἐλθόντα ἐκ Δελφῶν καὶ ἐς δεῖμα βαλόντα ἔπεισε ἐκλιπεῖν τὴν Ἑλλάδα, ἀλλὰ καταμείναντες ἀνέσχοντο τὸν ἐπιόντα ἐπὶ τὴν χώρην δέξασθαι. 7.140. πέμψαντες γὰρ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἐς Δελφοὺς θεοπρόπους χρηστηριάζεσθαι ἦσαν ἕτοιμοι· καί σφι ποιήσασι περὶ τὸ ἱρὸν τὰ νομιζόμενα, ὡς ἐς τὸ μέγαρον ἐσελθόντες ἵζοντο, χρᾷ ἡ Πυθίη, τῇ οὔνομα ἦν Ἀριστονίκη, τάδε. ὦ μέλεοι, τί κάθησθε; λιπὼν φεῦγʼ ἔσχατα γαίης δώματα καὶ πόλιος τροχοειδέος ἄκρα κάρηνα. οὔτε γὰρ ἡ κεφαλὴ μένει ἔμπεδον οὔτε τὸ σῶμα, οὔτε πόδες νέατοι οὔτʼ ὦν χέρες, οὔτε τι μέσσης λείπεται, ἀλλʼ ἄζηλα πέλει· κατὰ γάρ μιν ἐρείπει πῦρ τε καὶ ὀξὺς Ἄρης, Συριηγενὲς ἅρμα διώκων. πολλὰ δὲ κἆλλʼ ἀπολεῖ πυργώματα κοὐ τὸ σὸν οἶον, πολλοὺς δʼ ἀθανάτων νηοὺς μαλερῷ πυρὶ δώσει, οἵ που νῦν ἱδρῶτι ῥεούμενοι ἑστήκασι, δείματι παλλόμενοι, κατὰ δʼ ἀκροτάτοις ὀρόφοισι αἷμα μέλαν κέχυται, προϊδὸν κακότητος ἀνάγκας. ἀλλʼ ἴτον ἐξ ἀδύτοιο, κακοῖς δʼ ἐπικίδνατε θυμόν. 7.141. ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ τῶν Ἀθηναίων θεοπρόποι συμφορῇ τῇ μεγίστῃ ἐχρέωντο. προβάλλουσι δὲ σφέας αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ κακοῦ τοῦ κεχρησμένου, Τίμων ὁ Ἀνδροβούλου, τῶν Δελφῶν ἀνὴρ δόκιμος ὅμοια τῷ μάλιστα, συνεβούλευέ σφι ἱκετηρίην λαβοῦσι δεύτερα αὖτις ἐλθόντας χρᾶσθαι τῷ χρηστηρίῳ ὡς ἱκέτας. πειθομένοισι δὲ ταῦτα τοῖσι Ἀθηναίοισι καὶ λέγουσι “ὦναξ, χρῆσον ἡμῖν ἄμεινόν τι περὶ τῆς πατρίδος, αἰδεσθεὶς τὰς ἱκετηρίας τάσδε τάς τοι ἥκομεν φέροντες, ἢ οὔ τοι ἄπιμεν ἐκ τοῦ ἀδύτου, ἀλλʼ αὐτοῦ τῇδε μενέομεν ἔστʼ ἂν καὶ τελευτήσωμεν,” ταῦτα δὲ λέγουσι ἡ πρόμαντις χρᾷ δεύτερα τάδε. οὐ δύναται Παλλὰς Δίʼ Ὀλύμπιον ἐξιλάσασθαι λισσομένη πολλοῖσι λόγοις καὶ μήτιδι πυκνῇ. σοὶ δὲ τόδʼ αὖτις ἔπος ἐρέω ἀδάμαντι πελάσσας. τῶν ἄλλων γὰρ ἁλισκομένων ὅσα Κέκροπος οὖρος ἐντὸς ἔχει κευθμών τε Κιθαιρῶνος ζαθέοιο, τεῖχος Τριτογενεῖ ξύλινον διδοῖ εὐρύοπα Ζεύς μοῦνον ἀπόρθητον τελέθειν, τὸ σὲ τέκνα τʼ ὀνήσει. μηδὲ σύ γʼ ἱπποσύνην τε μένειν καὶ πεζὸν ἰόντα πολλὸν ἀπʼ ἠπείρου στρατὸν ἥσυχος, ἀλλʼ ὑποχωρεῖν νῶτον ἐπιστρέψας· ἔτι τοι ποτε κἀντίος ἔσσῃ. ὦ θείη Σαλαμίς, ἀπολεῖς δὲ σὺ τέκνα γυναικῶν ἤ που σκιδναμένης Δημήτερος ἢ συνιούσης. 7.142. ταῦτα σφι ἠπιώτερα γὰρ τῶν προτέρων καὶ ἦν καὶ ἐδόκεε εἶναι, συγγραψάμενοι ἀπαλλάσσοντο ἐς τὰς Ἀθήνας. ὡς δὲ ἀπελθόντες οἱ θεοπρόποι ἀπήγγελλον ἐς τὸν δῆμον, γνῶμαι καὶ ἄλλαι πολλαὶ γίνονται διζημένων τὸ μαντήιον καὶ αἵδε συνεστηκυῖαι μάλιστα. τῶν πρεσβυτέρων ἔλεγον μετεξέτεροι δοκέειν σφίσι τὸν θεὸν τὴν ἀκρόπολιν χρῆσαι περιέσεσθαι. ἡ γὰρ ἀκρόπολις τὸ πάλαι τῶν Ἀθηναίων ῥηχῷ ἐπέφρακτο. οἳ μὲν δὴ κατὰ τὸν φραγμὸν συνεβάλλοντο τοῦτο τὸ ξύλινον τεῖχος εἶναι, οἳ δʼ αὖ ἔλεγον τὰς νέας σημαίνειν τὸν θεόν, καὶ ταύτας παραρτέεσθαι ἐκέλευον τὰ ἄλλα ἀπέντας. τοὺς ὦν δὴ τὰς νέας λέγοντας εἶναι τὸ ξύλινον τεῖχος ἔσφαλλε τὰ δύο τὰ τελευταῖα ῥηθέντα ὑπὸ τῆς Πυθίης, ὦ θείη Σαλαμίς, ἀπολεῖς δὲ σὺ τέκνα γυναικῶν ἤ που σκιδναμένης Δημήτερος ἢ συνιούσης. κατὰ ταῦτα τὰ ἔπεα συνεχέοντο αἱ γνῶμαι τῶν φαμένων τὰς νέας τὸ ξύλινον τεῖχος εἶναι· οἱ γὰρ χρησμολόγοι ταύτῃ ταῦτα ἐλάμβανον, ὡς ἀμφὶ Σαλαμῖνα δεῖ σφεας ἑσσωθῆναι ναυμαχίην παρασκευασαμένους. 7.143. ἦν δὲ τῶν τις Ἀθηναίων ἀνὴρ ἐς πρώτους νεωστὶ παριών, τῷ οὔνομα μὲν ἦν Θεμιστοκλέης, παῖς δὲ Νεοκλέος ἐκαλέετο. οὗτος ὡνὴρ οὐκ ἔφη πᾶν ὀρθῶς τοὺς χρησμολόγους συμβάλλεσθαι, λέγων τοιάδε· εἰ ἐς Ἀθηναίους εἶχε τὸ ἔπος εἰρημένον ἐόντως, οὐκ ἂν οὕτω μιν δοκέειν ἠπίως χρησθῆναι, ἀλλὰ ὧδε “ὦ σχετλίη Σαλαμίσ” ἀντὶ τοῦ “ὦ θείη Σαλαμίς,” εἴ πέρ γε ἔμελλον οἱ οἰκήτορες ἀμφʼ αὐτῇ τελευτήσειν· ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους τῷ θεῷ εἰρῆσθαι τὸ χρηστήριον συλλαμβάνοντι κατὰ τὸ ὀρθόν, ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἐς Ἀθηναίους· παρασκευάζεσθαι ὦν αὐτοὺς ὡς ναυμαχήσοντας συνεβούλευε, ὡς τούτου ἐόντος τοῦ ξυλίνου τείχεος. ταύτῃ Θεμιστοκλέος ἀποφαινομένου Ἀθηναῖοι ταῦτα σφίσι ἔγνωσαν αἱρετώτερα εἶναι μᾶλλον ἢ τὰ τῶν χρησμολόγων, οἳ οὐκ ἔων ναυμαχίην ἀρτέεσθαι, τὸ δὲ σύμπαν εἰπεῖν οὐδὲ χεῖρας ἀνταείρεσθαι, ἀλλὰ ἐκλιπόντας χώρην τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἄλλην τινὰ οἰκίζειν. 7.144. ἑτέρη τε Θεμιστοκλέι γνώμη ἔμπροσθε ταύτης ἐς καιρὸν ἠρίστευσε, ὅτε Ἀθηναίοισι γενομένων χρημάτων μεγάλων ἐν τῷ κοινῷ, τὰ ἐκ τῶν μετάλλων σφι προσῆλθε τῶν ἀπὸ Λαυρείου, ἔμελλον λάξεσθαι ὀρχηδὸν ἕκαστος δέκα δραχμάς· τότε Θεμιστοκλέης ἀνέγνωσε Ἀθηναίους τῆς διαιρέσιος ταύτης παυσαμένους νέας τούτων τῶν χρημάτων ποιήσασθαι διηκοσίας ἐς τὸν πόλεμον, τὸν πρὸς Αἰγινήτας λέγων. οὗτος γὰρ ὁ πόλεμος συστὰς ἔσωσε ἐς τὸ τότε τὴν Ἑλλάδα, ἀναγκάσας θαλασσίους γενέσθαι Ἀθηναίους. αἳ δὲ ἐς τὸ μὲν ἐποιήθησαν οὐκ ἐχρήσθησαν, ἐς δέον δὲ οὕτω τῇ Ἑλλάδι ἐγένοντο. αὗταί τε δὴ αἱ νέες τοῖσι Ἀθηναίοισι προποιηθεῖσαι ὑπῆρχον, ἑτέρας τε ἔδεε προσναυπηγέεσθαι. ἔδοξέ τέ σφι μετὰ τὸ χρηστήριον βουλευομένοισι ἐπιόντα ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα τὸν βάρβαρον δέκεσθαι τῇσι νηυσὶ πανδημεί, τῷ θεῷ πειθομένους, ἅμα Ἑλλήνων τοῖσι βουλομένοισι.
7.150. αὐτοὶ μὲν Ἀργεῖοι τοσαῦτα τούτων πέρι λέγουσι· ἔστι δὲ ἄλλος λόγος λεγόμενος ἀνὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα, ὡς Ξέρξης ἔπεμψε κήρυκα ἐς Ἄργος πρότερον ἤ περ ὁρμῆσαι στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα· ἐλθόντα δὲ τοῦτον λέγεται εἰπεῖν “ἄνδρες Ἀργεῖοι, βασιλεὺς Ξέρξης τάδε ὑμῖν λέγει. ἡμεῖς νομίζομεν Πέρσην εἶναι ἀπʼ οὗ ἡμεῖς γεγόναμεν παῖδα Περσέος τοῦ Δανάης, γεγονότα ἐκ τῆς Κηφέος θυγατρὸς Ἀνδρομέδης. οὕτω ἂν ὦν εἴημεν ὑμέτεροι ἀπόγονοι. οὔτε ὦν ἡμέας οἰκὸς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἡμετέρους προγόνους στρατεύεσθαι, οὔτε ὑμέας ἄλλοισι τιμωρέοντας ἡμῖν ἀντιξόους γίνεσθαι, ἀλλὰ παρʼ ὑμῖν αὐτοῖσι ἡσυχίην ἔχοντας κατῆσθαι. ἢν γὰρ ἐμοὶ γένηται κατὰ νόον, οὐδαμοὺς μέζονας ὑμέων ἄξω.” ταῦτα ἀκούσαντας Ἀργείους λέγεται πρῆγμα ποιήσασθαι, καὶ παραχρῆμα μὲν οὐδὲν ἐπαγγελλομένους μεταιτέειν, ἐπεὶ δὲ σφέας παραλαμβάνειν τοὺς Ἕλληνας, οὕτω δὴ ἐπισταμένους ὅτι οὐ μεταδώσουσι τῆς ἀρχῆς Λακεδαιμόνιοι μεταιτέειν, ἵνα ἐπὶ προφάσιος ἡσυχίην ἄγωσι. 7.151. συμπεσεῖν δὲ τούτοισι καὶ τόνδε τὸν λόγον λέγουσι τινὲς Ἑλλήνων πολλοῖσι ἔτεσι ὕστερον γενόμενον τούτων. τυχεῖν ἐν Σούσοισι τοῖσι Μεμνονίοισι ἐόντας ἑτέρου πρήγματος εἵνεκα ἀγγέλους Ἀθηναίων Καλλίην τε τὸν Ἱππονίκου καὶ τοὺς μετὰ τούτου ἀναβάντας, Ἀργείους δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦτον χρόνον πέμψαντας καὶ τούτους ἐς Σοῦσα ἀγγέλους εἰρωτᾶν Ἀρτοξέρξεα τὸν Ξέρξεω εἴ σφι ἔτι ἐμμένει ἐθέλουσι τὴν πρὸς Ξέρξην φιλίην συνεκεράσαντο, ἢ νομιζοίατο πρὸς αὐτοῦ εἶναι πολέμιοι· βασιλέα δὲ Ἀρτοξέρξεα μάλιστα ἐμμένειν φάναι, καὶ οὐδεμίαν νομίζειν πόλιν Ἄργεος φιλιωτέρην. 7.152. εἰ μέν νυν Ξέρξης τε ἀπέπεμψε ταῦτα λέγοντα κήρυκα ἐς Ἄργος καὶ Ἀργείων ἄγγελοι ἀναβάντες ἐς Σοῦσα ἐπειρώτων Ἀρτοξέρξεα περὶ φιλίης, οὐκ ἔχω ἀτρεκέως εἰπεῖν, οὐδέ τινα γνώμην περὶ αὐτῶν ἀποφαίνομαι ἄλλην γε ἢ τήν περ αὐτοὶ Ἀργεῖοι λέγουσι· ἐπίσταμαι δὲ τοσοῦτο ὅτι εἰ πάντες ἄνθρωποι τὰ οἰκήια κακὰ ἐς μέσον συνενείκαιεν ἀλλάξασθαι βουλόμενοι τοῖσι πλησίοισι, ἐγκύψαντες ἂν ἐς τὰ τῶν πέλας κακὰ ἀσπασίως ἕκαστοι αὐτῶν ἀποφεροίατο ὀπίσω τὰ ἐσενεικαίατο. οὕτω δὲ οὐδʼ Ἀργείοισι αἴσχιστα πεποίηται. ἐγὼ δὲ ὀφείλω λέγειν τὰ λεγόμενα, πείθεσθαί γε μὲν οὐ παντάπασι ὀφείλω, καί μοι τοῦτο τὸ ἔπος ἐχέτω ἐς πάντα λόγον· ἐπεὶ καὶ ταῦτα λέγεται, ὡς ἄρα Ἀργεῖοι ἦσαν οἱ ἐπικαλεσάμενοι τὸν Πέρσην ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα, ἐπειδή σφι πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους κακῶς ἡ αἰχμὴ ἑστήκεε, πᾶν δὴ βουλόμενοι σφίσι εἶναι πρὸ τῆς παρεούσης λύπης.
7.166. πρὸς δὲ καὶ τάδε λέγουσι, ὡς συνέβη τῆς αὐτῆς ἡμέρης ἔν τε τῇ Σικελίῃ Γέλωνα καὶ Θήρωνα νικᾶν Ἀμίλκαν τὸν Καρχηδόνιον καὶ ἐν Σαλαμῖνι τοὺς Ἕλληνας τὸν Πέρσην. τὸν δὲ Ἀμίλκαν Καρχηδόνιον ἐόντα πρὸς πατρός, μητρόθεν δὲ Συρηκόσιον, βασιλεύσαντά τε κατʼ ἀνδραγαθίην Καρχηδονίων, ὡς ἡ συμβολή τε ἐγίνετο καὶ ὡς ἑσσοῦτο τῇ μάχῃ, ἀφανισθῆναι πυνθάνομαι· οὔτε γὰρ ζῶντα οὔτε ἀποθανόντα φανῆναι οὐδαμοῦ γῆς· τὸ πᾶν γὰρ ἐπεξελθεῖν διζήμενον Γέλωνα.
7.172. Θεσσαλοὶ δὲ ὑπὸ ἀναγκαίης τὸ πρῶτον ἐμήδισαν, ὡς διέδεξαν, ὅτι οὔ σφι ἥνδανε τὰ οἱ Ἀλευάδαι ἐμηχανῶντο. ἐπείτε γὰρ ἐπύθοντο τάχιστα μέλλοντα διαβαίνειν τὸν Πέρσην ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην, πέμπουσι ἐς τὸν Ἰσθμὸν ἀγγέλους· ἐν δὲ τῷ Ἰσθμῷ ἦσαν ἁλισμένοι πρόβουλοι τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀραιρημένοι ἀπὸ τῶν πολίων τῶν τὰ ἀμείνω φρονεουσέων περὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα. ἀπικόμενοι δὲ ἐπὶ τούτους τῶν Θεσσαλῶν οἱ ἄγγελοι ἔλεγον· “Ἄνδρες Ἕλληνες, δεῖ φυλάσσεσθαι τὴν ἐσβολὴν τὴν Ὀλυμπικήν, ἵνα Θεσσαλίη τε καὶ ἡ σύμπασα ᾖ Ἑλλὰς ἐν σκέπῃ τοῦ πολέμου. ἡμεῖς μέν νυν ἕτοιμοι εἰμὲν συμφυλάσσειν, πέμπειν δὲ χρὴ καὶ ὑμέας στρατιὴν πολλήν, ὡς, εἰ μὴ πέμψετε, ἐπίστασθε ἡμέας ὁμολογήσειν τῷ Πέρσῃ· οὐ γάρ τι προκατημένους τοσοῦτο πρὸ τῆς ἄλλης Ἑλλάδος μούνους πρὸ ὑμέων δεῖ ἀπολέσθαι. βοηθέειν δὲ οὐ βουλόμενοι ἀναγκαίην ἡμῖν οὐδεμίαν οἷοί τε ἐστὲ προσφέρειν· οὐδαμὰ γὰρ ἀδυνασίης ἀνάγκη κρέσσων ἔφυ. ἡμεῖς δὲ πειρησόμεθα αὐτοί τινα σωτηρίην μηχανώμενοι.” 7.173. ταῦτα ἔλεγον οἱ Θεσσαλοί. οἱ δὲ Ἕλληνες πρὸς ταῦτα ἐβουλεύσαντο ἐς Θεσσαλίην πέμπειν κατὰ θάλασσαν πεζὸν στρατὸν φυλάξοντα τὴν ἐσβολήν. ὡς δὲ συνελέχθη ὁ στρατός, ἔπλεε διʼ Εὐρίπου· ἀπικόμενος δὲ τῆς Ἀχαιίης ἐς Ἄλον, ἀποβὰς ἐπορεύετο ἐς Θεσσαλίην, τὰς νέας αὐτοῦ καταλιπών, καὶ ἀπίκετο ἐς τὰ Τέμπεα ἐς τὴν ἐσβολὴν ἥ περ ἀπὸ Μακεδονίης τῆς κάτω ἐς Θεσσαλίην φέρει παρὰ ποταμὸν Πηνειόν, μεταξὺ δὲ Ὀλύμπου τε ὄρεος ἐόντα καὶ τῆς Ὄσσης. ἐνθαῦτα ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο τῶν Ἑλλήνων κατὰ μυρίους ὁπλίτας συλλεγέντες, καί σφι προσῆν ἡ Θεσσαλῶν ἵππος· ἐστρατήγεε δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων μὲν Εὐαίνετος ὁ Καρήνου ἐκ τῶν πολεμάρχων ἀραιρημένος, γένεος μέντοι ἐὼν οὐ τοῦ βασιληίου, Ἀθηναίων δὲ Θεμιστοκλέης ὁ Νεοκλέος. ἔμειναν δὲ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας ἐνθαῦτα· ἀπικόμενοι γὰρ ἄγγελοι παρὰ Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ Ἀμύντεω ἀνδρὸς Μακεδόνος συνεβούλευόν σφι ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι μηδὲ μένοντας ἐν τῇ ἐσβολῇ καταπατηθῆναι ὑπὸ τοῦ στρατοῦ τοῦ ἐπιόντος, σημαίνοντες τὸ πλῆθός τε τῆς στρατιῆς καὶ τὰς νέας. ὡς δὲ οὗτοί σφι ταῦτα συνεβούλευον, χρηστὰ γὰρ ἐδόκεον συμβουλεύειν καί σφι εὔνοος ἐφαίνετο ἐὼν ὁ Μακεδών, ἐπείθοντο. δοκέειν δὲ μοι, ἀρρωδίη ἦν τὸ πεῖθον, ὡς ἐπύθοντο καὶ ἄλλην ἐοῦσαν ἐσβολὴν ἐς Θεσσαλοὺς κατὰ τὴν ἄνω Μακεδονίην διὰ Περραιβῶν κατὰ Γόννον πόλιν, τῇ περ δὴ καὶ ἐσέβαλε ἡ στρατιὴ ἡ Ξέρξεω. καταβάντες δὲ οἱ Ἕλληνες ἐπὶ τὰς νέας ὀπίσω ἐπορεύοντο ἐς τὸν Ἰσθμόν.
7.206. τούτους μὲν τοὺς ἀμφὶ Λεωνίδην πρώτους ἀπέπεμψαν Σπαρτιῆται, ἵνα τούτους ὁρῶντες οἱ ἄλλοι σύμμαχοι στρατεύωνται μηδὲ καὶ οὗτοι μηδίσωσι, ἢν αὐτοὺς πυνθάνωνται ὑπερβαλλομένους· μετὰ δέ, Κάρνεια γάρ σφι ἦν ἐμποδών, ἔμελλον ὁρτάσαντες καὶ φυλακὰς λιπόντες ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ κατὰ τάχος βοηθέειν πανδημεί. ὣς δὲ καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ τῶν συμμάχων ἐνένωντο καὶ αὐτοὶ ἕτερα τοιαῦτα ποιήσειν· ἦν γὰρ κατὰ τὠυτὸ Ὀλυμπιὰς τούτοισι τοῖσι πρήγμασι συμπεσοῦσα· οὔκων δοκέοντες κατὰ τάχος οὕτω διακριθήσεσθαι τὸν ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι πόλεμον ἔπεμπον τοὺς προδρόμους.
7.221. μαρτύριον δέ μοι καὶ τόδε οὐκ ἐλάχιστον τούτου πέρι γέγονε, ὅτι καὶ τὸν μάντιν ὃς εἵπετο τῇ στρατιῇ ταύτῃ, Μεγιστίην τὸν Ἀκαρνῆνα, λεγόμενον εἶναι τὰ ἀνέκαθεν ἀπὸ Μελάμποδος, τοῦτον εἴπαντα ἐκ τῶν ἱρῶν τὰ μέλλοντά σφι ἐκβαίνειν, φανερός ἐστι Λεωνίδης ἀποπέμπων, ἵνα μὴ συναπόληταί σφι. ὁ δὲ ἀποπεμπόμενος αὐτὸς μὲν οὐκ ἀπέλιπε, τὸν δὲ παῖδα συστρατευόμενον, ἐόντα οἱ μουνογενέα, ἀπέπεμψε.
7.226. Λακεδαιμονίων δὲ καὶ Θεσπιέων τοιούτων γενομένων ὅμως λέγεται ἀνὴρ ἄριστος γενέσθαι Σπαρτιήτης Διηνέκης· τὸν τόδε φασὶ εἰπεῖν τὸ ἔπος πρὶν ἢ συμμῖξαι σφέας τοῖσι Μήδοισι, πυθόμενον πρός τευ τῶν Τρηχινίων ὡς ἐπεὰν οἱ βάρβαροι ἀπίωσι τὰ τοξεύματα, τὸν ἥλιον ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθεος τῶν ὀιστῶν ἀποκρύπτουσι· τοσοῦτο πλῆθος αὐτῶν εἶναι. τὸν δὲ οὐκ ἐκπλαγέντα τούτοισι εἰπεῖν ἐν ἀλογίῃ ποιεύμενον τὸ Μήδων πλῆθος, ὡς πάντα σφι ἀγαθὰ ὁ Τρηχίνιος ξεῖνος ἀγγέλλοι, εἰ ἀποκρυπτόντων τῶν Μήδων τὸν ἥλιον ὑπὸ σκιῇ ἔσοιτο πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἡ μάχη καὶ οὐκ ἐν ἡλίῳ. 7.227. ταῦτα μὲν καὶ ἄλλα τοιουτότροπα ἔπεα φασὶ Διηνέκεα τὸν Λακεδαιμόνιον λιπέσθαι μνημόσυνα· μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον ἀριστεῦσαι λέγονται Λακεδαιμόνιοι δύο ἀδελφεοί, Ἀλφεός τε καὶ Μάρων Ὀρσιφάντου παῖδες. Θεσπιέων δὲ εὐδοκίμεε μάλιστα τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Διθύραμβος Ἁρματίδεω. 7.228. θαφθεῖσι δέ σφι αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ τῇ περ ἔπεσον, καὶ τοῖσι πρότερον τελευτήσασι ἢ ὑπὸ Λεωνίδεω ἀποπεμφθέντας οἴχεσθαι, ἐπιγέγραπται γράμματα λέγοντα τάδε. μυριάσιν ποτὲ τῇδε τριηκοσίαις ἐμάχοντο ἐκ Πελοποννάσου χιλιάδες τέτορες. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ τοῖσι πᾶσι ἐπιγέγραπται, τοῖσι δὲ Σπαρτιήτῃσι ἰδίῃ. ὦ ξεῖνʼ, ἀγγέλλειν Λακεδαιμονίοις ὅτι τῇδε κείμεθα τοῖς κείνων ῥήμασι πειθόμενοι. Λακεδαιμονίοισι μὲν δὴ τοῦτο, τῷ δὲ μάντι τόδε. μνῆμα τόδε κλεινοῖο Μεγιστία, ὅν ποτε Μῆδοι Σπερχειὸν ποταμὸν κτεῖναν ἀμειψάμενοι, μάντιος, ὃς τότε κῆρας ἐπερχομένας σάφα εἰδώς οὐκ ἔτλη Σπάρτης ἡγεμόνα προλιπεῖν. ἐπιγράμμασι μέν νυν καὶ στήλῃσι, ἔξω ἢ τὸ τοῦ μάντιος ἐπίγραμμα, Ἀμφικτύονες εἰσὶ σφέας οἱ ἐπικοσμήσαντες· τὸ δὲ τοῦ μάντιος Μεγιστίεω Σιμωνίδης ὁ Λεωπρέπεος ἐστὶ κατὰ ξεινίην ὁ ἐπιγράψας.
8.46. νησιωτέων δὲ Αἰγινῆται τριήκοντα παρείχοντο. ἦσαν μέν σφι καὶ ἄλλαι πεπληρωμέναι νέες, ἀλλὰ τῇσι μὲν τὴν ἑωυτῶν ἐφύλασσον, τριήκοντα δὲ τῇσι ἄριστα πλεούσῃσι ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ἐναυμάχησαν. Αἰγινῆται δὲ εἰσὶ Δωριέες ἀπὸ Ἐπιδαύρου· τῇ δὲ νήσῳ πρότερον οὔνομα ἦν Οἰνώνη. μετὰ δὲ Αἰγινήτας Χαλκιδέες τὰς ἐπʼ Ἀρτεμισίῳ εἴκοσι παρεχόμενοι καὶ Ἐρετριέες τὰς ἑπτά· οὗτοι δὲ Ἴωνες εἰσί. μετὰ δὲ Κήιοι τὰς αὐτὰς παρεχόμενοι, ἔθνος ἐὸν Ἰωνικὸν ἀπὸ Ἀθηνέων. Νάξιοι δὲ παρείχοντο τέσσερας, ἀποπεμφθέντες μὲν ἐς τοὺς Μήδους ὑπὸ τῶν πολιητέων κατά περ οἱ ἄλλοι νησιῶται, ἀλογήσαντες δὲ τῶν ἐντολέων ἀπίκατο ἐς τοὺς Ἕλληνας Δημοκρίτου σπεύσαντος, ἀνδρὸς τῶν ἀστῶν δοκίμου καὶ τότε τριηραρχέοντος. Νάξιοι δὲ εἰσὶ Ἴωνες ἀπὸ Ἀθηνέων γεγονότες. Στυρέες δὲ τὰς αὐτὰς παρείχοντο νέας τάς περ ἐπʼ Ἀρτεμισίῳ, Κύθνιοι δὲ μίαν καὶ πεντηκόντερον, ἐόντες συναμφότεροι οὗτοι Δρύοπες. καὶ Σερίφιοί τε καὶ Σίφνιοι καὶ Μήλιοι ἐστρατεύοντο· οὗτοι γὰρ οὐκ ἔδοσαν μοῦνοι νησιωτέων τῷ βαρβάρῳ γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ.
8.74. οἳ μὲν δὴ ἐν τῷ Ἰσθμῷ τοιούτῳ πόνῳ συνέστασαν, ἅτε περὶ τοῦ παντὸς ἤδη δρόμου θέοντες καὶ τῇσι νηυσὶ οὐκ ἐλπίζοντες ἐλλάμψεσθαι· οἳ δὲ ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ὅμως ταῦτα πυνθανόμενοι ἀρρώδεον, οὐκ οὕτω περὶ σφίσι αὐτοῖσι δειμαίνοντες ὡς περὶ τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ. τέως μὲν δὴ αὐτῶν ἀνὴρ ἀνδρὶ παραστὰς σιγῇ λόγον ἐποιέετο, θῶμα ποιεύμενοι τὴν Εὐρυβιάδεω ἀβουλίην· τέλος δὲ ἐξερράγη ἐς τὸ μέσον. σύλλογός τε δὴ ἐγίνετο καὶ πολλὰ ἐλέγετο τῶν αὐτῶν, οἳ μὲν ὡς ἐς τὴν Πελοπόννησον χρεὸν εἴη ἀποπλέειν καὶ περὶ ἐκείνης κινδυνεύειν μηδὲ πρὸ χώρης δοριαλώτου μένοντας μάχεσθαι, Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ καὶ Αἰγινῆται καὶ Μεγαρέες αὐτοῦ μένοντας ἀμύνεσθαι. 8.75. ἐνθαῦτα Θεμιστοκλέης ὡς ἑσσοῦτο τῇ γνώμῃ ὑπὸ τῶν Πελοποννησίων, λαθὼν ἐξέρχεται ἐκ τοῦ συνεδρίου, ἐξελθὼν δὲ πέμπει ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον τὸ Μήδων ἄνδρα πλοίῳ ἐντειλάμενος τὰ λέγειν χρεόν, τῷ οὔνομα μὲν ἦν Σίκιννος, οἰκέτης δὲ καὶ παιδαγωγὸς ἦν τῶν Θεμιστοκλέος παίδων· τὸν δὴ ὕστερον τούτων τῶν πρηγμάτων Θεμιστοκλέης Θεσπιέα τε ἐποίησε, ὡς ἐπεδέκοντο οἱ Θεσπιέες πολιήτας, καὶ χρήμασι ὄλβιον. ὃς τότε πλοίῳ ἀπικόμενος ἔλεγε πρὸς τοὺς στρατηγοὺς τῶν βαρβάρων τάδε. “ἔπεμψέ με στρατηγὸς ὁ Ἀθηναίων λάθρῃ τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων ʽτυγχάνει γὰρ φρονέων τὰ βασιλέος καὶ βουλόμενος μᾶλλον τὰ ὑμέτερα κατύπερθε γίνεσθαι ἢ τὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων πρήγματἀ φράσοντα ὅτι οἱ Ἕλληνες δρησμὸν βουλεύονται καταρρωδηκότες, καὶ νῦν παρέχει κάλλιστον ὑμέας ἔργων ἁπάντων ἐξεργάσασθαι, ἢν μὴ περιίδητε διαδράντας αὐτούς. οὔτε γὰρ ἀλλήλοισι ὁμοφρονέουσι οὔτε ἀντιστήσονται ὑμῖν, πρὸς ἑωυτούς τε σφέας ὄψεσθε ναυμαχέοντας τοὺς τὰ ὑμέτερα φρονέοντας καὶ τοὺς μή.”
8.111. οἱ δὲ Ἕλληνες, ἐπείτε σφι ἀπέδοξε μήτʼ ἐπιδιώκειν ἔτι προσωτέρω τῶν βαρβάρων τὰς νέας μήτε πλέειν ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον λύσοντας τὸν πόρον, τὴν Ἄνδρον περικατέατο ἐξελεῖν ἐθέλοντες. πρῶτοι γὰρ Ἄνδριοι νησιωτέων αἰτηθέντες πρὸς Θεμιστοκλέος χρήματα οὐκ ἔδοσαν, ἀλλὰ προϊσχομένου Θεμιστοκλέος λόγον τόνδε, ὡς ἥκοιεν Ἀθηναῖοι περὶ ἑωυτοὺς ἔχοντες δύο θεοὺς μεγάλους, πειθώ τε καὶ ἀναγκαίην, οὕτω τέ σφι κάρτα δοτέα εἶναι χρήματα, ὑπεκρίναντο πρὸς ταῦτα λέγοντες ὡς κατὰ λόγον ἦσαν ἄρα αἱ Ἀθῆναι μεγάλαι τε καὶ εὐδαίμονες, αἳ καὶ θεῶν χρηστῶν ἥκοιεν εὖ, ἐπεὶ Ἀνδρίους γε εἶναι γεωπείνας ἐς τὰ μέγιστα ἀνήκοντας, καὶ θεοὺς δύο ἀχρήστους οὐκ ἐκλείπειν σφέων τὴν νῆσον ἀλλʼ αἰεὶ φιλοχωρέειν, πενίην τε καὶ ἀμηχανίην, καὶ τούτων τῶν θεῶν ἐπηβόλους ἐόντας Ἀνδρίους οὐ δώσειν χρήματα· οὐδέκοτε γὰρ τῆς ἑωυτῶν ἀδυναμίης τὴν Ἀθηναίων δύναμιν εἶναι κρέσσω.
9.33. ὡς δὲ ἄρα πάντες οἱ ἐτετάχατο κατὰ ἔθνεα καὶ κατὰ τέλεα, ἐνθαῦτα τῇ δευτέρῃ ἐθύοντο καὶ ἀμφότεροι. Ἕλλησι μὲν Τισαμενὸς Ἀντιόχου ἦν ὁ θυόμενος· οὗτος γὰρ δὴ εἵπετο τῷ στρατεύματι τούτῳ μάντις· τὸν ἐόντα Ἠλεῖον καὶ γένεος τοῦ Ἰαμιδέων Κλυτιάδην Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐποιήσαντο λεωσφέτερον. Τισαμενῷ γὰρ μαντευομένῳ ἐν Δελφοῖσι περὶ γόνου ἀνεῖλε ἡ Πυθίη ἀγῶνας τοὺς μεγίστους ἀναιρήσεσθαι πέντε. ὃ μὲν δὴ ἁμαρτὼν τοῦ χρηστηρίου προσεῖχε γυμνασίοισι ὡς ἀναιρησόμενος γυμνικοὺς ἀγῶνας, ἀσκέων δὲ πεντάεθλον παρὰ ἓν πάλαισμα ἔδραμε νικᾶν Ὀλυμπιάδα, Ἱερωνύμῳ τῷ Ἀνδρίῳ ἐλθὼν ἐς ἔριν. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ μαθόντες οὐκ ἐς γυμνικοὺς ἀλλʼ ἐς ἀρηίους ἀγῶνας φέρον τὸ Τισαμενοῦ μαντήιον, μισθῷ ἐπειρῶντο πείσαντες Τισαμενὸν ποιέεσθαι ἅμα Ἡρακλειδέων τοῖσι βασιλεῦσι ἡγεμόνα τῶν πολέμων. ὁ δὲ ὁρέων περὶ πολλοῦ ποιευμένους Σπαρτιήτας φίλον αὐτὸν προσθέσθαι, μαθὼν τοῦτο ἀνετίμα, σημαίνων σφι ὡς ἤν μιν πολιήτην σφέτερον ποιήσωνται τῶν πάντων μεταδιδόντες, ποιήσει ταῦτα, ἐπʼ ἄλλῳ μισθῷ δʼ οὔ. Σπαρτιῆται δὲ πρῶτα μὲν ἀκούσαντες δεινὰ ἐποιεῦντο καὶ μετίεσαν τῆς χρησμοσύνης τὸ παράπαν, τέλος δὲ δείματος μεγάλου ἐπικρεμαμένου τοῦ Περσικοῦ τούτου στρατεύματος καταίνεον μετιόντες. ὁ δὲ γνοὺς τετραμμένους σφέας οὐδʼ οὕτω ἔτι ἔφη ἀρκέεσθαι τούτοισι μούνοισι, ἀλλὰ δεῖν ἔτι τὸν ἀδελφεὸν ἑωυτοῦ Ἡγίην γίνεσθαι Σπαρτιήτην ἐπὶ τοῖσι αὐτοῖσι λόγοισι τοῖσι καὶ αὐτὸς γίνεται.
9.36. οὗτος δὴ τότε τοῖσι Ἕλλησι ὁ Τισαμενός, ἀγόντων τῶν Σπαρτιητέων, ἐμαντεύετο ἐν τῇ Πλαταιίδι. τοῖσι μέν νυν Ἕλλησι καλὰ ἐγίνετο τὰ ἱρὰ ἀμυνομένοισι, διαβᾶσι δὲ τὸν Ἀσωπὸν καὶ μάχης ἄρχουσι οὔ.
9.57. Ἀμομφάρετος δὲ ἀρχήν γε οὐδαμὰ δοκέων Παυσανίην τολμήσειν σφέας ἀπολιπεῖν, περιείχετο αὐτοῦ μένοντας μὴ ἐκλιπεῖν τὴν τάξιν· προτερεόντων δὲ τῶν σὺν Παυσανίῃ, καταδόξας αὐτοὺς ἰθέῃ τέχνῃ ἀπολείπειν αὐτόν, ἀναλαβόντα τὸν λόχον τὰ ὅπλα ἦγε βάδην πρὸς τὸ ἄλλο στῖφος· τὸ δὲ ἀπελθὸν ὅσον τε δέκα στάδια ἀνέμενε τὸν Ἀμομφαρέτου λόχον, περὶ ποταμὸν Μολόεντα ἱδρυμένον Ἀργιόπιόν τε χῶρον καλεόμενον, τῇ καὶ Δήμητρος Ἐλευσινίης ἱρὸν ἧσται. ἀνέμενε δὲ τοῦδε εἵνεκα, ἵνα ἢν μὴ ἀπολείπῃ τὸν χῶρον ἐν τῷ ἐτετάχατο ὁ Ἀμομφάρετός τε καὶ ὁ λόχος, ἀλλʼ αὐτοῦ μένωσι, βοηθέοι ὀπίσω παρʼ ἐκείνους. καὶ οἵ τε ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἀμομφάρετός παρεγίνοντό σφι καὶ ἡ ἵππος ἡ τῶν βαρβάρων προσέκειτο πᾶσα. οἱ γὰρ ἱππόται ἐποίευν οἷον καὶ ἐώθεσαν ποιέειν αἰεί, ἰδόντες δὲ τὸν χῶρον κεινὸν ἐν τῷ ἐτετάχατο οἱ Ἕλληνες τῇσι προτέρῃσι ἡμέρῃσι, ἤλαυνον τοὺς ἵππους αἰεὶ τὸ πρόσω καὶ ἅμα καταλαβόντες προσεκέατό σφι.
9.59. ταῦτα εἴπας ἦγε τοὺς Πέρσας δρόμῳ διαβάντας τὸν Ἀσωπὸν κατὰ στίβον τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὡς δὴ ἀποδιδρησκόντων, ἐπεῖχέ τε ἐπὶ Λακεδαιμονίους τε καὶ Τεγεήτας μούνους· Ἀθηναίους γὰρ τραπομένους ἐς τὸ πεδίον ὑπὸ τῶν ὄχθων οὐ κατώρα. Πέρσας δὲ ὁρῶντες ὁρμημένους διώκειν τοὺς Ἕλληνας οἱ λοιποὶ τῶν βαρβαρικῶν τελέων ἄρχοντες αὐτίκα πάντες ἤειραν τὰ σημήια, καὶ ἐδίωκον ὡς ποδῶν ἕκαστος εἶχον, οὔτε κόσμῳ οὐδενὶ κοσμηθέντες οὔτε τάξι.
9.61. ταῦτα οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ὡς ἐπύθοντο, ὁρμέατο βοηθέειν καὶ τὰ μάλιστα ἐπαμύνειν· καί σφι ἤδη στείχουσι ἐπιτίθενται οἱ ἀντιταχθέντες Ἑλλήνων τῶν μετὰ βασιλέος γενομένων, ὥστε μηκέτι δύνασθαι βοηθῆσαι· τὸ γὰρ προσκείμενον σφέας ἐλύπεε. οὕτω δὴ μουνωθέντες Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ Τεγεῆται, ἐόντες σὺν ψιλοῖσι ἀριθμὸν οἳ μὲν πεντακισμύριοι Τεγεῆται δὲ τρισχίλιοι ʽοὗτοι γὰρ οὐδαμὰ ἀπεσχίζοντο ἀπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων̓, ἐσφαγιάζοντο ὡς συμβαλέοντες Μαρδονίῳ καὶ τῇ στρατιῇ τῇ παρεούσῃ. καὶ οὐ γάρ σφι ἐγίνετο τὰ σφάγια χρηστά, ἔπιπτον δὲ αὐτῶν ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ πολλοὶ καὶ πολλῷ πλεῦνες ἐτρωματίζοντο· φράξαντες γὰρ τὰ γέρρα οἱ Πέρσαι ἀπίεσαν τῶν τοξευμάτων πολλὰ ἀφειδέως, οὕτω ὥστε πιεζομένων τῶν Σπαρτιητέων καὶ τῶν σφαγίων οὐ γινομένων ἀποβλέψαντα τὸν Παυσανίην πρὸς τὸ Ἥραιον τὸ Πλαταιέων ἐπικαλέσασθαι τὴν θεόν, χρηίζοντα μηδαμῶς σφέας ψευσθῆναι τῆς ἐλπίδος. 9.62. ταῦτα δʼ ἔτι τούτου ἐπικαλεομένου προεξαναστάντες πρότεροι οἱ Τεγεῆται ἐχώρεον ἐς τοὺς βαρβάρους, καὶ τοῖσι Λακεδαιμονίοισι αὐτίκα μετὰ τὴν εὐχὴν τὴν Παυσανίεω ἐγίνετο θυομένοισι τὰ σφάγια χρηστά· ὡς δὲ χρόνῳ κοτὲ ἐγένετο, ἐχώρεον καὶ οὗτοι ἐπὶ τοὺς Πέρσας, καὶ οἱ Πέρσαι ἀντίοι τὰ τόξα μετέντες. ἐγίνετο δὲ πρῶτον περὶ τὰ γέρρα μάχη. ὡς δὲ ταῦτα ἐπεπτώκεε, ἤδη ἐγίνετο ἡ μάχη ἰσχυρὴ παρʼ αὐτὸ τὸ Δημήτριον καὶ χρόνον ἐπὶ πολλόν, ἐς ὃ ἀπίκοντο ἐς ὠθισμόν· τὰ γὰρ δόρατα ἐπιλαμβανόμενοι κατέκλων οἱ βάρβαροι. λήματι μέν νυν καὶ ῥώμῃ οὐκ ἥσσονες ἦσαν οἱ Πέρσαι, ἄνοπλοι δὲ ἐόντες καὶ πρὸς ἀνεπιστήμονες ἦσαν καὶ οὐκ ὅμοιοι τοῖσι ἐναντίοισι σοφίην, προεξαΐσσοντες δὲ κατʼ ἕνα καὶ δέκα, καὶ πλεῦνές τε καὶ ἐλάσσονες συστρεφόμενοι, ἐσέπιπτον ἐς τοὺς Σπαρτιήτας καὶ διεφθείροντο.
9.65. ἐν δὲ Πλαταιῇσι οἱ Πέρσαι ὡς ἐτράποντο ὑπὸ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, ἔφευγον οὐδένα κόσμον ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον τὸ ἑωυτῶν καὶ ἐς τὸ τεῖχος τὸ ξύλινον τὸ ἐποιήσαντο ἐν μοίρῃ τῇ Θηβαΐδι. θῶμα δέ μοι ὅκως παρὰ τῆς Δήμητρος τὸ ἄλσος μαχομένων οὐδὲ εἷς ἐφάνη τῶν Περσέων οὔτε ἐσελθὼν ἐς τὸ τέμενος οὔτε ἐναποθανών, περί τε τὸ ἱρὸν οἱ πλεῖστοι ἐν τῷ βεβήλῳ ἔπεσον. δοκέω δέ, εἴ τι περὶ τῶν θείων πρηγμάτων δοκέειν δεῖ, ἡ θεὸς αὐτή σφεας οὐκ ἐδέκετο ἐμπρήσαντας τὸ ἱρὸν τὸ ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι ἀνάκτορον.
9.82. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τάδε γενέσθαι, ὡς Ξέρξης φεύγων ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος Μαρδονίῳ τὴν κατασκευὴν καταλίποι τὴν ἑωυτοῦ· Παυσανίην ὦν ὁρῶντα τὴν Μαρδονίου κατασκευὴν χρυσῷ τε καὶ ἀργύρῳ καὶ παραπετάσμασι ποικίλοισι κατεσκευασμένην, κελεῦσαι τούς τε ἀρτοκόπους καὶ τοὺς ὀψοποιοὺς κατὰ ταὐτὰ καθὼς Μαρδονίῳ δεῖπνον παρασκευάζειν. ὡς δὲ κελευόμενοι οὗτοι ἐποίευν ταῦτα, ἐνθαῦτα τὸν Παυσανίην ἰδόντα κλίνας τε χρυσέας καὶ ἀργυρέας εὖ ἐστρωμένας καὶ τραπέζας τε χρυσέας καὶ ἀργυρέας καὶ παρασκευὴν μεγαλοπρεπέα τοῦ δείπνου, ἐκπλαγέντα τὰ προκείμενα ἀγαθὰ κελεῦσαι ἐπὶ γέλωτι τοὺς ἑωυτοῦ διηκόνους παρασκευάσαι Λακωνικὸν δεῖπνον. ὡς δὲ τῆς θοίνης ποιηθείσης ἦν πολλὸν τὸ μέσον, τὸν Παυσανίην γελάσαντα μεταπέμψασθαι τῶν Ἑλλήνων τοὺς στρατηγούς, συνελθόντων δὲ τούτων εἰπεῖν τὸν Παυσανίην, δεικνύντα ἐς ἑκατέρην τοῦ δείπνου παρασκευήν, “ἄνδρες Ἕλληνες, τῶνδε εἵνεκα ἐγὼ ὑμέας συνήγαγον, βουλόμενος ὑμῖν τοῦδε τοῦ Μήδων ἡγεμόνος τὴν ἀφροσύνην δέξαι, ὃς τοιήνδε δίαιταν ἔχων ἦλθε ἐς ἡμέας οὕτω ὀϊζυρὴν ἔχοντας ἀπαιρησόμενος.” ταῦτα μὲν Παυσανίην λέγεται εἰπεῖν πρὸς τοὺς στρατηγοὺς τῶν Ἑλλήνων.
9.101. καὶ τόδε ἕτερον συνέπεσε γενόμενον, Δήμητρος τεμένεα Ἐλευσινίης παρὰ ἀμφοτέρας τὰς συμβολὰς εἶναι· καὶ γὰρ δὴ ἐν τῇ Πλαταιίδι παρʼ αὐτὸ τὸ Δημήτριον ἐγίνετο, ὡς καὶ πρότερόν μοι εἴρηται, ἡ μάχη, καὶ ἐν Μυκάλῃ ἔμελλε ὡσαύτως ἔσεσθαι. γεγονέναι δὲ νίκην τῶν μετὰ Παυσανίεω Ἑλλήνων ὀρθῶς σφι ἡ φήμη συνέβαινε ἐλθοῦσα· τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἐν Πλαταιῇσι πρωὶ ἔτι τῆς ἡμέρης ἐγίνετο, τὸ δὲ ἐν Μυκάλῃ περὶ δείλην· ὅτι δὲ τῆς αὐτῆς ἡμέρης συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι μηνός τε τοῦ αὐτοῦ, χρόνῳ οὐ πολλῷ σφι ὕστερον δῆλα ἀναμανθάνουσι ἐγίνετο. ἦν δὲ ἀρρωδίη σφι, πρὶν τὴν φήμην ἐσαπικέσθαι, οὔτι περὶ σφέων αὐτῶν οὕτω ὡς τῶν Ἑλλήνων, μὴ περὶ Μαρδονίῳ πταίσῃ ἡ Ἑλλάς. ὡς μέντοι ἡ κληδὼν αὕτη σφι ἐσέπτατο, μᾶλλόν, τι καὶ ταχύτερον τὴν πρόσοδον ἐποιεῦντο. οἱ μὲν δὴ Ἕλληνες καὶ οἱ βάρβαροι ἔσπευδον ἐς τὴν μάχην, ὥς σφι καί αἱ νῆσοι καὶ ὁ Ἑλλήσποντος ἄεθλα προέκειτο.''. None | 1.53. The Lydians who were to bring these gifts to the temples were instructed by Croesus to inquire of the oracles whether he was to send an army against the Persians and whether he was to add an army of allies. ,When the Lydians came to the places where they were sent, they presented the offerings, and inquired of the oracles, in these words: “Croesus, king of Lydia and other nations, believing that here are the only true places of divination among men, endows you with such gifts as your wisdom deserves. And now he asks you whether he is to send an army against the Persians, and whether he is to add an army of allies.” ,Such was their inquiry; and the judgment given to Croesus by each of the two oracles was the same: namely, that if he should send an army against the Persians he would destroy a great empire. And they advised him to discover the mightiest of the Greeks and make them his friends.
1.139. There is another thing that always happens among them; we have noted it although the Persians have not: their names, which agree with the nature of their persons and their nobility, all end in the same letter, that which the Dorians call san, and the Ionians sigma; you will find, if you search, that not some but all Persian names alike end in this letter.
2.177.2. It was Amasis also who made the law that every Egyptian declare his means of livelihood to the ruler of his district annually, and that omitting to do so or to prove that one had a legitimate livelihood be punishable with death. Solon the Athenian got this law from Egypt and established it among his people; may they always have it, for it is a perfect law. ' "
3.11. When the Persians had crossed the waterless country and encamped near the Egyptians intending to engage them, the Egyptian mercenaries, Greeks and Carians, devised a plan to punish Phanes, angered at him for leading a foreign army into Egypt . ,Phanes had left sons in Egypt ; these they brought to the camp, into their father's sight, and set a great bowl between the two armies; then they brought the sons one by one and cut their throats over the bowl. ,When all the sons had been slaughtered, they poured wine and water into the bowl, and the mercenaries drank this and then gave battle. The fighting was fierce, and many of both armies fell; but at last the Egyptians were routed. " '
3.37. Cambyses committed many such mad acts against the Persians and his allies; he stayed at Memphis, and there opened ancient coffins and examined the dead bodies. ,Thus too he entered the temple of Hephaestus and jeered at the image there. This image of Hephaestus is most like the Phoenician Pataici, which the Phoenicians carry on the prows of their triremes. I will describe it for anyone who has not seen these figures: it is the likeness of a dwarf. ,Also he entered the temple of the Cabeiri, into which no one may enter save the priest; the images here he even burnt, with bitter mockery. These also are like the images of Hephaestus, and are said to be his sons.
3.136. They came down to the city of Sidon in Phoenicia, and there chartered two triremes, as well as a great galley laden with all good things; and when everything was ready they set sail for Hellas, where they surveyed and mapped the coasts to which they came; until having viewed the greater and most famous parts they reached Tarentum in Italy . ,There Aristophilides, king of the Tarentines, out of sympathy for Democedes, took the steering gear off the Median ships and put the Persians under a guard, calling them spies. While they were in this plight, Democedes made his way to Croton ; and Aristophilides did not set the Persians free and give them back what he had taken from their ships until the physician was in his own country.
5.32. When Aristagoras heard that, he went away to Miletus in great joy. Artaphrenes sent a messenger to Susa with the news of what Aristagoras said, and when Darius himself too had consented to the plan, he equipped two hundred triremes and a very great company of Persians and their allies in addition. For their general he appointed Megabates, a Persian of the Achaemenid family, cousin to himself and to Darius. This was he whose daughter (if indeed the tale is true) Pausanias the Lacedaemonian, son of Cleombrotus, at a later day betrothed to himself, since it was his wish to possess the sovereignty of Hellas. After appointing Megabates general, Artaphrenes sent his army away to Aristagoras.
5.66.2. These men with their factions fell to contending for power, Cleisthenes was getting the worst of it in this dispute and took the commons into his party. Presently he divided the Athenians into ten tribes instead of four as formerly. He called none after the names of the sons of Ion—Geleon, Aegicores, Argades, and Hoples—but invented for them names taken from other heroes, all native to the country except Aias. Him he added despite the fact that he was a stranger because he was a neighbor and an ally. ' "
5.67. In doing this, to my thinking, this Cleisthenes was imitating his own mother's father, Cleisthenes the tyrant of Sicyon, for Cleisthenes, after going to war with the Argives, made an end of minstrels' contests at Sicyon by reason of the Homeric poems, in which it is the Argives and Argos which are primarily the theme of the songs. Furthermore, he conceived the desire to cast out from the land Adrastus son of Talaus, the hero whose shrine stood then as now in the very marketplace of Sicyon because he was an Argive. ,He went then to Delphi, and asked the oracle if he should cast Adrastus out, but the priestess said in response: “Adrastus is king of Sicyon, and you but a stone thrower.” When the god would not permit him to do as he wished in this matter, he returned home and attempted to devise some plan which might rid him of Adrastus. When he thought he had found one, he sent to Boeotian Thebes saying that he would gladly bring Melanippus son of Astacus into his country, and the Thebans handed him over. ,When Cleisthenes had brought him in, he consecrated a sanctuary for him in the government house itself, where he was established in the greatest possible security. Now the reason why Cleisthenes brought in Melanippus, a thing which I must relate, was that Melanippus was Adrastus' deadliest enemy, for Adrastus had slain his brother Mecisteus and his son-in-law Tydeus. ,Having then designated the precinct for him, Cleisthenes took away all Adrastus' sacrifices and festivals and gave them to Melanippus. The Sicyonians had been accustomed to pay very great honor to Adrastus because the country had once belonged to Polybus, his maternal grandfather, who died without an heir and bequeathed the kingship to him. ,Besides other honors paid to Adrastus by the Sicyonians, they celebrated his lamentable fate with tragic choruses in honor not of Dionysus but of Adrastus. Cleisthenes, however, gave the choruses back to Dionysus and the rest of the worship to Melanippus. " '
5.78. So the Athenians grew in power and proved, not in one respect only but in all, that equality is a good thing. Evidence for this is the fact that while they were under tyrannical rulers, the Athenians were no better in war than any of their neighbors, yet once they got rid of their tyrants, they were by far the best of all. This, then, shows that while they were oppressed, they were, as men working for a master, cowardly, but when they were freed, each one was eager to achieve for himself. 5.79. This, then, is the course of action which the Athenians took, and the Thebans, desiring vengeance on Athens, afterwards appealed to Delphi for advice. The Pythian priestess said that the Thebans themselves would not be able to obtain the vengeance they wanted and that they should lay the matter before the “many-voiced” and entreat their “nearest.” ,Upon the return of the envoys, an assembly was called and the oracle put before it. When the Thebans heard that they must entreat their “nearest,” they said, “If this is so, our nearest neighbors are the men of Tanagra and Coronea and Thespiae. These are always our comrades in battle and zealously wage our wars. What need, then, is there to entreat them? Perhaps this is the meaning of the oracle.” ' "
6.89. Later Nicodromus, according to his agreement with the Athenians, took possession of the Old City, as it was called; but the Athenians were not there at the right time, for they did not have ships worthy to fight the Aeginetans. While they were asking the Corinthians to lend them ships, the affair was ruined. The Corinthians at that time were their close friends, so they consented to the Athenians' plea and gave them twenty ships, at a price of five drachmas apiece; by their law they could not make a free gift of them. Taking these ships and their own, the Athenians manned seventy in all and sailed for Aegina, but they came a day later than the time agreed. " "
6.105. While still in the city, the generals first sent to Sparta the herald Philippides, an Athenian and a long-distance runner who made that his calling. As Philippides himself said when he brought the message to the Athenians, when he was in the Parthenian mountain above Tegea he encountered Pan. ,Pan called out Philippides' name and bade him ask the Athenians why they paid him no attention, though he was of goodwill to the Athenians, had often been of service to them, and would be in the future. ,The Athenians believed that these things were true, and when they became prosperous they established a sacred precinct of Pan beneath the Acropolis. Ever since that message they propitiate him with annual sacrifices and a torch-race. " '
6.109. The Athenian generals were of divided opinion, some advocating not fighting because they were too few to attack the army of the Medes; others, including Miltiades, advocating fighting. ,Thus they were at odds, and the inferior plan prevailed. An eleventh man had a vote, chosen by lot to be polemarch of Athens, and by ancient custom the Athenians had made his vote of equal weight with the generals. Callimachus of Aphidnae was polemarch at this time. Miltiades approached him and said, ,“Callimachus, it is now in your hands to enslave Athens or make her free, and thereby leave behind for all posterity a memorial such as not even Harmodius and Aristogeiton left. Now the Athenians have come to their greatest danger since they first came into being, and, if we surrender, it is clear what we will suffer when handed over to Hippias. But if the city prevails, it will take first place among Hellenic cities. ,I will tell you how this can happen, and how the deciding voice on these matters has devolved upon you. The ten generals are of divided opinion, some urging to attack, others urging not to. ,If we do not attack now, I expect that great strife will fall upon and shake the spirit of the Athenians, leading them to medize. But if we attack now, before anything unsound corrupts the Athenians, we can win the battle, if the gods are fair. ,All this concerns and depends on you in this way: if you vote with me, your country will be free and your city the first in Hellas. But if you side with those eager to avoid battle, you will have the opposite to all the good things I enumerated.”
6.123. The Alcmeonidae were tyrant-haters as much as Callias, or not less so. Therefore I find it a strange and unbelievable accusation that they of all men should have held up a shield; at all times they shunned tyrants, and it was by their contrivance that the sons of Pisistratus were deposed from their tyranny. ,Thus in my judgment it was they who freed Athens much more than did Harmodius and Aristogeiton. These only enraged the remaining sons of Pisistratus by killing Hipparchus, and did nothing to end the tyranny of the rest of them; but the Alcmeonidae plainly liberated their country, if they truly were the ones who persuaded the Pythian priestess to signify to the Lacedaemonians that they should free Athens, as I have previously shown. ' "
6.127. From Italy came Smindyrides of Sybaris, son of Hippocrates, the most luxurious liver of his day (and Sybaris was then at the height of its prosperity), and Damasus of Siris, son of that Amyris who was called the Wise. ,These came from Italy; from the Ionian Gulf, Amphimnestus son of Epistrophus, an Epidamnian; he was from the Ionian Gulf. From Aetolia came Males, the brother of that Titormus who surpassed all the Greeks in strength, and fled from the sight of men to the farthest parts of the Aetolian land. ,From the Peloponnese came Leocedes, son of Phidon the tyrant of Argos, that Phidon who made weights and measures for the Peloponnesians and acted more arrogantly than any other Greek; he drove out the Elean contest-directors and held the contests at Olympia himself. This man's son now came, and Amiantus, an Arcadian from Trapezus, son of Lycurgus; and an Azenian from the town of Paeus, Laphanes, son of that Euphorion who, as the Arcadian tale relates, gave lodging to the Dioscuri, and ever since kept open house for all men; and Onomastus from Elis, son of Agaeus. ,These came from the Peloponnese itself; from Athens Megacles, son of that Alcmeon who visited Croesus, and also Hippocleides son of Tisandrus, who surpassed the Athenians in wealth and looks. From Eretria, which at that time was prosperous, came Lysanias; he was the only man from Euboea. From Thessaly came a Scopad, Diactorides of Crannon; and from the Molossians, Alcon. " '
7.139. Here I am forced to declare an opinion which will be displeasing to most, but I will not refrain from saying what seems to me to be true. ,Had the Athenians been panic-struck by the threatened peril and left their own country, or had they not indeed left it but remained and surrendered themselves to Xerxes, none would have attempted to withstand the king by sea. What would have happened on land if no one had resisted the king by sea is easy enough to determine. ,Although the Peloponnesians had built not one but many walls across the Isthmus for their defense, they would nevertheless have been deserted by their allies (these having no choice or free will in the matter, but seeing their cities taken one by one by the foreign fleet), until at last they would have stood alone. They would then have put up quite a fight and perished nobly. ,Such would have been their fate. Perhaps, however, when they saw the rest of Hellas siding with the enemy, they would have made terms with Xerxes. In either case Hellas would have been subdued by the Persians, for I cannot see what advantage could accrue from the walls built across the isthmus, while the king was master of the seas. ,As it is, to say that the Athenians were the saviors of Hellas is to hit the truth. It was the Athenians who held the balance; whichever side they joined was sure to prevail. choosing that Greece should preserve her freedom, the Athenians roused to battle the other Greek states which had not yet gone over to the Persians and, after the gods, were responsible for driving the king off. ,Nor were they moved to desert Hellas by the threatening oracles which came from Delphi and sorely dismayed them, but they stood firm and had the courage to meet the invader of their country. 7.140. The Athenians had sent messages to Delphi asking that an oracle be given them, and when they had performed all due rites at the temple and sat down in the inner hall, the priestess, whose name was Aristonice, gave them this answer: ,7.150. Such is the Argives' account of this matter, but there is another story told in Hellas, namely that before Xerxes set forth on his march against Hellas, he sent a herald to Argos, who said on his coming (so the story goes), ,“Men of Argos, this is the message to you from King Xerxes. Perses our forefather had, as we believe, Perseus son of Danae for his father, and Andromeda daughter of Cepheus for his mother; if that is so, then we are descended from your nation. In all right and reason we should therefore neither march against the land of our forefathers, nor should you become our enemies by aiding others or do anything but abide by yourselves in peace. If all goes as I desire, I will hold none in higher esteem than you.” ,The Argives were strongly moved when they heard this, and although they made no promise immediately and demanded no share, they later, when the Greeks were trying to obtain their support, did make the claim, because they knew that the Lacedaemonians would refuse to grant it, and that they would thus have an excuse for taking no part in the war. " "7.151. This is borne out, some of the Greeks say, by the tale of a thing which happened many years afterwards. It happened that while Athenian envoys, Callias son of Hipponicus, and the rest who had come up with him, were at Susa, called the Memnonian, about some other business, the Argives also had at this same time sent envoys to Susa, asking of Xerxes' son Artoxerxes whether the friendship which they had forged with Xerxes still held good, as they desired, or whether he considered them as his enemies. Artoxerxes responded to this that it did indeed hold good and that he believed no city to be a better friend to him than Argos.” " '7.152. Now, whether it is true that Xerxes sent a herald with such a message to Argos, and that the Argive envoys came up to Susa and questioned Artoxerxes about their friendship, I cannot say with exactness, nor do I now declare that I consider anything true except what the Argives themselves say. ,This, however, I know full well, namely if all men should carry their own private troubles to market for barter with their neighbors, there would not be a single one who, when he had looked into the troubles of other men, would not be glad to carry home again what he had brought. ,The conduct of the Argives was accordingly not utterly shameful. As for myself, although it is my business to set down that which is told me, to believe it is none at all of my business. This I ask the reader to hold true for the whole of my history, for there is another tale current, according to which it would seem that it was the Argives who invited the Persian into Hellas, because the war with the Lacedaemonians was going badly, and they would prefer anything to their present distresses. ' "
7.166. They add this tale too—that Gelon and Theron won a victory over Amilcas the Carchedonian in Sicily on the same day that the Greeks defeated the Persian at Salamis. This Amilcas was, on his father's side, a Carchedonian, and a Syracusan on his mother's and had been made king of Carchedon for his virtue. When the armies met and he was defeated in the battle, it is said that he vanished from sight, for Gelon looked for him everywhere but was not able to find him anywhere on earth, dead or alive. " '
7.172. The Thessalians had at first sided with the Persians, not willingly but of necessity. This their acts revealed, because they disliked the plans of the Aleuadae; as soon as they heard that the Persian was about to cross over into Europe, they sent messengers to the Isthmus, where men chosen from the cities which were best disposed towards Hellas were assembled in council for the Greek cause. ,To these the Thessalian messengers came and said, “Men of Hellas, the pass of Olympus must be guarded so that Thessaly and all Hellas may be sheltered from the war. Now we are ready to guard it with you, but you too must send a great force. If you will not send it, be assured that we will make terms with the Persian, for it is not right that we should be left to stand guard alone and so perish for your sakes. ,If you will not send help, there is nothing you can do to constrain us, for no necessity can prevail over lack of ability. As for us, we will attempt to find some means of deliverance for ourselves.” These are the words of the men of Thessaly. ' "7.173. Thereupon the Greeks resolved that they would send a land army to Thessaly by sea to guard the pass. When the forces had assembled, they passed through the Euripus and came to Alus in Achaea, where they disembarked and took the road for Thessaly, leaving their ships where they were. They then came to the pass of Tempe, which runs from the lower Macedonia into Thessaly along the river Peneus, between the mountains Olympus and Ossa. ,There the Greeks were encamped, about ten thousand men-at-arms altogether, and the cavalry was there as well. The general of the Lacedaemonians was Euaenetus son of Carenus, chosen from among the Polemarchs, yet not of the royal house, and Themistocles son of Neocles was the general of the Athenians. ,They remained there for only a few days, for messengers came from Alexander son of Amyntas, the Macedonian. These, pointing out the size of the army and the great number of ships, advised them to depart and not remain there to be trodden under foot by the invading host. When they had received this advice from the messengers (as they thought their advice was sound and that the Macedonian meant well by them), the Greeks followed their counsel. ,To my thinking, however, what persuaded them was fear, since they had found out that there was another pass leading into Thessaly by the hill country of Macedonia through the country of the Perrhaebi, near the town of Gonnus; this was indeed the way by which Xerxes' army descended on Thessaly. The Greeks accordingly went down to their ships and made their way back to the Isthmus. " '
7.206. The Spartans sent the men with Leonidas on ahead so that the rest of the allies would see them and march, instead of medizing like the others if they learned that the Spartans were delaying. At present the 7.221. Not the least proof I have of this is the fact that Leonidas publicly dismissed the seer who attended the expedition, for fear that he might die with them. This was Megistias the Acarian, said to be descended from Melampus, the one who told from the sacrifices what was going to happen to them. He was dismissed but did not leave; instead he sent away his only son who was also with the army.
7.226. This then is how the Lacedaemonians and Thespians conducted themselves, but the Spartan Dieneces is said to have exhibited the greatest courage of all. They say that he made the following speech before they joined battle with the Medes: he had learned from a Trachinian that there were so many of the barbarians that when they shot their missiles, the sun was hidden by the multitude of their arrows. ,He was not at all disturbed by this and made light of the multitude of the Medes, saying that their Trachinian foreigner brought them good news. If the Medes hid the sun, they could fight them in the shade instead of in the sun. This saying and others like it, they claim, Dieneces the Lacedaemonian left behind as a memorial. 7.227. Next after him two Lacedaemonian brothers, Alpheus and Maron, sons of Orsiphantus, are said to have been most courageous. The Thespian who gained most renown was one whose name was Dithyrambus son of Harmatides. 7.228. There is an inscription written over these men, who were buried where they fell, and over those who died before the others went away, dismissed by Leonidas. It reads as follows: 8.46. of the islanders, the Aeginetans provided thirty ships. They had other manned ships, but they guarded their own land with these and fought at Salamis with the thirty most seaworthy. The Aeginetans are Dorians from Epidaurus, and their island was formerly called Oenone. ,After the Aeginetans came the Chalcidians with their twenty ships from Artemisium, and the Eretrians with the same seven; these are Ionians. Next were the Ceans, Ionians from Athens, with the same ships as before. ,The Naxians provided four ships. They had been sent by their fellow citizens to the Persians, like the rest of the islanders, but they disregarded their orders and came to the Hellenes at the urging of Democritus, an esteemed man among the townsmen and at that time captain of a trireme. The Naxians are Ionians descended from Athens. ,The Styrians provided the same number of ships as at Artemisium, and the Cythnians one trireme and a fifty-oared boat; these are both Dryopians. The Seriphians, Siphnians, and Melians also took part, since they were the only islanders who had not given earth and water to the barbarian. ' "
8.74. Those at the Isthmus were involved in so great a labor, since all they had was at stake and they did not expect the ships to win distinction. Those at Salamis heard of their labors but still were full of dread, fearing not for themselves but for the Peloponnese. ,For a time each man talked quietly to his neighbor, wondering at Eurybiades' folly, but finally it came out into the open. They held an assembly and talked at length on the same matters as before: some said they must sail away to the Peloponnese and risk battle for that country, not stay and fight for a captured land; but the Athenians and Aeginetans and Megarians said they must stay and defend themselves. " "8.75. When the Peloponnesians were outvoting him, Themistocles secretly left the assembly, and sent a man by boat to the Median fleet after ordering him what to say. His name was Sicinnus, and he was Themistocles' servant and his sons' attendant. Later Themistocles enrolled him as a Thespian, when the Thespians were adopting citizens, and made him wealthy with money. ,He now came by boat and said to the generals of the barbarians, “The Athenian general has sent me without the knowledge of the other Hellenes. He is on the king's side and prefers that your affairs prevail, not the Hellenes'. I am to tell you that the Hellenes are terrified and plan flight, and you can now perform the finest deed of all if you do not allow them to escape. ,They do not all have the same intent, and they will no longer oppose you. Instead you will see them fighting against themselves, those who are on your side against those who are not.” After indicating this to them he departed." "
8.111. But the Greeks, now that they were no longer minded to pursue the barbarians' ships farther or sail to the Hellespont and break the way of passage, besieged Andros so that they might take it, ,for the men of that place, the first islanders of whom Themistocles demanded money, would not give it. When, however, Themistocles gave them to understand that the Athenians had come with two great gods to aid them, Persuasion and Necessity, and that the Andrians must therefore certainly give money, they said in response, “It is then but reasonable that Athens is great and prosperous, being blessed with serviceable gods. ,As for us Andrians, we are but blessed with a plentiful lack of land, and we have two unserviceable gods who never quit our island but want to dwell there forever, namely Poverty and Helplessness. Since we are in the hands of these gods, we will give no money; the power of Athens can never be stronger than our inability.” " '
9.27.3. Furthermore, when the Argives who had marched with Polynices against Thebes had there made an end of their lives and lay unburied, know that we sent our army against the Cadmeans and recovered the dead and buried them in Eleusis. 9.27.4. We also have on record our great victory against the Amazons, who once came from the river Thermodon and broke into Attica, and in the hard days of Troy we were second to none. But since it is useless to recall these matters—for those who were previously valiant may now be of lesser mettle, and those who lacked mettle then may be better men now— ' "
9.33. On the second day after they had all been arrayed according to their nations and their battalions, both armies offered sacrifice. It was Tisamenus who sacrificed for the Greeks, for he was with their army as a diviner; he was an Elean by birth, a Clytiad of the Iamid clan, and the Lacedaemonians gave him the freedom of their city. ,This they did, for when Tisamenus was inquiring of the oracle at Delphi concerning offspring, the priestess prophesied to him that he should win five great victories. Not understanding that oracle, he engaged in bodily exercise, thinking that he would then be able to win in similar sports. When he had trained himself for the Five Contests, he came within one wrestling bout of winning the Olympic prize, in a match with Hieronymus of Andros. ,The Lacedaemonians, however, perceived that the oracle given to Tisamenus spoke of the lists not of sport but of war, and they attempted to bribe Tisamenus to be a leader in their wars jointly with their kings of Heracles' line. ,When he saw that the Spartans set great store by his friendship, he set his price higher, and made it known to them that he would do what they wanted only in exchange for the gift of full citizenship and all of the citizen's rights. ,Hearing that, the Spartans at first were angry and completely abandoned their request; but when the dreadful menace of this Persian host hung over them, they consented and granted his demand. When he saw their purpose changed, he said that he would not be content with that alone; his brother Hegias too must be made a Spartan on the same terms as himself. " '
9.36. This Tisamenus had now been brought by the Spartans and was the diviner of the Greeks at Plataea. The sacrifices boded good to the Greeks if they would just defend themselves, but evil if they should cross the Asopus and be the first to attack. ' "
9.57. Now Amompharetus at first supposed that Pausanias would never have the heart to leave him and his men, and he insisted that they should remain where they were and not leave their post. When Pausanias' men had already proceeded some distance, he thought that they had really left him. He accordingly bade his battalion take up its arms and led it in marching step after the rest of the column, ,which after going a distance of ten furlongs, was waiting for Amompharetus by the stream Molois and the place called Argiopium, where there is a shrine of Eleusinian Demeter. The reason for their waiting was that, if Amompharetus and his battalion should not leave the place where it was posted but remain there, they would then be able to assist him. ,No sooner had Amompharetus' men come up than the barbarians' cavalry attacked the army, for the horsemen acted as they always had. When they saw no enemy on the ground where the Greeks had been on the days before this, they kept riding forward and attacked the Greeks as soon as they overtook them. " '
9.59. With that, he led the Persians with all speed across the Asopus in pursuit of the Greeks, supposing that they were in flight; it was the army of Lacedaemon and Tegea alone which was his goal, for the Athenians marched another way over the broken ground, and were out of his sight. ,Seeing the Persians setting forth in pursuit of the Greeks, the rest of the barbarian battalions straightway raised their standards and also gave pursuit, each at top speed, no battalion having order in its ranks nor place assigned in the line.
9.61. When the Athenians heard that, they attempted to help the Lacedaemonians and defend them with all their might. But when their march had already begun, they were set upon by the Greeks posted opposite them, who had joined themselves to the king. For this reason, being now under attack by the foe which was closest, they could at the time send no aid. ,The Lacedaemonians and Tegeans accordingly stood alone, men-at-arms and light-armed together; there were of the Lacedaemonians fifty thousand and of the Tegeans, who had never been parted from the Lacedaemonians, three thousand. These offered sacrifice so that they would fare better in battle with Mardonius and the army which was with him. ,They could get no favorable omen from their sacrifices, and in the meanwhile many of them were killed and by far more wounded (for the Persians set up their shields for a fence, and shot showers of arrows). Since the Spartans were being hard-pressed and their sacrifices were of no avail, Pausanias lifted up his eyes to the temple of Hera at Plataea and called on the goddess, praying that they might not be disappointed in their hope. ' "9.62. While he was still in the act of praying, the men of Tegea leapt out before the rest and charged the barbarians, and immediately after Pausanias' prayer the sacrifices of the Lacedaemonians became favorable. Now they too charged the Persians, and the Persians met them, throwing away their bows. ,First they fought by the fence of shields, and when that was down, there was a fierce and long fight around the temple of Demeter itself, until they came to blows at close quarters. For the barbarians laid hold of the spears and broke them short. ,Now the Persians were neither less valorous nor weaker, but they had no armor; moreover, since they were unskilled and no match for their adversaries in craft, they would rush out singly and in tens or in groups great or small, hurling themselves on the Spartans and so perishing. " '
9.65. At Plataea, however, the Persians, routed by the Lacedaemonians, fled in disorder to their own camp and inside the wooden walls which they had made in the territory of Thebes. ,It is indeed a marvel that although the battle was right by the grove of Demeter, there was no sign that any Persian had been killed in the precinct or entered into it; most of them fell near the temple in unconsecrated ground. I think—if it is necessary to judge the ways of the gods—that the goddess herself denied them entry, since they had burnt her temple, the shrine at Eleusis. ' "
9.82. This other story is also told. When Xerxes fled from Hellas, he left to Mardonius his own establishment. Pausanias, seeing Mardonius' establishment with its display of gold and silver and gaily colored tapestry, ordered the bakers and the cooks to prepare a dinner such as they were accustomed to do for Mardonius. ,They did his bidding, but Pausanias, when he saw golden and silver couches richly covered, and tables of gold and silver, and all the magnificent service of the banquet, was amazed at the splendor before him, and for a joke commanded his own servants to prepare a dinner in Laconian fashion. When that meal, so different from the other, was ready, Pausanias burst out laughing and sent for the generals of the Greeks. ,When these had assembled, Pausanias pointed to the manner in which each dinner was served and said: “Men of Hellas, I have brought you here because I desired to show you the foolishness of the leader of the Medes who, with such provisions for life as you see, came here to take away from us our possessions which are so pitiful.” In this way, it is said, Pausanias spoke to the generals of the Greeks. " '
9.101. Moreover, there was the additional coincidence, that there were precincts of Eleusinian Demeter on both battlefields; for at Plataea the fight was near the temple of Demeter, as I have already said, and so it was to be at Mykale also. ,It happened that the rumor of a victory won by the Greeks with Pausanias was true, for the defeat at Plataea happened while it was yet early in the day, and the defeat of Mykale in the afternoon. That the two fell on the same day of the same month was proven to the Greeks when they examined the matter not long afterwards. ,Now before this rumor came they had been faint-hearted, fearing less for themselves than for the Greeks with Pausanias, that Hellas should stumble over Mardonius. But when the report sped among them, they grew stronger and swifter in their onset. So Greeks and barbarians alike were eager for battle, seeing that the islands and the Hellespont were the prizes of victory. ''. None |
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11. Plato, Critias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cronos, Cunaxa,battle of • battle, pre-battle sacrifice
Found in books: Hitch (2017) 230; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014) 139
119e. αὐτῷ θῦμα ἑλεῖν, ἄνευ σιδήρου ξύλοις καὶ βρόχοις ἐθήρευον, ὃν δὲ ἕλοιεν τῶν ταύρων, πρὸς τὴν στήλην προσαγαγόντες κατὰ κορυφὴν αὐτῆς ἔσφαττον κατὰ τῶν γραμμάτων. ἐν δὲ τῇ στήλῃ πρὸς τοῖς νόμοις ὅρκος ἦν μεγάλας ἀρὰς ἐπευχόμενος τοῖς ἀπειθοῦσιν. ΚΡΙ. ὅτʼ οὖν κατὰ τοὺς''. None | 119e. hunted after the bulls with staves and nooses but with no weapon of iron; and whatsoever bull they captured they led up to the pillar and cut its throat over the top of the pillar, raining down blood on the inscription. And inscribed upon the pillar, besides the laws, was an oath which invoked mighty curses upon them that disobeyed. Crit. When, then, they had done sacrifice according to their laws and were consecrating''. None |
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12. Sophocles, Oedipus At Colonus, 621-622 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Arginusae, battle, vow before • Leukothea, Leuktra, battle at • battle-line or pre-battle sacrifices
Found in books: Ekroth (2013) 261; Parker (2005) 402
| 621. catter with the spear today’s pledges of concord. Then one day my slumbering and buried corpse, cold in death, will drink their warm blood, if Zeus is still Zeus, and Phoebus, the son of Zeus, speaks clear. But, since I would not break silence concerning words that must not spoken, allow me to cease where I began.'622. catter with the spear today’s pledges of concord. Then one day my slumbering and buried corpse, cold in death, will drink their warm blood, if Zeus is still Zeus, and Phoebus, the son of Zeus, speaks clear. But, since I would not break silence concerning words that must not spoken, allow me to cease where I began. '. None |
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13. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.102, 1.113, 4.89-4.91, 4.93, 4.96-4.97, 4.99, 5.38.2, 6.10, 6.16, 6.69.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Battles, Delion 424 bc( • Battles, Keressos 6th cent. bc( • Battles, Koroneia 394 bc( • Battles, Koroneia 447 bc( • Battles, Oinophyta ( • Battles, Tanagra ( • Dedications, Delion, battle at • Delion, battle of • Ephesus, battle of • Marathon (Battle of) • Marathon, battle of • Mycale, battle of • Oinoe, Oinophyta, battle of • Plataiai, battle of • mantis, battle participation of manteis • war battle of
Found in books: Barbato (2020) 64; Gygax (2016) 134; Johnston (2008) 116; Johnston and Struck (2005) 200; Kowalzig (2007) 354, 389; Lalone (2019) 132, 140, 141, 147, 148, 185; Pucci (2016) 115, 126; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007) 78, 134; Wilding (2022) 36, 37, 167
5.38.2. πρὶν δὲ τοὺς ὅρκους γενέσθαι οἱ βοιωτάρχαι ἐκοίνωσαν ταῖς τέσσαρσι βουλαῖς τῶν Βοιωτῶν ταῦτα, αἵπερ ἅπαν τὸ κῦρος ἔχουσιν, καὶ παρῄνουν γενέσθαι ὅρκους ταῖς πόλεσιν, ὅσαι βούλονται ἐπ’ ὠφελίᾳ σφίσι ξυνομνύναι.
6.69.2. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν αὐτῶν ἑκατέρων οἵ τε λιθοβόλοι καὶ σφενδονῆται καὶ τοξόται προυμάχοντο καὶ τροπὰς οἵας εἰκὸς ψιλοὺς ἀλλήλων ἐποίουν: ἔπειτα δὲ μάντεις τε σφάγια προύφερον τὰ νομιζόμενα καὶ σαλπιγκταὶ ξύνοδον ἐπώτρυνον τοῖς ὁπλίταις,' '. None | 5.38.2. But before the oaths were taken the Boeotarchs communicated these proposals to the four councils of the Boeotians, in whom the supreme power resides, and advised them to interchange oaths with all such cities as should be willing to enter into a defensive league with the Boeotians.
6.69.2. First, the stone-throwers, slingers, and archers of either army began skirmishing, and routed or were routed by one another, as might be expected between light troops; next, soothsayers brought forward the usual victims, and trumpeters urged on the heavy infantry to the charge; ' '. None |
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14. Xenophon, Agesilaus, 2.9-2.15 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Battles, Koroneia 394 bc( • Battles, Koroneia 447 bc( • Coronea, Coronea, battle of • Haliacmon, river, Haliartus, battle of
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 25; Lalone (2019) 105, 132
| 2.9. I will describe the battle, for there has been none like it in our time. The two armies met in the plain of Coronea , Agesilaus advancing from the Cephisus, the Thebans and their allies from Helicon. Their eyes told them that the opposing lines of battle were exactly matched in strength, and the number of cavalry on both sides was about the same. Agesilaus was on the right wing of his army and had the Orchomenians on his extreme left. On the other side the Thebans themselves were on the right wing and the Argives held the left. 2.10. As they approached both sides for a time maintained complete silence, but when they were about a furlong apart, the Thebans raised the battle-cry and rushed forward at the double. The distance between them was still about one hundred yards when the mercenary troops under Herippidas, consisting of the 2.11. men who had gone with Agesilaus from home and some of the Cyreians, dashed out in turn from their main body, closely followed by Ionians, Aeolians and Hellespontines. All these took part in the dash, and coming within spear-thrust put to flight the force in front of them. As for the Argives, they fled towards Helicon without awaiting the attack of Agesilaus. And now some of the mercenaries were in the act of crowning Agesilaus with a wreath, when a man reported to him that the Thebans had cut their way through the Orchomenians and were among the baggage train. So he immediately wheeled his main body and advanced against them; and the Thebans in their turn, seeing that their allies had sought refuge at the foot of Mt. Helicon, and wanting to break through and join their friends, made a strong move forward. 2.12. At this juncture one may say without fear of contradiction that Agesilaus showed courage; but the course that he adopted was not the safest. For he might have allowed the men who were trying to break through to pass, and then have followed them and annihilated those in the rear. Instead of doing that he made a furious frontal attack on the Thebans. Thrusting shield against shield, they shoved and fought and killed and fell. There was no shouting, nor was there silence, but the strange noise that wrath and battle together will produce. In the end some of the Thebans broke through and reached Helicon, but many fell during the retreat. 2.13. The victory lay with Agesilaus; but he himself had been carried wounded to his battle-line, when some horsemen rode up, and told him that eighty of the enemy retaining their arms had taken cover in the temple, and they asked what they should do. Though wounded in every part of his body with every sort of weapon, he did not forget his duty towards the gods, but gave orders that these men should be suffered to go whithersoever they wished, and would not suffer them to be harmed, and charged his escort of cavalry to conduct them to a place of safety. 2.14. Now that the fighting was at an end, a weird spectacle met the eye, as one surveyed the scene of the conflict — the earth stained with blood, friend and foe lying dead side by side, shields smashed to pieces, spears snapped in two, daggers bared of their sheaths, some on the ground, some embedded in the bodies, some yet gripped by the hand. 2.15. Then, as the day was far spent, having dragged the enemy’s dead In order that the Thebans might not recover them. But some think τῶν πολεμίων corrupt. within their battle line, they supped and slept. Early next morning Agesilaus ordered Gylis, the polemarch, to draw up the army in battle order and to set up a trophy, and to command every man to wear a wreath in honour of the god Apollo. and all the flute-players to play.''. None |
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15. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 2.2.9, 3.2.12 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cronos, Cunaxa,battle of • Marathon, battle of • Sacrifices, before battle • battle, pre-battle sacrifice • battle, sacrifice before • battle-line or pre-battle sacrifices
Found in books: Ekroth (2013) 252; Hitch (2017) 225; Lupu(2005) 380; Mikalson (2003) 30, 127; Simon (2021) 182; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014) 139, 142
2.2.9. ταῦτα δʼ ὤμοσαν, σφάξαντες ταῦρον καὶ κάπρον καὶ κριὸν εἰς ἀσπίδα, οἱ μὲν Ἕλληνες βάπτοντες ξίφος, οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι λόγχην.
3.2.12. καὶ εὐξάμενοι τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι ὁπόσους κατακάνοιεν τῶν πολεμίων τοσαύτας χιμαίρας καταθύσειν τῇ θεῷ, ἐπεὶ οὐκ εἶχον ἱκανὰς εὑρεῖν, ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν πεντακοσίας θύειν, καὶ ἔτι νῦν ἀποθύουσιν.''. None | 2.2.9. These oaths they sealed by sacrificing a bull, a boar, and a ram over a shield, the Greeks dipping a sword in the blood and the barbarians a lance.
3.2.12. And while they had vowed to Artemis that for every man they might slay of the enemy they would sacrifice a goat to the goddess, they were unable to find goats enough; According to Herodotus ( Hdt. 6.117 ) the Persian dead numbered 6,400. so they resolved to offer five hundred every year, and this sacrifice they are paying even to this day. ''. None |
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16. Xenophon, Hellenica, 2.4.18-2.4.19, 4.1.38, 4.3.16, 4.3.19-4.3.20, 4.8.1, 4.8.9, 5.4.10, 6.2.1, 7.5.26-7.5.27 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Battles, Koroneia 394 bc( • Battles, Koroneia 447 bc( • Khaironeia, Battle of xiii, • Maiandrius, Mantinea, battle of • Marathon, battle of • Paktolos, Battle of ( • Plataiai, battle of • Salamis, battle of • Salamis, island, Salamis, battle of • Thermopylae, battle of • battle • clients, Cnidus, battle of • heroism in battle, • mantis, battle participation of manteis
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 197; Gygax (2016) 193; Hau (2017) 230; Henderson (2020) 62, 112; Johnston (2008) 117; Johnston and Struck (2005) 204; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 385; Kowalzig (2007) 212, 389; Laes Goodey and Rose (2013) 234, 239; Lalone (2019) 105, 132, 145; Marek (2019) 150
| 2.4.18. After saying these words and turning about to face the enemy, he kept quiet; for the seer bade them not to attack until one of their own number was either killed or wounded. But as soon as that happens, he said, we shall lead on, and to you who follow will come victory, but death, methinks, to me. 2.4.19. And his saying did not prove false, for when they had taken up their shields, he, as though led on by a kind of fate, leaped forth first of all, fell upon the enemy, and was slain, and he lies buried at the ford of the Cephisus; but the others were victorious, and pursued the enemy as far as the level ground. In this battle fell two of the Thirty, Critias and Hippomachus, one of the Ten who ruled in Piraeus, Charmides, the son of Glaucon, and about seventy of the others. And the victors took possession of their arms, but they did not strip off the tunic Worn underneath the breastplate. The victors, then, appropriated the arms and armour of the dead, but not their clothing. of any citizen. When this had been done and while they were giving back the bodies of the dead, many on either side mingled and talked with one another.
4.1.38. Upon hearing these words Agesilaus grasped his hand and said: O that you, noble sir, a man of such a spirit, may come to be our friend. But at least, he said, be assured of one thing, that now I am going away from your land as speedily as I can, and in the future, even if war continues, we shall withhold our hands from you and yours so long as we can turn our attack against another.
4.3.16. This, then, was the force on both sides; and I will also describe the battle, and how it proved to be like no other of the battles of our time. They met on the plain of Coronea, those with Agesilaus coming from the Cephisus, and those with the Thebans from Mount Helicon. And Agesilaus occupied the right wing of the army under his command, while the Orchomenians were at the extreme end of his left wing. On the other side, the Thebans themselves were on the right and the Argives occupied their left wing.
4.3.19. At this point one may unquestionably call Agesilaus courageous; at least he certainly did not choose the safest course. For while he might have let the men pass by who were trying to break through and then have followed them and overcome those in the rear, he did not do this, but crashed against the Thebans front to front; and setting shields against shields they shoved, fought, killed, and were killed. Finally, some of the Thebans broke through and reached Mount Helicon, but many were killed while making their way thither. 4.3.20. Now when the victory had fallen to Agesilaus and he himself had been carried, wounded, to the phalanx, some of the horsemen rode up and told him that about eighty of the enemy, still armed, had taken shelter in the temple of Athena, and asked him what they should do. And he, although he had received many wounds, nevertheless did not forget the deity, but ordered them to allow these men to go away whithersoever they wished, and would permit them to commit no wrong. Then—it was already late—they took dinner and lay down to rest.
4.8.1. As for the war by land, it was being waged in the manner described. I will now recount what happened by sea and in the cities on the coast while all these things were going on, and will describe such of the events as are worthy of record, while those which do not deserve mention I will pass over. In the first place, then, Pharnabazus and Conon, after defeating the Lacedaemonians in the naval battle, Cp. iii. 10 f. made 394 B.C. a tour of the islands and the cities on the sea coast, drove out the Laconian governors, and encouraged the cities by saying that they would not establish fortified citadels within their walls and would leave them independent.
4.8.9. But when Conon said that if he would allow him to have the fleet, he would maintain it by contributions from the islands and would meanwhile put in at Athens and aid the Athenians in rebuilding their long walls and the wall around Piraeus, Destroyed at the close of the Peloponnesian War. cp. II. ii. 20-23. adding their he knew nothing could be a heavier blow to the 393 B.C. Lacedaemonians than this. And by this act, therefore, he said, you will have conferred a favour upon the Athenians and have taken vengeance upon the Lacedaemonians, inasmuch as you will undo for them the deed for whose accomplishment they underwent the most toil and trouble. Pharnabazus, upon hearing this, eagerly dispatched him to Athens and gave him additional money for the rebuilding of the walls.
5.4.10. Now when the Lacedaemonian governor in the Acropolis heard the proclamation of the night, he at once sent to Plataea and Thespiae for help. And the Theban horsemen, upon perceiving that the Plataeans were approaching, went out to meet them and killed more than twenty of them; then as soon as they had re-entered the city after this achievement, and the Athenians from the borders had arrived, they made an attack upon the Acropolis.
6.2.1. The Lacedaemonians, then, and their allies were gathering together in Phocis, and the Thebans had withdrawn to their own country and were guarding the passes. As for the Athenians, since they saw that the Thebans were growing in power through their help and still were not contributing money for their fleet, while they were themselves being worn out by extraordinary taxes, by plundering expeditions from Aegina, and by guarding their territory, 374 B.C. they conceived a desire to cease from the war, and sending ambassadors to Lacedaemon, concluded peace.
7.5.26. When these things had taken place, the opposite of what all men believed would happen was brought to pass. For since well-nigh all the people of Greece had come together and formed themselves in opposing lines, there was no one who did not suppose that if a battle were fought, those who proved victorious would be the rulers and those who were defeated would be their subjects; but the deity so ordered it that both parties set up a trophy as though victorious and neither tried to hinder those who set 362 B.C. them up, that both gave back the dead under a truce as though victorious, and both received back their dead under a truce as though defeated, and that while each party claimed to be victorious, 7.5.27. neither was found to be any better off, as regards either additional territory, or city, or sway, than before the battle took place; but there was even more confusion and disorder in Greece after the battle than before. Thus far be it written by me; the events after these will perhaps be the concern of another.''. None |
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17. Xenophon, Memoirs, 3.5.10 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Delium, battle of • Khaironeia, Battle of xiii,
Found in books: Edmunds (2021) 84; Henderson (2020) 144
3.5.10. ἆρα λέγεις τὴν τῶν θεῶν κρίσιν, ἣν οἱ περὶ Κέκροπα διʼ ἀρετὴν ἔκριναν; λέγω γάρ, καὶ τὴν Ἐρεχθέως γε τροφὴν καὶ γένεσιν, καὶ τὸν πόλεμον τὸν ἐπʼ ἐκείνου γενόμενον πρὸς τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ἐχομένης ἠπείρου πάσης, καὶ τὸν ἐφʼ Ἡρακλειδῶν πρὸς τοὺς ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ, καὶ πάντας τοὺς ἐπὶ Θησέως πολεμηθέντας, ἐν οἷς πᾶσιν ἐκεῖνοι δῆλοι γεγόνασι τῶν καθʼ ἑαυτοὺς ἀνθρώπων ἀριστεύσαντες·''. None | 3.5.10. Do you refer to the judgment of the gods, i.e., between Poseidon and Athena for the possession of Attica . which Cecrops delivered in his court because of his virtue? Yes, and the care and birth of Erectheus, Iliad, II. 547. Ἐρεχθῇος μεγαλήτορος οὕ ποτ᾽ Ἀθήνη θρέψε Διὸς θυγάτηρ, τέκε δὲ ζείδωρος Ἄρουρα. and the war waged in his day with all the adjacent country, and the war between the sons of Heracles The Athenians claimed that it was through their assistance that the sons of Heracles gained the victory (Herodotus, ix. 27). and the Peloponnesians, and all the wars waged in the days of Theseus, Against the Amazons and Thracians. in all of which it is manifest that they were champions among the men of their time. ''. None |
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18. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Sparta, Sphacteria, Battle of • Spartocus, king of Bosphorus, Sphacteria, battle of
Found in books: Gygax (2016) 181; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021) 79
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19. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cronos, Cunaxa,battle of • battle, pre-battle sacrifice
Found in books: Hitch (2017) 232, 233, 234; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014) 139, 142
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20. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Khaironeia, Battle of xiii, • Sparta, Sphacteria, Battle of • Spartocus, king of Bosphorus, Sphacteria, battle of • clients, Cnidus, battle of
Found in books: Gygax (2016) 192, 194, 196; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021) 79; Henderson (2020) 143
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21. Aeschines, Letters, 3.17 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Ceos, Chaeronea, Battle of • Chabrias, Chaeronea, battle of
Found in books: Gygax (2016) 246; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021) 86
| 3.17. But now to “the irrefutable argument,” as Demosthenes calls it, I wish to reply briefly in advance. For he will say, “I am in charge of the construction of walls; I admit it; but I have made a present of a hundred minas to the state, and I have carried out the work on a larger scale than was prescribed; what then is it that you want to audit? unless a man's patriotism is to be audited!” Now to this pretext hear my answer, true to the facts and beneficial to you. In this city, so ancient and so great, no man is free from the audit who has held any public trust."". None |
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22. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Khaironeia, Battle of xiii, • clients, Cnidus, battle of
Found in books: Gygax (2016) 125; Henderson (2020) 39
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23. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Salamis, Battle of • male animal victims, Marathon, battle of
Found in books: Ekroth (2013) 83; Henderson (2020) 149
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24. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Achilles, absence from battle • Achilles, returns to battle • Rhodes, Salamis, battle of
Found in books: Farrell (2021) 148; Morrison (2020) 146
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25. Cicero, On Divination, 1.48, 2.71 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Campus Martius, Cannae, battle of • Cannae, battle of • Cannae, battle of, auspices at • Drepana, battle of • Trasumene Lake, battle of • auspication, before battle • battle • vitium, at auspices for battle
Found in books: Konrad (2022) 156, 158, 159, 160, 162, 163, 244, 245, 263, 264; Laes Goodey and Rose (2013) 99; Santangelo (2013) 199
1.48. Redeamus ad somnia. Hannibalem Coelius scribit, cum columnam auream, quae esset in fano Iunonis Laciniae, auferre vellet dubitaretque, utrum ea solida esset an extrinsecus inaurata, perterebravisse, cumque solidam invenisset, statuisse tollere; ei secundum quietem visam esse Iunonem praedicere, ne id faceret, minarique, si fecisset, se curaturam, ut eum quoque oculum, quo bene videret, amitteret, idque ab homine acuto non esse neglectum; itaque ex eo auro, quod exterebratum esset, buculam curasse faciendam et eam in summa columna conlocavisse.
2.71. Nec vero non omni supplicio digni P. Claudius L. Iunius consules, qui contra auspicia navigaverunt; parendum enim religioni fuit nec patrius mos tam contumaciter repudiandus. Iure igitur alter populi iudicio damnatus est, alter mortem sibi ipse conscivit. Flaminius non paruit auspiciis, itaque periit cum exercitu. At anno post Paulus paruit; num minus cecidit in Cannensi pugna cum exercitu? Etenim, ut sint auspicia, quae nulla sunt, haec certe, quibus utimur, sive tripudio sive de caelo, simulacra sunt auspiciorum, auspicia nullo modo. Q. Fabi, te mihi in auspicio esse volo ; respondet: audivi . Hic apud maiores nostros adhibebatur peritus, nunc quilubet. Peritum autem esse necesse est eum, qui, silentium quid sit, intellegat; id enim silentium dicimus in auspiciis, quod omni vitio caret.''. None | 1.48. Let us go back to dreams. Coelius writes that Hannibal wished to carry off a golden column from Junos temple at Lacinium, but since he was in doubt whether it was solid or plated, he bored into it. Finding it solid he decided to take it away. But at night Juno came to him in a vision and warned him not to do so, threatening that if he did she would cause the loss of his good eye. That clever man did not neglect the warning. Moreover out of the gold filings he ordered an image of a calf to be made and placed on top of the column.
2.71. In my opinion the consuls, Publius Claudius and Lucius Junius, who set sail contrary to the auspices, were deserving of capital punishment; for they should have respected the established religion and should not have treated the customs of their forefathers with such shameless disdain. Therefore it was a just retribution that the former was condemned by a vote of the people and that the latter took his own life. Flaminius, you say, did not obey the auspices, therefore he perished with his army. But a year later Paulus did obey them; and did he not lose his army and his life in the battle of Cannae? Granting that there are auspices (as there are not), certainly those which we ordinarily employ — whether by the tripudium or by the observation of the heavens — are not auspices in any sense, but are the mere ghosts of auspices.34 Quintus Fabius, I wish you to assist me at the auspices. He answers, I will. (In our forefathers time the magistrates on such occasions used to call in some expert person to take the auspices — but in these days anyone will do. But one must be an expert to know what constitutes silence, for by that term we mean free of every augural defect.''. None |
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26. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 2.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Athena, in battle • Lake Regillus, Battle of
Found in books: Bremmer (2008) 216; Jenkyns (2013) 254
| 2.6. Nor is this unaccountable or accidental; it is the result, firstly, of the fact that the gods often manifest their power in bodily presence. For instance in the Latin War, at the critical battle of Lake Regillus between the dictator Aulus Postumius and Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum, Castor and Pollux were seen fighting on horseback in our ranks. And in more modern history likewise these sons of Tyndareus brought the news of the defeat of Perses. What happened was that Publius Vatinius, the grandfather of our young contemporary, was returning to Rome by night from Reate, of which he was governor, when he was informed by two young warriors on white horses that King Perses had that very day been taken prisoner. When Vatinius carried the news to the Senate, at first he was flung into gaol on the charge of spreading an unfounded report on a matter of national concern; but afterwards a dispatch arrived from Paulus, and the date was found to tally, so the Senate bestowed upon Vatinius both a grant of land and exemption from military service. It is also recorded in history that when the Locrians won their great victory over the people of Crotona at the important battle of the River Sagra, news of the engagement was reported at the Olympic Games on the very same day. often has the sound of the voices of the Fauns, often has the apparition of a divine form compelled anyone that is not either feeble-minded or impious to admit the real presence of the gods. ''. None |
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27. Cicero, On Duties, 3.104 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Calypso, Cannae,battle of • Cannae, battle of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 270; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014) 278; Verhagen (2022) 270
3.104. Non fuit Iuppiter metuendus ne iratus noceret, qui neque irasci solet nec nocere. Haec quidem ratio non magis contra Reguli quam contra omne ius iurandum valet. Sed in iure iurando non qui metus, sed quae vis sit, debet intellegi; est enim ius iurandum affirmatio religiosa; quod autem affirmate quasi deo teste promiseris, id tenendum est. Iam enim non ad iram deorum, quae nulla est, sed ad iustitiam et ad fidem pertinet. Nam praeclare Ennius: Ó Fides alma ápta pinnis ét ius iurandúm Iovis! Qui ius igitur iurandum violat, is Fidem violat, quam in Capitolio vicinam Iovis optimi maximi, ut in Catonis oratione est, maiores nostri esse voluerunt.''. None | 3.104. \xa0"He need not have been afraid that Jupiter in anger would inflict injury upon him; he is not wont to be angry or hurtful." This argument, at all events, has no more weight against Regulus\'s conduct than it has against the keeping of any other oath. But in taking an oath it is our duty to consider not what one may have to fear in case of violation but wherein its obligation lies: an oath is an assurance backed by religious sanctity; and a solemn promise given, as before God as one\'s witness, is to be sacredly kept. For the question no longer concerns the wrath of the gods (for there is no such thing) but the obligations of justice and good faith. For, as Ennius says so admirably: "Gracious Good Faith, on wings upborne; thou oath in Jupiter\'s great name!" Whoever, therefore, violates his oath violates Good Faith; and, as we find it stated in Cato\'s speech, our forefathers chose that she should dwell upon the Capitol "neighbour to Jupiter Supreme and Best." <''. None |
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28. Polybius, Histories, 1.51, 5.79, 5.84 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aegates Islands, battle of • Drepana, battle of • Magnesia, Battle of • Raphia, Battle of • auspication, before battle • battle order
Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 453; Giusti (2018) 210; Konrad (2022) 161; Schwartz (2008) 332; Stephens and Winkler (1995) 61
| 5.79. 1. \xa0By the beginning of spring Antiochus and Ptolemy had completed their preparations and were determined on deciding the fate of the Syrian expedition by a battle.,2. \xa0Now Ptolemy started from Alexandria with an army of seventy thousand foot, five thousand horse, and seventy-three elephants,,3. \xa0and Antiochus, on learning of his advance, concentrated his forces. These consisted first of Daae, Carmanians, and Cilicians, light-armed troops about five thousand in number organized and commanded by Byttacus the Macedonian.,4. \xa0Under Theodotus the Aetolian, who had played the traitor to Ptolemy, was a force of ten thousand selected from every part of the kingdom and armed in the Macedonian manner, most of them with silver shields.,5. \xa0The phalanx was about twenty thousand strong and was under the command of Nicarchus and Theodotus surnamed Hemiolius.,6. \xa0There were Agrianian and Persian bowmen and slingers to the number of two thousand, and with them two thousand Thracians, all under the command of Menedemus of Alabanda.,7. \xa0Aspasianus the Mede had under him a force of about five thousand Medes, Cissians, Cadusians, and Carmanians.,8. \xa0The Arabs and neighbouring tribes numbered about ten thousand and were commanded by Zabdibelus.,9. \xa0Hippolochus the Thessalian commanded the mercenaries from Greece, five thousand in number.,10. \xa0Antiochus had also fifteen hundred Cretans under Eurylochus and a\xa0thousand Neocretans under Zelys of Gortyna.,11. \xa0With these were five hundred Lydian javelineers and a\xa0thousand Cardaces under Lysimachus the Gaul.,12. \xa0The cavalry numbered six thousand in all, four thousand of them being commanded by Antipater the king's nephew and the rest by Themison.,13. \xa0The whole army of Antiochus consisted of sixty-two thousand foot, six thousand horse, and a\xa0hundred and two elephants. " "
5.84. 1. \xa0When Ptolemy and his sister after their progress had reached the extremity of his left wing and Antiochus with his horse-guards had reached his extreme right, they gave the signal for battle and brought the elephants first into action.,2. \xa0A\xa0few only of Ptolemy's elephants ventured to close with those of the enemy, and now the men in the towers on the back of these beasts made a gallant fight of it, striking with their pikes at close quarters and wounding each other, while the elephants themselves fought still better, putting forth their whole strength and meeting forehead to forehead.,4. \xa0The way in which these animals fight is as follows. With their tusks firmly interlocked they shove with all their might, each trying to force the other to give ground, until the one who proves strongest pushes aside the other's trunk,,4. \xa0and then, when he has once made him turn and has him in the flank, he gores him with his tusks as a bull does with his horns.,5. \xa0Most of Ptolemy's elephants, however, declined the combat, as is the habit of African elephants;,6. \xa0for unable to stand the smell and the trumpeting of the Indian elephants, and terrified, I\xa0suppose, also by their great size and strength, they at once turn tail and take to flight before they get near them.,7. \xa0This is what happened on the present occasion; and when Ptolemy's elephants were thus thrown into confusion and driven back on their own lines, Ptolemy's guard gave way under the pressure of the animals.,8. \xa0Meanwhile Antiochus and his cavalry riding past the flank of the elephants on the outside attacked Polycrates and the cavalry under his command,,9. \xa0while at the same time on the other side of the elephants the Greek mercenaries next the phalanx fell upon Ptolemy's peltasts and drove them back, their ranks having been already thrown into confusion by the elephants.,10. \xa0Thus the whole of Ptolemy's left wing was hard pressed and in retreat." ". None |
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29. Septuagint, 3 Maccabees, 3.24, 6.33 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Raphia, Battle of • combatants
Found in books: Bernabe et al (2013) 455; Piotrkowski (2019) 252, 310
| 3.24. Therefore, fully convinced by these indications that they are ill-disposed toward us in every way, we have taken precautions lest, if a sudden disorder should later arise against us, we should have these impious people behind our backs as traitors and barbarous enemies.
6.33. Likewise also the king, after convening a great banquet to celebrate these events, gave thanks to heaven unceasingly and lavishly for the unexpected rescue which he had experienced.''. None |
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30. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 1.11, 2.24, 2.27, 2.40, 2.42, 2.44, 2.48, 2.50, 2.64, 3.5, 3.15, 3.58, 6.18-6.19, 6.21, 6.43-6.46, 7.21 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Beth- Zechariah, battle of • Beth-Zur, Battle of • Creation Battle • Maccabees, Fight against Renegades • Magnesia, Battle of • Sabbath, fighting on
Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 1052, 1053, 1124, 1125; Moss (2012) 40; Schwartz (2008) 29, 332, 394, 395; Trudinger (2004) 221; Visnjic (2021) 109
| 1.11. In those days lawless men came forth from Israel, and misled many, saying, "Let us go and make a covet with the Gentiles round about us, for since we separated from them many evils have come upon us."
2.24. When Mattathias saw it, be burned with zeal and his heart was stirred. He gave vent to righteous anger; he ran and killed him upon the altar.
2.27. Then Mattathias cried out in the city with a loud voice, saying: "Let every one who is zealous for the law and supports the covet come out with me!"
2.40. And each said to his neighbor: "If we all do as our brethren have done and refuse to fight with the Gentiles for our lives and for our ordices, they will quickly destroy us from the earth."
2.42. Then there united with them a company of Hasideans, mighty warriors of Israel, every one who offered himself willingly for the law.
2.44. They organized an army, and struck down sinners in their anger and lawless men in their wrath; the survivors fled to the Gentiles for safety.
2.48. They rescued the law out of the hands of the Gentiles and kings, and they never let the sinner gain the upper hand.
2.50. Now, my children, show zeal for the law, and give your lives for the covet of our fathers.
2.64. My children, be courageous and grow strong in the law, for by it you will gain honor.
3.5. He searched out and pursued the lawless;he burned those who troubled his people.
3.15. And again a strong army of ungodly men went up with him to help him, to take vengeance on the sons of Israel.
3.58. And Judas said, "Gird yourselves and be valiant. Be ready early in the morning to fight with these Gentiles who have assembled against us to destroy us and our sanctuary.
6.18. Now the men in the citadel kept hemming Israel in around the sanctuary. They were trying in every way to harm them and strengthen the Gentiles. 6.19. So Judas decided to destroy them, and assembled all the people to besiege them.
6.21. But some of the garrison escaped from the siege and some of the ungodly Israelites joined them.
6.43. And Eleazar, called Avaran, saw that one of the beasts was equipped with royal armor. It was taller than all the others, and he supposed that the king was upon it. 6.44. So he gave his life to save his people and to win for himself an everlasting name. 6.45. He courageously ran into the midst of the phalanx to reach it; he killed men right and left, and they parted before him on both sides. 6.46. He got under the elephant, stabbed it from beneath, and killed it; but it fell to the ground upon him and he died.
7.21. Alcimus strove for the high priesthood,''. None |
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31. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 6.18, 8.6, 8.10-8.11, 8.23, 8.27, 8.30-8.36, 9.1-9.2, 9.7-9.17, 10.5-10.8, 12.2, 14.1, 14.14, 14.17, 14.21, 14.25, 14.27-14.28, 15.3, 15.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Beth- Zechariah, battle of • Beth-Zur, Battle of • Maccabees, Fight against Renegades • Magnesia, Battle of • Modein, Battle at • Motifs (Thematic), Battle • combatants
Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 1053, 1124; Moss (2012) 40; Piotrkowski (2019) 409; Schwartz (2008) 26, 28, 30, 32, 332, 333, 354, 374, 389, 402, 432, 544
| 6.18. Eleazar, one of the scribes in high position, a man now advanced in age and of noble presence, was being forced to open his mouth to eat swine's flesh.'" "
8.6. Coming without warning, he would set fire to towns and villages. He captured strategic positions and put to flight not a few of the enemy.'" "
8.10. Nicanor determined to make up for the king the tribute due to the Romans, two thousand talents, by selling the captured Jews into slavery.'" "8.11. And he immediately sent to the cities on the seacoast, inviting them to buy Jewish slaves and promising to hand over ninety slaves for a talent, not expecting the judgment from the Almighty that was about to overtake him.'" "
8.23. Besides, he appointed Eleazar to read aloud from the holy book, and gave the watchword, 'God's help'; then, leading the first division himself, he joined battle with Nicanor.'" "
8.27. And when they had collected the arms of the enemy and stripped them of their spoils, they kept the sabbath, giving great praise and thanks to the Lord, who had preserved them for that day and allotted it to them as the beginning of mercy.'" "
8.30. In encounters with the forces of Timothy and Bacchides they killed more than twenty thousand of them and got possession of some exceedingly high strongholds, and they divided very much plunder, giving to those who had been tortured and to the orphans and widows, and also to the aged, shares equal to their own.'" "8.31. Collecting the arms of the enemy, they stored them all carefully in strategic places, and carried the rest of the spoils to Jerusalem.'" "8.32. They killed the commander of Timothy's forces, a most unholy man, and one who had greatly troubled the Jews.'" "8.33. While they were celebrating the victory in the city of their fathers, they burned those who had set fire to the sacred gates, Callisthenes and some others, who had fled into one little house; so these received the proper recompense for their impiety.'" "8.34. The thrice-accursed Nicanor, who had brought the thousand merchants to buy the Jews,'" "8.35. having been humbled with the help of the Lord by opponents whom he regarded as of the least account, took off his splendid uniform and made his way alone like a runaway slave across the country till he reached Antioch, having succeeded chiefly in the destruction of his own army!'" "8.36. Thus he who had undertaken to secure tribute for the Romans by the capture of the people of Jerusalem proclaimed that the Jews had a Defender, and that therefore the Jews were invulnerable, because they followed the laws ordained by him.'" "
9.1. About that time, as it happened, Antiochus had retreated in disorder from the region of Persia.'" "9.2. For he had entered the city called Persepolis, and attempted to rob the temples and control the city. Therefore the people rushed to the rescue with arms, and Antiochus and his men were defeated, with the result that Antiochus was put to flight by the inhabitants and beat a shameful retreat.'" "
9.7. Yet he did not in any way stop his insolence, but was even more filled with arrogance, breathing fire in his rage against the Jews, and giving orders to hasten the journey. And so it came about that he fell out of his chariot as it was rushing along, and the fall was so hard as to torture every limb of his body.'" "9.8. Thus he who had just been thinking that he could command the waves of the sea, in his superhuman arrogance, and imagining that he could weigh the high mountains in a balance, was brought down to earth and carried in a litter, making the power of God manifest to all.'" "9.9. And so the ungodly man's body swarmed with worms, and while he was still living in anguish and pain, his flesh rotted away, and because of his stench the whole army felt revulsion at his decay.'" '
9.10. Because of his intolerable stench no one was able to carry the man who a little while before had thought that he could touch the stars of heaven."' "
9.11. Then it was that, broken in spirit, he began to lose much of his arrogance and to come to his senses under the scourge of God, for he was tortured with pain every moment.'" "
9.12. And when he could not endure his own stench, he uttered these words: 'It is right to be subject to God, and no mortal should think that he is equal to God.'" "
9.13. Then the abominable fellow made a vow to the Lord, who would no longer have mercy on him, stating'" "
9.14. that the holy city, which he was hastening to level to the ground and to make a cemetery, he was now declaring to be free;'" "
9.15. and the Jews, whom he had not considered worth burying but had planned to throw out with their children to the beasts, for the birds to pick, he would make, all of them, equal to citizens of Athens;'" "
9.16. and the holy sanctuary, which he had formerly plundered, he would adorn with the finest offerings; and the holy vessels he would give back, all of them, many times over; and the expenses incurred for the sacrifices he would provide from his own revenues;'" '
9.17. and in addition to all this he also would become a Jew and would visit every inhabited place to proclaim the power of God."' "
10.5. It happened that on the same day on which the sanctuary had been profaned by the foreigners, the purification of the sanctuary took place, that is, on the twenty-fifth day of the same month, which was Chislev.'" "10.6. And they celebrated it for eight days with rejoicing, in the manner of the feast of booths, remembering how not long before, during the feast of booths, they had been wandering in the mountains and caves like wild animals.'" "10.7. Therefore bearing ivy-wreathed wands and beautiful branches and also fronds of palm, they offered hymns of thanksgiving to him who had given success to the purifying of his own holy place.'" '10.8. They decreed by public ordice and vote that the whole nation of the Jews should observe these days every year."' "
12.2. But some of the governors in various places, Timothy and Apollonius the son of Gennaeus, as well as Hieronymus and Demophon, and in addition to these Nicanor the governor of Cyprus, would not let them live quietly and in peace.'" "
14.1. Three years later, word came to Judas and his men that Demetrius, the son of Seleucus, had sailed into the harbor of Tripolis with a strong army and a fleet,'" "
14.14. And the Gentiles throughout Judea, who had fled before Judas, flocked to join Nicanor, thinking that the misfortunes and calamities of the Jews would mean prosperity for themselves.'" "
14.17. Simon, the brother of Judas, had encountered Nicanor, but had been temporarily checked because of the sudden consternation created by the enemy.'" '
14.21. And the leaders set a day on which to meet by themselves. A chariot came forward from each army; seats of honor were set in place;"' "
14.25. And he urged him to marry and have children; so he married, settled down, and shared the common life.'" "
14.27. The king became excited and, provoked by the false accusations of that depraved man, wrote to Nicanor, stating that he was displeased with the covet and commanding him to send Maccabeus to Antioch as a prisoner without delay.'" "14.28. When this message came to Nicanor, he was troubled and grieved that he had to annul their agreement when the man had done no wrong.'" '
15.3. the thrice-accursed wretch asked if there were a sovereign in heaven who had commanded the keeping of the sabbath day."' "
15.12. What he saw was this: Onias, who had been high priest, a noble and good man, of modest bearing and gentle manner, one who spoke fittingly and had been trained from childhood in all that belongs to excellence, was praying with outstretched hands for the whole body of the Jews.'"". None |
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32. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 11.29.2, 14.84.4, 15.54.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Leukothea, Leuktra, battle at • Marathon, battle of • Sacrifices, before battle • Salamis, battle of • battle, pre-battle sacrifice • clients, Cnidus, battle of • lethargy, Leuktra, Battle of
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 197; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 218; Ekroth (2013) 97; Gygax (2016) 193; Hitch (2017) 224; Mikalson (2003) 93
| 11.29.2. \xa0And when the Greek forces were assembled at the Isthmus, all of them agreed that they should swear an oath about the war, one that would make staunch the concord among them and would compel entrenchment nobly to endure the perils of the battle.
14.84.4. \xa0Something like the same eagerness for change infected all the cities, of which some expelled their Lacedaemonian garrisons and maintained their freedom, while others attached themselves to Conon. As for the Lacedaemonians, from this time they lost the sovereignty of the sea. Conon, having decided to sail with the entire fleet to Attica, put out to sea, and after bringing over to his cause the islands of the Cyclades, he sailed against the island of Cythera.
15.54.2. \xa0Certain local oracle-mongers likewise came up to Epameinondas, saying that the Lacedaemonians were destined to meet with a great disaster by the tomb of the daughters of Leuctrus and Scedasus for the following reasons.''. None |
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33. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 3.2-3.30 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cannae, battle of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 270; Verhagen (2022) 270
| 3.2. 1. \xa0Many military exploits are related of him, but the greatest are those which I\xa0shall now narrate, beginning with the war against the Albans. The man responsible for the quarrel between the two cities and the severing of their bond of kinship was an Alban named Cluilius, who had been honoured with the chief magistracy; this man, vexed at the prosperity of the Romans and unable to contain his envy, and being by nature headstrong and somewhat inclined to madness, resolved to involve the cities in war with each other.,2. \xa0But not seeing how he could persuade the Albans to permit him to lead an army against the Romans without just and urgent reasons, he contrived a plan of the following sort: he permitted the poorest and boldest of the Albans to pillage the fields of the Romans, promising them immunity, and so caused many to overrun the neighbouring territory in a series of plundering raids, as they would now be pursuing without danger gains from which they would never desist even under the constraint of fear.,3. \xa0In doing this he was following a very natural line of reasoning, as the event bore witness. For he assumed that the Romans would not submit to being plundered but would rush to arms, and he would thus have an opportunity of accusing them to his people as the aggressors in the war; and he also believed that the majority of the Albans, envying the prosperity of their colony, would gladly listen to these false accusations and would begin war against the Romans. And that is just what happened.,4. \xa0For when the worst elements of each city fell to robbing and plundering each other and at last a Roman army made an incursion into the territory of the Albans and killed or took prisoner many of the bandits, Cluilius assembled the people and inveighed against the Romans at great length, showed them many who were wounded, produced the relations of those who had been seized or slain, and at the same time added other circumstances of his own invention; whereupon it was voted on his motion to send an embassy first of all to demand satisfaction for what had happened, and then, if the Romans refused it, to begin war against them. 3.3. 1. \xa0Upon the arrival of the ambassadors at Rome, Tullius, suspecting that they had come to demand satisfaction, resolved to anticipate them in doing this, since he wished to turn upon the Albans the blame for breaking the compact between them and their colony. For there existed a treaty between the two cities which had been made in the reign of Romulus, wherein, among other articles, it was stipulated that neither of them should begin a war, but if either complained of any injury whatsoever, that city would demand satisfaction from the city which had done the injury, and failing to obtain it, should then make war as a matter of necessity, the treaty being looked upon as already broken.,2. \xa0Tullius, therefore, taking care that the Romans should not be the first called upon to give satisfaction and, by refusing it, become guilty in the eyes of the Albans, ordered the most distinguished of his friends to entertain the ambassadors of the Albans with every courtesy and to detain them inside their homes while he himself, pretending to be occupied with some necessary business, put off their audience.,3. \xa0The following night he sent to Alba some Romans of distinction, duly instructed as to the course they should pursue, together with the fetiales, to demand satisfaction from the Albans for the injuries the Romans had received. These, having performed their journey before sunrise, found Cluilius in the market-place at the time when the early morning crowd was gathered there. And having set forth the injuries which the Romans had received at the hands of the Albans, they demanded that he should act in conformity with the compact between the cities.,4. \xa0But Cluilius, alleging that the Albans had been first in sending envoys to Rome to demand satisfaction and had not even been vouchsafed an answer, ordered the Romans to depart, on the ground that they had violated the terms of the treaty, and declared war against them. The chief of the embassy, however, as he was departing, demanded from Cluilius an answer to just this one question, namely, whether he admitted that those were violating the treaty who, being the first called upon to give satisfaction, had refused to comply with any part of their obligation.,5. \xa0And when Cluilius said he did, he exclaimed: "Well, then, I\xa0call the gods, whom we made witnesses of our treaty, to witness that the Romans, having been the first to be refused satisfaction, will be undertaking a just war against the violators of that treaty, and that it is you Albans who have avoided giving satisfaction, as the events themselves show. For you, being the first called upon for satisfaction, have refused it and you have been the first to declare war against us. Look, therefore, for vengeance to come upon you ere long with the sword.",6. \xa0Tullius, having learned of all this from the ambassadors upon their return to Rome, then ordered the Albans to be brought before him and to state the reasons for their coming; and when they had delivered the message entrusted to them by Cluilius and were threatening war in case they did not obtain satisfaction, he replied: "I\xa0have anticipated you in doing this, and having obtained nothing that the treaty directs, I\xa0declare against the Albans the war that is both necessary and just." ' "3.4. 1. \xa0After these pretences they both prepared themselves for war, not only arming their own forces but also calling to their assistance those of their subjects. And when they had everything ready the two armies drew near to each other and encamped at the distance of forty stades from Rome, the Albans at the Cluilian Ditches, as they are called (for they still preserve the name of the man who constructed them) and the Romans a little farther inside, having chosen the most convenient place for their camp.,2. \xa0When the two armies saw each other's forces neither inferior in numbers nor poorly armed nor to be despised in respect of their other preparations, they lost their impetuous ardour for the combat, which they had felt at first because of their expectation of defeating the enemy by their very onset, and they took thought rather of defending themselves by building their ramparts to a greater height than of being the first to attack. At the same time the most intelligent among them began to reflect, feeling that they were not being governed by the best counsels, and there was a spirit of faultfinding against those in authority.,3. \xa0And as the time dragged on in vain (for they were not injuring one another to any notable extent by sudden dashes of the light-armed troops or by skirmishes of the horse), the man who was looked upon as responsible for the war, Cluilius, being irked at lying idle, resolved to march out with his army and challenge the enemy to battle, and if they declined it, to attack their entrenchments.,4. \xa0And having made his preparations for an engagement and all the plans necessary for an attack upon the enemy's ramparts, in case that should prove necessary, when night came on he went to sleep in the general's tent, attended by his usual guard; but about daybreak he was found dead, no signs appearing on his body either of wounds, strangling, poison, or any other violent death. " "3.5. 1. \xa0This unfortunate event appearing extraordinary to everybody, as one would naturally expect, and the cause of it being enquired into â\x80\x94 for no preceding illness could be alleged â\x80\x94 those who ascribed all human fortunes to divine providence said that this death had been due to the anger of the gods, because he had handled an unjust and unnecessary war between the mother-city and her colony. But others, who looked upon war as a profitable business and thought they had been deprived of great gains, attributed the event to human treachery and envy, accusing some of his fellow citizens of the opposing faction of having made away with him by secret and untraceable poisons that they had discovered.,2. \xa0Still others alleged that, being overcome with grief and despair, he had taken his own life, since all his plans were becoming difficult and impracticable and none of the things that he had looked forward to in the beginning when he first took hold of affairs was succeeding according to his desire. But those who were not influenced by either friendship or enmity for the general and based their judgment of what had happened on the soundest grounds were of the opinion that neither the anger of the gods nor the envy of the opposing faction nor despair of his plans had put an end to his life, but rather Nature's stern law and fate, when once he had finished the destined course which is marked out for everyone that is born.,3. \xa0Such, then, was the end that Cluilius met, before he had performed any noble deed. In his place Mettius Fufetius was chosen general by those in the camp and invested with absolute power; he was a man without either ability to conduct a war or constancy to preserve a peace, one who, though he had been at first as zealous as any of the Albans in creating strife between the two cities and for that reason had been honoured with the command after the death of Cluilius, yet after he had obtained it and perceived the many difficulties and embarrassments with which the business was attended, no longer adhered to the same plans, but resolved to delay and put off matters, since he observed that not all the Albans now had the same ardour for war and also that the victims, whenever he offered sacrifice concerning battle, were unfavourable.,4. \xa0And at last he even determined to invite the enemy to an accommodation, taking the initiative himself in sending heralds, after he had been informed of a danger from the outside which threatened both the Albans and Romans, a danger which, if they did not terminate their war with each other by a treaty, was unavoidable and bound to destroy both armies. The danger was this: " "3.6. 1. \xa0The Veientes and Fidenates, who inhabited large and populous cities, had in the reign of Romulus engaged in a war with the Romans for command and sovereignty, and after losing many armies in the course of the war and being punished by the loss of part of their territory, they had been forced to become subjects of the conquerors; concerning which I\xa0have given a precise account in the preceding Book. But having enjoyed an uninterrupted peace during the reign of Numa Pompilius, they had greatly increased in population, wealth and every other form of prosperity. Elated, therefore, by these advantages, they again aspired to freedom, assumed a bolder spirit and prepared to yield obedience to the Romans no longer.,2. \xa0For a time, indeed, their intention of revolting remained undiscovered, but during the Alban war it became manifest. For when they learned that the Romans had marched out with all their forces to engaged the Albans, they thought that they had now got the most favourable opportunity for their attack, and through their most influential men they entered into a secret conspiracy. It was arranged that all who were capable of bearing arms should assemble in Fidenae, going secretly, a\xa0few at a time, so as to escape as far as possible the notice of those against whom the plot was aimed,,3. \xa0and should remain there awaiting the moment when the armies of the Romans and Albans should quit their camps and march out to battle, the actual time to be indicated to them by means of signals given by some scouts posted on the mountains; and as soon as the signals were raised they were all to take arms and advance in haste against the combatants (the road leading from Fidenae to the camps was not a long one, but only a march of two or three hours at most), and appearing on the battlefield at the time when presumably the conflict would be over, they were to regard neither side as friends, but whether the Romans or the Albans had won, were to slay the victors. This was the plan of action on which the chiefs of those cities had determined.,4. \xa0If, therefore, the Albans, in their contempt for the Romans, had rushed more boldly into an engagement and had resolved to stake everything upon the issue of a single battle, nothing could have hindered the treachery contrived against them from remaining secret and both their armies from being destroyed. But as it was, their delay in beginning war, contrary to all expectations, and the length of time they employed in making their preparations were bringing their foes' plans to nought. For some of the conspirators, either seeking to compass their private advantage or envying their leaders and those who had been the authors of the undertaking or fearing that others might lay information â\x80\x94 a\xa0thing which has often happened in conspiracies where there are many accomplices and the execution is long delayed â\x80\x94 or being compelled by the will of Heaven, which could not consent that a wicked design should meet with success, informed their enemies of the treachery. " '3.7. 1. \xa0Fufetius, upon learning of this, grew still more desirous of making an accommodation, feeling that they now had no choice left of any other course. The king of the Romans also had received information of this conspiracy from his friends in Fidenae, so that he, too, made no delay but hearkened to the overtures made by Fufetius. When the two met in the space between the camps, each being attended by his council consisting of persons of competent judgment, they first embraced, according to their former custom, and exchanged the greetings usual among friends and relations, and then proceeded to discuss an accommodation.,2. \xa0And first the Alban leader began as follows: "It seems to me necessary to begin my speech by setting forth the reasons why I\xa0have determined to take the initiative in proposing a termination of the war, though neither defeated by you Romans in battle nor hindered from supplying my army with provisions nor reduced to any other necessity, to the end that you may not imagine that a recognition of the weakness of my own force or a belief that yours is difficult to overcome makes me seek a plausible excuse for ending the war. For, should you entertain such an opinion of us, you would be intolerably severe, and, as if you were already victorious in the war, you could not bring yourself to do anything reasonable.,3. \xa0In order, therefore, that you may not impute to me false reasons for my purpose to end the war, listen to the true reasons. My country have been appointed me general with absolute power, as soon as I\xa0took over the command I\xa0considered what were the causes which had disturbed the peace of our cities. And finding them trivial and petty and of too little consequence to dissolve so great a friendship and kinship, I\xa0concluded that neither we Albans nor you Romans had been governed by the best counsels.,4. \xa0And I\xa0was further convinced of this and led to condemn the great madness that we both have shown, an once I\xa0had taken hold of affairs and began to sound out each man\'s private opinion. For I\xa0found that the Albans neither in their private meetings nor in their public assemblies were all of one mind regarding the war; and the signs from Heaven, whenever I\xa0consulted the victims concerning battle, presenting, as they did, far greater difficulties than those based on human reasoning, caused me great dismay and anxiety.,5. \xa0In view, therefore, of these considerations, I\xa0restrained my eagerness for armed conflicts and devised delays and postponements of the war, in the belief that you Romans would make the first overtures towards peace. And indeed you should have done this, Tullius, since you are our colony, and not have waited till your mother-city set the example. For the founders of cities have a right to receive as great respect from their colonies as parents from their children.,6. \xa0But while we have been delaying and watching each other, to see which side should first make friendly overtures, another motive, more compelling than any arguments drawn from human reason, has arisen to draw us together. And since I\xa0learned of this while it was yet a secret to you, I\xa0felt that I\xa0ought no longer to aim at appearances in concluding peace. For dreadful designs are being formed against us, Tullius, and a deadly plot has been woven against both of us, a plot which was bound to overwhelm and destroy us easily and without effort, bursting upon us like a conflagration or a flood.,7. \xa0The authors of these wicked designs are the chiefs of the Fidenates and Veientes, who have conspired together. Hear now the nature of their plot and how the knowledge of their secret design came to me." 3.8. 1. \xa0With these words he gave to one of those present the letters which a certain man had brought to him from his friends at Fidenae, and desired him to read them out; and at the same time he produced the man who had brought the letters. After they were read and the man had informed them of everything he had learned by word of mouth from the persons who had despatched the letters, all present were seized with great astonishment, as one would naturally expect upon their hearing of so great and so unexpected a danger. Then Fufetius, after a short pause, continued:,2. \xa0You have now heard, Romans, the reasons why I\xa0have thus far been postponing armed conflicts with you and have now thought fit to make the first overtures concerning peace. After this it is for you to consider whether, in order to avenge the seizure of some miserable oxen and sheep, you ought to continue to carry on an implacable war against year founders and fathers, in the course of which, whether conquered or conquerors, you are sure to be destroyed, or, laying aside your enmity toward your kinsmen, to march with us against our common foes, who have plotted not only to revolt from you but also to attack you â\x80\x94 although they have neither suffered any harm nor had any reason to fear that they should suffer any â\x80\x94 and, what is more, have not attacked us openly, according to the universally recognized laws of war, but under cover of darkness, so that their treachery could least be suspected and guarded against.,3. \xa0But I\xa0need say no more to convince you that we ought to lay aside our enmity and march with all speed against these impious men (for it would be madness to think otherwise), since you are already resolved and will pursue that resolution. But in what manner the terms of reconciliation may prove honourable and advantageous to both cities (for probably you have long been eager to hear this) I\xa0shall now endeavour to explain.,4. \xa0For my part, I\xa0hold that that mutual reconciliation is the best and the most becoming to kinsmen and friends, in which there is no rancour nor remembrance of past injuries, but a general and sincere remission of everything that has been done or suffered on both sides; less honourable than this form of reconciliation is one by which, indeed, the mass of the people are absolved of blame, but those who have injured one another are compelled to undergo such a trial as reason and law direct.,5. \xa0of these two methods of reconciliation, now, it is my opinion that we ought to choose the one which is the more honourable and magimous, and we ought to pass a decree of general amnesty. However, if you, Tullius, do not wish a reconciliation of this kind, but prefer that the accusers and the accused should mutually give and receive satisfaction, the Albans are also ready to do this, after first settling our mutual hatreds. And if, besides this, you have any other method to suggest which is either more honourable or more just, you cannot lay it before us too soon, and for doing so I\xa0shall be greatly obliged to you." 3.9. 1. \xa0After Fufetius had thus spoken, the king of the Romans answered him and said: "We also, Fufetius, felt that it would be a grave calamity for us if we were forced to decide this war between kinsmen by blood and slaughter, and whenever we performed the sacrifices preparatory to war we were forbidden by them to begin an engagement. As regards the secret conspiracy entered into by the Fidenates and Veientes against us both, we have learned of it, a little ahead of you, through our friends in their midst, and we are not unprepared against their plot, but have taken measures not only to suffer no mischief ourselves but also to punish those foes in such a manner as their treachery deserves. Nor were we less disposed than you to put an end to the war without a battle rather than by the sword;,2. \xa0yet we did not consider it fitting that we should be the first to send ambassadors to propose an accommodation, since we had not been the first to begin the war, but had merely defended ourselves against those who had begun it. But once you are ready to lay down your arms, we will gladly receive your proposal, and will not scrutinize too closely the terms of the reconciliation, but will accept those that are the best and the most magimous, forgiving every injury and offence we have received from the city of Alba â\x80\x94 if, indeed, those deserve to be called public offences of the city for which your general Cluilius was responsible, and has paid no mean penalty to the gods for the wrongs he did us both.,3. \xa0Let every occasion, therefore, for complaint, whether private or public, be removed and let no memory of past injuries any longer remain â\x80\x94 even as you also, Fufetius, think fitting. Yet it is not enough for us to consider merely how we may compose our present enmity toward one another, but we must further take measures to prevent our ever going to war again; for the purpose of our present meeting is not to obtain a postponement but rather an end of our evils. What settlement of the war, therefore, will be enduring and what contribution must each of us make toward the situation, in order that we may be friends both now and for all time? This, Fufetius, you have omitted to tell us; but I\xa0shall endeavour to go on and supply this omission also.,4. \xa0If, on the one hand, the Albans would cease to envy the Romans the advantages they possess, advantages which were acquired not without great perils and many hardships (in any case you have suffered no injury at our hands, great or slight, but you hate us for this reason alone, that we seem to be better off than you); and if, on the other hand, the Romans would cease to suspect the Albans of always plotting against them and would cease to be on their guard against them as against enemies (for no one can be a firm friend to one who distrusts him).,5. \xa0How, then, shall each of these results be brought about? Not by inserting them in the treaty, nor by our both swearing to them over the sacrificial victims â\x80\x94 for these are small and weak assurances â\x80\x94 but by looking upon each other\'s fortunes as common to us both. For there is only one cure, Fufetius, for the bitterness which men feel over the advantages of others, and that is for the envious no longer to regard the advantages of the envied as other than their own.,6. \xa0In order to accomplish this, I\xa0think the Romans ought to place equally at the disposal of the Albans all the advantages they either now or shall hereafter possess; and that the Albans ought cheerfully to accept this offer and all of you, if possible, or at least the most and the best of you, become residents of Rome. Was it not, indeed, a fine thing for the Sabines and Tyrrhenians to leave their own cities and transfer their habitation to Rome? And for you, who are our nearest kinsmen, will it not accordingly be a fine thing if this same step is taken?,7. \xa0If, however, you refuse to inhabit the same city with us, which is already large and will be larger, but are going to cling to your ancestral hearths, do this at least: appoint a single council to consider what shall be of advantage to each city, and give the supremacy to that one of the two cities which is the more powerful and is in a position to render the greater services to the weaker. This is what I\xa0recommend, and if these proposals are carried out I\xa0believe that we shall then be lasting friends; whereas, so long as we inhabit two cities of equal eminence, as at present, there never will be harmony between us." 3.10. 1. \xa0Fufetius, hearing this, desired time for taking counsel; and withdrawing from the assembly along with the Albans who were present, he consulted with them whether they should accept the proposals. Then, having taken the opinions of all, he returned to the assembly and spoke as follows: "We do not think it best, Tullius, to abandon our country or to desert the sanctuaries of our fathers, the hearths of our ancestors, and the place which our forbears have possessed for nearly five hundred years, particularly when we are not compelled to such a course either by war or by any other calamity inflicted by the hand of Heaven. But we are not opposed to establishing a single council and letting one of the two cities rule over the other.,2. \xa0Let this article, then, also be inserted in the treaty, if agreeable, and let every excuse for war be removed." These conditions having been agreed upon, they fell to disputing which of the two cities should be given the supremacy and many words were spoken by both of them upon this subject, each contending that his own city should rule over the other.,3. \xa0The claims advanced by the Alban leader were as follows: "As for us, Tullius, we deserve to rule over even all the rest of Italy, inasmuch as we represent a Greek nation and the greatest nation of all that inhabit this country. But to the sovereignty of the Latin nation, even if no other, we think ourselves entitled, not without reason, but in accordance with the universal law which Nature bestowed upon all men, that ancestors should rule their posterity. And above all our other colonies, against whom we have thus far no reason to complain, we think we ought to rule your city, having sent our colony thither not so long ago that the stock sprung from us is already extinct, exhausted by the lapse of time, but only the third generation before the present. If, indeed, Nature, inverting human rights, shall ever command the young to rule over the old and posterity over their progenitors, then we shall submit to seeing the mother-city ruled by its colony, but not before.,4. \xa0This, then, is one argument we offer in support of our claim, in virtue of which we will never willingly yield the command to you. Another argument â\x80\x94\xa0and do not take this as said by way of censure or reproach of you Romans, but only from necessity â\x80\x94 is the fact that the Alban race has to this day continued the same that it was under the founders of the city, and one cannot point to any race of mankind, except the Greeks and Latins, to whom we have granted citizenship; whereas you have corrupted the purity of your body politic by admitting Tyrrhenians, Sabines, and some others who were homeless, vagabonds and barbarians, and that in great numbers too, so that the true-born element among you that went out from our midst is become small, or rather a tiny fraction, in comparison with those who have been brought in and are of alien race.,5. \xa0And if we should yield the command to you, the base-born will rule over the true-born, barbarians over Greeks, and immigrants over the native-born. For you cannot even say this much for yourself, that you have not permitted this immigrant mob to gain any control of public affairs but that you native-born citizens are yourselves the rulers and councillors of the commonwealth. Why, even for your kings you choose outsiders, and the greatest part of your senate consists of these newcomers; and to none of these conditions can you assert that you submit willingly. For what man of superior rank willingly allows himself to be ruled by an inferior? It would be great folly and baseness, therefore, on our part to accept willingly those evils which you must own you submit to through necessity.,6. \xa0My last argument is this: The city of Alba has so far made no alteration in any part of its constitution, though it is already the eighteenth generation that it has been inhabited, but continues to observe in due form all its customs and traditions; whereas your city is still without order and discipline, due to its being newly founded and a conglomeration of many races, and it will require long ages and manifold turns of fortune in order to be regulated and freed from those troubles and dissensions with which it is now agitated. But all will agree that order ought to rule over confusion, experience over inexperience, and health over sickness; and you do wrong in demanding the reverse." After Fufetius had thus spoken, Tullius answered and said: "The right which is derived from Nature and the virtue of one\'s ancestors, Fufetius and ye men of Alba, is common to us both; for we both boast the same ancestors, so that on this score neither of use ought to have any advantage or suffer any disadvantage. But as to your claim that by a kind of necessary law of Nature mother-cities should invariably rule over their colonies, it is neither true nor just. 3.11. 2. \xa0Indeed, there are many races of mankind among which the mother-cities do not rule over their colonies but are subject to them. The greatest and the most conspicuous instance of this is the Spartan state, which claims the right not only to rule over the other Greeks but even over the Doric nation, of which she is a colony. But why should\xa0I mention the others? For you who colonized our city are yourself a colony of the Lavinians.,3. \xa0If, therefore, it is a law of Nature that the mother-city should rule over its colony, would not the Lavinians be the first to issue their just orders to both of us? To your first claim, then, and the one which carries with it the most specious appearance, this is a sufficient answer. But since you also undertook to compare the ways of life of the two cities, Fufetius, asserting that the nobility of the Albans has always remained the same while ours has been \'corrupted\' by the various admixtures of foreigners, and demanded that the base-born should not rule over the well-born nor newcomers over the native-born, know, then, that in making this claim, too, you are greatly mistaken.,4. \xa0For we are so far from being ashamed of having made the privileges of our city free to all who desired them that we even take the greatest pride in this course; moreover, we are not the originators of this admirable practice, but took the example from the city of Athens, which enjoys the greatest reputation among the Greeks, due in no small measure, if indeed not chiefly, to this very policy.,5. \xa0And this principle, which has been to us the source of many advantages, affords us no ground either for complaint or regret, as if we had committed some error. Our chief magistracies and membership in the senate are held and the other honours among us are enjoyed, not by men possessed of great fortunes, nor by those who can show a long line of ancestors all natives of the country, but by such as are worthy of these honours; for we look upon the nobility of men as consisting in nothing else than in virtue. The rest of the populace are the body of the commonwealth, contributing strength and power to the decisions of the best men. It is owing to this humane policy that our city, from a small and contemptible beginning, is become large and formidable to its neighbours, and it is this policy which you condemn, Fufetius, that his laid for trains the foundation of that supremacy which none of the other Latins disputes with us.,6. \xa0For the power of states consists in the force of arms, and this in turn depends upon a multitude of citizens; whereas, for small states that are sparsely populated and for that reason weak it is not possible to rule others, nay, even to rule themselves.,7. \xa0On the whole, I\xa0am of the opinion that a man should only then disparage the government of other states and extol his own when he can show that his own, by following the principles he lays down, is grown flourishing and great, and that the states he censures, by not adopting them, are in an unhappy plight. But this is not our situation. On the contrary, your city, beginning with greater brilliance and enjoying greater resources than ours, has shrunk to lesser importance, while we, from small beginnings at first, have in a short time made Rome greater than all the neighbouring cities by following the very policies you condemned.,8. \xa0And as for our factional strife â\x80\x94 since this also, Fufetius, met with your censure â\x80\x94 it tends, not to destroy and diminish the commonwealth, but to preserve and enhance it. For there is emulation between our youths and our older men and between the newcomers and those who invited them in, to see which of us shall do more for the common welfare.,9. \xa0In short, those who are going to rule others ought to be endowed with these two qualities, strength in war and prudence in counsel, both of which are present in our case. And that this is no empty boast, experience, more powerful than any argument, bears us witness. It is certain in any case that the city could not have attained to such greatness and power in the third generation after its founding, had not both valour and prudence abounded in it. Suffer proof of its strength is afforded by the behaviour of many cities of the Latin race which owe their founding to you, but which, nevertheless, scorning your city, have come over us, choosing rather to be ruled by the Romans than by the Albans, because they look upon us as capable of doing both good to our friends and harm to our enemies, and upon you as capable of neither.,10. \xa0I\xa0had many other arguments, and valid ones, Fufetius, to advance against the claims which you have presented; but as I\xa0see that argument is futile and that the result will be the same whether I\xa0say much or little to you, who, though our adversaries, are at the same time the arbiters of justice, I\xa0will make an end of speaking. However, since I\xa0conceive that there is but one way of deciding our differences which is the best and has been made use of by many, both barbarians and Greeks, when hatred has arisen between them either over the supremacy or over some territory in dispute, I\xa0shall propose this and then conclude.,11. \xa0Let each of us fight the battle with some part of our forces and limit the fortune of war to a very small number of combatants; and let us give to that city whose champions shall overcome their adversaries the supremacy over the other. For such contests as cannot be determined by arguments are decided by arms." 3.12. 1. \xa0These were the reasons urged by the two generals to support the pretensions of their respective cities to the supremacy; and the outcome of the discussion was the adoption of the plan Tullius proposed. For both the Albans and Romans who were present at the conference, in their desire to put a speedy end to the war, resolved to decide the controversy by arms. This also being agreed to, the question arose concerning the number of the combatants, since the two generals were not of the same mind.,2. \xa0For Tullius desired that the fate of the war might be decided by the smallest possible number of combatants, the most distinguished man among the Albans fighting the bravest of the Romans in single combat, and he cheerfully offered himself to fight for his own country, inviting the Alban leader to emulate him. He pointed out that for those who have assumed the command of armies combats for sovereignty and power are glorious, not only when they conquer brave men, but also when they are conquered by the brave; and he enumerated all the generals and kings who had risked their lives for their country, regarding it as a reproach to them to have a greater share of the honours than others but a smaller share of the dangers.,3. \xa0The Alban, however, while approving of the proposal to commit the fate of the cities to a\xa0few champions, would not agree to decide it by single combat. He owned that when commanders of the armies were seeking to establish their own power a combat between them for the supremacy was noble and necessary, but when states themselves were contending for the first place he thought the risk of single combat not only hazardous but even dishonourable, whether they met with good or ill fortune.,4. \xa0And he proposed that three chosen men from each city should fight in the presence of all the Albans and Romans, declaring that this was the most suitable number for deciding any matter in controversy, as containing in itself a beginning, a middle and an end. This proposal meeting with the approval of both Romans and Albans, the conference broke up and each side returned to its own camp. 3.13. 1. \xa0After this the generals assembled their respective armies and gave them an account both of what they had said to each other and of the terms upon which they had agreed to put an end to the war. And both armies having with great approbation ratified the agreement entered into by their generals, there arose a wonderful emulation among the officers and soldiers alike, since a great many were eager to carry off the prize of valour in the combat and expressed their emulation not only by their words but also by their actions, so that their leaders found great difficulty in selecting the most suitable champions.,2. \xa0For if anyone was renowned for his illustrious ancestry or remarkable for his strength of body, famous for some brave deed in action, or distinguished by some other good fortune or bold achievement, he insisted upon being chosen first among the three champions.,3. \xa0This emulation, which was running to great lengths in both armies, was checked by the Alban general, who called to mind that some divine providence, long since foreseeing this conflict between the two cities, had arranged that their future champions should be sprung of no obscure families and should be brave in arms, most comely in appearance, and distinguished from the generality of mankind by their birth, which should be unusual and wonderful because of its extraordinary nature.,4. \xa0It seems that Sicinius, an Alban, had at one and the same time married his twin daughters to Horatius, a Roman, and to Curiatius, an Alban; and the two wives came with child at the same time and each was brought to bed, at her first lying-in, of three male children. The parents, looking upon the event as a happy omen both to their cities and families, brought up all these children till they arrived at manhood. And Heaven, as I\xa0said in the beginning, gave them beauty and strength and nobility of mind, so that they were not inferior to any of those most highly endowed by Nature. It was to these men that Fufetius resolved to commit the combat for supremacy; and having invited the Roman king to a conference, he addressed him as follows: 3.14. 1. \xa0"Tullius, some god who keeps watch over both our cities would seem, just as upon many other occasions, so especially in what relates to this combat to have made his goodwill manifest. For that the champions who are to fight on behalf of all their people should be found inferior to none in birth, brave in arms, most comely in appearance, and that they should furthermore have been born of one father and mother, and, most wonderful of all, that they should have come into the world on the same day, the Horatii with you and the Curiatii with us, all this, I\xa0say, has every appearance of a remarkable instance of divine favour.,2. \xa0Why, therefore, do we not accept this great providence of the god and each of us invite the triplets on his side to engage in the combat for the supremacy? For not only all the other advantages which we could desire in the best-qualified champions are to be found in these men, but, as they are brothers, they will be more unwilling than any others among either the Romans or the Albans to forsake their companions when in distress; and furthermore, the emulation of the other youths, which cannot easily be appeased in any other way, will be promptly settled.,3. \xa0For I\xa0surmise that among you also, as well as among the Albans, there is a kind of strife among many of those who lay claim to bravery; but if we inform them that some providential fortune has anticipated all human efforts and has itself furnished us with champions qualified to engage upon equal terms in the cause of the cities, we shall easily persuade them to desist. For they will then look upon themselves as inferior to the triplets, not in point of bravery, but only in respect of a special boon of Nature and of the favour of a Chance that is equally inclined toward both sides." 3.15. 1. \xa0After Fufetius had thus spoken and his proposal had been received with general approbation (for the most important both of the Romans and Albans were with the two leaders), Tullius, after a short pause, spoke as follows: "In other respects, Fufetius, you seem to me to have reasoned well; for it must be some wonderful fortune that has produced in both our cities in our generation a similarity of birth never known before. But of one consideration you seem to be unaware â\x80\x94 a\xa0matter which will cause great reluctance in the youths if we ask them to fight with one another.,2. \xa0For the mother of our Horatii is sister to the mother of the Alban Curiatii, and the young men have been brought up in the arms of both the women and cherish and love one another no less than their own brothers. Consider, therefore, whether, as they are cousins and have been brought up together, it would not be impious in us to put arms in their hands and invite them to mutual slaughter. For the pollution of kindred blood, if they are compelled to stain their hands with one another\'s blood, will deservedly fall upon us who compel them.",3. \xa0To this Fufetius answered: "Neither have\xa0I failed, Tullius, to note the kinship of the youths, nor did\xa0I purpose to compel them to fight with their cousins unless they themselves were inclined to undertake the combat. But as soon as this plan came into my mind I\xa0sent for the Alban Curiatii and sounded them in private to learn whether they were willing to engage in the combat; and it was only after they had accepted the proposal with incredible and wonderful alacrity that I\xa0decided to disclose my plan and bring it forward for consideration. And I\xa0advise you to take the same course yourself â\x80\x94 to send for the triplets on your side and sound out their disposition.,4. \xa0And if they, too, agree of their own accord to risk their lives for their country, accept the favour; but if they hesitate, bring no compulsion to bear upon them. I\xa0predict, however, the same result with them as with our own youths â\x80\x94 that is, if they are such men as we have been informed, like the few most highly endowed by Nature, and are brave in arms; for the reputation of their valour has reached us also." 3.16. 1. \xa0Tullius, accordingly, approved of this advice and made a truce for ten days, in order to have time to deliberate and give his answer after learning the disposition of the Horatii; and thereupon he returned to the city. During the following days he consulted with the most important men, and when the greater part of them favoured accepting the proposals of Fufetius, he sent for the three brothers and said to them:,2. \xa0Horatii, Fufetius the Alban informed me at a conference the last time we met at the camp that by divine providence three brave champions were at hand for each city, the noblest and most suitable of any we could hope to find â\x80\x94 the Curiatii among the Albans and you among the Romans. He added that upon learning of this he had himself first inquired whether your cousins were willing to give their lives to their country, and that, finding them very eager to undertake the combat on behalf of all their people, he could now bring forward this proposal with confidence; and he asked me also to sound you out, to learn whether you would be willing to risk your lives for your country by engaging with the Curiatii, or whether you choose to yield this honour to others.,3. \xa0I,\xa0in view of your valour and your gallantry in action, which are not concealed from public notice, assumed that you of all others would embrace this danger for the sake of winning the prize of valour; but fearing lest your kinship with the three Alban brothers might prove an obstacle to your zeal, I\xa0requested time for deliberation and made a truce for ten days. And when I\xa0came here I\xa0assembled the senate and laid the matter before them for their consideration. It was the opinion of the majority that if you of your own free will accepted the combat, which is a noble one and worthy of you and which I\xa0myself was eager to wage alone on behalf of all our people, they should praise your resolution and accept the favour from you; but if, to avoid the pollution of kindred blood â\x80\x94 for surely it would be no admission of cowardice on your part â\x80\x94 you felt that those who are not related to them ought to be called upon to undertake the combat, they should bring no compulsion to bear upon you. This, then, being the vote of the senate, which will neither be offended with you if you show a reluctance to undertake the task nor feel itself under any slight obligation to you if you rate your country more highly than your kinship, deliberate carefully and well." 3.17. 1. \xa0The youths upon hearing these words withdrew to one side, and after a short conference together returned to give their answer; and the eldest on behalf of them all spoke as follows: "If we were free and sole masters of our own decisions, Tullius, and you had given us the opportunity to deliberate concerning the combat with our cousins, we should without further delay have given your our thoughts upon it. But since our father is still living, without whose advice we do not think it proper to say or do the least thing, we ask you to wait a short time for our answer till we have talked with him.",2. \xa0Tullius having commended their filial devotion and told them to do as they proposed, they went home to their father. And acquainting him with the proposals of Fufetius and with what Tullius had said to them and, last of all, with their own answer, they desired his advice.,3. \xa0And he answered and said: "But indeed this is dutiful conduct on your part, my sons, when you live for your father and do nothing without my advice. But it is time for you to show that you yourselves now have discretion in such matters at least. Assume, therefore, that my life is now over, and let me know what you yourselves would have chosen to do if you had deliberated without your father upon your own affairs.",4. \xa0And the eldest answered him thus: "Father, we would have accepted this combat for the supremacy and would have been ready to suffer whatever should be the will of Heaven; for we had rather be dead than to live unworthy both of you and of our ancestors. As for the bond of kinship with our cousins, we shall not be the first to break it, but since it has already been broken by fate, we shall acquiesce therein.,5. \xa0For if the Curiatii esteem kinship less than honour, the Horatii also will not value the ties of blood more highly than valour." Their father, upon learning their disposition, rejoiced exceedingly, and lifting his hands to Heaven, said he rendered thanks to the gods for having given him noble sons. Then, throwing his arms about each in turn and giving the tenderest of embraces and kisses, he said: "You have my opinion also, my brave sons. Go, then, to Tullius and give him the answer that is both dutiful and honourable.",6. \xa0The youths went away pleased with the exhortation of their father, and going to the king, they accepted the combat; and he, after assembling the senate and sounding the praises of the youths, sent ambassadors to the Alban to inform him that the Romans accepted his proposal and would offer the Horatii to fight for the sovereignty. ' "3.18. 1. \xa0As my subject requires not only that a full account of the way the battle was fought should be given, but also that the subsequent tragic events, which resemble the sudden reversals of fortune seen upon the stage, should be related in no perfunctory manner, I\xa0shall endeavour, as far as I\xa0am able, to give an accurate account of every incident. When the time came, then, for giving effect to the terms of the agreement, the Roman forces marched out in full strength, and afterwards the youths, when they had offered up their prayers to the gods of their fathers; they advanced accompanied by the king, while the entire throng that filed the city acclaimed them and strewed flowers upon their heads. By this time the Albans' army also had marched out.,2. \xa0And when the armies had encamped near one another, leaving as an interval between their camps the boundary that separated the Roman territory from that of the Albans, each side occupying the site of its previous camp, they first offered sacrifice and swore over the burnt offerings that they would acquiesce in whatever fate the event of the combat between the cousins should allot to each city and that they would keep inviolate their agreement, neither they nor their posterity making use of any deceit. Then, after performing the rites which religion required, both the Romans and Albans laid aside their arms and came out in front of their camps to be spectators of the combat, leaving an interval of three or four stades for the champions. And presently appeared the Alban general conducting the Curiatii and the Roman king escorting the Horatii, all of them armed in the most splendid fashion and withal dressed like men about to die.,3. \xa0When they came near to one another they gave their swords to their armour-bearers, and running to one another, embraced, weeping and calling each other by the tenderest names, so that all the spectators were moved to tears and accused both themselves and their leaders of great heartlessness, in that, when it was possible to decide the battle by other champions, they had limited the combat on behalf of the cities to men of kindred blood and compelled the pollution of fratricide. The youths, after their embraces were over, received their swords from their armour-bearers, and the bystanders having retired, they took their places according to age and began the combat. " "3.19. 1. \xa0For a time quiet and silence prevailed in both armies, and then there was shouting by both sides together and alternate exhortations to the combatants; and there were vows and lamentations and continual expressions of every other emotion experienced in battle, some of them caused by what was either being enacted or witnessed by each side, and others by their apprehensions of the outcome; and the things they imagined outnumbered those which actually were happening.,2. \xa0For it was impossible to see very clearly, owing to the great distance, and the partiality of each side for their own champions interpreted everything that passed to match their desire; then, too, the frequent advances and retreats of the combatants and their many sudden countercharges rendered any accurate judgment out of the question; and this situation lasted a considerable time.,3. \xa0For the champions on both sides not only were alike in strength of body but were well matched also in nobility of spirit, and they had their entire bodies protected by the choicest armour, leaving no part exposed which if wounded would bring on swift death. So that many, both of the Romans and of the Albans, from their eager rivalry and from their partiality for their own champions, were unconsciously putting themselves in the position of the combatants and desired rather to be actors in the drama that was being enacted than spectators.,4. \xa0At last the eldest of the Albans, closing with his adversary and giving and receiving blow after blow, happened somehow to run his sword thru the Roman's groin. The latter was already stupefied from his other wounds, and now receiving this final low, a mortal one, he fell down dead, his limbs no longer supporting him.,5. \xa0When the spectators of the combat saw this they all cried out together, the Albans as already victorious, the Romans as vanquished; for they concluded that their two champions would be easily dispatched by the three Albans. In the meantime, the Roman who had fought by the side of the fallen champion, seeing the Alban rejoicing in his success, quickly rushed upon him, and after inflicting many wounds and receiving many himself, happened to plunge his sword into his neck and killed him.,6. \xa0After Fortune had thus in a short time made a great alteration both in the state of the combatants and in the feelings of the spectators, and the Romans had now recovered from their former dejection while the Albans had had their joy snatched away, another shift of Fortune, by giving a check to the success of the Romans, sunk their hopes and raised the confidence of their enemies. For when Alban fell, his brother who stood next to him closed with the Roman who had struck him down; and each, as it chanced, gave the other a dangerous wound at the same time, the Alban plunging his sword down through the Roman's back into his bowels, and the Roman throwing himself under the shield of his adversary and slashing one of his thighs. " '
3.20. 1. \xa0The one who had received the mortal wound died instantly, and the other, who had been wounded in the thigh, was scarcely able to stand, but limped and frequently leaned upon his shield. Nevertheless, he still made a show of resistance and with his surviving brother advanced against the Roman, who stood his ground; and they surrounded him, one coming up to him from in front and the other from behind.,2. \xa0The Roman, fearing that, being thus surrounded by them and obliged to fight with two adversaries attacking him from two sides, he might easily be overcome â\x80\x94 he was still uninjured â\x80\x94 hit upon the plan of separating his enemies and fighting each one singly. He thought he could most easily separate them by feigning flight; for then he would not be pursued by both the Albans, but only by one of them, since he saw that the other no longer had control of his limbs. With this thought in mind he fled as fast as he could; and it was his good fortune not to be disappointed in his expectation.,3. \xa0For the Alban who was not mortally wounded followed at his heels, while the other, being unable to keep going was falling altogether too far behind. Then indeed the Albans encouraged their men and the Romans reproached their champion with cowardice, the former singing songs of triumph and crowning themselves with garlands as if the contest were already won, and the others lamenting as if Fortune would never raise them up again. But the Roman, having carefully waited for his opportunity, turned quickly and, before the Alban could put himself on his guard, struck him a blow on the arm with his sword and clove his elbow in twain,,4. \xa0and when his hand fell to the ground together with his sword, he struck one more blow, a mortal one, and dispatched the Alban; then, rushing from him to the last of his adversaries, who was half dead and fainting, he slew him also. And taking the spoils from the bodies of his cousins, he hastened to the city, wishing to give his father the first news of his victory.
3.21. 1. \xa0But it was ordained after all that even he, as he was but a mortal, should not be fortunate in everything, but should feel some stroke of the envious god who, having from an insignificant man made him great in a brief moment of time and raised him to wonderful and unexpected distinction, plunged him the same day into the unhappy state of being his sister\'s murderer.,2. \xa0For when he arrived near the gates he saw a multitude of people of all conditions pouring out from the city and among them his sister running to meet him. At the first sight of her he was distressed that a virgin ripe for marriage should have deserted her household tasks at her mother\'s side and joined a crowd of strangers. And though he indulged in many absurd reflections, he was at last inclining to those which were honourable and generous, feeling that in her yearning to be the first to embrace her surviving brother and in her desire to receive an account from him of the gallant behaviour of her dead brothers she had disregarded decorum in a moment of feminine weakness.,3. \xa0However, it was not, after all, her yearning for her brothers that had led her to venture forth in this unusual manner, but it was because she was overpowered by love for one of her cousins to whom her father had promised her in marriage, a passion which she had till then kept secret; and when she had overheard a man who came from the camp relating the details of the combat, she could no longer contain herself, but leaving the house, rushed to the city gates like a maenad, without paying any heed to her nurse who called her and ran to bring her back.,4. \xa0But when she got outside the city and saw her brother exulting and wearing the garlands of victory with which the king had crowned him, and his friends carrying the spoils of the slain, among which was an embroidered robe which she herself with the assistance of her mother had woven and sent as a present to her betrothed against their nuptial day (for it is the custom of the Latins to array themselves in embroidered robes when they go to fetch their brides), when, therefore, she saw this robe stained with blood, she rent her garment, and beating her breast with both hands, fell to lamenting and calling upon her cousin by name, so that great astonishment came upon all who were present there.,5. \xa0After she had bewailed the death of her betrothed she stared with fixed gaze at her brother and said: "Most abominable wretch, so you rejoice in having slain your cousins and deprived your most unhappy sister of wedlock! Miserable fellow! Why, you are not even touched with pity for your slain kinsmen, whom you were wont to call your brothers, but instead, as if you had performed some noble deed, you are beside yourself with joy and wear garlands in honour of such calamities. of what wild beast, then, have you the heart?",6. \xa0And he, answering her, said: "The heart of a citizen who loves his country and punishes those who wish her ill, whether they happen to be foreigners or his own people. And among such I\xa0count even you; for though you know that the greatest of blessings and of woes have happened to us at one and the same time â\x80\x94 I\xa0mean the victory of your country, which I,\xa0your brother, am bringing home with me, and the death of your brothers â\x80\x94 you neither rejoice in the public happiness of your country, wicked wretch, nor grieve at the private calamities of your own family, but, overlooking your own brothers, you lament the fate of your betrothed, and this, too, not after taking yourself off somewhere alone under cover of darkness, curse you! but before the eyes of the whole world; and you reproach me for my valour and my crowns of victory, you pretender to virginity, you hater of your brothers and disgrace to your ancestors! Since, therefore, you mourn, not for your brothers, but for your cousins, and since, though your body is with the living, your soul is with him who is dead, go to him on whom you call and cease to dishonour either your father or your brothers.",7. \xa0After these words, being unable in his hatred of baseness to observe moderation, but yielding to the anger which swayed him, he ran his sword through her side; and having slain his sister, he went to his father. But so averse to baseness and so stern were the manners and thoughts of the Romans of that day and, to compare them with the actions and lives of those of our age, so cruel and harsh and so little removed from the savagery of wild beasts, that the father, upon being informed of this terrible calamity, far from resenting it, looked upon it as a glorious and becoming action.,8. \xa0In fact, he would neither permit his daughter\'s body to be brought into the house nor allow her to be buried in the tomb of her ancestors or given any funeral or burial robe or other customary rites; but as she lay there where she had been cast, in the place where she was slain, the passers-by, bringing stones and earth, buried her like any corpse which had none to give it proper burial.,9. \xa0Besides these instances of the father\'s severity there were still others that I\xa0shall mention. Thus, as if in gratitude for some glorious and fortunate achievements, he offered that very day to the gods of his ancestors the sacrifices he had vowed, and entertained his relations at a splendid banquet, just as upon the greatest festivals, making less account of his private calamities than of the public advantages of his country.,10. \xa0This not only Horatius but many other prominent Romans after him are said to have done; I\xa0refer to their offering sacrifice and wearing crowns and celebrating triumphs immediately after the death of their sons when through them the commonwealth had met with good fortune. of these I\xa0shall make mention in the proper places.
3.22. 1. \xa0After the combat between the triplets, the Romans who were then in the camp buried the slain brothers in a splendid manner in the places where they had fallen, and having offered to the gods the customary sacrifices for victory, were passing their time in rejoicings. On the other side, the Albans were grieving over what had happened and blaming their leader for bad generalship; and the greatest part of them spent that night without food and without any other care for their bodies.,2. \xa0The next day the king of the Romans called them to an assembly and consoled them with many assurances that he would lay no command upon them that was either dishonourable, grievous or unbecoming to kinsmen, but that with impartial judgment he would take thought for what was best and most advantageous for both cities; and having continued Fufetius, their ruler, in the same office and made no other change in the government, he led his army home.,3. \xa0After he had celebrated the triumph which the senate had decreed for him and had entered upon the administration of civil affairs, some citizens of importance came to him bringing Horatius for trial, on the ground that because of his slaying of his sister he was not free of the guilt of shedding a kinsman\'s blood; and being given a hearing, they argued at length, citing the laws which forbade the slaying of anyone without a trial, and recounting instances of the anger of all the gods against the cities which neglected to punish those who were polluted.,4. \xa0But the father spoke in defence of the youth and blamed his daughter, declaring that the act was a punishment, not a murder, and claiming that he himself was the proper judge of the calamities of his own family, since he was the father of both. And a great deal having been said on both sides, the king was in great perplexity what decision to pronounce in the cause.,5. \xa0For he did not think it seemly either to acquit any person of murder who confessed he had put his sister to death before a trial â\x80\x94 and that, too, for an act which the laws did not concede to be a capital offence â\x80\x94 lest by so doing he should transfer the curse and pollution from the criminal to his own household, or to punish as a murderer any person who had chosen to risk his life for his country and had brought her so great power, especially as he was acquitted of blame by his father, to whom before all others both nature and the law gave the right of taking vengeance in the case of his daughter.,6. \xa0Not knowing, therefore, how to deal with the situation, he at last decided it was best to leave the decision to the people. And the Roman people, becoming upon this occasion judges for the first time in a cause of a capital nature, sided with the opinion of the father and acquitted Horatius of the murder. Nevertheless, the king did not believe that the judgment thus passed upon Horatius by men was a sufficient atonement to satisfy those who desired to observe due reverence toward the gods; but sending for the pontiffs, he ordered them to appease the gods and other divinities and to purify Horatius with those lustrations with which it was customary for involuntary homicides to be expiated.,7. \xa0The pontiffs erected two altars, one to Juno, to whom the care of sisters is allotted, and the other to a certain god or lesser divinity of the country called in their language Janus, to whom was now added the name Curiatius, derived from that of the cousins who had been slain by Horatius; and after they had offered certain sacrifices upon these altars, they finally, among other expiations, led Horatius under the yoke. It is customary among the Romans, when enemies deliver up their arms and submit to their power, to fix two pieces of wood upright in the ground and fasten a\xa0third to the top of them transversely, then to lead the captives under this structure, and after they have passed through, to grant them their liberty and leave to return home. This they call a yoke; and it was the last of the customary expiatory ceremonies used upon this occasion by those who purified Horatius.,8. \xa0The place in the city where they performed this expiation is regarded by all the Romans as sacred; it is in the street that leads down from the Carinae as one goes towards Cuprius Street. Here the altars then erected still remain, and over them extends a beam which is fixed in each of the opposite walls; the beam lies over the heads of those who go out of this street and is called in the Roman tongue "the Sister\'s Beam." This place, then, is still preserved in the city as a monument to this man\'s misfortune and honoured by the Romans with sacrifices every year.,9. \xa0Another memorial of the bravery he displayed in the combat is the small corner pillar standing at the entrance to one of the two porticos in the Forum, upon which were placed the spoils of the three Alban brothers. The arms, it is true, have disappeared because of the lapse of time, but the pillar still preserves its name and is called pila Horatia or "the Horatian Pillar.",10. \xa0The Romans also have a law, enacted in consequence of this episode and observed even to this day, which confers immortal honour and glory upon these men; it provides that the parents of triplets shall receive from the public treasury the cost of rearing them until they are grown. With this, the incidents relating to the family of the Horatii, which showed some remarkable and unexpected reversals of fortune, came to an end.
3.22. <
3.23. 1. \xa0The king of the Romans, after letting a\xa0year pass, during which he made the necessary preparations for war, resolved to lead out his army against the city of the Fidenates. The grounds he alleged for the war were that this people, being called upon to justify themselves in the matter of the plot that they had formed against the Romans and Albans, had paid no heed, but immediately taking up arms, shutting their gates, and bringing in the allied forces of the Veientes, had openly revolted, and that when ambassadors arrived from Rome to inquire the reason for their revolt, they had answered that they no longer had anything in common with the Romans since the death of Romulus, their king, to whom they had sworn their oaths of friendship.,2. \xa0Seizing on these grounds for war, Tullus was not only arming his own forces, but also sending for those of his allies. The most numerous as well as the best auxiliary troops were brought to him from Alba by Mettius Fufetius, and they were equipped with such splendid arms as to excel all the other allied forces.,3. \xa0Tullus, therefore, believing that Mettius had been actuated by zeal and by the best motives in deciding to take part in the war, commended him and communicated to him all his plans. But this man, who was accused by his fellow citizens of having mismanaged the recent war and was furthermore charged with treason, in view of the fact that he continued in the supreme command of the city for the third year by order of Tullus, disdaining now to hold any longer a command that was subject to another\'s command or to be subordinated rather than himself to lead, devised an abominable plot.,4. \xa0He sent ambassadors here and there secretly to the enemies of the Romans while they were as yet wavering in their resolution to revolt and encouraged them not to hesitate, promising that he himself would join them in attacking the Romans during the battle; and these activities and plans he kept secret from everybody.,5. \xa0Tullus, as soon as he had got ready his own army as well as that of his allies, marched against the enemy and after crossing the river Anio encamped near Fidenae. And finding a considerable army both of the Fidenates and of their allies drawn up before the city, he lay quiet that day; but on the next he sent for Fufetius, the Alban, and the closest of his other friends and took counsel with them concerning the best method of conducting the war. And when all were in favour of engaging promptly and not wasting time, he assigned them their several posts and commands, and having fixed the next day for the battle, he dismissed the council.,6. \xa0In the meantime Fufetius, the Alban â\x80\x94 for his treachery was still a secret to many even of his own friends â\x80\x94 calling together the most prominent centurions and tribunes among the Albans, addressed them as follows: "Tribunes and centurions, I\xa0am going to disclose to you important and unexpected things which I\xa0have hitherto been concealing; and I\xa0beg of you to keep them secret if you do not wish to ruin me, and to assist me in carrying them out if you think their realization will be advantageous. The present occasion does not permit of many words, as the time is short; so I\xa0shall mention only the most essential matters.,7. \xa0I,\xa0from the time we were subordinated to the Romans up to this day, have led a life full of shame and grief, though honoured by the king with the supreme command, which I\xa0am now holding for the third year and may, if I\xa0should so desire, hold as long as I\xa0live. But regarding it as the greatest of all evils to be the only fortunate man in a time of public misfortune, and taking it to heart that, contrary to all the rights mankind look upon as sacred, we have been deprived by the Romans of our supremacy, I\xa0took thought how we might recover it without experiencing any great disaster. And although I\xa0considered many plans of every sort, the only way I\xa0could discover that promised success, and at the same time the easiest and the least dangerous one, was in hand a war should be started against them by the neighbouring states.,8. \xa0For I\xa0assumed that when confronted by such a war they would have need of allies and particularly of us. As to the next step, I\xa0assumed that it would not require much argument to convince you that it is more glorious as well as more fitting to fight for our liberty than for the supremacy of the Romans.,9. \xa0"With these thoughts in mind I\xa0secretly stirred up a war against the Romans on the part of their subjects, encouraging the Veientes and Fidenates to take up arms by a promise of my assistance in the war. And thus far I\xa0have escaped the Romans\' notice as I\xa0contrived these things and kept in my own hands the opportune moment for the attack. Just consider now the many advantages we shall derive from this course.,10. \xa0First, by not having openly planned a revolt, in which there would have been a double danger â\x80\x94 either of being hurried or unprepared and of putting everything to the hazard while trusting to our own strength only, or, while we were making preparations and gathering assistance, of being forestalled by an enemy already prepared â\x80\x94 we shall now experience neither of these difficulties but shall enjoy the advantage of both. In the next place, we shall not be attempting to destroy the great and formidable power and good fortune of our adversaries by force, but rather by those means by which every thing that is overbearing and not easy to be subdued by force is taken, namely, by guile and deceit; and we shall be neither the first nor the only people who have resorted to these means.,11. \xa0Besides, as our own force is not strong enough to be arrayed against the whole power of the Romans and their allies, we have also added the forces of the Fidenates and the Veientes, whose great numbers you see before you; and I\xa0have taken the following precautions that these auxiliaries who have been added to our numbers may with all confidence be depended on to adhere to our alliance.,12. \xa0For it will not be in our territory that the Fidenates will be fighting, but while they are defending their own country they will at the same time be protecting ours. Then, too, we shall have this advantage, which men look upon as the most gratifying of all and which has fallen to the lot of but few in times past, namely, that, while receiving a benefit from our allies, we shall ourselves be thought to be conferring one upon them.,13. \xa0And if this enterprise turns out according to our wish, as is reasonable to expect, the Fidenates and the Veientes, in delivering us from a grievous subjection, will feel grateful to us, as if it were they themselves who had received this favour at our hands. "These are the preparations which I\xa0have made after much thought and which I\xa0regard as sufficient to inspire you with the courage and zeal to revolt.,14. \xa0Now hear from me the manner in which I\xa0have planned to carry out the undertaking. Tullus has assigned me my post under the hill and has given me the command of one of the wings. When we are about to engage the enemy, I\xa0will break ranks and begin to lead up the hill; and you will then follow me with your companies in their proper order. When I\xa0have gained the top of the hill and am securely posted, hear in what manner I\xa0shall handle the situation after that.,15. \xa0If I\xa0find my plans turning out according to my wish, that is, if I\xa0see that the enemy has become emboldened through confidence in our assistance, and the Romans disheartened and terrified, in the belief that they have been betrayed by us, and contemplating, as they likely will, flight rather than fight, I\xa0will fall upon them and cover the field with the bodies of the slain, since I\xa0shall be rushing down hill from higher ground and shall be attacking with a courageous and orderly force men who are frightened and dispersed.,16. \xa0For a terrible thing in warfare is the sudden impression, even though ill-grounded, of the treachery of allies or of an attack by fresh enemies, and we know that many great armies in the past have been utterly destroyed by no other kind of terror so much as by an impression for which there was no ground. But in our case it will be no vain report, no unseen terror, but a deed more dreadful than anything ever seen or experienced.,17. \xa0If, however, I\xa0find that the contrary of my calculations is in fact coming to pass (for mention must be made also of those things which are wont to happen contrary to human expectations, since our lives bring us many improbable experiences as well), I\xa0too shall then endeavour to do the contrary of what I\xa0have just proposed. For I\xa0shall lead you against the enemy in conjunction with the Romans and shall share with them the victory, pretending that I\xa0occupied the heights with the intention of surrounding the foes drawn up against me; and my claim will seem credible, since I\xa0shall have made my actions agree with my explanation. Thus, without sharing in the dangers of either side, we shall have a part in the good fortune of both.,18. \xa0"I,\xa0then, have determined upon these measures, and with the assistance of the gods I\xa0shall carry them out, as being the most advantageous, not only to the Albans, but also to the rest of the Latins. It is your part, in the first place, to observe secrecy, and next, to maintain good order, to obey promptly the orders you shall receive, to fight zealously yourselves and to infuse the same zeal into those who are under your command, remembering that we are not contending for liberty upon the same terms as other people, who have been accustomed to obey others and who have received that form of government from their ancestors.,19. \xa0For we are freemen descended from freemen, and to us our ancestors have handed down the tradition of holding sway over our neighbours as a mode of life preserved by them for someone five hundred years; of which let us not deprive our posterity. And let none of you entertain the fear that by showing a will to do this he will be breaking a compact and violating the oaths by which it was confirmed; on the contrary, let him consider that he will be restoring to its original force the compact which the Romans have violated, a compact far from unimportant, but one which human nature has established and the universal law of both Greeks and barbarians confirms, namely, that fathers shall rule over and give just commands to their children, and mother-cities to their colonies.,20. \xa0This compact, which is forever inseparable from human nature, is not being violated by us, who demand that it shall always remain in force, and none of the gods or lesser divinities will be wroth with us, as guilty of an impious action, if we resent being slaves to our own posterity; but it is being violated by those who have broken it from the beginning and have attempted by an impious act to set up the law of man above that of Heaven. And it is reasonable to expect that the anger of the gods will be directed against them rather than against us, and that the indignation of men will fall upon them rather than upon us.,21. \xa0If, therefore, you all believe that these plans will be the most advantageous, let us pursue them, calling the gods and other divinities to our assistance. But if any one of you is minded to the contrary and either believes that we ought never to recover the ancient dignity of our city, or, while awaiting a more favourable opportunity, favours deferring our undertaking for the present, let him not hesitate to propose his thoughts to the assembly. For we shall follow whatever plan meets with your uimous approval."
3.24. 1. \xa0Those who were present having approved of this advice and promised to carry out all his orders, he bound each of them by an oath and then dismissed the assembly. The next day the armies both of the Fidenates and of their allies marched out of their camp at sunrise and drew up in order of battle; and on the other side the Romans came out against them and took their positions.,2. \xa0Tullus himself and the Romans formed the left wing, which was opposite to the Veientes (for these occupied the enemy\'s right), while Mettius Fufetius and the Albans drew up on the right wing of the Roman army, over against the Fidenates, beside the flank of the hill.,3. \xa0When the armies drew near one another and before they came within range of each other\'s missiles, the Albans, separating themselves from the rest of the army, began to lead their companies up the hill in good order. The Fidenates, learning of this and feeling confident that the Albans\' promises to betray the Romans were coming true before their eyes, now fell to attacking the Romans with greater boldness, and the right wing of the Romans, left unprotected by their allies, was being broken and was suffering severely; but the left, where Tullus himself fought among the flower of the cavalry, carried on the struggle vigorously.,4. \xa0In the meantime a horseman rode up to those who were fighting under the king and said: "Our right wing is suffering, Tullus. For the Albans have deserted their posts and are hastening up to the heights, and the Fidenates, opposite to whom they were stationed, extend beyond our wing that is now left unprotected, and are going to surround us." The Romans, upon hearing this and seeing the haste with which the Albans were rushing up the hill, were seized with such fear of being surrounded by the enemy that it did not occur to them either to fight or to stand their ground.,5. \xa0Thereupon Tullus, they say, not at all disturbed in mind by so great and so unexpected a misfortune, made use of a stratagem by which he not only saved the Roman army, which was threatened with manifest ruin, but also shattered and brought to nought all the plans of the enemy. For, as soon as he had heard the messenger, he raised his voice, so as to be heard even by the enemy, and cried:,6. \xa0"Romans, we are victorious over the enemy. For the Albans have occupied for us this hill hard by, as you see, by my orders, so as to get behind the enemy and fall upon them. Consider, therefore, that we have our greatest foes where we want them, some of us attacking them in front and others in the rear, in a position where, being unable either to advance or to retire, hemmed in as they are on the flanks by the river and by the hill, they will make handsome atonement to us. Forward, then, and show your utter contempt of them."
3.25. 1. \xa0These words he repeated as he rode past all the ranks. And immediately the Fidenates became afraid of counter-treachery, suspecting that the Alban had deceived them by a stratagem, since they did not see either that he had changed his battle order so as to face the other way or that he was promptly charging the Romans, according to his promise; but the Romans, on their side, were emboldened by the words of Tullus and filled with confidence, and giving a great shout, they rushed in a body against the enemy. Upon this, the Fidenates gave way and fled toward their city in disorder.,2. \xa0The Roman king hurled his cavalry against them while they were in this fear and confusion, and pursued them for some distance; but when he learned that they were dispersed and separated from one another and neither likely to take thought for getting together again nor in fact able to do so, he gave over the pursuit and marched against those of the enemy whose ranks were still unbroken and standing their ground.,3. \xa0And now there took place a brilliant engagement of the infantry and a still more brilliant one on the part of the cavalry. For the Veientes, who were posted at this point, did not give way in terror at the charge of the Roman horse, but maintained the fight for a considerable time. Then, learning that their left wing was beaten and that the whole army of the Fidenates and of their other allies was in headlong flight, and fearing to be surrounded by the troops that had returned from the pursuit, they also broke their ranks and fled, endeavouring to save themselves by crossing the river.,4. \xa0Accordingly, those among them who were strongest, least disabled by their wounds, and had some ability to swim, got across the river, without their arms, while all who lacked any of these advantages perished in the eddies; for the stream of the Tiber near Fidenae is rapid and has many windings.,5. \xa0Tullus ordered a detachment of the horse to cut down those of the enemy who were pressing toward the river, while he himself led the rest of the army to the camp of the Veientes and captured it by storm. This was the situation of the Romans after they had been unexpectedly preserved from destruction. ' "
3.26. 1. \xa0When the Alban observed that Tullus had already won a brilliant victory, he also marched down from the heights with his own troops and pursued those of the Fidenates who were fleeing, in order that he might be seen by all the Romans performing some part of the duty of an ally; and he destroyed many of the enemy who had become dispersed in the left.,2. \xa0Tullus, though he understood his purpose and understood his double treachery, thought he ought to utter no reproaches for the present till he should have the man in his power, but addressing himself to many of those who were present, he pretended to applaud the Alban's withdrawal to the heights, as if it had been prompted by the best motive; and sending a party of horse to him, he requested him to give the final proof of his zeal by hunting down and slaying the many Fidenates who had been unable to get inside the walls and were dispersed about the country.,3. \xa0And Fufetius, imagining that he had succeeded in one of his two hopes and that Tullus was unacquainted with his treachery, rejoiced, and riding over the plains for a considerable time, he cut down all whom he found; but when the sun was now set, he returned from the pursuit with his horsemen to the Roman camp and passed the following night in making merry with his friends.,4. \xa0Tullus remained in the camp of the Veientes till the first watch and questioned the most prominent of the prisoners concerning the leaders of the revolt; and when he learned that Mettius Fufetius, the Alban, was also one of the conspirators and considered that his actions agreed with the information of the prisoners, he mounted his horse, and taking with him the most faithful of his friends, rode off to Rome.,5. \xa0Then, sending to the houses of the senators, he assembled them before midnight and informed them of the treachery of the Alban, producing the prisoners as witnesses, and informed them of the stratagem by which he himself had outwitted both their enemies and the Fidenates. And he asked them, now that the war was ended in the most successful manner, to consider the problems that remained â\x80\x94 how the traitors ought to be punished and the city of Alba rendered more circumspect for the future.,6. \xa0That the authors of these wicked designs should be punished seemed to all both just and necessary, but how this was to be most easily and safely accomplished was a problem that caused them great perplexity. For they thought it obviously impossible to put to death a great number of brave Albans in a secret and clandestine manner, whereas, if they should attempt openly to apprehend and punish the guilty, they assumed that the Albans would not permit it but would rush to arms; and they were unwilling to carry on war at the same time with the Fidenates and Tyrrhenians and with the Albans, who had come to them as allies. While they were in this perplexity, Tullus delivered the final opinion, which met with the approval of all; but of this I\xa0shall speak presently. The distance between Fidenae and Rome being forty stades, Tullus rode full speed to the camp, and sending for Marcus Horatius, the survivor of the triplets, before it was quite day, he commanded him to take the flower of the cavalry and infantry, and proceeding to Alba, to enter the city as a friend, and then, as soon as he had secured the submission of the inhabitants, to raze the city to the foundations without sparing a single building, whether private or public, except the temples; but as for the citizens, he was neither to kill nor injure any of them, but to permit them to retain their possessions." '
3.27. 2. \xa0After sending him on his way he assembled the tribunes and centurions, and having acquainted them with the resolutions of the senate, he placed them as a guard about his person. Soon after, the Alban came, pretending to express his joy over their common victory and to congratulate Tullus upon it. The latter, still concealing his intention, commended him and declared he was deserving of great rewards; at the same time he asked him to write down the names of such of the other Albans also as had performed any notable exploit in the battle and to bring the list to him, in order that they also might get their share of the fruits of victory.,3. \xa0Mettius, accordingly, greatly pleased at this, entered upon a tablet and gave to him a list of his most intimate friends who had been the accomplices in his secret designs. Then the Roman king ordered all the troops to come to an assembly after first laying aside their arms. And when they assembled he ordered the Alban general together with his tribunes and centurions to stand directly beside the tribunal; next to these the rest of the Albans were to take their place in the assembly, drawn up in their ranks, and behind the Albans the remainder of the allied forces, while outside of them all he stationed Romans, including the most resolute, with swords concealed under their garments. When he thought he had his foes where he wanted them, he rose up and spoke as follows:
3.28. 1. \xa0"Romans and you others, both friends and allies, those who dared openly to make war against us, the Fidenates and their allies, have been punished by us with the aid of the gods, and either will cease for the future to trouble us or will receive an even severer chastisement than that they have just experienced.,2. \xa0It is now time, since our first enterprise has succeeded to our wish, to punish those other enemies also who ear the name of friends and were taken into this war to assist us in harrying our common foes, but have broken faith with us, and entering into secret treaties with those enemies, have attempted to destroy us all.,3. \xa0For these are much worse than open enemies and deserve a severer punishment, since it is both easy to guard against the latter when one is treacherously attacked and possible to repulse them when they are at grips as enemies, but when friends act the part of enemies it is neither easy to guard against them nor possible for those who are taken by surprise to repulse them. And such are the allies sent us by the city of Alba with treacherous intent, although they have received no injury from us but many considerable benefits.,4. \xa0For, as we are their colony, we have not wrested away any part of their dominion but have acquired our own strength and power from our own wars; and by making our city a bulwark against the greatest and most warlike nations we have effectually secured them from a war with the Tyrrhenians and Sabines. In the prosperity, therefore, of our city they above all others should have rejoiced, and have grieved at its adversity no less than at their own.,5. \xa0But they, it appears, continued not only to begrudge us the advantages we had but also to begrudge themselves the good fortune they enjoyed because of us, and at last, unable any longer to contain their festering hatred, they declared war against us. But finding us well prepared for the struggle and themselves, therefore, in no condition to do any harm, they invited us to a reconciliation and friendship and asked that our strife over the supremacy should be decided by three men from each city. These proposals also we accepted, and after winning in the combat became masters of their city. Well, then, what did we do after that?,6. \xa0Though it was in our power to take hostages from them, to leave a garrison in their city, to destroy some of the principal authors of the war between the two cities and to banish others, to change the form of their government according to our own interest, to punish them with the forfeiture of a part of their lands and effects, and â\x80\x94 the thing that was easiest of all â\x80\x94 to disarm them, by which means we should have strengthened our rule, we did not see fit to do any of these things, but, consulting our filial obligations to our mother-city rather than the security of our power and considering the good opinion of all the world as more important than our own private advantage, we allowed them to enjoy all that was theirs and permitted Mettius Fufetius, as being supposedly the best of the Albans â\x80\x94 since they themselves had honoured him with the chief magistracy â\x80\x94 to administer their affairs up to the present time.,7. \xa0"For which favours hear now what gratitude they showed, at a time when we needed the goodwill of our friends and allies more than ever. They made a secret compact with our common enemies by which they engaged to fall upon us in conjunction with them in the course of the battle; and when the two armies approached each other they deserted the post to which they had been assigned and made off for the hills near by at a run, eager to occupy the strong positions ahead of anyone else.,8. \xa0And if their attempt had succeeded according to their wish, nothing could have prevented us, surrounded at once by our enemies and by our friends, from being all destroyed, and the fruit of the many battles we had fought for the sovereignty of our city from being lost in a single day.,9. \xa0But since their plan has miscarried, owing, in the first place, to the goodwill of the gods (for I\xa0at any rate ascribe all worthy achievements to them), and, second, to the stratagem I\xa0made use of, which contributed not a little to inspire the enemy with fear and you with confidence (for the statement I\xa0made during the battle, that the Albans were taking possession of the heights by my orders with a view of surrounding the enemy, was all a fiction and a stratagem contrived by myself),,10. \xa0since, I\xa0say, things have turned out to our advantage, we should not be the men we ought to be if we did not take revenge on these traitors. For, apart from the other ties which, by reason of their kinship to us, they ought to have preserved inviolate, they recently made a treaty with us confirmed by oaths, and then, without either fearing the gods whom they had made witnesses of the treaty or showing any regard for justice itself and the condemnation of men, or considering the greatness of the danger if their treachery should not succeed according to their wish, endeavoured to destroy us, who are both their colony and their benefactors, in the most miserable fashion, thus arraying themselves, though our founders, on the side of our most deadly foes and our greatest enemies."
3.29. 1. \xa0While he was thus speaking the Albans had recourse to lamentations and entreaties of every kind, the common people declaring that they had no knowledge of the intrigues of Mettius, and their commanders alleging that they had not learned of his secret plans till they were in the midst of the battle itself, when it was not in their power either to prevent his orders or to refuse obedience to them; and some even ascribed their action to the necessity imposed against their will by their affinity or kinship to the man. But the king, having commanded them to be silent,,2. \xa0addressed them thus:,2. \xa0"I,\xa0too, Albans, am not unaware of any of these things that you urge in your defence, but am of the opinion that the generality of you had no knowledge of this treachery, since secrets are not apt to be kept even for a moment when many share in the knowledge of them; and I\xa0also believe that only a small number of the tribunes and centurions were accomplices in the conspiracy formed against us, but that the greater part of them were deceived and forced into a position where they were compelled to act against their will.,3. \xa0Nevertheless, even if nothing of all this were true, but if all the Albans, as well you who are here present as those who are left in your city, had felt a desire to hurt us, and if you had not now for the first time, but long since, taken this resolution, yet on account of their kinship to you the Romans would feel under every necessity to bear even this injustice at your hands.,4. \xa0But against the possibility of your forming some wicked plot against us hereafter, as the result either of compulsion or deception on the part of the leaders of your state, there is but one precaution and provision, and that is for us all to become citizens of the same city and to regard one only as our fatherland, in whose prosperity and adversity everyone will have that share which Fortune allots to him. For so long as each of our two peoples decides what is advantageous and disadvantageous on the basis of a different judgment, as is now the case, the friendship between us will not be enduring, particularly when those who are the first to plot against the others are either to gain an advantage if they succeed, or, if they fail, are to be secured by their kinship from any serious retribution, while those against whom the attempt is made, if they are subdued, are to suffer the extreme penalties, and if they escape, are not, like enemies, to remember their wrongs â\x80\x94 as has happened in the present instance.,5. \xa0"Know, then, that the Romans last night came to the following resolutions, I\xa0myself having assembled the senate and proposed the decree: it is ordered that your city be demolished and that no buildings, either public or private, be left standing except the temples;,6. \xa0that all the inhabitants, while continuing in the possession of the allotments of land they now enjoy and being deprived of none of their slaves, cattle and other effects, reside henceforth at Rome; that such of your lands as belong to the public be divided among those of the Albans who have none, except the sacred possessions from which the sacrifices to the gods were provided; that I\xa0take charge of the construction of the houses in which you newcomers are to establish your homes, determining in what parts of the city they shall be, and assist the poorest among you in the expense of building;,7. \xa0that the mass of your population be incorporated with our plebeians and be distributed among the tribes and curiae, but that the following families be admitted to the senate, hold magistracies and be numbered with the patricians, to wit, the Julii, the Servilii, the Curiatii, the Quintilii, the Cloelii, the Geganii, and the Metilii; and that Mettius and his accomplices in the treachery suffer such punishments as we shall ordain when we come to sit in judgment upon each of the accused. For we shall deprive none of them either of a trial or of the privilege of making a defence." 3.30. 1. \xa0At these words of Tullus the poorer sort of the Albans were very well satisfied to become residents of Rome and to have lands allotted to them, and they received with loud acclaim the terms granted them. But those among them who were distinguished for their dignities and fortunes were grieved at the thought of having to leave the city of their birth and to abandon the hearths of their ancestors and pass the rest of their lives in a foreign country; nevertheless, being reduced to the last extremity, they could think of nothing to say. Tullus, seeing the disposition of the multitude, ordered Mettius to make his defence, if he wished to say anything in answer to the charges.,2. \xa0But he, unable to justify himself against the accusers and witnesses, said that the Alban senate had secretly given him these orders when he led his army forth to war, and he asked the Albans, for whom he had endeavoured to recover the supremacy, to come to his aid and to permit neither their city to be razed nor the most illustrious of the citizens to be haled to punishment. Upon this, a tumult arose in the assembly and, some of them rushing to arms, those who surrounded the multitude, upon a given signal, held up their swords.,3. \xa0And when all were terrified, Tullus rose up again and said: "It is no longer in your power, Albans, to act seditiously or even to make any false move. For if you dare attempt any disturbance, you shall all be slain by these troops (pointing to those who held their swords in their hands). Accept, then, the terms offered to you and become henceforth Romans. For you must do one of two things, either live at Rome or have no other country.,4. \xa0For early this morning Marcus Horatius set forth, sent by me, to raze your city to the foundations and to remove all the inhabitants to Rome. Knowing, then, that these orders are as good as executed already, cease to court destruction and do as you are bidden. As for Mettius Fufetius, who has not only laid snares for us in secret but even now has not hesitated to call the turbulent and seditious to arms, I\xa0shall punish him in such manner as his wicked and deceitful heart deserves.",5. \xa0At these words, that part of the assembly which was in an irritated mood, cowered in fear, restrained by inevitable necessity. Fufetius alone still showed his resentment and cried out, appealing to the treaty which he himself was convicted of having violated, and even in his distress abated nothing of his boldness; but the lictors seized him at the command of King Tullus, and tearing off his clothes, scourged his body with many stripes.,6. \xa0After he had been sufficiently punished in this manner, they brought up two teams of horses and with long traces fastened his arms to one of them and his feet to the other; then, as the drivers urged their teams apart, the wretch was mangled upon the ground and, being dragged by the two teams in opposite directions, was soon torn apart.,7. \xa0This was the miserable and shameful end of Mettius Fufetius. For the trial of his friends and the accomplices of his treachery the king set up courts and put to death such of the accused as were found guilty, pursuant to the law respecting deserters and traitors. ''. None |
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34. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 1.128-1.150, 5.40 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cannae, battle of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 273, 274; Verhagen (2022) 273, 274
1.128. Protinus inrupit venae peioris in aevum 1.129. omne nefas: fugere pudor verumque fidesque; 1.130. In quorum subiere locum fraudesque dolique 1.131. insidiaeque et vis et amor sceleratus habendi. 1.132. Vela dabat ventis (nec adhuc bene noverat illos) 1.133. navita; quaeque diu steterant in montibus altis, 1.134. fluctibus ignotis insultavere carinae, 1.135. communemque prius ceu lumina solis et auras 1.136. cautus humum longo signavit limite mensor. 1.138. poscebatur humus, sed itum est in viscera terrae: 1.139. quasque recondiderat Stygiisque admoverat umbris, 1.140. effodiuntur opes, inritamenta malorum. 1.141. Iamque nocens ferrum ferroque nocentius aurum 1.142. prodierat: prodit bellum, quod pugnat utroque, 1.143. sanguineaque manu crepitantia concutit arma. 1.144. Vivitur ex rapto: non hospes ab hospite tutus, 1.145. non socer a genero; fratrum quoque gratia rara est. 1.146. Inminet exitio vir coniugis, illa mariti; 1.147. lurida terribiles miscent aconita novercae; 1.148. filius ante diem patrios inquirit in annos. 1.149. Victa iacet pietas, et virgo caede madentis, 1.150. ultima caelestum terras Astraea reliquit.
5.40. calcitrat et positas adspergit sanguine mensas.' '. None | 1.128. without a judge in peace. Descended not 1.129. the steeps, shorn from its height, the lofty pine, 1.130. cleaving the trackless waves of alien shores, 1.131. nor distant realms were known to wandering men. 1.132. The towns were not entrenched for time of war; 1.133. they had no brazen trumpets, straight, nor horn 1.134. of curving brass, nor helmets, shields nor swords. 1.135. There was no thought of martial pomp —secure 1.136. a happy multitude enjoyed repose. 1.138. a store of every fruit. The harrow touched 1.139. her not, nor did the plowshare wound 1.140. her fields. And man content with given food, 1.141. and none compelling, gathered arbute fruit 1.142. and wild strawberries on the mountain sides, 1.143. and ripe blackberries clinging to the bush, 1.144. and corners and sweet acorns on the ground, 1.145. down fallen from the spreading tree of Jove. 1.146. Eternal Spring! Soft breathing zephyrs soothed 1.147. and warmly cherished buds and blooms, produced 1.148. without a seed. The valleys though unplowed 1.149. gave many fruits; the fields though not renewed 1.150. white glistened with the heavy bearded wheat:
5.40. that she was rescued from a dreadful fate,' '. None |
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35. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cannae, battle of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 274; Verhagen (2022) 274
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36. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Actium, Battle of • Actium, battle of • Calypso, Cannae,battle of • Cannae, battle of • Capua, Carrhae, battle of • Philaenis of Samos, Philippi, Battle of • Philippi, Battle of • Pollio, Asinius, and the battle of Perusia • nan, Actium, Battle of • pax Augusta, Philippi, battle of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 284; Bowditch (2001) 65; Fabre-Serris et al (2021) 145; Giusti (2018) 38; Gruen (2011) 108; Jenkyns (2013) 75; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 32, 36; Rohland (2022) 104; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014) 278; Verhagen (2022) 284; Xinyue (2022) 23, 80, 81, 131, 132, 133, 151
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37. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Actium, battle of • Muses, Naulochus, battle of • Philaenis of Samos, Philippi, Battle of • nan, Actium, Battle of • pax Augusta, Philippi, battle of
Found in books: Gruen (2011) 108; Rohland (2022) 104; Xinyue (2022) 38, 83, 84
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38. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Campus Martius, Cannae, battle of • Cannae, battle of • Cannae, battle of, auspices at • Drepana, battle of • Trasumene Lake, battle of • vitium, at auspices for battle
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 270, 271, 274; Konrad (2022) 159, 263; Santangelo (2013) 205, 206; Verhagen (2022) 270, 271, 274
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39. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cannae, battle of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 284; Verhagen (2022) 284
|
40. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Actium, Battle of • Actium, battle of • Cambyses, Cannae, battle of • Cannae, battle of • Cantabrian campaign, Carrhae, battle of • Pharsalus, Battle of, Lucan
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 284; Fabre-Serris et al (2021) 119, 125, 126, 129; Giusti (2018) 45; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 25, 28, 33, 34, 36; Verhagen (2022) 284; Xinyue (2022) 20, 21, 23, 63, 183, 184, 185, 186
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41. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 12.3, 14.127-14.139, 14.190-14.198, 14.312 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Actium, Battle of ( • Battle of Actium • Battle of Gaza • Dolabella (P. Cornelius), and fight for control of Syria • Gaza, battle of, and destruction of by Ptolemy • Pharsalus, battle of • Philippi, battle of • Witness, Zela, battle of
Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997) 78; Czajkowski et al (2020) 271; Marek (2019) 303; Piotrkowski (2019) 276, 360; Udoh (2006) 27, 32, 110, 112
12.3. στασιαζόντων δὲ τούτων καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους φιλοτιμουμένων ὑπὲρ τῆς ἰδίας ἀρχῆς πολέμους τε συνεχεῖς καὶ μακροὺς συνέβη γίγνεσθαι καὶ τὰς πόλεις κακοπαθεῖν καὶ πολλοὺς ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσιν ἀποβάλλειν τῶν οἰκητόρων, ὡς καὶ τὴν Συρίαν ἅπασαν ὑπὸ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Λάγου τότε Σωτῆρος χρηματίζοντος τἀναντία παθεῖν αὐτοῦ τῇ ἐπικλήσει.' "
12.3. τὸ δὲ στρατόπεδον καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐναντίων ̓Ιούδας κατανοήσας ἔπειθε τοὺς οἰκείους στρατιώτας θαρρεῖν καὶ παρεκελεύετο τὰς ἐλπίδας τῆς νίκης ἔχοντας ἐν τῷ θεῷ τοῦτον ἱκετεύειν τῷ πατρίῳ νόμῳ σάκκους περιθεμένους, καὶ τὸ σύνηθες αὐτῷ σχῆμα τῆς ἱκεσίας παρὰ τοὺς μεγάλους κινδύνους ἐπιδείξαντας τούτῳ δυσωπῆσαι παρασχεῖν αὐτοῖς τὸ κατὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν κράτος.' "
12.3. τὸ δίκαιον οὖν σκοπῶν καὶ τοὺς καταδεδυναστευμένους παρὰ τὸ προσῆκον ἐλεῶν ἀπολύειν κελεύω τοὺς ἐν ταῖς οἰκετείαις ὄντας ̓Ιουδαίους τὸ προγεγραμμένον κομιζομένους ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν κεφάλαιον τοὺς κεκτημένους, καὶ μηδένα περὶ τούτων κακουργεῖν, ἀλλ' ὑπακούειν τοῖς προστεταγμένοις." '
14.127. Μετὰ δὲ τὸν Πομπηίου θάνατον καὶ τὴν νίκην τὴν ἐπ' αὐτῷ Καίσαρι πολεμοῦντι κατ' Αἴγυπτον πολλὰ χρήσιμον αὑτὸν παρέσχεν ̓Αντίπατρος ὁ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐπιμελητὴς ἐξ ἐντολῆς ̔Υρκανοῦ." '14.128. Μιθριδάτῃ τε γὰρ τῷ Περγαμηνῷ κομίζοντι ἐπικουρικὸν καὶ ἀδυνάτως ἔχοντι διὰ Πηλουσίου ποιήσασθαι τὴν πορείαν, περὶ δὲ ̓Ασκάλωνα διατρίβοντι, ἧκεν ̓Αντίπατρος ἄγων ̓Ιουδαίων ὁπλίτας τρισχιλίους ἐξ ̓Αραβίας τε συμμάχους ἐλθεῖν ἐπραγματεύσατο τοὺς ἐν τέλει:' "14.129. καὶ δι' αὐτὸν οἱ κατὰ τὴν Συρίαν ἅπαντες ἐπεκούρουν ἀπολείπεσθαι τῆς ὑπὲρ Καίσαρος προθυμίας οὐ θέλοντες, ̓Ιάμβλιχός τε ὁ δυνάστης καὶ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Σοαίμου Λίβανον ὄρος οἰκῶν αἵ τε πόλεις σχεδὸν ἅπασαι." '14.131. καὶ τὸ μὲν Πηλούσιον οὕτως εἶχεν. τοὺς δὲ περὶ ̓Αντίπατρον καὶ Μιθριδάτην ἀπιόντας πρὸς Καίσαρα διεκώλυον οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι οἱ τὴν ̓Ονίου χώραν λεγομένην κατοικοῦντες. πείθει δὲ καὶ τούτους τὰ αὐτῶν φρονῆσαι κατὰ τὸ ὁμόφυλον ̓Αντίπατρος καὶ μάλιστα ἐπιδείξας αὐτοῖς τὰς ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἐπιστολάς, ἐν αἷς αὐτοὺς φίλους εἶναι Καίσαρος παρεκάλει καὶ ξένια καὶ πάντα τὰ ἐπιτήδεια χορηγεῖν τῷ στρατῷ. 14.132. καὶ οἱ μὲν ὡς ἑώρων ̓Αντίπατρον καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα συνθέλοντας ὑπήκουον. τούτους δὲ προσθεμένους ἀκούσαντες οἱ περὶ Μέμφιν ἐκάλουν καὶ αὐτοὶ τὸν Μιθριδάτην πρὸς ἑαυτούς: κἀκεῖνος ἐλθὼν καὶ τούτους παραλαμβάνει.' "14.133. ̓Επεὶ δὲ τὸ καλούμενον Δέλτα ἤδη περιεληλύθει, συμβάλλει τοῖς πολεμίοις περὶ τὸ καλούμενον ̓Ιουδαίων στρατόπεδον. εἶχε δὲ τὸ μὲν δεξιὸν κέρας Μιθριδάτης, τὸ δ' εὐώνυμον ̓Αντίπατρος." "14.134. συμπεσόντων δὲ εἰς μάχην κλίνεται τὸ τοῦ Μιθριδάτου κέρας καὶ παθεῖν ἂν ἐκινδύνευσεν τὰ δεινότατα, εἰ μὴ παρὰ τὴν ᾐόνα τοῦ ποταμοῦ σὺν τοῖς οἰκείοις στρατιώταις ̓Αντίπατρος παραθέων νενικηκὼς ἤδη τοὺς πολεμίους τὸν μὲν ῥύεται, προτρέπει δ' εἰς φυγὴν τοὺς νενικηκότας Αἰγυπτίους." "14.135. αἱρεῖ δ' αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐπιμείνας τῇ διώξει, τόν τε Μιθριδάτην ἐκάλει πλεῖστον ἐν τῇ τροπῇ διασχόντα. ἔπεσον δὲ τῶν μὲν περὶ τοῦτον ὀκτακόσιοι, τῶν δ' ̓Αντιπάτρου πεντήκοντα." '14.136. Μιθριδάτης δὲ περὶ τούτων ἐπιστέλλει Καίσαρι τῆς τε νίκης αὐτοῖς ἅμα καὶ τῆς σωτηρίας αἴτιον τὸν ̓Αντίπατρον ἀποφαίνων, ὥστε τὸν Καίσαρα τότε μὲν ἐπαινεῖν αὐτόν, κεχρῆσθαι δὲ παρὰ πάντα τὸν πόλεμον εἰς τὰ κινδυνωδέστατα τῷ ̓Αντιπάτρῳ: καὶ δὴ καὶ τρωθῆναι συνέβη παρὰ τοὺς ἀγῶνας αὐτῷ. 14.137. Καταλύσας μέντοι Καῖσαρ μετὰ χρόνον τὸν πόλεμον καὶ εἰς Συρίαν ἀποπλεύσας ἐτίμησεν μεγάλως, ̔Υρκανῷ μὲν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην βεβαιώσας, ̓Αντιπάτρῳ δὲ πολιτείαν ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ δοὺς καὶ ἀτέλειαν πανταχοῦ.' "14.138. λέγεται δ' ὑπὸ πολλῶν ̔Υρκανὸν ταύτης κοινωνῆσαι τῆς στρατείας καὶ ἐλθεῖν εἰς Αἴγυπτον, μαρτυρεῖ δέ μου τῷ λόγῳ καὶ Στράβων ὁ Καππάδοξ λέγων ἐξ ̓Ασινίου ὀνόματος οὕτως: “μετὰ τὸν Μιθριδάτην εἰσβαλεῖν εἰς τὴν Αἴγυπτον καὶ ̔Υρκανὸν τὸν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερέα.”" "14.139. ὁ δ' αὐτὸς οὗτος Στράβων καὶ ἐν ἑτέροις πάλιν ἐξ ̔Υψικράτους ὀνόματος λέγει οὕτως: “τὸν δὲ Μιθριδάτην ἐξελθεῖν μόνον, κληθέντα δ' εἰς ̓Ασκάλωνα ̓Αντίπατρον ὑπ' αὐτοῦ τὸν τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας ἐπιμελητὴν τρισχιλίους αὐτῷ στρατιώτας συμπαρασκευάσαι καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους δυνάστας προτρέψαι, κοινωνῆσαι δὲ τῆς στρατείας καὶ ̔Υρκανὸν τὸν ἀρχιερέα.” ταῦτα μὲν Στράβων φησίν." "14.191. τῆς γενομένης ἀναγραφῆς ἐν τῇ δέλτῳ πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν υἱὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου ἀρχιερέα καὶ ἐθνάρχην ̓Ιουδαίων πέπομφα ὑμῖν τὸ ἀντίγραφον, ἵν' ἐν τοῖς δημοσίοις ὑμῶν ἀνακέηται γράμμασιν. βούλομαι δὲ καὶ ἑλληνιστὶ καὶ ῥωμαϊστὶ ἐν δέλτῳ χαλκῇ τοῦτο ἀνατεθῆναι." '14.192. ἔστιν δὴ τοῦτο: ̓Ιούλιος Καῖσαρ αὐτοκράτωρ τὸ δεύτερον καὶ ἀρχιερεὺς μετὰ συμβουλίου γνώμης ἐπέκρινα. ἐπεὶ ̔Υρκανὸς ̓Αλεξάνδρου ̓Ιουδαῖος καὶ νῦν καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις ἔν τε εἰρήνῃ καὶ πολέμῳ πίστιν τε καὶ σπουδὴν περὶ τὰ ἡμέτερα πράγματα ἐπεδείξατο, ὡς αὐτῷ πολλοὶ μεμαρτυρήκασιν αὐτοκράτορες,' "14.193. καὶ ἐν τῷ ἔγγιστα ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ πολέμῳ μετὰ χιλίων πεντακοσίων στρατιωτῶν ἧκεν σύμμαχος καὶ πρὸς Μιθριδάτην ἀποσταλεὶς ὑπ' ἐμοῦ πάντας ἀνδρείᾳ τοὺς ἐν τάξει ὑπερέβαλεν," "14.194. διὰ ταύτας τὰς αἰτίας ̔Υρκανὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ ἐθνάρχας ̓Ιουδαίων εἶναι ἀρχιερωσύνην τε ̓Ιουδαίων διὰ παντὸς ἔχειν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἔθη, εἶναί τε αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ συμμάχους ἡμῖν ἔτι τε καὶ ἐν τοῖς κατ' ἄνδρα φίλοις ἀριθμεῖσθαι," "14.195. ὅσα τε κατὰ τοὺς ἰδίους αὐτῶν νόμους ἐστὶν ἀρχιερατικὰ φιλάνθρωπα, ταῦτα κελεύω κατέχειν αὐτὸν καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ: ἄν τε μεταξὺ γένηταί τις ζήτησις περὶ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίων ἀγωγῆς, ἀρέσκει μοι κρίσιν γίνεσθαι παρ' αὐτοῖς. παραχειμασίαν δὲ ἢ χρήματα πράσσεσθαι οὐ δοκιμάζω." '14.196. Γαί̈ου Καίσαρος αὐτοκράτορος ὑπάτου δεδομένα συγκεχωρημένα προσκεκριμένα ἐστὶν οὕτως ἔχοντα. ὅπως τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ τοῦ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνους ἄρχῃ, καὶ τοὺς δεδομένους τόπους καρπίζωνται, καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς αὐτὸς καὶ ἐθνάρχης τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων προϊστῆται τῶν ἀδικουμένων. 14.197. πέμψαι δὲ πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν τὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν ἀρχιερέα τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς περὶ φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας διαλεξομένους: ἀνατεθῆναι δὲ καὶ χαλκῆν δέλτον ταῦτα περιέχουσαν ἔν τε τῷ Καπετωλίῳ καὶ Σιδῶνι καὶ Τύρῳ καὶ ἐν ̓Ασκάλωνι καὶ ἐν τοῖς ναοῖς ἐγκεχαραγμένην γράμμασιν ̔Ρωμαϊκοῖς καὶ ̔Ελληνικοῖς. 14.198. ὅπως τε τὸ δόγμα τοῦτο πᾶσι τοῖς κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ταμίαις καὶ τοῖς τούτων ἡγουμένοις * εἴς τε τοὺς φίλους ἀνενέγκωσιν καὶ ξένια τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς παρασχεῖν καὶ τὰ διατάγματα διαπέμψαι πανταχοῦ.
14.312. κοινὴν οὖν ποιούμεθα καὶ τοῖς συμμάχοις τὴν ὑπὸ θεοῦ δοθεῖσαν ἡμῖν εἰρήνην: ὥσπερ οὖν ἐκ νόσου μεγάλης τὸ τῆς ̓Ασίας σῶμα νῦν διὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν νίκην ἀναφέρειν. ἔχων τοίνυν καὶ σὲ διὰ μνήμης καὶ τὸ ἔθνος αὔξειν φροντίσω τῶν ὑμῖν συμφερόντων.' '. None | 12.3. And when Judas saw their camp, and how numerous their enemies were, he persuaded his own soldiers to be of good courage, and exhorted them to place their hopes of victory in God, and to make supplication to him, according to the custom of their country, clothed in sackcloth; and to show what was their usual habit of supplication in the greatest dangers, and thereby to prevail with God to grant you the victory over your enemies.
12.3. And while these princes ambitiously strove one against another, every one for his own principality, it came to pass that there were continual wars, and those lasting wars too; and the cities were sufferers, and lost a great many of their inhabitants in these times of distress, insomuch that all Syria, by the means of Ptolemy the son of Lagus, underwent the reverse of that denomination of Savior, which he then had.
12.3. Out of regard therefore to justice, and out of pity to those that have been tyrannized over, contrary to equity, I enjoin those that have such Jews in their service to set them at liberty, upon the receipt of the before-mentioned sum; and that no one use any deceit about them, but obey what is here commanded.
14.127. 1. Now after Pompey was dead, and after that victory Caesar had gained over him, Antipater, who managed the Jewish affairs, became very useful to Caesar when he made war against Egypt, and that by the order of Hyrcanus; 14.128. for when Mithridates of Pergamus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was not able to continue his march through Pelusium, but obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater came to him, conducting three thousand of the Jews, armed men. He had also taken care the principal men of the Arabians should come to his assistance; 14.129. and on his account it was that all the Syrians assisted him also, as not willing to appear behindhand in their alacrity for Caesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus, and almost all the cities. 14.131. But it happened that the Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the country called Onion, would not let Antipater and Mithridates, with their soldiers, pass to Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come over with their party, because he was of the same people with them, and that chiefly by showing them the epistles of Hyrcanus the high priest, wherein he exhorted them to cultivate friendship with Caesar, and to supply his army with money, and all sorts of provisions which they wanted; 14.132. and accordingly, when they saw Antipater and the high priest of the same sentiments, they did as they were desired. And when the Jews about Memphis heard that these Jews were come over to Caesar, they also invited Mithridates to come to them; so he came and received them also into his army. 14.133. 2. And when Mithridates had gone over all Delta, as the place is called, he came to a pitched battle with the enemy, near the place called the Jewish Camp. Now Mithridates had the right wing, and Antipater the left; 14.134. and when it came to a fight, that wing where Mithridates was gave way, and was likely to suffer extremely, unless Antipater had come running to him with his own soldiers along the shore, when he had already beaten the enemy that opposed him; so he delivered Mithridates, and put those Egyptians who had been too hard for him to flight. 14.135. He also took their camp, and continued in the pursuit of them. He also recalled Mithridates, who had been worsted, and was retired a great way off; of whose soldiers eight hundred fell, but of Antipater’s fifty. 14.136. So Mithridates sent an account of this battle to Caesar, and openly declared that Antipater was the author of this victory, and of his own preservation, insomuch that Caesar commended Antipater then, and made use of him all the rest of that war in the most hazardous undertakings; he happened also to be wounded in one of those engagements. 14.137. 3. However, when Caesar, after some time, had finished that war, and was sailed away for Syria, he honored Antipater greatly, and confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood; and bestowed on Antipater the privilege of a citizen of Rome, and a freedom from taxes every where; 14.138. and it is reported by many, that Hyrcanus went along with Antipater in this expedition, and came himself into Egypt. And Strabo of Cappadocia bears witness to this, when he says thus, in the name of Asinius: “After Mithridates had invaded Egypt, and with him Hyrcanus the high priest of the Jews.” 14.139. Nay, the same Strabo says thus again, in another place, in the name of Hypsicrates, that “Mithridates at first went out alone; but that Antipater, who had the care of the Jewish affairs, was called by him to Askelon, and that he had gotten ready three thousand soldiers to go along with him, and encouraged other governors of the country to go along with him also; and that Hyrcanus the high priest was also present in this expedition.” This is what Strabo says. 14.191. I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. 14.192. It is as follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time, and high priest, have made this decree, with the approbation of the senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and this both now and in former times, both in peace and in war, as many of our generals have borne witness, 14.193. and came to our assistance in the last Alexandrian war, with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed himself superior in valor to all the rest of that army;— 14.194. for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our particular friends. 14.195. I also ordain that he and his children retain whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or whatsoever favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter there arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will that he determine the same. And I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find us winter quarters, or that any money should be required of them.” 14.196. 3. “The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured; 14.197. and that ambassadors be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, that may discourse with him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; and that a table of brass, containing the premises, be openly proposed in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple, engraven in Roman and Greek letters: 14.198. that this decree may also be communicated to the quaestors and praetors of the several cities, and to the friends of the Jews; and that the ambassadors may have presents made them; and that these decrees be sent every where.”
14.312. We therefore make that peace which God hath given us common to our confederates also, insomuch that the body of Asia is now recovered out of that distemper it was under by the means of our victory. I, therefore, bearing in mind both thee and your nation, shall take care of what may be for your advantage.' '. None |
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42. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.187-1.192 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Battle of Actium • Pharsalus, battle of
Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019) 360; Udoh (2006) 27
1.187. ̓Αντίπατρος δὲ μετὰ τὴν Πομπηίου τελευτὴν μεταβὰς ἐθεράπευεν Καίσαρα, κἀπειδὴ Μιθριδάτης ὁ Περγαμηνὸς μεθ' ἧς ἦγεν ἐπ' Αἴγυπτον δυνάμεως εἰργόμενος τῶν κατὰ τὸ Πηλούσιον ἐμβολῶν ἐν ̓Ασκάλωνι κατείχετο, τούς τε ̓́Αραβας ξένος ὢν ἔπεισεν ἐπικουρῆσαι καὶ αὐτὸς ἧκεν ἄγων ̓Ιουδαίων εἰς τρισχιλίους ὁπλίτας." "1.188. παρώρμησεν δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἐν Συρίᾳ δυνατοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν βοήθειαν τόν τε ἔποικον τοῦ Λιβάνου Πτολεμαῖον καὶ ̓Ιάμβλιχον, δι' οὓς αἱ ταύτῃ πόλεις ἑτοίμως συνεφήψαντο τοῦ πολέμου." "1.189. καὶ θαρρῶν ἤδη Μιθριδάτης τῇ προσγενομένῃ δι' ̓Αντίπατρον ἰσχύι πρὸς τὸ Πηλούσιον ἐξελαύνει κωλυόμενός τε διελθεῖν ἐπολιόρκει τὴν πόλιν. γίνεται δὲ κἀν τῇ προσβολῇ διασημότατος ̓Αντίπατρος: τὸ γὰρ κατ' αὐτὸν μέρος τοῦ τείχους διαρρήξας πρῶτος εἰσεπήδησεν εἰς τὴν πόλιν μετὰ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ." "1.191. κἀκεῖνος ἤδη τὸ Δέλτα περιελθὼν συνέβαλλεν τοῖς λοιποῖς Αἰγυπτίοις εἰς μάχην κατὰ χῶρον, ὃς ̓Ιουδαίων στρατόπεδον καλεῖται. κινδυνεύοντα δ' αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ παρατάξει σὺν ὅλῳ τῷ δεξιῷ κέρατι ῥύεται περιελθὼν ̓Αντίπατρος παρὰ τὸν αἰγιαλὸν τοῦ ποταμοῦ:" "1.192. τῶν γὰρ καθ' ἑαυτὸν ἐκράτει τὸ λαιὸν ἔχων κέρας: ἔπειτα προσπεσὼν τοῖς διώκουσι Μιθριδάτην ἀπέκτεινεν πολλοὺς καὶ μέχρι τοσούτου τοὺς καταλειπομένους ἐδίωξεν ὡς καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον αὐτῶν ἑλεῖν. ὀγδοήκοντα δὲ μόνους τῶν ἰδίων ἀπέβαλεν, καὶ Μιθριδάτης ἐν τῇ τροπῇ περὶ ὀκτακοσίους. σωθεὶς δ' αὐτὸς παρ' ἐλπίδα μάρτυς ἀβάσκανος γίνεται πρὸς Καίσαρα τῶν ̓Αντιπάτρου κατορθωμάτων." ". None | 1.187. 3. Now, after Pompey was dead, Antipater changed sides, and cultivated a friendship with Caesar. And since Mithridates of Pergamus, with the forces he led against Egypt, was excluded from the avenues about Pelusium, and was forced to stay at Ascalon, he persuaded the Arabians, among whom he had lived, to assist him, and came himself to him, at the head of three thousand armed men. 1.188. He also encouraged the men of power in Syria to come to his assistance, as also of the inhabitants of Libanus, Ptolemy, and Jamblicus, and another Ptolemy; by which means the cities of that country came readily into this war; 1.189. insomuch that Mithridates ventured now, in dependence upon the additional strength that he had gotten by Antipater, to march forward to Pelusium; and when they refused him a passage through it, he besieged the city; in the attack of which place Antipater principally signalized himself, for he brought down that part of the wall which was over against him, and leaped first of all into the city, with the men that were about him. 1.191. Whereupon he went round about Delta, and fought the rest of the Egyptians at a place called the Jews’ Camp; nay, when he was in danger in the battle with all his right wing, Antipater wheeled about, and came along the bank of the river to him; 1.192. for he had beaten those that opposed him as he led the left wing. After which success he fell upon those that pursued Mithridates, and slew a great many of them, and pursued the remainder so far that he took their camp, while he lost no more than fourscore of his own men; as Mithridates lost, during the pursuit that was made after him, about eight hundred. He was also himself saved unexpectedly, and became an unreproachable witness to Caesar of the great actions of Antipater.' '. None |
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43. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.186-1.189, 1.201, 1.209-1.211 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Battle of Gaza • Gaza, battle of, and destruction of by Ptolemy • combatants
Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997) 46, 47, 55, 74, 77, 79, 107, 185, 229; Piotrkowski (2019) 271, 276
1.186. ἐκεῖνον καὶ κατὰ ̓Αλέξανδρον ἤκμαζεν ἡμῶν τὸ ἔθνος. λέγει τοίνυν ὁ ̔Εκαταῖος πάλιν τάδε, ὅτι μετὰ τὴν ἐν Γάζῃ μάχην ὁ Πτολεμαῖος ἐγένετο τῶν περὶ Συρίαν τόπων ἐγκρατής, καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων πυνθανόμενοι τὴν ἠπιότητα καὶ φιλανθρωπίαν τοῦ Πτολεμαίου συναπαίρειν εἰς Αἴγυπτον αὐτῷ καὶ κοινωνεῖν τῶν πραγμάτων ἠβουλήθησαν.' "1.187. ὧν εἷς ἦν, φησίν, ̓Εζεκίας ἀρχιερεὺς τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων, ἄνθρωπος τὴν μὲν ἡλικίαν ὡς ἑξηκονταὲξ ἐτῶν, τῷ δ' ἀξιώματι τῷ παρὰ τοῖς ὁμοέθνοις μέγας καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν οὐκ ἀνόητος, ἔτι δὲ καὶ λέγειν δυνατὸς καὶ τοῖς περὶ τῶν πραγμάτων, εἴπερ τις ἄλλος, ἔμπειρος." '1.188. καίτοι, φησίν, οἱ πάντες ἱερεῖς τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων οἱ τὴν δεκάτην τῶν γινομένων λαμβάνοντες καὶ τὰ κοινὰ διοικοῦντες' "1.189. περὶ χιλίους μάλιστα καὶ πεντακοσίους εἰσίν.” πάλιν δὲ τοῦ προειρημένου μνημονεύων ἀνδρός “οὗτος, φησίν, ὁ ἄνθρωπος τετευχὼς τῆς τιμῆς ταύτης καὶ συνήθης ἡμῖν γενόμενος, παραλαβών τινας τῶν μεθ' ἑαυτοῦ τήν τε διαφορὰν ἀνέγνω πᾶσαν αὐτοῖς: εἶχεν γὰρ" "
1.201. λέγει δ' οὕτως: “ἐμοῦ γοῦν ἐπὶ τὴν ̓Ερυθρὰν θάλασσαν βαδίζοντος συνηκολούθει τις μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν παραπεμπόντων ἡμᾶς ἱππέων ̓Ιουδαίων ὄνομα Μοσόλλαμος, ἄνθρωπος ἱκανῶς κατὰ ψυχὴν εὔρωστος καὶ τοξότης δὴ πάντων ὁμολογουμένως καὶ τῶν ̔Ελλήνων καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων ἄριστος." "
1.209. “οἱ καλούμενοι ̓Ιουδαῖοι πόλιν οἰκοῦντες ὀχυρωτάτην πασῶν, ἣν καλεῖν ̔Ιεροσόλυμα συμβαίνει τοὺς ἐγχωρίους, ἀργεῖν εἰθισμένοι δι' ἑβδόμης ἡμέρας καὶ μήτε τὰ ὅπλα βαστάζειν ἐν τοῖς εἰρημένοις χρόνοις μήτε γεωργίας ἅπτεσθαι μήτε ἄλλης ἐπιμελεῖσθαι λειτουργίας μηδεμιᾶς, ἀλλ' ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἐκτετακότες τὰς χεῖρας" '1.211. τὸ δὲ συμβὰν πλὴν ἐκείνων τοὺς ἄλλους πάντας δεδίδαχε τηνικαῦτα φυγεῖν εἰς ἐνύπνια καὶ τὴν περὶ τοῦ νόμου παραδεδομένην ὑπόνοιαν, ἡνίκα ἂν τοῖς ἀνθρωπίνοις λογισμοῖς περὶ' '. None | 1.186. Again, Hecateus says to the same purpose, as follows:—“Ptolemy got possession of the places in Syria after the battle at Gaza; and many, when they heard of Ptolemy’s moderation and humanity, went along with him to Egypt, and were willing to assist him in his affairs; 1.187. one of whom (Hecateus says) was Hezekiah, the high priest of the Jews; a man of about sixty-six years of age, and in great dignity among his own people. He was a very sensible man, and could speak very movingly, and was very skilful in the management of affairs, if any other man ever were so; 1.188. although, as he says, all the priests of the Jews took tithes of the products of the earth, and managed public affairs, and were in number not above fifteen hundred at the most.” 1.189. Hecateus mentions this Hezekiah a second time, and says, that “as he was possessed of so great a dignity, and was become familiar with us, so did he take certain of those that were with him, and explained to them all the circumstances of their people: for he had all their habitations and polity down in writing.”
1.201. “As I was myself going to the Red Sea, there followed us a man, whose name was Mosollam; he was one of the Jewish horsemen who conducted us; he was a person of great courage, of a strong body, and by all allowed to be the most skilful archer that was either among the Greeks or barbarians.
1.209. “There are a people called Jews, who dwell in a city the strongest of all other cities, which the inhabitants call Jerusalem, and are accustomed to rest on every seventh day; on which times they make no use of their arms, nor meddle with husbandry, nor take care of any affairs of life, but spread out their hands in their holy places, and pray till the evening. 1.211. This accident taught all other men but the Jews to disregard such dreams as these were, and not to follow the like idle suggestions delivered as a law, when, in such uncertainty of human reasonings, they are at a loss what they should do.” ' '. None |
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44. Lucan, Pharsalia, 3.709-3.721, 6.213-6.216, 7.578-7.580, 7.789-7.794, 7.796-7.802, 9.173, 9.601 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cannae, Battle of, compared with Pharsalia • Pharsalus, battle • Pharsalus, battle of • battle • sea power and seafaring, naval battles • topoi, of one-against-many in battle
Found in books: Fertik (2019) 30, 31, 32, 37; Joseph (2022) 83, 84, 157, 158, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177; Laes Goodey and Rose (2013) 99, 100; Mcclellan (2019) 125, 148, 149, 151, 152, 207, 241, 248
| 3.709. Full many wondrous deaths, with fates diverse, Upon the sea in that day's fight befell. Caught by a grappling-hook that missed the side, Had Lysidas been whelmed in middle deep; But by his feet his comrades dragged him back, And rent in twain he hung; nor slowly flowed As from a wound the blood; but all his veins Were torn asunder and the stream of life Gushed o'er his limbs till lost amid the deep. From no man dying has the vital breath " '3.710. Rushed by so wide a path; the lower trunk Succumbed to death, but with the lungs and heart Long strove the fates, and hardly won the whole. While, bent upon the fight, an eager crew Were gathered to the margin of their deck (Leaving the upper side as bare of foes), Their ship was overset. Beneath the keel Which floated upwards, prisoned in the sea, And powerless by spread of arms to float The main, they perished. One who haply swam 3.720. Amid the battle, chanced upon a death Strange and unheard of; for two meeting prows Transfixed his body. At the double stroke Wide yawned his chest; blood issued from his mouth With flesh commingled; and the brazen beaks Resounding clashed together, by the bones Unhindered: now they part and through the gap Swift pours the sea and drags the corse below. Next, of a shipwrecked crew, the larger part Struggling with death upon the waters, reached 3.721. Amid the battle, chanced upon a death Strange and unheard of; for two meeting prows Transfixed his body. At the double stroke Wide yawned his chest; blood issued from his mouth With flesh commingled; and the brazen beaks Resounding clashed together, by the bones Unhindered: now they part and through the gap Swift pours the sea and drags the corse below. Next, of a shipwrecked crew, the larger part Struggling with death upon the waters, reached ' "
6.213. And rive the scalp asunder: fiery bolts Dashed at another set his hair aflame, Till rolls the greedy blaze about his eyes With hideous crackle. As the pile of slain Rose to the summit of the wall he sprang, Swift as across the nets a hunted pard, Above the swords upraised, till in mid throng of foes he stood, hemmed in by densest ranks And ramparted by war; in front and rear, Where'er he struck, the victor. Now his sword " "
7.578. Groan, and Pangaean cliffs, till at their rage Borne back from all the earth they shook for fear. Unnumbered darts they hurl, with prayers diverse; Some hope to wound: others, in secret, yearn For hands still innocent. Chance rules supreme, And wayward Fortune upon whom she wills Makes fall the guilt. Yet for the hatred bred By civil war suffices spear nor lance, Urged on their flight afar: the hand must grip The sword and drive it to the foeman's heart. " "7.580. But while Pompeius' ranks, shield wedged to shield, Were ranged in dense array, and scarce had space To draw the blade, came rushing at the charge Full on the central column Caesar's host, Mad for the battle. Man nor arms could stay The crash of onset, and the furious sword Clove through the stubborn panoply to the flesh, There only stayed. One army struck — their foes Struck not in answer; Magnus' swords were cold, But Caesar's reeked with slaughter and with guilt. " "
7.789. He feared, nor death; but lest upon his fall To quit their chief his soldiers might refuse, And o'er his prostrate corpse a world in arms Might find its ruin: or perchance he wished From Caesar's eager eyes to veil his death. In vain, unhappy! for the fates decree He shall behold, shorn from the bleeding trunk, Again thy visage. And thou, too, his spouse, Beloved Cornelia, didst cause his flight; Thy longed-for features; yet he shall not die " "7.790. When thou art present. Then upon his steed, Though fearing not the weapons at his back, Pompeius fled, his mighty soul prepared To meet his destinies. No groan nor tear, But solemn grief as for the fates of Rome, Was in his visage, and with mien unchanged He saw Pharsalia's woes, above the frowns Or smiles of Fortune; in triumphant days And in his fall, her master. The burden laid of thine impending fate, thou partest free " "7.800. To muse upon the happy days of yore. Hope now has fled; but in the fleeting past How wast thou great! Seek thou the wars no more, And call the gods to witness that for thee Henceforth dies no man. In the fights to come On Afric's mournful shore, by Pharos' stream And fateful Munda; in the final scene of dire Pharsalia's battle, not thy name Doth stir the war and urge the foeman's arm, But those great rivals biding with us yet, " "7.802. To muse upon the happy days of yore. Hope now has fled; but in the fleeting past How wast thou great! Seek thou the wars no more, And call the gods to witness that for thee Henceforth dies no man. In the fights to come On Afric's mournful shore, by Pharos' stream And fateful Munda; in the final scene of dire Pharsalia's battle, not thy name Doth stir the war and urge the foeman's arm, But those great rivals biding with us yet, " '
9.173. To feast his eyes, and prove the bloody deed. For whether ravenous birds and Pharian dogsHave torn his corse asunder, or a fire Consumed it, which with stealthy flame arose Upon the shore, I know not. For the parts Devoured by destiny I only blame The gods: I weep the part preserved by men." Thus Sextus spake: and Cnaeus at the words Flamed into fury for his father\'s shame. "Sailors, launch forth our navies, by your oars
9.601. Bestowed, nor glittering hoard of Eastern gems. Though rich Arabians, Ind and EthiopKnow him alone as Jove, still is he poor Holding his shrine by riches undefiled Through time, and god as of the olden days Spurns all the wealth of Rome. That here some god Dwells, witnesses the only grove That buds in Libya — for that which grows Upon the arid dust which Leptis parts From Berenice, knows no leaves; alone '". None |
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45. New Testament, 2 Thessalonians, 2.8 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • devil, battle with • war (battle, combat)
Found in books: Lynskey (2021) 288; Moss (2012) 115
2.8. καὶ τότε ἀποκαλυφθήσεταιὁ ἄνομος,ὃν ὁ κύριος Ἰησοῦςἀνελεῖ τῷ πνεύματι τοῦ στόματος αὐτοῦκαὶ καταργήσει τῇ ἐπιφανείᾳ τῆς παρουσίας αὐτοῦ,''. None | 2.8. Then the lawless one will be revealed, whom the Lord will kill with the breath of his mouth, and bring to nothing by the brightness of his coming; ''. None |
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46. New Testament, Apocalypse, 7.14 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • battle, last • war (battle, combat)
Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022) 146; Lynskey (2021) 138
7.14. καὶ εἴρηκα αὐτῷ Κύριέ μου, σὺ οἶδας. καὶ εἶπέν μοι Οὗτοί εἰσιν οἱ ἐρχόμενοι ἐκ τῆςθλίψεωςτῆς μεγάλης, καὶἔπλυναν τὰς στολὰς αὐτῶνκαὶ ἐλεύκαναν αὐτὰςἐν τῷ αἵματιτοῦ ἀρνίου.''. None | 7.14. I told him, "My lord, you know."He said to me, "These are those who came out of the great tribulation. They washed their robes, and made them white in the Lamb\'s blood.''. None |
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47. New Testament, Ephesians, 6.12 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • gladiatorial combat, • war (battle, combat)
Found in books: Lynskey (2021) 318; Robbins et al (2017) 265, 266
6.12. ὅτι οὐκ ἔστιν ἡμῖν ἡ πάλη πρὸς αἷμα καὶ σάρκα, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὰς ἀρχάς, πρὸς τὰς ἐξουσίας, πρὸς τοὺς κοσμοκράτορας τοῦ σκότους τούτου, πρὸς τὰ πνευματικὰ τῆς πονηρίας ἐν τοῖς ἐπουρανίοις.''. None | 6.12. For our wrestling is not against flesh and blood, but against the principalities, against the powers, against the world's rulers of the darkness of this age, and against the spiritual hosts of wickedness in the heavenly places. "". None |
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48. New Testament, Luke, 2.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Actium, battle of • Magnesia, Battle of
Found in books: Schwartz (2008) 544; Udoh (2006) 155
2.2. ?̔αὕτη ἀπογραφὴ πρώτη ἐγένετο ἡγεμονεύοντος τῆς Συρίας Κυρηνίου·̓''. None | 2.2. This was the first enrollment made when Quirinius was governor of Syria. ''. None |
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49. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 9.2-9.3, 11.7-11.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Battles, Chaironeia 338 bc ( • Chaeronea, Battle of • Chaeronea, Chaeronea, battle of • Khaironeia, Battle of xiii,
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 201; Beneker et al. (2022) 204; Henderson (2020) 45; Lalone (2019) 149
9.2. ἐν δὲ Χαιρωνείᾳ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας μάχης παρὼν μετέσχε, καὶ λέγεται πρῶτος ἐνσεῖσαι τῷ ἱερῷ λόχῳ τῶν Θηβαίων, ἔτι δὲ καὶ καθʼ ἡμᾶς ἐδείκνυτο παλαιὰ παρὰ τὸν Κηφισὸν Ἀλεξάνδρου καλουμένη δρῦς, πρὸς ἣν τότε κατεσκήνωσε, καὶ τὸ πολυάνδριον οὐ πόρρω τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐστίν. 9.3. ἐκ μὲν οὖν τούτων, ὡς εἰκὸς, Φίλιππος ὑπερηγάπα τὸν υἱόν, ὥστε καὶ χαίρειν τῶν Μακεδόνων Ἀλέξανδρον μὲν βασιλέα, Φίλιππον δὲ στρατηγὸν καλούντων, αἱ δὲ περὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ταραχαί, διὰ τοὺς γάμους καὶ τοὺς ἔρωτας αὐτοῦ τρόπον τινὰ τῆς βασιλείας τῇ γυναικωνίτιδι συννοσούσης, πολλὰς αἰτίας καὶ μεγάλας διαφορὰς παρεῖχον, ἃς ἡ τῆς Ὀλυμπιάδος χαλεπότης, δυσζήλου καὶ βαρυθύμου γυναικός, ἔτι μείζονας ἐποίει, παροξυνούσης τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον.' '. None | 9.2. He was also present at Chaeroneia and took part in the battle against the Greeks, In 338 B.C. and he is said to have been the first to break the ranks of the Sacred Band of the Thebans. And even down to our day there was shown an ancient oak by the Cephisus, called Alexander’s oak, near which at that time he pitched his tent; and the general sepulchre of the Macedonians is not far away. 9.3. In consequence of these exploits, then, as was natural, Philip was excessively fond of his son, so that he even rejoiced to hear the Macedonians call Alexander their king, but Philip their general. However, the disorders in his household, due to the fact that his marriages and amours carried into the kingdom the infection, as it were, which reigned in the women’s apartments, produced many grounds of offence and great quarrels between father and son, and these the bad temper of Olympias, who was a jealous and sullen woman, made still greater, since she spurred Alexander on. ' '. None |
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50. Plutarch, Aratus, 16.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Chaeronea, Chaeronea, battle of • Chaironeia, battles at • Leuctra, battle of • Marathon, battle of • Naxos, battle of • Salamis, battle of
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 28; Wilding (2022) 158
16.1. ὁ δὲ Ἄρατος αἱρεθεὶς στρατηγὸς τὸ πρῶτον ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν τὴν μὲν ἀντιπέρας Λοκρίδα καὶ Καλυδωνίαν ἐπόρθησε, Βοιωτοῖς δὲ μετὰ μυρίων στρατιωτῶν βοηθῶν ὑστέρησε τῆς μάχης, ἣν ὑπὸ Αἰτωλῶν περὶ Χαιρώνειαν ἡττήθησαν, Ἀβοιωκρίτου τε τοῦ βοιωτάρχου καὶ χιλίων σὺν αὐτῷ πεσόντων.''. None | 16.1. ''. None |
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51. Plutarch, Aristides, 11.3-11.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Marathon, battle • Marathon, battle of divine aid • Plataea, battle of • Sacrifices, before battle • Salamis, battle of • heroes and heroines and battle
Found in books: Mikalson (2003) 94, 95; Parker (2005) 401; Pirenne-Delforge and Pironti (2022) 104
11.3. Ἀριστείδου δὲ πέμψαντος εἰς Δελφοὺς ἀνεῖλεν ὁ θεὸς Ἀθηναίους καθυπερτέρους ἔσεσθαι τῶν ἐναντίων εὐχομένους τῷ Διῒ καὶ τῇ Ἥρα τῇ Κιθαιρωνίᾳ καὶ Πανὶ καὶ νύμφαις Σφραγίτισι, καὶ θύοντας ἥρωσιν Ἀνδροκράτει, Λεύκωνι, Πεισάνδρῳ, Δαμοκράτει, Ὑψίωνι, Ἀκταίωνι, Πολϋΐδῳ, καὶ τὸν κίνδυνον ἐν γᾷ ἰδίᾳ ποιουμένους ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τᾶς Δάματρος τᾶς Ἐλευσινίας καὶ τᾶς Κόρας. 11.4. οὗτος ὁ χρησμὸς ἀνενεχθεὶς ἀπορίαν τῷ Ἀριστείδῃ παρεῖχεν. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἥρωες, οἷς ἐκέλευε θύειν, ἀρχηγέται Πλαταιέων ἦσαν, καὶ τὸ τῶν Σφραγιτίδων νυμφῶν ἄντρον ἐν μιᾷ κορυφῇ τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνός ἐστιν, εἰς δυσμὰς ἡλίου θερινὰς τετραμμένον, ἐν ᾧ καὶ μαντεῖον ἦν πρότερον, ὥς φασι, καὶ πολλοὶ κατείχοντο τῶν ἐπιχωρίων, οὓς νυμφολήπτους προσηγόρευον.''. None | 11.3. 11.4. ''. None |
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52. Plutarch, Artaxerxes, 8.1-8.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Ctesias of Cnidus, Cunaxa, battle of • Cunaxa, Battle of
Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 29; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 374
8.1. τὴν δὲ μάχην ἐκείνην πολλῶν μὲν ἀπηγγελκότων, Ξενοφῶντος δὲ μονονουχὶ δεικνύοντος ὄψει, καὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν, ὡς οὐ γεγενημένοις, ἀλλὰ γινομένοις, ἐφιστάντος ἀεὶ τὸν ἀκροατὴν ἐμπαθῆ καὶ συγκινδυνεύοντα διὰ Τὴν ἐνάργειαν, οὐκ ἔστι νοῦν ἔχοντος ἐπεξηγεῖσθαι, πλὴν ὅσα τῶν ἀξίων λόγου παρῆλθεν εἰπεῖν ἐκεῖνον. 8.2. ὁ μὲν οὖν τόπος, ἐν ᾧ παρετάξαντο, Κούναξα καλεῖται καὶ Βαβυλῶνος ἀπέχει σταδίους πεντακοσίους. Κῦρον δὲ πρὸ τῆς μάχης Κλεάρχου παρακαλοῦντος ἐξόπισθεν τῶν μαχομένων εἶναι καὶ μὴ κινδυνεύειν αὐτόν εἰπεῖν φασι, τί λέγεις, ὦ Κλέαρχε; σὺ κελεύεις με τὸν βασιλείας ὀρεγόμενον ἀνάξιον εἶναι βασιλείας ;''. None | 8.1. 8.2. ''. None |
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53. Plutarch, Camillus, 19.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Chaeronea, Chaeronea, battle of • Leuctra, battle of • Marathon, battle of • Naxos, battle of • Salamis, battle of • keratinos bomos (horned altar), Keressos, battle of
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 27, 28; Kowalzig (2007) 349
19.4. ἐνήνοχε δὲ καὶ ὁ Θαργηλιὼν μὴν τοῖς βαρβάροις ἐπιδήλως ἀτυχίας· καὶ γὰρ Ἀλέξανδρος ἐπὶ Γρανικῷ τοὺς βασιλέως στρατηγοὺς Θαργηλιῶνος ἐνίκησε, καὶ Καρχηδόνιοι περὶ Σικελίαν ὑπὸ Τιμολέοντος ἡττῶντο τῇ ἑβδόμῃ φθίνοντος, περὶ ἣν δοκεῖ καὶ τὸ Ἴλιον ἁλῶναι, Θαργηλιῶνος, Θαργηλιῶνος deleted by Bekker, after Reiske. ὡς Ἔφορος καὶ Καλλισθένης καὶ Δαμάστης καὶ Φύλαρχος ἱστορήκασιν.''. None | 19.4. Further, the month of Thargelion has clearly been a disastrous one for the Barbarians, for in that month the generals of the King were conquered by Alexander at the Granicus, and on the twenty-fourth of the month the Carthaginians were worsted by Timoleon off Sicily. On this day, too, of Thargelion, it appears that Ilium was taken, as Ephorus, Callisthenes, Damastes, and Phylarchus have stated.''. None |
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54. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 19.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Chaeronea, Chaeronea, battle of • Khaironeia, Battle of xiii,
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 22, 27; Henderson (2020) 45
19.2. τὸν δὲ Θερμώδοντα φασιν εἶναι παρʼ ἡμῖν ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ ποτάμιον μικρὸν εἰς τὸν Κηφισὸν ἐμβάλλον. ἡμεῖς δὲ νῦν μὲν οὐδὲν οὕτω τῶν ῥευμάτων ἴσμεν ὀνομαζόμενον, εἰκάζομεν δὲ τὸν καλούμενον Αἵμονα Θερμώδοντα λέγεσθαι τότε· καὶ γὰρ παραρρεῖ παρὰ τὸ Ἡράκλειον, ὅπου κατεστρατοπέδευον οἱ Ἕλληνες· καὶ τεκμαιρόμεθα τῆς μάχης γενομένης αἵματος ἐμπλησθέντα καὶ νεκρῶν τὸν ποταμὸν ταύτην διαλλάξαι τὴν προσηγορίαν.''. None | 19.2. ''. None |
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55. Plutarch, Fabius, 5.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Marathon, battle of • Plataea, battle of • Pydna, Battle of
Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 84; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 247
5.3. μόνος δʼ ἐκεῖνος αὐτοῦ τὴν δεινότητα, καὶ τὸν τρόπον ᾧ πολεμεῖν ἐγνώκει, συνιδών, καὶ διανοηθεὶς ὡς πάσῃ τέχνῃ καὶ βίᾳ κινητέος ἐστὶν εἰς μάχην ὁ ἀνὴρ ἢ διαπέπρακται τὰ Καρχηδονίων, οἷς μέν εἰσι κρείττους ὅπλοις χρήσασθαι μὴ δυναμένων, οἷς δὲ λείπονται σώμασι καὶ χρήμασιν ἐλαττουμένων καὶ δαπανωμένων εἰς τὸ μηδέν, ἐπὶ πᾶσαν ἰδέαν στρατηγικῶν σοφισμάτων καὶ παλαις μάτων τ ρεπόμενος, καὶ πειρώμενος ὥσπερ δεινὸς ἀθλητὴς λαβὴν ζητῶν, προσέβαλλε καὶ διετάραττε καὶ μετῆγε πολλαχόσε τὸν Φάβιον, ἐκστῆσαι τῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀσφαλείας λογισμῶν βουλόμενος.''. None | 5.3. He, and he alone, comprehended the cleverness of his antagonist, and the style of warfare which he had adopted. He therefore made up his mind that by every possible device and constraint his foe must be induced to fight, or else the Carthaginians were undone, since they were unable to use their weapons, in which they were superior, but were slowly losing and expending to no purpose their men and moneys, in which they were inferior. He therefore resorted to every species of strategic trick and artifice, and tried them all, seeking, like a clever athlete, to get a hold upon his adversary. Now he would attack Fabius directly, now he would seek to throw his forces into confusion, and now he would try to lead him off every whither, in his desire to divorce him from his safe, defensive plans.''. None |
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56. Plutarch, Coriolanus, 3.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aegospotami, battle of • Lake Regillus, Battle of
Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 254; Lipka (2021) 160
3.4. ἦν δὲ καὶ σιτίον ἀπʼ αὐτῆς ἡ βάλανος καὶ ποτὸν τὸ μελίτειον, ὄψον δὲ παρεῖχε τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν νεμομένων τε καὶ πτηνῶν, θήρας ὄργανον φέρουσα τὸν ἰξόν. ἐν ἐκείνῃ δὲ τῇ μάχῃ καὶ τοὺς Διοσκούρους ἐπιφανῆναι λέγουσι, καὶ μετὰ τὴν μάχην εὐθὺς ὀφθῆναι ῥεομένοις ἱδρῶτι τοῖς ἵπποις ἐν ἀγορᾷ τὴν νίκην ἀπαγγέλλοντας, οὗ νῦν παρὰ τὴν κρήνην νεώς ἐστιν αὐτοῖς ἱδρυμένος, ὅθεν καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν ἐπινίκιον οὖσαν, ἐν τῷ Ἰουλίῳ μηνὶ τὰς εἰδούς, Διοσκούροις ἀνιερώκασι.''. None | 3.4. In the battle of which I was speaking, it is said that Castor and Pollux appeared, and that immediately after the battle they were seen, their horses all a-drip with sweat, in the forum, announcing the victory, by the fountain where their temple now stands. Therefore the day on which this victory was won, the Ides of July, was consecrated to the Dioscuri. ''. None |
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57. Plutarch, Nicias, 1.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cunaxa, Battle of • Rhodes, P.J., Salamis, battle of
Found in books: Beneker et al. (2022) 29; Liddel (2020) 202
1.5. ἃς γοῦν Θουκυδίδης ἐξήνεγκε πράξεις καὶ Φίλιστος, ἐπεὶ παρελθεῖν οὐκ ἔστι, μάλιστά γε δὴ τὸν τρόπον καὶ τὴν διάθεσιν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ὑπὸ πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων παθῶν καλυπτομένην περιεχούσας, ἐπιδραμὼν βραχέως καὶ διὰ τῶν ἀναγκαίων, ἵνα μὴ παντάπασιν ἀμελὴς δοκῶ καὶ ἀργὸς εἶναι, τὰ διαφεύγοντα τοὺς πολλούς, ὑφʼ ἑτέρων δʼ εἰρημένα σποράδην ἢ πρὸς ἀναθήμασιν ἢ ψηφίσμασιν εὑρημένα παλαιοῖς πεπείραμαι συναγαγεῖν, οὐ τὴν ἄχρηστον ἀθροίζων ἱστορίαν, ἀλλὰ τὴν πρὸς κατανόησιν ἤθους καὶ τρόπου παραδιδούς.''. None | 1.5. ''. None |
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58. Tacitus, Annals, 4.32 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Actium, Battle of • Ctesias of Cnidus, Cunaxa, battle of
Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 374; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 49
4.32. Pleraque eorum quae rettuli quaeque referam parva forsitan et levia memoratu videri non nescius sum: sed nemo annalis nostros cum scriptura eorum contenderit qui veteres populi Romani res composuere. ingentia illi bella, expugnationes urbium, fusos captosque reges, aut si quando ad interna praeverterent, discordias consulum adversum tribunos, agrarias frumentariasque leges, plebis et optimatium certamina libero egressu memorabant: nobis in arto et inglorius labor; immota quippe aut modice lacessita pax, maestae urbis res et princeps proferendi imperi incuriosus erat. non tamen sine usu fuerit introspicere illa primo aspectu levia ex quis magnarum saepe rerum motus oriuntur.''. None | 4.32. \xa0I\xa0am not unaware that very many of the events I\xa0have described, and shall describe, may perhaps seem little things, trifles too slight for record; but no parallel can be drawn between these chronicles of mine and the work of the men who composed the ancient history of the Roman people. Gigantic wars, cities stormed, routed and captive kings, or, when they turned by choice to domestic affairs, the feuds of consul and tribune, land-laws and corn-laws, the duel of nobles and commons â\x80\x94 such were the themes on which they dwelt, or digressed, at will. Mine is an inglorious labour in a narrow field: for this was an age of peace unbroken or half-heartedly challenged, of tragedy in the capital, of a prince careless to extend the empire. Yet it may be not unprofitable to look beneath the surface of those incidents, trivial at the first inspection, which so often set in motion the great events of history. <''. None |
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59. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cannae, battle of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 270; Verhagen (2022) 270
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60. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cannae, battle of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 277; Verhagen (2022) 277
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61. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cannae, battle of • Gerunium, battle of • Kronos, Kynoskephalai, Battle of • Ticinus, battle • Trasimene, battle • Trebia, battle • Zama, battle • battle scenes in Homer, in Roman epic
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 251, 270, 271, 273, 274, 276, 277, 281, 284, 285, 302; Braund and Most (2004) 275, 276; Konig (2022) 363; Mcclellan (2019) 246, 268; Verhagen (2022) 251, 270, 271, 273, 274, 276, 277, 281, 284, 285, 302
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62. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cannae, battle of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 273, 284, 302; Verhagen (2022) 273, 284, 302
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63. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Actium, Battle of • Maiandrius, Mantinea, battle of
Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 385; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 48, 49
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64. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cannae, battle of
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 281; Verhagen (2022) 281
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65. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Chaironeia, battle of, • Khaironeia, Battle of xiii, • battle
Found in books: Borg (2008) 146; Henderson (2020) 75, 76; Marincola et al (2021) 264
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66. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Chaeronea, Battle of • Chaeronea, Chaeronea, battle of • Leuctra, battle of • Marathon, battle of • Naxos, battle of • Salamis, battle of
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 28; Beneker et al. (2022) 196
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67. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 42.41-42.43 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Battle of Actium • Pharsalos, battle of
Found in books: Konrad (2022) 147; Piotrkowski (2019) 360
| 42.41. 1. \xa0Thereupon Mithridates, called the Pergamenian, undertook to go up with his ships into the mouth of the Nile opposite Pelusium; but when the Egyptians barred his entrance with their vessels, he betook himself by night to the canal,,2. \xa0hauled the ships over into it, since it does not empty into the sea, and through it sailed up into the Nile. After that he suddenly attacked, from both sea and river at once, those who were guarding the mouth of the river, and thus breaking up their blockade,,3. \xa0he assaulted Pelusium with his infantry and his fleet simultaneously and captured it. Advancing then toward Alexandria, and learning that a certain Dioscorides was coming to confront him, he ambushed and destroyed him. 42.42. 1. \xa0But the Egyptians on receiving the news would not end the war even then; yet they were irritated at the rule of the eunuch and of the woman and thought that if they could put Ptolemy at their head they would be superior to the Romans.,2. \xa0So then, finding themselves unable to seize him in any way, inasmuch as he was skilfully guarded, they pretended that they were worn out by their disasters and desired peace; and they sent to Caesar, making overtures and asking for Ptolemy, in order, as they claimed, that they might consult with him about the terms on which a truce could be effected.,3. \xa0Now Caesar believed that they had in very truth changed their mind, since he heard that they were cowardly and fickle in general and perceived that at this time they were terrified in the face of their defeats; but even in case they should be planning some trick, in order that he might not be regarded as hindering peace, he said that he approved their request, and sent them Ptolemy.,4. \xa0For he saw no source of strength in the lad, in view of his youth and lack of education, and hoped that the Egyptians would either become reconciled with him on the terms he wished or else would more justly deserve to be warred upon and subjugated, so that there might be some reasonable excuse for delivering them over to Cleopatra;,5. \xa0for of course he had no idea that he would be defeated by them, particularly now that his troops had joined him. 42.43. 1. \xa0But the Egyptians, when they secured the lad, took not a thought for peace, but straightway set out against Mithridates, as if they were sure to accomplish some great achievement by the name and by the family of Ptolemy; and they surrounded Mithridates near the lake, between the river and the marshes, and routed his forces.,2. \xa0Now Caesar did not pursue them, through fear of being ambushed, but at night he set sail as if he were hurrying to some outlet of the Nile, and kindled an enormous fire on each vessel, so that it might be widely believed that he was going thither.,3. \xa0He started at first, then, to sail away, but afterwards extinguished the fires, returned, passed alongside the city to the peninsula on the Libyan side, where he came to land; and there he disembarked the soldiers, went around the lake, and fell upon the Egyptians unexpectedly about dawn. They were immediately so dismayed that they made overtures for peace, but since he would not listen to their entreaty, a fierce battle later took place in which he was victorious and slew great numbers of the enemy. Ptolemy and some others tried in their haste to escape across the river, and perished in it.''. None |
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68. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.3.2-1.3.4, 1.19.6, 1.21.1-1.21.2, 1.25.1, 1.28.2, 1.29.8-1.29.9, 1.29.16, 1.32.4, 4.27.10, 5.24.11, 9.1.8, 9.14.2-9.14.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alyattes, Alyzia, battle of • Battles, Chaironeia 338 bc ( • Battles, Keressos 6th cent. bc( • Battles, Oinophyta ( • Battles, Tanagra ( • Chaeronea, Chaeronea, battle of • Chaironeia, battle of, • Cronos, Cunaxa,battle of • Dedications, Delion, battle at • Khaironeia, Battle of xiii, • Marathon (Battle of) • Marathon, battle of • Naxos, battle of • Sacrifices, before battle • battle • battle-line or pre-battle sacrifices • clients, Cnidus, battle of • keratinos bomos (horned altar), Keressos, battle of • male animal victims, Marathon, battle of • munificence, Mycale, battle of • painting, battle of Mantinea • painting, battle of Marathon • pistis, Plataea, battle of
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 83, 84, 184; Barbato (2020) 59; Borg (2008) 146; Ekroth (2013) 76, 252; Gygax (2016) 125, 167, 192, 195, 198, 229; Henderson (2020) 39, 58, 76, 113, 143; Kowalzig (2007) 349; Lalone (2019) 140, 149, 185; Marincola et al (2021) 261; Mikalson (2003) 30; Simon (2021) 182; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014) 139; Wilding (2022) 36
1.3.2. πλησίον δὲ τῆς στοᾶς Κόνων ἕστηκε καὶ Τιμόθεος υἱὸς Κόνωνος καὶ βασιλεὺς Κυπρίων Εὐαγόρας, ὃς καὶ τὰς τριήρεις τὰς Φοινίσσας ἔπραξε παρὰ βασιλέως Ἀρταξέρξου δοθῆναι Κόνωνι· ἔπραξε δὲ ὡς Ἀθηναῖος καὶ τὸ ἀνέκαθεν ἐκ Σαλαμῖνος, ἐπεὶ καὶ γενεαλογῶν ἐς προγόνους ἀνέβαινε Τεῦκρον καὶ Κινύρου θυγατέρα. ἐνταῦθα ἕστηκε Ζεὺς ὀνομαζόμενος Ἐλευθέριος καὶ βασιλεὺς Ἀδριανός, ἐς ἄλλους τε ὧν ἦρχεν εὐεργεσίας καὶ ἐς τὴν πόλιν μάλιστα ἀποδειξάμενος τὴν Ἀθηναίων. 1.3.3. στοὰ δὲ ὄπισθεν ᾠκοδόμηται γραφὰς ἔχουσα θεοὺς τοὺς δώδεκα καλουμένους· ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ τοίχῳ τῷ πέραν Θησεύς ἐστι γεγραμμένος καὶ Δημοκρατία τε καὶ Δῆμος. δηλοῖ δὲ ἡ γραφὴ Θησέα εἶναι τὸν καταστήσαντα Ἀθηναίοις ἐξ ἴσου πολιτεύεσθαι· κεχώρηκε δὲ φήμη καὶ ἄλλως ἐς τοὺς πολλούς, ὡς Θησεὺς παραδοίη τὰ πράγματα τῷ δήμῳ καὶ ὡς ἐξ ἐκείνου δημοκρατούμενοι διαμείναιεν, πρὶν ἢ Πεισίστρατος ἐτυράννησεν ἐπαναστάς. λέγεται μὲν δὴ καὶ ἄλλα οὐκ ἀληθῆ παρὰ τοῖς πολλοῖς οἷα ἱστορίας ἀνηκόοις οὖσι καὶ ὁπόσα ἤκουον εὐθὺς ἐκ παίδων ἔν τε χοροῖς καὶ τραγῳδίαις πιστὰ ἡγουμένοις, λέγεται δὲ καὶ ἐς τὸν Θησέα, ὃς αὐτός τε ἐβασίλευσε καὶ ὕστερον Μενεσθέως τελευτήσαντος καὶ ἐς τετάρτην οἱ Θησεῖδαι γενεὰν διέμειναν ἄρχοντες. εἰ δέ μοι γενεαλογεῖν ἤρεσκε, καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ Μελάνθου βασιλεύσαντας ἐς Κλείδικον τὸν Αἰσιμίδου καὶ τούτους ἂν ἀπηριθμησάμην. 1.3.4. ἐνταῦθά ἐστι γεγραμμένον καὶ τὸ περὶ Μαντίνειαν Ἀθηναίων ἔργον, οἳ βοηθήσοντες Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐπέμφθησαν. συνέγραψαν δὲ ἄλλοι τε καὶ Ξενοφῶν τὸν πάντα πόλεμον, κατάληψίν τε τῆς Καδμείας καὶ τὸ πταῖσμα Λακεδαιμονίων τὸ ἐν Λεύκτροις καὶ ὡς ἐς Πελοπόννησον ἐσέβαλον Βοιωτοὶ καὶ τὴν συμμαχίαν Λακεδαιμονίοις τὴν παρʼ Ἀθηναίων ἐλθοῦσαν· ἐν δὲ τῇ γραφῇ τῶν ἱππέων ἐστὶ μάχη, ἐν ᾗ γνωριμώτατοι Γρύλος τε ὁ Ξενοφῶντος ἐν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἵππον τὴν Βοιωτίαν Ἐπαμινώνδας ὁ Θηβαῖος. ταύτας τὰς γραφὰς Εὐφράνωρ ἔγραψεν Ἀθηναίοις καὶ πλησίον ἐποίησεν ἐν τῷ ναῷ τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα Πατρῷον ἐπίκλησιν· πρὸ δὲ τοῦ νεὼ τὸν μὲν Λεωχάρης, ὃν δὲ καλοῦσιν Ἀλεξίκακον Κάλαμις ἐποίησε. τὸ δὲ ὄνομα τῷ θεῷ γενέσθαι λέγουσιν, ὅτι τὴν λοιμώδη σφίσι νόσον ὁμοῦ τῷ Πελοποννησίων πολέμῳ πιέζουσαν κατὰ μάντευμα ἔπαυσε ν ἐκ Δελφῶν.
1.19.6. διαβᾶσι δὲ τὸν Ἰλισὸν χωρίον Ἄγραι καλούμενον καὶ ναὸς Ἀγροτέρας ἐστὶν Ἀρτέμιδος· ἐνταῦθα Ἄρτεμιν πρῶτον θηρεῦσαι λέγουσιν ἐλθοῦσαν ἐκ Δήλου, καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα διὰ τοῦτο ἔχει τόξον. τὸ δὲ ἀκούσασι μὲν οὐχ ὁμοίως ἐπαγωγόν, θαῦμα δʼ ἰδοῦσι, στάδιόν ἐστι λευκοῦ λίθου. μέγεθος δὲ αὐτοῦ τῇδε ἄν τις μάλιστα τεκμαίροιτο· ἄνωθεν ὄρος ὑπὲρ τὸν Ἰλισὸν ἀρχόμενον ἐκ μηνοειδοῦς καθήκει τοῦ ποταμοῦ πρὸς τὴν ὄχθην εὐθύ τε καὶ διπλοῦν. τοῦτο ἀνὴρ Ἀθηναῖος Ἡρώδης ᾠκοδόμησε, καί οἱ τὸ πολὺ τῆς λιθοτομίας τῆς Πεντελῆσιν ἐς τὴν οἰκοδομὴν ἀνηλώθη.
1.21.1. εἰσὶ δὲ Ἀθηναίοις εἰκόνες ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ καὶ τραγῳδίας καὶ κωμῳδίας ποιητῶν, αἱ πολλαὶ τῶν ἀφανεστέρων· ὅτι μὴ γὰρ Μένανδρος, οὐδεὶς ἦν ποιητὴς κωμῳδίας τῶν ἐς δόξαν ἡκόντων. τραγῳδίας δὲ κεῖνται τῶν φανερῶν Εὐριπίδης καὶ Σοφοκλῆς. λέγεται δὲ Σοφοκλέους τελευτήσαντος ἐσβαλεῖν ἐς τὴν Ἀττικὴν Λακεδαιμονίους, καὶ σφῶν τὸν ἡγούμενον ἰδεῖν ἐπιστάντα οἱ Διόνυσον κελεύειν τιμαῖς, ὅσαι καθεστήκασιν ἐπὶ τοῖς τεθνεῶσι, τὴν Σειρῆνα τὴν νέαν τιμᾶν· καί οἱ τὸ ὄναρ ἐς Σοφοκλέα καὶ τὴν Σοφοκλέους ποίησιν ἐφαίνετο ἔχειν, εἰώθασι δὲ καὶ νῦν ἔτι ποιημάτων καὶ λόγων τὸ ἐπαγωγὸν Σειρῆνι εἰκάζειν. 1.21.2. τὴν δὲ εἰκόνα τὴν Αἰσχύλου πολλῷ τε ὕστερον τῆς τελευτῆς δοκῶ ποιηθῆναι καὶ τῆς γραφῆς ἣ τὸ ἔργον ἔχει τὸ Μαραθῶνι. ἔφη δὲ Αἰσχύλος μειράκιον ὢν καθεύδειν ἐν ἀγρῷ φυλάσσων σταφυλάς, καί οἱ Διόνυσον ἐπιστάντα κελεῦσαι τραγῳδίαν ποιεῖν· ὡς δὲ ἦν ἡμέρα— πείθεσθαι γὰρ ἐθέλειν—ῥᾷστα ἤδη πειρώμενος ποιεῖν.
1.25.1. τοιαῦτα μὲν αὐτοῖς συμβαίνοντα εἶδον· ἔστι δὲ ἐν τῇ Ἀθηναίων ἀκροπόλει καὶ Περικλῆς ὁ Ξανθίππου καὶ αὐτὸς Ξάνθιππος, ὃς ἐναυμάχησεν ἐπὶ Μυκάλῃ Μήδοις. ἀλλʼ ὁ μὲν Περικλέους ἀνδριὰς ἑτέρωθι ἀνάκειται, τοῦ δὲ Ξανθίππου πλησίον ἕστηκεν Ἀνακρέων ὁ Τήιος, πρῶτος μετὰ Σαπφὼ τὴν Λεσβίαν τὰ πολλὰ ὧν ἔγραψεν ἐρωτικὰ ποιήσας· καί οἱ τὸ σχῆμά ἐστιν οἷον ᾄδοντος ἂν ἐν μέθῃ γένοιτο ἀνθρώπου. γυναῖκας δὲ πλησίον Δεινομένης Ἰὼ τὴν Ἰνάχου καὶ Καλλιστὼ τὴν Λυκάονος πεποίηκεν, αἷς ἀμφοτέραις ἐστὶν ἐς ἅπαν ὅμοια διηγήματα ἔρως Διὸς καὶ Ἥρας ὀργὴ καὶ ἀλλαγὴ τῇ μὲν ἐς βοῦν, Καλλιστοῖ δὲ ἐς ἄρκτον.
1.28.2. χωρὶς δὲ ἢ ὅσα κατέλεξα δύο μὲν Ἀθηναίοις εἰσὶ δεκάται πολεμήσασιν, ἄγαλμα Ἀθηνᾶς χαλκοῦν ἀπὸ Μήδων τῶν ἐς Μαραθῶνα ἀποβάντων τέχνη Φειδίου —καί οἱ τὴν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀσπίδος μάχην Λαπιθῶν πρὸς Κενταύρους καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἐστὶν ἐπειργασμένα λέγουσι τορεῦσαι Μῦν, τῷ δὲ Μυῒ ταῦτά τε καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν ἔργων Παρράσιον καταγράψαι τὸν Εὐήνορος· ταύτης τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἡ τοῦ δόρατος αἰχμὴ καὶ ὁ λόφος τοῦ κράνους ἀπὸ Σουνίου προσπλέουσίν ἐστιν ἤδη σύνοπτα—, καὶ ἅρμα κεῖται χαλκοῦν ἀπὸ Βοιωτῶν δεκάτη καὶ Χαλκιδέων τῶν ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ. δύο δὲ ἄλλα ἐστὶν ἀναθήματα, Περικλῆς ὁ Ξανθίππου καὶ τῶν ἔργων τῶν Φειδίου θέας μάλιστα ἄξιον Ἀθηνᾶς ἄγαλμα ἀπὸ τῶν ἀναθέντων καλουμένης Λημνίας.
1.29.8. πολεμοῦντος Κασσάνδρου καὶ οἱ συμμαχήσαντές ποτε Ἀργείων. πραχθῆναι δὲ οὕτω σφίσι τὴν πρὸς Ἀργείους λέγουσι συμμαχίαν· Λακεδαιμονίοις τὴν πόλιν τοῦ θεοῦ σείσαντος οἱ εἵλωτες ἐς Ἰθώμην ἀπέστησαν, ἀφεστηκότων δὲ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι βοηθοὺς καὶ ἄλλους καὶ παρὰ Ἀθηναίων μετεπέμποντο· οἱ δέ σφισιν ἐπιλέκτους ἄνδρας ἀποστέλλουσι καὶ στρατηγὸν Κίμωνα τὸν Μιλτιάδου. τούτους ἀποπέμπουσιν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι πρὸς ὑποψίαν· 1.29.9. Ἀθηναίοις δὲ οὐκ ἀνεκτὰ ἐφαίνετο περιυβρίσθαι, καὶ ὡς ἐκομίζοντο ὀπίσω συμμαχίαν ἐποιήσαντο Ἀργείοις Λακεδαιμονίων ἐχθροῖς τὸν ἅπαντα οὖσι χρόνον. ὕστερον δὲ μελλούσης Ἀθηναίων ἐν Τανάγρᾳ γίνεσθαι πρὸς Βοιωτοὺς καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους μάχης, ἀφίκοντο Ἀθηναίοις Ἀργεῖοι βοηθοῦντες· καὶ παραυτίκα μὲν ἔχοντας πλέον τοὺς Ἀργείους νὺξ ἐπελθοῦσα ἀφείλετο τὸ σαφὲς τῆς νίκης, ἐς δὲ τὴν ὑστεραίαν ὑπῆρξε κρατῆσαι Λακεδαιμονίοις Θεσσαλῶν προδόντων Ἀθηναίους.
1.29.16. Λυκούργῳ δὲ ἐπορίσθη μὲν τάλαντα ἐς τὸ δημόσιον πεντακοσίοις πλείονα καὶ ἑξακισχιλίοις ἢ ὅσα Περικλῆς ὁ Ξανθίππου συνήγαγε, κατεσκεύασε δὲ πομπεῖα τῇ θεῷ καὶ Νίκας χρυσᾶς καὶ παρθένοις κόσμον ἑκατόν, ἐς δὲ πόλεμον ὅπλα καὶ βέλη καὶ τετρακοσίας ναυμαχοῦσιν εἶναι τριήρεις· οἰκοδομήματα δὲ ἐπετέλεσε μὲν τὸ θέατρον ἑτέρων ὑπαρξαμένων, τὰ δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτοῦ πολιτείας ἃ ᾠκοδόμησεν ἐν Πειραιεῖ νεώς εἰσιν οἶκοι καὶ τὸ πρὸς τῷ Λυκείῳ καλουμένῳ γυμνάσιον. ὅσα μὲν οὖν ἀργύρου πεποιημένα ἦν καὶ χρυσοῦ, Λαχάρης καὶ ταῦτα ἐσύλησε τυραννήσας· τὰ δὲ οἰκοδομήματα καὶ ἐς ἡμᾶς ἔτι ἦν.
1.32.4. καὶ ἀνδρός ἐστιν ἰδίᾳ μνῆμα Μιλτιάδου τοῦ Κίμωνος, συμβάσης ὕστερόν οἱ τῆς τελευτῆς Πάρου τε ἁμαρτόντι καὶ διʼ αὐτὸ ἐς κρίσιν Ἀθηναίοις καταστάντι. ἐνταῦθα ἀνὰ πᾶσαν νύκτα καὶ ἵππων χρεμετιζόντων καὶ ἀνδρῶν μαχομένων ἔστιν αἰσθέσθαι· καταστῆναι δὲ ἐς ἐναργῆ θέαν ἐπίτηδες μὲν οὐκ ἔστιν ὅτῳ συνήνεγκεν, ἀνηκόῳ δὲ ὄντι καὶ ἄλλως συμβὰν οὐκ ἔστιν ἐκ τῶν δαιμόνων ὀργή. σέβονται δὲ οἱ Μαραθώνιοι τούτους τε οἳ παρὰ τὴν μάχην ἀπέθανον ἥρωας ὀνομάζοντες καὶ Μαραθῶνα ἀφʼ οὗ τῷ δήμῳ τὸ ὄνομά ἐστι καὶ Ἡρακλέα, φάμενοι πρώτοις Ἑλλήνων σφίσιν Ἡρακλέα θεὸν νομισθῆναι.
4.27.10. οἱ δὲ Μινύαι, μετὰ τὴν μάχην τὴν ἐν Λεύκτροις ἐκπεσόντες ὑπὸ Θηβαίων ἐξ Ὀρχομενοῦ, κατήχθησαν ἐς Βοιωτίαν ὑπὸ Φιλίππου τοῦ Ἀμύντου, καὶ οὗτοι καὶ οἱ Πλαταιεῖς. Θηβαίων δὲ αὐτῶν ἐρημώσαντος Ἀλεξάνδρου τὴν πόλιν, αὖθις ἔτεσιν οὐ πολλοῖς ὕστερον Κάσσανδρος Ἀντιπάτρου τὰς Θήβας ἔκτισεν. φαίνεται μὲν δὴ τῶν κατειλεγμένων ἐπὶ μακρότατον ἡ Πλαταϊκὴ φυγὴ συμβᾶσα, οὐ μέντοι περαιτέρω γε ἢ ἐπὶ δύο ἐγένετο οὐδʼ αὐτὴ γενεάς.
5.24.11. τὸν γοῦν κάπρον καθʼ ὅτου τῶν τομίων Ἀγαμέμνων ἐπώμοσεν ἦ μὴν εἶναι τὴν Βρισηίδα ἑαυτοῦ τῆς εὐνῆς ἀπείρατον, τοῦτον τὸν κάπρον ἀφιέμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ κήρυκος ἐποίησεν ἐς θάλασσαν· ἦ, καὶ ἀπὸ σφάραγον κάπρου τάμε νηλέι χαλκῷ. τὸν μὲν Ταλθύβιος πολιῆς ἁλὸς ἐς μέγα λαῖτμα ῥῖψʼ ἐπιδινήσας, βόσιν ἰχθύσιν. Hom. Il. 19.266-268 οὕτω μὲν τὸ ἀρχαῖον τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐνόμιζον· ἔστι δὲ πρὸ τῶν ποδῶν τοῦ Ὁρκίου πινάκιον χαλκοῦν, ἐπιγέγραπται δὲ ἐλεγεῖα ἐπʼ αὐτοῦ, δεῖμα ἐθέλοντα τοῖς ἐπιορκοῦσι παριστάναι.
9.1.8. ἐγένετο δὲ ἡ ἅλωσις Πλαταίας ἡ δευτέρα μάχης μὲν τρίτῳ τῆς ἐν Λεύκτροις ἔτει πρότερον, Ἀστείου δὲ Ἀθήνῃσιν ἄρχοντος. καὶ ἡ μὲν πόλις ὑπὸ τῶν Θηβαίων καθῃρέθη πλὴν τὰ ἱερά, τοῖς δὲ Πλαταιεῦσιν ὁ τρόπος τῆς ἁλώσεως σωτηρίαν παρέσχεν ἐν ἴσῳ πᾶσιν· ἐκπεσόντας δὲ σφᾶς ἐδέξαντο αὖθις οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι. Φιλίππου δέ, ὡς ἐκράτησεν ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ, φρουράν τε ἐσαγαγόντος ἐς Θήβας καὶ ἄλλα ἐπὶ καταλύσει τῶν Θηβαίων πράσσοντος, οὕτω καὶ οἱ Πλαταιεῖς ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ κατήχθησαν.
9.14.2. Θεσπιεῦσι δέ, ὑφορωμένοις τήν τε ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐκ τῶν Θηβαίων δυσμένειαν καὶ τὴν ἐν τῷ παρόντι αὐτῶν τύχην, τὴν μὲν πόλιν ἔδοξεν ἐκλιπεῖν, ἀναφεύγειν δὲ ἐς Κερησσόν. ἔστι δὲ ἐχυρὸν χωρίον ὁ Κερησσὸς ἐν τῇ Θεσπιέων, ἐς ὃ καὶ πάλαι ποτὲ ἀνεσκευάσαντο κατὰ τὴν ἐπιστρατείαν τὴν Θεσσαλῶν· οἱ Θεσσαλοὶ δὲ τότε, ὡς ἑλεῖν τὸν Κερησσόν σφισι πειρωμένοις ἐφαίνετο ἐλπίδος κρεῖσσον, ἀφίκοντο ἐς Δελφοὺς παρὰ τὸν θεόν, καὶ 9.14.3. αὐτοῖς γίνεται μάντευμα τοιόνδε· Λεῦκτρά τέ μοι σκιόεντα μέλει καὶ Ἀλήσιον οὖδας, καί μοι τὼ Σκεδάσου μέλετον δυσπενθέε κούρα. ἔνθα μάχη πολύδακρυς ἐπέρχεται· οὐδέ τις αὐτήν φράσσεται ἀνθρώπων, πρὶν κούριον ἀγλαὸν ἥβην Δωριέες ὀλέσωσʼ, ὅταν αἴσιμον ἦμαρ ἐπέλθῃ. τουτάκι δʼ ἔστι Κερησσὸς ἁλώσιμος, ἄλλοτε δʼ οὐχί.''. None | 1.3.2. Near the portico stand Conon, Timotheus his son and Evagoras Evagoras was a king of Salamis in Cyprus, who reigned from about 410 to 374 B.C. He favoured the Athenians, and helped Conon to defeat the Spartan fleet off Cnidus in 394 B.C. King of Cyprus, who caused the Phoenician men-of-war to be given to Conon by King Artaxerxes. This he did as an Athenian whose ancestry connected him with Salamis, for he traced his pedigree back to Teucer and the daughter of Cinyras. Here stands Zeus, called Zeus of Freedom, and the Emperor Hadrian, a benefactor to all his subjects and especially to the city of the Athenians. 1.3.3. A portico is built behind with pictures of the gods called the Twelve. On the wall opposite are painted Theseus, Democracy and Demos. The picture represents Theseus as the one who gave the Athenians political equality. By other means also has the report spread among men that Theseus bestowed sovereignty upon the people, and that from his time they continued under a democratical government, until Peisistratus rose up and became despot. 560-527 B.C. But there are many false beliefs current among the mass of mankind, since they are ignorant of historical science and consider trustworthy whatever they have heard from childhood in choruses and tragedies; one of these is about Theseus, who in fact himself became king, and afterwards, when Menestheus was dead, the descendants of Theseus remained rulers even to the fourth generation. But if I cared about tracing the pedigree I should have included in the list, besides these, the kings from Melanthus to Cleidicus the son of Aesimides. 1.3.4. Here is a picture of the exploit, near Mantinea, of the Athenians who were sent to help the Lacedaemonians. 362 B.C. Xenophon among others has written a history of the whole war—the taking of the Cadmea, the defeat of the Lacedaemonians at Leuctra, how the Boeotians invaded the Peloponnesus,and the contingent sent to the Lacedacmonians from the Athenians. In the picture is a cavalry battle, in which the most famous men are, among the Athenians, Grylus the son of Xenophon, and in the Boeotian cavalry, Epaminondas the Theban. These pictures were painted for the Athenians by Euphranor, and he also wrought the Apollo surnamed Patrous (Paternal) in the temple hard by. And in front of the temple is one Apollo made by Leochares; the other Apollo, called Averter of evil, was made by Calamis. They say that the god received this name because by an oracle from Delphi he stayed the pestilence which afflicted the Athenians at the time of the Peloponnesian War. 430 B.C.
1.19.6. Across the Ilisus is a district called Agrae and a temple of Artemis Agrotera (the Huntress). They say that Artemis first hunted here when she came from Delos, and for this reason the statue carries a bow. A marvel to the eyes, though not so impressive to hear of, is a race-course of white marble, the size of which can best be estimated from the fact that beginning in a crescent on the heights above the Ilisus it descends in two straight lines to the river bank. This was built by Herodes, an Athenian, and the greater part of the Pentelic quarry was exhausted in its construction.
1.21.1. In the theater the Athenians have portrait statues of poets, both tragic and comic, but they are mostly of undistinguished persons. With the exception of Meder no poet of comedy represented here won a reputation, but tragedy has two illustrious representatives, Euripides and Sophocles. There is a legend that after the death of Sophocles the Lacedaemonians invaded Attica, and their commander saw in a vision Dionysus, who bade him honor, with all the customary honors of the dead, the new Siren. He interpreted the dream as referring to Sophocles and his poetry, and down to the present day men are wont to liken to a Siren whatever is charming in both poetry and prose. 1.21.2. The likeness of Aeschylus is, I think, much later than his death and than the painting which depicts the action at Marathon Aeschylus himself said that when a youth he slept while watching grapes in a field, and that Dionysus appeared and bade him write tragedy. When day came, in obedience to the vision, he made an attempt and hereafter found composing quite easy.
1.25.1. Such were the fates I saw befall the locusts. On the Athenian Acropolis is a statue of Pericles, the son of Xanthippus, and one of Xanthippus him self, who fought against the Persians at the naval battle of Mycale. 479 B.C. But that of Pericles stands apart, while near Xanthippus stands Anacreon of Teos, the first poet after Sappho of Lesbos to devote himself to love songs, and his posture is as it were that of a man singing when he is drunk. Deinomenes fl. 400 B.C. made the two female figures which stand near, Io, the daughter of Inachus, and Callisto, the daughter of Lycaon, of both of whom exactly the same story is told, to wit, love of Zeus, wrath of Hera, and metamorphosis, Io becoming a cow and Callisto a bear.
1.28.2. In addition to the works I have mentioned, there are two tithes dedicated by the Athenians after wars. There is first a bronze Athena, tithe from the Persians who landed at Marathon. It is the work of Pheidias, but the reliefs upon the shield, including the fight between Centaurs and Lapithae, are said to be from the chisel of Mys fl. 430 B.C., for whom they say Parrhasius the son of Evenor, designed this and the rest of his works. The point of the spear of this Athena and the crest of her helmet are visible to those sailing to Athens, as soon as Sunium is passed. Then there is a bronze chariot, tithe from the Boeotians and the Chalcidians in Euboea c. 507 B.C. . There are two other offerings, a statue of Pericles, the son of Xanthippus, and the best worth seeing of the works of Pheidias, the statue of Athena called Lemnian after those who dedicated it.
1.29.8. also those who died in the war with Cassander, and the Argives who once fought as the allies of Athens . It is said that the alliance between the two peoples was brought about thus. Sparta was once shaken by an earthquake, and the Helots seceded to Ithome . 461 B.C. After the secession the Lacedaemonians sent for help to various places, including Athens, which dispatched picked troops under the command of Cimon, the son of Miltiades. These the Lacedaemonians dismissed, because they suspected them. 1.29.9. The Athenians regarded the insult as intolerable, and on their way back made an alliance with the Argives, the immemorial enemies of the Lacedaemonians. Afterwards, when a battle was imminent at Tanagra 457 B.C., the Athenians opposing the Boeotians and Lacedaemonians, the Argives reinforced the Athenians. For a time the Argives had the better, but night came on and took from them the assurance of their victory, and on the next day the Lacedaemonians had the better, as the Thessalians betrayed the Athenians.
1.29.16. Lycurgus provided for the state-treasury six thousand five hundred talents more than Pericles, the son of Xanthippus, collected, and furnished for the procession of the Goddess golden figures of Victory and ornaments for a hundred maidens; for war he provided arms and missiles, besides increasing the fleet to four hundred warships. As for buildings, he completed the theater that others had begun, while during his political life he built dockyards in the Peiraeus and the gymnasium near what is called the Lyceum. Everything made of silver or gold became part of the plunder Lachares made away with when he became tyrant, but the buildings remained to my time.
1.32.4. here is also a separate monument to one man, Miltiades, the son of Cimon, although his end came later, after he had failed to take Paros and for this reason had been brought to trial by the Athenians. At Marathon every night you can hear horses neighing and men fighting. No one who has expressly set himself to behold this vision has ever got any good from it, but the spirits are not wroth with such as in ignorance chance to be spectators. The Marathonians worship both those who died in the fighting, calling them heroes, and secondly Marathon, from whom the parish derives its name, and then Heracles, saying that they were the first among the Greeks to acknowledge him as a god.
4.27.10. The Minyae, driven by the Thebans from Orchomenos after the battle of Leuctra, were restored to Boeotia by Philip the son of Amyntas, as were also the Plataeans. When Alexander had destroyed the city of the Thebans themselves, Cassander the son of Antipater rebuilt it after a few years. The exile of the Plataeans seems to have lasted the longest of those mentioned, but even this was not for more than two generations.' "
5.24.11. Homer proves this point clearly. For the boar, on the slices of which Agamemnon swore that verily Briseis had not lain with him, Homer says was thrown by the herald into the sea. He spake, and cut the boar's throat with ruthless bronze; And the boar Talthybius swung and cast into the great depth of the grey sea, to feed the fishes. Hom. Il. 19.266-268 Such was the ancient custom. Before the feet of the Oath-god is a bronze plate, with elegiac verses inscribed upon it, the object of which is to strike fear into those who forswear themselves. " '
9.1.8. The second capture of Plataea occurred two years before the battle of Leuctra, 373 B.C when Asteius was Archon at Athens . The Thebans destroyed all the city except the sanctuaries, but the method of its capture saved the lives of all the Plataeans alike, and on their expulsion they were again received by the Athenians. When Philip after his victory at Chaeroneia introduced a garrison into Thebes, one of the means he employed to bring the Thebans low was to restore the Plataeans to their homes.
9.14.2. The Thespians, apprehensive because of the ancient hostility of Thebes and its present good fortune, resolved to abandon their city and to seek a refuge in Ceressus. It is a stronghold in the land of the Thespians, in which once in days of old they had established themselves to meet the invasion of the Thessalians. On that occasion the Thessalians tried to take Ceressus, but success seemed hopeless. So they consulted the god at Delphi, 9.14.3. and received the following response:— A care to me is shady Leuctra, and so is the Alesian soil; A care to me are the two sorrowful girls of Scedasus. There a tearful battle is nigh, and no one will foretell it, Until the Dorians have lost their glorious youth, When the day of fate has come. Then may Ceressus be captured, but at no other time. ''. None |
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69. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Ankyra (today Ankara), Elephant Battle at • Elephant Battle • Motifs (Thematic), Battle
Found in books: Marek (2019) 204; Schwartz (2008) 432
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70. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 2.43 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Khaironeia, Battle of xiii, • Marathon, battle of • battle • clients, Cnidus, battle of
Found in books: Borg (2008) 146; Gygax (2016) 125, 229; Henderson (2020) 76
| 2.43. So he was taken from among men; and not long afterwards the Athenians felt such remorse that they shut up the training grounds and gymnasia. They banished the other accusers but put Meletus to death; they honoured Socrates with a bronze statue, the work of Lysippus, which they placed in the hall of processions. And no sooner did Anytus visit Heraclea than the people of that town expelled him on that very day. Not only in the case of Socrates but in very many others the Athenians repented in this way. For they fined Homer (so says Heraclides ) 50 drachmae for a madman, and said Tyrtaeus was beside himself, and they honoured Astydamas before Aeschylus and his brother poets with a bronze statue.''. None |
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71. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Fortunatus, Venantius, Frigidus River, battle of • Frigidus, Battle of the
Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 292; Kraemer (2020) 139
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72. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • narrative, battle, in Naevius’ The Punic War • sea power and seafaring, naval battles
Found in books: Farrell (2021) 187; Joseph (2022) 178
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73. Aeschines, Or., 3.17
Tagged with subjects: • Ceos, Chaeronea, Battle of • Chabrias, Chaeronea, battle of
Found in books: Gygax (2016) 246; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021) 86
| 3.17. But now to “the irrefutable argument,” as Demosthenes calls it, I wish to reply briefly in advance. For he will say, “I am in charge of the construction of walls; I admit it; but I have made a present of a hundred minas to the state, and I have carried out the work on a larger scale than was prescribed; what then is it that you want to audit? unless a man's patriotism is to be audited!” Now to this pretext hear my answer, true to the facts and beneficial to you. In this city, so ancient and so great, no man is free from the audit who has held any public trust."". None |
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74. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 12
Tagged with subjects: • Battle of Gaza • Gaza, battle of, and destruction of by Ptolemy
Found in books: Bar Kochba (1997) 74; Piotrkowski (2019) 276
| 12. Thinking that the time had come to press the demand, which I had often laid before Sosibius of Tarentum and Andreas, the chief of the bodyguard, for the emancipation of the Jews who had been transported from Judea by the king's father -"". None |
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75. Demosthenes, Orations, 18.112-18.114, 18.117-18.119, 18.299, 18.311, 20.70, 23.196-23.199, 60.26-60.31
Tagged with subjects: • Arginusae, battle of, the • Battles, Oinophyta ( • Battles, Tanagra ( • Ceos, Chaeronea, Battle of • Chabrias, Chaeronea, battle of • Khaironeia, Battle of xiii, • Lykidas, Marathon, battle of • Marathon (Battle of) • Marathon, battle of • Rhodes, P.J., Salamis, battle of • Salamis (Cyprus), Salamis, battle of • clients, Cnidus, battle of
Found in books: Barbato (2020) 62; Gygax (2016) 166, 192, 193, 210, 241, 246; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021) 86; Henderson (2020) 143; Kirichenko (2022) 117; Lalone (2019) 185; Liddel (2020) 86
| 18.112. but for the donations that I promised and gave at my own expense I do say that I am not accountable at any time— you hear that, Aeschines—nor is any other man, though he be one of the nine archons. Is there any law so compact of iniquity and illiberality that, when a man out of sheer generosity has given away his own money, it defrauds him of the gratitude he has earned, drags him before a set of prying informers, and gives them authority to hold an audit of his free donations? There is no such law. If he contradicts me, let him produce the law, and I will be satisfied and hold my peace. 18.113. But no, the law does not exist, men of Athens ; only this man, with his pettifogging spite, because, when I was in charge of the theatric fund, I added gifts of my own to that fund, says, Ctesiphon gave him a vote of thanks before he had rendered his accounts. Yes, but the vote of thanks did not concern the accounts which I had to render; it was for my own donations, you pettifogger! But you were also a Commissioner of Fortifications. Why, that is how I earned my vote of thanks: I made a present of the money I had spent, and did not charge it to the public account. The account requires an audit and checkers; the benefaction deserves gratitude and formal thanks, and that is the very reason for Ctesiphon ’s proposition. 18.114. That this distinction is recognized both in the statutes and in your moral feelings I can prove by many instances. Nausicles, for example, has been repeatedly decorated by you for the money he spent out of his own pocket when serving as military commander. When Diotimus, and on another occasion Charidemus, had made a present of shields, they were crowned. Then there is our friend Neoptolemus, who has received distinctions for donations given by him as Commissioner for sundry public works. It would be quite intolerable that it should either be illegal for a man holding any office to make presents to the government, or that, when he has made them, instead of receiving thanks, he should be subjected to an audit.
18.117. Every one of the persons mentioned, Aeschines, was liable to audit in respect of the office he held, but not of the services for which he was decorated. It follows that I am not liable; for, surely, I have the same rights under the same conditions as anybody else! I made donations. For those donations I am thanked, not being subject to audit for what I gave. I held office. Yes, and I have submitted to audit for my offices, though not for my gifts. Ah, but perhaps I was guilty of official misconduct? Well, the auditors brought me into court—and no complaint from you! 18.118. To prove that Aeschines himself testifies that I have been crowned for matters in which I was audit-free, take and read the whole of the decree that was drawn in my favor. The proof that his prosecution is vindictive will appear from those sentences in the provisional decree which he has not indicted. Read. (The Decree is read) In the archonship of Euthycles, on the twenty-third day of Pyanepsion, the tribe Oeneis then holding the presidency, Ctesiphon , son of Leosthenes, of Anaphlystus, proposed that, whereas Demosthenes, son of Demosthenes, of Paeania, having been appointed superintendent of the repair of the fortifications, and having spent upon the works three talents from his private means, has made the same a benevolence to the people; and whereas, having been appointed treasurer of the Theatrical Fund, he gave to the representatives of all the tribes one hundred minas for sacrifices, it be resolved by the Council and People of Athens to commend the said Demosthenes, son of Demosthenes, of Paeania, for his merits and for the generosity which he has constantly displayed on every occasion towards the People of Athens, and to crown him with a golden crown, and to proclaim the crown in the theatre at the Dionysia at the performance of the new tragedies and that the proclamation be entrusted to the steward of the festival. 18.119. Here, then, are my donations, in the decree—but not in your indictment. Your prosecution is directed to the rewards which the Council says that I ought to receive for them. Acceptance of gifts you admit to be legal; gratitude for gifts you indict for illegality. In Heaven’s name, what do we mean by dishonesty and malignity, if you are not dishonest and maligt?
18.299. On those grounds I claim this distinction. As for my fortifications, which you treated so satirically, and my entrenchments, I do, and I must, judge these things worthy of gratitude and thanks; but I give them a place far removed from my political achievements. I did not fortify Athens with masonry and brickwork: they are not the works on which I chiefly pride myself. Regard my fortifications as you ought, and you will find armies and cities and outposts, seaports and ships and horses, and a multitude ready to fight for their defence.
18.311. What alliance does Athens owe to your exertions? What auxiliary expedition, what gain of amity or reputation? What embassy or service, by which the credit of the city has been raised? What project in domestic, Hellenic, or foreign policy, of which you took charge, has ever been successful? What war-galleys, or munitions, or docks, or fortifications, or cavalry, do we owe to you? of what use in the wide world are you? What public-spirited assistance have you ever given to rich or to poor? None whatever.
20.70. Therefore his contemporaries not only granted him immunity, but also set up his statue in bronze—the first man so honored since Harmodius and Aristogiton. For they felt that he too, in breaking up the empire of the Lacedaemonians, had ended no insignificant tyranny. In order, then, that you may give a closer attention to my words, the clerk shall read the actual decrees which you then passed in favor of Conon . Read them. The decrees are read
23.196. It is also opportune, men of Athens, to inquire how our forefathers bestowed distinctions and rewards upon genuine benefactors, whether they were citizens or strangers. If you find their practice better than yours, you will do well to follow their example; if you prefer your own, it rests with you to continue it. Take first Themistocles, who won the naval victory at Salamis, Miltiades, who commanded at Marathon, and many others, whose achievements were not on a level with those of our commanders today. By not equal Demosthenes seems here to mean superior. Our ancestors did not put up bronze statues of these men, nor did they carry their regard for them to extremes. 23.197. So they were not grateful to those who had served them well? Yes, men of Athens, they were very grateful; they showed their gratitude in a manner that was equally creditable to themselves and the recipients. They were all men of merit, but they chose those men to lead them; and to men of sobriety, who have a keen eye for realities, being raised to the primacy of a brave and noble people is a far greater distinction than any effigy of bronze. 23.198. The truth is, gentlemen, that they would not rob themselves of their own share in any of those ancient achievements; and no man would say that the battle of Salamis belonged to Themistocles,—it was the battle of the Athenians; or that the victory at Marathon belonged to Miltiades,—it was the victory of the commonwealth. But today, men of Athens, it is commonly said that Corcyra was captured by Timotheus, that the Spartan battalion was cut to pieces by Iphicrates, that the naval victory off Naxos was won by Chabrias. It really looks as though you disclaimed any merit for those feats of arms by the extravagant favours that you lavish on the several commanders. 23.199. Thus they distributed rewards within the city righteously and to the public advantage; we do it the wrong way. But what about those bestowed on strangers? When Meno of Pharsalus had given us twelve talents for the war at Eion near Amphipolis, and had reinforced us with three hundred of his own mounted serfs, they did not pass a decree that whoever slew Meno should be liable to seizure; they made him a citizen, and thought that distinction adequate.
60.26. Democracies, however, possess many other just and noble features, to which right-minded men should hold fast, and in particular it is impossible to deter freedom of speech, which depends upon speaking the truth, from exposing the truth. For neither is it possible for those who commit a shameful act to appease all the citizens, Under an oligarchy, the speaker means, it is possible for the wrongdoer to seal the mouths of the small ruling clique by means of bribes, but under a democracy it is impossible to buy the silence of thousands of citizens. The reference is to oligarchic governments set up by the Spartans in subject states. Pericles praised the Athenian form of government as against the Spartan, Thuc. 2.37-39 . so that even the lone individual, uttering the deserved reproach, makes the guilty wince: for even those who would never speak an accusing word themselves are pleased at hearing the same, provided another utters it. Through fear of such condemnation, all these men, as was to be expected, for shame at the thought of subsequent reproaches, The fear of exposure as a factor in democratic government is mentioned by Pericles, Thuc. 2.37.3, and by Hyp. 25 . Blass compares Dem. 22.31 . manfully faced the threat arising from our foes and chose a noble death in preference to life and disgrace. 60.27. The considerations that actuated these men one and all to choose to die nobly have now been enumerated,—birth, education, habituation to high standards of conduct, and the underlying principles of our form of government in general. The incentives that challenged them severally to be valiant men, depending upon the tribes to which they belonged, I shall next relate. The list which here begins is our chief authority for the names and order of precedence of the ten Athenian tribes as established by Cleisthenes in 508 B.C. The particular myths that suit the context, however, are for the most part obscure and of relatively recent origin. For example, the older legends speak of but one daughter of Erechtheus as being sacrificed. The later version is known to Cicero Tusc. Disp. 1.48.116 . All the Erechtheidae were well aware that Erechtheus, from whom they have their name, for the salvation of this land gave his own daughters, whom they call Hyacinthides, to certain death, and so extinguished his race. Therefore they regarded it as shameful, after a being born of immortal gods had sacrificed everything for the liberation of his native land, that they themselves should have been found to have placed a higher value upon a mortal body than upon immortal glory. Hyp. 24 reads in part θνητοῦ σώματος ἀθάνατον δόξαν ἐκτήσαντο, gained immortal glory at the price of a mortal body. 60.28. Neither were the Aegeidae ignorant that Theseus, the son of Aegeus, for the first time established equality in the State. According to Plut. Thes. 25, it was equality between newcomers and natives that Theseus established; the word ἰσονομία usually means equality before the law and is almost a synonym for democracy. They thought it, therefore, a dreadful thing to be false to the principles of that ancestor, and they preferred to be dead rather than through love of life to survive among the Greeks with this equality lost. The Pandionidae had inherited the tradition of Procne and Philomela, the daughters of Pandion, who took vengeance on Tereus for his crime against themselves. Procne is said to have murdered her own son Itys and to have served his flesh to her husband Tereus in revenge for his treachery to herself and his cruelty to Philomela. It is curious that the speaker seems less shocked by this crime than by the innocent tale of Alope, Dem. 60.31, below. Therefore they decided that life was not worth living unless they, akin by race, should have proved themselves to possess equal spirit with those women, when confronted by the outrage they saw being committed against Greece. 60.29. The Leontidae had heard the stories related of the daughters of Leo, how they offered themselves to the citizens as a sacrifice for their country’s sake. When, therefore, such courage was displayed by those women, they looked upon it as a heinous thing if they, being men, should have proved to possess less of manhood. The Acamantidae did not fail to recall the epics in which Homer says that Acamas sailed for Troy for the sake of his mother Aethra. Aethra is mentioned in Hom. Il. 3.144, but the rest of the story is not Homeric. This Acamas is unknown to Homer, though he mentions two other individuals of the same name. It was later myths that told of the rescue of Aethra after the fall of Troy by her two grandsons, not sons, Acamas and Demophon. Now, since he braved every danger for the sake of saving his own mother, how were these men not bound to face every danger for the sake of saving their parents one and all at home? 60.30. It did not escape the Oeneidae that Semele was the daughter of Cadmus, and of her was born one whom it would be sacrilegious to name at this tomb, Dionysus, or Bacchus, god of wine, who, as an Olympian, could not associate with death. and by him Oeneus was begotten, who was called the founder of their race. Two demes in Attica were named Oenoe, which was sufficient to justify the invention of a hero Oeneus, but he is not to be confused with the Homeric hero of this name who was associated with Calydon in Aetolia and with Argos. The word means wineman, from οἶνος . At Athens the anniversary of this hero fell in the month Gamelion, like the Lenaea of Dionysus. It was natural, therefore, to call him the son of the god, but the relationship plays no part in recorded myths. Since the danger in question was common to both States, on behalf of both they thought themselves bound to endure any Anguish to the end. The suggestion is that the Oeneidae would have felt equally bound to fight on behalf of Thebes, of which the founder was Cadmus, and on behalf of Athens, one of whose heroes was Oeneus, great-grandson of Cadmus. This is the weakest link in this series. The Cecropidae were well aware that their founder was reputed to have been part dragon, part human, for no other reason than this, that in understanding he was like a man, in strength like a dragon. So they assumed that their duty was to perform feats worthy of both. 60.31. The Hippothoontidae bore in mind the marriage of Alope, from which Hippothoon was born, and they knew also who their founder was; about these matters—to avoid impropriety on an occasion like this Alope’s son was said to have been twice exposed, and twice rescued and suckled by a mare. The use of mare’s milk as a food prevailed among the Scythians, as the Greeks knew well from their colonists in the region of the Black Sea, if not from Hdt. 4.2 ; Gylon, grandfather of Demosthenes, had lived in the Crimea and was said to have married a Thracian wife. The orator was sometimes twitted by his opponents about his Thracian blood. He may have been sensitive. Consequently the attitude here revealed might be construed as evidence for the genuineness of the speech. I forbear to speak plainly—they thought it was their duty to be seen performing deeds worthy of these ancestors. It did not escape the Aeantidae that Ajax, robbed of the prize of valor, did not consider his own life worth living. Ajax, worsted by Odysseus in a contest for possession of the arms of Achilles, was said to have slain himself: Hom. Od. 11.541-567 ; the story of his madness and of slaughtering flocks and herds as if they were his enemies is not Homeric: Soph. Aj. When, therefore, the god was giving to another the prize of valor, at once they thought they must die trying to repel their foes so as to suffer no disgrace to themselves. The Antiochidae were not unmindful that Antiochus was the son of Heracles. The mother of Antiochus was Meda, daughter of Phylas, king of the Dryopes, but the story was unimportant and little known. They concluded therefore that they must either live worthily of their heritage or die nobly.''. None |
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76. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 34, 43, 111, 1656-1657
Tagged with subjects: • Alyattes, Alyzia, battle of • Chaironeia, battle of, • Cronos, Cunaxa,battle of • Knidos, naval battle • Leucon, king of Bosphorus, Leuctra, battle of • Naxos, battle of • clients, Cnidus, battle of
Found in books: Gygax (2016) 193, 198, 239; Marincola et al (2021) 255; Papazarkadas (2011) 83, 287; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014) 139
| 34. Relief Alliance of Athens and Chios. In the archonship of Dieitrephes (384/3). In the first prytany, of HippothontisVIII, for which - son of -anes (?) from Oion was secretary . . . Uninscribed space (5) . . . the Chians state that . . . these . . . being mindful of the common goods which have come to pass for the Greeks, they will uphold like the Athenians the peace and the friendship (10) and the oaths and the existing agreement which the King swore and the Athenians and the Spartans and the other Greeks, and have come announcing good things for the People of Athens and the whole of (15) Greece and the King, the People shall resolve: to praise the People of Chios and the ambassadors (presbeis) who have come; and the peace shall apply (huparchen), and the oaths and the agreements which now exist; and to make (20) the Chians allies on the basis of freedom and autonomy, not contravening anything that is written on the stelai about the peace, nor being persuaded if anybody else contravenes anything as far as possible; and to stand (25) a stele on the acropolis in front of the statue; and on this to inscribe that if anybody goes against the Athenians the Chians will support with all their strength as far as possible, and if anybody goes against the Chians the Athenians will support with all their strength (30) as far as possible; and the Council and the generals and the taxiarchs shall swear the oath to the Chians who have come, and in Chios the Council and the other officials (archas); and to choose five men who shall sail to Chios and (35) administer the oath to the city of Chios; and the alliance shall be in force for all time; and to invite the embassy (presbeian) of the Chians to hospitality (xenian) in the city hall (prutaneion) tomorrow. These were chosen as ambassadors (presbeis): Kephalos of (40) Kollytos, - of Alopeke, Aisimos of -, -s of Phrearrhioi, Demokleides of -. These were ambassadors (epresbeuon) of the Chians: Bryon, Apelles?, Theokritos?, Archelas. text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG II2
34 - Alliance with Chios, 384/3 BC
43. Face A (front) Decree 1 In the archonship of Nausinikos (378/7). Kallibios son of Kephisophon of Paiania was secretary. In the seventh prytany, of (5) HippothontisVIII. The Council and the People decided. Charinos of Athmonon was chairman. Aristoteles proposed: for the good fortune of the Athenians and the allies of the Athenians: so that the Spartans shall allow the Greeks (10) to be free and autonomous and to live at peace, possessing securely all their own (territory), and so that the peace and the friendship which the Greeks and the King swore shall be in force (kuria) and endure in accordance with the (15) agreements, the People shall resolve: if any of the Greeks or of the barbarians living in Europe or of the islanders who are not the King\'s, wishes to be an ally of the Athenians and the allies, it shall be permitted to him, (20) being free and autonomous, living under the constitution (politeian) which he wishes, neither receiving a garrison (phroran) or a governor (archonta) nor paying tribute (phoron), on the same terms as the Chians and Thebans (25) and the other allies. For those who make an alliance with the Athenians and the allies the People shall renounce whatever possessions there happen to be whether private or public of the Athenians in the territory of those who (30) make the alliance, and concerning these the Athenians shall give a pledge (pistin). For whichever of the cities which make the alliance with the Athenians there happen to be stelai at Athens which are unfavourable, the Council in office (35) at the time shall have authority (kurian einai) to demolish them. From the archonship of Nausinikos (378/7) it shall not be permitted either privately or publicly to any of the Athenians to acquire in the territory of the allies either a house or land either (40) by purchase (priamenōi) or by taking security (hupothemenōi) or in any other way. If anybody does buy or acquire or take as security in any way at all, it shall be permitted to whoever wishes of the allies to denounce (phēnai) it to the representatives (sunedros) of the allies; and the representatives (sunedroi) shall (45) sell it and give half to the denouncer, and the other half shall be the common property of the allies. If anybody attacks those who have made the alliance, either by land or by sea, the Athenians and the allies shall support (50) the latter both by land and by sea with all their strength as far as possible. If anybody proposes or puts to the vote, whether an official (archōn) or a private citizen, contrary to this decree that any of the things stated in this decree should be annulled, (55) let it fall (huparchetō) to him to be dishonoured (atimōi) and let his property be public (dēmosia) and a tenth for the goddess, and let him be convicted (krinesthō) by the Athenians and the allies for dissolving the alliance. Let them punish him with death (60) or exile from territores that the Athenians and the allies control. If he is condemned (timēthēi) to death, let him not be buried in Attica or in the territory of the allies. This decree let the secretary of the Council inscribe on a stone (65) stele and set it down beside Zeus of Freedom (Eleutherion).10 The treasurers of the goddess shall give the money for inscribing the stele, sixty drachmas from the ten talents (fund). On this stele shall be inscribed (70) the names of the existing allied cities and of any other (city) which becomes an ally. These things are to be inscribed; and the People shall elect three ambassadors (presbeis) (to go) immediately to Thebes, in order to persuade the Thebans (to do) (75) whatever good they can.11 These were chosen: Aristoteles of Marathon, Pyrrhandros of Anaphlystos, Thrasyboulos of Kollytos. These cities are allies of the Athenians: col. 1 Chios12 (80) Mytilene Methymna Rhodes Byzantium Perinthos13 (85) Peparethos13 Skiathos13 Maroneia13 Dion13 Paros (90) Athenai (Diades) col. 2 (79) 15 Tenedos (82) Poiessa (89) O- (90) P- col. 3 Thebes12 (80) Chalkis14 Eretria14 Arethusa14 Karystos14 Ikos14 (85) Pall-14 . . . . . . . . . . . . (90) . . . Decree 216 (91) Aristoteles proposed: . . . since first . . . they come forward willingly . . . resolved by the People and . . . (95) of the islands into the alliance . . . to those of the things resolved . . . . . . Face B (left) 17 The People of Pyrrha Abdera (100) Thasos Chalkidians from Thrace Ainos Samothrace (105) Dikaiopolis Akaria From Kephallenia the Pronnians Alketas (110) Neoptolemos . . . 18 Andros Tenos Hestiaia19 (115) Mykonos Antissa Eresos Astraious of the Keians (120) Ioulis Karthaia Koresia Elaious Amorgos, (125) Selymbria Siphnos Sikinos Dion from Thrace (130) Neopolis, several lines uninscribed of the Zakynthians the People in Nellos. text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG II2
43 - Decree inviting states to join the Second Athenian League, 378/7 BC
111. Gods. In the archonship of Charikleides (363/2). AiantisIX was in prytany. Nikostratos of Pallene was secretary. Philittios of Boutadai was chairman. The Council and the People decided. Aristophon (5) proposed: since the Ioulietans whom the Athenians restored show that the city of Ioulis owes to the city of Athens three talents of the money (arguriou) calculated in accordance with the decree of the Athenian People which Menexenos proposed, the People shall decide: that the Ioulietans shall pay to the Athenians (10) this money (chrēmata) in the month Skirophorion in the archonship of Charikleides (363/2). If they do not pay it in the time stated, it shall be exacted from them by those chosen by the People to exact the amounts owed by the islanders, in whatever way they know, and there shall join with them (15) in exacting also the generals of the Ioulietans, Echetimos and Nikoleos and Satyros and Glaukon and Herakleides. And so that the oaths and the agreement which were made by Chabrias the general, and which he swore to the Keans on behalf of the Athenians and of the Keans whom the Athenians restored, shall be given effect (kuriai), (20) the generals of the Ioulietans who are specified in the decree to join in exacting the money (chrēmata) shall inscribe them on a stone stele and place them in the sanctuary of Pythian Apollo, as they have been inscribed in Karthaia; and the secretary of the Council shall inscribe them on a stele in the same way and (25) put them on the acropolis; and for the inscribing the treasurer of the People shall give 20 drachmas from the fund for expenditure on decrees. And since those of the Ioulietans who broke the oaths and the agreement and made war against the People of Athens and the Keans and the other allies, (30) and, after they had been condemned to death, returned to Keos, threw out (exebalon) the stelai on which was inscribed the agreement with the Athenians and the names of those who broke the oaths and the agreement, and of the friends of the Athenians whom the People restored they killed some and (35) condemned others to death and confiscated their possessions contrary to the oaths and the agreement (being Satyrides and Timoxenos and Miltiades), because they spoke against Antipatros when the Council of Athens condemned him to death for killing the proxenos of the Athenians Aision contrary to the decrees of the (40) People of Athens and contrary to the oaths and the agreement - they shall be exiled from Keos and Athens and their property shall be public property of the People of Ioulis; and the generals of the Ioulietans who are visiting Athens shall register their names forthwith in the presence of the People with the (45) secretary; and if any of those who are registered dispute that they are among these men, they shall be permitted to appoint guarantors for the generals of the Ioulietans that they will submit to trial within thirty days in accordance with the oaths and the agreement, in Keos and in Athens as the city of appeal (ekklētōi polei). (50) Satyrides and Timoxenos and Miltiades shall return to Keos and their own property. Praise those of the Ioulietans who have come, Demetrios, Herakleides, Echetimos, Kalliphantos; praise also Satyrides and Timoxenos and Miltiades; praise also the city of Karthaia and Aglokritos; (55) and invite them to hospitality in the city hall (prutaneion) tomorrow. This was agreed and sworn by the Athenian generals with the cities in Keos and by the allies: \'I shall not harbour grudges (mnēsikakēsō) for what is past against any of the Keans or kill (60) any of the Keans, nor shall I make an exile any of those who abide by these oaths and this agreement, and I shall bring them into the alliance like the other allies. But if anybody commits an act of revolution (neōterizēi) in Keos contrary to the oaths and the agreement, I shall not allow him by any craft or contrivance as far as possible. If anybody (65) does not wish to live in Keos, I shall allow him to live wherever he wishes in the allied cities and to enjoy his own property. In these matters I shall adhere steadfastly to my oath, by Zeus, by Athena, by Poseidon, by Demeter: to him who keeps the oath there shall be much good, but to him who breaks the oath evil.\' Oaths and agreement of the cities in Keos towards (70) the Athenians and the allies and those of the Keans whom the Athenians restored: \'I shall be an ally of the Athenians and the allies, and I shall not defect from the Athenians and the allies myself nor permit anybody else to do so as far as possible. I shall make all private (dikas) and public lawsuits (graphas) against Athenians subject to appeal (75) in accordance with the agreement, as many as are for more than a hundred drachmas. If anybody dares to wrong those of the Keans who have returned or the Athenians or any of the allies, contrary to the oaths and the agreement, I shall not allow him by any craft or contrivance, but I shall lend support with all my strength as far as possible. In this I shall adhere steadfastly to my oath, (80) by Zeus, by Athena, by Poseidon, by Demeter: to him who keeps the oath there shall be much good, but to him who breaks the oath evil.\' This was sworn by those of the Keans whom the Athenians restored: \'I shall not harbour grudges (mnēsikakēsō) for anything in the past, and I shall not kill any of the Keans . . . \' . . . . . . text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG II2
111 - Decree making arrangements for Ioulis on Keos, 363/2 BC '
1656. In the archonship of Diophantos (395/4), in the month of Skirophorion for day labour (kath’ hēmeran erga). For yoke-teams (5) bringing the stones, payment: 160 dr. For iron tools, payment: 53 dr. text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG II2
1656 - Restoration of the Piraeus walls 1657. In the archonship of Euboulides (394/3) Beginning from the sign (sēmeo), up to the central pillar (?) (metōpo) of the gates by (5) the Aphrodision on the right as one goes out: 790 dr. Contractor: Demosthenes of Boeotia for the actual delivery of the stones. text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG II2 1657 - Restoration of the Piraeus walls '. None |
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77. Strabo, Geography, 7.7.6
Tagged with subjects: • Actium, Battle of • Actium, battle of
Found in books: Csapo (2022) 118; Xinyue (2022) 24
| 7.7.6. Next comes the mouth of the Ambracian Gulf. Although the mouth of this gulf is but slightly more than four stadia wide, the circumference is as much as three hundred stadia; and it has good harbors everywhere. That part of the country which is on the right as one sails in is inhabited by the Greek Acarians. Here too, near the mouth, is the sacred precinct of the Actian Apollo — a hill on which the sanctuary stands; and at the foot of the hill is a plain which contains a sacred grove and a naval station, the naval station where Caesar dedicated as first fruits of his victory the squadron of ten ships — from vessel with single bank of oars to vessel with ten; however, not only the boats, it is said, but also the boat-houses have been wiped out by fire. On the left of the mouth are Nicopolis and the country of the Epeirote Cassopaeans, which extends as far as the recess of the gulf near Ambracia. Ambracia lies only a short distance above the recess; it was founded by Gorgus, the son of Cypselus. The River Aracthus flows past Ambracia; it is navigable inland for only a few stadia, from the sea to Ambracia, although it rises in Mount Tymphe and the Paroraea. Now this city enjoyed an exceptional prosperity in earlier times (at any rate the gulf was named after it), and it was adorned most of all by Pyrrhus, who made the place his royal residence. In later times, however, the Macedonians and the Romans, by their continuous wars, so completely reduced both this and the other Epeirote cities because of their disobedience that finally Augustus, seeing that the cities had utterly failed, settled what inhabitants were left in one city together the city on this gulf which was called by him Nicopolis; and he so named it after the victory which he won in the naval battle before the mouth of the gulf over Antonius and Cleopatra the queen of the Egyptians, who was also present at the fight. Nicopolis is populous, and its numbers are increasing daily, since it has not only a considerable territory and the adornment taken from the spoils of the battle, but also, in its suburbs, the thoroughly equipped sacred precinct — one part of it being in a sacred grove that contains a gymnasium and a stadium for the celebration of the quinquennial games, the other part being on the hill that is sacred to Apollo and lies above the grove. These games — the Actia, sacred to Actian Apollo — have been designated as Olympian, and they are superintended by the Lacedemonians. The other settlements are dependencies of Nicopolis. In earlier times also the Actian Games were wont to be celebrated in honor of the god by the inhabitants of the surrounding country — games in which the prize was a wreath — but at the present time they have been set in greater honor by Caesar.''. None |
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78. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.81-1.102, 1.104-1.109, 1.111-1.123, 1.127, 2.54-2.56, 4.144, 4.260-4.265, 6.36, 6.754-6.755, 6.832-6.833, 8.151, 8.198, 8.200-8.204, 8.244-8.246, 8.301, 8.625-8.728, 8.730, 9.44, 10.104, 10.260-10.262, 10.270-10.277, 10.633-10.688, 10.707-10.718, 12.946-12.947, 12.952
Tagged with subjects: • Achilles, absence from battle • Achilles, battle with Aeneas • Achilles, battle with the River Scamander/ Xanthus • Achilles, returns to battle • Actium, Battle of • Actium, battle of • Actium, battle of ( • Aegates Islands, battle of ( • Aeneas, absence from battle • Aeneas, combat with Turnus • Aeneas, return to battle • Cannae, battle of • Carrhae, battle of ( • Gerunium, battle of • Muses, Naulochus, battle of • Pharsalus, battle • Philippi, battle of ( • Polyneices, fight with Tydeus • Tydeus, fight with Polyneices • Vergil, Aeneid, final battle between Aeneas and Turnus • Zama, battle • battle • battle scenes in Homer, in Roman epic • battles • narrative, battle, in Naevius’ The Punic War • pax Augusta, Philippi, battle of • sea power and seafaring, naval battles
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 260, 270, 276, 277, 302; Bernabe et al (2013) 478; Braund and Most (2004) 260, 265, 268, 270, 275; Farrell (2021) 64, 70, 71, 72, 158, 161, 163, 165, 180, 187, 239, 253, 254, 263, 264, 268, 288; Giusti (2018) 94, 95; Gruen (2011) 108; Joseph (2022) 172, 173; Ker and Wessels (2020) 277; Maciver (2012) 190, 191; Mcclellan (2019) 149, 261, 262, 263; Panoussi(2019) 248; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 25, 32, 36; Rosa and Santangelo (2020) 123; Verhagen (2022) 260, 270, 276, 277, 302; Xinyue (2022) 23, 93, 135, 183, 184
1.81. Haec ubi dicta, cavum conversa cuspide montem 1.82. impulit in latus: ac venti, velut agmine facto, 1.83. qua data porta, ruunt et terras turbine perflant. 1.84. Incubuere mari, totumque a sedibus imis 1.85. una Eurusque Notusque ruunt creberque procellis 1.86. Africus, et vastos volvunt ad litora fluctus. 1.87. Insequitur clamorque virum stridorque rudentum. 1.88. Eripiunt subito nubes caelumque diemque 1.90. Intonuere poli, et crebris micat ignibus aether, 1.91. praesentemque viris intentant omnia mortem. 1.92. Extemplo Aeneae solvuntur frigore membra: 1.93. ingemit, et duplicis tendens ad sidera palmas 1.94. talia voce refert: O terque quaterque beati, 1.95. quis ante ora patrum Troiae sub moenibus altis 1.96. contigit oppetere! O Danaum fortissime gentis 1.97. Tydide! Mene Iliacis occumbere campis 1.98. non potuisse, tuaque animam hanc effundere dextra, 1.99. saevus ubi Aeacidae telo iacet Hector, ubi ingens 1.100. Sarpedon, ubi tot Simois correpta sub undis 1.101. scuta virum galeasque et fortia corpora volvit? 1.102. Talia iactanti stridens Aquilone procella
1.104. Franguntur remi; tum prora avertit, et undis 1.105. dat latus; insequitur cumulo praeruptus aquae mons. 1.106. Hi summo in fluctu pendent; his unda dehiscens 1.107. terram inter fluctus aperit; furit aestus harenis. 1.108. Tris Notus abreptas in saxa latentia torquet— 1.109. saxa vocant Itali mediis quae in fluctibus aras—
1.111. in brevia et Syrtis urguet, miserabile visu, 1.112. inliditque vadis atque aggere cingit harenae. 1.113. Unam, quae Lycios fidumque vehebat Oronten, 1.114. ipsius ante oculos ingens a vertice pontus 1.115. in puppim ferit: excutitur pronusque magister 1.116. volvitur in caput; ast illam ter fluctus ibidem 1.117. torquet agens circum, et rapidus vorat aequore vortex. 1.118. Adparent rari tes in gurgite vasto, 1.119. arma virum, tabulaeque, et Troia gaza per undas. 1.120. Iam validam Ilionei navem, iam fortis Achati, 1.121. et qua vectus Abas, et qua grandaevus Aletes, 1.122. vicit hiems; laxis laterum compagibus omnes 1.123. accipiunt inimicum imbrem, rimisque fatiscunt.
1.127. prospiciens, summa placidum caput extulit unda.
2.54. Et, si fata deum, si mens non laeva fuisset, 2.55. impulerat ferro Argolicas foedare latebras, 2.56. Troiaque, nunc stares, Priamique arx alta, maneres.
4.144. deserit ac Delum maternam invisit Apollo,
4.260. Aenean fundantem arces ac tecta novantem 4.261. conspicit; atque illi stellatus iaspide fulva 4.262. ensis erat, Tyrioque ardebat murice laena 4.263. demissa ex umeris, dives quae munera Dido 4.264. fecerat, et tenui telas discreverat auro. 4.265. Continuo invadit: Tu nunc Karthaginis altae
6.36. Deiphobe Glauci, fatur quae talia regi:
6.754. et tumulum capit, unde omnes longo ordine possit 6.755. adversos legere, et venientum discere vultus.
6.832. Ne, pueri, ne tanta animis adsuescite bella, 6.833. neu patriae validas in viscera vertite vires;
8.151. pectora, sunt animi et rebus spectata iuventus.
8.198. Huic monstro Volcanus erat pater: illius atros
8.200. Attulit et nobis aliquando optantibus aetas 8.201. auxilium adventumque dei. Nam maximus ultor, 8.202. tergemini nece Geryonae spoliisque superbus 8.203. Alcides aderat taurosque hac victor agebat 8.204. ingentis, vallemque boves amnemque tenebant.
8.244. infernas reseret sedes et regna recludat 8.245. pallida, dis invisa, superque immane barathrum 8.246. cernatur, trepident inmisso lumine manes.
8.301. Salve, vera Iovis proles, decus addite divis,
8.625. hastamque et clipei non enarrabile textum. 8.626. Illic res Italas Romanorumque triumphos 8.627. haud vatum ignarus venturique inscius aevi 8.628. fecerat ignipotens, illic genus omne futurae 8.629. stirpis ab Ascanio. pugnataque in ordine bella. 8.630. Fecerat et viridi fetam Mavortis in antro 8.631. procubuisse lupam, geminos huic ubera circum 8.632. ludere pendentis pueros et lambere matrem 8.633. impavidos, illam tereti cervice reflexa 8.634. mulcere alternos et corpora fingere lingua. 8.635. Nec procul hinc Romam et raptas sine more Sabinas 8.636. consessu caveae magnis circensibus actis 8.637. addiderat subitoque novum consurgere bellum 8.638. Romulidis Tatioque seni Curibusque severis. 8.639. Post idem inter se posito certamine reges 8.640. armati Iovis ante aram paterasque tenentes 8.641. stabant et caesa iungebant foedera porca. 8.642. Haud procul inde citae Mettum in diversa quadrigae 8.643. distulerant, at tu dictis, Albane, maneres, 8.644. raptabatque viri mendacis viscera Tullus 8.645. per silvam, et sparsi rorabant sanguine vepres. 8.646. Nec non Tarquinium eiectum Porsenna iubebat 8.647. accipere ingentique urbem obsidione premebat: 8.648. Aeneadae in ferrum pro libertate ruebant. 8.649. Illum indigti similem similemque miti 8.650. aspiceres, pontem auderet quia vellere Cocles 8.651. et fluvium vinclis innaret Cloelia ruptis. 8.652. In summo custos Tarpeiae Manlius arcis 8.653. stabat pro templo et Capitolia celsa tenebat, 8.654. Romuleoque recens horrebat regia culmo. 8.655. Atque hic auratis volitans argenteus anser 8.656. porticibus Gallos in limine adesse canebat. 8.657. Galli per dumos aderant arcemque tenebant, 8.658. defensi tenebris et dono noctis opacae: 8.659. aurea caesaries ollis atque aurea vestis, 8.660. virgatis lucent sagulis, tum lactea colla 8.661. auro innectuntur, duo quisque Alpina coruscant 8.662. gaesa manu, scutis protecti corpora longis. 8.663. Hic exsultantis Salios nudosque Lupercos 8.664. lanigerosque apices et lapsa ancilia caelo 8.665. extuderat, castae ducebant sacra per urbem 8.666. pilentis matres in mollibus. Hinc procul addit 8.667. Tartareas etiam sedes, alta ostia Ditis, 8.668. et scelerum poenas et te, Catilina, minaci 8.669. pendentem scopulo Furiarumque ora trementem, 8.670. secretosque pios, his dantem iura Catonem. 8.671. Haec inter tumidi late maris ibat imago 8.672. aurea, sed fluctu spumabant caerula cano; 8.673. et circum argento clari delphines in orbem 8.674. aequora verrebant caudis aestumque secabant. 8.675. In medio classis aeratas, Actia bella, 8.676. cernere erat, totumque instructo Marte videres 8.677. fervere Leucaten auroque effulgere fluctus. 8.678. Hinc Augustus agens Italos in proelia Caesar 8.679. cum patribus populoque, penatibus et magnis dis, 8.680. stans celsa in puppi; geminas cui tempora flammas 8.681. laeta vomunt patriumque aperitur vertice sidus. 8.682. Parte alia ventis et dis Agrippa secundis 8.683. arduus agmen agens; cui, belli insigne superbum, 8.684. tempora navali fulgent rostrata corona. 8.685. Hinc ope barbarica variisque Antonius armis, 8.686. victor ab Aurorae populis et litore rubro, 8.687. Aegyptum viresque Orientis et ultima secum 8.688. Bactra vehit, sequiturque (nefas) Aegyptia coniunx. 8.689. Una omnes ruere, ac totum spumare reductis 8.690. convolsum remis rostrisque tridentibus aequor. 8.691. alta petunt: pelago credas innare revolsas 8.692. Cycladas aut montis concurrere montibus altos, 8.693. tanta mole viri turritis puppibus instant. 8.694. stuppea flamma manu telisque volatile ferrum 8.695. spargitur, arva nova Neptunia caede rubescunt. 8.696. Regina in mediis patrio vocat agmina sistro 8.697. necdum etiam geminos a tergo respicit anguis. 8.698. omnigenumque deum monstra et latrator Anubis 8.699. contra Neptunum et Venerem contraque Minervam 8.700. tela tenent. Saevit medio in certamine Mavors 8.701. caelatus ferro tristesque ex aethere Dirae, 8.702. et scissa gaudens vadit Discordia palla, 8.703. quam cum sanguineo sequitur Bellona flagello. 8.704. Actius haec cernens arcum tendebat Apollo 8.705. desuper: omnis eo terrore Aegyptus et Indi, 8.706. omnis Arabs, omnes vertebant terga Sabaei. 8.707. Ipsa videbatur ventis regina vocatis 8.708. vela dare et laxos iam iamque inmittere funis. 8.709. Illam inter caedes pallentem morte futura 8.710. fecerat Ignipotens undis et Iapyge ferri, 8.711. contra autem magno maerentem corpore Nilum 8.712. pandentemque sinus et tota veste vocantem 8.713. caeruleum in gremium latebrosaque flumina victos. 8.714. At Caesar, triplici invectus Romana triumpho 8.715. moenia, dis Italis votum inmortale sacrabat, 8.716. maxuma tercentum totam delubra per urbem. 8.717. Laetitia ludisque viae plausuque fremebant; 8.718. omnibus in templis matrum chorus, omnibus arae; 8.719. ante aras terram caesi stravere iuvenci. 8.720. Ipse, sedens niveo candentis limine Phoebi, 8.721. dona recognoscit populorum aptatque superbis 8.722. postibus; incedunt victae longo ordine gentes, 8.723. quam variae linguis, habitu tam vestis et armis. 8.725. hic Lelegas Carasque sagittiferosque Gelonos 8.726. finxerat; Euphrates ibat iam mollior undis, 8.727. extremique hominum Morini, Rhenusque bicornis, 8.728. indomitique Dahae, et pontem indignatus Araxes.
8.730. miratur rerumque ignarus imagine gaudet,
9.44. Ergo etsi conferre manum pudor iraque monstrat,
10.104. Accipite ergo animis atque haec mea figite dicta.
10.260. Iamque in conspectu Teucros habet et sua castra, 10.261. stans celsa in puppi; clipeum cum deinde sinistra 10.262. extulit ardentem. Clamorem ad sidera tollunt
10.270. Ardet apex capiti cristisque a vertice flamma 10.271. funditur et vastos umbo vomit aureus ignes: 10.272. non secus ac liquida siquando nocte cometae 10.273. sanguinei lugubre rubent aut Sirius ardor, 10.274. ille sitim morbosque ferens mortalibus aegris, 10.275. nascitur et laevo contristat lumine caelum. 10.276. Haud tamen audaci Turno fiducia cessit 10.277. litora praecipere et venientis pellere terra.
10.633. Haec ubi dicta dedit, caelo se protinus alto 10.634. misit, agens hiemem nimbo succincta per auras, 10.635. Iliacamque aciem et Laurentia castra petivit. 10.636. Tum dea nube cava tenuem sine viribus umbram 10.637. in faciem Aeneae, visu mirabile monstrum, 10.638. Dardaniis ornat telis clipeumque iubasque 10.639. divini adsimulat capitis, dat iia verba, 10.640. dat sine mente sonum gressusque effingit euntis, 10.641. morte obita qualis fama est volitare figuras 10.642. aut quae sopitos deludunt somnia sensus. 10.643. At primas laeta ante acies exsultat imago 10.644. inritatque virum telis et voce lacessit. 10.645. Instat cui Turnus stridentemque eminus hastam 10.646. conicit: illa dato vertit vestigia tergo. 10.647. Tum vero Aenean aversum ut cedere Turnus 10.648. credidit atque animo spem turbidus hausit iem, 10.649. Quo fugis, Aenea? Thalamos ne desere pactos; 10.650. hac dabitur dextra tellus quaesita per undas. 10.651. Talia vociferans sequitur strictumque coruscat 10.652. mucronem nec ferre videt sua gaudia ventos. 10.653. Forte ratis celsi coniuncta crepidine saxi 10.654. expositis stabat scalis et ponte parato, 10.655. qua rex Clusinis advectus Osinius oris. 10.656. Huc sese trepida Aeneae fugientis imago 10.657. conicit in latebras; nec Turnus segnior instat 10.658. exsuperatque moras et pontis transilit altos. 10.659. Vix proram attigerat: rumpit Saturnia funem 10.660. avolsamque rapit revoluta per aequora navem. 10.661. Illum autem Aeneas absentem in praelia poscit; 10.662. obvia multa virum demittit corpora morti: 10.663. tum levis haud ultra latebras iam quaerit imago, 10.664. sed sublime volans nubi se immiscuit atrae. 10.665. Cum Turnum medio interea fert aequore turbo. 10.666. Respicit ignarus rerum ingratusque salutis 10.667. et duplicis cum voce manus ad sidera tendit: 10.668. Omnipotens genitor, tanton me crimine dignum 10.669. duxisti et talis voluisti expendere poenas? 10.670. Quo feror? Unde abii? Quae me fuga quemve reducit? 10.671. Laurentisne iterum muros aut castra videbo? 10.672. Quid manus illa virum, qui me meaque arma secuti? 10.673. Quosne (nefas) omnis infanda in morte reliqui 10.674. et nunc palantis video gemitumque cadentum 10.675. accipio! Quid ago? Aut quae iam satis ima dehiscat 10.676. terra mihi? Vos O potius miserescite venti: 10.677. in rupes, in saxa, volens vos Turnus adoro 10.678. ferte ratem saevisque vadis immittite Syrtis, 10.679. quo neque me Rutuli nec conscia fama sequatur. 10.680. Haec memorans animo nunc huc, nunc fluctuat illuc, 10.681. an sese mucrone ob tantum dedecus amens 10.682. induat et crudum per costas exigat ensem, 10.683. fluctibus an iaciat mediis et litora do 10.684. curva petat Teucrumque iterum se reddat in arma. 10.685. Ter conatus utramque viam, ter maxima Iuno 10.686. continuit iuvenemque animi miserata repressit. 10.687. Labitur alta secans fluctuque aestuque secundo
10.707. Ac velut ille canum morsu de montibus altis 10.708. actus aper, multos Vesulus quem pinifer annos 10.709. defendit multosve palus Laurentia, silva 10.710. pastus harundinea, postquam inter retia ventum est, 10.711. substitit infremuitque ferox et inhorruit armos, 10.712. nec cuiquam irasci propiusque accedere virtus, 10.713. sed iaculis tutisque procul clamoribus instant; 10.714. haud aliter, iustae quibus est Mezentius irae, 10.715. non ulli est animus stricto concurrere ferro; 10.716. missilibus longe et vasto clamore lacessunt: 10.717. ille autem impavidus partis cunctatur in omnis, 10.718. dentibus infrendens, et tergo decutit hastas.
12.946. exuviasque hausit, furiis accensus et ira 12.947. terribilis, Tune hinc spoliis indute meorum
12.952. vitaque cum gemitu fugit indignata sub umbras.' '. None | 1.81. allays their fury and their rage confines. 1.82. Did he not so, our ocean, earth, and sky 1.83. were whirled before them through the vast ie. 1.84. But over-ruling Jove, of this in fear, ' "1.85. hid them in dungeon dark: then o'er them piled " '1.86. huge mountains, and ordained a lawful king 1.87. to hold them in firm sway, or know what time, ' "1.88. with Jove's consent, to loose them o'er the world. " '1.90. “Thou in whose hands the Father of all gods 1.91. and Sovereign of mankind confides the power 1.92. to calm the waters or with winds upturn, 1.93. great Aeolus! a race with me at war 1.94. now sails the Tuscan main towards Italy, 1.95. bringing their Ilium and its vanquished powers. 1.96. Uprouse thy gales. Strike that proud navy down! 1.97. Hurl far and wide, and strew the waves with dead! 1.98. Twice seven nymphs are mine, of rarest mould; 1.99. of whom Deiopea, the most fair, 1.100. I give thee in true wedlock for thine own, 1.101. to mate thy noble worth; she at thy side 1.102. hall pass long, happy years, and fruitful bring ' "
1.104. Then Aeolus: “'T is thy sole task, O Queen, " '1.105. to weigh thy wish and will. My fealty 1.106. thy high behest obeys. This humble throne 1.107. is of thy gift. Thy smiles for me obtain 1.108. authority from Jove. Thy grace concedes 1.109. my station at your bright Olympian board,
1.111. Replying thus, he smote with spear reversed ' "1.112. the hollow mountain's wall; then rush the winds " '1.113. through that wide breach in long, embattled line, 1.114. and sweep tumultuous from land to land: ' "1.115. with brooding pinions o'er the waters spread, " '1.116. east wind and south, and boisterous Afric gale 1.117. upturn the sea; vast billows shoreward roll; 1.118. the shout of mariners, the creak of cordage, 1.119. follow the shock; low-hanging clouds conceal 1.120. from Trojan eyes all sight of heaven and day; ' "1.121. night o'er the ocean broods; from sky to sky " '1.122. the thunders roll, the ceaseless lightnings glare; 1.123. and all things mean swift death for mortal man.
1.127. ye whom your sires and whom the walls of Troy
2.54. Then from the citadel, conspicuous, 2.55. Laocoon, with all his following choir, 2.56. hurried indigt down; and from afar
4.144. has our long war? Why not from this day forth
4.260. an equal number of vociferous tongues, 4.261. foul, whispering lips, and ears, that catch at all. ' "4.262. At night she spreads midway 'twixt earth and heaven " '4.263. her pinions in the darkness, hissing loud, ' "4.264. nor e'er to happy slumber gives her eyes: " '4.265. but with the morn she takes her watchful throne
6.36. The Minotaur—of monstrous loves the sign.
6.754. I saw Salmoneus his dread stripes endure, 6.755. Who dared to counterfeit Olympian thunder
6.832. Some thread the dance divine: among them moves 6.833. The bard of Thrace, in flowing vesture clad,
8.151. prang to its feet and left the feast divine.
8.198. risking my person and my life, have come
8.200. the house of Daunus hurls insulting war. 8.201. If us they quell, they doubt not to obtain 8.202. lordship of all Hesperia, and subdue 8.203. alike the northern and the southern sea. 8.204. Accept good faith, and give! Behold, our hearts ' "
8.244. Then high-born pages, with the altar's priest, " '8.245. bring on the roasted beeves and load the board 8.246. with baskets of fine bread; and wine they bring —
8.301. the cavern door, and broken the big chains,
8.625. “Great leader of the Teucrians, while thy life 8.626. in safety stands, I call not Trojan power 8.627. vanquished or fallen. But to help thy war 8.628. my small means match not thy redoubled name. 8.629. Yon Tuscan river is my bound. That way 8.630. Rutulia thrusts us hard and chafes our wall 8.631. with loud, besieging arms. But I propose 8.632. to league with thee a numerous array 8.633. of kings and mighty tribes, which fortune strange 8.634. now brings to thy defence. Thou comest here 8.635. because the Fates intend. Not far from ours 8.636. a city on an ancient rock is seen, 8.637. Agylla, which a warlike Lydian clan 8.638. built on the Tuscan hills. It prospered well 8.639. for many a year, then under the proud yoke 8.640. of King Mezentius it came and bore 8.641. his cruel sway. Why tell the loathsome deeds 8.642. and crimes unspeakable the despot wrought? 8.643. May Heaven requite them on his impious head 8.644. and on his children! For he used to chain 8.645. dead men to living, hand on hand was laid 8.646. and face on face,—torment incredible! 8.647. Till, locked in blood-stained, horrible embrace, 8.648. a lingering death they found. But at the last 8.649. his people rose in furious despair, 8.650. and while he blasphemously raged, assailed 8.651. his life and throne, cut down his guards 8.652. and fired his regal dwellings; he, the while, 8.653. escaped immediate death and fied away 8.654. to the Rutulian land, to find defence 8.655. in Turnus hospitality. To-day 8.656. Etruria, to righteous anger stirred, 8.657. demands with urgent arms her guilty King. 8.658. To their large host, Aeneas, I will give 8.659. an added strength, thyself. For yonder shores 8.660. re-echo with the tumult and the cry 8.661. of ships in close array; their eager lords 8.662. are clamoring for battle. But the song 8.663. of the gray omen-giver thus declares 8.664. their destiny: ‘O goodly princes born 8.665. of old Maeonian lineage! Ye that are 8.666. the bloom and glory of an ancient race, 8.667. whom just occasions now and noble rage 8.668. enflame against Mezentius your foe, 8.669. it is decreed that yonder nation proud 8.670. hall never submit to chiefs Italian-born. 8.671. Seek ye a king from far!’ So in the field ' "8.672. inert and fearful lies Etruria's force, " '8.673. disarmed by oracles. Their Tarchon sent 8.674. envoys who bore a sceptre and a crown 8.675. even to me, and prayed I should assume ' "8.676. the sacred emblems of Etruria's king, " '8.677. and lead their host to war. But unto me 8.678. cold, sluggish age, now barren and outworn, 8.679. denies new kingdoms, and my slow-paced powers 8.680. run to brave deeds no more. Nor could I urge ' "8.681. my son, who by his Sabine mother's line " '8.682. is half Italian-born. Thyself art he, 8.683. whose birth illustrious and manly prime 8.684. fate favors and celestial powers approve. 8.685. Therefore go forth, O bravest chief and King 8.686. of Troy and Italy ! To thee I give 8.687. the hope and consolation of our throne, 8.688. pallas, my son, and bid him find in thee 8.689. a master and example, while he learns ' "8.690. the soldier's arduous toil. With thy brave deeds " '8.691. let him familiar grow, and reverence thee 8.692. with youthful love and honor. In his train 8.693. two hundred horsemen of Arcadia, 8.694. our choicest men-at-arms, shall ride; and he 8.695. in his own name an equal band shall bring 8.696. to follow only thee.” Such the discourse. 8.697. With meditative brows and downcast eyes 8.698. Aeneas and Achates, sad at heart, 8.699. mused on unnumbered perils yet to come. ' "8.700. But out of cloudless sky Cythera's Queen " "8.701. gave sudden signal: from th' ethereal dome " '8.702. a thunder-peal and flash of quivering fire 8.703. tumultuous broke, as if the world would fall, 8.704. and bellowing Tuscan trumpets shook the air. 8.705. All eyes look up. Again and yet again 8.706. crashed the terrible din, and where the sky 8.707. looked clearest hung a visionary cloud, 8.708. whence through the brightness blazed resounding arms. ' "8.709. All hearts stood still. But Troy 's heroic son " '8.710. knew that his mother in the skies redeemed 8.711. her pledge in sound of thunder: so he cried, 8.712. “Seek not, my friend, seek not thyself to read ' "8.713. the meaning of the omen. 'T is to me " '8.714. Olympus calls. My goddess-mother gave 8.715. long since her promise of a heavenly sign 8.716. if war should burst; and that her power would bring 8.717. a panoply from Vulcan through the air, 8.718. to help us at our need. Alas, what deaths ' "8.719. over Laurentum's ill-starred host impend! " '8.720. O Turnus, what a reckoning thou shalt pay 8.721. to me in arms! O Tiber, in thy wave 8.722. what helms and shields and mighty soldiers slain 8.723. hall in confusion roll! Yea, let them lead 8.725. He said: and from the lofty throne uprose. 8.726. Straightway he roused anew the slumbering fire 8.727. acred to Hercules, and glad at heart 8.728. adored, as yesterday, the household gods
8.730. the Trojan company made sacrifice
9.44. from lofty outpost: “O my countrymen,
10.104. on his hereditary earth, the son
10.260. Nor thy renown may I forget, brave chief 10.261. of the Ligurians, Cinyrus; nor thine, 10.262. Cupavo, with few followers, thy crest
10.270. oft snow-white plumes, and spurning earth he soared 10.271. on high, and sped in music through the stars. 10.272. His son with bands of youthful peers urged on 10.273. a galley with a Centaur for its prow, ' "10.274. which loomed high o'er the waves, and seemed to hurl " '10.275. a huge stone at the water, as the keel 10.276. ploughed through the deep. Next Ocnus summoned forth 10.277. a war-host from his native shores, the son ' "
10.633. man's little time runs by: but to prolong " "10.634. life's glory by great deeds is virtue's power. " '10.635. Beneath the lofty walls of fallen Troy 10.636. fell many a son of Heaven. Yea, there was slain 10.637. Sarpedon, my own offspring. Turnus too 10.638. is summoned to his doom, and nears the bounds 10.639. of his appointed span.” So speaking, Jove ' "10.640. turned from Rutulia's war his eyes away. " '10.641. But Pallas hurled his lance with might and main, 10.642. and from its hollow scabbard flashed his sword. 10.643. The flying shaft touched where the plated steel 10.644. over the shoulders rose, and worked its way ' "10.645. through the shield's rim—then falling, glanced aside " "10.646. from Turnus' giant body. Turnus then " '10.647. poised, without haste, his iron-pointed spear, 10.648. and, launching it on Pallas, cried, “Look now 10.649. will not this shaft a good bit deeper drive?” 10.650. He said: and through the mid-boss of the shield, ' "10.651. teel scales and brass with bull's-hide folded round, " '10.652. the quivering spear-point crashed resistlessly, ' "10.653. and through the corselet's broken barrier " "10.654. pierced Pallas' heart. The youth plucked out in vain " '10.655. the hot shaft from the wound; his life and blood 10.656. together ebbed away, as sinking prone 10.657. on his rent side he fell; above him rang 10.658. his armor; and from lips with blood defiled ' "10.659. he breathed his last upon his foeman's ground. " '10.660. Over him Turnus stood: “Arcadians all,” 10.661. He cried, “take tidings of this feat of arms ' "10.662. to King Evander. With a warrior's wage " '10.663. his Pallas I restore, and freely grant ' "10.664. what glory in a hero's tomb may lie, " '10.665. or comfort in a grave. They dearly pay 10.666. who bid Aeneas welcome at their board.” 10.667. So saying, with his left foot he held down 10.668. the lifeless form, and raised the heavy weight 10.669. of graven belt, which pictured forth that crime 10.670. of youthful company by treason slain, 10.671. all on their wedding night, in bridal bowers 10.672. to horrid murder given,—which Clonus, son 10.673. of Eurytus, had wrought in lavish gold; 10.674. this Turnus in his triumph bore away, 10.675. exulting in the spoil. O heart of man, 10.676. not knowing doom, nor of events to be! 10.677. Nor, being lifted up, to keep thy bounds 10.678. in prosperous days! To Turnus comes the hour ' "10.679. when he would fain a prince's ransom give " '10.680. had Pallas passed unscathed, and will bewail 10.681. cuch spoil of victory. With weeping now 10.682. and lamentations Ioud his comrades lay 10.683. young Pallas on his shield, and thronging close 10.684. carry him homeward with a mournful song: 10.685. alas! the sorrow and the glorious gain 10.686. thy sire shall have in thee. For one brief day 10.687. bore thee to battle and now bears away; ' "
10.707. clean over him; then at Aeneas' knees " '10.708. he crouched and clung with supplicating cry: ' "10.709. “O, by thy father's spirit, by thy hope " '10.710. in young Iulus, I implore thee, spare ' "10.711. for son and father's sake this life of mine. " '10.712. A lofty house have I, where safely hid 10.713. are stores of graven silver and good weight 10.714. of wrought and unwrought gold. The fate of war 10.715. hangs not on me; nor can one little life 10.716. thy victory decide.” In answer spoke 10.717. Aeneas: “Hoard the silver and the gold 10.718. for thy own sons. Such bartering in war
12.946. of Eryx, when the nodding oaks resound, 12.947. or sovereign Apennine that lifts in air
12.952. were battering the foundations, now laid by ' '. None |
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79. Vergil, Georgics, 1.498-1.501, 4.563-4.564
Tagged with subjects: • Actium, battle of • Muses, Naulochus, battle of • Philippi, Battle of
Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 75, 126; Xinyue (2022) 56, 80, 191
1.498. Di patrii, Indigetes, et Romule Vestaque mater, 1.499. quae Tuscum Tiberim et Romana Palatia servas, 1.500. hunc saltem everso iuvenem succurrere saeclo 1.501. ne prohibete! Satis iam pridem sanguine nostro
4.563. Illo Vergilium me tempore dulcis alebat 4.564. Parthenope studiis florentem ignobilis oti,''. None | 1.498. So too, after rain, 1.499. Sunshine and open skies thou mayst forecast, 1.500. And learn by tokens sure, for then nor dimmed' "1.501. Appear the stars' keen edges, nor the moon" '
4.563. Fire and a fearful beast, and flowing stream. 4.564. But when no trickery found a path for flight,''. None |
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80. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • battle • battle scenes, and pace
Found in books: Greensmith (2021) 296, 297; Maciver (2012) 185
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81. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Ceos, Chaeronea, Battle of • Chabrias, Chaeronea, battle of • mantis, Marathon, battle of
Found in books: Gygax (2016) 210, 246; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021) 70, 86; Humphreys (2018) 827
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82. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Battles, Chaironeia 338 bc ( • Khaironeia, Battle of xiii,
Found in books: Henderson (2020) 58; Lalone (2019) 149
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83. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Aegina, Aegospotami, battle of • Sparta, Sphacteria, Battle of
Found in books: Gygax (2016) 187; Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021) 79
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84. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Marathon, battle of commemorated • battle-line or pre-battle sacrifices • male animal victims, Marathon, battle of
Found in books: Ekroth (2013) 240, 260; Parker (2005) 470
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