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49 results for "cleopatra"
1. Herodotus, Histories, 3.107 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra, queen of egypt Found in books: Bianchetti et al (2015) 184
3.107. Again, Arabia is the most distant to the south of all inhabited countries: and this is the only country which produces frankincense and myrrh and casia and cinnamon and gum-mastich. All these except myrrh are difficult for the Arabians to get. ,They gather frankincense by burning that storax which Phoenicians carry to Hellas ; they burn this and so get the frankincense; for the spice-bearing trees are guarded by small winged snakes of varied color, many around each tree; these are the snakes that attack Egypt . Nothing except the smoke of storax will drive them away from the trees.
2. Theophrastus, Research On Plants, 4.4.14 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra, queen of egypt Found in books: Bianchetti et al (2015) 184
3. Cicero, On Divination, 1.101 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra, and the ‘spoils of egypt’ Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 28
1.101. Saepe etiam et in proeliis Fauni auditi et in rebus turbidis veridicae voces ex occulto missae esse dicuntur; cuius generis duo sint ex multis exempla, sed maxuma: Nam non multo ante urbem captam exaudita vox est a luco Vestae, qui a Palatii radice in novam viam devexus est, ut muri et portae reficerentur; futurum esse, nisi provisum esset, ut Roma caperetur. Quod neglectum tum, cum caveri poterat, post acceptam illam maximam cladem expiatum est; ara enim Aio Loquenti, quam saeptam videmus, exadversus eum locum consecrata est. Atque etiam scriptum a multis est, cum terrae motus factus esset, ut sue plena procuratio fieret, vocem ab aede Iunonis ex arce extitisse; quocirca Iunonem illam appellatam Monetam. Haec igitur et a dis significata et a nostris maioribus iudicata contemnimus? 1.101. Again, we are told that fauns have often been heard in battle and that during turbulent times truly prophetic messages have been sent from mysterious places. Out of many instances of this class I shall give only two, but they are very striking. Not long before the capture of the city by the Gauls, a voice, issuing from Vestas sacred grove, which slopes from the foot of the Palatine Hill to New Road, was heard to say, the walls and gates must be repaired; unless this is done the city will be taken. Neglect of this warning, while it was possible to heed it, was atoned for after the supreme disaster had occurred; for, adjoining the grove, an altar, which is now to be seen enclosed with a hedge, was dedicated to Aius the Speaker. The other illustration has been reported by many writers. At the time of the earthquake a voice came from Junos temple on the citadel commanding that an expiatory sacrifice be made of a pregt sow. From this fact the goddess was called Juno the Adviser. Are we, then, lightly to regard these warnings which the gods have sent and our forefathers adjudged to be trustworthy?
4. Tibullus, Elegies, 1.10.21-1.10.24 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63
5. Horace, Odes, 3.23.3-3.23.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63
6. Nicolaus of Damascus, Fragments, 4.10 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 64
7. Propertius, Elegies, 4.1.131-4.1.132 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63
8. Ovid, Tristia, 4.10.27-4.10.30 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 64
9. Ovid, Fasti, 3.771-3.788 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63
3.771. restat, ut inveniam, quare toga libera detur 3.772. Lucifero pueris, candide Bacche, tuo: 3.773. sive quod ipse puer semper iuvenisque videris, 3.774. et media est aetas inter utrumque tibi: 3.775. seu, quia tu pater es, patres sua pignora, natos, 3.776. commendant curae numinibusque tuis: 3.777. sive, quod es Liber, vestis quoque libera per te 3.778. sumitur et vitae liberioris iter: 3.779. an quia, cum colerent prisci studiosius agros, 3.780. et faceret patrio rure senator opus, 3.781. et caperet fasces a curvo consul aratro, 3.782. nec crimen duras esset habere manus, 3.783. rusticus ad ludos populus veniebat in urbem 3.784. (sed dis, non studiis ille dabatur honor: 3.785. luce sua ludos uvae commentor habebat, 3.786. quos cum taedifera nunc habet ille dea): 3.787. ergo ut tironem celebrare frequentia posset, 3.788. visa dies dandae non aliena togae? 3.771. of manhood, is given to boys on your day, Bacchus: 3.772. Whether it’s because you seem to be ever boy or youth, 3.773. And your age is somewhere between the two: 3.774. Or because you’re a father, fathers commend their sons, 3.775. Their pledges of love, to your care and divinity: 3.776. Or because you’re Liber, the gown of liberty 3.777. And a more liberated life are adopted, for you: 3.778. Or is it because, in the days when the ancients tilled the field 3.779. More vigorously, and Senators worked their fathers’ land, 3.780. And ‘rods and axes’ took Consuls from the curving plough, 3.781. And it wasn’t a crime to have work-worn hands, 3.782. The farmers came to the City for the games, 3.783. (Though that was an honour paid to the gods, and not 3.784. Their inclination: and the grape’s discoverer held his game 3.785. This day, while now he shares that of torch-bearing Ceres): 3.786. And the day seemed not unfitting for granting the toga, 3.787. So that a crowd could celebrate the fresh novice? 3.788. Father turn your mild head here, and gentle horns,
10. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 81.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63
11. Plutarch, Pompey, 2.2, 46.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra, and the ‘spoils of egypt’ Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 28
2.2. ᾗ καὶ τοὔνομα πολλῶν ἐν ἀρχῇ συνεπιφερόντων οὐκ ἔφευγεν ὁ Πομπήϊος, ὥστε καὶ χλευάζοντας αὐτὸν ἐνίους ἤδη καλεῖν Ἀλέξανδρον. διὸ καὶ Λεύκιος Φίλιππος, ἀνὴρ ὑπατικός, συνηγορῶν αὐτῷ, μηδὲν ἔφη ποιεῖν παράλογον εἰ Φίλιππος ὢν φιλαλέξανδρός ἐστιν. Φλώραν δὲ τὴν ἑταίραν ἔφασαν ἤδη πρεσβυτέραν οὖσαν ἐπιεικῶς ἀεὶ μνημονεύειν τῆς γενομένης αὐτῇ πρὸς Πομπήϊον ὁμιλίας, λέγουσαν ὡς οὐκ ἦν ἐκείνῳ συναναπαυσαμένην ἀδήκτως ἀπελθεῖν. 46.1. ἡλικίᾳ δὲ τότε ἦν, ὡς μὲν οἱ κατὰ πάντα τῷ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ παραβάλλοντες αὐτὸν καὶ προσβιβάζοντες ἀξιοῦσι, νεώτερος τῶν τριάκοντα καὶ τεττάρων ἐτῶν, ἀληθείᾳ δὲ τοῖς τετταράκοντα προσῆγεν. ὡς ὤνητό γʼ ἂν ἐνταῦθα τοῦ βίου παυσάμενος, ἄχρι οὗ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου τύχην ἔσχεν· ὁ δὲ ἐπέκεινα χρόνος αὐτῷ τὰς μὲν εὐτυχίας ἤνεγκεν ἐπιφθόνους, ἀνηκέστους δὲ τὰς δυστυχίας. 2.2. 46.1.
12. Plutarch, Fabius, 22.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra, and the ‘spoils of egypt’ Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 28
22.6. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὸν κολοσσὸν τοῦ Ἡρακλέους μετακομίσας ἐκ Τάραντος ἔστησεν ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ, καὶ πλησίον ἔφιππον εἰκόνα χαλκῆν ἑαυτοῦ, πολὺ Μαρκέλλου φανεὶς ἀτοπώτερος περὶ ταῦτα, μᾶλλον δʼ ὅλως ἐκεῖνον ἄνδρα πρᾳότητι καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ θαυμαστὸν ἀποδείξας, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται. 22.6. However, he removed the colossal statue of Heracles from Tarentum, and set it up on the Capitol, and near it an equestrian statue of himself, in bronze. He thus appeared far more eccentric in these matters than Marcellus, nay rather, the mild and humane conduct of Marcellus was thus made to seem altogether admirable by contrast, as has been written in his Life. Chapter xxi. Marcellus had enriched Rome with works of Greek art taken from Syracuse in 212 B.C. Livy’s opinion is rather different from Plutarch’s: sed maiore animo generis eius praeda abstinuit Fabius quam Marcellus, xxvii. 16. Fabius killed the people but spared their gods; Marcellus spared the people but took their gods.
13. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 2.106226, 5.1570-3, 7.21, 7.1565, 9.119, 9.120, 9.121, 28.2380, 35.131, 35.132, 35.51178 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bianchetti et al (2015) 184
14. Juvenal, Satires, 5.164-5.165, 9.137-9.138 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63
15. Josephus Flavius, Life, 11-12, 10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012) 52
16. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.89, 1.104-1.106, 1.113, 1.138, 1.361-1.362, 1.374, 1.386-1.396, 1.437, 1.656-1.659, 2.59, 2.69, 2.163, 4.451-4.485 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra of egypt •cleopatra of egypt, dead sea and herods gift Found in books: Taylor (2012) 52, 225, 227, 233, 240, 270, 312
1.89. And when he had slain more than six thousand of the rebels, he made an incursion into Arabia; and when he had taken that country, together with the Gileadites and Moabites, he enjoined them to pay him tribute, and returned to Amathus; and as Theodorus was surprised at his great success, he took the fortress, and demolished it. 1.104. But Alexander, when he had taken Pella, marched to Gerasa again, out of the covetous desire he had of Theodorus’s possessions; and when he had built a triple wall about the garrison, he took the place by force. 1.105. He also demolished Golan, and Seleucia, and what was called the Valley of Antiochus; besides which, he took the strong fortress of Gamala, and stripped Demetrius, who was governor therein, of what he had, on account of the many crimes laid to his charge, and then returned into Judea, after he had been three whole years in this expedition. And now he was kindly received of the nation, because of the good success he had. So when he was at rest from war, he fell into a distemper; 1.106. for he was afflicted with a quartan ague, and supposed that, by exercising himself again in martial affairs, he should get rid of this distemper; but by making such expeditions at unseasonable times, and forcing his body to undergo greater hardships than it was able to bear, he brought himself to his end. He died, therefore, in the midst of his troubles, after he had reigned seven and twenty years. 1.113. 3. Accordingly, they themselves slew Diogenes, a person of figure, and one that had been a friend to Alexander; and accused him as having assisted the king with his advice, for crucifying the eight hundred men [before mentioned]. They also prevailed with Alexandra to put to death the rest of those who had irritated him against them. Now, she was so superstitious as to comply with their desires, and accordingly they slew whom they pleased themselves. 1.138. 6. But Pompey did not give him time to make any preparations [for a siege], but followed him at his heels; he was also obliged to make haste in his attempt, by the death of Mithridates, of which he was informed about Jericho. Now here is the most fruitful country of Judea, which bears a vast number of palm trees besides the balsam tree, whose sprouts they cut with sharp stones, and at the incisions they gather the juice, which drops down like tears. 1.361. 5. Now as to these her injunctions to Antony, he complied in part; for though he esteemed it too abominable a thing to kill such good and great kings, yet was he thereby alienated from the friendship he had for them. He also took away a great deal of their country; nay, even the plantation of palm trees at Jericho, where also grows the balsam tree, and bestowed them upon her; as also all the cities on this side the river Eleutherus, Tyre and Sidon excepted. 1.362. And when she was become mistress of these, and had conducted Antony in his expedition against the Parthians as far as Euphrates, she came by Apamia and Damascus into Judea and there did Herod pacify her indignation at him by large presents. He also hired of her those places that had been torn away from his kingdom, at the yearly rent of two hundred talents. He conducted her also as far as Pelusium, and paid her all the respects possible. 1.374. but we may easily observe that fortune is mutable, and goes from one side to another; and this you may readily learn from examples among yourselves; for when you were once victors in the former fight, your enemies overcame you at last; and very likely it will now happen so, that these who think themselves sure of beating you will themselves be beaten. For when men are very confident, they are not upon their guard, while fear teaches men to act with caution; insomuch that I venture to prove from your very timorousness that you ought to take courage; 1.386. 1. But now Herod was under immediate concern about a most important affair, on account of his friendship with Antony, who was already overcome at Actium by Caesar; yet he was more afraid than hurt; for Caesar did not think he had quite undone Antony, while Herod continued his assistance to him. 1.387. However, the king resolved to expose himself to dangers: accordingly he sailed to Rhodes, where Caesar then abode, and came to him without his diadem, and in the habit and appearance of a private person, but in his behavior as a king. So he concealed nothing of the truth, but spoke thus before his face:— 1.388. “O Caesar, as I was made king of the Jews by Antony, so do I profess that I have used my royal authority in the best manner, and entirely for his advantage; nor will I conceal this further, that thou hadst certainly found me in arms, and an inseparable companion of his, had not the Arabians hindered me. However, I sent him as many auxiliaries as I was able, and many ten thousand [cori] of corn. Nay, indeed, I did not desert my benefactor after the blow that was given him at Actium; but I gave him the best advice I was able, 1.389. when I was no longer able to assist him in the war; and I told him that there was but one way of recovering his affairs, and that was to kill Cleopatra; and I promised him, that if she were once dead, I would afford him money and walls for his security, with an army and myself to assist him in his war against thee: 1.390. but his affections for Cleopatra stopped his ears, as did God himself also, who hath bestowed the government on thee. I own myself also to be overcome together with him; and with his last fortune I have laid aside my diadem, and am come hither to thee, having my hopes of safety in thy virtue; and I desire that thou wilt first consider how faithful a friend, and not whose friend, I have been.” 1.391. 2. Caesar replied to him thus:—“Nay, thou shalt not only be in safety, but thou shalt be a king; and that more firmly than thou wast before; for thou art worthy to reign over a great many subjects, by reason of the fastness of thy friendship; and do thou endeavor to be equally constant in thy friendship to me, upon my good success, which is what I depend upon from the generosity of thy disposition. However, Antony hath done well in preferring Cleopatra to thee; for by this means we have gained thee by her madness, 1.392. and thus thou hast begun to be my friend before I began to be thine; on which account Quintus Didius hath written to me that thou sentest him assistance against the gladiators. I do therefore assure thee that I will confirm the kingdom to thee by decree: I shall also endeavor to do thee some further kindness hereafter, that thou mayst find no loss in the want of Antony.” 1.393. 3. When Caesar had spoken such obliging things to the king, and had put the diadem again about his head, he proclaimed what he had bestowed on him by a decree, in which he enlarged in the commendation of the man after a magnificent manner. Whereupon Herod obliged him to be kind to him by the presents he gave him, and he desired him to forgive Alexander, one of Antony’s friends, who was become a supplicant to him. But Caesar’s anger against him prevailed, and he complained of the many and very great offenses the man whom he petitioned for had been guilty of; and by that means he rejected his petition. 1.394. After this, Caesar went for Egypt through Syria, when Herod received him with royal and rich entertainments; and then did he first of all ride along with Caesar, as he was reviewing his army about Ptolemais, and feasted him with all his friends, and then distributed among the rest of the army what was necessary to feast them withal. 1.395. He also made a plentiful provision of water for them, when they were to march as far as Pelusium, through a dry country, which he did also in like manner at their return thence; nor were there any necessaries wanting to that army. It was therefore the opinion, both of Caesar and of his soldiers, that Herod’s kingdom was too small for those generous presents he made them; 1.396. for which reason, when Caesar was come into Egypt, and Cleopatra and Antony were dead, he did not only bestow other marks of honor upon him, but made an addition to his kingdom, by giving him not only the country which had been taken from him by Cleopatra, but besides that, Gadara, and Hippos, and Samaria; and moreover, of the maritime cities, Gaza and Anthedon, and Joppa, and Strato’s Tower. 1.437. She had indeed but too just a cause of indignation from what he had done, while her boldness proceeded from his affection to her; so she openly reproached him with what he had done to her grandfather Hyrcanus, and to her brother Aristobulus; for he had not spared this Aristobulus, though he were but a child; for when he had given him the high priesthood at the age of seventeen, he slew him quickly after he had conferred that dignity upon him; but when Aristobulus had put on the holy vestments, and had approached to the altar at a festival, the multitude, in great crowds, fell into tears; whereupon the child was sent by night to Jericho, and was there dipped by the Galls, at Herod’s command, in a pool till he was drowned. 1.656. 5. After this, the distemper seized upon his whole body, and greatly disordered all its parts with various symptoms; for there was a gentle fever upon him, and an intolerable itching over all the surface of his body, and continual pains in his colon, and dropsical tumors about his feet, and an inflammation of the abdomen,—and a putrefaction of his privy member, that produced worms. Besides which he had a difficulty of breathing upon him, and could not breathe but when he sat upright, and had a convulsion of all his members, insomuch that the diviners said those diseases were a punishment upon him for what he had done to the Rabbins. 1.657. Yet did he struggle with his numerous disorders, and still had a desire to live, and hoped for recovery, and considered of several methods of cure. Accordingly, he went over Jordan, and made use of those hot baths at Callirrhoe, which ran into the lake Asphaltitis, but are themselves sweet enough to be drunk. And here the physicians thought proper to bathe his whole body in warm oil, by letting it down into a large vessel full of oil; whereupon his eyes failed him, and he came and went as if he was dying; 1.658. and as a tumult was then made by his servants, at their voice he revived again. Yet did he after this despair of recovery, and gave orders that each soldier should have fifty drachmae a piece, and that his commanders and friends should have great sums of money given them. 1.659. 6. He then returned back and came to Jericho, in such a melancholy state of body as almost threatened him with present death, when he proceeded to attempt a horrid wickedness; for he got together the most illustrious men of the whole Jewish nation, out of every village, into a place called the Hippodrome, and there shut them in. 2.59. His footmen were slain in the battle in abundance; Gratus also cut to pieces Simon himself, as he was flying along a strait valley, when he gave him an oblique stroke upon his neck, as he ran away, and broke it. The royal palaces that were near Jordan at Betharamptha were also burnt down by some other of the seditious that came out of Perea. 2.69. but as for Varus himself, he marched to Samaria with his whole army, where he did not meddle with the city itself, because he found that it had made no commotion during these troubles, but pitched his camp about a certain village which was called Arus. It belonged to Ptolemy, and on that account was plundered by the Arabians, who were very angry even at Herod’s friends also. 2.163. and yet allow, that to act what is right, or the contrary, is principally in the power of men, although fate does cooperate in every action. They say that all souls are incorruptible, but that the souls of good men only are removed into other bodies,—but that the souls of bad men are subject to eternal punishment. 4.451. 2. Hereupon a great multitude prevented their approach, and came out of Jericho, and fled to those mountainous parts that lay over against Jerusalem, while that part which was left behind was in a great measure destroyed; 4.452. they also found the city desolate. It is situated in a plain; but a naked and barren mountain, of a very great length, hangs over it, 4.453. which extends itself to the land about Scythopolis northward, but as far as the country of Sodom, and the utmost limits of the lake Asphaltitis, southward. This mountain is all of it very uneven and uninhabited, by reason of its barrenness: 4.454. there is an opposite mountain that is situated over against it, on the other side of Jordan; this last begins at Julias, and the northern quarters, and extends itself southward as far as Somorrhon, which is the bounds of Petra, in Arabia. In this ridge of mountains there is one called the Iron Mountain, that runs in length as far as Moab. 4.455. Now the region that lies in the middle between these ridges of mountains is called the Great Plain; it reaches from the village Ginnabris, as far as the lake Asphaltitis; 4.456. its length is two hundred and thirty furlongs, and its breadth a hundred and twenty, and it is divided in the midst by Jordan. It hath two lakes in it, that of Asphaltitis, and that of Tiberias, whose natures are opposite to each other; for the former is salt and unfruitful, but that of Tiberias is sweet and fruitful. 4.457. This plain is much burnt up in summertime, and, by reason of the extraordinary heat, contains a very unwholesome air; 4.458. it is all destitute of water excepting the river Jordan, which water of Jordan is the occasion why those plantations of palm trees that are near its banks are more flourishing, and much more fruitful, as are those that are remote from it not so flourishing, or fruitful. 4.459. 3. Notwithstanding which, there is a fountain by Jericho, that runs plentifully, and is very fit for watering the ground; it arises near the old city, which Joshua, the son of Nun, the general of the Hebrews, took the first of all the cities of the land of Canaan, by right of war. 4.460. The report is, that this fountain, at the beginning, caused not only the blasting of the earth and the trees, but of the children born of women, and that it was entirely of a sickly and corruptive nature to all things whatsoever; but that it was made gentle, and very wholesome and fruitful, by the prophet Elisha. This prophet was familiar with Elijah, and was his successor, 4.461. who, when he once was the guest of the people at Jericho, and the men of the place had treated him very kindly, he both made them amends as well as the country, by a lasting favor; 4.462. for he went out of the city to this fountain, and threw into the current an earthen vessel full of salt; after which he stretched out his righteous hand unto heaven, and, pouring out a mild drink-offering, he made this supplication,—That the current might be mollified, and that the veins of fresh water might be opened; 4.463. that God also would bring into the place a more temperate and fertile air for the current, and would bestow upon the people of that country plenty of the fruits of the earth, and a succession of children; and that this prolific water might never fail them, while they continued to be righteous. 4.464. To these prayers Elisha joined proper operations of his hands, after a skillful manner, and changed the fountain; and that water, which had been the occasion of barrenness and famine before, from that time did supply a numerous posterity, and afforded great abundance to the country. 4.465. Accordingly, the power of it is so great in watering the ground, that if it does but once touch a country, it affords a sweeter nourishment than other waters do, when they lie so long upon them, till they are satiated with them. 4.466. For which reason, the advantage gained from other waters, when they flow in great plenty, is but small, while that of this water is great when it flows even in little quantities. 4.467. Accordingly, it waters a larger space of ground than any other waters do, and passes along a plain of seventy furlongs long, and twenty broad; wherein it affords nourishment to those most excellent gardens that are thick set with trees. 4.468. There are in it many sorts of palm trees that are watered by it, different from each other in taste and name; the better sort of them, when they are pressed, yield an excellent kind of honey, not much inferior in sweetness to other honey. 4.469. This country withal produces honey from bees; it also bears that balsam which is the most precious of all the fruits in that place, cypress trees also, and those that bear myrobalanum; so that he who should pronounce this place to be divine would not be mistaken, wherein is such plenty of trees produced as are very rare, and of the most excellent sort. 4.470. And indeed, if we speak of those other fruits, it will not be easy to light on any climate in the habitable earth that can well be compared to it,—what is here sown comes up in such clusters; 4.471. the cause of which seems to me to be the warmth of the air, and the fertility of the waters; the warmth calling forth the sprouts, and making them spread, and the moisture making every one of them take root firmly, and supplying that virtue which it stands in need of in summertime. Now this country is then so sadly burnt up, that nobody cares to come at it; 4.472. and if the water be drawn up before sunrising, and after that exposed to the air, it becomes exceeding cold, and becomes of a nature quite contrary to the ambient air; 4.473. as in winter again it becomes warm; and if you go into it, it appears very gentle. The ambient air is here also of so good a temperature, that the people of the country are clothed in linen-only, even when snow covers the rest of Judea. 4.474. This place is one hundred and fifty furlongs from Jerusalem, and sixty from Jordan. The country, as far as Jerusalem, is desert and stony; but that as far as Jordan and the lake Asphaltitis lies lower indeed, though it be equally desert and barren. 4.475. But so much shall suffice to have been said about Jericho, and of the great happiness of its situation. 4.476. 4. The nature of the lake Asphaltitis is also worth describing. It is, as I have said already, bitter and unfruitful. It is so light [or thick] that it bears up the heaviest things that are thrown into it; nor is it easy for anyone to make things sink therein to the bottom, if he had a mind so to do. 4.477. Accordingly, when Vespasian went to see it, he commanded that some who could not swim should have their hands tied behind them, and be thrown into the deep, when it so happened that they all swam as if a wind had forced them upwards. 4.478. Moreover, the change of the color of this lake is wonderful, for it changes its appearance thrice every day; and as the rays of the sun fall differently upon it, the light is variously reflected. 4.479. However, it casts up black clods of bitumen in many parts of it; these swim at the top of the water, and resemble both in shape and bigness headless bulls; 4.480. and when the laborers that belong to the lake come to it, and catch hold of it as it hangs together, they draw it into their ships; but when the ship is full, it is not easy to cut off the rest, for it is so tenacious as to make the ship hang upon its clods till they set it loose with the menstrual blood of women, and with urine, to which alone it yields. 4.481. This bitumen is not only useful for the caulking of ships, but for the cure of men’s bodies; accordingly, it is mixed in a great many medicines. 4.482. The length of this lake is five hundred and eighty furlongs, where it is extended as far as Zoar in Arabia; and its breadth is a hundred and fifty. 4.483. The country of Sodom borders upon it. It was of old a most happy land, both for the fruits it bore and the riches of its cities, although it be now all burnt up. 4.484. It is related how, for the impiety of its inhabitants, it was burnt by lightning; in consequence of which there are still the remainders of that Divine fire, and the traces [or shadows] of the five cities are still to be seen, as well as the ashes growing in their fruits; which fruits have a color as if they were fit to be eaten, but if you pluck them with your hands, they dissolve into smoke and ashes. 4.485. And thus what is related of this land of Sodom hath these marks of credibility which our very sight affords us.
17. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 4.100, 8.174, 9.7, 13.382, 13.393, 13.394, 13.397, 13.408, 14.18, 14.54, 15.50, 15.51, 15.52, 15.53, 15.54, 15.55, 15.56, 15.96, 15.106-7, 15.121, 15.122, 15.187, 15.188, 15.189, 15.190, 15.191, 15.192, 15.193, 15.194, 15.195, 15.196, 15.197, 15.198, 15.199, 15.200, 15.201, 15.294, 16.145, 17.169, 17.170, 17.171, 17.172, 17.173, 17.174, 17.175, 17.176, 17.277, 17.289, 17.340, 18.15, 18.17, 18.27, 132 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor (2012) 240
15.193. Now, therefore, in case thou determinest about me, and my alacrity in serving Antony, according to thy anger at him, I own there is no room for me to deny what I have done, nor will I be ashamed to own, and that publicly too, that I had a great kindness for him. But if thou wilt put him out of the case, and only examine how I behave myself to my benefactors in general, and what sort of friend I am, thou wilt find by experience that we shall do and be the same to thyself, for it is but changing the names, and the firmness of friendship that we shall bear to thee will not be disapproved by thee.”
18. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 71.3, 81.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) •cleopatra, queen of egypt Found in books: Bianchetti et al (2015) 184; Edmondson (2008) 63
71.3. τὸ δὲ ἀπόρφυρον καὶ τέλειον ἱμάτιον Ἀντύλλῳ τῷ ἐκ Φουλβίας περιτιθείς, ἐφʼ οἷς ἡμέρας πολλὰς συμπόσια καὶ κῶμοι καὶ θαλίαι τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν κατεῖχον. αὐτοὶ δὲ τὴν μὲν τῶν ἀμιμητοβίων ἐκείνην σύνοδον κατέλυσαν, ἑτέραν δὲ συνέταξαν οὐδέν τι λειπομένην ἐκείνης ἁβρότητι καὶ τρυφαῖς καὶ πολυτελείαις, ἣν συναποθανουμένων ἐκάλουν. ἀπεγράφοντο γὰρ οἱ φίλοι συναποθανουμένους ἑαυτούς, καὶ διῆγον εὐπαθοῦντες ἐν δείπνων περιόδοις. 81.2. τὰ δὲ Κλεοπάτρας παιδία φρουρούμενα μετὰ τῶν τρεφόντων ἐλευθέριον εἶχε δίαιταν. Καισαρίωνα δὲ τὸν ἐκ Καίσαρος γεγονέναι λεγόμενον ἡ μὲν μήτηρ ἐξέπεμψε μετὰ χρημάτων πολλῶν εἰς τὴν Ἰνδικὴν δι’ Αἰθιοπίας, ἕτερος δὲ παιδαγωγὸς ὅμοιος Θεοδώρῳ Ῥόδων ἀνέπεισεν ἐπανελθεῖν, ὡς Καίσαρος αὐτὸν ἐπὶ βασιλείαν καλοῦντος. βουλευομένου δὲ Καίσαρος Ἄρειον εἰπεῖν λέγουσιν· οὐκ ἀγαθὸν πολυκαισαρίη. An adaptation of οὐκ ἀγαθὸν πολυκοιρανίη ( the rule of many ), Iliad , ii. 204. 71.3. 81.2.
19. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 81.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63
20. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 11.5-11.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra, and the ‘spoils of egypt’ Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 28
21. Ptolemy, Geography, 5.15.6 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra of egypt Found in books: Taylor (2012) 233
22. Tacitus, Annals, 2.73 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra, and the ‘spoils of egypt’ Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 28
2.73. Funus sine imaginibus et pompa per laudes ac memoriam virtutum eius celebre fuit. et erant qui formam, aetatem, genus mortis ob propinquitatem etiam locorum in quibus interiit, magni Alexandri fatis adaequarent. nam utrumque corpore decoro, genere insigni, haud multum triginta annos egressum, suorum insidiis externas inter gentis occidisse: sed hunc mitem erga amicos, modicum voluptatum, uno matrimonio, certis liberis egisse, neque minus proeliatorem, etiam si temeritas afuerit praepeditusque sit perculsas tot victoriis Germanias servitio premere. quod si solus arbiter rerum, si iure et nomine regio fuisset, tanto promptius adsecuturum gloriam militiae quantum clementia, temperantia, ceteris bonis artibus praestitisset. corpus antequam cremaretur nudatum in foro Antiochensium, qui locus sepulturae destinabatur, praetuleritne veneficii signa parum constitit; nam ut quis misericordia in Germanicum et praesumpta suspicione aut favore in Pisonem pronior, diversi interpretabantur. 2.73.  His funeral, devoid of ancestral effigies or procession, was distinguished by eulogies and recollections of his virtues. There were those who, considering his personal appearance, his early age, and the circumstances of his death, — to which they added the proximity of the region where he perished, — compared his decease with that of Alexander the Great: — "Each eminently handsome, of famous lineage, and in years not much exceeding thirty, had fallen among alien races by the treason of their countrymen. But the Roman had borne himself as one gentle to his friends, moderate in his pleasures, content with a single wife and the children of lawful wedlock. Nor was he less a man of the sword; though he lacked the other's temerity, and, when his numerous victories had beaten down the Germanies, was prohibited from making fast their bondage. But had he been the sole arbiter of affairs, of kingly authority and title, he would have overtaken the Greek in military fame with an ease proportioned to his superiority in clemency, self-command, and all other good qualities." The body, before cremation, was exposed in the forum of Antioch, the place destined for the final rites. Whether it bore marks of poisoning was disputable: for the indications were variously read, as pity and preconceived suspicion swayed the spectator to the side of Germanicus, or his predilections to that of Piso.
23. Appian, The Mithridatic Wars, 117 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra, and the ‘spoils of egypt’ Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 134
24. Suetonius, Nero, 25.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra, and the ‘spoils of egypt’ Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 134
25. Suetonius, Iulius, 7.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra, and the ‘spoils of egypt’ Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 28
26. Appian, Civil Wars, 4.30 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 64
27. Ampelius, Lucius, Liber Memorialis, 11.3 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra, queen of egypt Found in books: Bianchetti et al (2015) 184
28. Apuleius, Apology, 73.9, 87.10-87.11, 98.5-98.7 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63, 64
29. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 43.14.6, 43.21.2, 45.2.5-45.2.6, 51.6.1, 51.17.6, 51.22.1-51.22.3, 55.22.4, 56.8.1, 61.31.2, 68.29.1, 68.30.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra, and the ‘spoils of egypt’ •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63, 64; Rutledge (2012) 28, 134
43.14.6.  And they decreed that a chariot of his should be placed on the Capitol facing the statue of Jupiter, that his statue in bronze should be mounted upon a likeness of the inhabited world, with an inscription to the effect that he was a demigod, and that his name should be inscribed upon the Capitol in place of that of Catulus on the ground that he had completed this temple after undertaking to call Catulus to account for the building of it. 43.21.2.  On this occasion, too, he climbed up the stairs of the Capitol on his knees, without noticing at all either the chariot which had been dedicated to Jupiter in his honour, or the image of the inhabited world lying beneath his feet, or the inscription upon it; but later he erased from the inscription the term "demigod." 45.2.5.  When, later, Octavius had grown up and reached maturity and was putting on man's dress, his tunic was rent on both sides from his shoulders and fell to his feet. Now this event in itself not only foreboded no good as an omen, 45.2.6.  but it also distressed those who were present because it had happened on the occasion of his first putting on man's garb; it occurred, however, to Octavius to say, "I shall have the whole senatorial dignity beneath my feet," and the outcome proved in accordance with his words. 51.17.6.  So much for these events. In the palace quantities of treasure were found. For Cleopatra had taken practically all the offerings from even the holiest shrines and so helped the Romans swell their spoils without incurring any defilement on their own part. Large sums were also obtained from every man against whom any charge of misdemeanour were brought. 51.22.1.  After finishing this celebration Caesar dedicated the temple of Minerva, called also the Chalcidicum, and the Curia Iulia, which had been built in honour of his father. In the latter he set up the statue of Victory which is still in existence, thus signifying that it was from her that he had received the empire. 51.22.2.  It had belonged to the people of Tarentum, whence it was now brought to Rome, placed in the senate-chamber, and decked with the spoils of Egypt. The same course was followed in the case of the shrine of Julius which was consecrated at this time, 51.22.3.  for many of these spoils were placed in it also; and others were dedicated to Jupiter Capitolinus and to Juno and Minerva, after all the objects in these temples which were supposed to have been placed there previously as dedications, or were actually dedications, had by decree been taken down at this time as defiled. Thus Cleopatra, though defeated and captured, was nevertheless glorified, inasmuch as her adornments repose as dedications in our temples and she herself is seen in gold in the shrine of Venus. 55.22.4.  This same year Agrippa was enrolled among the youths of military age, but obtained none of the same privileges as his brothers. The senators witnessed the Circensian games separately and the knights also separately from the remainder of the populace, as is the case to‑day also. 56.8.1.  Nay, I for my part am ashamed that I have been forced even to mention such a thing. Have done with your madness, then, and stop at last to reflect, that with many dying all the time by disease and many in war it is impossible for the city to maintain itself, unless its population is continually renewed by those who are ever and anon to be born. 68.29.1.  Then he came to the ocean itself, and when he had learned its nature and had seen a ship sailing to India, he said: "I should certainly have crossed over to the Indi, too, if I were still young." For he began to think about the Indi and was curious about their affairs, and he counted Alexander a lucky man. Yet he would declare that he himself had advanced farther than Alexander, and would so write to the senate, although he was unable to preserve even the territory that he had subdued. 68.30.1.  Trajan learned of this at Babylon; for he had gone there both because of its fame — though he saw nothing but mounds and stones and ruins to justify this — and because of Alexander, to whose spirit he offered sacrifice in the room where he had died. When he learned of the revolt, he sent Lusius and Maximus against the rebels.
30. Tertullian, To The Heathen, 2.11.11 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63
31. Galen, On Antidotes, 1.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra of egypt Found in books: Taylor (2012) 312
32. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, 342, 364 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63
33. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Batra, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra of egypt Found in books: Taylor (2012) 242
3b. בשנים ואיתא להא ואיתא להא,וניעבדו תלתין אמין בבנין ואידך ניעביד פרוכת כי קאי תלתין אמהתא נמי אגב תקרה ומעזיבה הוה קאי בלא תקרה ומעזיבה לא הוה קאי,וליעביד מה דאפשר בבנין וליעביד אידך פרוכת אמר אביי גמירי אי כולהו בבנין אי כולהו בפרוכת אי כולהו בבנין ממקדש אי כולהו בפרוכת ממשכן ,איבעיא להו הן וסידן או דילמא הן בלא סידן אמר רב נחמן בר יצחק מסתברא הן וסידן דאי ס"ד הן בלא סידן ליתנייה לשיעוריה אלא לאו ש"מ הן וסידן לא לעולם אימא לך הן בלא סידן וכיון דלא הוי טפח לא תני,והא קתני בלבינין זה נותן טפח ומחצה וזה נותן טפח ומחצה התם חזי לאיצטרופי,ת"ש הקורה שאמרו רחבה כדי לקבל אריח והאריח חצי לבינה של ג' טפחים,התם ברברבתא דיקא נמי דקתני של שלשה טפחים מכלל דאיכא זוטרא ש"מ:,אמר רב חסדא לא ליסתור איניש בי כנישתא עד דבני בי כנישתא אחריתי איכא דאמרי משום פשיעותא ואיכא דאמרי משום צלויי,מאי בינייהו איכא בינייהו דאיכא (בי כנישתא אחריתי) מרימר ומר זוטרא סתרי ובנו בי קייטא בסיתווא ובנו בי סיתווא בקייטא,א"ל רבינא לרב אשי גבו זוזי ומחתי מאי אמר ליה דילמא מיתרמי להו פדיון שבויים ויהבי להו,שריגי ליבני והדרי הודרי ומחתי כשורי מאי אמר ליה זמנין דמתרמי להו פדיון שבויים מזבני ויהבי להו א"ה אפילו בנו נמי אמר ליה דירתיה דאינשי לא מזבני,ולא אמרן אלא דלא חזי בה תיוהא אבל חזי בה תיוהא סתרי ובני כי הא דרב אשי חזא בה תיוהא בכנישתא דמתא מחסיא סתריה ועייל לפורייה להתם ולא אפקיה עד דמתקין ליה שפיכי,ובבא בן בוטא היכי אסביה ליה עצה להורדוס למיסתריה לבית המקדש והאמר רב חסדא לא ליסתור איניש בי כנישתא עד דבני בי כנישתא אחריתא אי בעית אימא תיוהא חזא ביה איבעית אימא מלכותא שאני דלא הדרא ביה דאמר שמואל אי אמר מלכותא עקרנא טורי עקר טורי ולא הדר ביה ,הורדוס עבדא דבית חשמונאי הוה נתן עיניו באותה תינוקת יומא חד שמע ההוא גברא בת קלא דאמר כל עבדא דמריד השתא מצלח קם קטלינהו לכולהו מרותיה ושיירה לההיא ינוקתא כי חזת ההיא ינוקתא דקא בעי למינסבה סליקא לאיגרא ורמא קלא אמרה כל מאן דאתי ואמר מבית חשמונאי קאתינא עבדא הוא דלא אישתיירא מינייהו אלא ההיא ינוקתא וההיא ינוקתא נפלה מאיגרא לארעא,טמנה שבע שנין בדובשא איכא דאמרי בא עליה איכא דאמרי לא בא עליה דאמרי לה בא עליה הא דטמנה ליתוביה ליצריה ודאמרי לה לא בא עליה האי דטמנה כי היכי דנאמרו בת מלך נסב,אמר מאן דריש (דברים יז, טו) מקרב אחיך תשים עליך מלך רבנן קם קטלינהו לכולהו רבנן שבקיה לבבא בן בוטא למשקל עצה מניה 3b. that it will be greater b in years, /b meaning that the Second Temple will stand for a longer period of time than the First Temple. b And /b the Gemara comments that b this is /b true b and that is /b true, meaning that the Second Temple was taller than the First Temple and also stood for a longer period of time.,The Gemara asks: If so, if the Second Temple building was taller, then to separate between the Holy of Holies and the Sanctuary in the Second Temple b they should have made a wall thirty cubits /b high b and /b then b made a curtain /b for b the rest /b of the height, the seventy-cubit difference in height between the First and Second Temples. The Gemara answers: This would have been impossible, as b even when a thirty-cubit /b wall that is six handbreadths thick b stands, it is due to the ceiling and plaster /b which attaches it to the ceiling that b it stands. /b But b without a ceiling and plaster /b holding it in place, b it does not stand. /b ,The Gemara continues: b But they should have made a wall /b as high b as /b can b possibly /b stand by itself, b and /b then should have b made a curtain /b for b the rest /b of the height. b Abaye said: /b The Sages b learned /b as a tradition that the partition separating the Holy of Holies from the Sanctuary should be built b either entirely as a wall or entirely as a curtain. /b It should be built b either entirely as a wall, /b as is learned b from /b the First b Temple, or /b it should be built b entirely as a curtain, /b as is learned b from /b the b Tabernacle. /b At no time, however, was there a partition that combined a wall and a curtain.,§ b A dilemma was raised before /b the Sages: Do the measurements given in the mishna apply to b them, /b the thickness of the materials themselves, b and the plaster /b with which the materials were coated, b or perhaps /b just to b them without their plaster? Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak said: It is reasonable /b to say the measurements refer to b them and their plaster, as, if /b it should b enter your mind /b to say they refer to b them without their plaster, /b then the i tanna /i b should have taught the measurements /b of the plaster as well. b Rather, isn’t it /b correct to b conclude from here /b that the measurements refer to b them and their plaster? /b The Gemara rejects this conclusion: b No, actually I /b could b say to you /b that they apply to b them without their plaster, and since /b the plaster b does not have /b the thickness of b one handbreadth /b the i tanna /i b did not teach /b such a small measurement.,The Gemara asks: b But doesn’t /b the i tanna /i b teach with regard to bricks /b that b this /b one b provides one and a half handbreadths, and that /b one b provides one and a half handbreadths? /b Evidently, the i tanna /i lists even an amount less than one handbreadth. The Gemara answers: b There /b mention is made of half-handbreadths because b they are fit to be combined /b into a full handbreadth.,The Gemara suggests: b Come /b and b hear /b a solution to the question, from a mishna ( i Eiruvin /i 13b) in which it is taught: b The /b cross b beam, which /b the Sages b stated /b may be used to render an alleyway fit for one to carry within it on Shabbat, must be b wide enough to receive /b and hold b a small brick. And /b this b small brick /b is b half a large brick, /b the width b of /b which is b three handbreadths. /b That mishna is referring to a brick without the plaster.,The Gemara answers: b There, /b the mishna in i Eiruvin /i is referring to b large bricks /b that measure three full handbreadths, whereas here the mishna is referring to bricks that measure slightly less than three handbreadths, and the measurement of three handbreadths includes the plaster with which they are coated. The Gemara comments: The language of the mishna there b is also precise, as it teaches /b about a brick b of three handbreadths, /b from which one can conclude b by inference that there exists /b also b a smaller- /b sized brick. The Gemara affirms: b Learn from here /b that the mishna there is referring to large bricks.,§ b Rav Ḥisda says: A person may not demolish a synagogue until he /b first b builds another synagogue /b to take its place. b There are /b those b who say /b that the reason for this i halakha /i is b due to /b potential b negligence, /b lest he fail to build a new structure after the old one has been razed. b And there are /b those b who say /b that the reason for this i halakha /i is b due to /b the disruption of b prayer, /b for in the meantime there will be nowhere to pray.,The Gemara asks: b What is /b the practical difference b between /b these two explanations? The Gemara answers that b there is /b a difference b between them /b in a situation b where there is another synagogue. /b Even though the community has an alternative place to pray there is still a concern that the new synagogue will never get built. It is related that b Mareimar and Mar Zutra demolished and built a summer synagogue in the winter, and, /b in like manner, b they built a winter synagogue in the summer, /b so that the community would never be left without a synagogue., b Ravina said to Rav Ashi: What /b is the i halakha /i if b money /b for the construction of a new synagogue b has /b already b been collected and it rests /b before us for that purpose? Is it then permitted to demolish the old synagogue before building the new one? Rav Ashi b said to him: /b Even if the money has been collected there is still concern that b perhaps /b an opportunity for b redeeming captives will present itself, and they will hand over /b the money for that urgent requirement, and the community will be left without a synagogue.,Ravina continues: b What /b is the i halakha /i if b the bricks /b to be used for the construction of the new synagogue b are piled up, the boards are prepared, and the beams are ready? /b Is it permitted to demolish the old synagogue before building the new one? Rav Ashi b said to him: /b Even so, b sometimes /b an opportunity for b redeeming captives will present itself, and they will sell /b the building materials b and hand over /b the proceeds for this purpose. Ravina raises an objection: b If so, /b that is, if you are concerned that they will sell the materials to redeem captives, then b even /b in a case where b they /b already b built /b the synagogue there should be a concern that they might come to sell the structure for that purpose, and therefore one should never be permitted to destroy an old synagogue. Rav Ashi b said to him: People do not sell their residences, /b and certainly not their synagogues.,The Gemara comments: b And we said /b that an old synagogue must not be razed before its replacement is built b only /b in a case b where cracks are not seen /b in the old synagogue. b But if cracks are seen they may /b first b demolish /b the old synagogue b and /b then b build /b the new one. b This is like /b the incident involving b Rav Ashi, /b who b saw cracks in the synagogue /b in his town b of Mata Meḥasya /b and immediately b demolished it. He /b then b brought his bed in there, /b to the building site, so that there should be no delays in the construction, as he himself required shelter from the rain, b and he did not remove /b his bed from there b until they /b finished building the synagogue and even b affixed drainpipes /b to the structure.,The Gemara asks: b How could Bava ben Buta have advised Herod to raze the Temple /b and build another in its place, as will be described later? b But doesn’t Rav Ḥisda say /b that b a person must not demolish a synagogue unless he /b first b builds another synagogue /b to take its place? The Gemara answers: b If you wish, say /b that b he saw cracks in /b the old Temple structure. And b if you wish, say /b that actions taken by b the government are different, as /b the government b does not go back /b on its decisions. Therefore, there is no need to be concerned about negligence, as there is in the case of ordinary people. b As Shmuel says: If the government says /b it will b uproot mountains, it will uproot mountains and not retract /b its word.,§ The Gemara elaborates on the episode involving Bava ben Buta. b Herod was a slave in the house of the Hasmoneans. He set his eyes upon a certain young girl /b from the house of the Hasmoneans. b One day that man, /b Herod, b heard a Divine Voice that said: Any slave who rebels now will succeed. He rose up /b and b killed all his masters, but spared that girl. When that girl saw that he wanted to marry her, she went up to the roof and raised her voice, /b and b said: Whoever comes and says: I come from the house of the Hasmoneans, is a slave, since only that girl, /b i.e., I, b remained from them. And that girl fell from the roof to the ground /b and died.,It is related that Herod b preserved /b the girl’s body b in honey for seven years /b to prevent it from decaying. b There are /b those b who say /b that b he engaged in necrophilia with her /b corpse and b there are /b those b who say he did not engage in necrophilia with her /b corpse. According to those b who say he engaged in necrophilia with her /b corpse, the reason b that he preserved her /b body was b to gratify his /b carnal b desires. And /b according to those b who say he did not engage in necrophilia with her /b corpse, the reason b that he preserved her /b body was b so that /b people b would say he married a king’s daughter. /b ,Herod b said /b to himself: b Who expounds /b the verse: b “One from among your brothers you shall set as king over you” /b (Deuteronomy 17:15) as meaning that he who is appointed as king must come from a Jewish family and cannot be an emancipated slave or a convert? It is b the Sages /b who expound the verse in this manner, insisting that a king must have Jewish roots. b He /b then b rose up and killed all the Sages, /b but b spared Bava ben Buta in order to take counsel with him. /b
34. Babylonian Talmud, Kiddushin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra of egypt Found in books: Taylor (2012) 225
66a. b Your ox was used /b by a man b for an act of bestiality /b and is therefore unfit for an offering, b and the other, /b the owner of the ox, b is silent, /b the witness is b deemed credible. And the i tanna /i /b of the mishna also b taught /b ( i Bekhorot /i 41a): b And /b with regard to an animal b that was used for a transgression /b or b that killed, /b if this is attested to b by one witness or by the owner, /b he is b deemed credible. /b The Gemara clarifies this case: b What are the circumstances /b of b this /b case of the mishna, where the knowledge is established b by one witness? If the owner admits /b to the claim, b this is /b the same as: b By the owner. Rather, is it not /b referring to a case b where /b the owner remains b silent? /b ,The Gemara comments: b And /b each of these statements of Abaye is b necessary. As, had he taught us /b only b that first /b case, where the witness said someone ate forbidden fat, one might have said that he is deemed credible for the following reason: b Were it not /b for the fact b that he himself /b was b convinced that he had committed /b a transgression, b he would not /b commit the transgression of b bringing a non-sacred /b animal b to /b the Temple b courtyard /b on the basis of the testimony of one witness. Consequently, his silence is evidently an admission., b But /b if the witness said: b Your ritually pure /b foods b were rendered ritually impure, /b and the accused was silent, b we would say: /b The reason b that /b he is b silent /b and refrains from denying the claim is b that he thinks /b he is not suffering any significant loss, as the food b is fit for him /b to eat b on his days of ritual impurity, /b because he is not required to destroy ritually impure foods., b And had /b Abaye b taught us /b only the case of: Your ritually pure food was rendered ritually impure, one might have said that the reason b this /b witness is deemed credible is b that he causes him a loss on his days of ritual impurity, /b and therefore his silence is tantamount to a confession. b But /b in the case of: b His ox was used /b by a man b for an act of bestiality, /b the owner of the ox b can say /b with regard to his animal: b Not all the oxen stand /b ready to be sacrificed b as /b an offering on the b altar. /b Perhaps one would think that the owner does not bother denying the claim because he merely forfeits the possibility of sacrificing his ox as an offering, which he considers an inconsequential matter. It is only if there were two witnesses to the act that the animal is put to death, whereas here there was only one witness. It is therefore b necessary /b for Abaye to specify all these cases.,§ b A dilemma was raised before /b the Sages: If a husband is told b by one witness /b that b his wife committed adultery, and /b the husband remains b silent, what is /b the i halakha /i ? b Abaye said: /b The witness is b deemed credible. Rava said: He is not deemed credible. /b Why not? Because b it is a matter involving forbidden relations, and there is no matter /b of testimony b for forbidden sexual relations /b that can be attested to by b fewer than two /b witnesses., b Abaye said: From where do I say /b this claim of mine? It happened b that /b there was b a certain blind man who would review i mishnayot /i before Mar Shmuel. One day /b the blind man b was late for him and was not arriving. /b Mar Shmuel b sent a messenger after him /b to assist him. b While /b the b messenger was going /b to the blind man’s house b by one way, /b the blind man b arrived /b at the house of study b by a different /b route, and therefore the messenger missed him and reached his house. b When /b the b messenger came /b back, b he said /b that he had been to the blind man’s house and saw that b his wife committed adultery. /b The blind man b came before Mar Shmuel /b to inquire whether he must pay heed to this testimony. Mar Shmuel b said to him: If /b this messenger b is trusted by you, go /b and b divorce her, but if not, do not divorce /b her.,Abaye comments: b What, is it not /b correct to say that this means that b if he is trusted by you that he is not a thief /b but is a valid witness, you must rely on him? This would prove that a single witness can testify in a case of this kind. b And Rava /b explains that Mar Shmuel meant: b If /b he b is trusted by you like two /b witnesses, b go /b and b divorce her, but if not, do not divorce /b her. Consequently, Rava maintains that this episode affords no proof., b And Abaye said: From where do I say /b this claim of mine? b As it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b An incident /b occurred b with King Yannai, who went to /b the region of b Koḥalit in the desert and conquered sixty cities there. And upon his return he rejoiced /b with b a great happiness /b over his victory. b And he /b subsequently b summoned all the Sages of the Jewish people /b and b said to them: Our ancestors /b in their poverty b would eat salty foods when they were busy with the building of the Temple; we too shall eat salty foods in memory of our ancestors. And they brought salty food on tables of gold, and ate. /b , b And there was one /b person b present, a scoffer, /b a man of b an evil heart and a scoundrel called Elazar ben Po’ira. And Elazar ben Po’ira said to King Yannai: King Yannai, the hearts of the Pharisees, /b the Sages, b are against you. /b In other words, they harbor secret resentment against you and do not like you. The king replied: b And what shall I do /b to clarify this matter? Elazar responded: b Have them stand by /b wearing b the frontplate between your eyes. /b Since the frontplate bears the Divine Name, they should stand in its honor. Yannai, who was a member of the priestly Hasmonean family, also served as High Priest, who wears the frontplate. b He had /b the Pharisees b stand by /b wearing b the frontplate between his eyes. /b ,Now b there was a certain elder present called Yehuda ben Gedidya, and Yehuda ben Gedidya said to King Yannai: King Yannai, the crown of the monarchy suffices for you, /b i.e., you should be satisfied that you are king. b Leave the crown of the priesthood for the descendants of Aaron. /b The Gemara explains this last comment: b As they would say /b that Yannai’s b mother was taken captive in Modi’in, /b and she was therefore disqualified from marrying into the priesthood, which meant that Yannai was a i ḥalal /i . b And the matter was investigated and was not discovered, /b i.e., they sought witnesses for that event but none were found. b And the Sages of Israel were expelled in /b the king’s b rage, /b due to this rumor., b And Elazar ben Po’ira said to King Yannai: King Yannai, such is the judgment of a common person in Israel. /b In other words, merely expelling a slanderer is appropriate if the subject of the slander is a commoner. b But you are a king and a High Priest. /b Is b this your judgment /b as well? Yannai replied: b And what should I do? /b Elazar responded: b If you listen to my advice, crush them. /b Yannai countered: b But what will become of the Torah? /b He retorted: b Behold, /b it b is wrapped and placed in the corner. Anyone who wishes to study can come and study. /b We have no need for the Sages.,The Gemara interjects: b Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak says: Immediately, heresy was injected into /b Yannai, b as he should have said /b to Elazar ben Po’ira: This b works out well /b with regard to b the Written Torah, /b as it can be studied by all on their own, but b what /b will become of b the Oral Torah? /b The Oral Torah is transmitted only by the Sages. The i baraita /i continues: b Immediately, the evil /b arose and b caught fire through Elazar ben Po’ira, and all the Sages of the Jewish people were killed. And the world was desolate /b of Torah b until Shimon ben Shataḥ came and restored the Torah to its former /b glory. This completes the i baraita /i .,Abaye asks: b What are the circumstances /b of this case? How did those who conducted the investigation refute the rumor that Yannai’s mother had been taken captive? b If we say that two /b witnesses b said /b that b she was taken captive, and two /b others b said /b that b she was not taken captive, what did you see that you rely on these /b who said that she was not taken captive? Instead, b rely on these /b who said that she was taken captive. In such a scenario, one cannot say definitively that the matter was investigated and found to be false., b Rather, /b it must be referring b to one witness /b who testified she was taken captive, and two testified that she was not taken captive. b And the reason /b that the lone witness is not deemed credible is only b that he is contradicted by the /b other b two, /b from which it may be inferred that b if not for that /b fact, b he would be deemed credible. /b This supports Abaye’s claim that an uncontested lone witness is deemed credible in a case of this kind., b And Rava /b could reply that this incident affords no proof, for the following reason: b Actually, /b one can say that there were b two /b witnesses who testified that she was captured b and two /b who testified that she was not, b and /b the case was decided b in accordance with that /b which b Rav Aḥa bar Rav Minyumi says /b in a different context, that it is referring b to conspiring witnesses. /b The second pair of witnesses did not contradict the testimony of the first pair but established them as liars by stating that the first pair were not there to witness the event. This serves to disqualify the testimony of the first pair altogether. b Here too, /b it is referring b to /b witnesses who rendered the first set b conspiring witnesses. /b , b And if you wish, say /b that this is b in accordance with /b the version of the story stated b by Rabbi Yitzḥak, as Rabbi Yitzḥak says: They replaced /b Yannai’s mother b with a maidservant. /b The first witnesses saw that Yannai’s mother was about to be taken captive, but the second pair revealed that she had actually been replaced with a maidservant, thereby negating the testimony of the first set., b Rava says: /b
35. Babylonian Talmud, Shabbat, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra of egypt Found in books: Taylor (2012) 312
26a. לימא מר מפני שהוא עף חדא ועוד קאמר חדא מפני שהוא עף ועוד גזירה שמא יסתפק ממנו,ההיא חמתא דהות סניאה לה לכלתה אמרה לה זיל איקשיט במשחא דאפרסמא אזלא איקשיט כי אתת אמרה לה זיל איתלי שרגא אזלא אתלא שרגא אינפח בה נורא ואכלתה:,(ירמיהו נב, טז) ומדלת הארץ השאיר נבוזראדן רב טבחים לכורמים וליוגבים כורמים תני רב יוסף אלו מלקטי אפרסמון מעין גדי ועד רמתא יוגבים אלו ציידי חלזון מסולמות של צור ועד חיפה:,ת"ר אין מדליקין בטבל טמא בחול ואצ"ל בשבת כיוצא בו אין מדליקין בנפט לבן בחול ואצ"ל בשבת בשלמא נפט לבן מפני שהוא עף אבל טבל טמא מאי טעמא,אמר קרא (במדבר יח, ח) ואני הנה נתתי לך את משמרת תרומותי בשתי תרומות הכתוב מדבר אחת תרומה טהורה ואחת תרומה טמאה מה תרומה טהורה אין לך בה אלא משעת הרמה ואילך אף תרומה טמאה אין לך בה אלא משעת הרמה ואילך:,גופא ר"ש בן אלעזר אומר אין מדליקין בצרי וכן היה רבי שמעון בן אלעזר אומר צרי אינו אלא שרף מעצי הקטף ר' ישמעאל אומר כל היוצא מן העץ אין מדליקין בו ר' ישמעאל בן ברוקה אומר אין מדליקין אלא ביוצא מן הפרי ר' טרפון אומר אין מדליקין אלא בשמן זית בלבד,עמד רבי יוחנן בן נורי על רגליו ואמר מה יעשו אנשי בבל שאין להם אלא שמן שומשמין ומה יעשו אנשי מדי שאין להם אלא שמן אגוזים ומה יעשו אנשי אלכסנדריא שאין להם אלא שמן צנונות ומה יעשו אנשי קפוטקיא שאין להם לא כך ולא כך אלא נפט אלא אין לך אלא מה שאמרו חכמים אין מדליקין,ומדליקין בשמן דגים ובעטרן רבי שמעון שזורי אומר מדליקין בשמן פקועות ובנפט סומכוס אומר כל היוצא מן הבשר אין מדליקין בו אלא בשמן דגים סומכוס היינו ת"ק איכא בינייהו דרב ברונא אמר רב ולא מסיימי,תניא רבי שמעון בן אלעזר אומר כל היוצא מן העץ אין בו משום שלש על שלש ומסככין בו חוץ מפשתן אמר אביי 26a. b Let the Master say /b a different reason: b Because /b tar b is volatile, /b i.e., it is liable to evaporate quickly and cause a fire. The Gemara answers: b He stated one /b reason b and another: One, because it is volatile /b and potentially dangerous; b and, furthermore, /b due to b a decree lest one take /b sap b from it. /b ,The Gemara relates: b A mother-in-law who hated her daughter-in-law said to her: Go adorn yourself with balsam oil. She went /b and b adorned herself. When she came, /b her mother-in-law b said to her: Go light the lamp. She went /b and b lit the lamp. She caught fire and was burned. /b ,Since balsam oil was discussed, the Gemara cites the verse: b “But Nebuzaradan the captain of the guard left of the poorest of the land to be vinedressers and husbandmen” /b (Jeremiah 52:16). The Gemara explains the verse: With regard to b vinedressers, Rav Yosef taught: These /b poorest of the land were b the balsam collectors /b in the south of Eretz Yisrael, in the expanse b from Ein Gedi to Ramata. And /b the b husbandmen; these are the trappers of the snail [ i ḥilazon /i ], /b from which the sky blue dye is produced in the north of the country, in the area b between the Promontory of Tyre and Ḥaifa. /b Only a small number of poor people could barely eke out a living from these tasks, which involved mere gathering., b The Sages taught: One may not light with ritually impure untithed produce [ i tevel /i ] during the week, and needless to say /b one may not light with it b on Shabbat. On a similar note, one may not light with white naphtha during the week, and needless to say /b one may not light with it b on Shabbat. Granted, /b with regard to b white naphtha, /b its prohibition is understandable b because it is volatile /b and potentially dangerous. b However, /b with regard to b ritually impure i tevel /i , what is the reason /b that the Sages prohibited lighting with it?,The Gemara answers that b the verse said: “And I, behold, I have given you the charge of My i terumot /i ” /b (Numbers 18:8). From the fact that i terumot /i is plural, the Sages derived that b the verse is speaking of two /b i terumot /i : b Both /b i teruma /i b that is ritually pure and /b i teruma /i b that is ritually impure. Just as /b with regard to b i teruma /i that is ritually pure, you, /b the priest, b have /b permission to benefit b from it only from the time /b i teruma /i b was separated and onward, so too, /b with regard to b i teruma /i that is ritually impure, you have /b permission to benefit from b it only from the time /b i teruma /i b was separated and onward. /b Since a portion of the untithed produce is i teruma /i that has not yet been separated, it is prohibited even for a priest to use it.,The Gemara proceeds to discuss b the matter /b of the i Tosefta /i b itself, /b the case of lighting with sap from balsam trees on Shabbat. b Rabbi Shimon ben Elazar says: One may not light with i tzori /i /b on Shabbat. b And Rabbi Shimon ben Elazar would also say: i Tzori /i , /b which is one of the component spices of the incense in the Temple, b is merely the sap /b that emerges b from balsam trees, /b and is not part of the balsam tree itself. b Rabbi Yishmael says: Anything that originates from the tree, one may not light with it; /b only materials that do not come from trees may be used. b Rabbi Yishmael ben Beroka says: One may only light with /b a substance b that emerges from the fruit. Rabbi Tarfon says: One may only light with olive oil alone. /b ,The Gemara relates: b Rabbi Yoḥa ben Nuri stood on his feet and, /b contrary to this statement, b said: And what shall the people of Babylonia, who have only sesame oil, do? And what shall the people of Medea, who have only nut oil, do? And what shall the people of Alexandria, who have only radish oil, do? And what shall the people of Cappadocia, who have neither this nor that but only naphtha, do? Rather, you have /b a prohibition b only /b with regard to those substances with regard to b which the Sages said: One may not light with them. /b All other oils are permitted., b And one may light with fish oil and tar. Rabbi Shimon Shezuri says: One may light with gourd oil and naphtha. Sumakhos says: Among the /b substances b that emerge from the flesh /b of living beings, b one may light only with fish oil. /b The Gemara asks: The opinion of b Sumakhos /b is identical to the opinion of the b first i tanna /i , /b who also permits lighting with fish oil. The Gemara answers: b There is /b a practical difference b between them /b with regard to what b Rav Beruna said /b that b Rav said: /b One is permitted to use molten fat to which oil was added for lighting. They disagree with regard to this i halakha /i ; however, their opinions b are not defined /b and it is unclear which of them permits using it and which prohibits using it., b It was taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Shimon ben Elazar says: Anything that emerges from the tree /b does b not have /b the legal status of an area of b three by three /b fingerbreadths. Even if it is three by three fingerbreadths, it is not considered sufficiently large to become ritually impure. b And, /b therefore, b one may roof /b his i sukka /i b with it, /b as the roofing of his i sukka /i may not be made from any material that can become ritually impure. This is the case for everything that originates from a tree b with the exception of linen, /b which has a unique legal status. b Abaye said: /b
36. Babylonian Talmud, Taanit, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra of egypt Found in books: Taylor (2012) 242
23a. בעתם בלילי רביעיות ובלילי שבתות,שכן מצינו בימי שמעון בן שטח שירדו להם גשמים בלילי רביעיות ובלילי שבתות עד שנעשו חטים ככליות ושעורים כגרעיני זיתים ועדשים כדינרי זהב וצררו מהם דוגמא לדורות להודיע כמה החטא גורם שנאמר (ירמיהו ה, כה) עונותיכם הטו אלה וחטאתיכם מנעו הטוב מכם,וכן מצינו בימי הורדוס שהיו עוסקין בבנין בהמ"ק והיו יורדין גשמים בלילה למחר נשבה הרוח ונתפזרו העבים וזרחה החמה ויצאו העם למלאכתן וידעו שמלאכת שמים בידיהם:,מעשה ששלחו לחוני המעגל וכו': ת"ר פעם אחת יצא רוב אדר ולא ירדו גשמים שלחו לחוני המעגל התפלל וירדו גשמים התפלל ולא ירדו גשמים עג עוגה ועמד בתוכה כדרך שעשה חבקוק הנביא שנאמר (חבקוק ב, א) על משמרתי אעמדה ואתיצבה על מצור וגו',אמר לפניו רבונו של עולם בניך שמו פניהם עלי שאני כבן בית לפניך נשבע אני בשמך הגדול שאיני זז מכאן עד שתרחם על בניך התחילו גשמים מנטפין אמרו לו תלמידיו רבי ראינוך ולא נמות כמדומין אנו שאין גשמים יורדין אלא להתיר שבועתך,אמר לא כך שאלתי אלא גשמי בורות שיחין ומערות ירדו בזעף עד שכל טפה וטפה כמלא פי חבית ושיערו חכמים שאין טפה פחותה מלוג אמרו לו תלמידיו רבי ראינוך ולא נמות כמדומין אנו שאין גשמים יורדין אלא לאבד העולם,אמר לפניו לא כך שאלתי אלא גשמי רצון ברכה ונדבה ירדו כתיקנן עד שעלו כל העם להר הבית מפני הגשמים אמרו לו רבי כשם שהתפללת שירדו כך התפלל וילכו להם אמר להם כך מקובלני שאין מתפללין על רוב הטובה,אעפ"כ הביאו לי פר הודאה הביאו לו פר הודאה סמך שתי ידיו עליו ואמר לפניו רבש"ע עמך ישראל שהוצאת ממצרים אינן יכולין לא ברוב טובה ולא ברוב פורענות כעסת עליהם אינן יכולין לעמוד השפעת עליהם טובה אינן יכולין לעמוד יהי רצון מלפניך שיפסקו הגשמים ויהא ריוח בעולם מיד נשבה הרוח ונתפזרו העבים וזרחה החמה ויצאו העם לשדה והביאו להם כמהין ופטריות,שלח לו שמעון בן שטח אלמלא חוני אתה גוזרני עליך נידוי שאילו שנים כשני אליהו שמפתחות גשמים בידו של אליהו לא נמצא שם שמים מתחלל על ידך,אבל מה אעשה לך שאתה מתחטא לפני המקום ועושה לך רצונך כבן שמתחטא על אביו ועושה לו רצונו ואומר לו אבא הוליכני לרחצני בחמין שטפני בצונן תן לי אגוזים שקדים אפרסקים ורמונים ונותן לו ועליך הכתוב אומר (משלי כג, כה) ישמח אביך ואמך ותגל יולדתך,תנו רבנן מה שלחו בני לשכת הגזית לחוני המעגל (איוב כב, כח) ותגזר אומר ויקם לך ועל דרכיך נגה אור,ותגזר אומר אתה גזרת מלמטה והקדוש ברוך הוא מקיים מאמרך מלמעלה ועל דרכיך נגה אור דור שהיה אפל הארת בתפלתך,כי השפילו ותאמר גוה דור שהיה שפל הגבהתו בתפלתך ושח עינים יושיע דור ששח בעונו הושעתו בתפלתך ימלט אי נקי דור שלא היה נקי מלטתו בתפלתך ונמלט בבור כפיך מלטתו במעשה ידיך הברורין,אמר ר' יוחנן כל ימיו של אותו צדיק היה מצטער על מקרא זה (תהלים קכו, א) שיר המעלות בשוב ה' את שיבת ציון היינו כחולמים אמר מי איכא דניים שבעין שנין בחלמא,יומא חד הוה אזל באורחא חזייה לההוא גברא דהוה נטע חרובא אמר ליה האי עד כמה שנין טעין אמר ליה עד שבעין שנין אמר ליה פשיטא לך דחיית שבעין שנין אמר ליה האי [גברא] עלמא בחרובא אשכחתיה כי היכי דשתלי לי אבהתי שתלי נמי לבראי,יתיב קא כריך ריפתא אתא ליה שינתא נים אהדרא ליה משוניתא איכסי מעינא ונים שבעין שנין כי קם חזייה לההוא גברא דהוה קא מלקט מינייהו אמר ליה את הוא דשתלתיה א"ל בר בריה אנא אמר ליה שמע מינה דניימי שבעין שנין חזא לחמריה דאתיילידא ליה רמכי רמכי,אזל לביתיה אמר להו בריה דחוני המעגל מי קיים אמרו ליה בריה ליתא בר בריה איתא אמר להו אנא חוני המעגל לא הימנוהו אזל לבית המדרש שמעינהו לרבנן דקאמרי נהירן שמעתתין כבשני חוני המעגל דכי הוי עייל לבית מדרשא כל קושיא דהוו להו לרבנן הוה מפרק להו אמר להו אנא ניהו לא הימנוהו ולא עבדי ליה יקרא כדמבעי ליה חלש דעתיה בעי רחמי ומית אמר רבא היינו דאמרי אינשי או חברותא או מיתותא,אבא חלקיה בר בריה דחוני המעגל הוה וכי מצטריך עלמא למיטרא הוו משדרי רבנן לגביה ובעי רחמי ואתי מיטרא זימנא חדא איצטריך עלמא למיטרא שדור רבנן זוגא דרבנן לגביה למבעי רחמי דניתי מיטרא אזול לביתיה ולא אשכחוהו אזול בדברא ואשכחוהו דהוה קא רפיק יהבו ליה שלמא 23a. b “In their season” /b means b on Wednesday eves, /b i.e., Tuesday nights, b and on Shabbat eves, /b i.e., Friday nights, because at these times people are not out in the streets, either due to fear of demonic forces that were thought to wander on Tuesday nights or due to the sanctity of Shabbat., b As we found /b in b the days of Shimon ben Shetaḥ that rain /b invariably b fell for them on Wednesday eves and on Shabbat eves, until wheat grew /b as big b as kidneys, and barley /b as big b as olive pits, and lentils as golden dinars. And they tied /b up some b of /b these crops as b an example [ i dugma /i ] for /b future b generations, to convey /b to them b how much /b damage b sin causes, as it is stated: /b “The Lord our God, Who gives rain, the former rain and the latter rain, in its season that keeps for us the appointed weeks of the harvest. b Your iniquities have turned away these things, and your sins have withheld the good from you” /b (Jeremiah 5:24–25)., b And we likewise found /b that b in the days of Herod /b that b they were occupied in the building of the Temple, and rain would fall at night. And the next day the wind would blow, the clouds would disperse, the sun would shine, and the people would go out to their work. And /b as rain would fall only at a time when it would not interfere with their labor, the nation b knew /b that b the work of Heaven /b was being performed b by their hands. /b ,§ The mishna taught: b An incident /b occurred in b which /b the people b sent /b a message b to Ḥoni HaMe’aggel. /b This event is related in greater detail in the following i baraita /i . b The Sages taught: Once, most of /b the month of b Adar had passed but rain had /b still b not fallen. They sent /b this message b to Ḥoni HaMe’aggel: Pray, and rain will fall. He prayed, but no rain fell. He drew a circle /b in the dust b and stood inside it, in the manner that the prophet Habakkuk did, as it is stated: “And I will stand upon my watch and set myself upon the tower, /b and I will look out to see what He will say to me, and what I shall answer when I am reproved” (Habakkuk 2:1). This verse is taken to mean that Habakkuk fashioned a kind of prison for himself where he sat.,Ḥoni b said before /b God: b Master of the Universe, Your children have turned their faces toward me, as I am like a member of Your household. /b Therefore, b I take an oath by Your great name that I will not move from here until you have mercy upon Your children /b and answer their prayers for rain. b Rain began to trickle /b down, but only in small droplets. b His students said to him: Rabbi, we have seen /b that b you /b can perform great wonders, b but /b this quantity of rain is not enough to ensure that b we will not die. It appears to us that /b a small amount of b rain is falling only /b to enable you b to dissolve your oath, /b but it is not nearly enough to save us.,Ḥoni b said /b to God: b I did not ask for this, but /b for b rain to /b fill the b cisterns, ditches, and caves. /b Rain b began to fall furiously, until each and every drop /b was as big b as the mouth of a barrel, and the Sages estimated that no drop was less than a i log /i /b in size. b His students said to him: Rabbi, we have seen /b that b you /b can call on God to perform miracles b and we will not die, /b but now b it appears to us that rain is falling only to destroy the world. /b ,Ḥoni again b said before /b God: b I did not ask for this /b harmful rain either, b but /b for b rain of benevolence, blessing, and generosity. /b Subsequently, the rains b fell in their standard manner, until all of the people /b sought higher ground and b ascended to the Temple Mount due to the rain. They said to him: Rabbi, just as you prayed that /b the rains b should fall, so too, pray that they should stop. He said to them: This is /b the tradition that b I received, that one does not pray over an excess of good. /b ,Ḥoni continued: b Nevertheless, bring me a bull. /b I will sacrifice it as b a thanks-offering /b and pray at the same time. b They brought him a bull /b for b a thanks-offering. He placed his two hands on its /b head b and said before /b God: b Master of the Universe, Your nation Israel, whom You brought out of Egypt, cannot /b bear b either an excess of good or an excess of punishment. You grew angry with them /b and withheld rain, b and they are unable to bear /b it. b You bestowed upon them /b too much b good, and they were /b also b unable to bear /b it. b May it be Your will that the rain stop and that there be relief for the world. Immediately, the wind blew, the clouds dispersed, the sun shone, and everyone went out to the fields and gathered for themselves truffles and mushrooms /b that had sprouted in the strong rain., b Shimon ben Shetaḥ relayed to /b Ḥoni HaMe’aggel: b If you were not Ḥoni, I would have decreed ostracism upon you. For were /b these b years like the years of Elijah, when the keys of rain /b were entrusted b in Elijah’s hands, /b and he swore it would not rain, b wouldn’t the name of Heaven have been desecrated by your /b oath not to leave the circle until it rained? Once you have pronounced this oath, either yours or Elijah’s must be falsified., b However, what can I do to you, as you nag God and He does your bidding, like a son who nags his father and /b his father b does his bidding. And /b the son b says to /b his father: b Father, take me to be bathed in hot water; wash me with cold water; give me nuts, almonds, peaches, and pomegranates. And /b his father b gives him. About you, the verse states: “Your father and mother will be glad and she who bore you will rejoice” /b (Proverbs 23:25)., b The Sages taught: What /b message did b the members of the Chamber of the Hewn Stone, /b the Great Sanhedrin, b send to Ḥoni HaMe’aggel? /b About you, the verse states: b “You shall also decree a matter, and it shall be established for you; and the light shall shine upon your ways. /b When they cast down, you will say: There is lifting up, for He saves the humble person. He will deliver the one who is not innocent and he will be delivered through the cleanness of your hands” (Job 22:28–30).,They interpreted: b “You shall also decree a matter”; you, /b Ḥoni, b decree from below, and the Holy One, Blessed be He, fulfills your statement from above. “And the light shall shine upon your ways”; a generation that was in darkness, you have illuminated /b it b with your prayer. /b , b “When they cast down, you will say: There is lifting up”; a generation that was cast down, you lifted it up with your prayer. “For He saves the humble person”; a generation that was humble in its transgression, you saved it through your prayer. “He will deliver the one who is not innocent”; a generation that was not innocent, you have delivered it through your prayer. “And he will be delivered through the cleanness of your hands”; you have delivered /b an undeserving generation b through the clean work of your hands. /b ,§ The Gemara relates another story about Ḥoni HaMe’aggel. b Rabbi Yoḥa said: All the days /b of the life b of that righteous man, /b Ḥoni, b he was distressed over /b the meaning of b this verse: “A song of Ascents: When the Lord brought back those who returned to Zion, we were like those who dream” /b (Psalms 126:1). b He said /b to himself: b Is there /b really a person b who can sleep and dream for seventy years? /b How is it possible to compare the seventy-year exile in Babylonia to a dream?, b One day, he was walking along the road /b when b he saw a certain man planting a carob tree. /b Ḥoni b said to him: This /b tree, b after how many years /b will it b bear /b fruit? The man b said to him: /b It will not produce fruit b until seventy years /b have passed. Ḥoni b said to him: Is it obvious to you that you will live seventy years, /b that you expect to benefit from this tree? b He said to him: That man /b himself b found a world /b full b of carob trees. Just as my ancestors planted for me, I too am planting for my descendants. /b ,Ḥoni b sat and ate bread. Sleep overcame him and he slept. A cliff formed around him, and he disappeared from sight and slept for seventy years. When he awoke, he saw a certain man gathering /b carobs from that tree. Ḥoni b said to him: /b Are b you the one who planted /b this tree? The man b said to him: I am his son’s son. /b Ḥoni b said to him: /b I can b learn from this that I /b have b slept for seventy years, /b and indeed b he saw that his donkey had sired several herds /b during those many years.,Ḥoni b went home and said to /b the members of the household: b Is the son of Ḥoni HaMe’aggel alive? They said to him: His son is no /b longer with us, but b his son’s son is /b alive. b He said to them: I am Ḥoni HaMe’aggel. They did not believe him. He went to the study hall, /b where he b heard the Sages say /b about one scholar: b His i halakhot /i are as enlightening /b and as clear b as in the years of Ḥoni HaMe’aggel, for when /b Ḥoni HaMe’aggel b would enter the study hall he would resolve for the Sages any difficulty they had. /b Ḥoni b said to them: I am he, but they did not believe him and did not pay him proper respect. /b Ḥoni b became very upset, prayed for mercy, and died. Rava said: This /b explains the folk saying b that people say: Either friendship or death, /b as one who has no friends is better off dead.,§ The Gemara relates another story, this time about Ḥoni HaMe’aggel’s descendants, who were also renowned for their righteous deeds. b Abba Ḥilkiyya was the son of Ḥoni HaMe’aggel’s son. And when the world was in need of rain they would send Sages to him, and he would pray for mercy, and rain would fall. Once the world was in need of rain, /b and b the Sages sent a pair of Sages to him /b so b that he would pray for mercy and rain would fall. They went to his house but they did not find him /b there. b They went to the field and found him hoeing /b the ground. b They greeted him, /b
37. Martianus Capella, On The Marriage of Philology And Mercury, 6.679 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra of egypt Found in books: Taylor (2012) 233
38. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Aurelian, 33.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra, and the ‘spoils of egypt’ Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 134
39. Servius, In Vergilii Bucolicon Librum, 4.49 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 64
40. Strabo, Geography, 2.1.13, 12.3.31  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra, queen of egypt •cleopatra, and the ‘spoils of egypt’ Found in books: Bianchetti et al (2015) 184; Rutledge (2012) 134
2.1.13. Again, we know that the Cinnamon Country is the most southerly point of the habitable earth. According to Hipparchus's own statement, the latitude of this country, which marks the commencement of the temperate zone, and likewise of the habitable earth, is distant from the equator about 8800 stadia. And since he likewise says that from the equator to the parallel of the Dnieper there are 34,000 stadia, there will remain a distance of 25,200 stadia between the parallel of the Dnieper (which is the same as that which passes over the side of Keltica next the Ocean) to that which separates the torrid from the temperate zone. It is said that the farthest voyages now made north of Keltica are to Ierne, which lies beyond Britain, and, on account of its extreme cold, barely sustains life; beyond this it is thought to be uninhabitable. Now the distance between Keltica and Ierne is estimated at not more than 5000 stadia; so that on this view they must have estimated the whole breadth of the habitable earth at 30,000 stadia, or just above. 12.3.31. Here, also, is Kainon Chorion, as it is called, a rock that is sheer and fortified by nature, being less than two hundred stadia distant from Cabeira. It has on its summit a spring that sends forth much water, and at its foot a river and a deep ravine. The height of the rock above the neck is immense, so that it is impregnable; and it is enclosed by remarkable walls, except the part where they have been pulled down by the Romans. And the whole country around is so overgrown with forests, and so mountainous and waterless, that it is impossible for an enemy to encamp within one hundred and twenty stadia. Here it was that the most precious of the treasures of Mithridates were kept, which are now stored in the Capitolium, where they were dedicated by Pompey. Pythodoris possesses the whole of this country, which is adjacent to the barbarian country occupied by her, and also Zelitis and Megalopolitis. As for Cabeira, which by Pompey had been built into a city and called Diospolis, Pythodoris further adorned it and changed its name to Sebaste; and she uses the city as a royal residence. It has also the sanctuary of Men of Pharnaces, as it is called, — the village-city Ameria, which has many temple servants, and also a sacred territory, the fruit of which is always reaped by the ordained priest. And the kings revered this sanctuary so exceedingly that they proclaimed the royal oath as follows: By the Fortune of the king and by Men of Pharnaces. And this is also the sanctuary of Selene, like that among the Albanians and those in Phrygia, I mean that of Men in the place of the same name and that of Men Ascaeus near the Antiocheia that is near Pisidia and that of Men in the country of the Antiocheians.
41. Solinus C. Julius, Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium, 35.1  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra of egypt Found in books: Taylor (2012) 233
42. Epigraphy, Cil, 5.2089, 6.1504  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 64
43. Papyri, P.Hever, 13  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra of egypt Found in books: Taylor (2012) 242
44. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 5.4.4  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63
45. Papyri, P Mich., 7.433  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 64
46. Martianus Capella, De Nuptiis Philologiae Et Mercurii, 6.679  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra of egypt Found in books: Taylor (2012) 233
47. Diodorus Siculus, Fgrh 688, 2.16.1-2.16.2, 3.3.1  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra, queen of egypt Found in books: Bianchetti et al (2015) 184
48. Papyri, P.Yadin, 11  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra of egypt Found in books: Taylor (2012) 242
49. Asconius, Ad Ciceronis In Verrem, 2.1.152  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63