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185 results for "cleopatra"
1. Septuagint, Susanna, 79 (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 80
2. Hebrew Bible, Nahum, 3.8-3.9, 3.13 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii Found in books: Gera (2014) 346; Salvesen et al (2020) 107
3.8. "הֲתֵיטְבִי מִנֹּא אָמוֹן הַיֹּשְׁבָה בַּיְאֹרִים מַיִם סָבִיב לָהּ אֲשֶׁר־חֵיל יָם מִיָּם חוֹמָתָהּ׃", 3.9. "כּוּשׁ עָצְמָה וּמִצְרַיִם וְאֵין קֵצֶה פּוּט וְלוּבִים הָיוּ בְּעֶזְרָתֵךְ׃", 3.13. "הִנֵּה עַמֵּךְ נָשִׁים בְּקִרְבֵּךְ לְאֹיְבַיִךְ פָּתוֹחַ נִפְתְּחוּ שַׁעֲרֵי אַרְצֵךְ אָכְלָה אֵשׁ בְּרִיחָיִך׃", 3.8. "Art thou better than No-amon, That was situate among the rivers, That had the waters round about her; Whose rampart was the sea, and of the sea her wall?", 3.9. "Ethiopia and Egypt were thy strength, and it was infinite; Put and Lubim were thy helpers.", 3.13. "Behold, thy people in the midst of thee are women; The gates of thy land are set wide open unto thine enemies; The fire hath devoured thy bars.",
3. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 18.9, 20.10-20.21 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 235
18.9. "עֶרְוַת אֲחוֹתְךָ בַת־אָבִיךָ אוֹ בַת־אִמֶּךָ מוֹלֶדֶת בַּיִת אוֹ מוֹלֶדֶת חוּץ לֹא תְגַלֶּה עֶרְוָתָן׃", 20.11. "וְאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר יִשְׁכַּב אֶת־אֵשֶׁת אָבִיו עֶרְוַת אָבִיו גִּלָּה מוֹת־יוּמְתוּ שְׁנֵיהֶם דְּמֵיהֶם בָּם׃", 20.12. "וְאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר יִשְׁכַּב אֶת־כַּלָּתוֹ מוֹת יוּמְתוּ שְׁנֵיהֶם תֶּבֶל עָשׂוּ דְּמֵיהֶם בָּם׃", 20.13. "וְאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר יִשְׁכַּב אֶת־זָכָר מִשְׁכְּבֵי אִשָּׁה תּוֹעֵבָה עָשׂוּ שְׁנֵיהֶם מוֹת יוּמָתוּ דְּמֵיהֶם בָּם׃", 20.14. "וְאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר יִקַּח אֶת־אִשָּׁה וְאֶת־אִמָּהּ זִמָּה הִוא בָּאֵשׁ יִשְׂרְפוּ אֹתוֹ וְאֶתְהֶן וְלֹא־תִהְיֶה זִמָּה בְּתוֹכְכֶם׃", 20.15. "וְאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר יִתֵּן שְׁכָבְתּוֹ בִּבְהֵמָה מוֹת יוּמָת וְאֶת־הַבְּהֵמָה תַּהֲרֹגוּ׃", 20.16. "וְאִשָּׁה אֲשֶׁר תִּקְרַב אֶל־כָּל־בְּהֵמָה לְרִבְעָה אֹתָהּ וְהָרַגְתָּ אֶת־הָאִשָּׁה וְאֶת־הַבְּהֵמָה מוֹת יוּמָתוּ דְּמֵיהֶם בָּם׃", 20.17. "וְאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר־יִקַּח אֶת־אֲחֹתוֹ בַּת־אָבִיו אוֹ בַת־אִמּוֹ וְרָאָה אֶת־עֶרְוָתָהּ וְהִיא־תִרְאֶה אֶת־עֶרְוָתוֹ חֶסֶד הוּא וְנִכְרְתוּ לְעֵינֵי בְּנֵי עַמָּם עֶרְוַת אֲחֹתוֹ גִּלָּה עֲוֺנוֹ יִשָּׂא׃", 20.18. "וְאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר־יִשְׁכַּב אֶת־אִשָּׁה דָּוָה וְגִלָּה אֶת־עֶרְוָתָהּ אֶת־מְקֹרָהּ הֶעֱרָה וְהִיא גִּלְּתָה אֶת־מְקוֹר דָּמֶיהָ וְנִכְרְתוּ שְׁנֵיהֶם מִקֶּרֶב עַמָּם׃", 20.19. "וְעֶרְוַת אֲחוֹת אִמְּךָ וַאֲחוֹת אָבִיךָ לֹא תְגַלֵּה כִּי אֶת־שְׁאֵרוֹ הֶעֱרָה עֲוֺנָם יִשָּׂאוּ׃", 20.21. "וְאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר יִקַּח אֶת־אֵשֶׁת אָחִיו נִדָּה הִוא עֶרְוַת אָחִיו גִּלָּה עֲרִירִים יִהְיוּ׃", 18.9. "The nakedness of thy sister, the daughter of thy father, or the daughter of thy mother, whether born at home, or born abroad, even their nakedness thou shalt not uncover. .", 20.10. "And the man that committeth adultery with another man’s wife, even he that committeth adultery with his neighbour’s wife, both the adulterer and the adulteress shall surely be put to death.", 20.11. "And the man that lieth with his father’s wife—he hath uncovered his father’s nakedness—both of them shall surely be put to death; their blood shall be upon them.", 20.12. "And if a man lie with his daughter-in-law, both of them shall surely be put to death; they have wrought corruption; their blood shall be upon them.", 20.13. "And if a man lie with mankind, as with womankind, both of them have committed abomination: they shall surely be put to death; their blood shall be upon them.", 20.14. "And if a man take with his wife also her mother, it is wickedness: they shall be burnt with fire, both he and they; that there be no wickedness among you.", 20.15. "And if a man lie with a beast, he shall surely be put to death; and ye shall slay the beast.", 20.16. "And if a woman approach unto any beast, and lie down thereto, thou shalt kill the woman, and the beast: they shall surely be put to death; their blood shall be upon them.", 20.17. "And if a man shall take his sister, his father’s daughter, or his mother’s daughter, and see her nakedness, and she see his nakedness: it is a shameful thing; and they shall be cut off in the sight of the children of their people: he hath uncovered his sister’s nakedness; he shall bear his iniquity.", 20.18. "And if a man shall lie with a woman having her sickness, and shall uncover her nakedness—he hath made naked her fountain, and she hath uncovered the fountain of her blood—both of them shall be cut off from among their people.", 20.19. "And thou shalt not uncover the nakedness of thy mother’s sister, nor of thy father’s sister; for he hath made naked his near kin; they shall bear their iniquity.", 20.20. "And if a man shall lie with his uncle’s wife—he hath uncovered his uncle’s nakedness—they shall bear their sin; they shall die childless.", 20.21. "And if a man shall take his brother’s wife, it is impurity: he hath uncovered his brother’s nakedness; they shall be childless.",
4. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 12.16, 41.40-41.45, 47.27 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra iii Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 338
12.16. "וּלְאַבְרָם הֵיטִיב בַּעֲבוּרָהּ וַיְהִי־לוֹ צֹאן־וּבָקָר וַחֲמֹרִים וַעֲבָדִים וּשְׁפָחֹת וַאֲתֹנֹת וּגְמַלִּים׃", 41.41. "וַיֹּאמֶר פַּרְעֹה אֶל־יוֹסֵף רְאֵה נָתַתִּי אֹתְךָ עַל כָּל־אֶרֶץ מִצְרָיִם׃", 41.42. "וַיָּסַר פַּרְעֹה אֶת־טַבַּעְתּוֹ מֵעַל יָדוֹ וַיִּתֵּן אֹתָהּ עַל־יַד יוֹסֵף וַיַּלְבֵּשׁ אֹתוֹ בִּגְדֵי־שֵׁשׁ וַיָּשֶׂם רְבִד הַזָּהָב עַל־צַוָּארוֹ׃", 41.43. "וַיַּרְכֵּב אֹתוֹ בְּמִרְכֶּבֶת הַמִּשְׁנֶה אֲשֶׁר־לוֹ וַיִּקְרְאוּ לְפָנָיו אַבְרֵךְ וְנָתוֹן אֹתוֹ עַל כָּל־אֶרֶץ מִצְרָיִם׃", 41.44. "וַיֹּאמֶר פַּרְעֹה אֶל־יוֹסֵף אֲנִי פַרְעֹה וּבִלְעָדֶיךָ לֹא־יָרִים אִישׁ אֶת־יָדוֹ וְאֶת־רַגְלוֹ בְּכָל־אֶרֶץ מִצְרָיִם׃", 41.45. "וַיִּקְרָא פַרְעֹה שֵׁם־יוֹסֵף צָפְנַת פַּעְנֵחַ וַיִּתֶּן־לוֹ אֶת־אָסְנַת בַּת־פּוֹטִי פֶרַע כֹּהֵן אֹן לְאִשָּׁה וַיֵּצֵא יוֹסֵף עַל־אֶרֶץ מִצְרָיִם׃", 47.27. "וַיֵּשֶׁב יִשְׂרָאֵל בְּאֶרֶץ מִצְרַיִם בְּאֶרֶץ גֹּשֶׁן וַיֵּאָחֲזוּ בָהּ וַיִּפְרוּ וַיִּרְבּוּ מְאֹד׃", 12.16. "And he dealt well with Abram for her sake; and he had sheep, and oxen, and he-asses, and men-servants, and maid-servants, and she-asses, and camels.", 41.40. "Thou shalt be over my house, and according unto thy word shall all my people be ruled; only in the throne will I be greater than thou.’", 41.41. "And Pharaoh said unto Joseph: ‘See, I have set thee over all the land of Egypt.’", 41.42. "And Pharaoh took off his signet ring from his hand, and put it upon Joseph’s hand, and arrayed him in vestures of fine linen, and put a gold chain about his neck.", 41.43. "And he made him to ride in the second chariot which he had; and they cried before him: ‘Abrech’; and he set him over all the land of Egypt.", 41.44. "And Pharaoh said unto Joseph: ‘I am Pharaoh, and without thee shall no man lift up his hand or his foot in all the land of Egypt.’", 41.45. "And Pharaoh called Joseph’s name Zaphenath-paneah; and he gave him to wife Asenath the daughter of Poti-phera priest of On. And Joseph went out over the land of Egypt.—", 47.27. "And Israel dwelt in the land of Egypt, in the land of Goshen; and they got them possessions therein, and were fruitful, and multiplied exceedingly.",
5. Hebrew Bible, Esther, 1.6-1.7 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii Found in books: Gera (2014) 346
1.6. "חוּר כַּרְפַּס וּתְכֵלֶת אָחוּז בְּחַבְלֵי־בוּץ וְאַרְגָּמָן עַל־גְּלִילֵי כֶסֶף וְעַמּוּדֵי שֵׁשׁ מִטּוֹת זָהָב וָכֶסֶף עַל רִצְפַת בַּהַט־וָשֵׁשׁ וְדַר וְסֹחָרֶת׃", 1.7. "וְהַשְׁקוֹת בִּכְלֵי זָהָב וְכֵלִים מִכֵּלִים שׁוֹנִים וְיֵין מַלְכוּת רָב כְּיַד הַמֶּלֶךְ׃", 1.6. "there were hangings of white, fine cotton, and blue, bordered with cords of fine linen and purple, upon silver rods and pillars of marble; the couches were of gold and silver, upon a pavement of green, and white, and shell, and onyx marble.", 1.7. "And they gave them drink in vessels of gold—the vessels being diverse one from another—and royal wine in abundance, according to the bounty of the king.",
6. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 2.14, 3.11 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii Found in books: Gera (2014) 346; Salvesen et al (2020) 107
2.14. "וְהַיָּמִים אֲשֶׁר־הָלַכְנוּ מִקָּדֵשׁ בַּרְנֵעַ עַד אֲשֶׁר־עָבַרְנוּ אֶת־נַחַל זֶרֶד שְׁלֹשִׁים וּשְׁמֹנֶה שָׁנָה עַד־תֹּם כָּל־הַדּוֹר אַנְשֵׁי הַמִּלְחָמָה מִקֶּרֶב הַמַּחֲנֶה כַּאֲשֶׁר נִשְׁבַּע יְהוָה לָהֶם׃", 3.11. "כִּי רַק־עוֹג מֶלֶךְ הַבָּשָׁן נִשְׁאַר מִיֶּתֶר הָרְפָאִים הִנֵּה עַרְשׂוֹ עֶרֶשׂ בַּרְזֶל הֲלֹה הִוא בְּרַבַּת בְּנֵי עַמּוֹן תֵּשַׁע אַמּוֹת אָרְכָּהּ וְאַרְבַּע אַמּוֹת רָחְבָּהּ בְּאַמַּת־אִישׁ׃", 2.14. "And the days in which we came from Kadesh-barnea, until we were come over the brook Zered, were thirty and eight years; until all the generation, even the men of war, were consumed from the midst of the camp, as the LORD swore unto them.", 3.11. "For only Og king of Bashan remained of the remt of the Rephaim; behold, his bedstead was a bedstead of iron; is it not in Rabbah of the children of Ammon? nine cubits was the length thereof, and four cubits the breadth of it, after the cubit of a man.—",
7. Hesiod, Theogony, 870-880, 869 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018) 94
869. To miss the feasts and councils that they hold.
8. Hebrew Bible, Jeremiah, 6.24, 20.7, 20.9, 23.9, 50.24, 50.37 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii •cleopatra iii Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 71; Gera (2014) 346
6.24. "שָׁמַעְנוּ אֶת־שָׁמְעוֹ רָפוּ יָדֵינוּ צָרָה הֶחֱזִיקַתְנוּ חִיל כַּיּוֹלֵדָה׃", 20.7. "פִּתִּיתַנִי יְהוָה וָאֶפָּת חֲזַקְתַּנִי וַתּוּכָל הָיִיתִי לִשְׂחוֹק כָּל־הַיּוֹם כֻּלֹּה לֹעֵג לִי׃", 20.9. "וְאָמַרְתִּי לֹא־אֶזְכְּרֶנּוּ וְלֹא־אֲדַבֵּר עוֹד בִּשְׁמוֹ וְהָיָה בְלִבִּי כְּאֵשׁ בֹּעֶרֶת עָצֻר בְּעַצְמֹתָי וְנִלְאֵיתִי כַּלְכֵל וְלֹא אוּכָל׃", 23.9. "לַנְּבִאִים נִשְׁבַּר לִבִּי בְקִרְבִּי רָחֲפוּ כָּל־עַצְמוֹתַי הָיִיתִי כְּאִישׁ שִׁכּוֹר וּכְגֶבֶר עֲבָרוֹ יָיִן מִפְּנֵי יְהוָה וּמִפְּנֵי דִּבְרֵי קָדְשׁוֹ׃", 50.24. "יָקֹשְׁתִּי לָךְ וְגַם־נִלְכַּדְתְּ בָּבֶל וְאַתְּ לֹא יָדָעַתְּ נִמְצֵאת וְגַם־נִתְפַּשְׂתְּ כִּי בַיהוָה הִתְגָּרִית׃", 50.37. "חֶרֶב אֶל־סוּסָיו וְאֶל־רִכְבּוֹ וְאֶל־כָּל־הָעֶרֶב אֲשֶׁר בְּתוֹכָהּ וְהָיוּ לְנָשִׁים חֶרֶב אֶל־אוֹצְרֹתֶיהָ וּבֻזָּזוּ׃", 6.24. "’We have heard the fame thereof, our hands wax feeble, Anguish hath taken hold of us, And pain, as of a woman in travail.’", 20.7. "O LORD, Thou hast enticed me, and I was enticed, Thou hast overcome me, and hast prevailed; I am become a laughing-stock all the day, Every one mocketh me.", 20.9. "And if I say: ‘I will not make mention of Him, Nor speak any more in His name’, Then there is in my heart as it were a burning fire Shut up in my bones, And I weary myself to hold it in, But cannot.", 23.9. "Concerning the prophets. My heart within me is broken, All my bones shake; I am like a drunken man, And like a man whom wine hath overcome; Because of the LORD, And because of His holy words.", 50.24. "I have laid a snare for thee, and thou art also taken, O Babylon, And thou wast not aware; Thou art found, and also caught, Because thou hast striven against the LORD.", 50.37. "A sword is upon their horses, and upon their chariots, And upon all the mingled people that are in the midst of her, And they shall become as women; A sword is upon her treasures, and they shall be robbed.",
9. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 19.16, 19.19 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii Found in books: Gera (2014) 346; Salvesen et al (2020) 110
19.16. "בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא יִהְיֶה מִצְרַיִם כַּנָּשִׁים וְחָרַד וּפָחַד מִפְּנֵי תְּנוּפַת יַד־יְהוָה צְבָאוֹת אֲשֶׁר־הוּא מֵנִיף עָלָיו׃", 19.19. "בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא יִהְיֶה מִזְבֵּחַ לַיהוָה בְּתוֹךְ אֶרֶץ מִצְרָיִם וּמַצֵּבָה אֵצֶל־גְּבוּלָהּ לַיהוָה׃", 19.16. "In that day shall Egypt be like unto women; and it shall tremble and fear because of the shaking of the hand of the LORD of hosts, which He shaketh over it.", 19.19. "In that day shall there be an altar to the LORD in the midst of the land of Egypt, and a pillar at the border thereof to the LORD.",
10. Hebrew Bible, Habakkuk, 2.12 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 107
2.12. "הוֹי בֹּנֶה עִיר בְּדָמִים וְכוֹנֵן קִרְיָה בְּעַוְלָה׃", 2.12. "Woe to him that buildeth a town with blood, And establisheth a city by iniquity!",
11. Homer, Odyssey, 4.354-4.356, 13.73-13.80 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii •cleopatra, cleopatra vii philopator, as dido Found in books: Giusti (2018) 208; Salvesen et al (2020) 246
12. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 1215, 1239-1240 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 71
1240. τὸ μέλλον ἥξει. καὶ σύ μʼ ἐν τάχει παρὼν 1240. What is to be will come. And soon thou, present,
13. Aeschylus, Persians, 126, 128-129, 127 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018) 103
127. καὶ πεδοστιβὴς λεὼς
14. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 1.16, 1.71-1.81 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra, cleopatra vii philopator, on aeneas’ shield Found in books: Giusti (2018) 94
15. Plato, Symposium, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii Found in books: Taylor and Hay (2020) 346
16. Ennius, Annales, None (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra, cleopatra vii philopator, as dido Found in books: Giusti (2018) 245
17. Plautus, Poenulus, 104-107, 109-113, 1297, 108 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018) 79
18. Posidippus of Pella, Epigrams, None (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 246
19. Dead Sea Scrolls, Damascus Document, 1.11-1.16, 20.14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 107
20. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.5.77 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, as ‘new isis’ Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 191
21. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 5.118 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, as ‘new isis’ Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 191
5.118. Theodorus sq. Val. Max. 6,2 ext. 3 Lysimacho mortem minitanti magnum vero inquit effecisti, si cantharidis cantaridi sumi c. V cant aridis F vim consecutus es, Paulus Persi Persi XF Persae s deprecanti, ne in triumpho duceretur, in tua id quidem potestate est. multa primo die, primo die FV rec et b s primordie X cum de ipsa morte quaereremus, non pauca etiam postero, cum ageretur de dolore, sunt dicta de morte, quae qui recordetur, haud haud aut F sane periculum est ne non mortem aut optandam aut certe certa K 1 non timendam putet. mihi quidem in vita servanda videtur illa lex, quae in Graecorum conviviis optinetur: obtin. F aut bibat inquit aut abeat. habeat G 1 V et recte. aut enim fruatur aliquis pariter cum aliis voluptate potandi aut, ne sobrius in violentiam violentiam R ( R 2 ) vinolentorum incidat, ante discedat. discedat F s R 2 V b decedat KH dicebat GR 1 V sic iniurias fortunae, quas ferre nequeas, defugiendo relinquas. Haec eadem, quae Epicurus, totidem verbis dicit Hieronymus.
22. Dead Sea Scrolls, Damascus Document, 1.11-1.16, 20.14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 107
23. Dead Sea Scrolls, Community Rule, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 107
24. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, None (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gera (2014) 43
4.11. He set aside the existing royal concessions to the Jews, secured through John the father of Eupolemus, who went on the mission to establish friendship and alliance with the Romans; and he destroyed the lawful ways of living and introduced new customs contrary to the law.'
25. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 11.25-11.30 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 20, 21
11.25. "וְיָעֵר כֹּחוֹ וּלְבָבוֹ עַל־מֶלֶךְ הַנֶּגֶב בְּחַיִל גָּדוֹל וּמֶלֶךְ הַנֶּגֶב יִתְגָּרֶה לַמִּלְחָמָה בְּחַיִל־גָּדוֹל וְעָצוּם עַד־מְאֹד וְלֹא יַעֲמֹד כִּי־יַחְשְׁבוּ עָלָיו מַחֲשָׁבוֹת׃", 11.26. "וְאֹכְלֵי פַת־בָּגוֹ יִשְׁבְּרוּהוּ וְחֵילוֹ יִשְׁטוֹף וְנָפְלוּ חֲלָלִים רַבִּים׃", 11.27. "וּשְׁנֵיהֶם הַמְּלָכִים לְבָבָם לְמֵרָע וְעַל־שֻׁלְחָן אֶחָד כָּזָב יְדַבֵּרוּ וְלֹא תִצְלָח כִּי־עוֹד קֵץ לַמּוֹעֵד׃", 11.28. "וְיָשֹׁב אַרְצוֹ בִּרְכוּשׁ גָּדוֹל וּלְבָבוֹ עַל־בְּרִית קֹדֶשׁ וְעָשָׂה וְשָׁב לְאַרְצוֹ׃", 11.29. "לַמּוֹעֵד יָשׁוּב וּבָא בַנֶּגֶב וְלֹא־תִהְיֶה כָרִאשֹׁנָה וְכָאַחֲרֹנָה׃", 11.25. "And he shall stir up his power and his courage against the king of the south with a great army; and the king of the south shall stir himself up to battle with a very great and mighty army; but he shall not stand, for they shall devise devices against him.", 11.26. "Yea, they that eat of his food shall destroy him, and his army shall be swept away; and many shall fall down slain.", 11.27. "And as for both these kings, their hearts shall be to do mischief, and they shall speak lies at one table; but it shall not prosper, for the end remaineth yet for the time appointed.", 11.28. "And he shall return to his own land with great substance; and his heart shall be against the holy covet; and he shall do his pleasure, and return to his own land.", 11.29. "At the time appointed he shall return, and come into the south; but it shall not be in the latter time as it was in the former.", 11.30. "For ships of Kittim shall come against him, and he shall be cowed, and he shall return, and have indignation against the holy covet, and shall do his pleasure; and he shall return, and have regard unto them that forsake the holy covet.",
26. Septuagint, Judith, 3.8, 8.6, 8.8, 11.7, 13.6-13.10, 13.15, 16.10, 16.19, 16.23, 16.25 (2nd cent. BCE - 0th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra iii •cleopatra ii Found in books: Gera (2014) 42, 43, 346
3.8. And he demolished all their shrines and cut down their sacred groves; for it had been given to him to destroy all the gods of the land, so that all nations should worship Nebuchadnezzar only, and all their tongues and tribes should call upon him as god. 8.6. She fasted all the days of her widowhood, except the day before the sabbath and the sabbath itself, the day before the new moon and the day of the new moon, and the feasts and days of rejoicing of the house of Israel. 8.8. No one spoke ill of her, for she feared God with great devotion. 11.7. Nebuchadnezzar the king of the whole earth lives, and as his power endures, who had sent you to direct every living soul, not only do men serve him because of you, but also the beasts of the field and the cattle and the birds of the air will live by your power under Nebuchadnezzar and all his house. 13.6. She went up to the post at the end of the bed, above Holofernes' head, and took down his sword that hung there. 13.7. She came close to his bed and took hold of the hair of his head, and said, "Give me strength this day, O Lord God of Israel!" 13.8. And she struck his neck twice with all her might, and severed it from his body. 13.9. Then she tumbled his body off the bed and pulled down the canopy from the posts; after a moment she went out, and gave Holofernes' head to her maid, 13.10. who placed it in her food bag. Then the two of them went out together, as they were accustomed to go for prayer; and they passed through the camp and circled around the valley and went up the mountain to Bethulia and came to its gates. 13.15. Then she took the head out of the bag and showed it to them, and said, "See, here is the head of Holofernes, the commander of the Assyrian army, and here is the canopy beneath which he lay in his drunken stupor. The Lord has struck him down by the hand of a woman. 16.10. The Persians trembled at her boldness, the Medes were daunted at her daring. 16.19. Judith also dedicated to God all the vessels of Holofernes, which the people had given her; and the canopy which she took for herself from his bedchamber she gave as a votive offering to the Lord. 16.23. She became more and more famous, and grew old in her husband's house, until she was one hundred and five years old. She set her maid free. She died in Bethulia, and they buried her in the cave of her husband Manasseh, 16.25. And no one ever again spread terror among the people of Israel in the days of Judith, or for a long time after her death.
27. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 8.17, 10.57-11.12, 11.1, 11.2, 11.3, 11.4, 11.5, 11.6, 11.7, 11.8, 11.9, 11.10, 11.11, 11.12, 11.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gera (2014) 43
8.17. So Judas chose Eupolemus the son of John, son of Accos, and Jason the son of Eleazar, and sent them to Rome to establish friendship and alliance,
28. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q169, 0, 3-4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 107
29. Polybius, Histories, 28.21, 29.2, 29.23, 31.17-31.18, 31.26-31.28, 33.1, 33.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 20, 21
28.21. 1.  Eulaeus the eunuch persuaded Ptolemy to take all his money with him, abandon his kingdom to the enemy, and retire to Samothrace.,2.  Who, reflecting on this, would not acknowledge that evil company does the greatest possible harm to men?,3.  For a prince, standing in no immediate danger and so far removed from his enemies, not to take any steps to fulfil his duty, especially as he commanded such great resources, and ruled over so great a country and so vast a population, but to yield up at once without a single effort such a splendid and prosperous kingdom, can only be described as the act of one whose mind is effeminate and utterly corrupted.,4.  Had Ptolemy been such a man by nature, we should have put the blame on nature and not accused anyone but himself.,5.  But since by his subsequent actions, Nature defended herself by showing Ptolemy to have been a man who was fairly steadfast and brave when in danger, it is evident that we should attribute to the eunuch and association with him his cowardice on this occasion and his haste to retire to Samothrace. 29.2. 1.  The senate, when they heard that Antiochus had become master of Egypt and very nearly of Alexandria itself,,2.  thinking that the aggrandizement of this king concerned them in a measure, dispatched Gaius Popilius as their legate,3.  to bring the war to an end, and to observe what the exact position of affairs was.,4.  Such was the situation in Italy. II. The War with Perseus Genthius joins Perseus (Cp. Livy XLIV.23) 29.23. 1.  In the Peloponnesus, when an embassy arrived while it was still winter from both kings, asking for help, there were several very warm debates.,2.  Callicrates, Diophanes, and Hyperbatus did not approve of sending help,,3.  but Archon, Lycortas, and Polybius were in favour of giving it according to the terms of the existing alliance.,4.  For the people had already proclaimed the younger Ptolemy king owing to the dangerous situation, while the elder one had come down from Memphis and shared the throne with his brother;,5.  and as they were in need of assistance from every possible quarter, they sent Eumenes and Dionysodorus on this embassy to the Achaeans begging for a thousand foot and two hundred horse, the whole force to be commanded by Lycortas and the cavalry by Polybius.,6.  They also sent a message to Theodoridas of Sicyon begging him to raise a mercenary force of a thousand men.,7.  The kings were particularly intimate with the men I have mentioned, owing to the circumstances narrated above.,8.  When the envoys arrived, the Achaean Assembly being then in session at Corinth, and when after renewing the friendly relations of the Achaeans and the kings, which were of a very close character, they brought before their eyes the danger in which the kings stood, and begged for help,,9.  the Achaean people were ready to go, not only with a part of their forces, but if necessary with the whole, to fight for the two kings, both of whom wore the crown and exercised royal authority.,10.  Callicrates and the others, however, opposed it, saying that generally speaking they should not meddle with such matters, and at the present time should most strictly avoid it and give undivided attention to serving the cause of Rome.,11.  For this was just the time when a decisive end of the war was expected, as Quintus Philippus was in winter quarters in Macedonia. 31.17. 1.  After this the younger Ptolemy arriving in Greece with the legates, collected a powerful force of mercenaries,,2.  among whom was the Macedonian Damasippus, who, after murdering the members of the council at Phacus fled from Macedonia with his wife and family.,3.  Arriving in the Rhodian Peraea, the king was hospitably received there by the state, and proposed to sail for Cyprus.,4.  Torquatus and his colleagues, seeing that he had got together this formidable force of mercenaries, reminded him of their instructions, which were that his return to Cyprus must be effected without war,,5.  and finally persuaded him after proceeding as far as Side to dismiss the troops, and abandoning his attempt on Cyprus to meet them on the borders of Cyrene.,6.  They themselves, they said, would sail to Alexandria, and after inducing the king to submit to the senate's request, would come to meet him on the frontier accompanied by his brother.,7.  The younger Ptolemy, persuaded by these arguments, gave up his Cyprian project, disbanded his mercenary force,,8.  and took ship first of all for Crete accompanied by Damasippus and one of the legates, Gnaeus Merula. After collecting in Crete a force of about a thousand soldiers he set sail and crossing to Africa landed at Apis. 31.18. 1.  Meanwhile Torquatus and the other legates on arriving at Alexandria attempted to induce the elder Ptolemy to be reconciled to his brother and cede Cyprus to him.,2.  When the king kept on alternately promising and refusing and thus wasted time,,3.  his younger brother, who, as had been agreed, remained encamped with his Cretans near Apis in Africa, and was exceedingly put out at receiving no information, at first sent Gnaeus to Alexandria, supposing that he would bring Torquatus and the others.,4.  But when Gnaeus proved equally inactive, and time dragged on, forty days having passed without any news, he did not know what to make of the whole matter.,5.  For the elder king by every kind of complaisance won over the legates and detained them with him rather against their will than otherwise.,6.  At the same time news reached the younger Ptolemy that the Cyreneans had revolted, that the towns were in sympathy with them, and that Ptolemy Sympetesis, an Egyptian, ,7.  whom he had placed in charge of the country when he left for Rome, had taken the part of the insurgents.,8.  When he received this news, and when soon afterwards he heard that the Cyreneans had taken the field, fearing lest by trying to add Cyprus to his dominions he should lose Cyrene also, he treated all other matters as of lesser moment and at once marched on Cyrene.,9.  Upon reaching the place known as the Great Slope he found the Libyans and Cyreneans occupying the pass.,10.  Ptolemy, taken aback by this, embarked half of his force on the ships with orders to sail round the pass and take the enemy in the rear, while he himself with the other half advanced directly to force the ascent.,11.  Upon the Libyans taking fright at this double attack and abandoning their position, he made himself master of the ascent and the place called the Four Towers beneath it, where there was plenty of water.,12.  Setting out thence he arrived after six days' march through the desert.,13.  The force under Mochyrinus coasted along parallel to him until they found the Cyreneans encamped eight thousand strong in foot and five hundred in cavalry.,14.  For the Cyreneans had gained experience of Ptolemy's character from his behaviour at Alexandria, and, seeing that his government and his whole disposition were those of a tyrant rather than a king,,15.  they were by no means disposed to submit willingly to his rule, but were resolved to suffer anything for the prospect of liberty.,16.  They, therefore, on his approach, at once offered battle and in the end he was worsted. 31.26. 1.  The first occasion was the death of the mother of his adoptive father. She was the sister of his own father, Lucius Aemilius, and wife of his grandfather by adoption, the great Scipio.,2.  He inherited from her a large fortune and in his treatment of it was to give the first proof of his high principle.,3.  This lady whose name was Aemilia, used to display great magnificence whenever she left her house to take part in the ceremonies that women attend, having participated in the fortune of Scipio when he was at the height of his prosperity.,4.  For apart from the richness of her own dress and of the decorations of her carriage, all the baskets, cups, and other utensils for the sacrifice were either of gold or silver, and were borne in her train on all such solemn occasions,,5.  while the number of maids and men-servants in attendance was correspondingly large.,6.  Immediately after Aemilia's funeral all these splendid appointments were given by Scipio to his mother, who had been for many years separated from her husband, and whose means were not sufficient to maintain a state suitable to her rank.,7.  Formerly she had kept to her house on the occasion of such functions, and now when a solemn public sacrifice happened to take place, and she drove out in all Aemilia's state and splendour, and when in addition the carriage and pair and the muleteers were seen to be the same,,8.  all the women who witnessed it were lost in admiration of Scipio's goodness and generosity and, lifting up their hands, prayed that every blessing might be his.,9.  Such conduct would naturally be admired anywhere, but in Rome it was a marvel; for absolutely no one there ever gives away anything to anyone if he can help it.,10.  This then was the first origin of his reputation for nobility of character, and it advanced rapidly, for women are fond of talking and once they have started a thing never have too much of it. 31.27. 1.  In the next place he had to pay the daughters of the great Scipio, the sisters of his adoptive father, the half of their portion.,2.  Their father had agreed to give each of his daughters fifty talents,,3.  and their mother had paid the half of this to their husbands at once on their marriage, but left the other half owing on her death.,4.  Thus Scipio had to pay this debt to his father's sisters.,5.  According to Roman law the part of the dowry still due had to be paid to the ladies in three years, the personal property being first handed over within ten months according to Roman usage.,6.  But Scipio at once ordered his banker to pay each of them in ten months the whole twenty-five talents.,7.  When the ten months had elapsed, and Tiberius Gracchus and Scipio Nasica, who were the husbands of the ladies, applied to the banker and asked him if he had received any orders from Scipio about the money, and when the banker asked them to receive the sum and made out for each of them a transfer of twenty-five talents, they said he was mistaken;,8.  for according to law they should not at once receive the whole sum, but only a third of it.,9.  But when he told them that these were Scipio's orders, they could not believe it, but went on to call on the young man, under the impression that he was in error.,10.  And this was quite natural on their part; for not only would no one in Rome pay fifty talents three years before it was due, but no one would pay one talent before the appointed day;,11.  so universal and so extreme is their exactitude about money as well as their desire to profit by every moment of time.,12.  However, when they called on Scipio and asked him what orders he had given the banker, and he told them he had ordered him to pay the whole sum to his sisters, they said he was mistaken,,13.  since he had the legal right to use the sum for a considerable time yet.,14.  Scipio answered that he was quite aware of that, but that while as regards strangers he insisted on the letter of the law, he behaved as far as he could in an informal and liberal way to his relatives and friends.,15.  He therefore begged them to accept the whole sum from the banker.,16.  Tiberius and Nasica on hearing this went away without replying, astounded at Scipio's magimity and abashed at their own meanness, although they were second to none in Rome. 31.28. 1.  Two years later, when his own father Aemilius died, and left him and his brother Fabius heirs to his estate, he again acted in a noble manner deserving of mention.,2.  Aemilius was childless, as he had given some of his sons to be adopted by other families and those whom he had kept to succeed him were dead, and he therefore left his property to Scipio and Fabius.,3.  Scipio, knowing that his brother was by no means well off, gave up the whole inheritance, which was estimated at more than sixty talents, to him in order that Fabius might thus possess a fortune equal to his own.,4.  This became widely known, and he now gave an even more conspicuous proof of his generosity.,5.  His brother wished to give a gladiatorial show on the occasion of his father's funeral, but was unable to meet the expense, which was very considerable, and Scipio contributed the half of it out of his own fortune.,6.  The total expense of such a show amounts to not less than thirty talents if it is done on a generous scale.,7.  While the report of this was still fresh, his mother died,,8.  and Scipio, far from taking back any of the gifts I mentioned above, gave the whole of it and the residue of his mother's property to his sisters, who had no legal claim to it.,9.  So that again when his sisters had thus come into the processional furniture and all the establishment of Aemilia, the fame of Scipio for magimity and family affection was again revived.,10.  Having thus from his earliest years laid the foundations of it, Publius Scipio advanced in his pursuit of this reputation for temperance and nobility of character.,11.  By the expenditure of perhaps sixty talents — for that was what he had bestowed from his own property — his reputation for the second of these virtues was firmly established, and he did not attain his purpose so much by the largeness of the sums he gave as by the seasonableness of the gift and the gracious manner in which he conferred it.,12.  His reputation for temperance cost him nothing, but by abstaining from many and varied pleasures he gained in addition that bodily health and vigour which he enjoyed for the whole of his life,,13.  and which by the many pleasures of which it was the cause amply rewarded him for his former abstention from common pleasures. 33.1. 1.  The senate, while it was still winter, had heard what Publius Lentulus had to report about King Prusias, as this legate had just returned from Asia, and they now summoned also Athenaeus, the brother of King Attalus.,2.  They did not, however, require many words about him, but at once appointed Gaius Claudius Cento, Lucius Hortensius, and Gaius Aurunculeius their legates and sent them off in company with Athenaeus with orders to prevent Prusias from making war on Attalus. Embassy on behalf of the Achaean exiles ,3.  There came also to Rome an embassy from the Achaeans consisting of Xenon of Aegium and Telecles of Aegeira on behalf of those in detention.,4.  After they had spoken in the senate, upon the matter being put to the vote, the senate came very near setting the suspects free.,5.  That their liberation was not carried out was the fault of Aulus Postumius Albinus, at this time praetor and as such presiding over the senate.,6.  For while there were three resolutions, one for their release, another opposed to this, and a third for postponement of the release for the present, the majority being in favour of release,,7.  Aulus passing over the third alternative put the question in general terms: "Who is for releasing the men and who against it?",8.  Consequently those who were for delay joined those who were for absolute refusal, and thus gave a majority against release. Such were these events. Embassy from Athens (From Aulus Gellius, N.A. VI (VII).14.8‑10) 33.8. 1.  At about the same time envoys also arrived from the people of Marseilles,,2.  who had for long suffered from the incursions of the Ligurians, and were now entirely hemmed in, the cities of Antibes and Nice being besieged as well. They therefore sent envoys to Rome to inform the senate of this and beg for help.,3.  Upon their coming before the senate, it was decided to send legates to witness with their own eyes what was happening, and to attempt by remonstrances to correct the misconduct of the barbarians.
30. Dead Sea Scrolls, Pesher On Habakkuk, 10.9-10.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 107
31. Propertius, Elegies, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018) 42
32. Philo of Alexandria, Who Is The Heir, 69 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii Found in books: Taylor and Hay (2020) 346
69. Therefore if any desire comes upon thee, O soul, to be the inheritor of the good things of God, leave not only thy country, the body, and thy kindred, the outward senses, and thy father's house, that is speech; but also flee from thyself, and depart out of thyself, like the Corybantes, or those possessed with demons, being driven to frenzy, and inspired by some prophetic inspiration.
33. Philo of Alexandria, Allegorical Interpretation, 1.84 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii Found in books: Taylor and Hay (2020) 346
34. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 122, 131-158, 165, 250, 282, 346, 80, 31 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor and Hay (2020) 231
31. but when they did not dare to do so, he himself taking the sword inquired in his ignorance and want of experience what was the most mortal place, in order that by a well-directed blow he might cut short his miserable life; and they, like instructors in misery, led him on his way, and pointed out to him the part into which he was to thrust his sword; and he, having thus learnt his first and last lesson, became himself, miserable that he was, his own murderer under compulsion. VI.
35. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor and Hay (2020) 1
17.52.6.  The number of its inhabitants surpasses that of those in other cities. At the time when we were in Egypt, those who kept the census returns of the population said that its free residents were more than three hundred thousand, and that the king received from the revenues of the country more than six thousand talents.
36. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 122-123, 173-174, 34-53, 55-56, 64, 74-75, 78-80, 84-85, 95-96, 30 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor and Hay (2020) 231
30. And then again his friends and companions came and stirred up the miserable Flaccus, inviting, and exciting, and stimulating him to feel the same envy with themselves; saying, "The arrival of this man to take upon him his government is equivalent to a deposition of yourself. He is invested with a greater dignity of honour and glory than you. He attracts all eyes towards himself when they see the array of sentinels and bodyguards around him adorned with silvered and gilded arms.
37. Philo of Alexandria, On The Life of Moses, 2.29-2.30 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 235
2.29. Ptolemy, surnamed Philadelphus, was the third in succession after Alexander, the monarch who subdued Egypt; and he was, in all virtues which can be displayed in government, the most excellent sovereign, not only of all those of his time, but of all that ever lived; so that even now, after the lapse of so many generations, his fame is still celebrated, as having left many instances and monuments of his magimity in the cities and districts of his kingdom, so that even now it is come to be a sort of proverbial expression to call excessive magnificence, and zeal, for honour and splendour in preparation, Philadelphian, from his name; 2.30. and, in a word, the whole family of the Ptolemies was exceedingly eminent and conspicuous above all other royal families, and among the Ptolemies, Philadelphus was the most illustrious; for all the rest put together scarcely did as many glorious and praiseworthy actions as this one king did by himself, being, as it were, the leader of the herd, and in a manner the head of all the kings.
38. Philo of Alexandria, On The Contemplative Life, 12-13, 29, 31, 34, 40-45, 47-79, 8, 80-89, 9, 90, 46 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor and Hay (2020) 231, 346
46. And I know some persons who, when they are completely filled with wine, before they are wholly overpowered by it, begin to prepare a drinking party for the next day by a kind of subscription and picnic contribution, conceiving a great part of their present delight to consist in the hope of future drunkenness;
39. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 3.23-3.25, 3.96 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 235; Taylor and Hay (2020) 231
3.23. While the lawgiver of the Egyptians, ridiculing the cautious timidity of the others as if they had established imperfect ordices, gave the reins to lasciviousness, supplying in great abundance that most incurable evil of intemperance both to body and soul, and permitting men fearlessly and with impunity to marry all their sisters, whether by both parents or by one, or by either, whether father or mother, and that too not only if younger than, but even when older than, or of the same age as themselves; for twins are very often born, which nature, indeed, at their very birth has dissevered and separated, but which incontinence and love of pleasure has invited to an association which ought never to be entered into, and to a most inharmonious agreement. 3.24. But the most sacred Moses, rejecting all those ordices with detestation, as being quite inconsistent with and at variance with any praiseworthy kind of constitution, and as laws which encouraged and trained people to the most disgraceful of all habits, almost peremptorily prohibited any connection with a man's sister, whether by both parents, or whether only by one of the two; 3.25. for why should any one seek to deface the beauty of modesty? And why make virgins destitute of all modesty, to whom it is becoming to blush? And, moreover, why should one be willing to limit the associations and connections with other men, and to confine a most honourable thing within the narrow space of the walls of a single house, which ought rather to be extended and diffused over all continents, and islands, and the whole inhabited world? For the intermarriages with strangers produce new relationships, which are in no respect inferior to those which proceed from ties of blood.V. 3.96. Accordingly, it has happened before now that very numerous parties of men who have come together in good fellowship to eat of the same salt and to sit at the same table, have suffered at such a time of harmony things wholly incompatible with it, being suddenly killed, and have thus met with death instead of feasting. On which account it is fitting that even the most merciful, and gentle, and moderate of men should approve of such persons being put to death, who are all but the same as murderers who slay with their own hand; and that they should think it consistent with holiness, not to commit their punishment to others, but to execute it themselves.
40. Philo of Alexandria, On Dreams, 2.24 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii Found in books: Taylor and Hay (2020) 231
2.24. For he means here that the virtuous man is not merely the judge of things which differ from one another, and that he does not only distinguish the things from which some produce is derived from the produce itself; but that he is able also to distinguish while reaping the harvest, to remove this opinion of his ability to distinguish, and to eradicate a man's own opinion of himself; because he is firmly persuaded, and believes Moses when he affirms that "judgment belongs to God Alone," with whom are the comparisons and distinctions between all things; to whom it is well for a man to confess that he is inferior, a confession more glorious than the most renowned victory.
41. Livy, History, 6.2.2, 6.17.4, 21.3, 21.4, 23.26.3, 30.12, 30.13, 30.14, 30.15, 30.45.5, 38.60.6, 44.19-45.11, 44.19, 45.12, 45.12.6, 45.12.3, 45.12.2, 45.12.5, 45.12.4, 45.12.1, 45.42.5 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018) 14, 16
42. Philo of Alexandria, On Drunkenness, 36 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 246
36. Now of the soul attached to its mother, yielding to the opinions of the many and constantly changing its appearance in accordance with the various forms arising from the manifold and different ways of life, after the manner of the Egyptian Proteus, who was able to assume the likeness of anything in the whole world, and to conceal his real form so as to render it entirely invisible, the most visible image is Jothor, a compound of pride, who evidently represents a city and constitution of men from all quarters, and of all nations, carried away by vain opinions.
43. Ovid, Tristia, 4.10.27-4.10.30 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 64
44. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 4.450-4.451, 7.413-7.414, 13.708 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of •cleopatra vii, faded figure in statius’ propempticon •cleopatra vii, suicide of Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 200, 212
4.450. ingemuit limen, tria Cerberus extulit ora 4.451. et tres latratus semel edidit. Illa sorores 7.413. Cerberon abstraxit; rabida qui concitus ira 7.414. implevit pariter ternis latratibus auras 13.708. urbibus Ausonios optant contingere portus:
45. Ovid, Fasti, 3.771-3.788, 6.201 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) •cleopatra, cleopatra vii philopator Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63; Rohland (2022) 104
3.771. restat, ut inveniam, quare toga libera detur 3.772. Lucifero pueris, candide Bacche, tuo: 3.773. sive quod ipse puer semper iuvenisque videris, 3.774. et media est aetas inter utrumque tibi: 3.775. seu, quia tu pater es, patres sua pignora, natos, 3.776. commendant curae numinibusque tuis: 3.777. sive, quod es Liber, vestis quoque libera per te 3.778. sumitur et vitae liberioris iter: 3.779. an quia, cum colerent prisci studiosius agros, 3.780. et faceret patrio rure senator opus, 3.781. et caperet fasces a curvo consul aratro, 3.782. nec crimen duras esset habere manus, 3.783. rusticus ad ludos populus veniebat in urbem 3.784. (sed dis, non studiis ille dabatur honor: 3.785. luce sua ludos uvae commentor habebat, 3.786. quos cum taedifera nunc habet ille dea): 3.787. ergo ut tironem celebrare frequentia posset, 3.788. visa dies dandae non aliena togae? 6.201. hac sacrata die Tusco Bellona duello 3.771. of manhood, is given to boys on your day, Bacchus: 3.772. Whether it’s because you seem to be ever boy or youth, 3.773. And your age is somewhere between the two: 3.774. Or because you’re a father, fathers commend their sons, 3.775. Their pledges of love, to your care and divinity: 3.776. Or because you’re Liber, the gown of liberty 3.777. And a more liberated life are adopted, for you: 3.778. Or is it because, in the days when the ancients tilled the field 3.779. More vigorously, and Senators worked their fathers’ land, 3.780. And ‘rods and axes’ took Consuls from the curving plough, 3.781. And it wasn’t a crime to have work-worn hands, 3.782. The farmers came to the City for the games, 3.783. (Though that was an honour paid to the gods, and not 3.784. Their inclination: and the grape’s discoverer held his game 3.785. This day, while now he shares that of torch-bearing Ceres): 3.786. And the day seemed not unfitting for granting the toga, 3.787. So that a crowd could celebrate the fresh novice? 3.788. Father turn your mild head here, and gentle horns, 6.201. On that day, they say, during the Tuscan War, Bellona’
46. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.77 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 36
1.77. Nec fuge linigerae Memphitica templa iuvencae:
47. Ovid, Amores, 1.8.74 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 36
1.8.74. Et modo, quae causas praebeat, Isis erit.
48. Nicolaus of Damascus, Fragments, 4.10 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 64
49. Anon., Sibylline Oracles, 1.289, 3.2-3.6, 3.110-3.155, 3.296-3.297, 3.827, 5.500-5.510, 11.248-11.249 (1st cent. BCE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii •cleopatra iii Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 20, 21, 24, 71, 162; Bezzel and Pfeiffer (2021) 27; Salvesen et al (2020) 110
50. Horace, Odes, 1.37, 1.37.5-1.37.6, 1.37.29, 2.7.13-2.7.16, 2.12, 3.14, 3.23.3-3.23.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii philopator •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of •cleopatra vii, and wine •cleopatra vii, as ‘new isis’ •cleopatra vii, faded figure in statius’ propempticon •cleopatra vii, hostess to caesar •cleopatra vii, suicide of •cleopatra vii •cleopatra, cleopatra vii philopator •cleopatra, cleopatra vii philopator, as sophoniba •cleopatra, cleopatra vii philopator, and hannibal •cleopatra, cleopatra vii philopator, as barbarian •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 98; Edmondson (2008) 63; Giusti (2018) 25, 26, 241; Manolaraki (2012) 31, 76, 187, 192, 209, 212; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 195; Rohland (2022) 104
51. Horace, Epodes, 8.12, 9.1, 9.16 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gera (2014) 346; Manolaraki (2012) 191; Rohland (2022) 104
52. Philo of Alexandria, On The Creation of The World, 70-71 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor and Hay (2020) 346
71. and perceiving in that, the original models and ideas of those things intelligible by the external senses which it saw here full of surpassing beauty, it becomes seized with a sort of sober intoxication like the zealots engaged in the Corybantian festivals, and yields to enthusiasm, becoming filled with another desire, and a more excellent longing, by which it is conducted onwards to the very summit of such things as are perceptible only to the intellect, till it appears to be reaching the great King himself. And while it is eagerly longing to behold him pure and unmingled, rays of divine light are poured forth upon it like a torrent, so as to bewilder the eyes of its intelligence by their splendour. But as it is not every image that resembles its archetypal model, since many are unlike, Moses has shown this by adding to the words "after his image," the expression, "in his likeness," to prove that it means an accurate impression, having a clear and evident resemblance in form. XXIV.
53. Philo of Alexandria, On Planting, 39 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii Found in books: Taylor and Hay (2020) 231
54. Sallust, Iugurtha, 6.1, 7.4-7.5, 58.3.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra, cleopatra vii philopator, as dido •cleopatra vii philopator Found in books: Giusti (2018) 16; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 19
55. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 36
56. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 34.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of •cleopatra vii •ptolemy philadelphus (son of cleopatra vii and mark antony) Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 76; Salvesen et al (2020) 218
57. Philo of Alexandria, Plant., 39 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii Found in books: Taylor and Hay (2020) 231
58. Tibullus, Elegies, 1.10.21-1.10.24 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63
59. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 81.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63
60. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 16.1, 16.3, 23.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii philopator Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 195
61. Tacitus, Annals, 2.59-2.61 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 30, 36
2.59. M. Silano L. Norbano consulibus Germanicus Aegyptum proficiscitur cognoscendae antiquitatis. sed cura provinciae praetendebatur, levavitque apertis horreis pretia frugum multaque in vulgus grata usurpavit: sine milite incedere, pedibus intectis et pari cum Graecis amictu, P. Scipionis aemulatione, quem eadem factitavisse apud Siciliam, quamvis flagrante adhuc Poenorum bello, accepimus. Tiberius cultu habituque eius lenibus verbis perstricto, acerrime increpuit quod contra instituta Augusti non sponte principis Alexandriam introisset. nam Augustus inter alia dominationis arcana, vetitis nisi permissu ingredi senatoribus aut equitibus Romanis inlustribus, seposuit Aegyptum ne fame urgeret Italiam quisquis eam provinciam claustraque terrae ac maris quamvis levi praesidio adversum ingentis exercitus insedisset. 2.61. Ceterum Germanicus aliis quoque miraculis intendit animum, quorum praecipua fuere Memnonis saxea effigies, ubi radiis solis icta est, vocalem sonum reddens, disiectasque inter et vix pervias arenas instar montium eductae pyramides certamine et opibus regum, lacusque effossa humo, superfluentis Nili receptacula; atque alibi angustiae et profunda altitudo, nullis inquirentium spatiis penetrabilis. exim ventum Elephantinen ac Syenen, claustra olim Romani imperii, quod nunc rubrum ad mare patescit. 2.60.  Not yet aware, however, that his itinerary was disapproved, Germanicus sailed up the Nile, starting from the town of Canopus — founded by the Spartans in memory of the helmsman so named, who was buried there in the days when Menelaus, homeward bound for Greece, was blown to a distant sea and the Libyan coast. From Canopus he visited the next of the river-mouths, which is sacred to Hercules (an Egyptian born, according to the local account, and the eldest of the name, the others of later date and equal virtue being adopted into the title); then, the vast remains of ancient Thebes. On piles of masonry Egyptian letters still remained, embracing the tale of old magnificence, and one of the senior priests, ordered to interpret his native tongue, related that "once the city contained seven hundred thousand men of military age, and with that army King Rhamses, after conquering Libya and Ethiopia, the Medes and the Persians, the Bactrian and the Scyth, and the lands where the Syrians and Armenians and neighbouring Cappadocians dwell, had ruled over all that lies between the Bithynian Sea on the one hand and the Lycian on the other." The tribute-lists of the subject nations were still legible: the weight of silver and gold, the number of weapons and horses, the temple-gifts of ivory and spices, together with the quantities of grain and other necessaries of life to be paid by the separate countries; revenues no less imposing than those which are now exacted by the might of Parthia or by Roman power. 2.61.  But other marvels, too, arrested the attention of Germanicus: in especial, the stone colossus of Memnon, which emits a vocal sound when touched by the rays of the sun; the pyramids reared mountain high by the wealth of emulous kings among wind-swept and all but impassable sands; the excavated lake which receives the overflow of Nile; and, elsewhere, narrow gorges and deeps impervious to the plummet of the explorer. Then he proceeded to Elephantine and Syene, once the limits of the Roman Empire, which now stretches to the Persian Gulf.
62. Tacitus, Histories, 1.11.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 30
63. Appian, Civil Wars, 1.102, 2.89, 2.379, 4.30 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii •cleopatra iii •cleopatra vii, hostess to caesar •cleopatra vii, suicide of •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 73; Edmondson (2008) 64; Manolaraki (2012) 48, 209
64. Martial, Epigrams, 6.80, 10.26 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of •cleopatra vii, and wine •cleopatra vii, faded figure in statius’ propempticon Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 187, 213
65. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 81.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63
66. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 12.8, 12.237, 12.242, 13.4.1-13.4.7, 13.10.1, 13.13.4, 13.58, 13.62-13.73, 13.80-13.119, 13.267, 13.285, 13.287, 13.331-13.349, 13.353-13.364, 13.399-13.416, 13.430, 13.432, 14.98-14.99, 14.117, 14.127-14.133, 14.188-14.189 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 21, 22, 24, 73, 162, 181; Gera (2014) 42; Gordon (2020) 123; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 209; Salvesen et al (2020) 107, 110, 111; Taylor and Hay (2020) 2
12.8. And as he knew that the people of Jerusalem were most faithful in the observation of oaths and covets; and this from the answer they made to Alexander, when he sent an embassage to them, after he had beaten Darius in battle; so he distributed many of them into garrisons, and at Alexandria gave them equal privileges of citizens with the Macedonians themselves; and required of them to take their oaths, that they would keep their fidelity to the posterity of those who committed these places to their care. 12.237. 1. About this time, upon the death of Onias the high priest, they gave the high priesthood to Jesus his brother; for that son which Onias left [or Onias IV.] was yet but an infant; and, in its proper place, we will inform the reader of all the circumstances that befell this child. 12.242. 2. Now Antiochus, upon the agreeable situation of the affairs of his kingdom, resolved to make an expedition against Egypt, both because he had a desire to gain it, and because he condemned the son of Ptolemy, as now weak, and not yet of abilities to manage affairs of such consequence; 13.58. 4. This was what Demetrius promised and granted to the Jews by this letter. But king Alexander raised a great army of mercenary soldiers, and of those that deserted to him out of Syria, and made an expedition against Demetrius. 13.62. 1. But then the son of Onias the high priest, who was of the same name with his father, and who fled to king Ptolemy, who was called Philometor, lived now at Alexandria, as we have said already. When this Onias saw that Judea was oppressed by the Macedonians and their kings, 13.63. out of a desire to purchase to himself a memorial and eternal fame he resolved to send to king Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra, to ask leave of them that he might build a temple in Egypt like to that at Jerusalem, and might ordain Levites and priests out of their own stock. 13.64. The chief reason why he was desirous so to do, was, that he relied upon the prophet Isaiah, who lived above six hundred years before, and foretold that there certainly was to be a temple built to Almighty God in Egypt by a man that was a Jew. Onias was elevated with this prediction, and wrote the following epistle to Ptolemy and Cleopatra: 13.65. “Having done many and great things for you in the affairs of the war, by the assistance of God, and that in Celesyria and Phoenicia, I came at length with the Jews to Leontopolis, and to other places of your nation, 13.66. where I found that the greatest part of your people had temples in an improper manner, and that on this account they bare ill-will one against another, which happens to the Egyptians by reason of the multitude of their temples, and the difference of opinions about divine worship. Now I found a very fit place in a castle that hath its name from the country Diana; this place is full of materials of several sorts, and replenished with sacred animals; 13.67. I desire therefore that you will grant me leave to purge this holy place, which belongs to no master, and is fallen down, and to build there a temple to Almighty God, after the pattern of that in Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions, that may be for the benefit of thyself, and thy wife and children, that those Jews which dwell in Egypt may have a place whither they may come and meet together in mutual harmony one with another, and he subservient to thy advantages; 13.68. for the prophet Isaiah foretold that, ‘there should be an altar in Egypt to the Lord God;’” and many other such things did he prophesy relating to that place. 13.69. 2. And this was what Onias wrote to king Ptolemy. Now any one may observe his piety, and that of his sister and wife Cleopatra, by that epistle which they wrote in answer to it; for they laid the blame and the transgression of the law upon the head of Onias. And this was their reply: 13.70. “King Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra to Onias, send greeting. We have read thy petition, wherein thou desirest leave to be given thee to purge that temple which is fallen down at Leontopolis, in the Nomus of Heliopolis, and which is named from the country Bubastis; on which account we cannot but wonder that it should be pleasing to God to have a temple erected in a place so unclean, and so full of sacred animals. 13.71. But since thou sayest that Isaiah the prophet foretold this long ago, we give thee leave to do it, if it may be done according to your law, and so that we may not appear to have at all offended God herein.” 13.72. 3. So Onias took the place, and built a temple, and an altar to God, like indeed to that in Jerusalem, but smaller and poorer. I do not think it proper for me now to describe its dimensions or its vessels, which have been already described in my seventh book of the Wars of the Jews. 13.73. However, Onias found other Jews like to himself, together with priests and Levites, that there performed divine service. But we have said enough about this temple. 13.80. 1. Demetrius being thus slain in battle, as we have above related, Alexander took the kingdom of Syria; and wrote to Ptolemy Philometor, and desired his daughter in marriage; and said it was but just that he should be joined an affinity to one that had now received the principality of his forefathers, and had been promoted to it by God’s providence, and had conquered Demetrius, and that was on other accounts not unworthy of being related to him. 13.81. Ptolemy received this proposal of marriage gladly; and wrote him an answer, saluting him on account of his having received the principality of his forefathers; and promising him that he would give him his daughter in marriage; and assured him that he was coming to meet him at Ptolemais, and desired that he would there meet him, for that he would accompany her from Egypt so far, and would there marry his child to him. 13.82. When Ptolemy had written thus, he came suddenly to Ptolemais, and brought his daughter Cleopatra along with him; and as he found Alexander there before him, as he desired him to come, he gave him his child in marriage, and for her portion gave her as much silver and gold as became such a king to give. 13.83. 2. When the wedding was over, Alexander wrote to Jonathan the high priest, and desired him to come to Ptolemais. So when he came to these kings, and had made them magnificent presents, he was honored by them both. 13.84. Alexander compelled him also to put off his own garment, and to take a purple garment, and made him sit with him in his throne; and commanded his captains that they should go with him into the middle of the city, and proclaim, that it was not permitted to any one to speak against him, or to give him any disturbance. 13.85. And when the captains had thus done, those that were prepared to accuse Jonathan, and who bore him ill-will, when they saw the honor that was done him by proclamation, and that by the king’s order, ran away, and were afraid lest some mischief should befall them. Nay, king Alexander was so very kind to Jonathan, that he set him down as the principal of his friends. 13.86. 3. But then, upon the hundred and sixty-fifth year, Demetrius, the son of Demetrius, came from Crete with a great number of mercenary soldiers, which Lasthenes, the Cretian, brought him, and sailed to Cilicia. 13.87. This thing cast Alexander into great concern and disorder when he heard it; so he made haste immediately out of Phoenicia, and came to Antioch, that he might put matters in a safe posture there before Demetrius should come. 13.88. He also left Apollonius Daus governor of Celesyria, who coming to Jamnia with a great army, sent to Jonathan the high priest, and told him that it was not right that he alone should live at rest, and with authority, and not be subject to the king; that this thing had made him a reproach among all men, that he had not yet made him subject to the king. 13.89. “Do not thou therefore deceive thyself, and sit still among the mountains, and pretend to have forces with thee; but if thou hast any dependence on thy strength, come down into the plain, and let our armies be compared together, and the event of the battle will demonstrate which of us is the most courageous. 13.90. However, take notice, that the most valiant men of every city are in my army, and that these are the very men who have always beaten thy progenitors; but let us have the battle in such a place of the country where we may fight with weapons, and not with stones, and where there may be no place whither those that are beaten may fly.” 13.91. 4. With this Jonathan was irritated; and choosing himself out ten thousand of his soldiers, he went out of Jerusalem in haste, with his brother Simon, and came to Joppa, and pitched his camp on the outside of the city, because the people of Joppa had shut their gates against him, for they had a garrison in the city put there by Apollonius. 13.92. But when Jonathan was preparing to besiege them, they were afraid he would take them by force, and so they opened the gates to him. But Apollonius, when he heard that Joppa was taken by Jonathan, took three thousand horsemen, and eight thousand footmen and came to Ashdod; and removing thence, he made his journey silently and slowly, and going up to Joppa, he made as if he was retiring from the place, and so drew Jonathan into the plain, as valuing himself highly upon his horsemen, and having his hopes of victory principally in them. 13.93. However, Jonathan sallied out, and pursued Apollonius to Ashdod; but as soon as Apollonius perceived that his enemy was in the plain, he came back and gave him battle. 13.94. But Apollonius had laid a thousand horsemen in ambush in a valley, that they might be seen by their enemies as behind them; which when Jonathan perceived, he was under no consternation, but ordering his army to stand in a square battle-array, he gave them a charge to fall on the enemy on both sides, and set them to face those that attacked them both before and behind; 13.95. and while the fight lasted till the evening, he gave part of his forces to his brother Simon, and ordered him to attack the enemies; but for himself, he charged those that were with him to cover themselves with their armor, and receive the darts of the horsemen, who did as they were commanded; so that the enemy’s horsemen, 13.96. while they threw their darts till they had no more left, did them no harm, for the darts that were thrown did not enter into their bodies, being thrown upon the shields that were united and conjoined together, the closeness of which easily overcame the force of the darts, and they flew about without any effect. 13.97. But when the enemy grew remiss in throwing their darts from morning till late at night, Simon perceived their weariness, and fell upon the body of men before him; and because his soldiers showed great alacrity, he put the enemy to flight. 13.98. And when the horsemen saw that the footmen ran away, neither did they stay themselves, but they being very weary, by the duration of the fight till the evening, and their hope from the footmen being quite gone, they basely ran away, and in great confusion also, till they were separated one from another, and scattered over all the plain. 13.99. Upon which Jonathan pursued them as far as Ashdod, and slew a great many of them, and compelled the rest, in despair of escaping, to fly to the temple of Dagon, which was at Ashdod; but Jonathan took the city on the first onset, and burnt it, and the villages about it; 13.100. nor did he abstain from the temple of Dagon itself, but burnt it also, and destroyed those that had fled to it. Now the entire multitude of the enemies that fell in the battle, and were consumed in the temple, were eight thousand. 13.101. When Jonathan therefore had overcome so great an army, he removed from Ashdod, and came to Askelon; and when he had pitched his camp without the city, the people of Askelon came out and met him, bringing him hospitable presents, and honoring him; so he accepted of their kind intentions, and returned thence to Jerusalem with a great deal of prey, which he brought thence when he conquered his enemies. 13.102. But when Alexander heard that Apollonius, the general of his army, was beaten, he pretended to be glad of it, because he had fought with Jonathan his friend and ally against his directions. Accordingly, he sent to Jonathan, and gave testimony to his worth; and gave him honorary rewards, as a golden button, which it is the custom to give the king’s kinsmen, and allowed him Ekron and its toparchy for his own inheritance. 13.103. 5. About this time it was that king Ptolemy, who was called Philometor, led an army, part by the sea, and part by land, and came to Syria, to the assistance of Alexander, who was his son-in-law; 13.104. and accordingly all the cities received him willingly, as Alexander had commanded them to do, and conducted him as far as Ashdod; where they all made loud complaints about the temple of Dagon, which was burnt, and accused Jonathan of having laid it waste, and destroyed the country adjoining with fire, and slain a great number of them. 13.105. Ptolemy heard these accusations, but said nothing. Jonathan also went to meet Ptolemy as far as Joppa, and obtained from him hospitable presents, and those glorious in their kinds, with all the marks of honor; and when he had conducted him as far as the river called Eleutherus, he returned again to Jerusalem. 13.106. 6. But as Ptolemy was at Ptolemais, he was very near to a most unexpected destruction; for a treacherous design was laid for his life by Alexander, by the means of Ammonius, who was his friend; 13.107. and as the treachery was very plain, Ptolemy wrote to Alexander, and required of him that he should bring Ammonius to condign punishment, informing him what snares had been laid for him by Ammonius, and desiring that he might be accordingly punished for it. But when Alexander did not comply with his demands, he perceived that it was he himself who laid the design, and was very angry at him. 13.108. Alexander had also formerly been on very ill terms with the people of Antioch, for they had suffered very much by his means; yet did Ammonius at length undergo the punishment his insolent crimes had deserved, for he was killed in an opprobrious manner, like a woman, while he endeavored to conceal himself in a feminine habit, as we have elsewhere related. 13.109. 7. Hereupon Ptolemy blamed himself for having given his daughter in marriage to Alexander, and for the league he had made with him to assist him against Demetrius; so he dissolved his relation to him, 13.110. and took his daughter away from him, and immediately sent to Demetrius, and offered to make a league of mutual assistance and friendship with him, and agreed with him to give him his daughter in marriage, and to restore him to the principality of his fathers. Demetrius was well pleased with this embassage, and accepted of his assistance, and of the marriage of his daughter. 13.111. But Ptolemy had still one more hard task to do, and that was to persuade the people of Antioch to receive Demetrius, because they were greatly displeased at him, on account of the injuries his father Demetrius had done them; 13.112. yet did he bring this about; for as the people of Antioch hated Alexander on Ammonius’s account, as we have shown already, they were easily prevailed with to cast him out of Antioch; who, thus expelled out of Antioch, came into Cilicia. 13.113. Ptolemy came then to Antioch, and was made king by its inhabitants, and by the army; so that he was forced to put on two diadems, the one of Asia, the other of Egypt: 13.114. but being naturally a good and a righteous man, and not desirous of what belonged to others, and besides these dispositions, being also a wise man in reasoning about futurities, he determined to avoid the envy of the Romans; so he called the people of Antioch together to an assembly, and persuaded them to receive Demetrius; 13.115. and assured them that he would not be mindful of what they did to his father in case he should be now obliged by them; and he undertook that he would himself be a good monitor and governor to him, and promised that he would not permit him to attempt any bad actions; but that, for his own part, he was contented with the kingdom of Egypt. By which discourse he persuaded the people of Antioch to receive Demetrius. 13.116. 8. But now Alexander made haste with a numerous and great army, and came out of Cilicia into Syria, and burnt the country belonging to Antioch, and pillaged it; whereupon Ptolemy, and his son-in-law Demetrius, brought their army against him, (for he had already given him his daughter in marriage,) and beat Alexander, and put him to flight; 13.117. and accordingly he fled into Arabia. Now it happened in the time of the battle that Ptolemy’ horse, upon hearing the noise of an elephant, cast him off his back, and threw him on the ground; upon the sight of which accident, his enemies fell upon him, and gave him many wounds upon his head, and brought him into danger of death; for when his guards caught him up, he was so very ill, that for four days’ time he was not able either to understand or to speak. 13.118. However, Zabdiel, a prince among the Arabians, cut off Alexander’s head, and sent it to Ptolemy, who recovering of his wounds, and returning to his understanding, on the fifth day, heard at once a most agreeable hearing, and saw a most agreeable sight, which were the death and the head of Alexander; 13.119. yet a little after this his joy for the death of Alexander, with which he was so greatly satisfied, he also departed this life. Now Alexander, who was called Balas, reigned over Asia five years, as we have elsewhere related. 13.267. 3. And thus stood the affairs of Hyrcanus the high priest. But as for king Demetrius, who had a mind to make war against Hyrcanus, there was no opportunity nor room for it, while both the Syrians and the soldiers bare ill-will to him, because he was an ill man. But when they had sent ambassadors to Ptolemy, who was called Physcon, that he would send them one of the family of Seleucus, in order to take the kingdom, 13.285. for Cleopatra the queen was at variance with her son Ptolemy, who was called Lathyrus, and appointed for her generals Chelcias and Aias, the sons of that Onias who built the temple in the prefecture of Heliopolis, like to that at Jerusalem, as we have elsewhere related. 13.287. “Now the greater part, both those that came to Cyprus with us, and those that were sent afterward thither, revolted to Ptolemy immediately; only those that were called Onias’s party, being Jews, continued faithful, because their countrymen Chelcias and Aias were in chief favor with the queen.” These are the words of Strabo. 13.331. for that Cleopatra would not overlook an army raised by Ptolemy for himself out of the neighborhood, but would come against them with a great army of her own, and this because she was laboring to eject her son out of Cyprus also; that as for Ptolemy, if he fail of his hopes, he can still retire to Cyprus, but that they will be left in the greatest danger possible. 13.332. Now Ptolemy, although he had heard of the change that was made in the people of Ptolemais, yet did he still go on with his voyage, and came to the country called Sycamine, and there set his army on shore. 13.333. This army of his, in the whole horse and foot together, were about thirty thousand, with which he marched near to Ptolemais, and there pitched his camp. But when the people of Ptolemais neither received his ambassadors, nor would hear what they had to say, he was under a very great concern. 13.334. 4. But when Zoilus and the people of Gaza came to him, and desired his assistance, because their country was laid waste by the Jews, and by Alexander, Alexander raised the siege, for fear of Ptolemy: and when he had drawn off his army into his own country, he used a stratagem afterwards, by privately inviting Cleopatra to come against Ptolemy, but publicly pretending to desire a league of friendship and mutual assistance with him; 13.335. and promising to give him four hundred talents of silver, he desired that, by way of requital, he would take off Zoilus the tyrant, and give his country to the Jews. And then indeed Ptolemy, with pleasure, made such a league of friendship with Alexander, and subdued Zoilus; 13.336. but when he afterwards heard that he had privily sent to Cleopatra his mother, he broke the league with him, which yet he had confirmed with an oath, and fell upon him, and besieged Ptolemais, because it would not receive him. However, leaving his generals, with some part of his forces, to go on with the siege, he went himself immediately with the rest to lay Judea waste; 13.337. and when Alexander understood this to be Ptolemy’s intention, he also got together about fifty thousand soldiers out of his own country; nay, as some writers have said, eighty thousand He then took his army, and went to meet Ptolemy; but Ptolemy fell upon Asochis, a city of Galilee, and took it by force on the Sabbath day, and there he took about ten thousand slaves, and a great deal of other prey. 13.338. 5. He then tried to take Sepphoris, which was a city not far from that which was destroyed, but lost many of his men; yet did he then go to fight with Alexander; which Alexander met him at the river Jordan, near a certain place called Saphoth, [not far from the river Jordan,] and pitched his camp near to the enemy. 13.339. He had however eight thousand in the first rank, which he styled Hecatontomachi, having shields of brass. Those in the first rank of Ptolemy’s soldiers also had shields covered with brass. But Ptolemy’s soldiers in other respects were inferior to those of Alexander, and therefore were more fearful of running hazards; 13.340. but Philostephanus, the camp-master, put great courage into them, and ordered them to pass the river, which was between their camps. Nor did Alexander think fit to hinder their passage over it; for he thought, that if the enemy had once gotten the river on their back, that he should the easier take them prisoners, when they could not flee out of the battle: 13.341. in the beginning of which, the acts on both sides, with their hands, and with their alacrity, were alike, and a great slaughter was made by both the armies; but Alexander was superior, till Philostephanus opportunely brought up the auxiliaries, to help those that were giving way; 13.342. but as there were no auxiliaries to afford help to that part of the Jews that gave way, it fell out that they fled, and those near them did no assist them, but fled along with them. However, Ptolemy’s soldiers acted quite otherwise; 13.343. for they followed the Jews, and killed them, till at length those that slew them pursued after them when they had made them all run away, and slew them so long, that their weapons of iron were blunted, and their hands quite tired with the slaughter; 13.344. for the report was, that thirty thousand men were then slain. Timagenes says they were fifty thousand. As for the rest, they were part of them taken captives, and the other part ran away to their own country. 13.345. 6. After this victory, Ptolemy overran all the country; and when night came on, he abode in certain villages of Judea, which when he found full of women and children, he commanded his soldiers to strangle them, and to cut them in pieces, and then to cast them into boiling caldrons, and then to devour their limbs as sacrifices. 13.346. This commandment was given, that such as fled from the battle, and came to them, might suppose their enemies were cannibals, and eat men’s flesh, and might on that account be still more terrified at them upon such a sight. 13.347. And both Strabo and Nicholaus [of Damascus] affirm, that they used these people after this manner, as I have already related. Ptolemy also took Ptolemais by force, as we have declared elsewhere. 13.348. 1. When Cleopatra saw that her son was grown great, and laid Judea waste, without disturbance, and had gotten the city of Gaza under his power, she resolved no longer to overlook what he did, when he was almost at her gates; and she concluded, that now he was so much stronger than before, he would be very desirous of the dominion over the Egyptians; 13.349. but she immediately marched against him, with a fleet at sea and an army of foot on land, and made Chelcias and Aias the Jews generals of her whole army, while she sent the greatest part of her riches, her grandchildren, and her testament, to the people of Cos. 13.353. in which time Cleopatra took the garrison that was in Ptolemais by siege, as well as the city; and when Alexander came to her, he gave her presents, and such marks of respect as were but proper, since under the miseries he endured by Ptolemy he had no other refuge but her. Now there were some of her friends who persuaded her to seize Alexander, and to overrun and take possession of the country, and not to sit still and see such a multitude of brave Jews subject to one man. 13.354. But Aias’s counsel was contrary to theirs, who said that “she would do an unjust action if she deprived a man that was her ally of that authority which belonged to him, and this a man who is related to us; for,” said he, “I would not have thee ignorant of this, that what injustice thou dost to him will make all us that are Jews to be thy enemies.” 13.355. This desire of Aias Cleopatra complied with, and did no injury to Alexander, but made a league of mutual assistance with him at Scythopolis, a city of Celesyria. 13.356. 3. So when Alexander was delivered from the fear he was in of Ptolemy, he presently made an expedition against Celesyria. He also took Gadara, after a siege of ten months. He took also Amathus, a very strong fortress belonging to the inhabitants above Jordan, where Theodorus, the son of Zeno, had his chief treasure, and what he esteemed most precious. This Zeno fell unexpectedly upon the Jews, and slew ten thousand of them, and seized upon Alexander’s baggage. 13.357. Yet did not this misfortune terrify Alexander; but he made an expedition upon the maritime parts of the country, Raphia and Anthedon, (the name of which king Herod afterwards changed to Agrippias,) and took even that by force. 13.358. But when Alexander saw that Ptolemy was retired from Gaza to Cyprus, and his mother Cleopatra was returned to Egypt, he grew angry at the people of Gaza, because they had invited Ptolemy to assist them, and besieged their city, and ravaged their country. 13.359. But as Apollodotus, the general of the army of Gaza, fell upon the camp of the Jews by night, with two thousand foreign and ten thousand of his own forces, while the night lasted, those of Gaza prevailed, because the enemy was made to believe that it was Ptolemy who attacked them; but when day was come on, and that mistake was corrected, and the Jews knew the truth of the matter, they came back again, and fell upon those of Gaza, and slew of them about a thousand. 13.360. But as those of Gaza stoutly resisted them, and would not yield for either their want of any thing, nor for the great multitude that were slain, (for they would rather suffer any hardship whatever than come under the power of their enemies,) Aretas, king of the Arabians, a person then very illustrious, encouraged them to go on with alacrity, and promised them that he would come to their assistance; 13.361. but it happened that before he came Apollodotus was slain; for his brother Lysimachus envying him for the great reputation he had gained among the citizens, slew him, and got the army together, and delivered up the city to Alexander, 13.362. who, when he came in at first, lay quiet, but afterward set his army upon the inhabitants of Gaza, and gave them leave to punish them; so some went one way, and some went another, and slew the inhabitants of Gaza; yet were not they of cowardly hearts, but opposed those that came to slay them, and slew as many of the Jews; 13.363. and some of them, when they saw themselves deserted, burnt their own houses, that the enemy might get none of their spoils; nay, some of them, with their own hands, slew their children and their wives, having no other way but this of avoiding slavery for them; 13.364. but the senators, who were in all five hundred, fled to Apollo’s temple, (for this attack happened to be made as they were sitting,) whom Alexander slew; and when he had utterly overthrown their city, he returned to Jerusalem, having spent a year in that siege. 13.399. But when his queen saw that he was ready to die, and had no longer any hopes of surviving, she came to him weeping and lamenting, and bewailed herself and her sons on the desolate condition they should be left in; and said to him, “To whom dost thou thus leave me and my children, who are destitute of all other supports, and this when thou knowest how much ill-will thy nation bears thee?” 13.400. But he gave her the following advice: That she need but follow what he would suggest to her, in order to retain the kingdom securely, with her children: that she should conceal his death from the soldiers till she should have taken that place; 13.401. after this she should go in triumph, as upon a victory, to Jerusalem, and put some of her authority into the hands of the Pharisees; for that they would commend her for the honor she had done them, and would reconcile the nation to her for he told her they had great authority among the Jews, both to do hurt to such as they hated, and to bring advantages to those to whom they were friendly disposed; 13.402. for that they are then believed best of all by the multitude when they speak any severe thing against others, though it be only out of envy at them. And he said that it was by their means that he had incurred the displeasure of the nation, whom indeed he had injured. 13.403. “Do thou, therefore,” said he, “when thou art come to Jerusalem, send for the leading men among them, and show them my body, and with great appearance of sincerity, give them leave to use it as they themselves please, whether they will dishonor the dead body by refusing it burial, as having severely suffered by my means, or whether in their anger they will offer any other injury to that body. Promise them also that thou wilt do nothing without them in the affairs of the kingdom. 13.404. If thou dost but say this to them, I shall have the honor of a more glorious funeral from them than thou couldst have made for me; and when it is in their power to abuse my dead body, they will do it no injury at all, and thou wilt rule in safety.” So when he had given his wife this advice, he died, after he had reigned twenty-seven years, and lived fifty years within one. 13.405. 1. So Alexandra, when she had taken the fortress, acted as her husband had suggested to her, and spake to the Pharisees, and put all things into their power, both as to the dead body, and as to the affairs of the kingdom, and thereby pacified their anger against Alexander, and made them bear goodwill and friendship to him; 13.406. who then came among the multitude, and made speeches to them, and laid before them the actions of Alexander, and told them that they had lost a righteous king; and by the commendation they gave him, they brought them to grieve, and to be in heaviness for him, so that he had a funeral more splendid than had any of the kings before him. 13.407. Alexander left behind him two sons, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, but committed the kingdom to Alexandra. Now, as to these two sons, Hyrcanus was indeed unable to manage public affairs, and delighted rather in a quiet life; but the younger, Aristobulus, was an active and a bold man; and for this woman herself, Alexandra, she was loved by the multitude, because she seemed displeased at the offenses her husband had been guilty of. 13.408. 2. So she made Hyrcanus high priest, because he was the elder, but much more because he cared not to meddle with politics, and permitted the Pharisees to do every thing; to whom also she ordered the multitude to be obedient. She also restored again those practices which the Pharisees had introduced, according to the traditions of their forefathers, and which her father-in-law, Hyrcanus, had abrogated. 13.409. So she had indeed the name of the regent, but the Pharisees had the authority; for it was they who restored such as had been banished, and set such as were prisoners at liberty, and, to say all at once, they differed in nothing from lords. However, the queen also took care of the affairs of the kingdom, and got together a great body of mercenary soldiers, and increased her own army to such a degree, that she became terrible to the neighboring tyrants, and took hostages of them: 13.410. and the country was entirely at peace, excepting the Pharisees; for they disturbed the queen, and desired that she would kill those who persuaded Alexander to slay the eight hundred men; after which they cut the throat of one of them, Diogenes; and after him they did the same to several, one after another, 13.411. till the men that were the most potent came into the palace, and Aristobulus with them, for he seemed to be displeased at what was done; and it appeared openly, that if he had an opportunity, he would not permit his mother to go on so. These put the queen in mind what great dangers they had gone through, and great things they had done, whereby they had demonstrated the firmness of their fidelity to their master, insomuch that they had received the greatest marks of favor from him; 13.412. and they begged of her, that she would not utterly blast their hopes, as it now happened, that when they had escaped the hazards that arose from their [open] enemies, they were to be cut off at home by their [private] enemies, like brute beasts, without any help whatsoever. 13.413. They said also, that if their adversaries would be satisfied with those that had been slain already, they would take what had been done patiently, on account of their natural love to their governors; but if they must expect the same for the future also, they implored of her a dismission from her service; for they could not bear to think of attempting any method for their deliverance without her, but would rather die willingly before the palace gate, in case she would not forgive them. 13.414. And that it was a great shame, both for themselves and for the queen, that when they were neglected by her, they should come under the lash of her husband’s enemies; for that Aretas, the Arabian king, and the monarchs, would give any reward, if they could get such men as foreign auxiliaries, to whom their very names, before their voices be heard, may perhaps be terrible; 13.415. but if they could not obtain this their second request, and if she had determined to prefer the Pharisees before them, they still insisted that she would place them every one in her fortresses; for if some fatal demon hath a constant spite against Alexander’s house, they would be willing to bear their part, and to live in a private station there. 13.416. 3. As these men said thus, and called upon Alexander’s ghost for commiseration of those already slain, and those in danger of it, all the bystanders brake out into tears. But Aristobulus chiefly made manifest what were his sentiments, and used many reproachful expressions to his mother, [saying,] 13.430. 6. Now a little while after she had said this to them, she died, when she had reigned nine years, and had in all lived seventy-three. A woman she was who showed no signs of the weakness of her sex, for she was sagacious to the greatest degree in her ambition of governing; and demonstrated by her doings at once, that her mind was fit for action, and that sometimes men themselves show the little understanding they have by the frequent mistakes they make in point of government; 13.432. and, indeed, her management during her administration while she was alive, was such as filled the palace after her death with calamities and disturbance. However, although this had been her way of governing, she preserved the nation in peace. And this is the conclusion of the affairs of, Alexandra. 14.98. 2. Now when Gabinius was making an expedition against the Parthians, and had already passed over Euphrates, he changed his mind, and resolved to return into Egypt, in order to restore Ptolemy to his kingdom. This hath also been related elsewhere. 14.99. However, Antipater supplied his army, which he sent against Archelaus, with corn, and weapons, and money. He also made those Jews who were above Pelusium his friends and confederates, and had been the guardians of the passes that led into Egypt. 14.117. Accordingly, the Jews have places assigned them in Egypt, wherein they inhabit, besides what is peculiarly allotted to this nation at Alexandria, which is a large part of that city. There is also an ethnarch allowed them, who governs the nation, and distributes justice to them, and takes care of their contracts, and of the laws to them belonging, as if he were the ruler of a free republic. 14.127. 1. Now after Pompey was dead, and after that victory Caesar had gained over him, Antipater, who managed the Jewish affairs, became very useful to Caesar when he made war against Egypt, and that by the order of Hyrcanus; 14.128. for when Mithridates of Pergamus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was not able to continue his march through Pelusium, but obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater came to him, conducting three thousand of the Jews, armed men. He had also taken care the principal men of the Arabians should come to his assistance; 14.129. and on his account it was that all the Syrians assisted him also, as not willing to appear behindhand in their alacrity for Caesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus, and almost all the cities. 14.130. So Mithridates marched out of Syria, and came to Pelusium; and when its inhabitants would not admit him, he besieged the city. Now Antipater signalized himself here, and was the first who plucked down a part of the wall, and so opened a way to the rest, whereby they might enter the city, and by this means Pelusium was taken. 14.131. But it happened that the Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the country called Onion, would not let Antipater and Mithridates, with their soldiers, pass to Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come over with their party, because he was of the same people with them, and that chiefly by showing them the epistles of Hyrcanus the high priest, wherein he exhorted them to cultivate friendship with Caesar, and to supply his army with money, and all sorts of provisions which they wanted; 14.132. and accordingly, when they saw Antipater and the high priest of the same sentiments, they did as they were desired. And when the Jews about Memphis heard that these Jews were come over to Caesar, they also invited Mithridates to come to them; so he came and received them also into his army. 14.133. 2. And when Mithridates had gone over all Delta, as the place is called, he came to a pitched battle with the enemy, near the place called the Jewish Camp. Now Mithridates had the right wing, and Antipater the left; 14.188. while there is no contradiction to be made against the decrees of the Romans, for they are laid up in the public places of the cities, and are extant still in the capitol, and engraven upon pillars of brass; nay, besides this, Julius Caesar made a pillar of brass for the Jews at Alexandria, and declared publicly that they were citizens of Alexandria. 14.189. Out of these evidences will I demonstrate what I say; and will now set down the decrees made both by the senate and by Julius Caesar, which relate to Hyrcanus and to our nation.
67. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.33, 1.86, 1.107-1.117, 1.175, 1.187, 1.190-1.191, 7.420-7.436 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii •cleopatra ii •cleopatra iii Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 22, 73, 181; Gera (2014) 42; Gordon (2020) 123; Salvesen et al (2020) 110; Taylor and Hay (2020) 2
1.33. But Onias, the high priest, fled to Ptolemy, and received a place from him in the Nomus of Heliopolis, where he built a city resembling Jerusalem, and a temple that was like its temple, concerning which we shall speak more in its proper place hereafter. 1.86. 2. Now it happened that there was a battle between him and Ptolemy, who was called Lathyrus, who had taken the city Asochis. He indeed slew a great many of his enemies, but the victory rather inclined to Ptolemy. But when this Ptolemy was pursued by his mother Cleopatra, and retired into Egypt, Alexander besieged Gadara, and took it; as also he did Amathus, which was the strongest of all the fortresses that were about Jordan, and therein were the most precious of all the possessions of Theodorus, the son of Zeno. 1.107. 1. Now Alexander left the kingdom to Alexandra his wife, and depended upon it that the Jews would now very readily submit to her, because she had been very averse to such cruelty as he had treated them with, and had opposed his violation of their laws, and had thereby got the goodwill of the people. 1.108. Nor was he mistaken as to his expectations; for this woman kept the dominion, by the opinion that the people had of her piety; for she chiefly studied the ancient customs of her country, and cast those men out of the government that offended against their holy laws. 1.109. And as she had two sons by Alexander, she made Hyrcanus the elder high priest, on account of his age, as also, besides that, on account of his inactive temper, no way disposing him to disturb the public. But she retained the younger, Aristobulus, with her as a private person, by reason of the warmth of his temper. 1.110. 2. And now the Pharisees joined themselves to her, to assist her in the government. These are a certain sect of the Jews that appear more religious than others, and seem to interpret the laws more accurately. 1.111. Now, Alexandra hearkened to them to an extraordinary degree, as being herself a woman of great piety towards God. But these Pharisees artfully insinuated themselves into her favor by little and little, and became themselves the real administrators of the public affairs: they banished and reduced whom they pleased; they bound and loosed [men] at their pleasure; and, to say all at once, they had the enjoyment of the royal authority, whilst the expenses and the difficulties of it belonged to Alexandra. 1.112. She was a sagacious woman in the management of great affairs, and intent always upon gathering soldiers together; so that she increased the army the one half, and procured a great body of foreign troops, till her own nation became not only very powerful at home, but terrible also to foreign potentates, while she governed other people, and the Pharisees governed her. 1.113. 3. Accordingly, they themselves slew Diogenes, a person of figure, and one that had been a friend to Alexander; and accused him as having assisted the king with his advice, for crucifying the eight hundred men [before mentioned]. They also prevailed with Alexandra to put to death the rest of those who had irritated him against them. Now, she was so superstitious as to comply with their desires, and accordingly they slew whom they pleased themselves. 1.114. But the principal of those that were in danger fled to Aristobulus, who persuaded his mother to spare the men on account of their dignity, but to expel them out of the city, unless she took them to be innocent; so they were suffered to go unpunished, and were dispersed all over the country. 1.115. But when Alexandra sent out her army to Damascus, under pretense that Ptolemy was always oppressing that city, she got possession of it; nor did it make any considerable resistance. 1.116. She also prevailed with Tigranes, king of Armenia, who lay with his troops about Ptolemais, and besieged Cleopatra, by agreements and presents, to go away. Accordingly, Tigranes soon arose from the siege, by reason of those domestic tumults which happened upon Lucullus’s expedition into Armenia. 1.117. 4. In the meantime, Alexandra fell sick, and Aristobulus, her younger son, took hold of this opportunity, with his domestics, of which he had a great many, who were all of them his friends, on account of the warmth of their youth, and got possession of all the fortresses. He also used the sums of money he found in them to get together a number of mercenary soldiers, and made himself king; 1.175. 7. But now as Gabinius was marching to the war against the Parthians, he was hindered by Ptolemy, whom, upon his return from Euphrates, he brought back into Egypt, making use of Hyrcanus and Antipater to provide everything that was necessary for this expedition; for Antipater furnished him with money, and weapons, and corn, and auxiliaries; he also prevailed with the Jews that were there, and guarded the avenues at Pelusium, to let them pass. 1.187. 3. Now, after Pompey was dead, Antipater changed sides, and cultivated a friendship with Caesar. And since Mithridates of Pergamus, with the forces he led against Egypt, was excluded from the avenues about Pelusium, and was forced to stay at Ascalon, he persuaded the Arabians, among whom he had lived, to assist him, and came himself to him, at the head of three thousand armed men. 1.190. 4. Thus was Pelusium taken. But still, as they were marching on, those Egyptian Jews that inhabited the country called the country of Onias stopped them. Then did Antipater not only persuade them not to stop them, but to afford provisions for their army; on which account even the people about Memphis would not fight against them, but of their own accord joined Mithridates. 1.191. Whereupon he went round about Delta, and fought the rest of the Egyptians at a place called the Jews’ Camp; nay, when he was in danger in the battle with all his right wing, Antipater wheeled about, and came along the bank of the river to him; 7.420. 2. Now Lupus did then govern Alexandria, who presently sent Caesar word of this commotion; 7.421. who having in suspicion the restless temper of the Jews for innovation, and being afraid lest they should get together again, and persuade some others to join with them, gave orders to Lupus to demolish that Jewish temple which was in the region called Onion, 7.422. and was in Egypt, which was built and had its denomination from the occasion following: 7.423. Onias, the son of Simon, one of the Jewish high priests, fled from Antiochus the king of Syria, when he made war with the Jews, and came to Alexandria; and as Ptolemy received him very kindly, on account of his hatred to Antiochus, he assured him, that if he would comply with his proposal, he would bring all the Jews to his assistance; 7.424. and when the king agreed to do it so far as he was able, he desired him to give him leave to build a temple somewhere in Egypt, and to worship God according to the customs of his own country; 7.425. for that the Jews would then be so much readier to fight against Antiochus who had laid waste the temple at Jerusalem, and that they would then come to him with greater goodwill; and that, by granting them liberty of conscience, very many of them would come over to him. 7.426. 3. So Ptolemy complied with his proposals, and gave him a place one hundred and eighty furlongs distant from Memphis. That Nomos was called the Nomos of Heliopoli 7.427. where Onias built a fortress and a temple, not like to that at Jerusalem, but such as resembled a tower. He built it of large stones to the height of sixty cubits; 7.428. he made the structure of the altar in imitation of that in our own country, and in like manner adorned with gifts, excepting the make of the candlestick, 7.429. for he did not make a candlestick, but had a [single] lamp hammered out of a piece of gold, which illuminated the place with its rays, and which he hung by a chain of gold; 7.430. but the entire temple was encompassed with a wall of burnt brick, though it had gates of stone. The king also gave him a large country for a revenue in money, that both the priests might have a plentiful provision made for them, and that God might have great abundance of what things were necessary for his worship. 7.431. Yet did not Onias do this out of a sober disposition, but he had a mind to contend with the Jews at Jerusalem, and could not forget the indignation he had for being banished thence. Accordingly, he thought that by building this temple he should draw away a great number from them to himself. 7.432. There had been also a certain ancient prediction made by [a prophet] whose name was Isaiah, about six hundred years before, that this temple should be built by a man that was a Jew in Egypt. And this is the history of the building of that temple. 7.433. 4. And now Lupus, the governor of Alexandria, upon the receipt of Caesar’s letter, came to the temple, and carried out of it some of the donations dedicated thereto, and shut up the temple itself. 7.434. And as Lupus died a little afterward, Paulinus succeeded him. This man left none of those donations there, and threatened the priests severely if they did not bring them all out; nor did he permit any who were desirous of worshipping God there so much as to come near the whole sacred place; 7.435. but when he had shut up the gates, he made it entirely inaccessible, insomuch that there remained no longer the least footsteps of any Divine worship that had been in that place. 7.436. Now the duration of the time from the building of this temple till it was shut up again was three hundred and forty-three years.
68. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.186-1.189, 1.225, 2.5, 2.37, 2.49-2.56, 2.60 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of •cleopatra ii •cleopatra iii Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 22, 24, 162, 181; Manolaraki (2012) 31; Salvesen et al (2020) 110; Taylor and Hay (2020) 2
1.186. Again, Hecateus says to the same purpose, as follows:—“Ptolemy got possession of the places in Syria after the battle at Gaza; and many, when they heard of Ptolemy’s moderation and humanity, went along with him to Egypt, and were willing to assist him in his affairs; 1.187. one of whom (Hecateus says) was Hezekiah, the high priest of the Jews; a man of about sixty-six years of age, and in great dignity among his own people. He was a very sensible man, and could speak very movingly, and was very skilful in the management of affairs, if any other man ever were so; 1.188. although, as he says, all the priests of the Jews took tithes of the products of the earth, and managed public affairs, and were in number not above fifteen hundred at the most.” 1.189. Hecateus mentions this Hezekiah a second time, and says, that “as he was possessed of so great a dignity, and was become familiar with us, so did he take certain of those that were with him, and explained to them all the circumstances of their people: for he had all their habitations and polity down in writing.” 1.225. for so far they all agree through the whole country, to esteem such animals as gods, although they differ from one another in the peculiar worship they severally pay to them; and certainly men they are entirely of vain and foolish minds, who have thus accustomed themselves from the beginning to have such bad notions concerning their gods, and could not think of imitating that decent form of divine worship which we made use of, though, when they saw our institutions approved of by many others, they could not but envy us on that account; 2.5. For I also have observed, that many men are very much delighted when they see a man who first began to reproach another, to be himself exposed to contempt on account of the vices he hath himself been guilty of. 2.37. Had this man now read the epistles of king Alexander, or those of Ptolemy the son of Lagus, or met with the writings of the succeeding kings, or that pillar which is still standing at Alexandria, and contains the privileges which the great [Julius] Caesar bestowed upon the Jews; had this man, I say, known these records, and yet hath the impudence to write in contradiction to them, he hath shown himself to be a wicked man: but if he knew nothing of these records, he hath shown himself to be a man very ignorant; 2.49. and as for Ptolemy Philometor and his wife Cleopatra, they committed their whole kingdom to Jews, when Onias and Dositheus, both Jews, whose names are laughed at by Apion, were the generals of their whole army; but certainly instead of reproaching them, he ought to admire their actions, and return them thanks for saving Alexandria, whose citizen he pretends to be; 2.50. for when these Alexandrians were making war with Cleopatra the queen, and were in danger of being utterly ruined, these Jews brought them to terms of agreement, and freed them from the miseries of a civil war. “But then (says Apion) Onias brought a small army afterward upon the city at the time when Thermus the Roman ambassador was there present.” 2.51. Yes, do I venture to say, and that he did rightly and very justly in so doing; for that Ptolemy who was called Physco, upon the death of his brother Philometor, came from Cyrene, and would have ejected Cleopatra as well as her sons out of their kingdom, 2.52. that he might obtain it for himself unjustly. For this cause then it was that Onias undertook a war against him on Cleopatra’s account; nor would he desert that trust the royal family had reposed in him in their distress. 2.53. Accordingly, God gave a remarkable attestation to his righteous procedure; for when Ptolemy Physco had the presumption to fight against Onias’s army, and had caught all the Jews that were in the city [Alexandria], with their children and wives, and exposed them naked and in bonds to his elephants, that they might be trodden upon and destroyed, and when he had made those elephants drunk for that purpose, the event proved contrary to his preparations; 2.54. for these elephants left the Jews who were exposed to them, and fell violently upon Physco’s friends, and slew a great number of them; nay, after this, Ptolemy saw a terrible ghost, which prohibited his hurting those men; 2.55. his very concubine, whom he loved so well (some call her Ithaca, and others Irene), making supplication to him, that he would not perpetrate so great a wickedness. So he complied with her request, and repented of what he either had already done, or was about to do; whence it is well known that the Alexandrian Jews do with good reason celebrate this day, on the account that they had thereon been vouchsafed such an evident deliverance from God. 2.56. However, Apion, the common calumniator of men, hath the presumption to accuse the Jews for making this war against Physco, when he ought to have commended them for the same. This man also makes mention of Cleopatra, the last queen of Alexandria, and abuses us, because she was ungrateful to us; whereas he ought to have reproved her, 2.60. nay, when last of all Caesar had taken Alexandria, she came to that pitch of cruelty, that she declared she had some hope of preserving her affairs still, in case she could kill the Jews, though it were with her own hand; to such a degree of barbarity and perfidiousness had she arrived; and doth any one think that we cannot boast ourselves of any thing, if, as Apion says, this queen did not at a time of famine distribute wheat among us?
69. Josephus Flavius, Life, 427 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 181
70. Tosefta, Menachot, 13.12-13.14 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii, Found in books: Brooten (1982) 74
71. New Testament, 2 Timothy, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017) 439
72. Juvenal, Satires, 5.164-5.165, 9.137-9.138, 15.1-15.12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63; Manolaraki (2012) 31
73. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.19-1.20, 1.33-1.66, 1.684-1.686, 2.633, 4.254, 4.500, 5.310, 5.475, 5.479, 6.304, 6.307-6.308, 7.551, 7.553, 7.812, 7.872, 8.444-8.447, 8.465, 8.473, 8.498, 8.542-8.544, 8.692-8.699, 9.82, 9.130-9.135, 9.150-9.163, 9.961-9.999, 9.1010-9.1104, 10.9-10.52, 10.58, 10.63-10.73, 10.80, 10.111-10.126, 10.149-10.158, 10.160-10.171, 10.180-10.183, 10.193-10.218, 10.252-10.275, 10.329-10.338 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, hostess to caesar •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of •cleopatra vii, faded figure in statius’ propempticon •cleopatra vii, suicide of •cleopatra vii, as ‘new isis’ •cleopatra vii, and wine Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 47, 48, 76, 80, 85, 94, 103, 104, 187, 191, 192, 194, 209, 213
74. Suetonius, Iulius, 52.1, 79.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 48; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 19
75. Suetonius, Augustus, 93, 9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 76
76. Martial, Epigrams, 6.80, 10.26 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of •cleopatra vii, and wine •cleopatra vii, faded figure in statius’ propempticon Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 187, 213
77. Statius, Siluae, 1.2.39, 1.6.38, 2.2.2, 3.2.21-3.2.34, 3.2.101-3.2.126, 3.5.75-3.5.76, 4.1.22, 4.5.23-4.5.24, 5.1.249-5.1.250 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of •cleopatra vii, and wine •cleopatra vii, as ‘new isis’ •cleopatra vii, faded figure in statius’ propempticon •cleopatra vii, hostess to caesar •cleopatra vii, suicide of Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 187, 191, 192, 194, 200, 209, 212, 213
78. Plutarch, On The Control of Anger, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 77
79. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 162
80. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, 6.26 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 246
81. Seneca The Younger, De Clementia, 1.9-1.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 76, 77
82. Pseudo-Acro, Commentum In Horati Carmina, 1.37.30 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, as ‘new isis’ Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 192
83. Plutarch, On Praising Oneself Inoffensively, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 235
543e. those who reject what is false and vain. Hence those kings who were unwilling to be proclaimed a god or son of a god, but rather Philadelphus or Philometor or Euergetes or Theophiles, were ungrudgingly honoured by those who gave them these noble yet human titles. So again, while men resent the writers and speakers who assume the epithet "wise," they are delighted with those who say that they love wisdom or are advancing in merit, or put forward some other such moderate and inoffensive claim. Whereas the rhetorical sophist
84. Frontinus, Strategemata, 1.1.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, hostess to caesar •cleopatra vii, suicide of Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 209
85. Plutarch, Dialogue On Love, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii Found in books: Taylor and Hay (2020) 346
86. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 9.4-9.11, 26.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 246; Taylor and Hay (2020) 231
9.4. ἐκφανεστάτην δὲ Ἄτταλος παρέσχεν ἐν τοῖς Κλεοπάτρας γάμοις, ἣν ὁ Φίλιππος ἠγάγετο παρθένον, ἐρασθεὶς παρʼ ἡλικίαν τῆς κόρης, θεῖος γὰρ ὢν αὐτῆς ὁ Ἄτταλος ἐν τῷ πότῳ μεθύων παρεκάλει τοὺς Μακεδόνας αἰτεῖσθαι παρὰ θεῶν γνήσιον ἐκ Φιλίππου καὶ Κλεοπάτρας γενέσθαι διάδοχον τῆς βασιλείας, ἐπὶ τούτῳ παροξυνθεὶς ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος καὶ εἰπών, ἡμεῖς δὲ σοι, κακὴ κεφαλὴ, νόθοι δοκοῦμεν; ἔβαλε σκύφον ἐπʼ αὐτόν. 9.5. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ἐπʼ ἐκεῖνον ἐξανέστη σπασάμενος τὸ ξίφος, εὐτυχίᾳ δὲ ἑκατέρου διὰ τὸν θυμὸν καὶ τὸν οἶνον ἔπεσε σφαλείς, ὁ δὲ Ἀλέξανδρος ἐφυβρίζων, οὗτος μέντοι, εἶπεν, ἄνδρες, εἰς Ἀσίαν ἐξ Εὐρώπης παρεσκευάζετο διαβαίνειν, ὃς ἐπὶ κλίνην ἀπὸ κλίνης διαβαίνων ἀνατέτραπται. μετὰ ταύτην τὴν παροινίαν ἀναλαβὼν τὴν Ὀλυμπιάδα καὶ καταστήσας εἰς Ἤπειρον αὐτὸς ἐν Ἰλλυριοῖς διέτριβεν. 9.6. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Δημάρατος ὁ Κορίνθιος, ξένος ὢν τῆς οἰκίας καὶ παρρησίας μετέχων, ἀφίκετο πρὸς Φίλιππον. μετὰ δὲ τὰς πρώτας δεξιώσεις καὶ φιλοφροσύνας ἐπερωτῶντος τοῦ Φιλίππου πῶς ἔχουσιν ὁμονοίας πρὸς ἀλλήλους οἱ Ἕλληνες, πάνυ γοῦν, ἔφη, σοι προσήκει, Φίλιππε, κήδεσθαι τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ὃς τὸν οἶκον τὸν σεαυτοῦ στάσεως τοσαύτης καὶ κακῶν ἐμπέπληκας. οὕτω δὴ συμφρονήσας ὁ Φίλιππος ἔπεμψε καὶ κατήγαγε πείσας διὰ τοῦ Δημαράτου τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον. 26.3. εἶτα νύκτωρ κοιμώμενος ὄψιν εἶδε θαυμαστήν ἀνὴρ πολιὸς εὖ μάλα τὴν κόμην καὶ γεραρὸς τὸ εἶδος ἔδοξεν αὐτῷ παραστὰς λέγειν τὰ ἔπη τάδε· νῆσος ἔπειτά τις ἔστι πολυκλύστῳ ἐνὶ πόντῳ, Αἰγύπτου προπάροιθε· Φάρον δέ ἑ κικλήσκουσιν. εὐθὺς οὖν ἐξαναστὰς ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ τὴν Φάρον, ἣ τότε μὲν ἔτι νῆσος ἦν, τοῦ Κανωβικοῦ μικρὸν ἀνωτέρω στόματος, νῦν δὲ διὰ χώματος ἀνείληπται πρὸς τὴν ἤπειρον. 9.4. The most open quarrel was brought on by Attalus at the marriage of Cleopatra, a maiden whom Philip was taking to wife, having fallen in love with the girl when he was past the age for it. Amyot, hors d’age et de saison. In consequence of this passion Philip had divorced Olympias. Attalus, now, was the girl’s uncle, and being in his cups, he called upon the Macedonians to ask of the gods that from Philip and Cleopatra there might be born a legitimate successor to the kingdom. At this Alexander was exasperated, and with the words, But what of me, base wretch? Dost thou take me for a bastard? threw a cup at him. 9.5. Then Philip rose up against him with drawn sword, but, fortunately for both, his anger and his wine made him trip and fall. Then Alexander, mocking over him, said: Look now, men! here is one who was preparing to cross from Europe into Asia; and he is upset in trying to cross from couch to couch. After this drunken broil Alexander took Olympias and established her in Epirus, while he himself tarried in Illyria. 9.6. Meanwhile Demaratus the Corinthian, who was a guest-friend of the house and a man of frank speech, came to see Philip. After the first greetings and welcomes were over, Philip asked him how the Greeks were agreeing with one another, and Demaratus replied: It is surely very fitting, Philip, that thou shouldst be concerned about Greece, when thou hast filled thine own house with such great dissension and calamities. Thus brought to his senses, Philip sent and fetched Alexander home, having persuaded him to come through the agency of Demaratus. 26.3. Then, in the night, as he lay asleep, he saw a wonderful vision. A man with very hoary locks and of a venerable aspect appeared to stand by his side and recite these verses:— Now, there is an island in the much-dashing sea, In front of Egypt; Pharos is what men call it. Odyssey , iv. 354 f. Accordingly, he rose up at once and went to Pharos, which at that time was still an island, a little above the Canobic mouth of the Nile, but now it has been joined to the mainland by a causeway.
87. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 5.34, 13.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 246
88. Silius Italicus, Punica, 8.50, 8.53, 17.71-17.75 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, hostess to caesar •cleopatra, cleopatra vii philopator, as dido •cleopatra, cleopatra vii philopator, as sophoniba Found in books: Giusti (2018) 244; Manolaraki (2012) 194
89. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 59.4, 60.2-60.3, 71.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo (2022) 49; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 98; Edmondson (2008) 63; Manolaraki (2012) 187; Salvesen et al (2020) 218
59.4. ὧν καὶ Μάρκος ἦν Σιλανὸς καὶ Δέλλιος ὁ ἱστορικός. οὗτος δὲ καὶ δεῖσαί φησιν ἐπιβουλὴν ἐκ Κλεοπάτρας, Γλαύκου τοῦ ἰατροῦ φράσαντος αὐτῷ. προσέκρουσε δὲ Κλεοπάτρᾳ παρὰ δεῖπνον εἰπὼν αὐτοῖς μὲν ὀξίνην ἐγχεῖσθαι, Σάρμεντον δὲ πίνειν ἐν Ῥώμῃ Φαλερῖνον. ὁ δὲ Σάρμεντος ἦν τῶν Καίσαρος παιγνίων παιδάριον, ἃ δηλίκια Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν. 60.2. σημεῖα δὲ πρὸ τοῦ πολέμου τάδε γενέσθαι λέγεται. Πείσαυρα μέν, Ἀντωνίου πόλις κληρουχία, ᾠκισμένη παρὰ τὸν Ἀδρίαν, χασμάτων ὑπορραγέντων κατεπόθη. τῶν δὲ περὶ Ἄλβαν Ἀντωνίου λιθίνων ἀνδριάντων ἑνὸς ἱδρὼς ἀνεπίδυεν ἡμέρας πολλάς, ἀποματτόντων τινῶν οὐ παυόμενος. ἐν δὲ Πάτραις διατρίβοντος αὐτοῦ κεραυνοῖς ἐνεπρήσθη τὸ Ἡράκλειον· καὶ τῆς Ἀθήνησι γιγαντομαχίας ὑπὸ πνευμάτων ὁ Διόνυσος ἐκσεισθεὶς εἰς τὸ θέατρον κατηνέχθη· 60.3. προσῳκείου δὲ ἑαυτὸν Ἀντώνιος Ἡρακλεῖ κατὰ γένος καὶ Διονύσῳ κατὰ τὸν τοῦ βίου ζῆλον, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, Διόνυσος νέος προσαγορευόμενος. ἡ δὲ αὐτὴ θύελλα καὶ τοὺς Εὐμενοῦς καὶ Ἀττάλου κολοσσοὺς ἐπιγεγραμμένους Ἀντωνείους Ἀθήνησιν ἐμπεσοῦσα μόνους ἐκ πολλῶν ἀνέτρεψε. ἡ δὲ Κλεοπάτρας ναυαρχὶς ἐκαλεῖτο μὲν Ἀντωνιάς, σημεῖον δὲ περὶ αὐτὴν δεινὸν ἐφάνη· χελιδόνες γὰρ ὑπὸ τὴν πρύμναν ἐνεόττευσαν· ἕτεραι δὲ ἐπελθοῦσαι καὶ ταύτας ἐξήλασαν καὶ τὰ νεόττια διέφθειραν. 71.3. τὸ δὲ ἀπόρφυρον καὶ τέλειον ἱμάτιον Ἀντύλλῳ τῷ ἐκ Φουλβίας περιτιθείς, ἐφʼ οἷς ἡμέρας πολλὰς συμπόσια καὶ κῶμοι καὶ θαλίαι τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν κατεῖχον. αὐτοὶ δὲ τὴν μὲν τῶν ἀμιμητοβίων ἐκείνην σύνοδον κατέλυσαν, ἑτέραν δὲ συνέταξαν οὐδέν τι λειπομένην ἐκείνης ἁβρότητι καὶ τρυφαῖς καὶ πολυτελείαις, ἣν συναποθανουμένων ἐκάλουν. ἀπεγράφοντο γὰρ οἱ φίλοι συναποθανουμένους ἑαυτούς, καὶ διῆγον εὐπαθοῦντες ἐν δείπνων περιόδοις. 59.4. 60.2. 60.3. 71.3.
90. Plutarch, Coriolanus, 11.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii •cleopatra iii Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 23, 162
11.2. ωι καὶ μάλιστα δῆλόν ἐστιν ὅτι τῶν ὀνομάτων ἴδιον ἦν ὁ Γάϊος, τὸ δὲ δεύτερον οἰκίας ἢ γένους κοινὸν ὁ Μάρκιος, τῷ δὲ τρίτῳ ὕστερον ἐχρήσαντο πράξεώς τινος ἢ τύχης ἢ ἰδέας ἢ ἀρετῆς ἐπιθέτῳ, καθάπερ Ἕλληνες ἐτίθεντο πράξεώς μὲν ἐπώνυμον τὸν Σωτῆρα καὶ τὸν Καλλίνικον, ἰδέας δὲ τὸν Φύσκωνα καὶ τὸν Γρυπόν, ἀρετῆς δὲ τὸν Εὐεργέτην καὶ τὸν Φιλάδελφον, εὐτυχίας δὲ τὸν Εὐδαίμονα τῷ δευτέρῳ τῶν Βάττων. 11.2.
91. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 28.8-28.9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 31
92. Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation To The Greeks, 4.54.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •aphrodite, and cleopatra vii •cleopatra vii •cleopatra vii, and aphrodite Found in books: Csapo (2022) 49
93. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 42.35.4, 42.42.3, 45.2.5-45.2.6, 47.16.6, 49.32.5, 49.43.1, 50.4.1, 50.5.3, 50.24.6-50.24.7, 51.6.1, 51.16-51.17, 51.21, 53.2.4, 54.6.6, 55.22.4, 56.8.1, 61.31.2, 65.8.3-65.8.4, 65.14.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) •ptolemy philadelphus (son of cleopatra vii and mark antony) •cleopatra vii philopator Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 98, 102; Edmondson (2008) 63, 64; Manolaraki (2012) 30, 31, 33, 76; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 19, 195; Salvesen et al (2020) 218, 235
42.35.4.  Afterward he entered an assembly of theirs, and producing Ptolemy and Cleopatra, read their father's will, in which it was directed that they should live together according to the custom of the Egyptians and rule in common, and that the Roman people should exercise a guardianship over them. 42.42.3.  Now Caesar believed that they had in very truth changed their mind, since he heard that they were cowardly and fickle in general and perceived that at this time they were terrified in the face of their defeats; but even in case they should be planning some trick, in order that he might not be regarded as hindering peace, he said that he approved their request, and sent them Ptolemy. 45.2.5.  When, later, Octavius had grown up and reached maturity and was putting on man's dress, his tunic was rent on both sides from his shoulders and fell to his feet. Now this event in itself not only foreboded no good as an omen, 45.2.6.  but it also distressed those who were present because it had happened on the occasion of his first putting on man's garb; it occurred, however, to Octavius to say, "I shall have the whole senatorial dignity beneath my feet," and the outcome proved in accordance with his words. 49.32.5.  and because he had presented them with extensive portions of Arabia, in the districts both of Malchus and of the Ituraeans (for he executed Lysanias, whom he himself had made king over them, on the charge that he had favoured Pacorus), and also extensive portions of Phoenicia and Palestine, parts of Crete, and Cyrene and Cyprus as well. 49.43.1.  The next year Agrippa agreed to be made aedile, and without taking anything from the public treasury repaired all the public buildings and all the streets, cleaned out the sewers, and sailed through them underground into the Tiber. 50.4.1.  This caused the Romans in their indignation to believe that the other reports in circulation were also true, to the effect that if Antony should prevail, he would bestow their city upon Cleopatra and transfer the seat of power to Egypt. 50.5.3.  dressed in a manner not in accordance with the customs of his native land, and let himself be seen even in public upon a gilded couch or a chair of that kind. He posed with her for portrait paintings and statues, he representing Osiris or Dionysus and she Selene or Isis. This more than all else made him seem to have been bewitched by her through some enchantment. 50.24.6.  who, oh heavens! are Alexandrians and Egyptians (what worse or what truer name could one apply to them?), who worship reptiles and beasts as gods, who embalm their own bodies to give them the semblance of immortality, 50.24.7.  who are most reckless in effrontery but most feeble in courage, and who, worst of all, are slaves to a woman and not to a man, and yet have dared to lay claim to our possessions and to use us to help them acquire them, expecting that we will voluntarily give up to them the prosperity which we possess? 51.16. 1.  As for the rest who had been connected with Antony's cause up to this time, he punished some and pardoned others, either from personal motives or to oblige his friends. And since there were found at the court many children of princes and kings who were being kept there, some as hostages and others out of a spirit of arrogance, he sent some back to their homes, joined others in marriage with one another, and retained still others.,2.  I shall omit most of these cases and mention only two. of his own accord he restored Iotape to the Median king, who had found an asylum with him after his defeat; but he refused the request of Artaxes that his brothers be sent to him, because this prince had put to death the Romans left behind in Armenia.,3.  This was the disposition he made of such captives; and in the case of the Egyptians and the Alexandrians, he spared them all, so that none perished. The truth was that he did not see fit to inflict any irreparable injury upon a people so numerous, who might prove very useful to the Romans in many ways;,4.  nevertheless, he offered as a pretext for his kindness their god Serapis, their founder Alexander, and, in the third place, their fellow-citizen Areius, of whose learning and companionship he availed himself. The speech in which he proclaimed to them his pardon he delivered in Greek, so that they might understand him.,5.  After this he viewed the body of Alexander and actually touched it, whereupon, it is said, a piece of the nose was broken off. But he declined to view the remains of the Ptolemies, though the Alexandrians were extremely eager to show them, remarking, "I wished to see a king, not corpses." For this same reason he would not enter the presence of Apis, either, declaring that he was accustomed to worship gods, not cattle. 51.17. 1.  Afterwards he made Egypt tributary and gave it in charge of Cornelius Gallus. For in view of the populousness of both the cities and the country, the facile, fickle character of the inhabitants, and the extent of the grain-supply and of the wealth, so far from daring to entrust the land to any senator, he would not even grant a senator permission to live in it, except as he personally made the concession to him by name.,2.  On the other hand he did not allow the Egyptians to be senators in Rome; but whereas he made various dispositions as regards the several cities, he commanded the Alexandrians to conduct their government without senators; with such capacity for revolution, I suppose, did he credit them.,3.  And of the system then imposed upon them most details are rigorously preserved at the present time, but they have their senators both in Alexandria, beginning first under the emperor Severus, and also in Rome, these having first been enrolled in the senate in the reign of Severus' son Antoninus.,4.  Thus was Egypt enslaved. All the inhabitants who resisted for a time were finally subdued, as, indeed, Heaven very clearly indicated to them beforehand. For it rained not only water where no drop had ever fallen previously, but also blood; and there were flashes of armour from the clouds as this bloody rain fell from them.,5.  Elsewhere there was the clashing of drums and cymbals and the notes of flutes and trumpets, and a serpent of huge size suddenly appeared to them and uttered an incredibly loud hiss. Meanwhile comets were seen and dead men's ghosts appeared, the statues frowned, and Apis bellowed a note of lamentation and burst into tears.,6.  So much for these events. In the palace quantities of treasure were found. For Cleopatra had taken practically all the offerings from even the holiest shrines and so helped the Romans swell their spoils without incurring any defilement on their own part. Large sums were also obtained from every man against whom any charge of misdemeanour were brought.,7.  And apart from these, all the rest, even though no particular complaint could be lodged against them, had two-thirds of their property demanded of them. Out of this wealth all the troops received what was owing them, and those who were with Caesar at the time got in addition a thousand sesterces on condition of not plundering the city.,8.  Repayment was made in full to those who had previously advanced loans, and to both the senators and the knights who had taken part in the war large sums were given. In fine, the Roman empire was enriched and its temples adorned. 51.21. 1.  In the course of the summer Caesar crossed over to Greece and to Italy; and when he entered the city, not only all the citizens offered sacrifice, as has been mentioned, but even the consul Valerius Potitus. Caesar, to be sure, was consul all that year as for the two preceding years, but Potitus was the successor of Sextus.,2.  It was he who publicly and in person offered sacrifices on behalf of the senate and of the people upon Caesar's arrival, a thing that had never been done in the case of any other person. After this Caesar bestowed eulogies and honours upon his lieutets, as was customary,,3.  and to Agrippa he further granted, among other distinctions, a dark blue flag in honour of his naval victory, and he gave gifts to the soldiers; to the people he distributed four hundred sesterces apiece, first to the men who were adults, and afterwards to the children because of his nephew Marcellus.,4.  In view of all this, and because he would not accept from the cities of Italy the gold required for the crowns they had voted him, and because, furthermore, he not only paid all the debts he himself owed to others, as has been stated, but also did not insist on the payment of others' debts to him, the Romans forgot all their unpleasant experiences and viewed his triumph with pleasure, quite as if the vanquished had all been foreigners.,5.  So vast an amount of money, in fact, circulated through all parts of the city alike, that the price of goods rose and loans for which the borrower had been glad to pay twelve per cent. could now be had for one third that rate. As for the triumph, Caesar celebrated on the first day his victories over the Pannonians and Dalmatians, the Iapydes and their neighbours, and some Germans and Gauls.,6.  For Gaius Carrinas had subdued the Morini and others who had revolted with them, and had repulsed the Suebi, who had crossed the Rhine to wage war. Not only did Carrinas, therefore, celebrate the triumph, — and that notwithstanding that his father had been put to death by Sulla and that he himself along with the others in like condition had once been debarred from holding office, — but Caesar also celebrated it, since the credit of the victory properly belonged to his position as supreme commander.,7.  This was the first day's celebration. On the second day the naval victory at Actium was commemorated, and on the third the subjugation of Egypt. Now all the processions proved notable, thanks to the spoils from Egypt, — in such quantities, indeed, had spoils been gathered there that they sufficed for all the processions, — but the Egyptian celebration surpassed them all in costliness and magnificence.,8.  Among other features, an effigy of the dead Cleopatra upon a couch was carried by, so that in a way she, too, together with the other captives and with her children, Alexander, also called Helios, and Cleopatra, called also Selene, was a part of the spectacle and a trophy in the procession.,9.  After this came Caesar, riding into the city behind them all. He did everything in the customary manner, except that he permitted his fellow-consul and the other magistrates, contrary to precedent, to follow him along with the senators who had participated in the victory; for it was usual for such officials to march in advance and for only the senators to follow. 53.2.4.  As for religious matters, he did not allow the Egyptian rites to be celebrated inside the pomerium, but made provision for the temples; those which had been built by private individuals he ordered their sons and descendants, if any survived, to repair, and the rest he restored himself. 54.6.6.  Agrippa, then, checked whatever other ailments he found still festering, and curtailed the Egyptian rites which were again invading the city, forbidding anyone to perform them even in the suburbs within one mile of the city. And when a disturbance arose over the election of the prefect of the city, the official chosen on account of the Feriae, he did not succeed in quelling it, but they went through that year without this official.   55.22.4.  This same year Agrippa was enrolled among the youths of military age, but obtained none of the same privileges as his brothers. The senators witnessed the Circensian games separately and the knights also separately from the remainder of the populace, as is the case to‑day also. 56.8.1.  Nay, I for my part am ashamed that I have been forced even to mention such a thing. Have done with your madness, then, and stop at last to reflect, that with many dying all the time by disease and many in war it is impossible for the city to maintain itself, unless its population is continually renewed by those who are ever and anon to be born.
94. Lucian, The Carousal, Or The Lapiths, 43-47 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Taylor and Hay (2020) 231
95. Clement of Alexandria, Christ The Educator, 3.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 31
96. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 1.17.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 31
97. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 11.3-11.6, 11.19.2, 11.22.2-11.22.4, 11.26.1, 11.29 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •ḥor of sebennytos, seeking isis prescription for cleopatra ii Found in books: Renberg (2017) 386
11.3. When I had ended this prayer and discovered my complaints to the goddess, I happened to fall asleep. By and by appeared a divine and venerable face, worshipped even by the gods themselves. Then, little by little, I seemed to see the whole figure of her body, mounting out of the sea and standing before me. Wherefore I intend to describe her divine semblance, if the poverty of human speech will allow me, or if her divine power gives me eloquence to do so. First she had a great abundance of hair dispersed and scattered about her neck. On the crown of her head she bore many garlands interlaced with flowers. In the middle of her forehead was a compass like mirror, or resembling the light of the moon. In one of her hands she bore serpents, in the other, blades of grain. Her vestment was of fine silk of diverse colors, sometimes yellow, sometimes rosy, sometimes the color of flame. Her robe (which troubled my spirit sorely) was dark and obscure, and pleated in most subtle fashion at the skirts of her garments. Its fringe appeared comely. 11.4. Here and there the stars were seen, and in the middle of them was placed the moon which shone like a flame of fire. Round about the robe was a coronet or garland made with flowers and fruits. In her right hand she had a rattle of brass which gave a pleasant sound, in her left hand she bore a cup of gold, and from its mouth the serpent Aspis lifted up his head, with a swelling throat. Her odoriferous feet were covered with shoes interlaced and wrought with the palm of victory. Thus the divine shape, breathing out the pleasant spice of fertile Arabia, did not disdain to utter these words to me with her divine voice: 11.5. “Behold, Lucius, I have come! Your weeping and prayers have moved me to succor you. I am she who is the natural mother of all things, mistress and governess of all the elements, the initial progeny of worlds, chief of powers divine, queen of heaven! I am the principal of the celestial gods, the light of the goddesses. At my will the planets of the heavens, the wholesome winds of the seas, and the silences of hell are disposed. My name and my divinity is adored throughout all the world in diverse manners. I am worshipped by various customs and by many names. The Phrygians call me the mother of the gods. The Athenians, Minerva. The Cyprians, Venus. The Cretans, Diana. The Sicilians, Proserpina. The Eleusians, Ceres. Some call me Juno, other Bellona, and yet others Hecate. And principally the Aethiopians who dwell in the Orient, and the Aegyptians who are excellent in all kind of ancient doctrine and by their proper ceremonies are accustomed to worship me, call me Queen Isis. Behold, I have come to take pity of your fortune and tribulation. Behold, I am present to favor and aid you. Leave off your weeping and lamentation, put away all your sorrow. For behold, the day which is ordained by my providence is at hand. Therefore be ready to attend to my command. This day which shall come after this night is dedicated to my service by an eternal religion. My priests and ministers are accustomed, after the tempests of the sea have ceased, to offer in my name a new ship as a first fruit of my navigation. I command you not to profane or despise the sacrifice in any way. 11.6. “The great priest shall carry this day, following in procession by my exhortation, a garland of roses next the rattle in his right hand. Follow my procession amongst the people and, when you come to the priest, make as though you would kiss his hand. But snatch at the roses, whereby I will put away the skin and shape of an ass. This kind of beast I have long abhorred and despised. But above all things beware that you do not doubt or fear any of those things as being hard and difficult to bring to pass. For in the same hour as I have come to you, I have commanded the priest, by a vision, of what he shall do. And all the people by my command shall be compelled to give you place and say nothing! Moreover, do not think that, amongst so fair and joyful ceremonies and in so good a company, any person shall abhor your ill-favored and deformed figure, or that any man shall be so hardy as to blame and reprove your sudden restoration to human shape. They will not conceive any sinister opinion about this deed. And know this for certain: for the rest of your life, until the hour of death, you shall be bound and subject to me! And think it not an injury to be always subject to me, since by my means and benefit you shall become a man. You shall live blessed in this world, you shall live gloriously by my guidance and protection. And when you descend to hell, you shall see me shine in that subterranean place, shining (as you see me now) in the darkness of Acheron, and reigning in the deep profundity of Styx. There you shall worship me as one who has been favorable to you. And if I perceive that you are obedient to my command, an adherent to my religion, and worthy my divine grace, know you that I will prolong your days above the time that the fates have appointed, and the celestial planets have ordained.” 11.29. Immediately afterwards I was called upon by the god Osiris and admonished to receive a third order of religion. Then I was greatly astonished, because I could not tell what this new vision signified or what the intent of the celestial god was. I began to suspect the former priests of having given me ill counsel, and I feared that they had not faithfully instructed me. While I was, as it were, incensed because of this, the god Osiris appeared to me the following night and gave me admonition, saying, “There is no reason why you should be afraid of these many orders of religion, or that something has been omitted. You should rather rejoice since as it has pleased the gods to call upon you three times, whereas most do not achieve the order even once. Wherefore you should think yourself happy because of our great benefits. And know that the initiation which you must now receive is most necessary if you mean to persevere in the worship of the goddess. You will be able to participate in solemnity on the festival day adorned in the blessed habit. This shall be a glory and source of renown for you.
98. Tertullian, To The Heathen, 2.11.11 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63
99. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.9.1-1.9.3, 1.25.2, 10.32.13 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •ptolemaic queens, cleopatra iii •cleopatra ii •cleopatra iii •cleopatra, cleopatra vii philopator, and the danaids •ḥor of sebennytos, seeking isis prescription for cleopatra ii Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 24, 73; Giusti (2018) 42; Jim (2022) 191; Renberg (2017) 386
1.9.1. ὁ δὲ Φιλομήτωρ καλούμενος ὄγδοος μέν ἐστιν ἀπόγονος Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Λάγου, τὴν δὲ ἐπίκλησιν ἔσχεν ἐπὶ χλευασμῷ. οὐ γάρ τινα τῶν βασιλέων μισηθέντα ἴσμεν ἐς τοσόνδε ὑπὸ μητρός, ὃν πρεσβύτατον ὄντα τῶν παίδων ἡ μήτηρ οὐκ εἴα καλεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχήν, πρότερον δὲ ἐς Κύπρον ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς πεμφθῆναι πράξασα· τῆς δὲ ἐς τὸν παῖδα τῇ Κλεοπάτρᾳ δυσνοίας λέγουσιν ἄλλας τε αἰτίας καὶ ὅτι Ἀλέξανδρον τὸν νεώτερον τῶν παίδων κατήκοον ἔσεσθαι μᾶλλον ἤλπιζε. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἑλέσθαι βασιλέα Ἀλέξανδρον ἔπειθεν Αἰγυπτίους· 1.9.2. ἐναντιουμένου δέ οἱ τοῦ πλήθους, δεύτερα ἐς τὴν Κύπρον ἔστειλεν Ἀλέξανδρον, στρατηγὸν μὲν τῷ λόγῳ, τῷ δὲ ἔργῳ διʼ αὐτοῦ Πτολεμαίῳ θέλουσα εἶναι φοβερωτέρα, τέλος δὲ κατατρώσασα οὓς μάλιστα τῶν εὐνούχων ἐνόμιζεν εὔνους, ἐπήγετο σφᾶς ἐς τὸ πλῆθος ὡς αὐτή τε ἐπιβουλευθεῖσα ὑπὸ Πτολεμαίου καὶ τοὺς εὐνούχους τοιαῦτα ὑπʼ ἐκείνου παθόντας. οἱ δὲ Ἀλεξανδρεῖς ὥρμησαν μὲν ὡς ἀποκτενοῦντες τὸν Πτολεμαῖον, ὡς δὲ σφᾶς ἔφθασεν ἐπιβὰς νεώς, Ἀλέξανδρον ἥκοντα ἐκ Κύπρου ποιοῦνται βασιλέα. 1.9.3. Κλεοπάτραν δὲ περιῆλθεν ἡ δίκη τῆς Πτολεμαίου φυγῆς ἀποθανοῦσαν ὑπὸ Ἀλεξάνδρου, ὃν αὐτὴ βασιλεύειν ἔπραξεν Αἰγυπτίων. τοῦ δὲ ἔργου φωραθέντος καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου φόβῳ τῶν πολιτῶν φεύγοντος, οὕτω Πτολεμαῖος κατῆλθε καὶ τὸ δεύτερον ἔσχεν Αἴγυπτον· καὶ Θηβαίοις ἐπολέμησεν ἀποστᾶσι, παραστησάμενος δὲ ἔτει τρίτῳ μετὰ τὴν ἀπόστασιν ἐκάκωσεν, ὡς μηδὲ ὑπόμνημα λειφθῆναι Θηβαίοις τῆς ποτε εὐδαιμονίας προελθούσης ἐς τοσοῦτον ὡς ὑπερβαλέσθαι πλούτῳ τοὺς Ἑλλήνων πολυχρημάτους, τό τε ἱερὸν τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς καὶ Ὀρχομενίους. Πτολεμαῖον μὲν οὖν ὀλίγῳ τούτων ὕστερον ἐπέλαβε μοῖρα ἡ καθήκουσα· Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ παθόντες εὖ πολλά τε καὶ οὐκ ἄξια ἐξηγήσεως χαλκοῦν καὶ αὐτὸν καὶ Βερενίκην ἀνέθηκαν, ἣ μόνη γνησία οἱ τῶν παίδων ἦν. 1.25.2. πρὸς δὲ τῷ τείχει τῷ Νοτίῳ γιγάντων, οἳ περὶ Θρᾴκην ποτὲ καὶ τὸν ἰσθμὸν τῆς Παλλήνης ᾤκησαν, τούτων τὸν λεγόμενον πόλεμον καὶ μάχην πρὸς Ἀμαζόνας Ἀθηναίων καὶ τὸ Μαραθῶνι πρὸς Μήδους ἔργον καὶ Γαλατῶν τὴν ἐν Μυσίᾳ φθορὰν ἀνέθηκεν Ἄτταλος, ὅσον τε δύο πηχῶν ἕκαστον. ἕστηκε δὲ καὶ Ὀλυμπιόδωρος, μεγέθει τε ὧν ἔπραξε λαβὼν δόξαν καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα τῷ καιρῷ, φρόνημα ἐν ἀνθρώποις παρασχόμενος συνεχῶς ἐπταικόσι καὶ διʼ αὐτὸ οὐδὲ ἓν χρηστὸν οὐδὲ ἐς τὰ μέλλοντα ἐλπίζουσι. 10.32.13. τοῦ δὲ Ἀσκληπιοῦ περὶ τεσσαράκοντα ἀπέχει σταδίους περίβολος καὶ ἄδυτον ἱερὸν Ἴσιδος, ἁγιώτατον ὁπόσα Ἕλληνες θεῷ τῇ Αἰγυπτίᾳ πεποίηνται· οὔτε γὰρ περιοικεῖν ἐνταῦθα οἱ Τιθορεεῖς νομίζουσιν οὔτε ἔσοδος ἐς τὸ ἄδυτον ἄλλοις γε ἢ ἐκείνοις ἐστὶν οὓς ἂν αὐτὴ προτιμήσασα ἡ Ἶσις καλέσῃ σφᾶς διʼ ἐνυπνίων. τὸ δὲ αὐτὸ καὶ ἐν ταῖς ὑπὲρ Μαιάνδρου πόλεσι θεοὶ ποιοῦσιν οἱ καταχθόνιοι· οὓς γὰρ ἂν ἐς τὰ ἄδυτα ἐσιέναι θελήσωσιν, ἀποστέλλουσιν αὐτοῖς ὀνειράτων ὄψεις. 1.9.1. The one called Philometor is eighth in descent from Ptolemy son of Lagus, and his surname was given him in sarcastic mockery, for we know of none of the kings who was so hated by his mother. Although he was the eldest of her children she would not allow him to be called to the throne, but prevailed on his father before the call came to send him to Cyprus . Among the reasons assigned for Cleopatra's enmity towards her son is her expectation that Alexander the younger of her sons would prove more subservient, and this consideration induced her to urge the Egyptians to choose Alexander as king. 1.9.2. When the people offered opposition, she dispatched Alexander for the second time to Cyprus , ostensibly as general, but really because she wished by his means to make Ptolemy more afraid of her. Finally she covered with wounds those eunuchs she thought best disposed, and presented them to the people, making out that she was the victim of Ptolemy's machinations, and that he had treated the eunuchs in such a fashion. The people of Alexandria rushed to kill Ptolemy, and when he escaped on board a ship, made Alexander, who returned from Cyprus , their king. 1.9.3. Retribution for the exile of Ptolemy came upon Cleopatra, for she was put to death by Alexander, whom she herself had made to be king of the Egyptians. When the deed was discovered, and Alexander fled in fear of the citizens, Ptolemy returned and for the second time assumed control of Egypt . He made war against the Thebans, who had revolted, reduced them two years after the revolt, and treated them so cruelly that they were left not even a memorial of their former prosperity, which had so grown that they surpassed in wealth the richest of the Greeks, the sanctuary of Delphi and the Orchomenians. Shortly after this Ptolemy met with his appointed fate, and the Athenians, who had been benefited by him in many ways which I need not stop to relate, set up a bronze likeness of him and of Berenice , his only legitimate child. 1.25.2. By the south wall are represented the legendary war with the giants, who once dwelt about Thrace and on the isthmus of Pallene , the battle between the Athenians and the Amazons, the engagement with the Persians at Marathon and the destruction of the Gauls in Mysia . See Paus. 1.4.5 . Each is about two cubits, and all were dedicated by Attalus. There stands too Olympiodorus, who won fame for the greatness of his achievements, especially in the crisis when he displayed a brave confidence among men who had met with continuous reverses, and were therefore in despair of winning a single success in the days to come. 10.32.13. About forty stades distant from Asclepius is a precinct and shrine sacred to Isis, the holiest of all those made by the Greeks for the Egyptian goddess. For the Tithoreans think it wrong to dwell round about it, and no one may enter the shrine except those whom Isis herself has honored by inviting them in dreams. The same rule is observed in the cities above the Maeander by the gods of the lower world; for to all whom they wish to enter their shrines they send visions seen in dreams.
100. Apuleius, Apology, 73.9, 87.10-87.11, 98.5-98.7 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63, 64
101. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, 342, 364 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63
102. Tertullian, Apology, 24.7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 31
103. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •ptolemaic queens, cleopatra ii •ptolemaic queens, cleopatra iii Found in books: Jim (2022) 192
104. Papyri, Papyri Graecae Magicae, 76 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii Found in books: Renberg (2017) 592
105. Babylonian Talmud, Menachot, 109 (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii, Found in books: Brooten (1982) 74
106. Babylonian Talmud, Megillah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii, •cleopatra ii Found in books: Brooten (1982) 74; Salvesen et al (2020) 110
10a. יש אחריה היתר וקדושת ירושלים אין אחריה היתר:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big א"ר יצחק שמעתי שמקריבין בבית חוניו בזמן הזה קסבר בית חוניו לאו בית ע"ז היא וקא סבר קדושה ראשונה קידשה לשעתה ולא קידשה לעתיד לבוא,דכתיב (דברים יב, ט) כי לא באתם עד עתה אל המנוחה ואל הנחלה מנוחה זו שילה נחלה זו ירושלים מקיש נחלה למנוחה מה מנוחה יש אחריה היתר אף נחלה יש אחריה היתר,אמרו ליה אמרת אמר להו לא אמר רבא האלהים אמרה וגמירנא לה מיניה,ומ"ט קא הדר ביה משום קשיא דרב מרי דמותיב רב מרי קדושת שילה יש אחריה היתר קדושת ירושלים אין אחריה היתר ועוד תנן משבאו לירושלים נאסרו הבמות ולא היה להם עוד היתר והיא היתה לנחלה,תנאי היא (דתניא) א"ר אליעזר שמעתי כשהיו בונין בהיכל עושין קלעים להיכל וקלעים לעזרה אלא שבהיכל בונין מבחוץ ובעזרה בונין מבפנים,וא"ר יהושע שמעתי שמקריבין אע"פ שאין בית אוכלין קדשי קדשים אע"פ שאין קלעים קדשים קלים ומעשר שני אע"פ שאין חומה מפני שקדושה ראשונה קידשה לשעתה וקידשה לעתיד לבוא מכלל דר"א סבר לא קידשה לעתיד לבוא,א"ל רבינא לרב אשי ממאי דלמא דכולי עלמא קדושה ראשונה קידשה לשעתה וקידשה לעתיד לבוא ומר מאי דשמיע ליה קאמר ומר מאי דשמיע ליה קאמר וכי תימא קלעים לר"א למה לי לצניעותא בעלמא,אלא כי הני תנאי דתניא אמר רבי ישמעאל ברבי יוסי למה מנו חכמים את אלו שכשעלו בני הגולה מצאו את אלו וקידשום אבל הראשונות בטלו משבטלה הארץ אלמא קסבר קדושה ראשונה קידשה לשעתה ולא קידשה לעתיד לבוא,ורמינהו אמר רבי ישמעאל ברבי יוסי וכי אלו בלבד היו והלא כבר נאמר (דברים ג, ד) ששים עיר כל חבל ארגוב וכתיב (דברים ג, ה) כל אלה ערים בצורות חומה גבוהה אלא למה מנו חכמים את אלו שכשעלו בני הגולה מצאו אלו וקידשום,קידשום 10a. b after /b the Tabernacle was destroyed, b there is permission /b to sacrifice offerings on improvised altars. b But /b with regard to b the sanctity of Jerusalem, after /b the Temple was destroyed, b there is no permission /b to sacrifice offerings on improvised altars, as the prohibition remains intact., strong GEMARA: /strong b Rabbi Yitzḥak said: I heard that one sacrifices /b offerings b in the temple of Onias /b in Egypt b at the present time. /b The Gemara cites the basis for the statement of Rabbi Yitzḥak. b He maintains /b that b the temple of Onias is not a house of idol worship /b but rather a temple devoted to the service of God, b and he maintains /b that b the initial consecration sanctified /b Jerusalem b for its time and did not sanctify /b Jerusalem b forever. /b Therefore, after the destruction of the Temple, the sanctity of Jerusalem lapsed and the sacrifice of offerings elsewhere was no longer prohibited. For these reasons it was permitted to sacrifice offerings in the temple of Onias after the Temple was destroyed.,The Gemara cites the source of this i halakha /i . It is b as it is written: “For you are not as yet come to the rest and to the inheritance” /b (Deuteronomy 12:9), which is interpreted: “ b Rest,” this is Shiloh; “inheritance,” this is Jerusalem. /b The verse b juxtaposes /b and likens b inheritance to rest: Just as /b in the place of b rest, /b Shiloh, b after /b its destruction b there is permission /b to sacrifice offerings on improvised altars, b so too /b in the place of b inheritance, /b Jerusalem, b after /b its destruction b there is permission /b to sacrifice offerings on improvised altars.,The Gemara reports that the other Sages b said to /b Rabbi Yitzḥak: b Did you say /b this i halakha /i with regard to the temple of Onias? b He said to them: No, /b I did not say that. b Rava said, /b reinforcing his assertion with an oath: b By God! /b Rabbi Yitzḥak b did /b in fact b say this, and I /b myself b learned it from him, /b but he later retracted this ruling.,The Gemara asks: b And what is the reason he retracted /b his ruling? The Gemara explains: It is b due to the difficulty /b raised b by Rav Mari, as Rav Mari raised an objection /b from the mishna: With regard to b the sanctity of Shiloh, after /b the Tabernacle was destroyed b there is permission /b to sacrifice offerings on improvised altars. But with regard to b the sanctity of Jerusalem, after /b the Temple was destroyed b there is no permission /b to sacrifice offerings on improvised altars. b And furthermore, we learned /b in a mishna ( i Zevaḥim /i 112b): b Once they came to Jerusalem, /b improvised altars b were prohibited, and they did not again have permission /b to do so, b and /b Jerusalem b became the /b everlasting b inheritance. /b ,The Gemara comments: b This /b matter b is /b subject to a dispute between b i tanna’im /i , as it is taught /b in a mishna ( i Eduyyot /i 8:6): b Rabbi Eliezer said: I heard that when they were building the Sanctuary /b in the Second Temple, b they fashioned /b temporary b hangings for the Sanctuary and /b temporary b hangings for the courtyard /b to serve as partitions until construction of the stone walls was completed. The difference was b only that in /b building b the Sanctuary, /b the workers b built /b the walls b outside /b the hangings, without entering, b and in the courtyard, /b the workers b built /b the walls b inside /b the hangings., b And Rabbi Yehoshua said: I heard that one sacrifices /b offerings on the altar b even though there is no Temple, one eats offerings of the most sacred order /b in the Temple courtyard b even if there are no hangings, /b and one eats b offerings of lesser sanctity and second tithe /b produce in Jerusalem b even if there is no wall /b surrounding the city, b due to /b the fact b that the initial consecration sanctified /b Jerusalem b for its time and /b also b sanctified /b Jerusalem b forever. /b Even if the walls do not exist, the sanctity remains intact. The Gemara concludes: From the fact that Rabbi Yehoshua based his opinion on the principle that the initial sanctification sanctified Jerusalem forever, b by inference /b one can conclude b that Rabbi Eliezer holds: It did not sanctify /b Jerusalem b forever. /b Apparently, this issue is subject to a dispute between i tanna’im /i ., b Ravina said to Rav Ashi: From where /b do you draw this inference? b Perhaps everyone maintains that the initial consecration sanctified /b Jerusalem b for its time and /b also b sanctified /b Jerusalem b forever. And /b one b Sage, /b Rabbi Eliezer, b stated that /b tradition, b which he heard /b from his teachers, b and /b one b Sage, /b Rabbi Yehoshua, b stated that /b tradition, b which he heard /b from his teachers, and there is no dispute between them. b And if you would say: Why /b then b do I /b need b hangings /b at all b according to Rabbi Eliezer? /b The original sanctity remained when Jerusalem was not surrounded by walls, and the presence or absence of hangings is irrelevant as well. The Gemara answers: The hangings were established b merely for seclusion, /b as it would have been unbecoming for the activity in this most sacred venue to be visible to all., b Rather, /b this matter is subject to the dispute between b these i tanna’im /i , as it is taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Yishmael, son of Rabbi Yosei, said: Why did the Sages enumerate these /b nine cities in tractate i Arakhin /i as cities walled since the days of Joshua, son of Nun? Weren’t there many more? b As, when the exiles ascended /b to Eretz Yisrael from Babylonia, b they discovered these /b cities b and consecrated them /b as walled cities; b but the /b sanctity of the b first /b walled cities enumerated in the book of Joshua b was negated when /b settlement in b the land was negated /b and the Jewish people were exiled. b Apparently, /b Rabbi Yishmael, son of Rabbi Yosei, b maintains: The initial consecration sanctified /b Jerusalem b for its time /b only b and did not sanctify /b Jerusalem b forever. /b ,The Gemara b raises a contradiction /b from a different i baraita /i . b Rabbi Yishmael, son of Rabbi Yosei, said: Were these /b cities that were enumerated in tractate i Arakhin /i b the only /b walled cities? b Wasn’t it already stated: “Sixty cities, all the region of Argov” /b (Deuteronomy 3:4), b and /b concerning these cities b it is written: “All these cities were fortified with high walls, /b gates and bars” (Deuteronomy 3:5), indicating that there were a great number of walled cities? b Rather, why then did the Sages enumerate these /b specific cities? It is due to the fact b that when the exiles ascended /b from Babylonia b they discovered these and consecrated them /b as walled cities.,The Gemara asks: b Consecrated them? /b If their sanctity remained, why was it necessary to consecrate them?
107. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 22.16.9-22.16.11 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 246
22.16.9. Since this coast in former times, because of its treacherous and perilous approaches, involved seafarers in many dangers, Cleopatra The pharos was the work of Sostrates of Cnidus, master-builder of Ptolemy Philadelphus. It was destroyed during the Alexandrine war, and rebuilt by Cleopatra. devised a lofty tower in the harbour, which from its situation is called the Pharos It was built on an island called Pharos; its height is estimated to have been about 360 feet, and its base 82 feet square. It stood until 1477 or 1478, when a fort was built from its material. and furnishes the means of showing lights to ships by night; whereas before that, as they came from the Parthenian or the Libyan sea past flat and low shores, seeing no landmarks of mountains or signs of hills, they were dashed upon the soft, tenacious sandbanks and wrecked. 22.16.10. This same queen built the Heptastadium, A causeway seven stadia in length; it is now, generally speaking, a mile wide, and forms a large part of the site of the modern city (Strabo, L.C.L. , vol. viii. p. 27, n. 2. Cf. Strabo, xvii. 1, 6 (p. 792). This also is earlier than Cleopatra. remarkable alike for its great size and for the incredible speed with which it was constructed, for a well-known and sufficient reason. The island of Pharos, where Proteus, as Homer relates in lofty language, Odyss. iv. 400 ff. lived with his herd of seals, lay a mile from the shore of the city, and was subject to tribute by the Rhodians. 22.16.11. When they had come one day to collect this tax, which was excessive, the queen, who was ever skilled in deception, under pretence of a solemn festival, took the same tax-collectors with her to the suburbs, and gave orders that the work should be completed by unremitting toil. In seven days, by building dams in the sea near the shore, the same number of stadia were won for the land; then the queen rode to the spot in a carriage drawn by horses, and laughed at the Rhodians, since it was on islands and not on the mainland that they imposed a duty. The language is somewhat obscure, but the meaning is clear. The Heptastadion connected the island of Pharos with the mainland, and so took away the right of the Rhodians to tax it as an island.
108. Anon., Apophthegmata Patrum, Elias, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii, Found in books: Brooten (1982) 74
109. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Saturninus, 7.4, 8.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 31
110. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadrian, 12.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 31
111. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Tyranni Triginta, 22.1-22.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 31
112. Servius, In Vergilii Bucolicon Librum, 4.49 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 64
113. Papyri, P.Yale, 42  Tagged with subjects: •ḥor of sebennytos, seeking isis prescription for cleopatra ii Found in books: Renberg (2017) 386
114. Papyri, P.Berol. Inv., None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022) 12
115. Asconius, Ad Ciceronis In Verrem, 2.1.152  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63
116. Papyri, Virgilio 1981, 2674  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii philopator Found in books: Amendola (2022) 12
117. Epigraphy, I. Paphos, 45  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii •cleopatra iii Found in books: Csapo (2022) 42
119. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.12-1.16, 1.19-1.20, 1.34-1.222, 1.302-1.303, 1.364, 1.430-1.436, 1.496-1.497, 1.726, 1.740-1.746, 1.753, 4.10, 4.40-4.41, 4.124, 4.132-4.134, 4.165, 4.323-4.324, 4.327-4.330, 4.483, 4.622-4.629, 5.522-5.528, 5.759-5.761, 5.774-5.775, 6.60, 6.841, 6.844-6.846, 6.855-6.859, 7.583, 8.685-8.713, 12.572, 12.804  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra, cleopatra vii philopator, as dido •cleopatra, cleopatra vii philopator, on aeneas’ shield •cleopatra, cleopatra vii philopator, as amazon •cleopatra, cleopatra vii philopator, as sophoniba •cleopatra vii, hostess to caesar •cleopatra vii •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of •cleopatra vii, as ‘new isis’ •cleopatra vii, suicide of Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 98; Giusti (2018) 14, 41, 94, 103, 201, 205, 208, 241, 245, 277; Manolaraki (2012) 30, 31, 76, 192, 194, 200, 209
1.12. O Muse, the causes tell! What sacrilege, 1.13. or vengeful sorrow, moved the heavenly Queen 1.14. to thrust on dangers dark and endless toil 1.15. a man whose largest honor in men's eyes 1.19. made front on Italy and on the mouths 1.20. of Tiber 's stream; its wealth and revenues 1.34. of Saturn's daughter, who remembered well 1.35. what long and unavailing strife she waged 1.36. for her loved Greeks at Troy . Nor did she fail 1.37. to meditate th' occasions of her rage, 1.38. and cherish deep within her bosom proud 1.39. its griefs and wrongs: the choice by Paris made; 1.40. her scorned and slighted beauty; a whole race 1.41. rebellious to her godhead; and Jove's smile 1.42. that beamed on eagle-ravished Ganymede. 1.43. With all these thoughts infuriate, her power 1.44. pursued with tempests o'er the boundless main 1.45. the Trojans, though by Grecian victor spared 1.46. and fierce Achilles; so she thrust them far 1.47. from Latium ; and they drifted, Heaven-impelled, 1.48. year after year, o'er many an unknown sea— 1.50. Below th' horizon the Sicilian isle 1.51. just sank from view, as for the open sea 1.52. with heart of hope they sailed, and every ship 1.53. clove with its brazen beak the salt, white waves. 1.54. But Juno of her everlasting wound 1.55. knew no surcease, but from her heart of pain 1.56. thus darkly mused: “Must I, defeated, fail 1.57. of what I will, nor turn the Teucrian King 1.58. from Italy away? Can Fate oppose? 1.59. Had Pallas power to lay waste in flame 1.60. the Argive fleet and sink its mariners, 1.61. revenging but the sacrilege obscene 1.62. by Ajax wrought, Oileus' desperate son? 1.63. She, from the clouds, herself Jove's lightning threw, 1.64. cattered the ships, and ploughed the sea with storms. 1.65. Her foe, from his pierced breast out-breathing fire, 1.66. in whirlwind on a deadly rock she flung. 1.67. But I, who move among the gods a queen, 1.68. Jove's sister and his spouse, with one weak tribe 1.69. make war so long! Who now on Juno calls? 1.71. So, in her fevered heart complaining still, 1.72. unto the storm-cloud land the goddess came, 1.73. a region with wild whirlwinds in its womb, 1.74. Aeolia named, where royal Aeolus 1.75. in a high-vaulted cavern keeps control 1.76. o'er warring winds and loud concourse of storms. 1.77. There closely pent in chains and bastions strong, 1.78. they, scornful, make the vacant mountain roar, 1.79. chafing against their bonds. But from a throne 1.80. of lofty crag, their king with sceptred hand 1.81. allays their fury and their rage confines. 1.82. Did he not so, our ocean, earth, and sky 1.83. were whirled before them through the vast ie. 1.84. But over-ruling Jove, of this in fear, 1.85. hid them in dungeon dark: then o'er them piled 1.86. huge mountains, and ordained a lawful king 1.87. to hold them in firm sway, or know what time, 1.88. with Jove's consent, to loose them o'er the world. 1.90. “Thou in whose hands the Father of all gods 1.91. and Sovereign of mankind confides the power 1.92. to calm the waters or with winds upturn, 1.93. great Aeolus! a race with me at war 1.94. now sails the Tuscan main towards Italy , 1.95. bringing their Ilium and its vanquished powers. 1.96. Uprouse thy gales. Strike that proud navy down! 1.97. Hurl far and wide, and strew the waves with dead! 1.98. Twice seven nymphs are mine, of rarest mould; 1.99. of whom Deiopea, the most fair, 1.100. I give thee in true wedlock for thine own, 1.101. to mate thy noble worth; she at thy side 1.102. hall pass long, happy years, and fruitful bring 1.104. Then Aeolus: “'T is thy sole task, O Queen, 1.105. to weigh thy wish and will. My fealty 1.106. thy high behest obeys. This humble throne 1.107. is of thy gift. Thy smiles for me obtain 1.108. authority from Jove. Thy grace concedes 1.109. my station at your bright Olympian board, 1.111. Replying thus, he smote with spear reversed 1.112. the hollow mountain's wall; then rush the winds 1.113. through that wide breach in long, embattled line, 1.114. and sweep tumultuous from land to land: 1.115. with brooding pinions o'er the waters spread, 1.116. east wind and south, and boisterous Afric gale 1.117. upturn the sea; vast billows shoreward roll; 1.118. the shout of mariners, the creak of cordage, 1.119. follow the shock; low-hanging clouds conceal 1.120. from Trojan eyes all sight of heaven and day; 1.121. night o'er the ocean broods; from sky to sky 1.122. the thunders roll, the ceaseless lightnings glare; 1.123. and all things mean swift death for mortal man. 1.124. Straightway Aeneas, shuddering with amaze, 1.125. groaned loud, upraised both holy hands to Heaven, 1.126. and thus did plead: “O thrice and four times blest, 1.127. ye whom your sires and whom the walls of Troy 1.128. looked on in your last hour! O bravest son 1.129. Greece ever bore, Tydides! O that I 1.130. had fallen on Ilian fields, and given this life 1.131. truck down by thy strong hand! where by the spear 1.132. of great Achilles, fiery Hector fell, 1.133. and huge Sarpedon; where the Simois 1.134. in furious flood engulfed and whirled away 1.136. While thus he cried to Heaven, a shrieking blast 1.137. mote full upon the sail. Up surged the waves 1.138. to strike the very stars; in fragments flew 1.139. the shattered oars; the helpless vessel veered 1.140. and gave her broadside to the roaring flood, 1.141. where watery mountains rose and burst and fell. 1.142. Now high in air she hangs, then yawning gulfs 1.143. lay bare the shoals and sands o'er which she drives. 1.144. Three ships a whirling south wind snatched and flung 1.145. on hidden rocks,—altars of sacrifice 1.146. Italians call them, which lie far from shore 1.147. a vast ridge in the sea; three ships beside 1.148. an east wind, blowing landward from the deep, 1.149. drove on the shallows,—pitiable sight,— 1.150. and girdled them in walls of drifting sand. 1.151. That ship, which, with his friend Orontes, bore 1.152. the Lycian mariners, a great, plunging wave 1.153. truck straight astern, before Aeneas' eyes. 1.154. Forward the steersman rolled and o'er the side 1.155. fell headlong, while three times the circling flood 1.156. pun the light bark through swift engulfing seas. 1.157. Look, how the lonely swimmers breast the wave! 1.158. And on the waste of waters wide are seen 1.159. weapons of war, spars, planks, and treasures rare, 1.160. once Ilium 's boast, all mingled with the storm. 1.161. Now o'er Achates and Ilioneus, 1.162. now o'er the ship of Abas or Aletes, 1.163. bursts the tempestuous shock; their loosened seams 1.165. Meanwhile how all his smitten ocean moaned, 1.166. and how the tempest's turbulent assault 1.167. had vexed the stillness of his deepest cave, 1.168. great Neptune knew; and with indigt mien 1.169. uplifted o'er the sea his sovereign brow. 1.170. He saw the Teucrian navy scattered far 1.171. along the waters; and Aeneas' men 1.172. o'erwhelmed in mingling shock of wave and sky. 1.173. Saturnian Juno's vengeful stratagem 1.174. her brother's royal glance failed not to see; 1.175. and loud to eastward and to westward calling, 1.176. he voiced this word: “What pride of birth or power 1.177. is yours, ye winds, that, reckless of my will, 1.178. audacious thus, ye ride through earth and heaven, 1.179. and stir these mountain waves? Such rebels I— 1.180. nay, first I calm this tumult! But yourselves 1.181. by heavier chastisement shall expiate 1.182. hereafter your bold trespass. Haste away 1.183. and bear your king this word! Not unto him 1.184. dominion o'er the seas and trident dread, 1.185. but unto me, Fate gives. Let him possess 1.186. wild mountain crags, thy favored haunt and home, 1.187. O Eurus! In his barbarous mansion there, 1.188. let Aeolus look proud, and play the king 1.190. He spoke, and swiftlier than his word subdued 1.191. the swelling of the floods; dispersed afar 1.192. th' assembled clouds, and brought back light to heaven. 1.193. Cymothoe then and Triton, with huge toil, 1.194. thrust down the vessels from the sharp-edged reef; 1.195. while, with the trident, the great god's own hand 1.196. assists the task; then, from the sand-strewn shore 1.197. out-ebbing far, he calms the whole wide sea, 1.198. and glides light-wheeled along the crested foam. 1.199. As when, with not unwonted tumult, roars 1.200. in some vast city a rebellious mob, 1.201. and base-born passions in its bosom burn, 1.202. till rocks and blazing torches fill the air 1.203. (rage never lacks for arms)—if haply then 1.204. ome wise man comes, whose reverend looks attest 1.205. a life to duty given, swift silence falls; 1.206. all ears are turned attentive; and he sways 1.207. with clear and soothing speech the people's will. 1.208. So ceased the sea's uproar, when its grave Sire 1.209. looked o'er th' expanse, and, riding on in light, 1.211. Aeneas' wave-worn crew now landward made, 1.212. and took the nearest passage, whither lay 1.213. the coast of Libya . A haven there 1.214. walled in by bold sides of a rocky isle, 1.215. offers a spacious and secure retreat, 1.216. where every billow from the distant main 1.217. breaks, and in many a rippling curve retires. 1.218. Huge crags and two confronted promontories 1.219. frown heaven-high, beneath whose brows outspread 1.220. the silent, sheltered waters; on the heights 1.221. the bright and glimmering foliage seems to show 1.222. a woodland amphitheatre; and yet higher 1.302. and nations populous from shore to shore, 1.303. paused on the peak of heaven, and fixed his gaze 1.364. the winter o'er Rutulia's vanquished hills. 1.430. Deep to the midmost wood he went, and there 1.431. his Mother in his path uprose; she seemed 1.432. in garb and countece a maid, and bore, 1.433. like Spartan maids, a weapon; in such guise 1.434. Harpalyce the Thracian urges on 1.435. her panting coursers and in wild career 1.436. outstrips impetuous Hebrus as it flows. 1.496. his buried treasure lay, a weight unknown 1.497. of silver and of gold. Thus onward urged, 1.726. from every ship had come to sue for grace, 1.740. uch haughty violence fits not the souls 1.741. of vanquished men. We journey to a land 1.742. named, in Greek syllables, Hesperia : 1.743. a storied realm, made mighty by great wars 1.744. and wealth of fruitful land; in former days 1.745. Oenotrians had it, and their sons, 't is said, 1.746. have called it Italy , a chieftain's name 1.753. we few swam hither, waifs upon your shore! 4.10. Aurora had dispelled the dark and dew; 4.40. He who first mingled his dear life with mine 4.41. took with him all my heart. 'T is his alone — 4.124. he clasps Ascanius, seeking to deceive 4.132. the Queen's infection; and because the voice 4.133. of honor to such frenzy spoke not, she, 4.134. daughter of Saturn, unto Venus turned 4.165. Juno the Queen replied: “Leave that to me! 4.323. of empire Heaven-bestowed. On winged winds 4.324. hasten with my decrees. Not such the man 4.327. but that he might rule Italy , a land 4.328. pregt with thrones and echoing with war; 4.329. that he of Teucer's seed a race should sire, 4.330. and bring beneath its law the whole wide world. 4.483. were standing still; or these my loyal hands 4.622. mite with alternate wrath: Ioud is the roar, 4.623. and from its rocking top the broken boughs 4.624. are strewn along the ground; but to the crag 4.625. teadfast it ever clings; far as toward heaven 4.626. its giant crest uprears, so deep below 4.627. its roots reach down to Tartarus:—not less 4.628. the hero by unceasing wail and cry 4.629. is smitten sore, and in his mighty heart 5.522. O, if I had what yonder ruffian boasts— 5.523. my own proud youth once more! I would not ask 5.524. the fair bull for a prize, nor to the lists 5.525. in search of gifts come forth.” So saying, he threw 5.526. into the mid-arena a vast pair 5.527. of ponderous gauntlets, which in former days 5.528. fierce Eryx for his fights was wont to bind 5.759. that-fabled labyrinthine gallery 5.760. wound on through lightless walls, with thousand paths 5.761. which baffled every clue, and led astray 5.774. and still we know them for the “Trojan Band,” 5.775. and call the lads a “ Troy .” Such was the end 6.60. Whence voices flow, the Sibyl's answering songs. 6.841. Their arms and shadowy chariots he views, 6.844. For if in life their darling passion ran 6.845. To chariots, arms, or glossy-coated steeds, 6.846. The self-same joy, though in their graves, they feel. 6.855. And poets, of whom the true-inspired song 6.856. Deserved Apollo's name; and all who found 6.857. New arts, to make man's life more blest or fair; 6.858. Yea! here dwell all those dead whose deeds bequeath 6.859. Deserved and grateful memory to their kind. 7.583. cares and deceives thy visionary eye. 8.685. Therefore go forth, O bravest chief and King 8.686. of Troy and Italy ! To thee I give 8.687. the hope and consolation of our throne, 8.688. pallas, my son, and bid him find in thee 8.689. a master and example, while he learns 8.690. the soldier's arduous toil. With thy brave deeds 8.691. let him familiar grow, and reverence thee 8.692. with youthful love and honor. In his train 8.693. two hundred horsemen of Arcadia , 8.694. our choicest men-at-arms, shall ride; and he 8.695. in his own name an equal band shall bring 8.696. to follow only thee.” Such the discourse. 8.697. With meditative brows and downcast eyes 8.698. Aeneas and Achates, sad at heart, 8.699. mused on unnumbered perils yet to come. 8.700. But out of cloudless sky Cythera's Queen 8.701. gave sudden signal: from th' ethereal dome 8.702. a thunder-peal and flash of quivering fire 8.703. tumultuous broke, as if the world would fall, 8.704. and bellowing Tuscan trumpets shook the air. 8.705. All eyes look up. Again and yet again 8.706. crashed the terrible din, and where the sky 8.707. looked clearest hung a visionary cloud, 8.708. whence through the brightness blazed resounding arms. 8.709. All hearts stood still. But Troy 's heroic son 8.710. knew that his mother in the skies redeemed 8.711. her pledge in sound of thunder: so he cried, 8.712. “Seek not, my friend, seek not thyself to read 8.713. the meaning of the omen. 'T is to me 12.572. of fragrant panacea. Such a balm 12.804. But now a new adversity befell
120. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.85.3-2.85.6, 2.87  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of •cleopatra vii, hostess to caesar •cleopatra vii, suicide of Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 76, 209
121. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 2.8.6-2.8.7, 5.4.4, 5.5.2  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, as ‘new isis’ •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 63; Manolaraki (2012) 191
122. Papyri, P.Bingen, 45  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii philopator Found in books: Amendola (2022) 12
123. Papyri, P.Hal., None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 24, 162
124. Strabo, Geography, 1.2.23, 2.5.12, 4.5.56, 5.17, 6.4.2, 7.7.6, 11.11.5, 12.2.4, 13.1.30, 17.1.1-17.1.13, 17.1.17, 17.1.29, 17.1.49-17.1.50, 17.2.1-17.2.15  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of •ptolemy philadelphus (son of cleopatra vii and mark antony) •cleopatra vii, and wine •cleopatra vii, hostess to caesar •cleopatra vii, suicide of •cleopatra ii •cleopatra iii Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 23; Manolaraki (2012) 31, 32, 187, 209; Salvesen et al (2020) 218, 246; Taylor and Hay (2020) 1, 2
1.2.23. Again, they are entirely wrong when they allege as a mark of Homer's ignorance, that he describes the island of Pharos as entirely surrounded by the sea. On the contrary, it might be taken advantage of as a proof that our poet was not unacquainted with a single one of the points concerning Egypt which we have just been speaking of: and thus we demonstrate it: — Every one is prone to romance a little in narrating his travels, and Menelaus was no exception to the rule. He had been to Ethiopia, and there heard much discussion concerning the sources of the Nile, and the alluvium which it deposited, both along its course, and also at its mouths, and the large additions which it had thereby made to the main-land, so as fully to justify the remark of Herodotus that the whole of Egypt was a gift from the river; or if not the whole, at all events that part of it below the Delta, called Lower Egypt. He had heard too that Pharos was entirely surrounded by sea, and therefore misrepresented it as entirely surrounded by the sea, although it had long ago ceased so to be. Now the author of all this was Homer, and we therefore infer that he was not ignorant concerning either the sources or the mouths of the Nile. 2.5.12. Writers of the present day can describe with more certainty [than formerly] the Britons, the Germans, and the dwellers on either side of the Danube, the Getae, the Tyrigetae, the Bastarnae, the tribes dwelling by the Caucasus, such as the Albanians and Iberians. We are besides possessed of a description of Hyrcania and Bactriana in the Histories of Parthia written by such men as Apollodorus of Artemita, who leave detailed the boundaries [of those countries] with greater accuracy than other geographers. The entrance of a Roman army into Arabia Felix under the command of my friend and companion Aelius Gallus, and the traffic of the Alexandrian merchants whose vessels pass up the Nile and Arabian Gulf to India, have rendered us much better acquainted with these countries than our predecessors were. I was with Gallus at the time he was prefect of Egypt, and accompanied him as far as Syene and the frontiers of Ethiopia, and I found that about one hundred and twenty ships sail from Myos-hormos to India, although, in the time of the Ptolemies, scarcely any one would venture on this voyage and the commerce with the Indies. 6.4.2. Now if I must add to my account of Italy a summary account also of the Romans who took possession of it and equipped it as a base of operations for the universal hegemony, let me add as follows: After the founding of Rome, the Romans wisely continued for many generations under the rule of kings. Afterwards, because the last Tarquinius was a bad ruler, they ejected him, framed a government which was a mixture of monarchy and aristocracy, and dealt with the Sabini and Latini as with partners. But since they did not always find either them or the other neighboring peoples well intentioned, they were forced, in a way, to enlarge their own country by the dismemberment of that of the others. And in this way, while they were advancing and increasing little by little, it came to pass, contrary to the expectation of all, that they suddenly lost their city, although they also got it back contrary to expectation. This took place, as Polybius says, in the nineteenth year after the naval battle at Aegospotami, at the time of the Peace of Antalcidas. After having rid themselves of these enemies, the Romans first made all the Latini their subjects; then stopped the Tyrrheni and the Celti who lived about the Padus from their wide and unrestrained licence; then fought down the Samnitae, and, after them, the Tarantini and Pyrrhus; and then at last also the remainder of what is now Italy, except the part that is about the Padus. And while this part was still in a state of war, the Romans crossed over to Sicily, and on taking it away from the Carthaginians came back again to attack the peoples who lived about the Padus; and it was while that war was still in progress that Hannibal invaded Italy. This latter is the second war that occurred against the Carthaginians; and not long afterwards occurred the third, in which Carthage was destroyed; and at the same time the Romans acquired, not only Libya, but also as much of Iberia as they had taken away from the Carthaginians. But the Greeks, the Macedonians, and those peoples in Asia who lived this side the Halys River and the Taurus Mountains joined the Carthaginians in a revolution, and therefore at the same time the Romans were led on to a conquest of these peoples, whose kings were Antiochus, Philip, and Perseus. Further, those of the Illyrians and Thracians who were neighbors to the Greeks and the Macedonians began to carry on war against the Romans and kept on warring until the Romans had subdued all the tribes this side the Ister and this side the Halys. And the Iberians, Celti, and all the remaining peoples which now give ear to the Romans had the same experience. As for Iberia, the Romans did not stop reducing it by force of arms until they had subdued the of it, first, by driving out the Nomantini, and, later on, by destroying Viriathus and Sertorius, and, last of all, the Cantabri, who were subdued by Augustus Caesar. As for Celtica (I mean Celtica as a whole, both the Cisalpine and Transalpine, together with Liguria), the Romans at first brought it over to their side only part by part, from time to time, but later the Deified Caesar, and afterwards Augustus Caesar, acquired it all at once in a general war. But at the present time the Romans are carrying on war against the Germans, setting out from the Celtic regions as the most appropriate base of operations, and have already glorified the fatherland with some triumphs over them. As for Libya, so much of it as did not belong to the Carthaginians was turned over to kings who were subject to the Romans, and, if they ever revolted, they were deposed. But at the present time Juba has been invested with the rule, not only of Maurusia, but also of many parts of the rest of Libya, because of his loyalty and his friendship for the Romans. And the case of Asia was like that of Libya. At the outset it was administered through the agency of kings who were subject to the Romans, but from that time on, when their line failed, as was the case with the Attalic, Syrian, Paphlagonian, Cappadocian, and Egyptian kings, or when they would revolt and afterwards be deposed, as was the case with Mithridates Eupator and the Egyptian Cleopatra, all parts of it this side the Phasis and the Euphrates, except certain parts of Arabia, have been subject to the Romans and the rulers appointed by them. As for the Armenians, and the peoples who are situated above Colchis, both Albanians and Iberians, they require the presence only of men to lead them, and are excellent subjects, but because the Romans are engrossed by other affairs, they make attempts at revolution — as is the case with all the peoples who live beyond the Ister in the neighborhood of the Euxine, except those in the region of the Bosporus and the Nomads, for the people of the Bosporus are in subjection, whereas the Nomads, on account of their lack of intercourse with others, are of no use for anything and only require watching. Also the remaining parts of Asia, generally speaking, belong to the Tent-dwellers and the Nomads, who are very distant peoples. But as for the Parthians, although they have a common border with the Romans and also are very powerful, they have nevertheless yielded so far to the preeminence of the Romans and of the rulers of our time that they have sent to Rome the trophies which they once set up as a memorial of their victory over the Romans, and, what is more, Phraates has entrusted to Augustus Caesar his children and also his children's children, thus obsequiously making sure of Caesar's friendship by giving hostages; and the Parthians of today have often gone to Rome in quest of a man to be their king, and are now about ready to put their entire authority into the hands of the Romans. As for Italy itself, though it has often been torn by factions, at least since it has been under the Romans, and as for Rome itself, they have been prevented by the excellence of their form of government and of their rulers from proceeding too far in the ways of error and corruption. But it were a difficult thing to administer so great a dominion otherwise than by turning it over to one man, as to a father; at all events, never have the Romans and their allies thrived in such peace and plenty as that which was afforded them by Augustus Caesar, from the time he assumed the absolute authority, and is now being afforded them by his son and successor, Tiberius, who is making Augustus the model of his administration and decrees, as are his children, Germanicus and Drusus, who are assisting their father. 7.7.6. Next comes the mouth of the Ambracian Gulf. Although the mouth of this gulf is but slightly more than four stadia wide, the circumference is as much as three hundred stadia; and it has good harbors everywhere. That part of the country which is on the right as one sails in is inhabited by the Greek Acarians. Here too, near the mouth, is the sacred precinct of the Actian Apollo — a hill on which the sanctuary stands; and at the foot of the hill is a plain which contains a sacred grove and a naval station, the naval station where Caesar dedicated as first fruits of his victory the squadron of ten ships — from vessel with single bank of oars to vessel with ten; however, not only the boats, it is said, but also the boat-houses have been wiped out by fire. On the left of the mouth are Nicopolis and the country of the Epeirote Cassopaeans, which extends as far as the recess of the gulf near Ambracia. Ambracia lies only a short distance above the recess; it was founded by Gorgus, the son of Cypselus. The River Aracthus flows past Ambracia; it is navigable inland for only a few stadia, from the sea to Ambracia, although it rises in Mount Tymphe and the Paroraea. Now this city enjoyed an exceptional prosperity in earlier times (at any rate the gulf was named after it), and it was adorned most of all by Pyrrhus, who made the place his royal residence. In later times, however, the Macedonians and the Romans, by their continuous wars, so completely reduced both this and the other Epeirote cities because of their disobedience that finally Augustus, seeing that the cities had utterly failed, settled what inhabitants were left in one city together the city on this gulf which was called by him Nicopolis; and he so named it after the victory which he won in the naval battle before the mouth of the gulf over Antonius and Cleopatra the queen of the Egyptians, who was also present at the fight. Nicopolis is populous, and its numbers are increasing daily, since it has not only a considerable territory and the adornment taken from the spoils of the battle, but also, in its suburbs, the thoroughly equipped sacred precinct — one part of it being in a sacred grove that contains a gymnasium and a stadium for the celebration of the quinquennial games, the other part being on the hill that is sacred to Apollo and lies above the grove. These games — the Actia, sacred to Actian Apollo — have been designated as Olympian, and they are superintended by the Lacedemonians. The other settlements are dependencies of Nicopolis. In earlier times also the Actian Games were wont to be celebrated in honor of the god by the inhabitants of the surrounding country — games in which the prize was a wreath — but at the present time they have been set in greater honor by Caesar. 11.11.5. Aristobulus calls the river which flows through Sogdiana Polytimetus, a name imposed by the Macedonians (just as they imposed names on many other places, giving new names to some and slightly altering the spelling of the names of others); and watering the country it empties into a desert and sandy land, and is absorbed in the sand, like the Arius which flows through the country of the Arians. It is said that people digging near the Ochus River found oil. It is reasonable to suppose that, just as nitrous and astringent and bituminous and sulphurous liquids flow through the earth, so also oily liquids are found; but the rarity causes surprise. According to some, the Ochus flows through Bactriana; according to others, alongside it. And according to some, it is a different river from the Oxus as far as its mouths, being more to the south than the Oxus, although they both have their outlets into the Caspian Sea in Hyrcania, whereas others say that it is different at first, but unites with the Oxus, being in many places as much as six or seven stadia wide. The Iaxartes, however, from beginning to end, is a different river from the Oxus, and although it ends in the same sea, the mouths of the two, according to Patrocles, are about eighty parasangs distant from one another. The Persian parasang, according to some, is sixty stadia, but according to others thirty or forty. When I was sailing up the Nile, they used different measures when they named the distance in schoeni from city to city, so that in some places the same number of schoeni meant a longer voyage and in others a shorter; and thus the variations have been preserved to this day as handed down from the beginning. 12.2.4. But the Pyramus, a navigable river with its sources in the middle of the plain, flows through Cataonia. There is a notable pit in the earth through which one can see the water as it runs into a long hidden passage underground and then rises to the surface. If one lets down a javelin from above into the pit, the force of the water resists so strongly that the javelin can hardly be immersed in it. But although it flows in great volume because of its immense depth and breadth, yet, when it reaches the Taurus, it undergoes a remarkable contraction; and remarkable also is the cleft of the mountain through which the stream is carried; for, as in the case of rocks which have been broken and split into two parts, the projections on either side correspond so exactly to the cavities on the other that they could be fitted together, so it was in the case of the rocks I saw there, which, lying above the river on either side and reaching up to the summit of the mountain at a distance of two or three plethra from each other, had cavities corresponding with the opposite projections. The whole intervening bed is rock, and it has a cleft through the middle which is deep and so extremely narrow that a dog or hare could leap across it. This cleft is the channel of the river, is full to the brim, and in breadth resembles a canal; but on account of the crookedness of its course and its great contraction in width and the depth of the gorge, a noise like thunder strikes the ears of travellers long before they reach it. In passing out through the mountains it brings down so much silt to the sea, partly from Cataonia and partly from the Cilician plains, that even an oracle is reported as having been given out in reference to it, as follows: Men that are yet to be shall experience this at the time when the Pyramus of the silver eddies shall silt up its sacred sea-beach and come to Cyprus. Indeed, something similar to this takes place also in Egypt, since the Nile is always turning the sea into dry land by throwing out silt. Accordingly, Herodotus calls Egypt the gift of the Nile, while Homer speaks of Pharos as being out in the open sea, since in earlier times it was not, as now, connected with the mainland of Egypt. 13.1.30. Then come Rhoeteium, a city situated on a hill, and, adjacent to Rhoeteium, a low-lying shore, on which are a tomb and sanctuary of Aias, and also a statue of him, which was taken up by Antony and carried of to Egypt; but Augustus Caesar gave it back again to the Rhoeteians, just as he gave back other statues to their owners. For Antony took away the finest dedications from the most famous sanctuaries, to gratify the Egyptian woman, but Augustus gave them back to the gods. 17.1.1. BOOK 17WHEN we were describing Arabia, we included in the description the gulfs which compress and make it a peninsula, namely the Gulfs of Arabia and of Persis. We described at the same time some parts of Egypt, and those of Ethiopia, inhabited by the Troglodytae, and by the people situated next to them, extending to the confines of the Cinnamon country.We are now to describe the remaining parts contiguous to these nations, and situated about the Nile. We shall then give an account of Africa, which remains to complete this treatise on Geography.And here we must previously adduce the opinions of Eratosthenes. 17.1.2. He says, that the Nile is distant from the Arabian Gulf towards the west 1000 stadia, and that it resembles (in its course) the letter N reversed. For after flowing, he says, about 2700 stadia from Meroe towards the north, it turns again to the south, and to the winter sunset, continuing its course for about 3700 stadia, when it is almost in the latitude of the places about Meroe. Then entering far into Africa, and having made another bend, it flows towards the north, a distance of 5300 stadia, to the great cataract; and inclining a little to the east, traverses a distance of 1200 stadia to the smaller cataract at Syene, and 5300 stadia more to the sea.Two rivers empty themselves into it, which issue out of some lakes towards the east, and encircle Meroe, a considerable island. One of these rivers is called Astaboras, flowing along the eastern side of the island. The other is the Astapus, or, as some call it, Astasobas. But the Astapus is said to be another river, which issues out of some lakes on the south, and that this river forms nearly the body of the (stream of the) Nile, which flows in a straight line, and that it is filled by the summer rains; that above the confluence of the Astaboras and the Nile, at the distance of 700 stadia, is Meroe, a city having the same name as the island; and that there is another island above Meroe, occupied by the fugitive Egyptians, who revolted in the time of Psammitichus, and are called Sembritae, or foreigners. Their sovereign is a queen, but they obey the king of Meroe.The lower parts of the country on each side Meroe, along the Nile towards the Red Sea, are occupied by Megabari and Blemmyes, who are subject to the Ethiopians, and border upon the Egyptians; about the sea are Troglodytae. The Troglodytae, in the latitude of Meroe, are distant ten or twelve days' journey from the Nile. On the left of the course of the Nile live Nubae in Libya, a populous nation. They begin from Meroe, and extend as far as the bends (of the river). They are not subject to the Ethiopians, but live independently, being distributed into several sovereignties.The extent of Egypt along the sea, from the Pelusiac to the Canobic mouth, is 1300 stadia.Such is the account of Eratosthenes. 17.1.3. We must, however, enter into a further detail of particulars. And first, we must speak of the parts about Egypt, proceeding from those that are better known to those which follow next in order.The Nile produces some common effects in this and the contiguous tract of country, namely, that of the Ethiopians above it, in watering them at the time of its rise, and leaving those parts only habitable which have been covered by the inundation; it intersects the higher lands, and all the tract elevated above its current on both sides, which however are uninhabited and a desert, from an absolute want of water. But the Nile does not traverse the whole of Ethiopia, nor alone, nor in a straight line, nor a country which is well inhabited. But Egypt it traverses both alone and entirely, and in a straight line, from the lesser cataract above Syene and Elephantine, (which are the boundaries of Egypt and Ethiopia,) to the mouths by which it discharges itself into the sea. The Ethiopians at present lead for the most part a wandering life, and are destitute of the means of subsistence, on account of the barrenness of the soil, the disadvantages of climate, and their great distance from us.Now the contrary is the case with the Egyptians in all these respects. For they have lived from the first under a regular form of government, they were a people of civilized manners, and were settled in a well-known country; their institutions have been recorded and mentioned in terms of praise, for they seemed to have availed themselves of the fertility of their country in the best possible manner by the partition of it (and by the classification of persons) which they adopted, and by their general care.When they had appointed a king, they divided the people into three classes, into soldiers, husbandmen, and priests. The latter had the care of everything relating to sacred things (of the gods), the others of what related to man; some had the management of warlike affairs, others attended to the concerns of peace, the cultivation of the ground, and the practice of the arts, from which the king derived his revenue.The priests devoted themselves to the study of philosophy and astronomy, and were companions of the kings.The country was at first divided into nomes. The Thebais contained ten, the Delta ten, and the intermediate tract sixteen. But according to some writers, all the nomes together amounted to the number of chambers in the Labyrinth. Now these were less than thirty [six]. The nomes were again divided into other sections. The greater number of the nomes were distributed into toparchies, and these again into other sections ; the smallest portions were the arourae.An exact and minute division of the country was required by the frequent confusion of boundaries occasioned at the time of the rise of the Nile, which takes away, adds, and alters the various shapes of the bounds, and obliterates other marks by which the property of one person is distinguished from that of another. It was consequently necessary to measure the land repeatedly. Hence it is said geometry originated here, as the art of keeping accounts and arithmetic originated with the Phoenicians, in consequence of their commerce.As the whole population of the country, so the separate population in each nome, was divided into three classes ; the territory also was divided into three equal portions.The attention and care bestowed upon the Nile is so great as to cause industry to triumph over nature. The ground by nature, and still more by being supplied with water, produces a great abundance of fruits. By nature also a greater rise of the river irrigates a larger tract of land; but industry has completely succeeded in rectifying the deficiency of nature, so that in seasons when the rise of the river has been less than usual, as large a portion of the country is irrigated by means of canals and embankments, as in seasons when the rise of the river has been greater.Before the times of Petronius there was the greatest plenty, and the rise of the river was the greatest when it rose to the height of fourteen cubits; but when it rose to eight only, a famine ensued. During the government of Petronius, however, when the Nile rose twelve cubits only, there was a most abundant crop; and once when it mounted to eight only, no famine followed. Such then is the nature of this provision for the physical state of the country. We shall now proceed to the next particulars. 17.1.4. The Nile, when it leaves the boundaries of Ethiopia, flows in a straight line towards the north, to the tract called the Delta, then 'cloven at the head,' (according to the expression of Plato,) makes this point the vertex, as it were, of a triangle, the sides of which are formed by the streams, which separate on each side, and extend to the sea, one on the right hand to Pelusium, the other on the left to Canobus and the neighbouring Heracleium, as it is called ; the base is the coast lying between Pelusium and the Heracleium.An island was therefore formed by the sea and by both streams of the river, which is called Delta from the resemblance of its shape to the letter (Δ) of that name. The spot at the vertex of the triangle has the same appellation, because it is the beginning of the above-mentioned triangular figure. The village, also, situated upon it is called Delta.These then are two mouths of the Nile, one of which is called the Pelusiac, the other the Canobic and Heracleiotic mouth. Between these are five other outlets, some of which are considerable, but the greater part are of inferior importance. For many others branch off from the principal streams, and are distributed over the whole of the island of the Delta, and form many streams and islands; so that the whole Delta is accessible to boats, one canal succeeding another, and navigated with so much ease, that some persons make use of rafts floated on earthen pots, to transport them from place to place.The whole island is about 3000 stadia in circumference, and is called, as also the lower country, with the land on the opposite sides of the streams, the Delta.But at the time of the rising of the Nile, the whole country is covered, and resembles a sea, except the inhabited spots, which are situated upon natural hills or mounds ; and considerable cities and villages appear like islands in the distant prospect.The water, after having continued on the ground more than forty days in summer, then subsides by degrees, in the same manner as it rose. In sixty days the plain is entirely exposed to view, and dries up. The sooner the land is dry, so much the sooner the ploughing and sowing are accomplished, and it dries earlier in those parts where the heat is greater.The country above the Delta is irrigated in the same manner, except that the river flows in a straight line to the distance of about 4000 stadia in one channel, unless where some island intervenes, the most considerable of which comprises the Heracleiotic Nome; or, where it is diverted by a canal into a large lake, or a tract of country which it is capable of irrigating, as the lake Moeris and the Arsinoite Nome, or where the canals discharge themselves into the Mareotis.In short, Egypt, from the mountains of Ethiopia to the vertex of the Delta, is merely a river tract on each side of the Nile, and rarely if anywhere comprehends in one continued line a habitable territory of 300 stadia in breadth. It resembles, except the frequent diversions of its course, a bandage rolled out.The mountains on each side (of the Nile), which descend from the parts about Syene to the Egyptian Sea, give this shape to the river tract of which I am speaking, and to the country. For in proportion as these mountains extend along that tract, or recede from each other, in the same degree is the river contracted or expanded, and they impart to the habitable country its variety of shape. But the country beyond the mountains is in a great measure uninhabited. 17.1.5. The ancients understood more by conjecture than otherwise, but persons in later times learnt by experience as eyewitnesses, that the Nile owes its rise to summer rains, which fall in great abundance in Upper Ethiopia, particularly in the most distant mountains. On the rains ceasing, the fulness of the river gradually subsides. This was particularly observed by those who navigated the Arabian Gulf on their way to the Cinnamon country, and by those who were sent out to hunt elephants, or for such other purposes as induced the Ptolemies, kings of Egypt, to despatch persons in that direction. These sovereigns had directed their attention to objects of this kind, particularly Ptolemy surnamed Philadelphus, who was a lover of science, and on account of bodily infirmities always in search of some new diversion and amusement. But the ancient kings paid little attention to such inquiries, although both they and the priests, with whom they passed the greater part of their lives, professed to be devoted to the study of philosophy. Their ignorance therefore is more surprising, both on this account and because Sesostris had traversed the whole of Ethiopia as far as the Cinnamon country, of which expedition monuments exist even to the present day, such as pillars and inscriptions. Cambyses also, when he was in possession of Egypt, had advanced with the Egyptians as far even as Meroe; and it is said that he gave this name both to the island and to the city, because his sister, or according to some writers his wife, Meroe died there. For this reason therefore he conferred the appellation on the island, and in honour of a woman. It is surprising how, with such opportunities of obtaining information, the history of these rains should not have been clearly known to persons living in those times, especially as the priests registered with the greatest diligence in the sacred books all extraordinary facts, and preserved records of everything which seemed to contribute to an increase of knowledge. And, if this had been the case, would it be necessary to inquire what is even still a question, what can possibly be the reason why rain falls in summer, and not in winter, in the most southerly parts of the country, but not in the Thebais, nor in the country about Syene ? nor should we have to examine whether the rise of the water of the Nile is occasioned by rains, nor require such evidence for these facts as Poseidonius adduces. For he says, that Callisthenes asserts that the cause of the rise of the river is the rain of summer. This he borrows from Aristotle, who borrowed it from Thrasyalces the Thasian (one of the ancient writers on physics), Thrasyalces from some other person, and he from Homer, who calls the Nile 'heaven-descended:' back to Egypt's heaven-descended stream. But I quit this subject, since it has been discussed by many writers, among whom it will be sufficient to specify two, who have (each) composed in our times a treatise on the Nile, Eudorus and Aristo the Peripatetic philosopher. [They differ little from each other] except in the order and disposition of the works, for the phraseology and execution is the same in both writers. (I can speak with some confidence in this matter), for when at a loss (for manuscripts) for the purpose of comparison and copy, I collated both authors. But which of them surreptitiously substituted the other's account as his own, we may go to the temple of Ammon to be informed. Eudorus accused Aristo, but the style is more like that of Aristo.The ancients gave the name of Egypt to that country only which was inhabited and watered by the Nile, and the extent they assigned to it was from the neighbourhood of Syene to the sea. But later writers, to the present time, have included on the eastern side almost all the tract between the Arabian Gulf and the Nile (the Aethiopians however do not make much use of the Red Sea); on the western side, the tract extending to the Auases and the parts of the sea-coast from the Canobic mouth of the Nile to Catabathmus, and the kingdom of Cyrenaea. For the kings who succeeded the race of the Ptolemies had acquired so much power, that they became masters of Cyrenaea, and even joined Cyprus to Egypt. The Romans, who succeeded to their dominions, separated Egypt, and confined it within the old limits.The Egyptians give the name of Auases (Oases) to certain inhabited tracts, which are surrounded by extensive deserts, and appear like islands in the sea. They are frequently met with in Libya, and there are three contiguous to Egypt, and dependent upon it.This is the account which we have to give of Egypt in general and summarily. I shall now describe the separate parts of the country and their advantages. 17.1.6. As Alexandreia and its neighbourhood occupy the greatest and principal portion of the description, I shall begin with it.In sailing towards the west, the sea-coast from Pelusium to the Canobic mouth of the Nile is about 1300 stadia in extent, and constitutes, as we have said, the base of the Delta. Thence to the island Pharos are 150 stadia more.Pharos is a small oblong island, and lies quite close to the continent, forming towards it a harbour with a double entrance. For the coast abounds with bays, and has two promontories projecting into the sea. The island is situated between these, and shuts in the bay, lying lengthways in front of it.of the extremities of the Pharos, the eastern is nearest to the continent and to the promontory in that direction, called Lochias, which is the cause of the entrance to the port being narrow. Besides the narrowness of the passage, there are rocks, some under water, others rising above it, which at all times increase the violence of the waves rolling in upon them from the open sea. This extremity itself of the island is a rock, washed by the sea on all sides, with a tower upon it of the same name as the island, admirably constructed of white marble, with several stories. Sostratus of Cnidus, a friend of the kings, erected it for the safety of mariners, as the inscription imports. For as the coast on each side is low and without harbours, with reefs and shallows, an elevated and conspicuous mark was required to enable navigators coming in from the open sea to direct their course exactly to the entrance of the harbour.The western mouth does not afford an easy entrance, but it does not require the same degree of caution as the other. It forms also another port, which has the name of Eunostus, or Happy Return: it lies in front of the artificial and close harbour. That which has its entrance at the above-mentioned tower of Pharos is the great harbour. These (two) lie contiguous in the recess called Heptastadium, and are separated from it by a mound. This mound forms a bridge from the continent to the island, and extends along its western side, leaving two passages only through it to the harbour of Eunostus, which are bridged over. But this work served not only as a bridge, but as an aqueduct also, when the island was inhabited. Divus Caesar devastated the island, in his war against the people of Alexandreia, when they espoused the party of the kings. A few sailors live near the tower.The great harbour, in addition to its being well enclosed by the mound and by nature, is of sufficient depth near the shore to allow the largest vessel to anchor near the stairs. It is also divided into several ports.The former kings of Egypt, satisfied with what they possessed, and not desirous of foreign commerce, entertained a dislike to all mariners, especially the Greeks (who, on account of the poverty of their own country, ravaged and coveted the property of other nations), and stationed a guard here, who had orders to keep off all persons who approached. To the guard was assigned as a place of residence the spot called Rhacotis, which is now a part of the city of Alexandreia, situated above the arsenal. At that time, however, it was a village. The country about the village was given up to herdsmen, who were also able (from their numbers) to prevent strangers from entering the country.When Alexander arrived, and perceived the advantages of the situation, he determined to build the city on the (natural) harbour. The prosperity of the place, which ensued, was intimated, it is said, by a presage which occurred while the plan of the city was tracing. The architects were engaged in marking out the line of the wall with chalk, and had consumed it all, when the king arrived; upon which the dispensers of flour supplied the workmen with a part of the flour, which was provided for their own use; and this substance was used in tracing the greater part of the divisions of the streets. This, they said, was a good omen for the city. 17.1.7. The advantages of the city are of various kinds. The site is washed by two seas; on the north, by what is called the Egyptian Sea, and on the south, by the sea of the lake Mareia, which is also called Mareotis. This lake is filled by many canals from the Nile, both by those above and those at the sides, through which a greater quantity of merchandise is imported than by those communicating with the sea. Hence the harbour on the lake is richer than the maritime harbour. The exports by sea from Alexandreia exceed the imports. This any person may ascertain, either at Alexandreia or Dicaearchia, by watching the arrival and departure of the merchant vessels, and observing how much heavier or lighter their cargoes are when they depart or when they return.In addition to the wealth derived from merchandise landed at the harbours on each side, on the sea and on the lake, its fine air is worthy of remark: this results from the city being on two sides surrounded by water, and from the favourable effects of the rise of the Nile. For other cities, situated near lakes, have, during the heats of summer, a heavy and suffocating atmosphere, and lakes at their margins become swampy by the evaporation occasioned by the sun's heat. When a large quantity of moisture is exhaled from swamps, a noxious vapour rises, and is the cause of pestilential disorders. But at Alexandreia, at the beginning of summer, the Nile, being full, fills the lake also, and leaves no marshy matter which is likely to occasion maligt exhalations. At the same period, the Etesian winds blow from the north, over a large expanse of sea, and the Alexandrines in consequence pass their summer very pleasantly. 17.1.8. The shape of the site of the city is that of a chlamys or military cloak. The sides, which determine the length, are surrounded by water, and are about thirty stadia in extent; but the isthmuses, which determine the breadth of the sides, are each of seven or eight stadia, bounded on one side by the sea, and on the other by the lake. The whole city is intersected by roads for the passage of horsemen and chariots. Two of these are very broad, exceeding a plethrum in breadth, and cut one another at right angles. It contains also very beautiful public grounds and royal palaces, which occupy a fourth or even a third part of its whole extent. For as each of the kings was desirous of adding some embellishment to the places dedicated to the public use, so, besides the buildings already existing, each of them erected a building at his own expense; hence the expression of the poet may be here applied, one after the other springs. All the buildings are connected with one another and with the harbour, and those also which are beyond it.The Museum is a part of the palaces. It has a public walk and a place furnished with seats, and a large hall, in which the men of learning, who belong to the Museum, take their common meal. This community possesses also property in common; and a priest, formerly appointed by the kings, but at present by Caesar, presides over the Museum.A part belonging to the palaces consists of that called Sema, an enclosure, which contained the tombs of the kings and that of Alexander (the Great). For Ptolemy the son of Lagus took away the body of Alexander from Perdiccas, as he was conveying it down from Babylon; for Perdiccas had turned out of his road towards Egypt, incited by ambition and a desire of making himself master of the country. When Ptolemy had attacked [and made him prisoner], he intended to [spare his life and] confine him in a desert island, but he met with a miserable end at the hand of his own soldiers, who rushed upon and despatched him by transfixing him with the long Macedonian spears. The kings who were with him, Aridaeus, and the children of Alexander, and Roxana his wife, departed to Macedonia. Ptolemy carried away the body of Alexander, and deposited it at Alexandreia in the place where it now lies; not indeed in the same coffin, for the present one is of hyalus (alabaster ?) whereas Ptolemy had deposited it in one of gold: it was plundered by Ptolemy surnamed Cocce's son and Pareisactus, who came from Syria and was quickly deposed, so that his plunder was of no service to him. 17.1.9. In the great harbour at the entrance, on the right hand, are the island and the Pharos tower; on the left are the reef of rocks and the promontory Lochias, with a palace upon it: at the entrance, on the left hand, are the inner palaces, which are continuous with those on the Lochias, and contain numerous painted apartments and groves. Below lies the artificial and close harbour, appropriated to the use of the kings; and Antirrhodus a small island, facing the artificial harbour, with a palace on it, and a small port. It was called Antirrhodus, a rival as it were of Rhodes.Above this is the theatre, then the Poseidium, a kind of elbow projecting from the Emporium, as it is called, with a temple of Neptune upon it. To this Antony added a mound, projecting still further into the middle of the harbour, and built at the extremity a royal mansion, which he called Timonium. This was his last act, when, deserted by his partisans, he retired to Alexandreia after his defeat at Actium, and intended, being forsaken by so many friends, to lead the [solitary] life of Timon for the rest of his days.Next are the Caesarium, the Emporium, and the Apostaseis, or magazines: these are followed by docks, extending to the Heptastadium. This is the description of the great harbour. 17.1.10. Next after the Heptastadium is the harbour of Eunostus, and above this the artificial harbour, called Cibotus (or the Ark), which also has docks. At the bottom of this harbour is a navigable canal, extending to the lake Mareotis. Beyond the canal there still remains a small part of the city. Then follows the suburb Necropolis, in which are numerous gardens, burial-places, and buildings for carrying on the process of embalming the dead.On this side the canal is the Sarapium and other ancient sacred places, which are now abandoned on account of the erection of the temples at Nicopolis; for [there are situated] an amphitheatre and a stadium, and there are celebrated quinquennial games; but the ancient rites and customs are neglected.In short, the city of Alexandreia abounds with public and sacred buildings. The most beautiful of the former is the Gymnasium, with porticos exceeding a stadium in extent. In the middle of it are the court of justice and groves. Here also is a Paneium, an artificial mound of the shape of a fir-cone, resembling a pile of rock, to the top of which there is an ascent by a spiral path. From the summit may be seen the whole city lying all around and beneath it.The wide street extends in length along the Gymnasium from the Necropolis to the Canobic gate. Next is the Hippodromos (or race-course), as it is called, and other buildings near it, and reaching to the Canobic canal. After passing through the Hippodromos is the Nicopolis, which contains buildings fronting the sea not less numerous than a city. It is 30 stadia distant from Alexandreia. Augustus Caesar distinguished this place, because it was here that he defeated Antony and his party of adherents. He took the city at the first onset, and compelled Antony to put himself to death, but Cleopatra to surrender herself alive. A short time afterwards, however, she also put an end to her life secretly, in prison, by the bite of an asp, or (for there are two accounts) by the application of a poisonous ointment. Thus the empire of the Lagidae, which had subsisted many years, was dissolved. 17.1.11. Alexander was succeeded by Ptolemy the son of Lagus, the son of Lagus by Philadelphus, Philadelphus by Euergetes; next succeeded Philopator the lover of Agathocleia, then Epiphanes, afterwards Philometor, the son (thus far) always succeeding the father. But Philometor was succeeded by his brother, the second Euergetes, who was also called Physcon. He was succeeded by Ptolemy surnamed Lathurus, Lathurus by Auletes of our time, who was the father of Cleopatra. All these kings, after the third Ptolemy, were corrupted by luxury and effeminacy, and the affairs of government were very badly administered by them; but worst of all by the fourth, the seventh, and the last, Auletes (or the Piper), who, besides other deeds of shamelessness, acted the piper; indeed he gloried so much in the practice, that he scrupled not to appoint trials of skill in his palace; on which occasions he presented himself as a competitor with other rivals. He was deposed by the Alexandrines; and of his three daughters, one, the eldest, who was legitimate, they proclaimed queen; but his two sons, who were infants, were absolutely excluded from the succession.As a husband for the daughter established on the throne, the Alexandrines invited one Cybiosactes from Syria, who pretended to be descended from the Syrian kings. The queen after a few days, unable to endure his coarseness and vulgarity, rid herself of him by causing him to be strangled. She afterwards married Archelaus, who also pretended to be the son of Mithridates Eupator, but he was really the son of that Archelaus who carried on war against Sulla, and was afterwards honourably treated by the Romans. He was grandfather of the last king of Cappadocia in our time, and priest of Comana in Pontus. He was then (at the time we are speaking of) the guest of Gabinius, and intended to accompany him in an expedition against the Parthians, but unknown to Gabinius, he was conducted away by some (friends) to the queen, and declared king.At this time Pompey the Great entertained Auletes as his guest on his arrival at Rome, and recommended him to the senate, negotiated his return, and contrived the execution of most of the deputies, in number a hundred, who had undertaken to appear against him: at their head was Dion the academic philosopher.Ptolemy (Auletes) on being restored by Gabinius, put to death both Archelaus and his daughter; but not long after he was reinstated in his kingdom, he died a natural death, leaving two sons and two daughters, the eldest of whom was Cleopatra.The Alexandrines declared as sovereigns the eldest son and Cleopatra. But the adherents of the son excited a sedition, and banished Cleopatra, who retired with her sister into Syria.It was about this time that Pompey the Great, in his flight from Palaepharsalus, came to Pelusium and Mount Casium. He was treacherously slain by the king's party. When Caesar arrived, he put the young prince to death, and sending for Cleopatra from her place of exile, appointed her queen of Egypt, declaring also her surviving brother, who was very young, and herself joint sovereigns.After the death of Caesar and the battle at Pharsalia, Antony passed over into Asia; he raised Cleopatra to the highest dignity, made her his wife, and had children by her. He was present with her at the battle of Actium, and accompanied her in her flight. Augustus Caesar pursued them, put an end to their power, and rescued Egypt from misgovernment and revelry. 17.1.12. At present Egypt is a (Roman) province, pays considerable tribute, and is well governed by prudent persons, who are sent there in succession. The governor thus sent out has the rank of king. Subordinate to him is the administrator of justice, who is the supreme judge in many causes. There is another officer, who is called Idiologus, whose business it is to inquire into property for which there is no claimant, and which of right falls to Caesar. These are accompanied by Caesar's freedmen and stewards, who are entrusted with affairs of more or less importance.Three legions are stationed in Egypt, one in the city, the rest in the country. Besides these there are also nine Roman cohorts, three quartered in the city, three on the borders of Ethiopia in Syene, as a guard to that tract, and three in other parts of the country. There are also three bodies of cavalry distributed in convenient posts.of the native magistrates in the cities, the first is the expounder of the law, who is dressed in scarlet; he receives the customary honours of the country, and has the care of providing what is necessary for the city. The second is the writer of records, the third is the chief judge. The fourth is the commander of the night guard. These magistrates existed in the time of the kings, but in consequence of the bad administration of affairs by the latter, the prosperity of the city was ruined by licentiousness. Polybius expresses his indignation at the state of things when lie was there: he describes the inhabitants of the city to be composed of three classes; the (first) Egyptians and natives, acute but indifferent citizens, and meddling with civil affairs. Tile second, the mercenaries, a numerous and undisciplined body ; for it was an ancient custom to maintain foreign soldiers, who, from the worthlessness of their sovereigns, knew better how to govern than to obey. The third were the Alexandrines, who, for the same reason, were not orderly citizens; but still they were better than the mercenaries, for although they were a mixed race, yet being of Greek origin, they retained the customs common to the Greeks. But this class was extinct nearly about the time of Euergetes Physcon, in whose reign Polybius came to Alexandreia. For Physcon, being distressed by factions, frequently exposed the multitude to the attacks of the soldiery, and thus destroyed them. By such a state of things in the city the words of the poet (says Polybius) were verified: The way to Egypt is long and vexatious. 17.1.13. Such then, if not worse, was the condition of the city under the last kings. The Romans, as far as they were able, corrected, as I have said, many abuses, and established an orderly government, by appointing vice-governors, nomarchs, and ethnarchs, whose business it was to superintend affairs of minor importance.The greatest advantage which the city possesses arises from its being the only place in all Egypt well situated by nature for communication with the sea by its excellent harbour, and with the land by the river, by means of which everything is easily transported and collected together into this city, which is the greatest mart in the habitable world.These may be said to be the superior excellencies of the city. Cicero, in one of his orations, in speaking of the revenues of Egypt, states that an annual tribute of 12,000 talents was paid to Auletes, the father of Cleopatra. If then a king, who administered his government in the worst possible manner, and with the greatest negligence, obtained so large a revenue, what must we suppose it to be at present, when affairs are administered with great care, and when the commerce with India and with Troglodytica has been so greatly increased ? For formerly not even twenty vessels ventured to navigate the Arabian Gulf, or advance to the smallest distance beyond the straits at its mouth; but now large fleets are despatched as far as India and the extremities of Ethiopia, from which places the most valuable freights are brought to Egypt, and are thence exported to other parts, so that a double amount of custom is collected, arising from imports on the one hand, and from exports on the other. The most expensive description of goods is charged with the heaviest impost; for in fact Alexandreia has a monopoly of trade, and is almost the only receptacle for this kind of merchandise and place of supply for foreigners. The natural convenience of the situation is still more apparent to persons travelling through the country, and particularly along the coast which commences at the Catabathmus; for to this place Egypt extends.Next to it is Cyrenaea, and the neighboring barbarians, the Marmaridae. 17.1.17. Canobus is a city, distant by land from Alexandreia 120 stadia. It has its name from Canobus, the pilot of Menelaus, who died there. It contains the temple of Sarapis, held in great veneration, and celebrated for the cure of diseases; persons even of the highest rank confide in them, and sleep there themselves on their own account, or others for them. Some persons record the cures, and others the veracity of the oracles which are delivered there. But remarkable above everything else is the multitude of persons who resort to the public festivals, and come from Alexandreia by the canal. For day and night there are crowds of men and women in boats, singing and dancing, without restraint, and with the utmost licentiousness. Others, at Canobus itself, keep hostelries situated on the banks of the canal, which are well adapted for such kind of diversion and revelry. 17.1.29. At Heliopolis we saw large buildings in which the priests lived. For it is said that anciently this was the principal residence of the priests, who studied philosophy and astronomy. But there are no longer either such a body of persons or such pursuits. No one was pointed out to us on the spot, as presiding over these studies, but only persons who performed sacred rites, and who explained to strangers [the peculiarities of] the temples.A person of the name of Chaeremon accompanied the governor, Aelius Gallus, in his journey from Alexandreia into Egypt, and pretended to some knowledge of this kind, but he was generally ridiculed for his boasting and ignorance. The houses of the priests, and the residences of Plato and of Eudoxus, were shown to us. Eudoxus came here with Plato, and, according to some writers, lived thirteen years in the society of the priests. For the latter were distinguished for their knowledge of the heavenly bodies, but were mysterious and uncommunicative, yet after a time were prevailed upon by courtesy to acquaint them with some of the principles of their science, but the barbarians concealed the greater part of them. They had, however, communicated the knowledge of the additional portions of the day and night, in the space of 365 days, necessary to complete the annual period; and, at that time, the length of the year was unknown to the Greeks, as were many other things, until later astronomers received them from the persons who translated the records of the priests into the Greek language, and even now derive knowledge from their writings and from those of the Chaldeans. 17.1.49. A little above Elephantine is the lesser cataract, where the boatmen exhibit a sort of spectacle to the governors.The cataract is in the middle of the river, and is formed by a ridge of rock, the upper part [or commencement] of which is level, and thus capable of receiving the river, but terminating in a precipice, where the water dashes down. On each side towards the land there is a stream, up which is the chief ascent for vessels. The boatmen sail up by this stream, and, dropping down to the cataract, are impelled with the boat to the precipice, the crew and the boats escaping unhurt.A little above the cataract is Philae, a common settlement, like Elephantine, of Ethiopians and Egyptians, and equal in size, containing Egyptian temples, where a bird, which they call hierax, (the hawk,) is worshipped; but it did not appear to me to resemble in the least the hawks of our country nor of Egypt, for it was larger, and very different in the marks of its plumage. They said that the bird was Ethiopian, and is brought from Ethiopia when its predecessor dies, or before its death. The one shown to us when we were there was sick and nearly dead. 17.1.50. We came from Syene to Philae in a waggon, through a very flat country, a distance of about 100 stadia. Along the whole road on each side we could see, in many places, very high rocks, round, very smooth, and nearly spherical, of black hard stone, of which mortars are made: each rested upon a greater stone, and upon this another: they were like hermaea. Sometimes these stones consisted of one mass. The largest was not less than twelve feet in diameter, and all of them exceeded this size by one half. We crossed over to the island in a pacton, which is a small boat made of rods, whence it resembles woven-work. Standing then in the water, (at the bottom of the boat,) or sitting upon some little planks, we easily crossed over, with some alarm indeed, but without good cause for it, as there is no danger if the boat is not overloaded. 17.2.1. IN the preceding part of this work we have spoken at length of Ethiopia, so that its description may be said to be included in that of Egypt.In general, then, the extreme parts of the habitable world adjacent to the intemperate region, which is not habitable by reason either of heat or cold, must necessarily be defective and inferior, in respect to physical advantages, to the temperate region. This is evident from the mode of life of the inhabitants, and their want of what is requisite for the use and subsistence of man. For the mode of life [of the Ethiopians] is wretched; they are for the most part naked, and wander from place to place with their flocks. Their flocks and herds are small in size, whether sheep, goats, or oxen; the dogs also, though fierce and quarrelsome, are small. It was perhaps from the diminutive size of these people, that the story of the Pygmies originated, whom no person, worthy of credit, has asserted that he himself has seen. 17.2.2. They live on millet and barley, from which also a drink is prepared. They have no oil, but use butter and fat instead. There are no fruits, except the produce of trees in the royal gardens. Some feed even upon grass, the tender twigs of trees, the lotus, or the roots of reeds. They live also upon the flesh and blood of animals, milk, and cheese. They reverence their kings as gods, who are for the most part shut up in their palaces.Their largest royal seat is the city of Meroe, of the same name as the island. The shape of the island is said to be that of a shield. Its size is perhaps exaggerated. Its length is about 3000, and its breadth 1000 stadia. It is very mountainous, and contains great forests. The inhabitants are nomads, who are partly hunters and partly husbandmen. There are also mines of copper, iron, gold, and various kinds of precious stones. It is surrounded on the side of Libya by great hills of sand, and on that of Arabia by continuous precipices. In the higher parts on the south, it is bounded by the confluent streams of the rivers Astaboras, Astapus, and Astasobas. On the north is the continuous course of the Nile to Egypt, with its windings, of which we have spoken before. The houses in the cities are formed by interweaving split pieces of palm wood or of bricks. They have fossil salt, as in Arabia. Palm, the persea (peach), ebony, and carob trees are found in abundance. They hunt elephants, lions, and panthers. There are also serpents, which encounter elephants, and there are many other kinds of wild animals, which take refuge, from the hotter and parched districts, in watery and marshy districts. 17.2.3. Above Meroe is Psebo, a large lake, containing a well-inhabited island. As the Libyans occupy the western bank of the Nile, and the Ethiopians the country on the other side of the river, they thus dispute by turns the possession of the islands and the banks of the river, one party repulsing the other, or yielding to the superiority of its opponent.The Ethiopians use bows of wood four cubits long, and hardened in the fire. The women also are armed, most of whom wear in the upper lip a copper ring. They wear sheepskins, without wool; for the sheep have hair like goats. Some go naked, or wear small skins or girdles of well-woven hair round the loins.They regard as God one being who is immortal, the cause of all things; another who is mortal, a being without a name, whose nature is not clearly understood.In general they consider as gods benefactors and royal persons, some of whom are their kings, the common saviours and guardians of all; others are private persons, esteemed as gods by those who have individually received benefits from them.of those who inhabit the torrid region, some are even supposed not to acknowledge any god, and are said to abhor even the sun, and to apply opprobrious names to him, when they behold him rising, because he scorches and tortures them with his heat; these people take refuge in the marshes.The inhabitants of Meroe worship Hercules, Pan, and Isis, besides some other barbaric deity.Some tribes throw the dead into the river; others keep them in the house, enclosed in hyalus (oriental alabaster ?). Some bury them around the temples in coffins of baked clay. They swear an oath by them, which is reverenced as more sacred than all others.Kings are appointed from among persons distinguished for their personal beauty, or by their breeding of cattle, or for their courage, or their riches.In Meroe the priests anciently held the highest rank, and sometimes sent orders even to the king, by a messenger, to put an end to himself, when they appointed another king in his place. At last one of their kings abolished this custom, by going with an armed body to the temple where the golden shrine is, and slaughtering all the priests.The following custom exists among the Ethiopians. If a king is mutilated in any part of the body, those who are most attached to his person, as attendants, mutilate themselves in the same manner, and even die with him. Hence the king is guarded with the utmost care. This will suffice on the subject of Ethiopia. 17.2.4. To what has been said concerning Egypt, we must add these peculiar products; for instance, the Egyptian bean, as it is called, from which is obtained the ciborium, and the papyrus, for it is found here and in India only; the persea (peach) grows here only, and in Ethiopia; it is a lofty tree, and its fruit is large and sweet; the sycamine, which produces the fruit called the sycomorus, or fig-mulberry, for it resembles a fig, but its flavour is not esteemed. The corsium also (the root of the Egyptian lotus) grows there, a condiment like pepper, but a little larger.There are in the Nile fish in great quantity and of different kinds, having a peculiar and indigenous character. The best known are the oxyrynchus, and the lepidotus, the latus, the alabes, the coracinus, the choerus, the phagrorius, called also the phagrus. Besides these are the silurus, the citharus, the thrissa, the cestreus, the lychnus, the physa, the bous (or ox), and large shell-fish which emit a sound like that of wailingThe animals peculiar to the country are the ichneumon and the Egyptian asp, having some properties which those in other places do not possess. There are two kinds, one a span in length, whose bite is more suddenly mortal than that of the other; the second is nearly an orguia in size, according to Nicander. the author of the Theriaca.Among the birds, are the ibis and the Egyptian hawk, which, like the cat, is more tame than those elsewhere. The nycticorax is here peculiar in its character; for with us it is as large as an eagle, and its cry is harsh; but in Egypt it is the size of a jay, and has a different note. The tamest animal, however, is the ibis; it resembles a stork in shape and size. There are two kinds, which differ in colour; one is like a stork, the other is entirely black. Every street in Alexandreia is full of them. In some respects they are useful; in others troublesome. They are useful, because they pick up all sorts of small animals and the offal thrown out of the butchers' and cooks' shops. They are troublesome, because they devour everything, are dirty, and with difficulty prevented from polluting in every way what is clean and what is not given to them. 17.2.5. Herodotus truly relates of the Egyptians, that it is a practice peculiar to them to knead clay with their hands, and the dough for making bread with their feet. Caces is a peculiar kind of bread which restrains fluxes. Kiki (the castor-oil bean) is a kind of fruit sowed in furrows. An oil is expressed from it which is used for lamps almost generally throughout the country, but for anointing the body only by the poorer sort of people and labourers, both men and women.The coccina are Egyptian textures made of some plant, woven like those made of rushes, or the palm-tree.Barley beet is a preparation peculiar to the Egyptians. It is common among many tribes, but the mode of preparing it differs in each.This, however, of all their usages is most to be admired, that they bring up all children that are born. They circumcise the males, and spay the females, as is the custom also among the Jews, who are of Egyptian origin, as I said when I was treating of them.According to Aristobulus, no fishes ascend the Nile from the sea, except the cestreus, the thrissa, and dolphins, on account of the crocodiles; the dolphin, because it can get the better of the crocodile; the cestreus, because it is accompanied by the choeri along the bank, in consequence of some physical affinity subsisting between them. The crocodiles abstain from doing any hurt to the choeri, because they are of a round shape, and have spines on their heads, which are dangerous to them.. The cestreus runs up the river in spring, when in spawn; and descends a little before the setting of the pleiad, in great numbers, when about to cast it, at which time they are taken in shoals, by falling into inclosures (made for catching them). Such also, we may conjecture, is the reason why the thrissa is found there.So much then on the subject of Egypt.
125. Papyri, P.Oxy., 1.35, 1380.76  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii •ptolemaic queens, cleopatra ii •ptolemaic queens, cleopatra iii Found in books: Jim (2022) 192; Taylor and Hay (2020) 2
126. Papyri, P.Ryl.Dem., 20  Tagged with subjects: •ptolemaic queens, cleopatra iii Found in books: Jim (2022) 191
127. Papyri, P.Schub., 4, 7  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amendola (2022) 12
128. Papyri, P.Tebt., 1.44  Tagged with subjects: •ḥor of sebennytos, seeking isis prescription for cleopatra ii Found in books: Renberg (2017) 377
129. Papyri, P.Ups.8, 1.77, 1.81  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii •ḥor of sebennytos, dream-oracle regarding cleopatra ii •ptolemaios archive, ptolemaioss dream possibly pertaining to cleopatra ii •ḥor of sebennytos, seeking isis prescription for cleopatra ii Found in books: Renberg (2017) 386, 438, 439, 445
130. Vergil, Georgics, 1.24-1.42, 1.498-1.504, 2.490, 3.21, 3.25-3.33, 4.287-4.294, 4.463  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, hostess to caesar •cleopatra, cleopatra vii philopator, as dido •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of •cleopatra vii, faded figure in statius’ propempticon •cleopatra vii, suicide of Found in books: Giusti (2018) 14, 96, 277; Manolaraki (2012) 31, 33, 85, 194, 212
1.24. tuque adeo, quem mox quae sint habitura deorum 1.25. concilia, incertum est, urbisne invisere, Caesar, 1.26. terrarumque velis curam et te maximus orbis 1.27. auctorem frugum tempestatumque potentem 1.28. accipiat, cingens materna tempora myrto, 1.29. an deus inmensi venias maris ac tua nautae 1.30. numina sola colant, tibi serviat ultima Thule 1.31. teque sibi generum Tethys emat omnibus undis, 1.32. anne novum tardis sidus te mensibus addas, 1.33. qua locus Erigonen inter Chelasque sequentis 1.34. panditur—ipse tibi iam bracchia contrahit ardens 1.35. Scorpius et caeli iusta plus parte reliquit— 1.36. quidquid eris,—nam te nec sperant Tartara regem 1.37. nec tibi regdi veniat tam dira cupido, 1.38. quamvis Elysios miretur Graecia campos 1.39. nec repetita sequi curet Proserpina matrem— 1.40. da facilem cursum atque audacibus adnue coeptis 1.41. ignarosque viae mecum miseratus agrestis 1.42. ingredere et votis iam nunc adsuesce vocari. 1.498. Di patrii, Indigetes, et Romule Vestaque mater, 1.499. quae Tuscum Tiberim et Romana Palatia servas, 1.500. hunc saltem everso iuvenem succurrere saeclo 1.501. ne prohibete! Satis iam pridem sanguine nostro 1.502. Laomedonteae luimus periuria Troiae; 1.503. iam pridem nobis caeli te regia, Caesar, 1.504. invidet atque hominum queritur curare triumphos; 2.490. Felix, qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas, 3.21. Ipse caput tonsae foliis ornatus olivae 3.25. purpurea intexti tollant aulaea Britanni. 3.26. In foribus pugnam ex auro solidoque elephanto 3.27. Gangaridum faciam victorisque arma Quirini, 3.28. atque hic undantem bello magnumque fluentem 3.29. Nilum ac navali surgentis aere columnas. 3.30. Addam urbes Asiae domitas pulsumque Niphaten 3.31. fidentemque fuga Parthum versisque sagittis, 3.32. et duo rapta manu diverso ex hoste tropaea 3.33. bisque triumphatas utroque ab litore gentes. 4.287. Nam qua Pellaei gens fortunata Canopi 4.288. accolit effuso stagtem flumine Nilum 4.289. et circum pictis vehitur sua rura phaselis, 4.290. quaque pharetratae vicinia Persidis urget, 4.291. et viridem Aegyptum nigra fecundat harena, 4.292. et diversa ruens septem discurrit in ora 4.293. usque coloratis amnis devexus ab Indis 4.294. omnis in hac certam regio iacit arte salutem. 4.463. atque Getae atque Hebrus et Actias Orithyia.
131. Papyri, P.Murabba'T, 26.16506  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii Found in books: Renberg (2017) 592
132. Justinus, Epitome Historiarum Philippicarum, 36.1, 38.8.4, 38.8, 38.8-39.2, 38.9, 38.10, 38.11, 38.12, 38.13, 39.1, 39.2, 39.3, 39.4  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 22, 162
133. Epigraphy, Inscr. De Delos, 1533, 2114, 1534  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022) 191
134. Epigraphy, Ricis, 202/0233, 305/0505  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017) 386
135. Papyri, Bgu, 4.1050-4.1061, 4.1098-4.1209, 5.121, 8.1759-8.1761, 8.1774, 16.2558, 16.2577  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii philopator •cleopatra vii Found in books: Amendola (2022) 12; Salvesen et al (2020) 235
136. Papyri, Cpj, 1.132  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 22; Taylor and Hay (2020) 2
137. Anon., Additions To Esther, 15.6  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii Found in books: Gera (2014) 346
138. Anon., Life of Aesop, 7, 6  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017) 386
139. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, Saa X, 59  Tagged with subjects: •ḥor of sebennytos, seeking isis prescription for cleopatra ii Found in books: Renberg (2017) 619
140. Papyri, Smith/Andrews/Davies, Mother of Apis Inscriptions, 38  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii •ptolemaios archive, ptolemaioss dream possibly pertaining to cleopatra ii Found in books: Renberg (2017) 439
141. Ostaraka, O.Hor Dem., None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017) 439
142. Ostaraka, O.Hor Texts, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017) 439
143. Epigraphy, Blass, Eudoxi Ars Astronomica, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan
144. Papyri, Ray, Texts, None  Tagged with subjects: •ḥor of sebennytos, seeking isis prescription for cleopatra ii Found in books: Renberg (2017) 402
145. Papyri, U.L.C. Ostrakon, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan
146. Ostaraka, Otto, Mundöffnungsritual, None  Tagged with subjects: •ḥor of sebennytos, seeking isis prescription for cleopatra ii Found in books: Renberg (2017) 619
147. Epigraphy, Totti, Ausgewählte Texte, 69  Tagged with subjects: •ḥor of sebennytos, seeking isis prescription for cleopatra ii Found in books: Renberg (2017) 377
148. Epigraphy, Krakow, M.N., None  Tagged with subjects: •ḥor of sebennytos, seeking isis prescription for cleopatra ii Found in books: Renberg (2017) 442
149. Eusebius of Caesarea, Chronicon, 1.61, 1.165, 1.257-1.259  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii •cleopatra iii Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 24, 73
150. Epigraphy, Stratonikeia, 2.1  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan
151. Epigraphy, Seg, 1.574  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii, Found in books: Brooten (1982) 74
152. Epigraphy, Sb, 7630  Tagged with subjects: •ptolemaic queens, cleopatra ii •ptolemaic queens, cleopatra iii Found in books: Jim (2022) 192
153. Epigraphy, Ogis, 173, 301, 50-51, 738-739, 167  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022) 191
154. Epigraphy, Ik Estremo Oriente, 103  Tagged with subjects: •ptolemaic queens, cleopatra iii Found in books: Jim (2022) 191
155. Epigraphy, Hatzopoulos, Mac. Inst. Ii, 78  Tagged with subjects: •ptolemaic queens, cleopatra iii Found in books: Jim (2022) 191
156. Epigraphy, Cil, 5.2089, 6.1504  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 64
158. Papyri, P Mich., 7.433  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii (queen of egypt) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 64
160. Pseudo-Seneca, Octauia, 472-491, 514-524  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 77
161. Appian, Historia Romana [Syriaca], 11.68  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii •cleopatra iii Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 73
162. Epigraphy, C.Ord.Ptol. No., 53  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii •cleopatra iii Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 24
163. Athenaeus, Fgrh 270, None  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii •cleopatra iii Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 23
164. Papyri, Papyri, 63  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii •cleopatra iii Found in books: Bacchi (2022) 22
165. Papyri, P.Cairo Dem., 30603, 30602  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022) 192
166. Epigraphy, Fraser (1964), 10  Tagged with subjects: •ptolemaic queens, cleopatra ii •ptolemaic queens, cleopatra iii Found in books: Jim (2022) 192
167. Xen., Zenob., 3.94  Tagged with subjects: •ptolemaic queens, cleopatra ii •ptolemaic queens, cleopatra iii Found in books: Jim (2022) 192
168. Epigraphy, I. Alex.Ptol., 49  Tagged with subjects: •ptolemaic queens, cleopatra ii •ptolemaic queens, cleopatra iii Found in books: Jim (2022) 192
169. Epigraphy, Rubensohn (1931), 1  Tagged with subjects: •ptolemaic queens, cleopatra iii Found in books: Jim (2022) 191
170. Epigraphy, Cpi, 100, 2, 323, 368, 47  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022) 192
171. Anon., Carmen De Bello Aegyptiaco, 8.7  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 31
172. Various, Anthologia Graeca, 9.752  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii Found in books: Taylor and Hay (2020) 346
173. Eupolemus, Fgrh 723, None  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra iii Found in books: Gera (2014) 43
174. Nicolaus Damascenus, Aug., 20, 68  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 19
177. Anon., Alexandrian War, 17, 19-20, 18  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 246
179. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q255, 0  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 107
180. Anon., Letter of Aristeas, 152  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii Found in books: Salvesen et al (2020) 235
152. been distinctly separated from the rest of mankind. For most other men defile themselves by promiscuous intercourse, thereby working great iniquity, and whole countries and cities pride themselves upon such vices. For they not only have intercourse with men but they defile their own
182. Dio Chrysostom, Ad Alexandrinos, 40  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii Found in books: Taylor and Hay (2020) 1
183. Epigraphy, Amph.-Orop. 3), 49.2292  Tagged with subjects: •ḥor of sebennytos, seeking isis prescription for cleopatra ii Found in books: Renberg (2017) 402
184. Mishnah, M. Menah, 13.10  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra ii, Found in books: Brooten (1982) 74
185. Pseudo-Tibullus, Carmina Tibulliana [Sp.], 1.3.23-1.3.24, 1.7  Tagged with subjects: •cleopatra vii, roman demonization of Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 33, 34, 36