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121 results for "claudius"
1. Theophrastus, Characters, 7, 28 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al (2020) 244
2. Theocritus, Idylls, 23.29-23.40 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, marcus claudius Found in books: Rohland (2022) 165
3. Cato, Marcus Porcius, On Agriculture, 1.5.4 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus (m. claudius marcellus) Found in books: Green (2014) 65
4. Plautus, Rudens, 1, 10-19, 2, 20-29, 3, 30-39, 4, 40-49, 5, 50-52, 54-59, 6, 60-69, 7, 70-79, 8, 80-82, 9, 53 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Green (2014) 65
5. Cicero, On Old Age, 11 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus, m., augur Found in books: Konrad (2022) 186
6. Cicero, De Domo Sua, 105 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, gaius claudius (claudius 214 re) Found in books: Wynne (2019) 76
105. ad Volaterras in castra L. L ucii Sullae mors Sex. Rosci quadriduo quo is occisus est Chrysogono nuntiatur. quaeritur etiam nunc quis cum nuntium miserit? nonne perspicuum est eundem qui Ameriam? curat Chrysogonus ut eius bona veneant veneant χψ : veniant cett. statim; qui non norat hominem aut rem. at qui at qui atque σχ ei venit in mentem praedia concupiscere hominis ignoti quem omnino numquam viderat? Soletis, cum aliquid huiusce modi audistis audistis ς : auditis cett. , iudices, continuo dicere: ' necesse est aliquem dixisse municipem aut vicinum; ei plerumque indicant, per eos plerique produntur.' hic nihil est quod suspicione occupetis suspicione occupetis Madvig : suspicionem hoc putetis codd. : suspicionem hanc putetis Sylvius .
7. Cicero, On Laws, 2.32-2.33 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, gaius claudius (claudius 214 re) Found in books: Wynne (2019) 76
8. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 1.1, 2.6, 2.10-2.11, 2.61-2.62, 2.79, 2.88 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, gaius claudius (claudius 214 re) •marcellus, marcus claudius (claudius 220 re) •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus, m., cicero’s portrayal of Found in books: Konrad (2022) 294; Rutledge (2012) 37; Wynne (2019) 76, 146
1.1. There are a number of branches of philosophy that have not as yet been by any means adequately explored; but the inquiry into the nature of the gods, which is both highly interesting in relation to the theory of the soul, and fundamentally important for the regulation of religion, is one of special difficulty and obscurity, as you, Brutus, are well aware. The multiplicity and variety of the opinions held upon this subject by eminent scholars are bound to constitute a strong argument for the view that philosophy has its origin and starting-point in ignorance, and that the Academic School were well-advised in "withholding assent" from beliefs that are uncertain: for what is more unbecoming than ill‑considered haste? and what is so ill‑considered or so unworthy of the dignity and seriousness proper to a philosopher as to hold an opinion that is not true, or to maintain with unhesitating certainty a proposition not based on adequate examination, comprehension and knowledge? 2.6. Nor is this unaccountable or accidental; it is the result, firstly, of the fact that the gods often manifest their power in bodily presence. For instance in the Latin War, at the critical battle of Lake Regillus between the dictator Aulus Postumius and Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum, Castor and Pollux were seen fighting on horseback in our ranks. And in more modern history likewise these sons of Tyndareus brought the news of the defeat of Perses. What happened was that Publius Vatinius, the grandfather of our young contemporary, was returning to Rome by night from Reate, of which he was governor, when he was informed by two young warriors on white horses that King Perses had that very day been taken prisoner. When Vatinius carried the news to the Senate, at first he was flung into gaol on the charge of spreading an unfounded report on a matter of national concern; but afterwards a dispatch arrived from Paulus, and the date was found to tally, so the Senate bestowed upon Vatinius both a grant of land and exemption from military service. It is also recorded in history that when the Locrians won their great victory over the people of Crotona at the important battle of the River Sagra, news of the engagement was reported at the Olympic Games on the very same day. often has the sound of the voices of the Fauns, often has the apparition of a divine form compelled anyone that is not either feeble-minded or impious to admit the real presence of the gods. 2.10. But among our ancestors religion was so powerful that some commanders actually offered themselves as victims to the immortal gods on behalf of the state, veiling their heads and formally vowing themselves to death. I could quote numerous passages from the Sibylline prophecies and from the oracles of soothsayers in confirmation of facts that no one really ought to question. Why, in the consulship of Publius Scipio and Gaius Figulus both our Roman augural lore and that of the Etruscan soothsayers were confirmed by the evidence of actual fact. Tiberius Gracchus, then consul for the second time, was holding the election of his successors. The first returning officer in the very act of reporting the persons named as elected suddenly fell dead. Gracchus nevertheless proceeded with the election. Perceiving that the scruples of the public had been aroused by the occurrence, he referred the matter to the Senate. The Senate voted that it be referred 'to the customary officials.' Soothsayers were sent for, and pronounced that the returning officer for the elections had not been in order. 2.11. Thereupon Gracchus, so my father used to tell me, burst into a rage. 'How now?' he cried, 'was I not in order? I put the names to the vote as consul, as augur, and with auspices taken. Who are you, Tuscan barbarians, to know the Roman constitution, and to be able to lay down the law as to our elections?' And accordingly he then sent them about their business. Afterwards however he sent a dispatch from his province to the College of Augurs to say that while reading the sacred books it had come to his mind that there had been an irregularity when he took Scipio's park as the site for his augural tent, for he had subsequently entered the city bounds to hold a meeting of the Senate and when crossing the bounds again on his return had forgotten to take the auspices; and that therefore the consuls had not been duly elected. The College of Augurs referred the matter to the senate; the Senate decided that the consuls must resign; they did so. What more striking instances can we demand? A man of the greatest wisdom and I may say unrivalled distinction of character preferred to make public confession of an offence that he might have concealed rather than that the stain of impiety should cling to the commonwealth; the consuls preferred to retire on the spot from the highest office of the state rather than hold it for one moment of time in violation of religion. 2.61. In other cases some exceptionally potent force is itself designated by a title of convey, for example Faith and Mind; we see the shrines on the Capitol lately dedicated to them both by Marcus Aemilius Scaurus, and Faith had previously been deified by Aulus Atilius Calatinus. You see the temple of Virtue, restored as the temple of Honour by Marcus Marcellus, but founded many years before by Quintus Maximus in the time of the Ligurian war. Again, there are the temples of Wealth, Safety, Concord, Liberty and Victory, all of which things, being so powerful as necessarily to imply divine goverce, were themselves designated as gods. In the same class the names of Desire, Pleasure and Venus Lubentina have been deified — things vicious and unnatural (although Velleius thinks otherwise), yet the urge of these vices often overpowers natural instinct. 2.62. Those gods therefore who were the authors of various benefits owned their deification to the value of the benefits which they bestowed, and indeed the names that I just now enumerated express the various powers of the gods that bear them. "Human experience moreover and general custom have made it a practice to confer the deification of renown and gratitude upon of distinguished benefactors. This is the origin of Hercules, of Castor and Pollux, of Aesculapius, and also of Liber (I mean Liber the son of Semele, not the Liber whom our ancestors solemnly and devoutly consecrated with Ceres and Libera, the import of which joint consecration may be gathered from the mysteries; but Liber and Libera were so named as Ceres' offspring, that being the meaning of our Latin word liberi — a use which has survived in the case of Libera but not of Liber) — and this is also the origin of Romulus, who is believed to be the same as Quirinus. And these benefactors were duly deemed divine, as being both supremely good and immortal, because their souls survived and enjoyed eternal life. 2.79. It follows that they possess the same faculty of reason as the human race, and that both have the same apprehension of truth and the same law enjoining what is right and rejecting what is wrong. Hence we see that wisdom and intelligence also have been derived by men from the gods; and this explains why it was the practice of our ancestors to deify Mind, Faith, virtue and Concord, and to set up temples to them at the public charge, and how can we consistently deny that they exist with the gods, when we worship their majestic and holy images? And if mankind possesses intelligence, faith, virtue and concord, whence can these things have flowed down upon the earth if not from the powers above? Also since we possess wisdom, reason and prudence, the gods must needs possess them too in greater perfection, and not possess them merely but also exercise them upon matters of the greatest magnitude and value; 2.88. Suppose a traveller to carry into Scythia or Britain the orrery recently constructed by our friend Posidonius, which at each revolution reproduces the same motions of the sun, the moon and the five planets that take place in the heavens every twenty-four hundred, would any single native doubt that this orrery was the work of a rational being? This thinkers however raise doubts about the world itself from which all things arise and have their being, and debate whether it is the produce of chance or necessity of some sort, or of divine reason and intelligence; they think more highly of the achievement of Archimedes in making a model of the revolutions of the firmament than of that of nature in creating them, although the perfection of the original shows a craftsmanship many times as great as does the counterfeit.
9. Cicero, On Duties, 2.76 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 38
2.76. Laudat Africanum Panaetius, quod fuerit abstinens. Quidni laudet? Sed in illo alia maiora; laus abstinentiae non hominis est solum, sed etiam temporum illorum. Omni Macedonum gaza, quae fuit maxima, potitus est Paulus tantum in aerarium pecuniae invexit, ut unius imperatoris praeda finem attulerit tributorum. At hic nihil domum suam intulit praeter memoriam nominis sempiternam. Imitatus patrem Africanus nihilo locupletior Carthagine eversa. Quid? qui eius collega fuit in censura. L. Mummius, numquid copiosior, cum copiosissimam urbem funditus sustulisset? Italiam ornare quam domum suam maluit; quamquam Italia ornata domus ipsa mihi videtur ornatior. 2.76.  Panaetius praises Africanus for his integrity in public life. Why should he not? But Africanus had other and greater virtues. The boast of official integrity belongs not to that man alone but also to his times. When Paulus got possession of all the wealth of Macedon — and it was enormous — he brought into our treasury so much money that the spoils of a single general did away with the need for a tax on property in Rome for all time to come. But to his own house he brought nothing save the glory of an immortal name. Africanus emulated his father's example and was none the richer for his overthrow of Carthage. And what shall we say of Lucius Mummius, his colleague in the censorship? Was he one penny the richer when he had destroyed to its foundations the richest of cities? He preferred to adorn Italy rather than his own house. And yet by the adornment of Italy his own house was, as it seems to me, still more splendidly adorned.
10. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.46, 5.73, 6.18, 9.78 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus, m., cicero’s portrayal of •claudius marcellus, m., his ovatio •m. claudius marcellus (cos. 166) •m. claudius marcellus (cos. 196) •m. claudius marcellus (cos. 222) Found in books: Clark (2007) 111, 112, 180; Rutledge (2012) 36
11. Cicero, Republic, 1.21-1.22, 4.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus (m. claudius marcellus) •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus, m., cicero’s portrayal of •m. claudius marcellus (cos. 196) •m. claudius marcellus (cos. 222) Found in books: Clark (2007) 113; Green (2014) 65; Rutledge (2012) 37
1.21. Tum Philus: Nihil novi vobis adferam, neque quod a me sit cogitatum aut inventum; nam memoria teneo C. Sulpicium Gallum, doctissimum, ut scitis, hominem, cum idem hoc visum diceretur et esset casu apud M. Marcellum, qui cum eo consul fuerat, sphaeram, quam M. Marcelli avus captis Syracusis ex urbe locupletissima atque ornatissima sustulisset, cum aliud nihil ex tanta praeda domum suam deportavisset, iussisse proferri; cuius ego sphaerae cum persaepe propter Archimedi gloriam nomen audissem, speciem ipsam non sum tanto opere admiratus; erat enim illa venustior et nobilior in volgus, quam ab eodem Archimede factam posuerat in templo Virtutis Marcellus idem. 1.22. Sed posteaquam coepit rationem huius operis scientissime Gallus exponere, plus in illo Siculo ingenii, quam videretur natura humana ferre potuisse, iudicavi fuisse. Dicebat enim Gallus sphaerae illius alterius solidae atque plenae vetus esse inventum, et eam a Thalete Milesio primum esse tornatam, post autem ab Eudoxo Cnidio, discipulo, ut ferebat, Platonis, eandem illam astris stellisque, quae caelo inhaererent, esse descriptam; cuius omnem ornatum et descriptionem sumptam ab Eudoxo multis annis post non astrologiae scientia, sed poetica quadam facultate versibus Aratum extulisse. Hoc autem sphaerae genus, in quo solis et lunae motus inessent et earum quinque stellarum, quae errantes et quasi vagae nominarentur, in illa sphaera solida non potuisse finiri, atque in eo admirandum esse inventum Archimedi, quod excogitasset, quem ad modum in dissimillimis motibus inaequabiles et varios cursus servaret una conversio. Hanc sphaeram Gallus cum moveret, fiebat, ut soli luna totidem conversionibus in aere illo, quot diebus in ipso caelo, succederet, ex quo et in caelo sphaera solis fieret eadem illa defectio et incideret luna tum in eam metam, quae esset umbra terrae, cum sol e regione 4.12. Nostrae contra duo decim tabulae cum perpaucas res capite sanxissent, in his hanc quoque sanciendam putaverunt, si quis occentavisset sive carmen condidisset, quod infamiam faceret flagitiumve alteri. Praeclare; iudiciis enim magistratuum, disceptationibus legitimis propositam vitam, non poetarum ingeniis, habere debemus nec probrum audire nisi ea lege, ut respondere liceat et iudicio defendere. veteribus displicuisse Romanis vel laudari quemquam in scaena vivum hominem vel vituperari.
12. Cicero, Letters, 9.9.3, 9.15.2, 11.22.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022) 138
13. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 4.4.3, 7.30.1, 8.4.1, 8.16.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. (marcellus) •claudius marcellus, c. •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Konrad (2022) 138, 142; Rutledge (2012) 69; Walters (2020) 88
14. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 2.2.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Konrad (2022) 294
15. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.4.113-2.4.115 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, gaius claudius (claudius 214 re) Found in books: Wynne (2019) 76
16. Cicero, Orator, 232 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 38
17. Cicero, Paradoxa Stoicorum, 28 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. (marcellus) Found in books: Walters (2020) 88
18. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.88, 3.9, 5.9 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, c. •m. claudius marcellus (cos. 166) Found in books: Clark (2007) 181; Konrad (2022) 142
19. Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 194 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, gaius claudius (claudius 214 re) Found in books: Wynne (2019) 76
20. Cicero, Pro Murena, 31 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 38
31. verum haec Cato nimium nos nos y2 : vos cett. nostris verbis magna facere demonstrat et oblitos esse bellum illud omne Mithridaticum cum mulierculis esse gestum. quod ego longe secus existimo, iudices; deque eo pauca disseram; neque enim causa in hoc continetur. nam si omnia bella quae cum Graecis gessimus contemnenda sunt, derideatur de rege Pyrrho triumphus M'. Manlii Curi, de Philippo T. Titi Flaminini Flaminini Manutius : Flamini codd., de Aetolis M. Marci Fulvi, de rege Perse L. Lucii Pauli, de Pseudophilippo Q. Quinti Metelli, de Corinthiis L. Lucii Mummi. sin sin s : si mei haec bella gravissima victoriaeque eorum bellorum gratissimae gratissimae Lag. 13: gravissimae mei fuerunt, cur Asiaticae nationes atque ille a te hostis contemnitur? atqui ex veterum rerum monumentis vel maximum bellum populum Romanum cum Antiocho cum rege Antiocho Priscian. ( K. iii. p. 74) gessisse video; cuius belli victor L. Lucio Scipio aequa parta aequa parta Kayser : si qua parta (partha S ) codd. : aequiparata Madvig cum P. fratre gloria, quam laudem ille Africa oppressa cognomine ipso prae se ferebat, eandem hic sibi ex Asiae nomine adsumpsit.
21. Cicero, Timaeus, 1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, gaius claudius (claudius 214 re) Found in books: Wynne (2019) 76
22. Polybius, Histories, 2.31.5-2.31.6, 3.103.3-3.103.5, 3.118.6, 9.10.1-9.10.13, 39.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m., triumphs over gauls •claudius marcellus, m., spolia opima •claudius marcellus, m., consul vitio creatus •claudius marcellus, m., consulship, abdication of •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus, m., cicero’s portrayal of Found in books: Konrad (2022) 179, 270; Rutledge (2012) 37, 38, 129
2.31.5. καὶ τὸ μὲν Καπετώλιον ἐκόσμησε ταῖς τε σημείαις καὶ τοῖς μανιάκαις — τοῦτο δʼ ἔστι χρυσοῦν ψέλιον, ὃ φοροῦσι περὶ τὸν τράχηλον οἱ Γαλάται — 2.31.6. τοῖς δὲ λοιποῖς σκύλοις καὶ τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις πρὸς τὴν εἴσοδον ἐχρήσατο τὴν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ πρὸς τὴν τοῦ θριάμβου διακόσμησιν. 3.103.3. διὸ καὶ τὸν μὲν Φάβιον ᾐτιῶντο καὶ κατεμέμφοντο πάντες ὡς ἀτόλμως χρώμενον τοῖς καιροῖς, τὸν δὲ Μάρκον ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ηὖξον διὰ τὸ συμβεβηκὸς ὥστε τότε γενέσθαι τὸ μηδέποτε γεγονός· 3.103.4. αὐτοκράτορα γὰρ κἀκεῖνον κατέστησαν, πεπεισμένοι ταχέως αὐτὸν τέλος ἐπιθήσειν τοῖς πράγμασι· καὶ δὴ δύο δικτάτορες ἐγεγόνεισαν ἐπὶ τὰς αὐτὰς πράξεις, ὃ πρότερον οὐδέποτε συνεβεβήκει παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις. 3.103.5. τῷ δὲ Μάρκῳ διασαφηθείσης τῆς τε τοῦ πλήθους εὐνοίας καὶ τῆς παρὰ τοῦ δήμου δεδομένης ἀρχῆς αὐτῷ, διπλασίως παρωρμήθη πρὸς τὸ παραβάλλεσθαι καὶ κατατολμᾶν τῶν πολεμίων. 3.118.6. καὶ γὰρ ὥσπερ ἐπιμετρούσης καὶ συνεπαγωνιζομένης τοῖς γεγονόσι τῆς τύχης, συνέβη μετʼ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας, τοῦ φόβου κατέχοντος τὴν πόλιν, καὶ τὸν εἰς τὴν Γαλατίαν στρατηγὸν ἀποσταλέντʼ εἰς ἐνέδραν ἐμπεσόντα παραδόξως ἄρδην ὑπὸ τῶν Κελτῶν διαφθαρῆναι μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως. 9.10.1. οὐκ ἐκ τῶν ἔξω κοσμεῖται πόλις, ἀλλʼ ἐκ τῆς τῶν οἰκούντων ἀρετῆς. 9.10.2. ἐκρίθη μὲν οὖν διὰ τοῦτο τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις τὰ προειρημένα μετακομίζειν εἰς τὴν ἑαυτῶν πατρίδα καὶ μηδὲν ἀπολιπεῖν· 9.10.3. πότερα δʼ ὀρθῶς τοῦτο καὶ συμφερόντως αὑτοῖς ἔπραξαν ἢ τἀναντία, πολὺς ἂν εἴη λόγος, πλείων γε μὴν εἰς τὸ μὴ δεόντως σφίσι πεπρᾶχθαι μηδʼ ἀκμὴν νῦν πράττεσθαι τοῦτο τοὔργον. 9.10.4. εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἐκ τοιούτων ὁρμηθέντες προεβίβασαν τὴν πατρίδα, δῆλον ὡς εἰκότως ταῦτα μετέφερον εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, διʼ ὧν ηὐξήθησαν. 9.10.5. εἰ δʼ ἁπλουστάτοις χρώμενοι βίοις καὶ πορρωτάτω τῆς ἐν τούτοις περιττότητος καὶ πολυτελείας ἀφεστῶτες ὅμως ἐπεκράτουν τούτων αἰεὶ παρʼ οἷς ὑπῆρχε πλεῖστα καὶ κάλλιστα τὰ τοιαῦτα, πῶς οὐ νομιστέον εἶναι τὸ γινόμενον ὑπʼ αὐτῶν ἁμάρτημα; 9.10.6. τὸ γὰρ ἀπολιπόντας τὰ τῶν νικώντων ἔθη τὸν τῶν ἡττωμένων ζῆλον ἀναλαμβάνειν, προσεπιδραττομένους ἅμα καὶ τὸν ἐξακολουθοῦντα τοῖς τοιούτοις φθόνον, ὃ πάντων ἐστὶ φοβερώτατον ταῖς ὑπεροχαῖς, ὁμολογούμενον ἂν εἴποι τις εἶναι τῶν πραττόντων παράπτωμα. 9.10.7. οὐ γὰρ οὕτως ὁ θεώμενος οὐδέποτε μακαρίζει τοὺς τἀλλότρια κεκτημένους, ὡς ἐν τῷ φθονεῖν ἅμα καί τις ἔλεος αὐτὸν ὑποτρέχει τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἀποβαλόντων. 9.10.8. ἐπὰν δὲ καὶ προβαίνῃ τὰ τῆς εὐκαιρίας καὶ πάντα συνάγῃ πρὸς αὑτὸν τὰ τῶν ἄλλων, καὶ ταῦτα συγκαλῇ τρόπον τινὰ τοὺς ἐστερημένους ἐπὶ θέαν, διπλάσιον γίνεται τὸ κακόν. 9.10.9. οὐ γὰρ ἔτι τοὺς πέλας ἐλεεῖν συμβαίνει τοὺς θεωμένους, ἀλλὰ σφᾶς αὐτούς, ἀναμιμνησκομένους τῶν οἰκείων συμπτωμάτων. 9.10.10. ἐξ ὧν οὐ μόνον φθόνος, ἀλλʼ οἷον ὀργή τις ἐκκαίεται πρὸς τοὺς εὐτυχοῦντας· ἡ γὰρ τῶν ἰδίων περιπετειῶν ἀνάμνησις ὡς ἂν εἰ προτροπή τις ἐστι πρὸς τὸ κατὰ τῶν πραξάντων μῖσος. 9.10.11. τὸ μὲν οὖν τὸν χρυσὸν καὶ τὸν ἄργυρον ἁθροίζειν πρὸς αὑτοὺς ἴσως ἔχει τινὰ λόγον· οὐ γὰρ οἷόν τε τῶν καθόλου πραγμάτων ἀντιποιήσασθαι μὴ οὐ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἀδυναμίαν ἐνεργασαμένους, σφίσι δὲ τὴν τοιαύτην δύναμιν ἑτοιμάσαντας. 9.10.12. τὰ δʼ ἐκτὸς ὑπάρχοντα τῆς προειρημένης δυνάμεως ἦν ἐν τοῖς ἐξ ἀρχῆς τόποις ἅμα τῷ φθόνῳ καταλιπόντας ἐνδοξοτέραν ποιεῖν τὴν σφετέραν πατρίδα, μὴ γραφαῖς καὶ τύποις, ἀλλὰ σεμνότητι καὶ μεγαλοψυχίᾳ κοσμοῦντας αὐτήν. 9.10.13. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν εἰρήσθω μοι χάριν τῶν μεταλαμβανόντων ἀεὶ τὰς δυναστείας, ἵνα μὴ σκυλεύοντες τὰς πόλεις κόσμον ὑπολαμβάνωσιν εἶναι ταῖς ἑαυτῶν πατρίσι τὰς ἀλλοτρίας συμφοράς· Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ μετακομίσαντες τὰ προειρημένα ταῖς μὲν ἰδιωτικαῖς κατασκευαῖς τοὺς αὑτῶν ἐκόσμησαν βίους, ταῖς δὲ δημοσίαις τὰ κοινὰ τῆς πόλεως. 2.31.5.  He sent to ornament the Capitol the standards and necklaces (the gold necklets worn by the Gauls), 2.31.6.  but the rest of the spoil and the prisoners he used for his entry into Rome and the adornment of his triumph. 3.103.3.  All therefore found fault with Fabius, accusing him of not making a bold use of his opportunities, while Marcus's reputation rose so much owing to this event that they took an entirely unprecedented step, 3.103.4.  investing him like the Dictator with absolute power, in the belief that he would very soon put an end to the war. So two Dictators were actually appointed for the same field of action, a thing which had never before happened at Rome. 3.103.5.  When Minucius was informed of his popularity at home and the office given him by the people's decree, he grew twice as eager to run risks and take some bold action against the enemy. 9.10.1.  A city is not adorned by external splendours, but by the virtue of its inhabitants. . . . 9.10.2.  The Romans, then, decided for this reason to transfer all these objects to their own city and leave nothing behind. 9.10.3.  As to whether in doing so they acted rightly and in their own interest or the reverse, there is much to be said on both sides, but the more weighty arguments are in favour of their conduct having been wrong then and still being wrong. 9.10.4.  For if they had originally relied on such things for the advancement of their country, they would evidently have been right in bringing to their home the kind of things which had contributed to their aggrandizement. 9.10.5.  But if, on the contrary, while leading the simplest of lives, very far removed from all such superfluous magnificence, they were constantly victorious over those who possessed the greatest number and finest examples of such works, must we not consider that they committed a mistake? 9.10.6.  To abandon the habits of the victors and to imitate those of the conquered, not only appropriating the objects, but at the same time attracting that envy which is inseparable from their possession, which is the one thing most to be dreaded by superiors in power, is surely an incontestable error. 9.10.7.  For in no case is one who contemplates such works of art moved so much by admiration of the good fortune of those who have possessed themselves of the property of others, as by pity as well as envy for the original owners. 9.10.8.  And when opportunities become ever more frequent, and the victor collects around him all the treasures of other peoples, and these treasures may be almost said to invite those who were robbed of them to come and inspect them, things are twice as bad. 9.10.9.  For now spectators no longer pity their neighbours, but themselves, as they recall to mind their own calamities. 9.10.10.  And hence not only envy, but a sort of passionate hatred for the favourites of fortune flares up, for the memories awakened of their own disaster move them to abhor the authors of it. 9.10.11.  There were indeed perhaps good reasons for appropriating all the gold and silver: for it was impossible for them to aim at a world empire without weakening the resources of other peoples and strengthening their own. 9.10.12.  But it was possible for them to leave everything which did not contribute to such strength, together with the envy attached to its possession, in its original place, and to add to the glory of their native city by adorning it not with paintings and reliefs but with dignity and magimity. 9.10.13.  At any rate these remarks will serve to teach all those who succeed to empire, that they should not strip cities under the idea that the misfortunes of others are an ornament to their own country. The Romans on the present occasion, after transferring all these objects to Rome, used such as came from private houses to embellish their own homes, and those that were state property for their public buildings. IV. Affairs of Spain 39.6. 1.  The Roman general, after the general assembly had left Achaea, repaired the Isthmian course and adorned the temples at Delphi and Olympia, and on the following days visited the different cities, honoured in each of them and receiving testimonies of the gratitude due to him.,2.  It was only natural indeed that he should be treated with honour both in public and in private.,3.  For his conduct had been unexacting and unsullied and he had dealt leniently with the whole situation, though he had such great opportunities and such absolute power in Greece.,4.  If, indeed, he was thought to be guilty of any deflection from his duty I at least put it down not to his own initiative, but to the friends who lived with him.,5.  The most notable instance was that of the cavalrymen of Chalcis whom he slew. II. Affairs of Egypt
23. Cicero, On Divination, 1.7, 1.33, 1.85, 1.132, 2.52, 2.71, 2.74-2.75, 2.77 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, gaius claudius (claudius 214 re) •claudius marcellus, m. •marcellus (m. claudius marcellus) •marcellus, m. claudius (v cos. •claudius marcellus, m., augur •claudius marcellus, m., auspices of investiture •claudius marcellus, m., auspices, oblative, avoidance of •claudius marcellus, m., consul vitio creatus •claudius marcellus, m., consulship, abdication of •claudius marcellus, m., cooperation with fabius maximus •claudius marcellus, m., spolia opima Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 186; Green (2014) 65; Konrad (2022) 65, 264, 272, 273, 276, 294; Mueller (2002) 121; Wynne (2019) 76
1.7. Sed haec quidem laus Academiae praestantissumi philosophi iudicio et testimonio conprobata est. Etenim nobismet ipsis quaerentibus, quid sit de divinatione iudicandum, quod a Carneade multa acute et copiose contra Stoicos disputata sint, verentibusque, ne temere vel falsae rei vel non satis cognitae adsentiamur, faciendum videtur, ut diligenter etiam atque etiam argumenta cum argumentis comparemus, ut fecimus in iis tribus libris, quos de natura deorum scripsimus. Nam cum omnibus in rebus temeritas in adsentiendo errorque turpis est, tum in eo loco maxime, in quo iudicandum est, quantum auspiciis rebusque divinis religionique tribuamus; est enim periculum, ne aut neglectis iis impia fraude aut susceptis anili superstitione obligemur. 1.33. Cotem autem illam et novaculam defossam in comitio supraque inpositum puteal accepimus. Negemus omnia, comburamus annales, ficta haec esse dicamus, quidvis denique potius quam deos res humanas curare fateamur; quid? quod scriptum apud te est de Ti. Graccho, nonne et augurum et haruspicum conprobat disciplinam? qui cum tabernaculum vitio cepisset inprudens, quod inauspicato pomerium transgressus esset, comitia consulibus rogandis habuit. Nota res est et a te ipso mandata monumentis. Sed et ipse augur Ti. Gracchus auspiciorum auctoritatem confessione errati sui conprobavit, et haruspicum disciplinae magna accessit auctoritas, qui recentibus comitiis in senatum introducti negaverunt iustum comitiorum rogatorem fuisse. 1.85. Nec vero quicquam aliud adfertur, cur ea, quae dico, dividi genera nulla sint, nisi quod difficile dictu videtur, quae cuiusque divinationis ratio, quae causa sit. Quid enim habet haruspex, cur pulmo incisus etiam in bonis extis dirimat tempus et proferat diem? quid augur, cur a dextra corvus, a sinistra cornix faciat ratum? quid astrologus, cur stella Iovis aut Veneris coniuncta cum luna ad ortus puerorum salutaris sit, Saturni Martisve contraria? Cur autem deus dormientes nos moneat, vigilantes neglegat? Quid deinde causae est, cur Cassandra furens futura prospiciat, Priamus sapiens hoc idem facere non queat? 1.132. Nunc illa testabor, non me sortilegos neque eos, qui quaestus causa hariolentur, ne psychomantia quidem, quibus Appius, amicus tuus, uti solebat, agnoscere; non habeo denique nauci Marsum augurem, non vicanos haruspices, non de circo astrologos, non Isiacos coniectores, non interpretes somniorum; non enim sunt ii aut scientia aut arte divini, Séd superstitiósi vates ínpudentesque hárioli Aút inertes aút insani aut quíbus egestas ímperat, Quí sibi semitám non sapiunt, álteri monstránt viam; Quíbus divitias póllicentur, áb iis drachumam ipsí petunt. De hís divitiis síbi deducant dráchumam, reddant cétera. Atque haec quidem Ennius, qui paucis ante versibus esse deos censet, sed eos non curare opinatur, quid agat humanum genus. Ego autem, qui et curare arbitror et monere etiam ac multa praedicere, levitate, vanitate, malitia exclusa divinationem probo. Quae cum dixisset Quintus, Praeclare tu quidem, inquam, paratus 2.52. Quota enim quaeque res evenit praedicta ab istis? aut, si evenit quippiam, quid adferri potest, cur non casu id evenerit? Rex Prusias, cum Hannibali apud eum exsulanti depugnari placeret, negabat se audere, quod exta prohiberent. Ain tu? inquit, carunculae vitulinae mavis quam imperatori veteri credere? Quid? ipse Caesar cum a summo haruspice moneretur, ne in Africam ante brumam transmitteret, nonne transmisit? quod ni fecisset, uno in loco omnes adversariorum copiae convenissent. Quid ego haruspicum responsa commemorem (possum equidem innumerabilia), quae aut nullos habuerint exitus aut contrarios? 2.71. Nec vero non omni supplicio digni P. Claudius L. Iunius consules, qui contra auspicia navigaverunt; parendum enim religioni fuit nec patrius mos tam contumaciter repudiandus. Iure igitur alter populi iudicio damnatus est, alter mortem sibi ipse conscivit. Flaminius non paruit auspiciis, itaque periit cum exercitu. At anno post Paulus paruit; num minus cecidit in Cannensi pugna cum exercitu? Etenim, ut sint auspicia, quae nulla sunt, haec certe, quibus utimur, sive tripudio sive de caelo, simulacra sunt auspiciorum, auspicia nullo modo. Q. Fabi, te mihi in auspicio esse volo ; respondet: audivi . Hic apud maiores nostros adhibebatur peritus, nunc quilubet. Peritum autem esse necesse est eum, qui, silentium quid sit, intellegat; id enim silentium dicimus in auspiciis, quod omni vitio caret. 2.74. Iam de caelo servare non ipsos censes solitos, qui auspicabantur? Nunc imperant pullario; ille renuntiat. Fulmen sinistrum auspicium optumum habemus ad omnis res praeterquam ad comitia; quod quidem institutum rei publicae causa est, ut comitiorum vel in iudiciis populi vel in iure legum vel in creandis magistratibus principes civitatis essent interpretes. At Ti. Gracchi litteris Scipio et Figulus consules, cum augures iudicassent eos vitio creatos esse, magistratu se abdicaverunt. Quis negat augurum disciplinam esse? divinationem nego. At haruspices divini; quos cum Ti. Gracchus propter mortem repentinam eius, qui in praerogativa referenda subito concidisset, in senatum introduxisset, non iustum rogatorem fuisse dixerunt. 2.75. Primum vide, ne in eum dixerint, qui rogator centuriae fuisset; is enim erat mortuus; id autem sine divinatione coniectura poterant dicere. Deinde fortasse casu, qui nullo modo est ex hoc genere tollendus. Quid enim scire Etrusci haruspices aut de tabernaculo recte capto aut de pomerii iure potuerunt? Equidem adsentior C. Marcello potius quam App. Claudio, qui ambo mei collegae fuerunt, existimoque ius augurum, etsi divinationis opinione principio constitutum sit, tamen postea rei publicae causa conservatum ac retentum. 2.77. qui auspicia non habent! Itaque nec amnis transeunt auspicato nec tripudio auspicantur. Ubi ergo avium divinatio? quae, quoniam ab iis, qui auspicia nulla habent, bella administrantur, ad urbanas res retenta videtur, a bellicis esse sublata. Nam ex acuminibus quidem, quod totum auspicium militare est, iam M. Marcellus ille quinquiens consul totum omisit, idem imperator, idem augur optumus. Et quidem ille dicebat, si quando rem agere vellet, ne impediretur auspiciis, lectica operta facere iter se solere. Huic simile est, quod nos augures praecipimus, ne iuges auspicium obveniat, ut iumenta iubeant diiungere. 1.7. At any rate, this praiseworthy tendency of the Academy to doubt has been approved by the solemn judgement of a most eminent philosopher. [4] Accordingly, since I, too, am in doubt as to the proper judgement to be rendered in regard to divination because of the many pointed and exhaustive arguments urged by Carneades against the Stoic view, and since I am afraid of giving a too hasty assent to a proposition which may turn out either false or insufficiently established, I have determined carefully and persistently to compare argument with argument just as I did in my three books On the Nature of the Gods. For a hasty acceptance of an erroneous opinion is discreditable in any case, and especially so in an inquiry as to how much weight should be given to auspices, to sacred rites, and to religious observances; for we run the risk of committing a crime against the gods if we disregard them, or of becoming involved in old womens superstition if we approve them. [5] 1.33. Moreover, according to tradition, the whetstone and razor were buried in the comitium and a stone curbing placed over them.Let us declare this story wholly false; let us burn the chronicles that contain it; let us call it a myth and admit almost anything you please rather than the fact that the gods have any concern in human affairs. But look at this: does not the story about Tiberius Gracchus found in your own writings acknowledge that augury and soothsaying are arts? He, having placed his tabernaculum, unwittingly violated augural law by crossing the pomerium before completing the auspices; nevertheless he held the consular election. The fact is well known to you since you have recorded it. Besides, Tiberius Gracchus, who was himself an augur, confirmed the authority of auspices by confessing his error; and the soothsayers, too, greatly enhanced the reputation of their calling, when brought into the Senate immediately after the election, by declaring that the election supervisor had acted without authority. [18] 1.85. The truth is that no other argument of any sort is advanced to show the futility of the various kinds of divination which I have mentioned except the fact that it is difficult to give the cause or reason of every kind of divination. You ask, Why is it that the soothsayer, when he finds a cleft in the lung of the victim, even though the other vitals are sound, stops the execution of an undertaking and defers it to another day? Why does an augur think it a favourable omen when a raven flies to the right, or a crow to the left? Why does an astrologer consider that the moons conjunction with the planets Jupiter and Venus at the birth of children is a favourable omen, and its conjunction with Saturn or Mars unfavourable? Again, Why does God warn us when we are asleep and fail to do so when we are awake? Finally, Why is it that mad Cassandra foresees coming events and wise Priam cannot do the same? 1.132. I will assert, however, in conclusion, that I do not recognize fortune-tellers, or those who prophesy for money, or necromancers, or mediums, whom your friend Appius makes it a practice to consult.In fine, I say, I do not care a figFor Marsian augurs, village mountebanks,Astrologers who haunt the circus grounds,Or Isis-seers, or dream interpreters:— for they are not diviners either by knowledge or skill, —But superstitious bards, soothsaying quacks,Averse to work, or mad, or ruled by want,Directing others how to go, and yetWhat road to take they do not know themselves;From those to whom they promise wealth they begA coin. From what they promised let them takeTheir coin as toll and pass the balance on.Such are the words of Ennius who only a few lines further back expresses the view that there are gods and yet says that the gods do not care what human beings do. But for my part, believing as I do that the gods do care for man, and that they advise and often forewarn him, I approve of divination which is not trivial and is free from falsehood and trickery.When Quintus had finished I remarked, My dear Quintus, you have come admirably well prepared. 2.52. For how many things predicted by them really come true? If any do come true, then what reason can be advanced why the agreement of the event with the prophecy was not due to chance? While Hannibal was in exile at the court of King Prusias he advised the king to go to war, but the king replied, I do not dare, because the entrails forbid. And do you, said Hannibal, put more reliance in piece of ox‑meat than you do in a veteran commander? Again, when Caesar himself was warned by a most eminent soothsayer not to cross over to Africa before the winter solstice, did he not cross? If he had not done so all the forces opposed to him would have effected a junction. Why need I give instances — and, in fact, I could give countless ones — where the prophecies of soothsayers either were without result or the issue was directly the reverse of the prophecy? 2.71. In my opinion the consuls, Publius Claudius and Lucius Junius, who set sail contrary to the auspices, were deserving of capital punishment; for they should have respected the established religion and should not have treated the customs of their forefathers with such shameless disdain. Therefore it was a just retribution that the former was condemned by a vote of the people and that the latter took his own life. Flaminius, you say, did not obey the auspices, therefore he perished with his army. But a year later Paulus did obey them; and did he not lose his army and his life in the battle of Cannae? Granting that there are auspices (as there are not), certainly those which we ordinarily employ — whether by the tripudium or by the observation of the heavens — are not auspices in any sense, but are the mere ghosts of auspices.[34] Quintus Fabius, I wish you to assist me at the auspices. He answers, I will. (In our forefathers time the magistrates on such occasions used to call in some expert person to take the auspices — but in these days anyone will do. But one must be an expert to know what constitutes silence, for by that term we mean free of every augural defect. 2.74. Again, do you not think that formerly it was the habit of the celebrants themselves to make observation of the heavens? Now they order the poulterer, and he gives responses! We regard lightning on the left as a most favourable omen for everything except for an election, and this exception was made, no doubt, from reasons of political expediency so that the rulers of the State would be the judges of the regularity of an election, whether held to pass judgements in criminal cases, or to enact laws, or to elect magistrates.The consuls, Scipio and Figulus, you say, resigned their office when the augurs rendered a decision based on a letter written by Tiberius Gracchus, to the effect that those consuls had not been elected according to augural law. Who denies that augury is an art? What I deny is the existence of divination. But you say: Soothsayers have the power of divination; and you mention the fact that, on account of the unexpected death of the person who had suddenly fallen while bringing in the report of the vote of the prerogative century, Tiberius Gracchus introduced the soothsayers into the Senate and they declared that the president had violated augural law. 2.75. Now, in the first place, do not understand that by the president they meant the president of the prerogative century, for he was dead; and, moreover, they could have told that by conjecture without the use of divination; or, in the second place, perhaps, they said so by accident which is no wise to be left out of account in cases of this kind. For what could the Etruscan soothsayers have known, either as to whether the tabernaculum had been properly placed, or as to whether the regulations pertaining to the pomerium had been observed? For my part, I agree with Gaius Marcellus, rather than with Appius Claudius — both of whom were my colleagues — and I think that, although in the beginning augural law was established from a belief in divination, yet later it was maintained and preserved from considerations of political expediency. [36] 2.77. Therefore they have no tripudium and they cross rivers without first taking the auspices. What, then, has become of divining by means of birds? It is not used by those who conduct our wars, for they have not the right of auspices. Since it has been withdrawn from use in the field I suppose it is reserved for city use only!As to divination ex acuminibus, which is altogether military, it was wholly ignored by that famous man, Marcus Marcellus, who was consul five times and, besides, was a commander-in‑chief, as well as a very fine augur. In fact, he used to say that, if he wished to execute some manoeuvre which he did not want interfered with by the auspices, he would travel in a closed litter. His method is of a kind with the advice which we augurs give, that the draught cattle be ordered to be unyoked so as to prevent a iuge auspicium.
24. Cicero, Brutus, 73, 72 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Giusti (2018) 67
72. atqui hic Livius [qui qui secl Schütz ] primus fabulam C. Claudio Caeci filio et M. Tuditano consulibus docuit anno ipso ante quam natus est Ennius, post Romam conditam autem conditam autem FO : autem conditam codd. quartodecimo et quingentensimo, ut hic ait, quem nos sequimur. Est enim inter scriptores de numero annorum controversia. Accius autem a Q. Maximo' quintum consule consule M2G2 : cos. F : consulem codd. captum captum vulg. : capta L Tarento scripsit Livium annis xxx post quam eum fabulam docuisse et Atticus scribit et nos in antiquis commentariis invenimus,
25. Propertius, Elegies, 3.9.11, 4.2.1-4.2.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus, m., cicero’s portrayal of •claudius marcellus, m., his ovatio Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 36, 43
26. Horace, Letters, 1.6.17-1.6.18, 2.1.192-2.1.193, 2.2.180-2.2.182 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, marcus claudius •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Rohland (2022) 161; Rutledge (2012) 38
27. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 2.21.3, 2.21.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022) 142, 143
28. Livy, History, 1.15.6, 1.23.10, 1.31.1, 2.6.10, 2.8.9, 2.10.12, 2.20.10, 2.32.2, 2.42.10, 2.60.4, 3.44.3, 3.50.8, 3.58.4, 4.41.12, 5.10.1, 5.15.11, 5.20.1, 5.20.2, 5.20.3, 5.23.3, 5.23.4, 5.23.5, 5.23.6, 5.23.8, 5.24, 5.25, 5.26, 5.27, 5.28.5, 5.28.4, 5.28.2, 5.28.1, 5.28, 5.28.3, 5.31.6, 5.31.7, 5.32.9, 5.37.2, 5.37.1, 5.37.3, 5.39.1, 5.40.3, 5.43.6, 5.46.10, 5.47.3, 5.48.4, 5.51, 5.52, 5.53, 5.54, 5.55, 6.25.4, 7.1.9, 7.13.5, 7.28.7, 8.4.6, 8.5.3, 8.6.12, 8.9.1, 8.13.11, 8.17.12, 8.23.16, 8.23.15, 8.23.14, 8.23.13, 8.23.17, 8.30.1, 9.18.12, 9.18.11, 10.8.9, 10.9.2, 10.9.1, 10.29.7, 10.29.3, 21.1.2, 21.22.9, 21.22.8, 21.46.2, 21.62.1, 21.63.2, 22.8.5, 22.8.6, 22.9.7, 22.11.1, 22.25.14, 22.25.10-27.9, 22.29.7, 22.30.4, 22.31.8, 22.31.11, 22.31.10, 22.31.9, 22.33.7, 22.33.8, 22.33.9-34.1, 22.33.11, 22.34.3, 22.34.10, 22.34.7, 22.34.11, 22.35.2, 22.35.3, 22.35.1, 22.35.4, 22.41.2, 22.42.2, 22.42.4, 22.42.1, 22.42.3, 22.42.10, 22.42.9, 22.42.8, 22.42.6, 22.42.7, 22.42.5, 22.57.9, 22.57.8, 23.5.9, 23.7.10-9.3, 23.8.10, 23.13.4, 23.14.4, 23.14.3, 23.14.2, 23.22.4, 23.22.5, 23.22.6, 23.22.7, 23.22.9, 23.22.8, 23.22.10, 23.22.11, 23.24.6, 23.24.6-25.9, 23.30.18, 23.31.7, 23.31.13, 23.31.8, 23.32.1, 23.33.4, 23.36.9, 23.36.10, 23.39.5, 23.43.7, 24.8.17, 24.10.6, 24.10.11, 24.19.9, 24.19.8, 24.19.7, 24.19.6, 24.19.3, 24.19, 24.19.10, 24.19.4, 24.19.11, 24.37.11, 24.37.9, 24.38.2, 24.38.9, 24.39.2, 25.16.4, 25.16, 25.24.11, 25.24.13, 25.24.14, 25.24.12, 25.40.3, 25.40.2, 25.40.1, 26.6.14, 26.13.17, 26.21.8, 26.21.7, 26.23.7, 26.23.8, 26.26.6, 26.26.5, 26.26.8, 26.26.7, 26.29.9, 26.29.10, 26.29-30.11, 26.32, 26.32.2, 26.32.5, 26.32.4, 26.32.3, 26.32.1, 26.41.6, 26.41.14, 27.6.15, 27.6.16, 27.16.15, 27.16.7, 27.16.16, 27.16.14, 27.16.12, 27.16.11, 27.16.13, 27.23.2, 27.23.4, 27.25.8, 27.25.7, 27.25.9, 27.26.14, 27.26.13, 27.33.8, 27.33.6, 27.33.10, 27.33.9, 27.33.11, 27.33.7, 28.10.6, 28.11.6, 28.11.8, 28.12.3, 28.25.7, 29.11.13, 29.11.14, 29.15.1, 29.29.9, 29.29.5, 29.38.6, 30.30.3, 30.30.5, 30.30.21, 30.30.22, 30.30.18, 30.30.19, 30.30.20, 30.30.23, 31.5.7, 31.31.20, 32.6.13, 33.4.4, 33.36.13, 33.37.1, 36.1.3, 37.45.9, 37.50, 37.51.2, 37.51.1, 37.54.10, 38.1, 38.2, 38.3, 38.4, 38.5, 38.6, 38.7, 38.8, 38.9, 38.10, 38.11, 38.43.9, 39.5.14, 39.9.4, 39.32.15, 40.2.1, 40.2.3, 40.2.2, 40.29.2, 40.29.3, 40.29.4, 40.29.8, 40.29.6, 40.29.5, 40.29.14, 40.29.13, 40.29.12, 40.29.11, 40.29.10, 40.29.9, 40.29.7, 40.40.1, 40.46, 40.54.1, 40.59.6, 40.59.8, 41.15.1, 41.15.4, 41.18.11, 41.18.14, 41.18.8, 41.24.8, 42.11.5, 42.20.4, 42.30.9, 43.13.1, 43.13.2, 44.1.12, 44.1.11, 44.1.10, 44.37.8, 45.4.3, 45.23.1, 45.39.18, 45.41.11, 45.41.10, 45.41.9, 45.41.8, 45.41.12, 52.7 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller (2018) 187
29. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 9.67-9.68 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022) 177
9.68. 1.  When the Aequians and Volscians had laid waste the Hernicans' territory, they came unopposed to the lands of the Tusculans. And having plundered these also, none offering to defend them, they arrived at the borders of the Gabini. Then, passing through their territory also without opposition, they advanced upon Rome.,2.  They caused the city enough alarm, it is true, yet they could not make themselves masters of it; on the contrary, the Romans, though they were utterly weakened in body and had lost both consuls — for Servilius had recently died — armed themselves beyond their strength and manned the walls, the circuit of which was at that time of the same extent as that of Athens. Some sections of the walls, standing on hills and sheer cliffs, have been fortified by Nature herself and require but a small garrison; others are protected by the river Tiber, the breadth of which is about four hundred feet and the depth capable of carrying large ships, while its current is as rapid as that of any river and forms great eddies. There is no crossing it on foot except by means of a bridge, and there was at that time only one bridge, constructed of timber, and this they removed in time of war.,3.  One section, which is the most vulnerable part of the city, extending from the Esquiline gate, as it is called, to the Colline, is strengthened artificially. For there is a ditch excavated in front of it more than one hundred feet in breadth where it is narrowest, and thirty in depth; and above this ditch rises a wall supported on the inside by an earthen rampart so high and broad that it can neither be shaken by battering rams nor thrown down by undermining the foundations.,4.  This section is about seven stades in length and fifty feet in breadth. Here the Romans were drawn up at that time in force and checked the enemy's assault; for the men of that day were unacquainted with the building of either sheds to protect the men filling up ditches or the engines called helepoleis. The enemy, therefore, despairing of taking the city, retired from the walls, and after laying waste all the country through which they marched, led their forces home.
30. Crinagoras B. Ca. 70 B.C., Epigrams, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rohland (2022) 161, 165
31. Livy, Per., 19, 47, 52 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 38
32. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 5.76, 5.77, 5.78, 5.79, 5.80, 5.81, 5.751-70. (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Davies (2004) 99
5.76. praeterea solis cursus lunaeque meatus
33. Ovid, Amores, 3.2.30-3.2.31 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus, m., cicero’s portrayal of •claudius marcellus, m., his ovatio Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 36
3.2.30. Optavit manibus sustinuisse suis. 3.2.31. Talia pinguntur succinctae crura Dianae
34. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 8.2.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 38
35. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 3.401-3.402 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 43
3.401. Si Venerem Cous nusquam posuisset Apelles, 3.402. rend=
36. Ovid, Fasti, 6.277-6.280 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus (m. claudius marcellus) •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus, m., cicero’s portrayal of Found in books: Green (2014) 65; Rutledge (2012) 37
6.277. arte Syracosia suspensus in aere clauso 6.278. stat globus, immensi parva figura poli, 6.279. et quantum a summis, tantum secessit ab imis 6.280. terra; quod ut fiat, forma rotunda facit, 6.277. There’s a globe suspended, enclosed by Syracusan art, 6.278. That’s a small replica of the vast heavens, 6.279. And the Earth’s equidistant from top and bottom. 6.280. Which is achieved by its spherical shape.
37. Asconius Pedianus Quintus, In Milonianam, 2 (44) (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •m. claudius marcellus (cos. 166) Found in books: Clark (2007) 181
38. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 22.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 38
22.2. πυρὶ μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἔδοσαν τὸν νεκρὸν αὐτοῦ κωλύσαντος, ὡς λέγεται, δύο δὲ ποιησάμενοι λιθίνας σοροὺς ὑπὸ τὸ Ἰάνοκλον ἔθηκαν, τὴν μὲν ἑτέραν ἔχουσαν τὸ σῶμα, τὴν δὲ ἑτέραν τὰς ἱερὰς βίβλους ἃς ἐγράψατο μὲν αὐτός, ὥσπερ οἱ τῶν Ἑλλήνων νομοθέται τοὺς κύρβεις, ἐκδιδάξας δὲ τοὺς ἱερεῖς ἔτι ζῶν τὰ γεγραμμένα καὶ πάντων ἕξιν τε καὶ γνώμην ἐνεργασάμενος αὐτοῖς, ἐκέλευσε συνταφῆναι μετὰ τοῦ σώματος, ὡς οὐ καλῶς ἐν ἀψύχοις γράμμασι φρουρουμένων τῶν ἀπορρήτων. 22.2. They did not burn his body, because, as it is said, he forbade it; but they made two stone coffins and buried them under the Janiculum. One of these held his body, and the other the sacred books which he had written out with his own hand, as the Greek lawgivers their tablets. But since, while he was still living, he had taught the priests the written contents of the books, and had inculcated in their hearts the scope and meaning of them all, he commanded that they should be buried with his body, convinced that such mysteries ought not to be entrusted to the care of lifeless documents. 22.2. They did not burn his body, because, as it is said, he forbade it; but they made two stone coffins and buried them under the Janiculum. One of these held his body, and the other the sacred books which he had written out with his own hand, as the Greek lawgivers their tablets. But since, while he was still living, he had taught the priests the written contents of the books, and had inculcated in their hearts the scope and meaning of them all, he commanded that they should be buried with his body, convinced that such mysteries ought not to be entrusted to the care of lifeless documents.
39. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 38
40. Plutarch, Marius, 32 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •m. claudius marcellus (cos. 222) Found in books: Clark (2007) 126
41. Plutarch, Coriolanus, 25 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 186
42. Plutarch, Marcellus, 1.2, 2.3, 4.2, 4.5-4.7, 5.1-5.7, 6.1, 12.2, 19.4-19.6, 21.2-21.5, 28.1, 28.3, 30.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Davies (2004) 44; Green (2014) 65; Isaac (2004) 383; Konrad (2022) 182, 184, 206, 208, 276, 278, 294; Rutledge (2012) 38
1.2. τῷ δὲ ἄλλῳ τρόπῳ σώφρων, φιλάνθρωπος, Ἑλληνικῆς παιδείας καὶ λόγων ἄχρι τοῦ τιμᾶν καὶ θαυμάζειν τοὺς κατορθοῦντας ἐραστής, αὐτὸς δὲ ὑπʼ ἀσχολιῶν ἐφʼ ὅσον ἦν πρόθυμος ἀσκῆσαι καὶ μαθεῖν οὐκ ἐξικόμενος. εἰ γὰρ ἄλλοις τισὶν ἀνθρώποις ὁ θεός, ὥσπερ Ὅμηρος εἴρηκεν, ἐκ νεότητος ἔδωκε καὶ εἰς γῆρας τολυπεύειν ἀργαλέους πολέμους, καὶ τοῖς τότε πρωτεύουσι Ῥωμαίων, 2.3. ἠναγκάσθη δὲ ἀγορανομῶν δίκην ἀβούλητον εἰσενεγκεῖν. ἦν γὰρ αὐτῷ παῖς ὁμώνυμος ἐν ὥρᾳ, τὴν ὄψιν ἐκπρεπής, οὐχ ἧττον δὲ τῷ σωφρονεῖν καὶ πεπαιδεῦσθαι περίβλεπτος ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν τούτῳ Καπετωλῖνος ὁ τοῦ Μαρκέλλου συνάρχων, ἀσελγὴς ἀνὴρ καὶ θρασύς, ἐρῶν λόγους προσήνεγκε. τοῦ δὲ παιδὸς τὸ μὲν πρῶτον αὐτοῦ καθʼ ἑαυτὸν ἀποτριψαμένου τὴν πεῖραν, ὡς δὲ αὖθις ἐπεχείρησε κατειπόντος πρὸς τὸν πατέρα, βαρέως ἐνεγκὼν ὁ Μάρκελλος προσήγγειλε τῇ βουλῇ τὸν ἄνθρωπον. 4.2. οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ ταῖς ὑπατικαῖς ψηφοφορίαις παραφυλάττοντες οἰωνοὺς ἱερεῖς διεβεβαιοῦντο μοχθηρὰς καὶ δυσόρνιθας αὐτοῖς γεγονέναι τὰς τῶν ὑπάτων ἀναγορεύσεις, εὐθὺς οὖν ἔπεμψεν ἡ σύγκλητος ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον γράμματα καλοῦσα καὶ μεταπεμπομένη τοὺς ὑπάτους, ὅπως ἐπανελθόντες ᾗ τάχιστα τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπείπωνται καὶ μηδὲν ὡς ὕπατοι φθάσωσι πρᾶξαι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους. 5.1. Τιβέριος οὖν Σεμπρώνιος, ἀνὴρ διʼ ἀνδρείαν καὶ καλοκαγαθίαν οὐδενὸς ἧττον ἀγαπηθεὶς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων, ἀπέδειξε μὲν ὑπατεύων διαδόχους Σκηπίωνα Νασικᾶν καὶ Γάϊον Μάρκιον, ἤδη δὲ ἐχόντων αὐτῶν ἐπαρχίας καὶ στρατεύματα, ἱερατικοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν ἐντυχὼν εὗρεν ἠγνοημένον ὑφʼ αὑτοῦ τι τῶν πατρίων. ἦν δὲ τοιοῦτον· 5.2. ὅταν ἄρχων ἐπʼ ὄρνισι καθεζόμενος ἔξω πόλεως οἶκον ἢ σκηνὴν μεμισθωμένος ὑπʼ αἰτίας τινὸς ἀναγκασθῇ μήπω γεγονότων σημείων βεβαίων ἐπανελθεῖν εἰς πόλιν, ἀφεῖναι χρῆν τὸ προμεμισθωμένον οἴκημα καὶ λαβεῖν ἕτερον, ἐξ οὗ ποιήσεται τὴν θέαν αὖθις ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς, τοῦτο ἔλαθεν, ὡς ἔοικε, τὸν Τιβέριον, καὶ δὶς τῷ αὐτῷ χρησάμενος ἀπέδειξε τοὺς εἰρημένους ἄνδρας ὑπάτους. ὕστερον δὲ γνοὺς τὴν ἁμαρτίαν ἀνήνεγκε πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον. 5.3. ἡ δὲ οὐ κατεφρόνησε τοῦ κατὰ μικρὸν οὕτως ἐλλείμματος, ἀλλʼ ἔγραψε τοῖς ἀνδράσι· καὶ ἐκεῖνοι τὰς ἐπαρχίας ἀπολιπόντες ἐπανῆλθον εἰς Ῥώμην ταχὺ καὶ κατέθεντο τὴν ἀρχήν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον ἐπράχθη· περὶ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἐκείνους χρόνους καὶ δύο ἱερεῖς ἐπιφανέστατοι τὰς ἱερωσύνας ἀφῃρέθησαν, Κορνήλιος μὲν Κέθηγος ὅτι τὰ σπλάγχνα τοῦ ἱερείου παρὰ τάξιν ἐπέδωκε, 5.4. Κούϊντος δὲ Σουλπίκιος ἐπὶ τῷ θύοντος αὐτοῦ τὸν κορυφαῖον ἀπορρυῆναι τῆς κεφαλῆς πῖλον, ὃν οἱ καλούμενοι φλαμίνιοι φοροῦσι. Μινουκίου δὲ δικτάτορος ἵππαρχον ἀποδείξαντος Γάϊον Φλαμίνιον, ἐπεὶ τρισμὸς ἠκούσθη μυὸς ὃν σόρικα καλοῦσιν, ἀποψηφισάμενοι τούτους αὖθις ἑτέρους κατέστησαν, καὶ τὴν ἐν οὕτω μικροῖς ἀκρίβειαν φυλάττοντες οὐδεμιᾷ προσεμίγνυσαν δεισιδαιμονίᾳ, τῷ μηδὲν ἀλλάττειν μηδὲ παρεκβαίνειν τῶν πατρίων. 6.1. Ὡς δʼ οὖν ἐξωμόσαντο τὴν ἀρχὴν οἱ περὶ τὸν Φλαμίνιον, διὰ τῶν καλουμένων μεσοβασιλέων ὕπατος ἀποδείκνυται Μάρκελλος, καὶ παραλαβὼν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀποδείκνυσιν αὑτῷ συνάρχοντα Γναῖον Κορνήλιον. ἐλέχθη μὲν οὖν ὡς πολλὰ συμβατικὰ τῶν Γαλατῶν λεγόντων, καὶ τῆς βουλῆς εἰρηναῖα βουλομένης, ὁ Μάρκελλος ἐξετράχυνε τὸν δῆμον ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον· 12.2. οὐ μέντοι τὴν στρατείαν ἔφυγεν, ἀλλʼ ἀνθύπατος ἀναγορευθεὶς καὶ πάλιν πρὸς Νῶλαν ἐπανελθὼν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον κακῶς ἐποίει τοὺς ᾑρημένους τὰ τοῦ Φοίνικος, ὡς δὲ ὀξεῖαν ἐπʼ αὐτὸν θέμενος βοήθειαν ἐκεῖνος ἧκε, προκαλουμένῳ μὲν ἐκ παρατάξεως οὐκ ἠβουλήθη διαγωνίσασθαι, τρέψαντι δὲ τὸ πλεῖστον ἐφʼ ἁρπαγὴν τοῦ στρατοῦ καὶ μηκέτι προσδεχομένῳ μάχην ἐπεξῆλθε, διαδοὺς δόρατα τῶν ναυμάχων μεγάλα τοῖς πεζοῖς, καὶ διδάξας πόρρωθεν συντηροῦσι παίειν τοὺς Καρχηδονίους, ἀκοντιστὰς μὲν οὐκ ὄντας αἰχμαῖς δὲ χρωμένους ἐκ χειρὸς βραχείαις. 19.4. μάλιστα δὲ τὸ Ἀρχιμήδους πάθος ἠνίασε Μάρκελλον. ἔτυχε μὲν γὰρ αὐτός τι καθʼ ἑαυτὸν ἀνασκοπῶν ἐπὶ διαγράμματος· καὶ τῇ θεωρίᾳ δεδωκὼς ἅμα τήν τε διάνοιαν καὶ τήν πρόσοψιν οὐ προῄσθετο τήν καταδρομὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων οὐδὲ τήν ἅλωσιν τῆς πόλεως, ἄφνω δὲ ἐπιστάντος αὐτῷ στρατιώτου καὶ κελεύοντος ἀκολουθεῖν πρὸς Μάρκελλον οὐκ ἐβούλετο πρὶν ἢ τελέσαι τὸ πρόβλημα καὶ καταστῆσαι πρὸς τήν ἀπόδειξιν. 19.5. ὁ δὲ ὀργισθεὶς καὶ σπασάμενος τὸ ξίφος ἀνεῖλεν αὐτόν. ἕτεροι μὲν οὖν λέγουσιν ἐπιστῆναι μὲν εὐθὺς ὡς ἀποκτενοῦντα ξιφήρη τὸν Ῥωμαῖον, ἐκεῖνον δʼ ἰδόντα δεῖσθαι καὶ ἀντιβολεῖν ἀναμεῖναι βραχὺν χρόνον, ὡς μὴ καταλίπῃ τὸ ζητούμενον ἀτελὲς καὶ ἀθεώρητον, τὸν δὲ οὐ φροντίσαντα διαχρήσασθαι. 19.6. καὶ τρίτος ἐστὶ λόγος, ὡς κομίζοντι πρὸς Μάρκελλον αὐτῷ τῶν μαθηματικῶν ὀργάνων σκιόθηρα καὶ σφαίρας καὶ γωνίας, αἷς ἐναρμόττει τὸ τοῦ ἡλίου μέγεθος πρὸς τήν ὄψιν, στρατιῶται περιτυχόντες καὶ χρυσίον ἐν τῷ τεύχει δόξαντες φέρειν ἀπέκτειναν. ὅτι μέντοι Μάρκελλος ἤλγησε καὶ τὸν αὐτόχειρα τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἀπεστράφη καθάπερ ἐναγῆ, τοὺς δὲ οἰκείους ἀνευρὼν ἐτίμησεν, ὁμολογεῖται. 21.2. ὅπλων δὲ βαρβαρικῶν καὶ λαφύρων ἐναίμων ἀνάπλεως οὖσα καὶ περιεστεφανωμένη θριάμβων ὑπομνήμασι καὶ τροπαίοις οὐχ ἱλαρὸν οὐδʼ ἄφοβον οὐδὲ δειλῶν ἦν θέαμα καὶ τρυφώντων θεατῶν, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ Ἐπαμεινώνδας τὸ Βοιώτιον πεδίον Ἄρεως ὀρχήστραν, Ξενοφῶν δὲ τὴν Ἔφεσον πολέμου ἐργαστήριον, οὕτως ἄν μοι δοκεῖ τις τότε τὴν Ῥώμην κατὰ Πίνδαρον βαθυπτολέμου τέμενος Ἄρεως προσειπεῖν. 21.3. διὸ καὶ μᾶλλον εὐδοκίμησε παρὰ μὲν τῷ δήμῳ Μάρκελλος ἡδονὴν ἐχούσαις καὶ χάριν Ἑλληνικὴν καὶ πιθανότητα διαποικίλας ὄψεσι τὴν πόλιν, παρὰ δὲ τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις Φάβιος Μάξιμος, οὐδὲν γὰρ ἐκίνησε τοιοῦτον οὐδὲ μετήνεγκεν ἐκ τῆς Ταραντίνοις πόλεως ἁλούσης, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα χρήματα καὶ τὸν πλοῦτον ἐξεφόρησε, τὰ δὲ ἀγάλματα μένειν εἴασεν, ἐπειπὼν τὸ μνημονευόμενον· 21.4. ἀπολείπωμεν γὰρ ἔφη, τοὺς θεοὺς τούτους τοῖς Ταραντίνοις κεχολωμένους. Μάρκελλον δʼ ᾐτιῶντο πρῶτον μὲν ὡς ἐπίφθονον ποιοῦντα τὴν πόλιν, οὐ μόνον ἀνθρώπων, ἀλλὰ καὶ θεῶν οἷον αἰχμαλώτων ἀγομένων ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ πομπευομένων, ἔπειτα ὅτι τὸν δῆμον εἰθισμένον πολεμεῖν ἢ γεωργεῖν, 21.5. τρυφῆς δὲ καὶ ῥᾳθυμίας ἄπειρον ὄντα καὶ κατὰ τὸν Εὐριπίδειον Ἡρακλέα, φαῦλον, ἄκομψον, τὰ μέγιστʼ ἀγαθόν, μέγιστʼ ἀγαθόν with Coraës, as in the Cimon , iv. 4: μέγιστά τε ἀγαθόν . σχολῆς ἐνέπλησε καὶ λαλιᾶς περὶ τεχνῶν καὶ τεχνιτῶν, ἀστεϊζόμενον καὶ διατρίβοντα πρὸς τούτῳ πολὺ μέρος τῆς ἡμέρας, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τούτοις ἐσεμνύνετο καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ὡς τὰ καλὰ καὶ θαυμαστὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος οὐκ ἐπισταμένους τιμᾶν καὶ θαυμάζειν Ῥωμαίους διδάξας. 28.1. παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν ἀρχήν πρῶτον μὲν ἐν Τυρρηνίᾳ μέγα κίνημα πρὸς ἀπόστασιν ἔπαυσε καὶ κατεπράϋνεν ἐπελθὼν τὰς πόλεις· ἔπειτα ναὸν ἐκ τῶν Σικελικῶν λαφύρων ᾠκοδομημένον ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ Δόξης καὶ Ἀρετῆς καθιερῶσαι βουλόμενος, καὶ κωλυθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἱερέων οὐκ ἀξιούντων ἑνὶ ναῷ δύο θεοὺς περιέχεσθαι, πάλιν ἤρξατο προσοικοδομεῖν ἕτερον, οὐ ῥᾳδίως φέρων τὴν γεγενημένην ἀντίκρουσιν, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ οἰωνιζόμενος. 28.3. τοῦτο καὶ νύκτωρ ὄνειρον ἦν αὐτῷ καὶ μετὰ φίλων καὶ συναρχόντων ἓν βούλευμα καὶ μία πρὸς θεοὺς φωνή, παραταττόμενον Ἀννίβαν λαβεῖν, ἥδιστα δʼ ἄν μοι δοκεῖ τείχους ἑνὸς ἤ τινος χάρακος ἀμφοτέροις τοῖς στρατεύμασι περιτεθέντος διαγωνίσασθαι, καὶ εἰ μὴ πολλῆς μὲν ἤδη μεστὸς ὑπῆρχε δόξης, πολλὴν δὲ πεῖραν παρεσχήκει τοῦ παρʼ ὁντινοῦν τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐμβριθὴς γεγονέναι καὶ φρόνιμος, εἶπον ἂν ὅτι μειρακιῶδες αὐτῷ προσπεπτώκει καὶ φιλοτιμότερον πάθος ἢ κατὰ πρεσβύτην τοσοῦτον· ὑπὲρ γὰρ ἑξήκοντα γεγονὼς ἔτη τὸ πέμπτον ὑπάτευεν. 30.5. ἐκεῖ δὲ αὐτοῦ τῷ ἀνδριάντι τοῦτʼ ἦν ἐπιγεγραμμένον, ὡς Ποσειδώνιός φησι, τὸ ἐπίγραμμα· οὗτός τοι Ῥώμης ὁ μέγας, ξένε, πατρίδος ἀστήρ, Μάρκελλος κλεινῶν Κλαύδιος ἐκ πατέρων. ἑπτάκι τὰν ὑπάταν ἀρχὰν ἐν Ἄρηϊ φυλάξας, τὸν πολὺν ἀντιπάλοις ὃς κατέχευε φόνον. . τήν γὰρ ἀνθύπατον ἀρχήν, ἣν δὶς ἦρξε, ταῖς πέντε προσκατηρίθμησεν ὑπατείαις ὁ τὸ ἐπίγραμμα ποιήσας. 1.2. but otherwise he was modest, humane, and so far a lover of Greek learning and discipline as to honour and admire those who excelled therein, although he himself was prevented by his occupations from achieving a knowledge and proficiency here which corresponded to his desires. For if ever there were men to whom Heaven, as Homer says, Iliad , xiv. 86 f. From youth and to old age appointed the accomplishment of laborious wars, they were the chief Romans of that time, 2.3. During his aedileship, he was compelled to bring a disagreeable impeachment into the senate. He had a son, named Marcus like himself, who was in the flower of his boyish beauty, and not less admired by his countrymen for his modesty and good training. To this boy Capitolinus, the colleague of Marcellus, a bold and licentious man, made overtures of love. The boy at first repelled the attempt by himself, but when it was made again, told his father. Marcellus, highly indigt, denounced the man in the senate. 4.2. and the priests who watched the flight of birds at the time of the consular elections insisted that when the consuls were proclaimed the omens were inauspicious and baleful for them. At once, therefore, the senate sent letters to the camp, summoning the consuls to return to the city with all speed and lay down their office, and forbidding them, while they were still consuls, to take any steps against the enemy. 5.1. For example, Tiberius Sempronius, a man most highly esteemed by the Romans for his valour and probity, proclaimed Scipio Nasica and Caius Marcius his successors in the consulship, but when they had already taken command in their provinces, he came upon a book of religious observances wherein he found a certain ancient prescript of which he had been ignorant. 5.2. It was this. Whenever a magistrate, sitting in a hired house or tent outside the city to take auspices from the flight of birds, is compelled for any reason to return to the city before sure signs have appeared, he must give up the house first hired and take another, and from this he must take his observations anew. of this, it would seem, Tiberius was not aware, and had twice used the same house before proclaiming the men I have mentioned as consuls. But afterwards, discovering his error, he referred the matter to the senate. 5.3. This body did not make light of so trifling an omission, but wrote to the consuls about it; and they, leaving their provinces, came back to Rome with speed, and laid down their offices. This, however, took place at a later time. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, father of the two famous tribunes, was consul for the second time in 163 B.C. But at about the time of which I am speaking, two most illustrious priests were deposed from their priesthoods, Cornelius Cethegus, because he presented the entrails of his victim improperly, 5.4. and Quintus Sulpicius, because, while he was sacrificing, the peaked cap which the priests called flamens Cf. the Numa , vii. 5. wear had fallen from his head. Moreover, because the squeak of a shrew-mouse (they call it sorex ) was heard just as Minucius the dictator appointed Caius Flaminius his master of horse, the people deposed these officials and put others in their places. And although they were punctilious in such trifling matters, they did not fall into any superstition, because they made no change or deviation in their ancient rites. 6.1. But to resume the story, after Flaminius and his colleague had renounced their offices, Marcellus was appointed consul In 222 B.C. In republican times, an interrex was elected when there was a vacancy in the supreme power, held office for five days, and, if necessary, nominated his successor. Any number of interreges might be successively appointed, until the highest office was filled. Cf. the Numa , ii. 6 f. by the so-called interreges. He took the office, and appointed Gnaeus Cornelius his colleague. Now it has been said that, although the Gauls made many conciliatory proposals, and although the senate was peaceably inclined, Marcellus tried to provoke the people to continue the war. 12.2. He did not, however, lay aside his military command, but having been declared proconsul, he returned to his army at Nola and proceeded to punish those who had espoused the cause of the Carthaginian. And when Hannibal came swiftly to their aid against him, and challenged him to a pitched battle, Marcellus declined an engagement; but as soon as his adversary had set the greater part of his army to plundering and was no longer expecting a battle, he led his forces out against him. He had distributed long spears used in naval combats among his infantry, and taught them to watch their opportunity and smite the Carthaginians at long range; these were not javelineers, but used short spears in hand to hand fighting. 19.4. But what most of all afflicted Marcellus was the death of Archimedes. For it chanced that he was by himself, working out some problem with the aid of a diagram, and having fixed his thoughts and his eyes as well upon the matter of his study, he was not aware of the incursion of the Romans or of the capture of the city. Suddenly a soldier came upon him and ordered him to go with him to Marcellus. This Archimedes refused to do until he had worked out his problem and established his demonstration, whereupon the soldier flew into a passion, drew his sword, and dispatched him. 19.5. Others, however, say that the Roman came upon him with drawn sword threatening to kill him at once, and that Archimedes, when he saw him, earnestly besought him to wait a little while, that he might not leave the result that he was seeking incomplete and without demonstration; but the soldier paid no heed to him and made an end of him. 19.6. There is also a third story, that as Archimedes was carrying to Marcellus some of his mathematical instruments, such as sun-dials and spheres and quadrants, by means of which he made the magnitude of the sun appreciable to the eye, some soldiers fell in with him, and thinking that he was carrying gold in the box, slew him. However, it is generally agreed that Marcellus was afflicted at his death, and turned away from his slayer as from a polluted person, and sought out the kindred of Archimedes and paid them honour. 21.2. but filled full of barbaric arms and bloody spoils, and crowned round about with memorials and trophies of triumphs, she was not a gladdening or a reassuring sight, nor one for unwarlike and luxurious spectators. Indeed, as Epaminondas called the Boeotian plain a dancing floor of Ares, and as Xenophon Hell. iii. 4,17. speaks of Ephesus as a work-shop of war, so, it seems to me, one might at that time have called Rome, in the language of Pindar, a precinct of much-warring Ares. Pyth. ii. 1 f. 21.3. Therefore with the common people Marcellus won more favour because he adorned the city with objects that had Hellenic grace and charm and fidelity; but with the elder citizens Fabius Maximus was more popular. For he neither disturbed nor brought away anything of this sort from Tarentum, when that city was taken, but while he carried off the money and the other valuables, he suffered the statues to remain in their places, adding the well-known saying: 21.4. Let us leave these gods in their anger for the Tarentines. Cf. the Fabius Maximus , xxii. 5. And they blamed Marcellus, first, because he made the city odious, in that not only men, but even gods were led about in her triumphal processions like captives; and again, because, when the people was accustomed only to war or agriculture, 21.5. and was inexperienced in luxury and ease, but, like the Heracles of Euripides, was Plain, unadorned, in a great crisis brave and true, A fragment of the lost Licymnius of Euripides (Nauck, Trag. Graec. Frag. 2 p. 507). he made them idle and full of glib talk about arts and artists, so that they spent a great part of the day in such clever disputation. Notwithstanding such censure, Marcellus spoke of this with pride even to the Greeks, declaring that he had taught the ignorant Romans to admire and honour the wonderful and beautiful productions of Greece. 28.1. After assuming his office, he first quelled a great agitation for revolt in Etruria, and visited and pacified the cities there; next, he desired to dedicate to Honour and Virtue a temple that he had built out of his Sicilian spoils, hut was prevented by the priests, who would not consent that two deities should occupy one temple; he therefore began to build another temple adjoining the first, although he resented the priests’ opposition and regarded it as ominous. 28.3. This was his dream at night, his one subject for deliberation with friends and colleagues, his one appeal to the gods, namely, that he might find Hannibal drawn up to meet him. And I think he would have been most pleased to have the struggle decided with both armies enclosed by a single wall or rampart; and if he had not been full already of abundant honour, and if he had not given abundant proof that he could be compared with any general whomsoever in solidity of judgement, I should have said that he had fallen a victim to a youthful ambition that ill became such a great age as his. For he had passed his sixtieth year when he entered upon his fifth consulship. In 208 B.C. 30.5. There, too, there was a statue of him, according to Poseidonius, bearing this inscription: This, O stranger, was the great star of his country, Rome,—Claudius Marcellus of illustrious line, who seven times held the consular power in time of war, and poured much slaughter on his foes. For the author of the inscription has added his two proconsulates to his five consulates.
43. Plutarch, Fabius, 2.3, 9.3, 19.7-19.8, 22.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus, m., spolia opima •claudius marcellus, m., augur Found in books: Konrad (2022) 179, 182, 277; Rutledge (2012) 38
2.3. (θυρεούς τε γὰρ ἀφʼ αὑτῶν αἵματι γενέσθαι διαβρόχους ἐλέχθη, καὶ θέρη σταχύων περὶ Ἄντιον ἔναιμα κείρεσθαι, καὶ λίθους μὲν ἐκ τοῦ ἀέρος διαπύρους καὶ φλεγομένους φέρεσθαι, τοῦ δʼ ὑπὲρ Φαλερίους οὐρανοῦ ῥαγῆναι δόξαντος ἐκπίπτειν καὶ διασπείρεσθαι πολλὰ γραμματεῖα, καὶ τούτων ἐν ἑνὶ γεγραμμένον φανῆναι κατὰ λέξιν Ἄρης τὰ ἑαυτοῦ ὅπλα σαλεύει ), 9.3. τοιούτοις λόγοις κινηθέντες οἱ ἄνθρωποι τὸν μὲν Φάβιον οὐκ ἐτόλμησαν ἀναγκάσαι καταθέσθαι τὴν μοναρχίαν, καίπερ ἀδοξοῦντα, τὸν δὲ Μινούκιον ἐψηφίσαντο τῆς στρατηγίας ὁμότιμον ὄντα διέπειν τὸν πόλεμον ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς ἐξουσίας τῷ δικτάτορι, πρᾶγμα μὴ πρότερον ἐν Ῥώμῃ γεγονός, ὀλίγῳ δʼ ὕστερον αὖθις γενόμενον μετὰ τὴν ἐν Κάνναις ἀτυχίαν. 22.6. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὸν κολοσσὸν τοῦ Ἡρακλέους μετακομίσας ἐκ Τάραντος ἔστησεν ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ, καὶ πλησίον ἔφιππον εἰκόνα χαλκῆν ἑαυτοῦ, πολὺ Μαρκέλλου φανεὶς ἀτοπώτερος περὶ ταῦτα, μᾶλλον δʼ ὅλως ἐκεῖνον ἄνδρα πρᾳότητι καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ θαυμαστὸν ἀποδείξας, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται. 2.3. For instance, it was said that shields sweated blood, that ears of corn were cut at Antium with blood upon them, that blazing, fiery stones fell from on high, and that the people of Falerii saw the heavens open and many tablets fall down and scatter themselves abroad, and that on one of these was written in letters plain to see, Mars now brandisheth his weapons. Mauors telum suum concutit ( Livy, xxii. 1. ) 2.3. For instance, it was said that shields sweated blood, that ears of corn were cut at Antium with blood upon them, that blazing, fiery stones fell from on high, and that the people of Falerii saw the heavens open and many tablets fall down and scatter themselves abroad, and that on one of these was written in letters plain to see, Mars now brandisheth his weapons. Mauors telum suum concutit ( Livy, xxii. 1. ) 9.3. The rabble were moved by such utterances. They did not dare to force Fabius to resign his sovereignty, unpopular as he was, but they voted that Minucius should have an equal share in the command, and should conduct the war with the same powers as the dictator,—a thing which had not happened before in Rome. A little while afterwards, it is true, it happened again, namely, after the disaster at Cannae. Cf. chapter xvi. 9.3. The rabble were moved by such utterances. They did not dare to force Fabius to resign his sovereignty, unpopular as he was, but they voted that Minucius should have an equal share in the command, and should conduct the war with the same powers as the dictator,—a thing which had not happened before in Rome. A little while afterwards, it is true, it happened again, namely, after the disaster at Cannae. Cf. chapter xvi. 22.6. However, he removed the colossal statue of Heracles from Tarentum, and set it up on the Capitol, and near it an equestrian statue of himself, in bronze. He thus appeared far more eccentric in these matters than Marcellus, nay rather, the mild and humane conduct of Marcellus was thus made to seem altogether admirable by contrast, as has been written in his Life. Chapter xxi. Marcellus had enriched Rome with works of Greek art taken from Syracuse in 212 B.C. Livy’s opinion is rather different from Plutarch’s: sed maiore animo generis eius praeda abstinuit Fabius quam Marcellus, xxvii. 16. Fabius killed the people but spared their gods; Marcellus spared the people but took their gods.
44. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 7.1, 42.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus, m., cicero’s portrayal of •claudius marcellus, m., his ovatio Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 36
7.1. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ Μετέλλου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως τελευτήσαντος καὶ τὴν ἱερωσύνην περιμάχητον οὖσαν Ἰσαυρικοῦ καὶ Κάτλου μετιόντων, ἐπιφανεστάτων ἀνδρῶν καὶ μέγιστον ἐν βουλῇ δυναμένων, οὐχ ὑπεῖξεν αὐτοῖς ὁ Καῖσαρ, ἀλλὰ καταβὰς εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἀντιπαρήγγελλεν. 42.2. πέμπειν δὲ πολλοὺς εἰς Ῥώμην μισθουμένους καὶ προκαταλαμβάνοντας οἰκίας ὑπατεύουσι καὶ στρατηγοῦσιν ἐπιτηδείους, ὡς εὐθὺς ἄρξοντες μετὰ τὸν πόλεμον. μάλιστα δὲ ἐσφάδαζον οἱ ἱππεῖς ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην ἠσκημένοι περιττῶς ὅπλων λαμπρότησι καὶ τροφαῖς ἵππων καὶ κάλλει σωμάτων, μέγα φρονοῦντες καὶ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος, ἑπτακισχίλιοι πρὸς χιλίους τοὺς Καίσαρος ὄντες. ἦν δὲ καὶ τὸ τῶν πεζῶν πλῆθος οὐκ ἀγχώμαλον, ἀλλὰ τετρακισμύριοι καὶ πεντακισχίλιοι παρετάττοντο δισμυρίοις καὶ δισχιλίοις. 7.1. 42.2.
45. Juvenal, Satires, 14.256-14.262 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m., cicero’s portrayal of Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 307
46. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 32.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 307
32.3. πᾶς δὲ ναὸς ἀνέῳκτο καὶ στεφάνων καὶ θυμιαμάτων ἦν πλήρης, ὑπηρέται τε πολλοὶ καὶ ῥαβδονόμοι τοὺς ἀτάκτως συρρέοντας εἰς τὸ μέσον καὶ διαθέοντας ἐξείργοντες ἀναπεπταμένας τὰς ὁδοὺς καὶ καθαρὰς παρεῖχον. 32.3. Every temple was open and filled with garlands and incense, while numerous servitors and lictors restrained the thronging and scurrying crowds and kept the streets open and clear.
47. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 7.34, 11.189, 28.17, 29.57, 34.11-34.12, 34.22, 34.34, 34.36, 34.38, 34.40, 34.69, 35.6, 35.24, 35.27, 35.91, 35.93, 35.157, 36.39, 37.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Davies (2004) 76; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019) 186; Konrad (2022) 276; Rohland (2022) 165; Rutledge (2012) 36, 37, 38, 43, 129, 207, 307
48. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 50 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 38
49. New Testament, John, 1.41 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al (2020) 244
1.41. εὑρίσκει οὗτος πρῶτον τὸν ἀδελφὸν τὸν ἴδιον Σίμωνα καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ Εὑρήκαμεν τὸν Μεσσίαν ?̔ὅ ἐστιν μεθερμηνευόμενον Χριστός̓. 1.41. He first found his own brother, Simon, and said to him, "We have found the Messiah!" (which is, being interpreted, Christ).
50. Lucan, Pharsalia, 2.22, 8.871-8.872 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m., cicero’s portrayal of •marcellus, marcus claudius Found in books: Mcclellan (2019) 265; Rutledge (2012) 307
51. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 7.131 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, m. claudius, consul, marcellus, theatre of Found in books: Galinsky (2016) 136
7.131. there it was that they tasted some food, and when they had put on their triumphal garments, and had offered sacrifices to the gods that were placed at the gate, they sent the triumph forward, and marched through the theatres, that they might be the more easily seen by the multitudes.
52. Plutarch, Brutus, 53.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Konrad (2022) 206
53.5. Πορκίαν δὲ τὴν Βρούτου γυναῖκα Νικόλαος ὁ φιλόσοφος ἱστορεῖ καὶ Οὐαλέριος Μάξιμος βουλομένην ἀποθανεῖν, ὡς οὐδεὶς ἐπέτρεπε τῶν φίλων, ἀλλὰ προσέκειντο καὶ παρεφύλαττον, ἐκ τοῦ πυρὸς ἀναρπάσασαν ἄνθρακας καταπιεῖν καὶ τὸ στόμα συγκλείσασαν καὶ μύσασαν οὕτω διαφθαρῆναι. 53.5.
53. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 50 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 38
54. Seneca The Younger, De Clementia, 1.23.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. ( Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 313
55. Statius, Achilleis, 1.864-1.865 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus (m. claudius) Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 296; Verhagen (2022) 296
56. Tacitus, Histories, 1.82, 3.47, 5.10.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m., cicero’s portrayal of •claudius marcellus •marcus claudius marcellus Found in books: Davies (2004) 172; Isaac (2004) 383; Rutledge (2012) 307
1.82.  The excited soldiers were not kept even by the doors of the palace from bursting into the banquet. They demanded to be shown Otho, and they wounded Julius Martialis, the tribune, and Vitellius Saturninus, prefect of the legion, when they opposed their onrush. On every side were arms and threats directed now against the centurions and tribunes, now against the whole senate, for all were in a state of blind panic, and since they could not fix upon any individual as the object of their wrath, they claimed licence to proceed against all. Finally Otho, disregarding the dignity of his imperial position, stood on his couch and barely succeeded in restraining them with appeals and tears. Then they returned to camp neither willingly nor with guiltless hands. The next day private houses were closed as if the city were in the hands of the enemy; few respectable people were seen in the streets; the rabble was downcast. The soldiers turned their eyes to the ground, but were sorrowful rather than repentant. Licinius Proculus and Plotius Firmus, the prefects, addressed their companies, the one mildly, the other severely, each according to his nature. They ended with the statement that five thousand sesterces were to be paid to each soldier. Only then did Otho dare to enter the camp. He was surrounded by tribunes and centurions, who tore away the insignia of their rank and demanded discharge and safety from their dangerous service. The common soldiers perceived the bad impression that their action had made and settled down to obedience, demanding of their own accord that the ringleaders of the mutiny should be punished. 3.47.  Nor were the other nations quiet. There was a sudden armed uprising in Pontus led by a barbarian slave who had once been prefect of the royal fleet. This was a certain Anicetus, a freedman of Polemo, who, having been once very powerful, was impatient of the change after the kingdom was transformed into a province. So he stirred up the people of Pontus in the name of Vitellius, bribing the poorest among them with hope of plunder. Then at the head of a band, which was far from being negligible, he suddenly attacked Trapezus, a city of ancient fame, founded by Greeks at the extreme end of the coast of Pontus. There he massacred a cohort, which originally consisted of auxiliaries furnished by the king; later its members had been granted Roman citizenship and had adopted Roman standards and arms, but retained the indolence and licence of the Greeks. He also set fire to the fleet and escaped by sea, which was unpatrolled since Mucianus had concentrated the best light galleys and all the marines at Byzantium. Moreover, the barbarians had hastily built vessels and now roamed the sea at will, despising the power of Rome. Their boats they call camarae; they have a low freeboard but are broad of beam, and are fastened together without spikes of bronze or iron. When the sea is rough the sailors build up the bulwarks with planks to match the height of the waves, until they close in the hull like the roof of a house. Thus protected these vessels roll about amid the waves. They have a prow at both ends and their arrangement of oars may be shifted, so that they can be safely propelled in either direction at will.
57. Appian, Civil Wars, 1.98.459, 1.99.461, 2.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, c. •claudius marcellus, m. (marcellus) Found in books: Konrad (2022) 143; Walters (2020) 88
58. Appian, The War Against Hannibal, 12.52 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m., spolia opima Found in books: Konrad (2022) 179
59. Suetonius, Iulius, 76.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 36, 37
60. Statius, Siluae, 5.3.10-5.3.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus (m. claudius) Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 297; Verhagen (2022) 297
61. Silius Italicus, Punica, 1.1-1.2, 1.58, 1.152-1.154, 6.700-6.716, 10.503-10.577, 12.411, 13.635, 13.762, 13.767-13.768, 13.778-13.803, 15.385-15.392, 17.606-17.615, 17.625-17.654 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus (m. claudius) •marcellus, marcus claudius Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 296, 297; Mcclellan (2019) 245, 247, 253, 260, 265; Verhagen (2022) 296, 297
62. Tacitus, Annals, 2.33, 2.82, 3.55, 3.71.3, 4.20.2-4.20.4, 6.10.3, 6.22.1-6.22.3, 16.13.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus, m., cicero’s portrayal of •claudius marcellus, m., consul vitio creatus •claudius marcellus, m., consulship, abdication of •marcus claudius marcellus Found in books: Davies (2004) 172; Konrad (2022) 271; Rutledge (2012) 69, 307
2.33. Proximo senatus die multa in luxum civitatis dicta a Q. Haterio consulari, Octavio Frontone praetura functo; decretumque ne vasa auro solida ministrandis cibis fierent, ne vestis serica viros foedaret. excessit Fronto ac postulavit modum argento, supellectili, familiae: erat quippe adhuc frequens senatoribus, si quid e re publica crederent, loco sententiae promere. contra Gallus Asinius disseruit: auctu imperii adolevisse etiam privatas opes, idque non novum, sed e vetustissimis moribus: aliam apud Fabricios, aliam apud Scipiones pecuniam; et cuncta ad rem publicam referri, qua tenui angustas civium domos, postquam eo magnificentiae venerit, gliscere singulos. neque in familia et argento quaeque ad usum parentur nimium aliquid aut modicum nisi ex fortuna possidentis. distinctos senatus et equitum census, non quia diversi natura, sed ut locis ordi- nibus dignationibus antistent, ita iis quae ad requiem animi aut salubritatem corporum parentur, nisi forte clarissimo cuique pluris curas, maiora pericula subeunda, delenimentis curarum et periculorum carendum esse. facilem adsensum Gallo sub nominibus honestis confessio vitiorum et similitudo audientium dedit. adiecerat et Tiberius non id tempus censurae nec, si quid in moribus labaret, defuturum corrigendi auctorem. 2.82. At Romae, postquam Germanici valetudo percrebuit cunctaque ut ex longinquo aucta in deterius adferebantur, dolor ira, et erumpebant questus. ideo nimirum in extremas terras relegatum, ideo Pisoni permissam provinciam; hoc egisse secretos Augustae cum Plancina sermones. vera prorsus de Druso seniores locutos: displicere regtibus civilia filiorum ingenia, neque ob aliud interceptos quam quia populum Romanum aequo iure complecti reddita libertate agitaverint. hos vulgi sermones audita mors adeo incendit ut ante edictum magistratuum, ante senatus consultum sumpto iustitio desererentur fora, clauderentur domus. passim silentia et gemitus, nihil compositum in ostentationem; et quamquam neque insignibus lugentium abstinerent, altius animis maerebant. forte negotiatores vivente adhuc Germanico Syria egressi laetiora de valetudine eius attulere. statim credita, statim vulgata sunt: ut quisque obvius, quamvis leviter audita in alios atque illi in plures cumulata gaudio transferunt. cursant per urbem, moliuntur templorum foris; iuvat credulitatem nox et promptior inter tenebras adfirmatio. nec obstitit falsis Tiberius donec tempore ac spatio vanescerent: et populus quasi rursum ereptum acrius doluit. 3.55. Auditis Caesaris litteris remissa aedilibus talis cura; luxusque mensae a fine Actiaci belli ad ea arma quis Servius Galba rerum adeptus est per annos centum pro- fusis sumptibus exerciti paulatim exolevere. causas eius mutationis quaerere libet. dites olim familiae nobilium aut claritudine insignes studio magnificentiae prolabebantur. nam etiam tum plebem socios regna colere et coli licitum; ut quisque opibus domo paratu speciosus per nomen et clientelas inlustrior habebatur. postquam caedibus saevitum et magnitudo famae exitio erat, ceteri ad sapientiora convertere. simul novi homines e municipiis et coloniis atque etiam provinciis in senatum crebro adsumpti domesticam parsimoniam intulerunt, et quamquam fortuna vel industria plerique pecuniosam ad senectam pervenirent, mansit tamen prior animus. sed praecipuus adstricti moris auctor Vespasianus fuit, antiquo ipse cultu victuque. obsequium inde in principem et aemulandi amor validior quam poena ex legibus et metus. nisi forte rebus cunctis inest quidam velut orbis, ut quem ad modum temporum vices ita morum vertantur; nec omnia apud priores meliora, sed nostra quoque aetas multa laudis et artium imitanda posteris tulit. verum haec nobis in maiores certamina ex honesto maneant. 2.33.  At the next session, the ex-consul, Quintus Haterius, and Octavius Fronto, a former praetor, spoke at length against the national extravagance; and it was resolved that table-plate should not be manufactured in solid gold, and that Oriental silks should no longer degrade the male sex. Fronto went further, and pressed for a statutory limit to silver, furniture, and domestics: for it was still usual for a member to precede his vote by mooting any point which he considered to be in the public interest. Asinius Gallus opposed:— "With the expansion of the empire, private fortunes had also grown; nor was this new, but consot with extremely ancient custom. Wealth was one thing with the Fabricii, another with the Scipios; and all was relative to the state. When the state was poor, you had frugality and cottages: when it attained a pitch of splendour such as the present, the individual also throve. In slaves or plate or anything procured for use there was neither excess nor moderation except with reference to the means of the owner. Senators and knights had a special property qualification, not because they differed in kind from their fellow-men, but in order that those who enjoyed precedence in place, rank, and dignity should enjoy it also in the easements that make for mental peace and physical well-being. And justly so — unless your distinguished men, while saddled with more responsibilities and greater dangers, were to be deprived of the relaxations compensating those responsibilities and those dangers." — With his virtuously phrased confession of vice, Gallus easily carried with him that audience of congenial spirits. Tiberius, too, had added that it was not the time for a censorship, and that, if there was any loosening of the national morality, a reformer would be forthcoming. 2.82.  But at Rome, when the failure of Germanicus' health became current knowledge, and every circumstance was reported with the aggravations usual in news that has travelled far, all was grief and indignation. A storm of complaints burst out:— "So for this he had been relegated to the ends of earth; for this Piso had received a province; and this had been the drift of Augusta's colloquies with Plancina! It was the mere truth, as the elder men said of Drusus, that sons with democratic tempers were not pleasing to fathers on a throne; and both had been cut off for no other reason than because they designed to restore the age of freedom and take the Roman people into a partnership of equal rights." The announcement of his death inflamed this popular gossip to such a degree that before any edict of the magistrates, before any resolution of the senate, civic life was suspended, the courts deserted, houses closed. It was a town of sighs and silences, with none of the studied advertisements of sorrow; and, while there was no abstention from the ordinary tokens of bereavement, the deeper mourning was carried at the heart. Accidentally, a party of merchants, who had left Syria while Germanicus was yet alive, brought a more cheerful account of his condition. It was instantly believed and instantly disseminated. No man met another without proclaiming his unauthenticated news; and by him it was passed to more, with supplements dictated by joy. Crowds were running in the streets and forcing temple-doors. Credulity throve — it was night, and affirmation is boldest in the dark. Nor did Tiberius check the fictions, but left them to die out with the passage of time; and the people added bitterness for what seemed a second bereavement. 3.55.  When the Caesar's epistle had been read, the aediles were exempted from such a task; and spendthrift epicureanism, after being practised with extravagant prodigality throughout the century between the close of the Actian War and the struggle which placed Servius Galba on the throne, went gradually out of vogue. The causes of that change may well be investigated. Formerly aristocratic families of wealth or outstanding distinction were apt to be led to their downfall by a passion for magnificence. For it was still legitimate to court or be courted by the populace, by the provincials, by dependent princes; and the more handsome the fortune, the palace, the establishment of a man, the more imposing his reputation and his clientèle. After the merciless executions, when greatness of fame was death, the survivors turned to wiser paths. At the same time, the self-made men, repeatedly drafted into the senate from the municipalities and the colonies, and even from the provinces, introduced the plain-living habits of their own hearths; and although by good fortune or industry very many arrived at an old age of affluence, yet their prepossessions persisted to the end. But the main promoter of the stricter code was Vespasian, himself of the old school in his person and table. Thenceforward, deference to the sovereign and the love of emulating him proved more powerful than legal sanctions and deterrents. Or should we rather say there is a kind of cycle in all things — moral as well as seasonal revolutions? Nor, indeed, were all things better in the old time before us; but our own age too has produced much in the sphere of true nobility and much in that of art which posterity well may imitate. In any case, may the honourable competition of our present with our past long remain!
63. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. ( Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 313
64. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 49.12, 115.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020) 313
65. Seneca The Younger, Dialogi, 7.28.1, 10.20.3, 11.14.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m., cicero’s portrayal of Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 307
66. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 1.15.9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus, m., cicero’s portrayal of •claudius marcellus, m., his ovatio Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 36
67. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 26.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Konrad (2022) 264
68. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 2.3.8, 8.24.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus Found in books: Isaac (2004) 383; Rutledge (2012) 69
69. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 41.36.1, 42.20.4, 42.21.1, 42.55.4, 56.29.1, 57.16-57.17, 59.17.3, 72.22.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, c. •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus, m., spolia opima •claudius marcellus, m., cicero’s portrayal of •claudius marcellus, m., his ovatio Found in books: Konrad (2022) 142, 143, 179; Rutledge (2012) 36, 38, 69
41.36.1.  While he was still on the way Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, the man who later became a member of the triumvirate, advised the people in his capacity of praetor to elect Caesar dictator, and immediately named him, contrary to ancestral custom. 42.20.4.  All the elections except those of the plebs now passed into his hands, and for this reason they were delayed till after his arrival and were held toward the close of the year. In the case of the governorships in subject territory the citizens pretended to allot themselves those which fell to the consuls, but voted that Caesar should give the others to the praetors without the casting of lots; for they had gone back to consuls and praetors again contrary to their decree. 42.21.1.  In this way these measures were voted and ratified. Caesar entered upon the dictatorship at once, although he was outside of Italy, and chose Antony, although he had not yet been praetor, as his master of horse; and the consuls proposed the latter's name also, although the augurs very strongly opposed him, declaring that no one might be master of the horses for more than six months. 42.55.4. These were the things he did in that year in which he really ruled alone as dictator for the second time, though Calenus and Vatinius, appointed near the close of the year, were said to be the consuls. 56.29.1.  During a horse-race at the Augustalia, which were celebrated in honour of his birthday, a madman seated himself in the chair which was dedicated to Julius Caesar, and taking his crown, put it on. This incident disturbed everybody, for it seemed to have some bearing upon Augustus, as, indeed, proved true. 57.16. 1.  Besides the matters just related, some of the men who had been quaestors the previous year were sent out to the provinces, since the quaestors of the current year were too few in number to fill the places. And this practice was also followed on other occasions, as often as was found necessary.,2.  As many of the public records had either perished completely or at least become illegible with the lapse of time, three senators were elected to copy off those that were still extant and to recover the text of the others. Assistance was rendered to the victims of various conflagrations not only by Tiberius but also by Livia.,3.  The same year a certain Clemens, who had been a slave of Agrippa and resembled him to a certain extent, pretended to be Agrippa himself. He went to Gaul and won many to his cause there and many later in Italy, and finally he marched upon Rome with the avowed intention of recovering the dominion of his grandfather.,4.  The population of the city became excited at this, and not a few joined his cause; but Tiberius got him into his hands by a ruse with the aid of some persons who pretended to sympathize with this upstart. He thereupon tortured him, in order to learn something about his fellow-conspirators. Then, when the other would not utter a word, he asked him: "How did you come to be Agrippa?" And he replied: "In the same way as you came to be Caesar." 57.17. 1.  The following year Gaius Caecilius and Lucius Flaccus received the title of consuls. And when some brought Tiberius money at the beginning of the year, he would not accept it and published an edict regarding this very practice, in which he used a word that was not Latin.,2.  After thinking it over at night he sent for all who were experts in such matters, for he was extremely anxious to have his diction irreproachable. Thereupon one Ateius Capito declared: "Even if no one has previously used this expression, yet now because of you we shall all cite it as an example of classical usage." But a certain Marcellus replied: "You, Caesar, can confer Roman citizenship upon men, but not upon words.",3.  And the emperor did this man no harm for his remark, in spite of its extreme frankness. His anger was aroused, however, against Archelaus, the king of Cappadocia, because this prince, after having once grovelled before him in order to gain his assistance as advocate when accused by his subjects in the time of Augustus,,4.  had afterwards slighted him on the occasion of his visit to Rhodes, yet had paid court to Gaius when the latter went to Asia. Therefore Tiberius now summoned him on the charge of rebellious conduct and left his fate to the decision of the senate, although the man was not only stricken in years, but also a great sufferer from gout, and was furthermore believed to be demented.,5.  As a matter of fact, he had once lost his mind to such an extent that a guardian was appointed over his domain by Augustus; nevertheless, at the time in question he was no longer weak-witted, but was merely feigning, in the hope of saving himself by this expedient. And he would now have been put to death, had not someone in testifying against him stated that he had once said: "When I get back home, I will show him what sort of sinews I possess." So great a shout of laughter went up at this — for the man was not only unable to stand, but could not even sit up — that Tiberius gave up his purpose of putting him to death.,6.  In fact, the prince's condition was so serious that he was carried into the senate in a covered litter (for it was customary even for men, whenever one of them came there feeling ill, to be carried in reclining, and even Tiberius sometimes did so), and he spoke a few words leaning out of the litter.,7.  So it was that the life of Archelaus was spared for the time being; but he died shortly afterward from some other cause. After this Cappadocia fell to the Romans and was put in charge of a knight as governor. The cities in Asia which had been damaged by the earthquake were assigned to an ex-praetor with five lictors; and large sums of money were remitted from taxes and large sums were also given them by Tiberius.,8.  For not only did he refrain scrupulously from the possessions of others — so long, that is, as he practised any virtue at all — and would not even accept the inheritances that were left to him by testators who had relatives, but he actually contributed vast sums both to cities and to private individuals, and would not accept any honour or praise for these acts.,9.  When embassies came from cities or provinces, he never dealt with them alone, but caused a number of others to participate in the deliberations, especially men who had once governed these peoples. 59.17.3.  In building the bridge not merely a passageway was constructed, but also resting-places and lodging-room were built along its course, and these had running water suitable for drinking. When all was ready, he put on the breastplate of Alexander (or so he claimed), and over it a purple silk chlamys, adorned with much gold and many precious stones from India; moreover he girt on a sword, too a shield, and donned a garland of oak leaves.
70. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 36
71. Polyaenus, Stratagems, 8.20.9-8.20.10, 38.1.1, 38.22, 39.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •m. claudius marcellus Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 140
72. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 2.3.8, 8.24.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus Found in books: Isaac (2004) 383; Rutledge (2012) 69
73. Gellius, Attic Nights, 4.5.1-4.5.5, 6.1.6, 7.6.10, 16.6.12 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wynne (2019) 76
74. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 1.20.27 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 69
75. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 17.9-17.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus, m., cicero’s portrayal of •claudius marcellus, m., his ovatio Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 36
76. Orosius Paulus, Historiae Adversum Paganos, 2.13.2, 4.16.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m., death in office •claudius marcellus, m., consul vitio creatus •claudius marcellus, m., consulship, abdication of Found in books: Konrad (2022) 177, 270
77. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 17.9-17.10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus, m., cicero’s portrayal of •claudius marcellus, m., his ovatio Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 36
78. Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, 2.2.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m., augur •claudius marcellus, m., auspices of investiture •claudius marcellus, m., auspices, oblative, avoidance of •claudius marcellus, m., consul vitio creatus •claudius marcellus, m., consulship, abdication of Found in books: Konrad (2022) 276
79. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.4.6, 3.11.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, gaius claudius (claudius 214 re) •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 43; Wynne (2019) 76
80. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.4.6, 3.11.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, gaius claudius (claudius 214 re) •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 43; Wynne (2019) 76
81. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 1.720, 8.721, 12.260 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus, m., his ovatio •claudius marcellus, m., augur •claudius marcellus, m., auspices of investiture •claudius marcellus, m., auspices, oblative, avoidance of •claudius marcellus, m., consul vitio creatus •claudius marcellus, m., consulship, abdication of Found in books: Konrad (2022) 276; Rutledge (2012) 69, 207
82. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Maximinus, 33.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 69
83. Justinian, Novellae, 38, 45 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wynne (2019) 76
84. Cassiodorus, Chronicon, None (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Konrad (2022) 294
85. Procopius, De Bellis, 5.25.19-5.25.20 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus, m., cicero’s portrayal of •claudius marcellus, m., his ovatio Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 36
86. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Green (2014) 65
87. Papyri, P.Oxy., 1795.25-1795.26  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, marcus claudius Found in books: Rohland (2022) 165
88. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 1.13.4-1.13.5, 2.14.3  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus, m., cicero’s portrayal of Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 37, 307
89. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.19-1.20, 3.462, 3.493-3.498, 4.622-4.629, 6.806, 6.836-6.837, 6.841, 6.844-6.846, 6.854-6.892, 8.312, 8.355-8.358  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, marcus claudius •marcellus (m. claudius) •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus, m., cicero’s portrayal of Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 296, 297; Giusti (2018) 201; Konig and Wiater (2022) 79; König and Wiater (2022) 79; Mcclellan (2019) 253; Rutledge (2012) 37, 38, 43; Verhagen (2022) 296, 297
1.19. made front on Italy and on the mouths 1.20. of Tiber 's stream; its wealth and revenues 3.462. I, the slave-wife, to Helenus was given, 3.493. enjoyed the friendly town; his ample halls 3.494. our royal host threw wide; full wine-cups flowed 3.495. within the palace; golden feast was spread, 3.496. and many a goblet quaffed. Day followed day, 3.497. while favoring breezes beckoned us to sea, 3.498. and swelled the waiting canvas as they blew. 4.622. mite with alternate wrath: Ioud is the roar, 4.623. and from its rocking top the broken boughs 4.624. are strewn along the ground; but to the crag 4.625. teadfast it ever clings; far as toward heaven 4.626. its giant crest uprears, so deep below 4.627. its roots reach down to Tartarus:—not less 4.628. the hero by unceasing wail and cry 4.629. is smitten sore, and in his mighty heart 6.806. Not with a hundred mouths, a hundred tongues, 6.836. Or smites with ivory point his golden lyre. 6.837. Here Trojans be of eldest, noblest race, 6.841. Their arms and shadowy chariots he views, 6.844. For if in life their darling passion ran 6.845. To chariots, arms, or glossy-coated steeds, 6.846. The self-same joy, though in their graves, they feel. 6.854. Who kept them undefiled their mortal day; 6.855. And poets, of whom the true-inspired song 6.856. Deserved Apollo's name; and all who found 6.857. New arts, to make man's life more blest or fair; 6.858. Yea! here dwell all those dead whose deeds bequeath 6.859. Deserved and grateful memory to their kind. 6.860. And each bright brow a snow-white fillet wears. 6.861. Unto this host the Sibyl turned, and hailed 6.862. Musaeus, midmost of a numerous throng, 6.863. Who towered o'er his peers a shoulder higher: 6.864. “0 spirits blest! 0 venerable bard! 6.865. Declare what dwelling or what region holds 6.866. Anchises, for whose sake we twain essayed 6.867. Yon passage over the wide streams of hell.” 6.868. And briefly thus the hero made reply: 6.869. “No fixed abode is ours. In shadowy groves 6.870. We make our home, or meadows fresh and fair, 6.871. With streams whose flowery banks our couches be. 6.872. But you, if thitherward your wishes turn, 6.873. Climb yonder hill, where I your path may show.” 6.874. So saying, he strode forth and led them on, 6.875. Till from that vantage they had prospect fair 6.876. of a wide, shining land; thence wending down, 6.877. They left the height they trod; for far below 6.878. Father Anchises in a pleasant vale 6.879. Stood pondering, while his eyes and thought surveyed 6.880. A host of prisoned spirits, who there abode 6.881. Awaiting entrance to terrestrial air. 6.882. And musing he reviewed the legions bright 6.883. of his own progeny and offspring proud— 6.884. Their fates and fortunes, virtues and great deeds. 6.885. Soon he discerned Aeneas drawing nigh 6.886. o'er the green slope, and, lifting both his hands 6.887. In eager welcome, spread them swiftly forth. 6.888. Tears from his eyelids rained, and thus he spoke: 6.889. “Art here at last? Hath thy well-proven love 6.890. of me thy sire achieved yon arduous way? 6.891. Will Heaven, beloved son, once more allow 6.892. That eye to eye we look? and shall I hear 8.312. on every side, which towered into view 8.355. of bristling shag, the face both beast and man, 8.356. and that fire-blasted throat whence breathed no more 8.357. the extinguished flame. 'T is since that famous day 8.358. we celebrate this feast, and glad of heart
90. Zonaras, Epitome, 8.20, 8.22, 8.26, 9.3  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus, m., augur •claudius marcellus, m., spolia opima •claudius marcellus, m., consul vitio creatus •claudius marcellus, m., cooperation with fabius maximus •claudius marcellus, m., consulship, abdication of Found in books: Konrad (2022) 179, 182, 183, 270, 272, 273
91. Strabo, Geography, 6.3.1, 8.6.23, 14.1.48, 14.5.4, 14.5.14  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. •m. claudius marcellus •claudius marcellus, m., cicero’s portrayal of •marcellus, marcus claudius Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022) 235; König and Wiater (2022) 235; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 140; Rutledge (2012) 37, 38
6.3.1. Iapygia Now that I have traversed the regions of Old Italy as far as Metapontium, I must speak of those that border on them. And Iapygia borders on them. The Greeks call it Messapia, also, but the natives, dividing it into two parts, call one part (that about the Iapygian Cape) the country of the Salentini, and the other the country of the Calabri. Above these latter, on the north, are the Peucetii and also those people who in the Greek language are called Daunii, but the natives give the name Apulia to the whole country that comes after that of the Calabri, though some of them, particularly the Peucetii, are called Poedicli also. Messapia forms a sort of peninsula, since it is enclosed by the isthmus that extends from Brentesium as far as Taras, three hundred and ten stadia. And the voyage thither around the Iapygian Cape is, all told, about four hundred stadia. The distance from Metapontium is about two hundred and twenty stadia, and the voyage to it is towards the rising sun. But though the whole Tarantine Gulf, generally speaking, is harborless, yet at the city there is a very large and beautiful harbor, which is enclosed by a large bridge and is one hundred stadia in circumference. In that part of the harbor which lies towards the innermost recess, the harbor, with the outer sea, forms an isthmus, and therefore the city is situated on a peninsula; and since the neck of land is low-lying, the ships are easily hauled overland from either side. The ground of the city, too, is low-lying, but still it is slightly elevated where the acropolis is. The old wall has a large circuit, but at the present time the greater part of the city — the part that is near the isthmus — has been forsaken, but the part that is near the mouth of the harbor, where the acropolis is, still endures and makes up a city of noteworthy size. And it has a very beautiful gymnasium, and also a spacious market-place, in which is situated the bronze colossus of Zeus, the largest in the world except the one that belongs to the Rhodians. Between the marketplace and the mouth of the harbor is the acropolis, which has but few remts of the dedicated objects that in early times adorned it, for most of them were either destroyed by the Carthaginians when they took the city or carried off as booty by the Romans when they took the place by storm. Among this booty is the Heracles in the Capitol, a colossal bronze statue, the work of Lysippus, dedicated by Maximus Fabius, who captured the city. 8.6.23. The Corinthians, when they were subject to Philip, not only sided with him in his quarrel with the Romans, but individually behaved so contemptuously towards the Romans that certain persons ventured to pour down filth upon the Roman ambassadors when passing by their house. For this and other offences, however, they soon paid the penalty, for a considerable army was sent thither, and the city itself was razed to the ground by Leucius Mummius; and the other countries as far as Macedonia became subject to the Romans, different commanders being sent into different countries; but the Sikyonians obtained most of the Corinthian country. Polybius, who speaks in a tone of pity of the events connected with the capture of Corinth, goes on to speak of the disregard shown by the army for the works of art and votive offerings; for he says that he was present and saw paintings that had been flung to the ground and saw the soldiers playing dice on these. Among the paintings he names that of Dionysus by Aristeides, to which, according to some writers, the saying, Nothing in comparison with the Dionysus, referred; and also the painting of Heracles in torture in the robe of Deianeira. Now I have not seen the latter, but I saw the Dionysus, a most beautiful work, on the walls of the sanctuary of Ceres in Rome; but when recently the temple was burned, the painting perished with it. And I may almost say that the most and best of the other dedicatory offerings at Rome came from there; and the cities in the neighborhood of Rome also obtained some; for Mummius, being magimous rather than fond of art, as they say, readily shared with those who asked. And when Lucullus built the sanctuary of Good Fortune and a portico, he asked Mummius for the use of the statues which he had, saying that he would adorn the sanctuary with them until the dedication and then give them back. However, he did not give them back, but dedicated them to the goddess, and then bade Mummius to take them away if he wished. But Mummius took it lightly, for he cared nothing about them, so that he gained more repute than the man who dedicated them. Now after Corinth had remained deserted for a long time, it was restored again, because of its favorable position, by the deified Caesar, who colonized it with people that belonged for the most part to the freedmen class. And when these were removing the ruins and at the same time digging open the graves, they found numbers of terra-cotta reliefs, and also many bronze vessels. And since they admired the workmanship they left no grave unransacked; so that, well supplied with such things and disposing of them at a high price, they filled Rome with Corinthian mortuaries, for thus they called the things taken from the graves, and in particular the earthenware. Now at the outset the earthenware was very highly prized, like the bronzes of Corinthian workmanship, but later they ceased to care much for them, since the supply of earthen vessels failed and most of them were not even well executed. The city of the Corinthians, then, was always great and wealthy, and it was well equipped with men skilled both in the affairs of state and in the craftsman's arts; for both here and in Sikyon the arts of painting and modelling and all such arts of the craftsman flourished most. The city had territory, however, that was not very fertile, but rifted and rough; and from this fact all have called Corinth beetling, and use the proverb, Corinth is both beetle-browed and full of hollows. 14.1.48. Famous men born at Nysa are: Apollonius the Stoic philosopher, best of the disciples of Panaetius; and Menecrates, pupil of Aristarchus; and Aristodemus, his son, whose entire course, in his extreme old age, I in my youth took at Nysa; and Sostratus, the brother of Aristodemus, and another Aristodemus, his cousin, who trained Pompey the Great, proved themselves notable grammarians. But my teacher also taught rhetoric and had two schools, both in Rhodes and in his native land, teaching rhetoric in the morning and grammar in the evening; at Rome, however, when he was in charge of the children of Pompey the Great, he was content with the teaching of grammar. 14.5.4. Then one comes to Holmi, where the present Seleuceians formerly lived; but when Seleucia on the Calycadnus was founded, they migrated there; for immediately on doubling the shore, which forms a promontory called Sarpedon, one comes to the outlet of the Calycadnus. Near the Calycadnus is also Zephyrium, likewise a promontory. The river affords a voyage inland to Seleucia, a city which is well-peopled and stands far aloof from the Cilician and Pamphylian usages. Here were born in my time noteworthy men of the Peripatetic sect of philosophers, Athenaeus and Xenarchus. of these, Athenaeus engaged also in affairs of state and was for a time leader of the people in his native land; and then, having fallen into a friendship with Murena, he was captured along with Murena when in flight with him, after the plot against Augustus Caesar had been detected, but, being clearly proven guiltless, he was released by Caesar. And when, on his return to Rome, the first men who met him were greeting him and questioning him, he repeated the following from Euripides: I am come, having left the vaults of the dead and the gates of darkness. But he survived his return only a short time, having been killed in the collapse, which took place in the night, of the house in which he lived. Xenarchus, however, of whom I was a pupil, did not tarry long at home, but resided at Alexandria and at Athens and finally at Rome, having chosen the life of a teacher; and having enjoyed the friendship both of Areius and of Augustus Caesar, he continued to be held in honor down to old age; but shortly before the end he lost his sight, and then died of a disease. 14.5.14. The following men were natives of Tarsus: among the Stoics, Antipater and Archedemus and Nestor; and also the two Athenodoruses, one of whom, called Cordylion, lived with Marcus Cato and died at his house; and the other, the son of Sandon, called Caites after some village, was Caesar's teacher and was greatly honored by him; and when he returned to his native land, now an old man, he broke up the government there established, which was being badly conducted by Boethus, among others, who was a bad poet and a bad citizen, having prevailed there by currying the favour of the people. He had been raised to prominence by Antony, who at the outset received favorably the poem which he had written upon the victory at Philippi, but still more by that facility prevalent among the Tarsians whereby he could instantly speak offhand and unceasingly on any given subject. Furthermore, Antony promised the Tarsians an office of gymnasiarch, but appointed Boethus instead of a gymnasiarch, and entrusted to him the expenditures. But Boethus was caught secreting, among other things, the olive-oil; and when he was being proven guilty by his accusers in the presence of Antony he deprecated Antony's wrath, saying, among other things, that Just as Homer had hymned the praises of Achilles and Agamemnon and Odysseus, so I have hymned thine. It is not right, therefore, that I should be brought before you on such slanderous charges. When, however, the accuser caught the statement, he said, Yes, but Homer did not steal Agamemnon's oil, nor yet that of Achilles, but you did; and therefore you shall be punished. However, he broke the wrath of Antony by courteous attentions, and no less than before kept on plundering the city until the overthrow of Antony. Finding the city in this plight, Athenodorus for a time tried to induce both Boethus and his partisans to change their course; but since they would abstain from no act of insolence, he used the authority given him by Caesar, condemned them to exile, and expelled them. These at first indicted him with the following inscription on the walls: Work for young men, counsels for the middle-aged, and flatulence for old men; and when he, taking the inscription as a joke, ordered the following words to be inscribed beside it, thunder for old men, someone, contemptuous of all decency and afflicted with looseness of the bowels, profusely bespattered the door and wall of Athenodorus' house as he was passing by it at night. Athenodorus, while bringing accusations in the assembly against the faction, said: One may see the sickly plight and the disaffection of the city in many ways, and in particular from its excrements. These men were Stoics; but the Nestor of my time, the teacher of Marcellus, son of Octavia the sister of Caesar, was an Academician. He too was at the head of the government of Tarsus, having succeeded Athenodorus; and he continued to be held in honor both by the prefects and in the city.
92. Various, Ap, 6.161, 6.244, 7.472, 9.239, 9.439, 9.545  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, marcus claudius Found in books: Rohland (2022) 161, 165
93. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,2, 35  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, marcus claudius Found in books: Rohland (2022) 161
94. Anon., Fasti Capitolini, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022) 294
95. Caesar, B.Alex., 48.1  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022) 142, 143
96. Anon., Anthologia Latina, 6.161  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, marcus claudius Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022) 80
97. Epigraphy, Ils, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022) 208
99. Eumenius Panegyricus, Panegyricus Constantino Augusto Dictus, 9.7.3  Tagged with subjects: •c. claudius marcellus Found in books: Rüpke (2011) 88
100. Granius Licinianus., Annales, 28.25-28.26  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Konrad (2022) 294
101. Pseudo-Sallustinv. In Cic., Inv. In Cic., 3-4, 6, 5  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Walters (2020) 88
102. Alcaeus of Messene, Anth. Pal., 9.518-9.519, 11.12  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, marcus claudius Found in books: Giusti (2018) 53
105. Crinagoras, Anthologia Palatina, 6.161  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, marcus claudius Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022) 80
106. Antiphilus, Anthologia Palatina, 9.178  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, marcus claudius Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022) 79
107. Arch., Ad Brut., 27  Tagged with subjects: •c. claudius marcellus Found in books: Rüpke (2011) 88
108. Leonidas Historicus, Fragments, None (missingth cent. CE - Unknownth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, marcus claudius Found in books: Rohland (2022) 165
109. Various, Anthologia Latina, 6.161  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, marcus claudius Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022) 80
110. Various, Anthologia Palatina, 6.161  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, marcus claudius Found in books: König and Wiater (2022) 80
111. Crinagoras, Anthologia Palatina, 6.161  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, marcus claudius Found in books: König and Wiater (2022) 80
112. Antiphilus, Anthologia Palatina, 9.178  Tagged with subjects: •marcellus, marcus claudius Found in books: König and Wiater (2022) 79
113. Anon., Tabula Triumphalis Barberiniana, None  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m., spolia opima Found in books: Konrad (2022) 179
114. Anon., Elogia Arretina, None  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m., spolia opima Found in books: Konrad (2022) 179
115. Anon., Fasti Praenestini, None  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Konrad (2022) 294
116. Anon., De Viris Illustribus, 44.2  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Konrad (2022) 294
117. Epigraphy, Cil, 6.331, 6.1507, 12.2.613, 12.2.607, 12.2.608, 12.2.615, 14.2935  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022) 208
118. Iulius Obsequens, Prodigiorum Liber, 18  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. Found in books: Konrad (2022) 294
119. Caesar, B.Afr., 28.2  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022) 138
120. Various, Anthologia Planudea, 178-182  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 43
121. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Letters, 1.13.27, 1.20.4  Tagged with subjects: •claudius marcellus, m. •claudius marcellus, m., cicero’s portrayal of •claudius marcellus, m., his ovatio •claudius marcellus, m., triumphs over gauls Found in books: Rutledge (2012) 36, 129