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69 results for "cicero"
1. Plato, Timaeus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 97
2. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, on gender roles and anger Found in books: Braund and Most (2004), Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen, 136
3. Aristotle, Poetics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 114
4. Aristotle, Physics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, and creation of cosmos Found in books: Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 90
5. Aristotle, Heavens, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 90
6. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, and antony Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 168
7. Archimedes, The Sand-Reckoner, 1 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, orator, philosopher, and politician Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 485
8. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 1.10, 1.18-1.24, 1.53, 3.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, and auctoritas •cicero, marcus tullius, and timaeus translation •cicero, marcus tullius, and creation of cosmos Found in books: Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 88, 89, 90, 96; Tsouni (2019), Antiochus and Peripatetic Ethics, 34, 35
1.10. Those however who seek to learn my personal opinion on the various questions show an unreasonable degree of curiosity. In discussion it is not so much weight of authority as force of argument that should be demanded. Indeed the authority of those who profess to teach is often a positive hindrance to those who desire to learn; they cease to employ their own judgement, and take what they perceive to be the verdict of their chosen master as settling the question. In fact I am not disposed to approve the practice traditionally ascribed to the Pythagoreans, who, when questioned as to the grounds of any assertion that they advanced in debate, are said to have been accustomed to reply 'He himself said so,' 'he himself' being Pythagoras. So potent was an opinion already decided, making authority prevail unsupported by reason. 1.18. Hereupon Velleius began, in the confident manner (I need not say) that is customary with Epicureans, afraid of nothing so much as lest he should appear to have doubts about anything. One would have supposed he had just come down from the assembly of the gods in the intermundane spaces of Epicurus! "I am not going to expound to you doctrines that are mere baseless figments of the imagination, such as the artisan deity and world-builder of Plato's Timaeus, or that old hag of a fortune-teller, the Pronoia (which we may render 'Providence') of the Stoics; nor yet a world endowed with a mind and senses of its own, a spherical, rotatory god of burning fire; these are the marvels and monstrosities of philosophers who do not reason but dream. 1.19. What power of mental vision enabled your master Plato to descry the vast and elaborate architectural process which, as he makes out, the deity adopted in building the structure of the universe? What method of engineering was employed? What tools and levers and derricks? What agents carried out so vast an undertaking? And how were air, fire, water and earth enabled to obey and execute the will of the architect? How did the five regular solids, which are the basis of all other forms of matter, come into existence so nicely adapted to make impressions on our minds and produce sensations? It would be a lengthy task to advert upon every detail of a system that is such as to seem the result of idle theorizing rather than of real research; 1.20. but the prize example is that the thinker who represented the world not merely as having had an origin but even as almost made by hand, also declared that it will exist for ever. Can you suppose that a man can have even dipped into natural philosophy if he imagines that anything that has come into being can be eternal? What composite whole is not capable of dissolution? What thing is there that has a beginning but not an end? While as for your Stoic Providence, Lucilius, if it is the same thing as Plato's creator, I repeat my previous questions, what were its agents and instruments, and how was the entire undertaking planned out and carried though? If on the contrary it is something different, I ask why it made the world mortal, and not everlasting as did Plato's divine creator? 1.21. Moreover I would put to both of you the question, why did these deities suddenly awake into activity as world-builders after countless ages of slumber? for though the world did not exist, it does not follow that ages did not exist — meaning by ages, not periods made up of a number of days and nights in annual courses, for ages in this sense I admit could not have been produced without the circular motion of the firmament; but from the infinite past there has existed an eternity not measured by limited divisions of time, but of a nature intelligible in terms of extension; since it is inconceivable that there was ever a time when time did not exist. 1.22. Well then, Balbus, what I ask is, why did your Providence remain idle all through that extent of time of which you speak? Was it in order to avoid fatigue? But god cannot know fatigue; and also there was no fatigue in question, since all the elements, sky, fire, earth and sea, were obedient to the divine will. Also, why should god take a fancy to decorate the firmament with figures and illuminations, like an aedile? If it was to embellish his own abode, then it seems that he had previously between dwelling for an infinite time in a dark and gloomy hovel! And are we to suppose that thenceforward the varied beauties which we see adorning earth and sky have afforded him pleasure? How can a god take pleasure in things of this sort? And if he did, he could not have dispensed with it so long. 1.23. Or were these beauties designed for the sake of men, as your school usually maintains? For the sake of wise men? If so, all this vast effort of construction took place on account of a handful of people. For the sake of fools then? But in the first place there was no reason for god to do a service to the wicked and secondly, what good did he do? inasmuch as all fools are beyond question extremely miserable, precisely because they are fools (for what can be mentioned more miserable than folly?), and in the second place because there are so many troubles in life that, though wise men can assuage them by balancing against them life's advantages, fools can neither avoid their approach nor endure their presence. Those on the other hand who said that the world is itself endowed with life and with wisdom, failed entirely to discern what shape the nature of an intelligent living being could conceivably possess. I will touch on this a little later; 1.24. for the present I will confine myself to expressing my surprise at their stupidity in holding that a being who is immortal and also blessed is of a spherical shape, merely on the ground that Plato pronounces a sphere to be the most beautiful of all figures. For my own part, on the score of appearance I prefer either a cylinder or a cube or a cone or a pyramid. Then, what mode of existence is assigned to their spherical deity? Why, he is in a state of rotation, spinning round with a velocity that surpasses all powers of conception. But what room there can be in such an existence for steadfastness of mind and for happiness, I cannot see. Also, why should a condition that is painful in the human body, if even the smallest part of it is affected, be supposed to be painless in the deity? Now clearly the earth, being a part of the world, is also a part of god. Yet we see that vast portions of the earth's surface are uninhabitable deserts, being either scorched by the sun's proximity, or frost-bound and covered with snow owing to its extreme remoteness. But if the world is god, these, being parts of the world, must be regarded as limbs of god, undergoing the extremes of heat and cold respectively. 1.53. We for our part deem happiness to consist in tranquillity of mind and entire exemption from all duties. For he who taught us all the rest has also taught us that the world was made by nature, without needing an artificer to construct it, and that the act of creation, which according to you cannot be performed without divine skill, is so easy, that nature will create, is creating and has created worlds without number. You on the contrary cannot see how nature can achieve all this without the aid of some intelligence, and so, like the tragic poets, being unable to bring the plot of your drama to a dénouement, you have recourse to a god; 3.10. Give permission therefore for my reason to join issue with yours. "You adduce all these arguments to prove that the gods exist, and by arguing you render doubtful a matter which in my opinion admits no doubt at all. For I have committed to memory not only the number but also the order of your arguments. The first was that when we look up at the sky, we at once perceive that some power exists whereby the heavenly bodies are governed. And from this you went on to quote: Behold this dazzling vault of heaven, which all mankind as Jove invoke;
9. Cicero, On Friendship, 97 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, and brutus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 8
10. Cicero, Brutus, 71, 95, 43 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 114
43. nam quem Thucydides, qui et Atheniensis erat et summo loco natus summusque vir et paulo aetate posterior, tantum morbo morbo addidit Teuffel, ducente Thucydide i. 138 mortuum scripsit et in Attica clam humatum, addidit addidit FOG : addiditque Kayser fuisse suspicionem veneno sibi conscivisse mortem: hunc isti aiunt, cum taurum immolavisset, excepisse sanguinem patera et eo poto mortuum concidisse. Hanc enim mortem rhetorice et tragice ornare potuerunt, illa mors vulgaris nullam praebebat materiem ad ornatum ordum maluit Lambinus . Qua re quoniam tibi ita quadrat, omnia fuisse in in add. ed. Rom. Themistocle Themistocli codd. dett. paria et Corio- lano, pateram quoque a me sumas licet, praebebo etiam hostiam, ut Coriolanus sit plane alter Themistocles.
11. Cicero, Academica, 1.21, 1.46, 1.121, 2.32, 2.66, 2.104-2.105, 2.118-2.120 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, and creation of cosmos •cicero, marcus tullius, plato and platonism of •cicero, marcus tullius, and fusion of rhetorical and philosophical methods Found in books: Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 39, 40, 64, 65, 87, 90, 91, 92, 96
1.21. ergo haec animorum; vitae autem (id enim erat tertium) adiuncta esse dicebant quae ad virtutis usum valerent. Iam nam Goer. virtus in in 1 et 2 om. *d animi bonis et in corporis cernitur et et om. *d in quibusdam quae non tam naturae quam beatae vitae adiuncta sunt. hominem enim enim om. *d autem Mue. esse censebant quasi partem quandam esse post quandam smn civitatis et universi generis humani, eumque esse coniunctum cum hominibus humana hum. communi IFGronovius observ. 3, 6 quadam societate. ac de summo quidem atque naturali bono sic agunt; cetera autem pertinere ad id putant aut adaugendum aut ad tenendum, aut ad agendum *dn om. s tuendum s ut divitias ut opes ut gloriam ut gratiam. Ita tripertita ab his inducitur ratio bonorum, 1.46. Hanc Academiam novam appellant, quae mihi vetus videtur, si quidem Platonem ex illa vetere numeramus, cuius in libris nihil affirmatur et in utramque partem multa disseruntur, de omnibus quaeritur nihil certi dicitur—sed tamen illa quam exposuisti exposuisti Dur. exposui *g*d ; an a Cicerone neglegenter scriptum ? vetus, haec nova nominetur. quae usque ad Carneadem perducta, producta mn (per in ras. p ) qui quartus ab Arcesila fuit, in eadem Arcesilae ratione permansit. Carneades autem nullius philosophiae partis ignarus et, ut cognovi ex is qui illum audierant maximeque ex Epicureo Epicureo ms -ZZZo *g*d Zenone, qui cum ab eo plurimum dissentiret unum tamen praeter ceteros mirabatur, incredibili quadam fuit facultate et to fuit īo facultate et do m 1, īo del. et do ctrina m 2 ; et to om. *dn et co pia dicendi Chr. ” quid autem stomachatur stomachetur Sig. Mnesarchus, quid Antipater digladiatur Non. p. 65 (digladiari) digladiatur F 1 -etur cett. cum Carneade tot voluminibus? *
12. Cicero, De Finibus, 1.6, 4.61, 5.8, 5.54, 5.95 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, and academic scepticism •cicero, marcus tullius, and auctoritas •cicero, marcus tullius, and antiochus Found in books: Tsouni (2019), Antiochus and Peripatetic Ethics, 3, 4, 30, 31, 32, 33
4.61.  What if those pupils of Plato were to come to life again, and their pupils again in succession, and were to address you in this fashion? 'As we listened, Marcus Cato, to so devoted a student of philosophy, so just a man, so upright a judge, so scrupulous a witness as yourself, we marvelled what reason could induce you to reject us for the Stoics, whose views on good and evil were the views that Zeno learnt from Polemo here, but who expressed those views in terms at first sight startling but upon examination ridiculous. If you accepted those views on their merits, why did you not hold them under their own terminology? or if you were swayed by authority, could you prefer that nobody to all of us, even to Plato himself? especially when you aspired to play a leading part in the state, and we were the very persons to arm and equip you to protect the state with the highest honour to yourself. Why, it is we who invented political philosophy; and reduced it to a system; its nomenclature, its principles are our creation; on all the various forms of government, their stability, their revolutions, the laws, institutions and customs of states, we have written exhaustively. Oratory again is the proudest distinction of the statesman, and in it you, we are told, are pre‑eminent; but how vastly you might have enriched your eloquence from the records of our genius.' What answer, pray, could you give to these words from such men as those?" 5.8.  "You know that I agree with you about that, Piso," I replied; "but you have raised the point most opportunely; for my cousin Cicero is eager to hear the doctrine of the Old Academy of which you speak, and of the Peripatetics, on the subject of the Ends of Goods. We feel sure you can expound it with the greatest ease, for you have had Staseas from Naples in your household for many years, and also we know you have been studying this very subject under Antiochus for several months at Athens." "Here goes, then," replied Piso, smiling, "(for you have rather craftily arranged for our discussion to start with me), let me see what I can do to give the lad a lecture. If an oracle had foretold that I should find myself discoursing in the Academy like a philosopher, I should not have believed it, but here I am, thanks to our having the place to ourselves. Only don't let me bore the rest of you while I am obliging our young friend." "What, bore me?" said I. "Why, it is I who asked you to speak." Thereupon Quintus and Pomponius having declared that they wished it too, Piso began. And I will ask you, Brutus, kindly to consider whether you think his discourse a satisfactory summary of the doctrine of Antiochus, which I believe to be the system which you most approve, as you have often attended the lectures of his brother Aristus. 5.54.  Demetrius of Phalerum, a ruler of this city, when unjustly banished from his country, repaired to the court of King Ptolemy at Alexandria. Being eminent in the very system of philosophy which we are recommending to you, and a pupil of Theophrastus, he employed the leisure afforded by his disaster in composing a number of excellent treatises, not for any practical use of his own, for he was debarred from affairs; but he found a sort of food for his higher nature in thus cultivating his mind. I myself frequently heard the blind ex‑praetor and scholar Gnaeus Aufidius declare that he felt the actual loss of light more than the inconvenience of blindness. Take lastly the gift of sleep: did it not bring us repose for our bodies and an antidote for labour, we should think it a violation of nature, for it robs us of sensation and entirely suspends our activity; so that if our nature did not require repose or could obtain it in some other manner, we should be quite content, inasmuch as even as it is we frequently deny ourselves slumber, almost to the point of doing violence to nature, in the interests of business or of study. 5.95.  "This then is our system which you think inconsistent. I on the other hand, seeing the celestial and divine existence of virtue, excellence so great that where virtue and the mighty and most glorious deeds that she inspires are found, there misery and sorrow cannot be, though pain and annoyance can, do not hesitate to declare that every Wise Man is always happy, but yet that it is possible for one to be happier than another." "Well, Piso," said I, "that is a position which you will find needs a great deal of defending; and if you can hold to it, you are welcome to convert not only my cousin Cicero, but also myself."
13. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 1.6, 4.61, 5.8, 5.54, 5.95 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, and academic scepticism •cicero, marcus tullius, and auctoritas •cicero, marcus tullius, and antiochus Found in books: Tsouni (2019), Antiochus and Peripatetic Ethics, 3, 4, 30, 31, 32, 33
1.6. Quid? quod BEN 2 si nos non interpretum fungimur munere, sed tuemur ea, quae dicta sunt ab iis, quos probamus, eisque eisque eisdem N his (hys) BE nostrum iudicium et nostrum scribendi ordinem adiungimus, quid habent, cur Graeca antepot iis, quae et splendide dicta sint dicta sint dett. dicta sunt neque sint conversa de Graecis? nam si dicent ab illis has res esse tractatas, ne ipsos ipsos NV ipso quidem Graecos est cur tam multos legant, quam legendi sunt. quid enim est a Chrysippo praetermissum in Stoicis? legimus tamen Diogenem, Antipatrum, Mnesarchum, Panaetium, multos alios in primisque familiarem nostrum Posidonium. quid? Theophrastus Theophrastus A. Man. theophrastum RNV theophastrum A theoprastum BE mediocriterne delectat, cum tractat locos ab Aristotele ante tractatos? quid? Epicurei epicuri BE num num BE non RV non ( superscr. ab alt. m. uel num) A non ( superscr. ab alt. m. nun) N desistunt de isdem, de quibus et ab Epicuro scriptum est et ab antiquis, ad arbitrium suum scribere? quodsi Graeci leguntur a Graecis isdem de rebus alia ratione compositis, quid est, cur nostri a nostris non legantur? 4.61. quid, si reviviscant Platonis illi et deinceps qui eorum auditores fuerunt, et tecum ita loquantur? Nos cum te, M. Cato, studiosissimum philosophiae, iustissimum virum, optimum iudicem, religiosissimum testem, audiremus, admirati sumus, quid esset cur nobis Stoicos anteferres, qui de rebus bonis et malis sentirent ea, quae ab hoc Polemone Zeno cognoverat, nominibus uterentur iis, quae prima specie admirationem, re explicata risum moverent. tu autem, si tibi illa probabantur, cur non propriis verbis ea ea NV eas R illa BE tenebas? sin te auctoritas commovebat, nobisne omnibus et Platoni ipsi nescio quem illum anteponebas? praesertim cum in re publica princeps esse velles ad eamque tuendam cum summa tua dignitate maxime a nobis ornari atque instrui posses. a nobis enim ista quaesita, a nobis descripta, notata, add. Lamb. praecepta sunt, omniumque rerum publicarum rectionis rectionis Mdv. rectiones BERN rectores V genera, status, mutationes, leges etiam et leges etiam et ERN leges et etiam B et etiam leges et V instituta ac mores civitatum perscripsimus. eloquentiae vero, quae et principibus maximo ornamento maximo ornamento RV maximo e ornamento B maximo cornamento E maxime (e ex corr. m. alt. ) ornamento N est, et qua te audimus audivimus RV valere plurimum, et qua te ... plurimum om. N quantum tibi ex monumentis monimentis RV nostris addidisses! Ea cum dixissent, quid tandem talibus viris responderes? 5.8. Scis me, inquam, istud idem sentire, Piso, sed a te oportune facta mentio est. studet enim meus audire Cicero quaenam sit istius veteris, quam commemoras, Academiae de finibus bonorum Peripateticorumque sententia. sed a te ... Peripat. sententia Non. p. 91 est sed et enim Non. censemus autem facillime te id explanare posse, quod et Staseam Staseam dett. stans eam Neapolitanum multos annos habueris apud te et complures iam menses Athenis haec ipsa te ex Antiocho videamus exquirere. Et ille ridens: Age, age, inquit,—satis enim scite me videtur legenduim : in me nostri sermonis principium esse voluisti—exponamus adolescenti, si quae forte possumus. dat enim id nobis solitudo, quod si qui deus diceret, numquam putarem me in Academia tamquam philosophum disputaturum. sed ne, dum huic obsequor, vobis molestus sim. Mihi, inquam, qui te id ipsum rogavi? Tum, Quintus et Pomponius cum idem se velle dixissent, Piso exorsus est. cuius oratio attende, quaeso, Brute, satisne videatur Antiochi complexa esse sententiam, quam tibi, qui fratrem eius Aristum frequenter audieris, maxime probatam existimo. 5.54. princeps huius civitatis Phalereus phalereus R phalerius BEN phalerus V Demetrius cum patria pulsus esset iniuria, ad Ptolomaeum se regem Alexandream alexandriam RNV contulit. qui cum in hac ipsa ipsa om. BE philosophia, ad quam te hortamur, excelleret Theophrastique esset auditor, multa praeclara in illo calamitoso otio scripsit scripsit ed. Veneta 1494 ; scribit non ad usum aliquem suum, quo erat orbatus, sed animi cultus ille erat ei quasi quidam humanitatis cibus. equidem e Cn. Aufidio, praetorio, erudito homine, oculis capto, saepe audiebam, cum se lucis magis quam utilitatis desiderio moveri diceret. somnum denique nobis, nisi requietem corporibus et medicinam quandam laboris afferret, contra naturam putaremus datum; aufert enim sensus actionemque tollit omnem. itaque si aut requietem natura non quaereret aut eam posset alia quadam ratione consequi, facile pateremur, qui qui N 2 quin etiam nunc agendi aliquid discendique causa prope contra naturam vigilias suscipere soleamus. soleamus valeamus R 5.95. Haec igitur est nostra ratio, quae tibi videtur inconstans, cum propter virtutis caelestem quandam et divinam tantamque praestantiam, ut, ubi virtus sit resque magnae et add. Gz. (e cod. Spirensi ?) summe laudabiles laudabilesque RV virtute gestae, ibi esse miseria et aerumna non possit, tamen labor possit, possit molestia, labor possit possit molestia BE labor possit molestia R labor possit et molestia V non dubitem dicere omnes sapientes esse semper semper esse BE beatos, sed tamen fieri posse, ut sit alius alio beatior. atqui iste locus est, Piso, tibi etiam atque etiam confirmandus, inquam; quem si tenueris, non modo meum Ciceronem, sed etiam me ipsum abducas licebit. 4.61.  What if those pupils of Plato were to come to life again, and their pupils again in succession, and were to address you in this fashion? 'As we listened, Marcus Cato, to so devoted a student of philosophy, so just a man, so upright a judge, so scrupulous a witness as yourself, we marvelled what reason could induce you to reject us for the Stoics, whose views on good and evil were the views that Zeno learnt from Polemo here, but who expressed those views in terms at first sight startling but upon examination ridiculous. If you accepted those views on their merits, why did you not hold them under their own terminology? or if you were swayed by authority, could you prefer that nobody to all of us, even to Plato himself? especially when you aspired to play a leading part in the state, and we were the very persons to arm and equip you to protect the state with the highest honour to yourself. Why, it is we who invented political philosophy; and reduced it to a system; its nomenclature, its principles are our creation; on all the various forms of government, their stability, their revolutions, the laws, institutions and customs of states, we have written exhaustively. Oratory again is the proudest distinction of the statesman, and in it you, we are told, are pre‑eminent; but how vastly you might have enriched your eloquence from the records of our genius.' What answer, pray, could you give to these words from such men as those?" 5.8.  "You know that I agree with you about that, Piso," I replied; "but you have raised the point most opportunely; for my cousin Cicero is eager to hear the doctrine of the Old Academy of which you speak, and of the Peripatetics, on the subject of the Ends of Goods. We feel sure you can expound it with the greatest ease, for you have had Staseas from Naples in your household for many years, and also we know you have been studying this very subject under Antiochus for several months at Athens." "Here goes, then," replied Piso, smiling, "(for you have rather craftily arranged for our discussion to start with me), let me see what I can do to give the lad a lecture. If an oracle had foretold that I should find myself discoursing in the Academy like a philosopher, I should not have believed it, but here I am, thanks to our having the place to ourselves. Only don't let me bore the rest of you while I am obliging our young friend." "What, bore me?" said I. "Why, it is I who asked you to speak." Thereupon Quintus and Pomponius having declared that they wished it too, Piso began. And I will ask you, Brutus, kindly to consider whether you think his discourse a satisfactory summary of the doctrine of Antiochus, which I believe to be the system which you most approve, as you have often attended the lectures of his brother Aristus. 5.54.  Demetrius of Phalerum, a ruler of this city, when unjustly banished from his country, repaired to the court of King Ptolemy at Alexandria. Being eminent in the very system of philosophy which we are recommending to you, and a pupil of Theophrastus, he employed the leisure afforded by his disaster in composing a number of excellent treatises, not for any practical use of his own, for he was debarred from affairs; but he found a sort of food for his higher nature in thus cultivating his mind. I myself frequently heard the blind ex‑praetor and scholar Gnaeus Aufidius declare that he felt the actual loss of light more than the inconvenience of blindness. Take lastly the gift of sleep: did it not bring us repose for our bodies and an antidote for labour, we should think it a violation of nature, for it robs us of sensation and entirely suspends our activity; so that if our nature did not require repose or could obtain it in some other manner, we should be quite content, inasmuch as even as it is we frequently deny ourselves slumber, almost to the point of doing violence to nature, in the interests of business or of study. 5.95.  "This then is our system which you think inconsistent. I on the other hand, seeing the celestial and divine existence of virtue, excellence so great that where virtue and the mighty and most glorious deeds that she inspires are found, there misery and sorrow cannot be, though pain and annoyance can, do not hesitate to declare that every Wise Man is always happy, but yet that it is possible for one to be happier than another." "Well, Piso," said I, "that is a position which you will find needs a great deal of defending; and if you can hold to it, you are welcome to convert not only my cousin Cicero, but also myself."
14. Cicero, On Laws, 1.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, and historiography Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 111
15. Cicero, On Duties, 1.84 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tullius cicero, marcus, and fabius cunctator Found in books: Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 191
1.84. Inventi autem multi sunt, qui non modo pecuniam, sed etiam vitam profundere pro patria parati essent, iidem gloriae iacturam ne minimam quidem facere vellent, ne re publica quidem postulante; ut Callicratidas, qui, cum Lacedaemoniorum dux fuisset Peloponnesiaco bello multaque fecisset egregie, vertit ad extremum omnia, cum consilio non paruit eorum, qui classem ab Arginusis removendam nec cum Atheniensibus dimicandum putabant; quibus ille respondit Lacedaemonios classe illa amissa aliam parare posse, se fugere sine suo dedecore non posse. Atque haec quidem Lacedaemoniis plaga mediocris, illa pestifera, qua, cum Cleombrotus invidiam timens temere cum Epaminonda conflixisset, Lacedaemoniorum opes corruerunt. Quanto Q. Maximus melius! de quo Ennius: Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem. Noenum rumores ponebat ante salutem. Ergo postque magisque viri nunc gloria claret. Quod genus peccandi vitandum est etiam in rebus urbanis. Sunt enim, qui, quod sentiunt, etsi optimum sit, tamen invidiae metu non audeant dicere. 1.84.  Many, on the other hand, have been found who were ready to pour out not only their money but their lives for their country and yet would not consent to make even the slightest sacrifice of personal glory — even though the interests of their country demanded it. For example, when Callicratidas, as Spartan admiral in the Peloponnesian War, had won many signal successes, he spoiled everything at the end by refusing to listen to the proposal of those who thought he ought to withdraw his fleet from the Arginusae and not to risk an engagement with the Athenians. His answer to them was that "the Spartans could build another fleet, if they lost that one, but he could not retreat without dishonour to himself." And yet what he did dealt only a slight blow to Sparta; there was another which proved disastrous, when Cleombrotus in fear of criticism recklessly went into battle against Epaminondas. In consequence of that, the Spartan power fell. How much better was the conduct of Quintus Maximus! of him Ennius says: "One man — and he alone — restored our state by delaying. Not in the least did fame with him take precedence of safety; Therefore now does his glory shine bright, and it grows ever brighter." This sort of offence must be avoided no less in political life. For there are men who for fear of giving offence do not dare to express their honest opinion, no matter how excellent.
16. Cicero, Letters, 1.19.10, 1.20.6, 2.1.1-2.1.2, 2.19.2, 4.6.4, 5.13.1, 5.15.1, 5.18, 5.19.1, 5.20.3, 6.1.15-6.1.16, 6.2.4, 6.3.9, 6.6.4, 13.19.5, 14.12.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 294, 295, 296, 297, 301; Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 111, 114, 115; Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 192; Tsouni (2019), Antiochus and Peripatetic Ethics, 31
17. Cicero, Letters, 1.9.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, and brutus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 8
18. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 2.7.4, 2.11.2, 2.17.6, 3.7.2, 5.12, 5.12.4, 5.12.10, 13.29.4, 13.56, 13.61 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 111
19. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, a b c d\n0 2.12(11).4 2.12(11).4 2 12(11) (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, and historiography Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 115
20. Varro, On Agriculture, 1.2.1-1.2.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tullius cicero, marcus, and fabius cunctator Found in books: Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 191
21. Cicero, Lucullus, 132, 8, 10 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tsouni (2019), Antiochus and Peripatetic Ethics, 3
22. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.63, 2.75, 2.84-2.87 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, and antony Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 168
23. Cicero, Pro Caelio, 32, 34, 33 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 127
24. Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 93 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, and brutus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 8
25. Cicero, Pro Milone, 18, 17 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 129
26. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 126 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tullius cicero, marcus, and appius claudius pulcher Found in books: Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 130
27. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 1.26, 1.32, 1.55, 1.62-1.63, 1.70, 4.70, 5.34 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, and auctoritas •cicero, marcus tullius, and creation of cosmos •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, and antony Found in books: Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 84, 86, 92; Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 168; Tsouni (2019), Antiochus and Peripatetic Ethics, 33, 34
1.26. Expone igitur, nisi molestum est, primum, si potes, potest G 1 animos remanere post mortem, tum, si minus id obtinebis obtenebis GR 1 V —est enim arduum—, docebis carere omni malo mortem. ego enim istuc ipsum vereor ne ne me G malum sit non dico carere sensu, sed carendum esse. Auctoribus quidem ad istam sententiam, quam vis obtineri, uti optimis optineri V possumus, quod in omnibus causis et debet et solet valere plurimum, et primum quidem omni antiquitate, quae quo propius propius opius in r. V c aberat ab ortu et divina progenie, hoc melius ea fortasse quae erant vera vera ss. K c veru ( aaper- tum! ) in vera corr. R cernebant. cercebant G 1 (corr. ipse) R cernebant K cerneba t V (-bat s ) Itaque unum illud erat insitum priscis illis, quos cascos cassos R cassus K 1 ann. 24 appellat Ennius, esse in morte sensum neque excessu vitae sic deleri hominem, ut funditus interiret; 1.32. illud illũ K 1 num dubitas, quin specimen naturae capi deceat ex optima quaque natura? quae est melior igitur in hominum genere natura quam eorum, qui se natos ad homines iuvandos tutandos conservandos arbitrantur? abiit ad deos Hercules: numquam abisset, nisi, cum inter homines esset, eam sibi viam viam s. v. add. K 2 munivisset. vetera iam ista et religione omnium consecrata: quid in hac re p. tot tantosque viros ob rem p. ob rem p. b r in r. V 1 ob re p. K ob rē p. ( er. ublică) G interfectos cogitasse arbitramur? isdemne ut finibus nomen suum quibus vita terminaretur? nemo umquam sine magna spe inmortalitatis se pro patria offerret ad mortem. 1.55. moveat, quae se ipsa moveat ( to\ au)to\ e(auto\ kinou=n ) Macr. quae se ipsam semper m. X sed semper del. V vet quae sese m. Somn. neque nata certe est et aeterna est.” semper enim movetur...245, 3 aeterna est ( sine 19 vel... 23 neget) H licet concurrant omnes plebei philosophi—sic enim i, qui a Platone et Socrate et ab ea familia dissident, appellandi videntur—, non modo nihil umquam tam eleganter eliganter K el eg. R 1 explicabunt, sed ne hoc quidem ipsum quam subtiliter supt. hic GR conclusum sit intellegent. sentit igitur animus se moveri; quod cum sentit, illud ilium X, corr. K c V 2 s una sentit, se vi sua, non aliena moveri, nec accidere posse ut ipse umquam a se deseratur. ad R 1 ex quo efficitur aeternitas, nisi quid habes ad haec. dicere post haec add. V 2 Ego vero facile sim sim def. Plasb. ad ac. 2,147 cl. Ter. Andr. 203 sum s passus ne in mentem quidem mihi aliquid contra venire; ita isti faveo sententiae. Quid? 1.62. illa vis quae tandem est quae investigat occulta, quae inventio atque excogitatio dicitur? ex hacne tibi terrena mortalique natura et caduca concreta ea concreta ea concretus esse Bentl. videtur? aut qui primus, quod summae sapientiae Pythagorae visum est, omnibus rebus imposuit nomina? aut qui dissipatos homines congregavit et ad societatem vitae convocavit, vocum V 2 aut qui sonos vocis, qui infiniti videbantur, paucis litterarum notis terminavit, aut qui errantium stellarum cursus praegressiones insti tu tiones institiones Man. notavit? omnes magni; etiam superiores, qui fruges, qui vestitum, qui tecta, qui cultum vitae, qui praesidia contra feras invenerunt, a quibus mansuefacti et exculti a necessariis artificiis ad elegantiora eligantiora K ele g. R 1 defluximus. nam et auribus oblectatio magna parta est inventa parata ss. K 2 que post inventa add. V 2 et temperata varietate et natura sonorum, et astra suspeximus cum cum V, sed c in r. scr, V c tum X ea quae sunt infixa certis locis, tum illa non re sed vocabulo errantia, quorum conversiones omnisque motus qui animo animo Man. s animus vidit, is docuit similem animum suum eius esse, qui ea fabricatus esset in caelo. 1.63. nam cum Archimedes lunae solis quinque errantium motus in sphaeram spher. GRV sper. K inligavit, effecit efficit K 1 idem quod ille, qui in Timaeo timeo X Tim. p.39 mundum aedificavit, Platonis deus, ut tarditate et celeritate dissimillimos motus una regeret conversio. quod si in hoc mundo fieri sine deo non potest, ne in sphaera spher. GRV sper. K quidem eosdem motus Archimedes sine sine V divino ingenio ne V potuisset imitari. 1.70. minis utilitati agros omnis et maria parentia—: haec igitur et alia innumerabilia cum cernimus, possumusne dubitare quin is is H his GKRV praesit aliquis vel effector, si haec nata sunt, sînt K 1 ut Platoni videtur, vel, si semper fuerunt, ut Aristoteli placet, moderator tanti operis et muneris? numeris K 1 sic mentem hominis, quamvis eam non videas, ut deum non videas ut deum add. G 1 in mg. non vides, tamen, ut deum adgnoscis adgn. G (3 agd n.) KR a gn. V agn. H ex operibus eius, sic ex memoria rerum et inventione et celeritate motus omnique omniaque GK 1 (omni atque c )R omni que V pulchritudine virtutis vim divinam mentis adgnoscito. adgn. G (3 agd n.) KR In quo igitur loco est? credo equidem in capite et cur credam adferre possum. sed alias, ubi nunc ante ubi add. V rec sit animus; certe quidem in te est. quidem interest K 1 quae est eius ei' (= eius) in r. V c et X ei s V rec natura? propria, puto, et sua. sed fac igneam, fac spirabilem: spiritabilem V nihil ad id de quo agimus. illud modo videto, ut deum noris, etsi eius ignores et locum et faciem ... 13 locum et om. H s faciem, faciem aciem in r. V 1 sic animum tibi tuum notum esse oportere, etiamsi ignores et locum et formam. 4.70. Sed poëtas ludere sinamus, quorum fabulis in hoc flagitio versari ipsum videmus Iovem: ad at G 1 magistros virtutis philosophos veniamus, qui amorem quimorem quā orem K 1 -i amorem in r. G 2 negant stupri esse St. fr. 3, 653 Epic. 483 et in eo litigant cum Epicuro non multum, ut opinio mea fert, mentiente. quis est enim iste ista K 1 amor amicitiae? cur neque deformem adulescentem quisquam amat neque formosum senem? mihi quidem haec in Graecorum gymnasiis nata consuetudo videtur, in quibus isti liberi et concessi sunt amores. bene ergo Ennius: Ennius sc. 395 Fla/giti flagitii X cives G(?)R rec princi/pium est nudare i/nter civis co/rpora. qui ut sint, quod fieri posse video, pudici, solliciti tamen et anxii sunt, eoque magis, quod se ipsi continent et coërcent. 5.34. quare demus hoc sane Bruto, ut sit beatus semper sapiens—quam sibi conveniat, ipse ipsa X corr. V 2 viderit; gloria quidem huius sententiae quis est illo viro dignior?—, nos tamen teneamus, ut sit idem beatissimus. Et si Zeno Citieus, ticieus R cici eus K 1 advena quidam et ignobilis verborum opifex, insinuasse se se om. Non. in antiquam philosophiam videtur, advena... 3 videtur Non. 457, 25 huius sententiae gravitas a Platonis auctoritate repetatur, apud quem saepe haec oratio usurpata est, ut nihil praeter virtutem diceretur bonum. velut velud KR in Gorgia Gorg. 470 d Socrates, cum esset ex eo quaesitum, Archelaum arcelaum hic X (arcael.G) Perdiccae filium, qui tum fortunatissimus haberetur, nonne beatum putaret, haud scio inquit;
28. Cicero, On Divination, 2.1, 2.150 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, and academic scepticism Found in books: Tsouni (2019), Antiochus and Peripatetic Ethics, 30, 31
2.1. Quaerenti mihi multumque et diu cogitanti, quanam re possem prodesse quam plurimis, ne quando intermitterem consulere rei publicae, nulla maior occurrebat, quam si optimarum artium vias traderem meis civibus; quod conpluribus iam libris me arbitror consecutum. Nam et cohortati sumus, ut maxime potuimus, ad philosophiae studium eo libro, qui est inscriptus Hortensius, et, quod genus philosophandi minime adrogans maximeque et constans et elegans arbitraremur, quattuor Academicis libris ostendimus. 2.150. Perfugium videtur omnium laborum et sollicitudinum esse somnus. At ex eo ipso plurumae curae metusque nascuntur; qui quidem ipsi per se minus valerent et magis contemnerentur, nisi somniorum patrocinium philosophi suscepissent, nec ii quidem contemptissimi, sed in primis acuti et consequentia et repugtia videntes, qui prope iam absoluti et perfecti putantur. Quorum licentiae nisi Carneades restitisset, haud scio an soli iam philosophi iudicarentur. Cum quibus omnis fere nobis disceptatio contentioque est, non quod eos maxume contemnamus, sed quod videntur acutissime sententias suas prudentissimeque defendere. Cum autem proprium sit Academiae iudicium suum nullum interponere, ea probare, quae simillima veri videantur, conferre causas et, quid in quamque sententiam dici possit, expromere, nulla adhibita sua auctoritate iudicium audientium relinquere integrum ac liberum, tenebimus hanc consuetudinem a Socrate traditam eaque inter nos, si tibi, Quinte frater, placebit, quam saepissime utemur. Mihi vero, inquit ille, nihil potest esse iucundius. Quae cum essent dicta, surreximus. 2.1. Book IIAfter serious and long continued reflection as to how I might do good to as many people as possible and thereby prevent any interruption of my service to the State, no better plan occurred to me than to conduct my fellow-citizens in the ways of the noblest learning — and this, I believe, I have already accomplished through my numerous books. For example, in my work entitled Hortensius, I appealed as earnestly as I could for the study of philosophy. And in my Academics, in four volumes, I set forth the philosophic system which I thought least arrogant, and at the same time most consistent and refined. 2.150. Sleep is regarded as a refuge from every toil and care; but it is actually made the fruitful source of worry and fear. In fact dreams would be less regarded on their own account and would be viewed with greater indifference had they not been taken under the guardianship of philosophers — not philosophers of the meaner sort, but those of the keenest wit, competent to see what follows logically and what does not — men who are considered well-nigh perfect and infallible. Indeed, if their arrogance had not been resisted by Carneades, it is probable that by this time they would have adjudged the only philosophers. While most of my war of words has been with these men, it is not because I hold them in especial contempt, but on the contrary, it is because they seem to me to defend their own views with the greatest acuteness and skill. Moreover, it is characteristic of the Academy to put forward no conclusions of its own, but to approve those which seem to approach nearest to the truth; to compare arguments; to draw forth all that may be said in behalf of any opinion; and, without asserting any authority of its own, to leave the judgement of the inquirer wholly free. That same method, which by the way we inherited from Socrates, I shall, if agreeable to you, my dear Quintus, follow as often as possible in our future discussions.Nothing could please me better, Quintus replied.When this was said, we arose.
29. Cicero, De Domo Sua, 105 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •tullius cicero, marcus, and publius clodius pulcher Found in books: Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 125
105. ad Volaterras in castra L. L ucii Sullae mors Sex. Rosci quadriduo quo is occisus est Chrysogono nuntiatur. quaeritur etiam nunc quis cum nuntium miserit? nonne perspicuum est eundem qui Ameriam? curat Chrysogonus ut eius bona veneant veneant χψ : veniant cett. statim; qui non norat hominem aut rem. at qui at qui atque σχ ei venit in mentem praedia concupiscere hominis ignoti quem omnino numquam viderat? Soletis, cum aliquid huiusce modi audistis audistis ς : auditis cett. , iudices, continuo dicere: ' necesse est aliquem dixisse municipem aut vicinum; ei plerumque indicant, per eos plerique produntur.' hic nihil est quod suspicione occupetis suspicione occupetis Madvig : suspicionem hoc putetis codd. : suspicionem hanc putetis Sylvius .
30. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Letter To Pompeius Geminus, 5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, and historiography Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 115
31. Livy, History, 2.49.3, 31.24.13, 34.2.9, 34.3.6, 34.5.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, and brutus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 8, 155
32. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 1.13 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, and historiography Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 79
33. Propertius, Elegies, 2.24.7, 4.2.27 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, and brutus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 155
34. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 8.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tullius cicero, marcus, and development of eloquence Found in books: Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 154
35. Sallust, Catiline, 3.2, 31.1-31.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, and historiography •cicero, marcus tullius, and brutus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 155; Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 115
36. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 79
37. Vergil, Aeneis, 7.791 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, and historiography •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, and antony Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 79, 168
7.791. close to my journey's end, thou spoilest me
38. Strabo, Geography, 14.1.48 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, orator, philosopher, and politician Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 485
14.1.48. Famous men born at Nysa are: Apollonius the Stoic philosopher, best of the disciples of Panaetius; and Menecrates, pupil of Aristarchus; and Aristodemus, his son, whose entire course, in his extreme old age, I in my youth took at Nysa; and Sostratus, the brother of Aristodemus, and another Aristodemus, his cousin, who trained Pompey the Great, proved themselves notable grammarians. But my teacher also taught rhetoric and had two schools, both in Rhodes and in his native land, teaching rhetoric in the morning and grammar in the evening; at Rome, however, when he was in charge of the children of Pompey the Great, he was content with the teaching of grammar.
39. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 2.152.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, and historiography Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 79
40. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 4.1-4.3, 36.7, 60.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, and antony Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 167, 168
4.1. προσῆν δὲ καὶ μορφῆς ἐλευθέριον ἀξίωμα, καὶ πώγων τις οὐκ ἀγεννὴς καὶ πλάτος μετώπου καὶ γρυπότης μυκτῆρος ἐδόκει τοῖς γραφομένοις καὶ πλαττομένοις Ἡρακλέους προσώποις ἐμφερὲς ἔχειν τὸ ἀρρενωπόν. ἦν δὲ καὶ λόγος παλαιὸς Ἡρακλείδας εἶναι τοὺς Ἀντωνίους, ἀπʼ Ἄντωνος, παιδὸς Ἡρακλέους, γεγονότας. 4.2. καὶ τοῦτον ᾤετο τὸν λόγον τῇ τε μορφῇ τοῦ σώματος, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, καὶ τῇ στολῇ βεβαιοῦν. ἀεὶ γάρ, ὅτε μέλλοι πλείοσιν ὁρᾶσθαι, χιτῶνα εἰς μηρὸν ἔζωστο, καὶ μάχαιρα μεγάλη παρήρτητο, καὶ σάγος περιέκειτο τῶν στερεῶν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις φορτικὰ δοκοῦντα, μεγαλαυχία καὶ σκῶμμα καὶ κώθων ἐμφανὴς καὶ καθίσαι παρὰ τὸν ἐσθίοντα καὶ φαγεῖν ἐπιστάντα τραπέζῃ στρατιωτικῇ, θαυμαστὸν ὅσον εὐνοίας καὶ πόθου πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐνεποίει τοῖς στρατιώταις. 4.3. ἦν δέ που καὶ τὸ ἐρωτικὸν οὐκ ἀναφρόδιτον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τούτῳ πολλοὺς ἐδημαγώγει, συμπράττων τε τοῖς ἐρῶσι καὶ σκωπτόμενος οὐκ ἀηδῶς εἰς τοὺς ἰδίους ἔρωτας. ἡ δʼ ἐλευθεριότης καὶ τὸ μηδὲν ὀλίγῃ χειρὶ μηδὲ φειδομένῃ χαρίζεσθαι στρατιώταις καὶ φίλοις ἀρχήν τε λαμπρὰν ἐπὶ τὸ ἰσχύειν αὐτῷ παρέσχε, καὶ μεγάλου γενομένου τὴν δύναμιν ἐπὶ πλεῖον ἐπῆρεν, ἐκ μυρίων ἄλλων ἁμαρτημάτων ἀνατρεπομένην. ἓν δέ τι τοῦ μεγαλοδώρου παράδειγμα διηγήσομαι. 4.1. 4.2. 4.3.
41. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 14.17 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, and brutus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 155
42. Plutarch, Brutus, 30.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, orator, philosopher, and politician Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 301
30.3. καὶ πάλιν διαστάντες ἐπὶ τὰς προσηκούσας ἑκατέρῳ πράξεις, Κάσσιος μὲν ἑλὼν Ῥόδον οὐκ ἐπιεικῶς ἐχρῆτο τοῖς πράγμασι, Καὶ ταῦτα περὶ τὴν εἴσοδον τοῖς προσαγορεύουσιν αὐτὸν βασιλέα Καὶ κύριον ἀποκρινάμενος· οὔτε βασιλεὺς οὔτε κύριος, τοῦ δὲ κυρίου Καὶ βασιλέως φονεὺς Καὶ κολαστής. Βροῦτος δὲ Λυκίους ᾔτει χρήματα Καὶ στρατόν. 30.3.
43. Silius Italicus, Punica, 5.151-5.152 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, and brutus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 155
44. Suetonius, Caligula, 15.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, and brutus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 8
45. Suetonius, Claudius, 24.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tullius cicero, marcus, and appius claudius pulcher Found in books: Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 130
46. Plutarch, Advice To Bride And Groom, 2, 39, 3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Braund and Most (2004), Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen, 137
3. In the beginning, especially, married people ought to be on their guard against disagreements and clashes, for they see that such household vessels as are made of sections joined together are at the outset easily pulled apart by any fortuitous cause, but after a time, when their joints have become set, they can hardly be separated by fire and steel.
47. Plutarch, Crassus, 33.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, orator, philosopher, and politician Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 294
33.3. κρότῳ δὲ τῶν Πάρθων μετὰ κραυγῆς καὶ χαρᾶς ἀραμένων, τὸν μὲν Σιλλάκην κατέκλιναν οἱ ὑπηρέται βασιλέως κελεύσαντος, ὁ δʼ Ἰάσων τὰ μὲν τοῦ Πενθέως σκευοποιήματα παρέδωκέ τινι τῶν χορευτῶν, τῆς δὲ τοῦ Κράσσου κεφαλῆς λαβόμενος καὶ ἀναβακχεύσας ἐπέραινεν ἐκεῖνα τὰ μέλη μετʼ ἐνθουσιασμοῦ καὶ ᾠδῆς· φέρομεν ἐξ ὄρεος ἕλικα νεότομον ἐπὶ μέλαθρα, μακαρίαν θήραν. Euripides, Bacchae, 1170-72 (Kirchhoff μακάριον ).καὶ ταῦτα μὲν πάντας ἔτερπεν· 33.3.
48. Plutarch, Fabius, 17.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, and brutus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 155
17.5. ὁ γὰρ ἐν οἷς οὐδὲν ἐδόκει δεινὸν εἶναι καιροῖς εὐλαβὴς φαινόμενος καὶ δυσέλπιστος τότε πάντων καταβεβληκότων ἑαυτοὺς εἰς ἀπέραντα πένθη καὶ ταραχὰς ἀπράκτους, μόνος ἐφοίτα διὰ τῆς πόλεως πρᾴῳ βαδίσματι καὶ προσώπῳ καθεστῶτι καὶ φιλανθρώπῳ προσαγορεύσει, κοπετούς τε γυναικείους ἀφαιρῶν καὶ συστάσεις εἴργων τῶν εἰς τὸ δημόσιον ἐπὶ κοινοῖς ὀδυρμοῖς ἐκφερομένων, βουλήν τε συνελθεῖν ἔπεισε καὶ παρεθάρσυνε τὰς ἀρχάς, αὐτὸς ὢν καὶ ῥώμη καὶ δύναμις ἀρχῆς ἁπάσης πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἀποβλεπούσης. 17.5. For he who, in times of apparent security, appeared cautious and irresolute, then, when all were plunged in boundless grief and helpless confusion, was the only man to walk the city with calm step, composed countece, and gracious address, checking effeminate lamentation, and preventing those from assembling together who were eager to make public their common complaints. He persuaded the senate to convene, heartened up the magistrates, and was himself the strength and power of every magistracy, since all looked to him for guidance.
49. Plutarch, Lucullus, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, and antiochus Found in books: Tsouni (2019), Antiochus and Peripatetic Ethics, 2
50. Plutarch, Pompey, 3-5, 41 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 287
51. Suetonius, Augustus, 31.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •tullius cicero, marcus, and development of eloquence Found in books: Roller (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 154
52. Seneca The Younger, On Anger, 1.20.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, on gender roles and anger Found in books: Braund and Most (2004), Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen, 136
53. Lucian, Nigrinus, 18, 17 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 8
54. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 49.20, 75.2, 76.9-76.12 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, orator, philosopher, and politician Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 304, 353
49.20. 1.  In this way he met Pacorus in Syria Cyrrhestica and conquered him. For when he had not prevented them from crossing the river and had not attacked them at once after they had got across, they imputed sloth and weakness to the Romans and therefore marched against their camp, although it was on high ground, expecting to take it without resistance.,2.  But when a sally was suddenly made, the assailants, being cavalry, were driven back down the slope without difficulty; and although at the foot they defended themselves valiantly, the majority of them being in armour, yet they were confused by the unexpectedness of the onslaught and by stumbling over one another and were defeated by the heavy-armed men and especially by the slingers; for these struck them from a distance with their powerful missiles and so were exceedingly difficult for them to withstand.,3.  The fall of Pacorus in this struggle was a very great loss to them; for as soon as they perceived that their leader had perished, although a few men zealously fought for his body, yet when these also were slain, all the rest gave way. Some of them desired to escape homeward across the bridge and were unable to do so, being cut off and killed before they could reach it, and others fled for refuge to Antiochus in Commagene.,4.  Ventidius easily brought into subjection all the rest out of Syria, which had been hesitating while awaiting the outcome of the war, by sending the prince's head about through the different cities; for the Syrians felt unusual affection for Pacorus on account of his justice and mildness, an affection as great as they had felt for the best kings that had ever ruled them.,5.  And Ventidius himself made an expedition against Antiochus, on the plea that the latter had not delivered up to him the refugees, but really because of the vast wealth which he possessed. 75.2. 2.  For when they were already wearied by their march and by the hot sun, they encountered a dust-storm that caused them great distress, so that they could no longer march or even talk, but only cry, "Water! Water!" And when water did appear, on account of its strangeness it meant no more to them than if it had not been found at all, — until Severus called for a cup, and filling it with the water, drained it in full view of all;,3.  then, indeed, some others likewise drank and were refreshed. Afterwards Severus reached Nisibis, and tarrying there himself, sent Lateranus, Candidus, and Laetus in various directions among the barbarians named; and these generals upon reaching their goals proceeded to lay waste barbarians' land and to capture their cities.,4.  While Severus was pluming himself on this achievement, as if he surpassed all mankind in both understanding and bravery, a most incredible thing happened. A certain robber named Claudius, who was overrunning Judaea and Syria and was being very vigorously pursued in consequence, came to him one day with some horsemen, like some military tribune, and saluted and kissed him; and he was neither discovered at the time nor caught later.,1.  The Arabians, inasmuch as none of their neighbours was willing to aid them, sent envoys again to Severus with more reasonable offers; nevertheless, they did not obtain what they wanted, as they had not come along themselves.  The Scythians were in a mood for fighting at this time; but while they were consulting together, thundering and lightnings, accompanied by rain, suddenly broke over them, and thunderbolt fell, killing their three chief men, and this restrained them. 76.9. 1.  After this Severus made a campaign against the Parthians. For while he had been occupied with the civil wars they had taken advantage of their immunity and had captured Mesopotamia, whither they had made an expedition in full force. They had also come very near seizing Nisibis, and would have succeeded, had not Laetus, who was besieged there, saved the place.,2.  In consequence Laetus acquired still greater renown, though he had already shown himself a most excellent man in all his relations, both private and public, whether in war or in peace. Severus, on reaching the aforesaid Nisibis, found there an enormous boar. It had charged and killed a horseman, who, trusting to his own strength, had attempted to bring it down, and it had been with difficulty caught and despatched by a large crowd of soldiers (the number taking part in the capture was thirty); then it had been brought to Severus.,3.  As the Parthians did not await his arrival but retired homeward (their leader was Vologaesus, whose brother was accompanying Severus), he constructed boats on the Euphrates and proceeded forward partly by sailing and partly by marching along the river. The boats thus built were exceedingly swift and speedy and well constructed, for the forest along the Euphrates and that region in general afforded him an abundant supply of timber. Thus he soon had seized Seleucia and Babylon, both of which had been abandoned.,4.  Later, upon capturing Ctesiphon, he permitted the soldiers to plunder the entire city, and he slew a vast number of people, besides taking as many as a hundred thousand captives. He did not, however, pursue Vologaesus, nor even occupy Ctesiphone, but, just as if the sole purpose of his campaign had been to plunder this place, he was off again, owing partly to lack of acquaintance with the country and partly to the dearth of provisions.,5.  He returned by a different route, because the wood and fodder found on the outward march had been exhausted. Some of the soldiers made the return journey by land up the Tigris, and some in boats. 76.10. 1.  Severus now crossed Mesopotamia and made an attempt on Hatra, which was not far off, but accomplished nothing; on the contrary, his siege engines were burned, many soldiers perished, and vast numbers were wounded. He accordingly retired from there and shifted his quarters.,2.  While he was engaged in this war he put to death two distinguished men. One was Julius Crispus, a tribune of the Pretorians; and the reason was that Crispus, vexed at the war's havoc, had casually quoted some verses of the poet Maro, in which one of the soldiers fighting on the side of Turnus against Aeneas bewails his lot and says: "In order that Turnus may marry Lavinia, we are meanwhile perishing all unheeded." And Severus made Valerius, the soldier who accused him, tribune in his place.,3.  The other man that he put to death was Laetus, for the reason that Laetus was proud and was beloved by the soldiers, who used to declare they would not go on a campaign unless Laetus led them. He tried to fasten the responsibility for this murder, for which he had no evident reason save jealousy, upon the soldiers, making it appear that they had been rash enough to commit the deed contrary to his will. 76.11. 1.  He himself made another expedition against Hatra, having first got ready a large store of food and prepared many siege engines; for he felt it was disgraceful, now that the other places had been subdued, that this one alone, lying there in their midst, should continue to resist. But he lost a vast amount of money, all his engines, except those built by Priscus, as I have stated above, and many soldiers besides.,2.  A good many were lost on foraging expeditions, as the barbarian cavalry (I mean that of the Arabians) kept assailing them everywhere in swift and violent attacks. The archery, too, of the Atreni was effective at very long range, since they hurled some of their missile by means of engines,,3.  so that they actually struck many even of Severus' guards; for they discharged two missiles at one and the same shot and there were many hands and many bows hurling the missiles all at the same time. But they inflicted the greatest damage on their assailants when these approached the wall, and much more still after they had broken down a small portion of it;,4.  for they hurled down upon them, among things, the bituminous naphtha, of which I wrote above, and consumed the engines and all the soldiers on whom it fell. 76.12. 1.  Severus observed all this from a lofty tribunal. When a portion of the outer circuit had fallen in one place and all the soldiers were eager to force their way inside the remainder, Severus checked them from doing so by ordering the signal for retreat to be clearly sounded on every side.,2.  For the place enjoyed great fame, containing as it did a vast number of offering to the Sun-god as well as vast sums of money; and he expected the Arabians to come to terms voluntarily, in order to avoid being forcibly captured and enslaved.,3.  At any rate, he allowed one day to pass; then, when no one came to him with any overtures for peace, he commanded the soldiers to assault the wall once more, though it had been built up during the night. But the Europeans, who alone of his army had the ability to do anything, were so angry that not one of them would any longer obey him, and the others, Syrians, who were compelled to make the assault in their place, were miserably destroyed.,4.  Thus Heaven, that saved the city, first caused Severus to recall the soldiers when they could have entered the placed, and in turn caused the soldiers to hinder him from capturing it when he later wished to do so.,5.  Severus, in fact, found himself so embarrassed by the situation that, when one of his associates promised, if he would give him only five hundred and fifty of the European soldiers, to destroy the city within the hearing of all: "And where am I to get so many soldiers?" — referring to the soldiers' disobedience.
55. Chariton, Chaereas And Callirhoe, 6.5.8 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, on gender roles and anger Found in books: Braund and Most (2004), Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen, 136
56. Sextus, Outlines of Pyrrhonism, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, and antiochus Found in books: Tsouni (2019), Antiochus and Peripatetic Ethics, 5
57. Sextus Empiricus, Against Those In The Disciplines, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, and antiochus Found in books: Tsouni (2019), Antiochus and Peripatetic Ethics, 2
58. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 3.9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, orator, philosopher, and politician Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 353
59. Themistius, Orations, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 471
60. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Septimus Severus, 15 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, orator, philosopher, and politician Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 353
61. Proclus, In Platonis Timaeum Commentarii, 2.302 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, plato and platonism of •cicero, marcus tullius, and timaeus translation •cicero, marcus tullius, and creation of cosmos •cicero, marcus tullius, and fusion of rhetorical and philosophical methods Found in books: Hoenig (2018), Plato's Timaeus and the Latin Tradition, 38, 39, 40, 52, 53, 54, 55, 64, 65, 68, 69, 70, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101
64. Theodorus of Hierapolis, Peri Agonon, None  Tagged with subjects: •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, and antony Found in books: Oksanish (2019), Vitruvian Man: Rome Under Construction, 168
65. Epigraphy, Ms, None  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, orator, philosopher, and politician Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 471
66. Aurelius Victor, Aurelius Victor, 20.14  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, orator, philosopher, and politician Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 353
67. Suetonius, Ben., 6.30.6  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, and brutus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 8
68. Arch., Att., 14.16.2  Tagged with subjects: •cicero, marcus tullius, and brutus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 155