| 1. Septuagint, Psalms, None (th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Mendez (2022), The Cult of Stephen in Jerusalem: Inventing a Patron Martyr, 71 |
2. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 1.1, 2.7, 3.24, 9.1-9.29, 15.5-15.6, 19.8, 19.14, 24.67 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 357; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 340; Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 258; Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 94, 166; Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 93; Pomeroy (2021), Chrysostom as Exegete: Scholarly Traditions and Rhetorical Aims in the Homilies on Genesis, 101; Tefera and Stuckenbruck (2021), Representations of Angelic Beings in Early Jewish and in Christian Traditions, 170| 1.1. "וַיִּקְרָא אֱלֹהִים לַיַּבָּשָׁה אֶרֶץ וּלְמִקְוֵה הַמַּיִם קָרָא יַמִּים וַיַּרְא אֱלֹהִים כִּי־טוֹב׃", 1.1. "בְּרֵאשִׁית בָּרָא אֱלֹהִים אֵת הַשָּׁמַיִם וְאֵת הָאָרֶץ׃", 2.7. "וַיִּיצֶר יְהוָה אֱלֹהִים אֶת־הָאָדָם עָפָר מִן־הָאֲדָמָה וַיִּפַּח בְּאַפָּיו נִשְׁמַת חַיִּים וַיְהִי הָאָדָם לְנֶפֶשׁ חַיָּה׃", 3.24. "וַיְגָרֶשׁ אֶת־הָאָדָם וַיַּשְׁכֵּן מִקֶּדֶם לְגַן־עֵדֶן אֶת־הַכְּרֻבִים וְאֵת לַהַט הַחֶרֶב הַמִּתְהַפֶּכֶת לִשְׁמֹר אֶת־דֶּרֶךְ עֵץ הַחַיִּים׃", 9.1. "וַיְבָרֶךְ אֱלֹהִים אֶת־נֹחַ וְאֶת־בָּנָיו וַיֹּאמֶר לָהֶם פְּרוּ וּרְבוּ וּמִלְאוּ אֶת־הָאָרֶץ׃", 9.1. "וְאֵת כָּל־נֶפֶשׁ הַחַיָּה אֲשֶׁר אִתְּכֶם בָּעוֹף בַּבְּהֵמָה וּבְכָל־חַיַּת הָאָרֶץ אִתְּכֶם מִכֹּל יֹצְאֵי הַתֵּבָה לְכֹל חַיַּת הָאָרֶץ׃", 9.2. "וַיָּחֶל נֹחַ אִישׁ הָאֲדָמָה וַיִּטַּע כָּרֶם׃", 9.2. "וּמוֹרַאֲכֶם וְחִתְּכֶם יִהְיֶה עַל כָּל־חַיַּת הָאָרֶץ וְעַל כָּל־עוֹף הַשָּׁמָיִם בְּכֹל אֲשֶׁר תִּרְמֹשׂ הָאֲדָמָה וּבְכָל־דְּגֵי הַיָּם בְּיֶדְכֶם נִתָּנוּ׃", 9.3. "כָּל־רֶמֶשׂ אֲשֶׁר הוּא־חַי לָכֶם יִהְיֶה לְאָכְלָה כְּיֶרֶק עֵשֶׂב נָתַתִּי לָכֶם אֶת־כֹּל׃", 9.4. "אַךְ־בָּשָׂר בְּנַפְשׁוֹ דָמוֹ לֹא תֹאכֵלוּ׃", 9.5. "וְאַךְ אֶת־דִּמְכֶם לְנַפְשֹׁתֵיכֶם אֶדְרֹשׁ מִיַּד כָּל־חַיָּה אֶדְרְשֶׁנּוּ וּמִיַּד הָאָדָם מִיַּד אִישׁ אָחִיו אֶדְרֹשׁ אֶת־נֶפֶשׁ הָאָדָם׃", 9.6. "שֹׁפֵךְ דַּם הָאָדָם בָּאָדָם דָּמוֹ יִשָּׁפֵךְ כִּי בְּצֶלֶם אֱלֹהִים עָשָׂה אֶת־הָאָדָם׃", 9.7. "וְאַתֶּם פְּרוּ וּרְבוּ שִׁרְצוּ בָאָרֶץ וּרְבוּ־בָהּ׃", 9.8. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֱלֹהִים אֶל־נֹחַ וְאֶל־בָּנָיו אִתּוֹ לֵאמֹר׃", 9.9. "וַאֲנִי הִנְנִי מֵקִים אֶת־בְּרִיתִי אִתְּכֶם וְאֶת־זַרְעֲכֶם אַחֲרֵיכֶם׃", 9.11. "וַהֲקִמֹתִי אֶת־בְּרִיתִי אִתְּכֶם וְלֹא־יִכָּרֵת כָּל־בָּשָׂר עוֹד מִמֵּי הַמַּבּוּל וְלֹא־יִהְיֶה עוֹד מַבּוּל לְשַׁחֵת הָאָרֶץ׃", 9.12. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֱלֹהִים זֹאת אוֹת־הַבְּרִית אֲשֶׁר־אֲנִי נֹתֵן בֵּינִי וּבֵינֵיכֶם וּבֵין כָּל־נֶפֶשׁ חַיָּה אֲשֶׁר אִתְּכֶם לְדֹרֹת עוֹלָם׃", 9.13. "אֶת־קַשְׁתִּי נָתַתִּי בֶּעָנָן וְהָיְתָה לְאוֹת בְּרִית בֵּינִי וּבֵין הָאָרֶץ׃", 9.14. "וְהָיָה בְּעַנְנִי עָנָן עַל־הָאָרֶץ וְנִרְאֲתָה הַקֶּשֶׁת בֶּעָנָן׃", 9.15. "וְזָכַרְתִּי אֶת־בְּרִיתִי אֲשֶׁר בֵּינִי וּבֵינֵיכֶם וּבֵין כָּל־נֶפֶשׁ חַיָּה בְּכָל־בָּשָׂר וְלֹא־יִהְיֶה עוֹד הַמַּיִם לְמַבּוּל לְשַׁחֵת כָּל־בָּשָׂר׃", 9.16. "וְהָיְתָה הַקֶּשֶׁת בֶּעָנָן וּרְאִיתִיהָ לִזְכֹּר בְּרִית עוֹלָם בֵּין אֱלֹהִים וּבֵין כָּל־נֶפֶשׁ חַיָּה בְּכָל־בָּשָׂר אֲשֶׁר עַל־הָאָרֶץ׃", 9.17. "וַיֹּאמֶר אֱלֹהִים אֶל־נֹחַ זֹאת אוֹת־הַבְּרִית אֲשֶׁר הֲקִמֹתִי בֵּינִי וּבֵין כָּל־בָּשָׂר אֲשֶׁר עַל־הָאָרֶץ׃", 9.18. "וַיִּהְיוּ בְנֵי־נֹחַ הַיֹּצְאִים מִן־הַתֵּבָה שֵׁם וְחָם וָיָפֶת וְחָם הוּא אֲבִי כְנָעַן׃", 9.19. "שְׁלֹשָׁה אֵלֶּה בְּנֵי־נֹחַ וּמֵאֵלֶּה נָפְצָה כָל־הָאָרֶץ׃", 9.21. "וַיֵּשְׁתְּ מִן־הַיַּיִן וַיִּשְׁכָּר וַיִּתְגַּל בְּתוֹךְ אָהֳלֹה׃", 9.22. "וַיַּרְא חָם אֲבִי כְנַעַן אֵת עֶרְוַת אָבִיו וַיַּגֵּד לִשְׁנֵי־אֶחָיו בַּחוּץ׃", 9.23. "וַיִּקַּח שֵׁם וָיֶפֶת אֶת־הַשִּׂמְלָה וַיָּשִׂימוּ עַל־שְׁכֶם שְׁנֵיהֶם וַיֵּלְכוּ אֲחֹרַנִּית וַיְכַסּוּ אֵת עֶרְוַת אֲבִיהֶם וּפְנֵיהֶם אֲחֹרַנִּית וְעֶרְוַת אֲבִיהֶם לֹא רָאוּ׃", 9.24. "וַיִּיקֶץ נֹחַ מִיֵּינוֹ וַיֵּדַע אֵת אֲשֶׁר־עָשָׂה־לוֹ בְּנוֹ הַקָּטָן׃", 9.25. "וַיֹּאמֶר אָרוּר כְּנָעַן עֶבֶד עֲבָדִים יִהְיֶה לְאֶחָיו׃", 9.26. "וַיֹּאמֶר בָּרוּךְ יְהֹוָה אֱלֹהֵי שֵׁם וִיהִי כְנַעַן עֶבֶד לָמוֹ׃", 9.27. "יַפְתְּ אֱלֹהִים לְיֶפֶת וְיִשְׁכֹּן בְּאָהֳלֵי־שֵׁם וִיהִי כְנַעַן עֶבֶד לָמוֹ׃", 9.28. "וַיְחִי־נֹחַ אַחַר הַמַּבּוּל שְׁלֹשׁ מֵאוֹת שָׁנָה וַחֲמִשִּׁים שָׁנָה׃", 9.29. "וַיִּהְיוּ כָּל־יְמֵי־נֹחַ תְּשַׁע מֵאוֹת שָׁנָה וַחֲמִשִּׁים שָׁנָה וַיָּמֹת׃", 15.5. "וַיּוֹצֵא אֹתוֹ הַחוּצָה וַיֹּאמֶר הַבֶּט־נָא הַשָּׁמַיְמָה וּסְפֹר הַכּוֹכָבִים אִם־תּוּכַל לִסְפֹּר אֹתָם וַיֹּאמֶר לוֹ כֹּה יִהְיֶה זַרְעֶךָ׃", 15.6. "וְהֶאֱמִן בַּיהוָה וַיַּחְשְׁבֶהָ לּוֹ צְדָקָה׃", 19.8. "הִנֵּה־נָא לִי שְׁתֵּי בָנוֹת אֲשֶׁר לֹא־יָדְעוּ אִישׁ אוֹצִיאָה־נָּא אֶתְהֶן אֲלֵיכֶם וַעֲשׂוּ לָהֶן כַּטּוֹב בְּעֵינֵיכֶם רַק לָאֲנָשִׁים הָאֵל אַל־תַּעֲשׂוּ דָבָר כִּי־עַל־כֵּן בָּאוּ בְּצֵל קֹרָתִי׃", 19.14. "וַיֵּצֵא לוֹט וַיְדַבֵּר אֶל־חֲתָנָיו לֹקְחֵי בְנֹתָיו וַיֹּאמֶר קוּמוּ צְּאוּ מִן־הַמָּקוֹם הַזֶּה כִּי־מַשְׁחִית יְהוָה אֶת־הָעִיר וַיְהִי כִמְצַחֵק בְּעֵינֵי חֲתָנָיו׃", 24.67. "וַיְבִאֶהָ יִצְחָק הָאֹהֱלָה שָׂרָה אִמּוֹ וַיִּקַּח אֶת־רִבְקָה וַתְּהִי־לוֹ לְאִשָּׁה וַיֶּאֱהָבֶהָ וַיִּנָּחֵם יִצְחָק אַחֲרֵי אִמּוֹ׃", | 1.1. "In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth.", 2.7. "Then the LORD God formed man of the dust of the ground, and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life; and man became a living soul.", 3.24. "So He drove out the man; and He placed at the east of the garden of Eden the cherubim, and the flaming sword which turned every way, to keep the way to the tree of life.", 9.1. "And God blessed Noah and his sons, and said unto them: ‘Be fruitful and multiply, and replenish the earth.", 9.2. "And the fear of you and the dread of you shall be upon every beast of the earth, and upon every fowl of the air, and upon all wherewith the ground teemeth, and upon all the fishes of the sea: into your hand are they delivered.", 9.3. "Every moving thing that liveth shall be for food for you; as the green herb have I given you all.", 9.4. "Only flesh with the life thereof, which is the blood thereof, shall ye not eat.", 9.5. "And surely your blood of your lives will I require; at the hand of every beast will I require it; and at the hand of man, even at the hand of every man’s brother, will I require the life of man.", 9.6. "Whoso sheddeth man’s blood, by man shall his blood be shed; for in the image of God made He man.", 9.7. "And you, be ye fruitful, and multiply; swarm in the earth, and multiply therein.’ .", 9.8. "And God spoke unto Noah, and to his sons with him, saying:", 9.9. "’As for Me, behold, I establish My covet with you, and with your seed after you;", 9.10. "and with every living creature that is with you, the fowl, the cattle, and every beast of the earth with you; of all that go out of the ark, even every beast of the earth.", 9.11. "And I will establish My covet with you; neither shall all flesh be cut off any more by the waters of the flood; neither shall there any more be a flood to destroy the earth.’", 9.12. "And God said: ‘This is the token of the covet which I make between Me and you and every living creature that is with you, for perpetual generations:", 9.13. "I have set My bow in the cloud, and it shall be for a token of a covet between Me and the earth.", 9.14. "And it shall come to pass, when I bring clouds over the earth, and the bow is seen in the cloud,", 9.15. "that I will remember My covet, which is between Me and you and every living creature of all flesh; and the waters shall no more become a flood to destroy all flesh.", 9.16. "And the bow shall be in the cloud; and I will look upon it, that I may remember the everlasting covet between God and every living creature of all flesh that is upon the earth.’", 9.17. "And God said unto Noah: ‘This is the token of the covet which I have established between Me and all flesh that is upon the earth.’", 9.18. "And the sons of Noah, that went forth from the ark, were Shem, and Ham, and Japheth; and Ham is the father of Canaan.", 9.19. "These three were the sons of Noah, and of these was the whole earth overspread.", 9.20. "And Noah, the man of the land, began and planted a vineyard.", 9.21. "And he drank of the wine, and was drunken; and he was uncovered within his tent.", 9.22. "And Ham, the father of Canaan, saw the nakedness of his father, and told his two brethren without.", 9.23. "And Shem and Japheth took a garment, and laid it upon both their shoulders, and went backward, and covered the nakedness of their father; and their faces were backward, and they saw not their father’s nakedness.", 9.24. "And Noah awoke from his wine, and knew what his youngest son had done unto him.", 9.25. "And he said: Cursed be Canaan; a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren.", 9.26. "And he said: Blessed be the LORD, the God of Shem; And let Canaan be their servant.", 9.27. "God enlarge Japheth, and he shall dwell in the tents of Shem; And let Canaan be their servant.", 9.28. "And Noah lived after the flood three hundred and fifty years.", 9.29. "And all the days of Noah were nine hundred and fifty years; and he died.", 15.5. "And He brought him forth abroad, and said: ‘Look now toward heaven, and count the stars, if thou be able to count them’; and He said unto him: ‘So shall thy seed be.’", 15.6. "And he believed in the LORD; and He counted it to him for righteousness.", 19.8. "Behold now, I have two daughters that have not known man; let me, I pray you, bring them out unto you, and do ye to them as is good in your eyes; only unto these men do nothing; forasmuch as they are come under the shadow of my roof.’", 19.14. "And Lot went out, and spoke unto his sons-in-law, who married his daughters, and said: ‘Up, get you out of this place; for the LORD will destroy the city.’ But he seemed unto his sons-in-law as one that jested.", 24.67. "And Isaac brought her into his mother Sarah’s tent, and took Rebekah, and she became his wife; and he loved her. And Isaac was comforted for his mother.", |
|
3. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 22.15-22.16, 24.12-24.15 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gray (2021), Gregory of Nyssa as Biographer: Weaving Lives for Virtuous Readers, 145; Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 136| 22.15. "וְכִי־יְפַתֶּה אִישׁ בְּתוּלָה אֲשֶׁר לֹא־אֹרָשָׂה וְשָׁכַב עִמָּהּ מָהֹר יִמְהָרֶנָּה לּוֹ לְאִשָּׁה׃", 22.16. "אִם־מָאֵן יְמָאֵן אָבִיהָ לְתִתָּהּ לוֹ כֶּסֶף יִשְׁקֹל כְּמֹהַר הַבְּתוּלֹת׃", 24.12. "וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה אֶל־מֹשֶׁה עֲלֵה אֵלַי הָהָרָה וֶהְיֵה־שָׁם וְאֶתְּנָה לְךָ אֶת־לֻחֹת הָאֶבֶן וְהַתּוֹרָה וְהַמִּצְוָה אֲשֶׁר כָּתַבְתִּי לְהוֹרֹתָם׃", 24.13. "וַיָּקָם מֹשֶׁה וִיהוֹשֻׁעַ מְשָׁרְתוֹ וַיַּעַל מֹשֶׁה אֶל־הַר הָאֱלֹהִים׃", 24.14. "וְאֶל־הַזְּקֵנִים אָמַר שְׁבוּ־לָנוּ בָזֶה עַד אֲשֶׁר־נָשׁוּב אֲלֵיכֶם וְהִנֵּה אַהֲרֹן וְחוּר עִמָּכֶם מִי־בַעַל דְּבָרִים יִגַּשׁ אֲלֵהֶם׃", 24.15. "וַיַּעַל מֹשֶׁה אֶל־הָהָר וַיְכַס הֶעָנָן אֶת־הָהָר׃", | 22.15. "And if a man entice a virgin that is not betrothed, and lie with her, he shall surely pay a dowry for her to be his wife.", 22.16. "If her father utterly refuse to give her unto him, he shall pay money according to the dowry of virgins.", 24.12. "And the LORD said unto Moses: ‘Come up to Me into the mount and be there; and I will give thee the tables of stone, and the law and the commandment, which I have written, that thou mayest teach them.’", 24.13. "And Moses rose up, and Joshua his minister; and Moses went up into the mount of God.", 24.14. "And unto the elders he said: ‘Tarry ye here for us, until we come back unto you; and, behold, Aaron and Hur are with you; whosoever hath a cause, let him come near unto them.’", 24.15. "And Moses went up into the mount, and the cloud covered the mount.", |
|
4. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 21.15-21.21, 22.13-22.21, 22.23-22.24, 22.28-22.29 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john •john chrysostom Found in books: Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 43; Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 76, 136, 177| 21.15. "כִּי־תִהְיֶיןָ לְאִישׁ שְׁתֵּי נָשִׁים הָאַחַת אֲהוּבָה וְהָאַחַת שְׂנוּאָה וְיָלְדוּ־לוֹ בָנִים הָאֲהוּבָה וְהַשְּׂנוּאָה וְהָיָה הַבֵּן הַבְּכוֹר לַשְּׂנִיאָה׃", 21.16. "וְהָיָה בְּיוֹם הַנְחִילוֹ אֶת־בָּנָיו אֵת אֲשֶׁר־יִהְיֶה לוֹ לֹא יוּכַל לְבַכֵּר אֶת־בֶּן־הָאֲהוּבָה עַל־פְּנֵי בֶן־הַשְּׂנוּאָה הַבְּכֹר׃", 21.17. "כִּי אֶת־הַבְּכֹר בֶּן־הַשְּׂנוּאָה יַכִּיר לָתֶת לוֹ פִּי שְׁנַיִם בְּכֹל אֲשֶׁר־יִמָּצֵא לוֹ כִּי־הוּא רֵאשִׁית אֹנוֹ לוֹ מִשְׁפַּט הַבְּכֹרָה׃", 21.18. "כִּי־יִהְיֶה לְאִישׁ בֵּן סוֹרֵר וּמוֹרֶה אֵינֶנּוּ שֹׁמֵעַ בְּקוֹל אָבִיו וּבְקוֹל אִמּוֹ וְיסְּרוּ אֹתוֹ וְלֹא יִשְׁמַע אֲלֵיהֶם׃", 21.19. "וְתָפְשׂוּ בוֹ אָבִיו וְאִמּוֹ וְהוֹצִיאוּ אֹתוֹ אֶל־זִקְנֵי עִירוֹ וְאֶל־שַׁעַר מְקֹמוֹ׃", 21.21. "וּרְגָמֻהוּ כָּל־אַנְשֵׁי עִירוֹ בָאֲבָנִים וָמֵת וּבִעַרְתָּ הָרָע מִקִּרְבֶּךָ וְכָל־יִשְׂרָאֵל יִשְׁמְעוּ וְיִרָאוּ׃", 22.13. "כִּי־יִקַּח אִישׁ אִשָּׁה וּבָא אֵלֶיהָ וּשְׂנֵאָהּ׃", 22.14. "וְשָׂם לָהּ עֲלִילֹת דְּבָרִים וְהוֹצִיא עָלֶיהָ שֵׁם רָע וְאָמַר אֶת־הָאִשָּׁה הַזֹּאת לָקַחְתִּי וָאֶקְרַב אֵלֶיהָ וְלֹא־מָצָאתִי לָהּ בְּתוּלִים׃", 22.15. "וְלָקַח אֲבִי הנער [הַנַּעֲרָה] וְאִמָּהּ וְהוֹצִיאוּ אֶת־בְּתוּלֵי הנער [הַנַּעֲרָה] אֶל־זִקְנֵי הָעִיר הַשָּׁעְרָה׃", 22.16. "וְאָמַר אֲבִי הנער [הַנַּעַרָה] אֶל־הַזְּקֵנִים אֶת־בִּתִּי נָתַתִּי לָאִישׁ הַזֶּה לְאִשָּׁה וַיִּשְׂנָאֶהָ׃", 22.17. "וְהִנֵּה־הוּא שָׂם עֲלִילֹת דְּבָרִים לֵאמֹר לֹא־מָצָאתִי לְבִתְּךָ בְּתוּלִים וְאֵלֶּה בְּתוּלֵי בִתִּי וּפָרְשׂוּ הַשִּׂמְלָה לִפְנֵי זִקְנֵי הָעִיר׃", 22.18. "וְלָקְחוּ זִקְנֵי הָעִיר־הַהִוא אֶת־הָאִישׁ וְיִסְּרוּ אֹתוֹ׃", 22.19. "וְעָנְשׁוּ אֹתוֹ מֵאָה כֶסֶף וְנָתְנוּ לַאֲבִי הַנַּעֲרָה כִּי הוֹצִיא שֵׁם רָע עַל בְּתוּלַת יִשְׂרָאֵל וְלוֹ־תִהְיֶה לְאִשָּׁה לֹא־יוּכַל לְשַּׁלְּחָהּ כָּל־יָמָיו׃", 22.21. "וְהוֹצִיאוּ אֶת־הנער [הַנַּעֲרָה] אֶל־פֶּתַח בֵּית־אָבִיהָ וּסְקָלוּהָ אַנְשֵׁי עִירָהּ בָּאֲבָנִים וָמֵתָה כִּי־עָשְׂתָה נְבָלָה בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל לִזְנוֹת בֵּית אָבִיהָ וּבִעַרְתָּ הָרָע מִקִּרְבֶּךָ׃", 22.23. "כִּי יִהְיֶה נער [נַעֲרָה] בְתוּלָה מְאֹרָשָׂה לְאִישׁ וּמְצָאָהּ אִישׁ בָּעִיר וְשָׁכַב עִמָּהּ׃", 22.24. "וְהוֹצֵאתֶם אֶת־שְׁנֵיהֶם אֶל־שַׁעַר הָעִיר הַהִוא וּסְקַלְתֶּם אֹתָם בָּאֲבָנִים וָמֵתוּ אֶת־הנער [הַנַּעֲרָה] עַל־דְּבַר אֲשֶׁר לֹא־צָעֲקָה בָעִיר וְאֶת־הָאִישׁ עַל־דְּבַר אֲשֶׁר־עִנָּה אֶת־אֵשֶׁת רֵעֵהוּ וּבִעַרְתָּ הָרָע מִקִּרְבֶּךָ׃", 22.28. "כִּי־יִמְצָא אִישׁ נער [נַעֲרָה] בְתוּלָה אֲשֶׁר לֹא־אֹרָשָׂה וּתְפָשָׂהּ וְשָׁכַב עִמָּהּ וְנִמְצָאוּ׃", 22.29. "וְנָתַן הָאִישׁ הַשֹּׁכֵב עִמָּהּ לַאֲבִי הנער [הַנַּעֲרָה] חֲמִשִּׁים כָּסֶף וְלוֹ־תִהְיֶה לְאִשָּׁה תַּחַת אֲשֶׁר עִנָּהּ לֹא־יוּכַל שַׁלְּחָה כָּל־יָמָיו׃", | 21.15. "If a man have two wives, the one beloved, and the other hated, and they have borne him children, both the beloved and the hated; and if the first-born son be hers that was hated;", 21.16. "then it shall be, in the day that he causeth his sons to inherit that which he hath, that he may not make the son of the beloved the first-born before the son of the hated, who is the first-born;", 21.17. "but he shall acknowledge the first-born, the son of the hated, by giving him a double portion of all that he hath; for he is the first-fruits of his strength, the right of the first-born is his.", 21.18. "If a man have a stubborn and rebellious son, that will not hearken to the voice of his father, or the voice of his mother, and though they chasten him, will not hearken unto them;", 21.19. "then shall his father and his mother lay hold on him, and bring him out unto the elders of his city, and unto the gate of his place;", 21.20. "and they shall say unto the elders of his city: ‘This our son is stubborn and rebellious, he doth not hearken to our voice; he is a glutton, and a drunkard.’", 21.21. "And all the men of his city shall stone him with stones, that he die; so shalt thou put away the evil from the midst of thee; and all Israel shall hear, and fear.", 22.13. "If any man take a wife, and go in unto her, and hate her,", 22.14. "and lay wanton charges against her, and bring up an evil name upon her, and say: ‘I took this woman, and when I came nigh to her, I found not in her the tokens of virginity’;", 22.15. "then shall the father of the damsel, and her mother, take and bring forth the tokens of the damsel’s virginity unto the elders of the city in the gate.", 22.16. "And the damsel’s father shall say unto the elders: ‘I gave my daughter unto this man to wife, and he hateth her;", 22.17. "and, lo, he hath laid wanton charges, saying: I found not in thy daughter the tokens of virginity; and yet these are the tokens of my daughter’s virginity.’ And they shall spread the garment before the elders of the city.", 22.18. "And the elders of that city shall take the man and chastise him.", 22.19. "And they shall fine him a hundred shekels of silver, and give them unto the father of the damsel, because he hath brought up an evil name upon a virgin of Israel; and she shall be his wife; he may not put her away all his days.", 22.20. "But if this thing be true, that the tokens of virginity were not found in the damsel;", 22.21. "then they shall bring out the damsel to the door of her father’s house, and the men of her city shall stone her with stones that she die; because she hath wrought a wanton deed in Israel, to play the harlot in her father’s house; so shalt thou put away the evil from the midst of thee.", 22.23. "If there be a damsel that is a virgin betrothed unto a man, and a man find her in the city, and lie with her;", 22.24. "then ye shall bring them both out unto the gate of that city, and ye shall stone them with stones that they die: the damsel, because she cried not, being in the city; and the man, because he hath humbled his neighbour’s wife; so thou shalt put away the evil from the midst of thee.", 22.28. "If a man find a damsel that is a virgin, that is not betrothed, and lay hold on her, and lie with her, and they be found;", 22.29. "then the man that lay with her shall give unto the damsel’s father fifty shekels of silver, and she shall be his wife, because he hath humbled her; he may not put her away all his days.", |
|
| 5. Hebrew Bible, Ruth, 11.3, 25.27-25.30 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 110, 154 |
6. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 1.1, 32.6, 34.2, 45.10, 69.22, 134.2, 138.1-138.2, 138.6, 138.14 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amsler (2023), Knowledge Construction in Late Antiquity, 264; Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 149; Doble and Kloha (2014), Texts and Traditions: Essays in Honour of J. Keith Elliott, 266; Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 134; Herman, Rubenstein (2018), The Aggada of the Bavli and Its Cultural World. 263; Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 154; Tefera and Stuckenbruck (2021), Representations of Angelic Beings in Early Jewish and in Christian Traditions, 169; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 134| 1.1. "אַשְׁרֵי־הָאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר לֹא הָלַךְ בַּעֲצַת רְשָׁעִים וּבְדֶרֶךְ חַטָּאִים לֹא עָמָד וּבְמוֹשַׁב לֵצִים לֹא יָשָׁב׃", 32.6. "עַל־זֹאת יִתְפַּלֵּל כָּל־חָסִיד אֵלֶיךָ לְעֵת מְצֹא רַק לְשֵׁטֶף מַיִם רַבִּים אֵלָיו לֹא יַגִּיעוּ׃", 34.2. "רַבּוֹת רָעוֹת צַדִּיק וּמִכֻּלָּם יַצִּילֶנּוּ יְהוָה׃", 34.2. "אֲבָרֲכָה אֶת־יְהוָה בְּכָל־עֵת תָּמִיד תְּהִלָּתוֹ בְּפִי׃", 69.22. "וַיִּתְּנוּ בְּבָרוּתִי רֹאשׁ וְלִצְמָאִי יַשְׁקוּנִי חֹמֶץ׃", 134.2. "שְׂאוּ־יְדֵכֶם קֹדֶשׁ וּבָרֲכוּ אֶת־יְהוָה׃", 138.1. "לְדָוִד אוֹדְךָ בְכָל־לִבִּי נֶגֶד אֱלֹהִים אֲזַמְּרֶךָּ׃", 138.2. "אֶשְׁתַּחֲוֶה אֶל־הֵיכַל קָדְשְׁךָ וְאוֹדֶה אֶת־שְׁמֶךָ עַל־חַסְדְּךָ וְעַל־אֲמִתֶּךָ כִּי־הִגְדַּלְתָּ עַל־כָּל־שִׁמְךָ אִמְרָתֶךָ׃", 138.6. "כִּי־רָם יְהוָה וְשָׁפָל יִרְאֶה וְגָבֹהַּ מִמֶּרְחָק יְיֵדָע׃", | 1.1. "HAPPY IS the man that hath not walked in the counsel of the wicked, Nor stood in the way of sinners, nor sat in the seat of the scornful.", 32.6. "For this let every one that is godly pray unto Thee in a time when Thou mayest be found; Surely, when the great waters overflow, they will not reach unto him.", 34.2. "I will bless the LORD at all times; His praise shall continually be in my mouth.", 45.10. "Kings' daughters are among thy favourites; At thy right hand doth stand the queen in gold of Ophir.", 69.22. "Yea, they put poison into my food; And in my thirst they gave me vinegar to drink.", 134.2. "Lift up your hands to the sanctuary, And bless ye the LORD.", 138.1. "[A Psalm] of David. I will give Thee thanks with my whole heart, In the presence of the mighty will I sing praises unto Thee.", 138.2. "I will bow down toward Thy holy temple, And give thanks unto Thy name for Thy mercy and for Thy truth; For Thou hast magnified Thy word above all Thy name.", 138.6. "For though the LORD be high, yet regardeth He the lowly, And the haughty He knoweth from afar.", |
|
7. Hebrew Bible, Proverbs, 5.3, 8.22-8.25, 16.1 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •chrysostom, john Found in books: Hirsch-Luipold (2022), Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts, 225; Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 94; Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 143| 5.3. "כִּי נֹפֶת תִּטֹּפְנָה שִׂפְתֵי זָרָה וְחָלָק מִשֶּׁמֶן חִכָּהּ׃", 8.22. "יְהוָה קָנָנִי רֵאשִׁית דַּרְכּוֹ קֶדֶם מִפְעָלָיו מֵאָז׃", 8.23. "מֵעוֹלָם נִסַּכְתִּי מֵרֹאשׁ מִקַּדְמֵי־אָרֶץ׃", 8.24. "בְּאֵין־תְּהֹמוֹת חוֹלָלְתִּי בְּאֵין מַעְיָנוֹת נִכְבַּדֵּי־מָיִם׃", 8.25. "בְּטֶרֶם הָרִים הָטְבָּעוּ לִפְנֵי גְבָעוֹת חוֹלָלְתִּי׃", 16.1. "לְאָדָם מַעַרְכֵי־לֵב וּמֵיְהוָה מַעֲנֵה לָשׁוֹן׃", 16.1. "קֶסֶם עַל־שִׂפְתֵי־מֶלֶךְ בְּמִשְׁפָּט לֹא יִמְעַל־פִּיו׃", | 5.3. "For the lips of a strange woman drop honey, And her mouth is smoother than oil;", 8.22. "The LORD made me as the beginning of His way, The first of His works of old.", 8.23. "I was set up from everlasting, from the beginning, Or ever the earth was.", 8.24. "When there were no depths, I was brought forth; When there were no fountains abounding with water.", 8.25. "Before the mountains were settled, Before the hills was I brought forth;", 16.1. "The preparations of the heart are man’s, But the answer of the tongue is from the LORD.", |
|
8. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 6.1-6.21, 16.48, 25.8 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 150, 151; Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 285; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 340; Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 258| 6.1. "וַיְדַבֵּר יְהוָה אֶל־מֹשֶׁה לֵּאמֹר׃", 6.1. "וּבַיּוֹם הַשְּׁמִינִי יָבִא שְׁתֵּי תֹרִים אוֹ שְׁנֵי בְּנֵי יוֹנָה אֶל־הַכֹּהֵן אֶל־פֶּתַח אֹהֶל מוֹעֵד׃", 6.2. "דַּבֵּר אֶל־בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל וְאָמַרְתָּ אֲלֵהֶם אִישׁ אוֹ־אִשָּׁה כִּי יַפְלִא לִנְדֹּר נֶדֶר נָזִיר לְהַזִּיר לַיהוָה׃", 6.2. "וְהֵנִיף אוֹתָם הַכֹּהֵן תְּנוּפָה לִפְנֵי יְהוָה קֹדֶשׁ הוּא לַכֹּהֵן עַל חֲזֵה הַתְּנוּפָה וְעַל שׁוֹק הַתְּרוּמָה וְאַחַר יִשְׁתֶּה הַנָּזִיר יָיִן׃", 6.3. "מִיַּיִן וְשֵׁכָר יַזִּיר חֹמֶץ יַיִן וְחֹמֶץ שֵׁכָר לֹא יִשְׁתֶּה וְכָל־מִשְׁרַת עֲנָבִים לֹא יִשְׁתֶּה וַעֲנָבִים לַחִים וִיבֵשִׁים לֹא יֹאכֵל׃", 6.4. "כֹּל יְמֵי נִזְרוֹ מִכֹּל אֲשֶׁר יֵעָשֶׂה מִגֶּפֶן הַיַּיִן מֵחַרְצַנִּים וְעַד־זָג לֹא יֹאכֵל׃", 6.5. "כָּל־יְמֵי נֶדֶר נִזְרוֹ תַּעַר לֹא־יַעֲבֹר עַל־רֹאשׁוֹ עַד־מְלֹאת הַיָּמִם אֲשֶׁר־יַזִּיר לַיהוָה קָדֹשׁ יִהְיֶה גַּדֵּל פֶּרַע שְׂעַר רֹאשׁוֹ׃", 6.6. "כָּל־יְמֵי הַזִּירוֹ לַיהוָה עַל־נֶפֶשׁ מֵת לֹא יָבֹא׃", 6.7. "לְאָבִיו וּלְאִמּוֹ לְאָחִיו וּלְאַחֹתוֹ לֹא־יִטַּמָּא לָהֶם בְּמֹתָם כִּי נֵזֶר אֱלֹהָיו עַל־רֹאשׁוֹ׃", 6.8. "כֹּל יְמֵי נִזְרוֹ קָדֹשׁ הוּא לַיהוָה׃", 6.9. "וְכִי־יָמוּת מֵת עָלָיו בְּפֶתַע פִּתְאֹם וְטִמֵּא רֹאשׁ נִזְרוֹ וְגִלַּח רֹאשׁוֹ בְּיוֹם טָהֳרָתוֹ בַּיּוֹם הַשְּׁבִיעִי יְגַלְּחֶנּוּ׃", 6.11. "וְעָשָׂה הַכֹּהֵן אֶחָד לְחַטָּאת וְאֶחָד לְעֹלָה וְכִפֶּר עָלָיו מֵאֲשֶׁר חָטָא עַל־הַנָּפֶשׁ וְקִדַּשׁ אֶת־רֹאשׁוֹ בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא׃", 6.12. "וְהִזִּיר לַיהוָה אֶת־יְמֵי נִזְרוֹ וְהֵבִיא כֶּבֶשׂ בֶּן־שְׁנָתוֹ לְאָשָׁם וְהַיָּמִים הָרִאשֹׁנִים יִפְּלוּ כִּי טָמֵא נִזְרוֹ׃", 6.13. "וְזֹאת תּוֹרַת הַנָּזִיר בְּיוֹם מְלֹאת יְמֵי נִזְרוֹ יָבִיא אֹתוֹ אֶל־פֶּתַח אֹהֶל מוֹעֵד׃", 6.14. "וְהִקְרִיב אֶת־קָרְבָּנוֹ לַיהוָה כֶּבֶשׂ בֶּן־שְׁנָתוֹ תָמִים אֶחָד לְעֹלָה וְכַבְשָׂה אַחַת בַּת־שְׁנָתָהּ תְּמִימָה לְחַטָּאת וְאַיִל־אֶחָד תָּמִים לִשְׁלָמִים׃", 6.15. "וְסַל מַצּוֹת סֹלֶת חַלֹּת בְּלוּלֹת בַּשֶּׁמֶן וּרְקִיקֵי מַצּוֹת מְשֻׁחִים בַּשָּׁמֶן וּמִנְחָתָם וְנִסְכֵּיהֶם׃", 6.16. "וְהִקְרִיב הַכֹּהֵן לִפְנֵי יְהוָה וְעָשָׂה אֶת־חַטָּאתוֹ וְאֶת־עֹלָתוֹ׃", 6.17. "וְאֶת־הָאַיִל יַעֲשֶׂה זֶבַח שְׁלָמִים לַיהוָה עַל סַל הַמַּצּוֹת וְעָשָׂה הַכֹּהֵן אֶת־מִנְחָתוֹ וְאֶת־נִסְכּוֹ׃", 6.18. "וְגִלַּח הַנָּזִיר פֶּתַח אֹהֶל מוֹעֵד אֶת־רֹאשׁ נִזְרוֹ וְלָקַח אֶת־שְׂעַר רֹאשׁ נִזְרוֹ וְנָתַן עַל־הָאֵשׁ אֲשֶׁר־תַּחַת זֶבַח הַשְּׁלָמִים׃", 6.19. "וְלָקַח הַכֹּהֵן אֶת־הַזְּרֹעַ בְּשֵׁלָה מִן־הָאַיִל וְחַלַּת מַצָּה אַחַת מִן־הַסַּל וּרְקִיק מַצָּה אֶחָד וְנָתַן עַל־כַּפֵּי הַנָּזִיר אַחַר הִתְגַּלְּחוֹ אֶת־נִזְרוֹ׃", 6.21. "זֹאת תּוֹרַת הַנָּזִיר אֲשֶׁר יִדֹּר קָרְבָּנוֹ לַיהוָה עַל־נִזְרוֹ מִלְּבַד אֲשֶׁר־תַּשִּׂיג יָדוֹ כְּפִי נִדְרוֹ אֲשֶׁר יִדֹּר כֵּן יַעֲשֶׂה עַל תּוֹרַת נִזְרוֹ׃", 25.8. "וַיָּבֹא אַחַר אִישׁ־יִשְׂרָאֵל אֶל־הַקֻּבָּה וַיִּדְקֹר אֶת־שְׁנֵיהֶם אֵת אִישׁ יִשְׂרָאֵל וְאֶת־הָאִשָּׁה אֶל־קֳבָתָהּ וַתֵּעָצַר הַמַּגֵּפָה מֵעַל בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל׃", | 6.1. "And the LORD spoke unto Moses, saying:", 6.2. "Speak unto the children of Israel, and say unto them: When either man or woman shall clearly utter a vow, the vow of a Nazirite, to consecrate himself unto the LORD,", 6.3. "he shall abstain from wine and strong drink: he shall drink no vinegar of wine, or vinegar of strong drink, neither shall he drink any liquor of grapes, nor eat fresh grapes or dried.", 6.4. "All the days of his Naziriteship shall he eat nothing that is made of the grape-vine, from the pressed grapes even to the grapestone.", 6.5. "All the days of his vow of Naziriteship there shall no razor come upon his head; until the days be fulfilled, in which he consecrateth himself unto the LORD, he shall be holy, he shall let the locks of the hair of his head grow long.", 6.6. "All the days that he consecrateth himself unto the LORD he shall not come near to a dead body.", 6.7. "He shall not make himself unclean for his father, or for his mother, for his brother, or for his sister, when they die; because his consecration unto God is upon his head.", 6.8. "All the days of his Naziriteship he is holy unto the LORD.", 6.9. "And if any man die very suddenly beside him, and he defile his consecrated head, then he shall shave his head in the day of his cleansing, on the seventh day shall he shave it.", 6.10. "And on the eighth day he shall bring two turtledoves, or two young pigeons, to the priest, to the door of the tent of meeting.", 6.11. "And the priest shall prepare one for a sin-offering, and the other for a burnt-offering, and make atonement for him, for that he sinned by reason of the dead; and he shall hallow his head that same day.", 6.12. "And he shall consecrate unto the LORD the days of his Naziriteship, and shall bring a he-lamb of the first year for a guilt-offering; but the former days shall be void, because his consecration was defiled. .", 6.13. "And this is the law of the Nazirite, when the days of his consecration are fulfilled: he shall abring it unto the door of the tent of meeting;", 6.14. "and he shall present his offering unto the LORD, one he-lamb of the first year without blemish for a burnt-offering, and one ewe-lamb of the first year without blemish for a sin-offering, and one ram without blemish for peace-offerings,", 6.15. "and a basket of unleavened bread, cakes of fine flour mingled with oil, and unleavened wafers spread with oil, and their meal-offering, and their drink-offerings.", 6.16. "And the priest shall bring them before the LORD, and shall offer his sin-offering, and his burnt-offering.", 6.17. "And he shall offer the ram for a sacrifice of peace-offerings unto the LORD, with the basket of unleavened bread; the priest shall offer also the meal-offering thereof, and the drink-offering thereof.", 6.18. "And the Nazirite shall shave his consecrated head at the door of the tent of meeting, and shall take the hair of his consecrated head, and put it on the fire which is under the sacrifice of peace-offerings.", 6.19. "And the priest shall take the shoulder of the ram when it is sodden, and one unleavened cake out of the basket, and one unleavened wafer, and shall put them upon the hands of the Nazirite, after he hath shaven his consecrated head.", 6.20. "And the priest shall wave them for a wave-offering before the LORD; this is holy for the priest, together with the breast of waving and the thigh of heaving; and after that the Nazirite may drink wine.", 6.21. "This is the law of the Nazirite who voweth, and of his offering unto the LORD for his Naziriteship, beside that for which his means suffice; according to his vow which he voweth, so he must do after the law of his Naziriteship.", 25.8. "And he went after the man of Israel into the chamber, and thrust both of them through, the man of Israel, and the woman through her belly. So the plague was stayed from the children of Israel.", |
|
| 9. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 24.43 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 237 |
10. Homer, Iliad, 14.404 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •dio (john) chrysostom, on philoctetes Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 176 | 14.404. / as then was the cry of Trojans and Achaeans, shouting in terrible wise as they leapt upon each other. At Aias did glorious Hector first cast his spear, as he was turned full toward him, and missed him not, but smote him where the two baldrics— |
|
| 11. Hebrew Bible, Judges, 11 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 122 |
| 12. Hebrew Bible, Habakkuk, None (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 362 |
13. Hebrew Bible, Jeremiah, 2.2, 7.11, 12.7 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •john chrysostom, adversus judaeos sermons of •john chrysostom, relating to contemporary jews Found in books: Azar (2016), Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews", 147; Schremer (2010), Brothers Estranged: Heresy, Christianity and Jewish Identity in Late Antiquity, 9| 2.2. "הָלֹךְ וְקָרָאתָ בְאָזְנֵי יְרוּשָׁלִַם לֵאמֹר כֹּה אָמַר יְהוָה זָכַרְתִּי לָךְ חֶסֶד נְעוּרַיִךְ אַהֲבַת כְּלוּלֹתָיִךְ לֶכְתֵּךְ אַחֲרַי בַּמִּדְבָּר בְּאֶרֶץ לֹא זְרוּעָה׃", 2.2. "כִּי מֵעוֹלָם שָׁבַרְתִּי עֻלֵּךְ נִתַּקְתִּי מוֹסְרֹתַיִךְ וַתֹּאמְרִי לֹא אעבד [אֶעֱבוֹר] כִּי עַל־כָּל־גִּבְעָה גְּבֹהָה וְתַחַת כָּל־עֵץ רַעֲנָן אַתְּ צֹעָה זֹנָה׃", 7.11. "הַמְעָרַת פָּרִצִים הָיָה הַבַּיִת הַזֶּה אֲשֶׁר־נִקְרָא־שְׁמִי עָלָיו בְּעֵינֵיכֶם גַּם אָנֹכִי הִנֵּה רָאִיתִי נְאֻם־יְהוָה׃", 12.7. "עָזַבְתִּי אֶת־בֵּיתִי נָטַשְׁתִּי אֶת־נַחֲלָתִי נָתַתִּי אֶת־יְדִדוּת נַפְשִׁי בְּכַף אֹיְבֶיהָ׃", | 2.2. "Go, and cry in the ears of Jerusalem, saying: Thus saith the LORD: I remember for thee the affection of thy youth, the love of thine espousals; how thou wentest after Me in the wilderness, in a land that was not sown.", 7.11. "Is this house, whereupon My name is called, become a den of robbers in your eyes? Behold, I, even I, have seen it, saith the LORD.", 12.7. "I have forsaken My house, I have cast off My heritage; I have given the dearly beloved of My soul Into the hand of her enemies.", |
|
| 14. Hebrew Bible, Joshua, 24 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Corrigan and Rasimus (2013), Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 587 |
15. Hebrew Bible, Isaiah, 2.2, 6.6-6.7, 6.9-6.10, 9.6, 53.8 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •chrysostom, john •john chrysostom, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 149; Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 126; Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 175; Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 110; Tefera and Stuckenbruck (2021), Representations of Angelic Beings in Early Jewish and in Christian Traditions, 165| 2.2. "וְהָיָה בְּאַחֲרִית הַיָּמִים נָכוֹן יִהְיֶה הַר בֵּית־יְהוָה בְּרֹאשׁ הֶהָרִים וְנִשָּׂא מִגְּבָעוֹת וְנָהֲרוּ אֵלָיו כָּל־הַגּוֹיִם׃", 2.2. "בַּיּוֹם הַהוּא יַשְׁלִיךְ הָאָדָם אֵת אֱלִילֵי כַסְפּוֹ וְאֵת אֱלִילֵי זְהָבוֹ אֲשֶׁר עָשׂוּ־לוֹ לְהִשְׁתַּחֲוֺת לַחְפֹּר פֵּרוֹת וְלָעֲטַלֵּפִים׃", 6.6. "וַיָּעָף אֵלַי אֶחָד מִן־הַשְּׂרָפִים וּבְיָדוֹ רִצְפָּה בְּמֶלְקַחַיִם לָקַח מֵעַל הַמִּזְבֵּחַ׃", 6.7. "וַיַּגַּע עַל־פִּי וַיֹּאמֶר הִנֵּה נָגַע זֶה עַל־שְׂפָתֶיךָ וְסָר עֲוֺנֶךָ וְחַטָּאתְךָ תְּכֻפָּר׃", 6.9. "וַיֹּאמֶר לֵךְ וְאָמַרְתָּ לָעָם הַזֶּה שִׁמְעוּ שָׁמוֹעַ וְאַל־תָּבִינוּ וּרְאוּ רָאוֹ וְאַל־תֵּדָעוּ׃", 9.6. "לםרבה [לְמַרְבֵּה] הַמִּשְׂרָה וּלְשָׁלוֹם אֵין־קֵץ עַל־כִּסֵּא דָוִד וְעַל־מַמְלַכְתּוֹ לְהָכִין אֹתָהּ וּלְסַעֲדָהּ בְּמִשְׁפָּט וּבִצְדָקָה מֵעַתָּה וְעַד־עוֹלָם קִנְאַת יְהוָה צְבָאוֹת תַּעֲשֶׂה־זֹּאת׃", 53.8. "מֵעֹצֶר וּמִמִּשְׁפָּט לֻקָּח וְאֶת־דּוֹרוֹ מִי יְשׂוֹחֵחַ כִּי נִגְזַר מֵאֶרֶץ חַיִּים מִפֶּשַׁע עַמִּי נֶגַע לָמוֹ׃", | 2.2. "And it shall come to pass in the end of days, That the mountain of the LORD’S house Shall be established as the top of the mountains, And shall be exalted above the hills; And all nations shall flow unto it.", 6.6. "Then flew unto me one of the seraphim, with a glowing stone in his hand, which he had taken with the tongs from off the altar;", 6.7. "and he touched my mouth with it, and said: Lo, this hath touched thy lips; And thine iniquity is taken away, And thy sin expiated.", 6.9. "And He said: ‘Go, and tell this people: Hear ye indeed, but understand not; and see ye indeed, but perceive not.", 6.10. "Make the heart of this people fat, and make their ears heavy, and shut their eyes; lest they, seeing with their eyes, and hearing with their ears, and understanding with their heart, return, and be healed.’", 9.6. "That the government may be increased, and of peace there be no end, upon the throne of David, and upon his kingdom, to establish it, and to uphold it through justice and through righteousness From henceforth even for ever. The zeal of the LORD of hosts doth perform this.", 53.8. "By oppression and judgment he was taken away, And with his generation who did reason? For he was cut off out of the land of the living, For the transgression of my people to whom the stroke was due.", |
|
| 16. Hebrew Bible, 1 Kings, 36.23 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 110 |
17. Hebrew Bible, 1 Samuel, 1.23 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 149| 1.23. "וַיֹּאמֶר לָהּ אֶלְקָנָה אִישָׁהּ עֲשִׂי הַטּוֹב בְּעֵינַיִךְ שְׁבִי עַד־גָּמְלֵךְ אֹתוֹ אַךְ יָקֵם יְהוָה אֶת־דְּבָרוֹ וַתֵּשֶׁב הָאִשָּׁה וַתֵּינֶק אֶת־בְּנָהּ עַד־גָּמְלָהּ אֹתוֹ׃", | 1.23. "And Elqana her husband said to her, Do what seems good in thy eyes; tarry until thou hast weaned him; only may the Lord establish his word. So the woman remained and nursed her son until she weaned him.", |
|
| 18. Hebrew Bible, Ezekiel, 8.0 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, letter to stageirios •john chrysostom Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 175; Pomeroy (2021), Chrysostom as Exegete: Scholarly Traditions and Rhetorical Aims in the Homilies on Genesis, 101 |
| 19. Xenophon, Apology, 10 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 48 |
| 20. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 8.109 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 110 |
21. Xenophon, Memoirs, 1.1.1, 2.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 48; Hirsch-Luipold (2022), Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts, 225| 1.1.1. πολλάκις ἐθαύμασα τίσι ποτὲ λόγοις Ἀθηναίους ἔπεισαν οἱ γραψάμενοι Σωκράτην ὡς ἄξιος εἴη θανάτου τῇ πόλει. ἡ μὲν γὰρ γραφὴ κατʼ αὐτοῦ τοιάδε τις ἦν· ἀδικεῖ Σωκράτης οὓς μὲν ἡ πόλις νομίζει θεοὺς οὐ νομίζων, ἕτερα δὲ καινὰ δαιμόνια εἰσφέρων· ἀδικεῖ δὲ καὶ τοὺς νέους διαφθείρων. | 1.1.1. I have often wondered by what arguments those who drew up the indictment against Socrates could persuade the Athenians that his life was forfeit to the state. The indictment against him was to this effect: Socrates is guilty of rejecting the gods acknowledged by the state and of bringing in strange deities: he is also guilty of corrupting the youth. |
|
| 22. Plato, Alcibiades I, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Janowitz (2002), Magic in the Roman World: Pagans, Jews and Christians, 10 |
| 23. Hippocrates, On Airs, Waters, And Places, 30-31 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 48 |
24. Herodotus, Histories, 9.114-9.120 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 110 | 9.114. The Greeks who had set out from Mykale for the Hellespont first anchored off Lectum having been stopped by contrary winds, and came from there to Abydos, where they found the bridges broken which they thought would still be in place; these were in fact the chief cause of their coming to the Hellespont. ,The Peloponnesians then who were with Leutychides decided to sail away to Hellas, but the Athenians, with Xanthippus their general, that they would remain there and attack the Chersonesus. So the rest sailed away, but the Athenians crossed over to the Chersonesus and laid siege to Sestus. 9.115. Now when the Persians heard that the Greeks were at the Hellespont, they had come in from the neighboring towns and assembled at this same Sestus, seeing that it was the strongest walled place in that region. Among them there was a Persian named Oeobazus from Cardia, and he had carried the equipment of the bridges there. Sestus was held by the Aeolians of the country, but with him were Persians and a great multitude of their allies. 9.116. This province was ruled by Xerxes' viceroy Artayctes, a cunning man and a wicked one; witness the deceit that he practised on the king in his march to Athens, how he stole away from Elaeus the treasure of Protesilaus son of Iphiclus. ,This was the way of it; there is at Elaeus in the Chersonesus the tomb of Protesilaus, and a precinct around it, which contained much treasure: vessels of gold and silver, bronze, clothing, and other dedications; all of which Artayctes carried off by the king's gift. ,“Sire,” he said deceitfully to Xerxes, “there is here the house of a certain Greek, who met a just death for invading your territory with an army; give me this man's house, so that all may be taught not to invade your territory.” One would think that this plea would easily persuade Xerxes to give him a man's house, since the latter had no suspicion of Artayctes' meaning. His reason for saying that Protesilaus had invaded the king's territory was that the Persians believe all Asia to belong to themselves and whoever is their king. So when the treasure was given to him, he carried it away from Elaeus to Sestus, and planted and farmed the precinct. He would also come from Elaeus and have intercourse with women in the shrine. Now, when the Athenians laid siege to him, he had made no preparation for it; he did not think that the Greeks would come, and he had no way of escaping from their attack. 9.117. Since the siege continued into the late autumn, the Athenians grew weary of their absence from home and their lack of success at taking the fortress. They accordingly entreated their generals to lead them away again, but the generals refused to do that till they should take the place or be recalled by the Athenian state. At that the men endured their plight patiently. 9.118. But those who were within the walls were by now reduced to the last extremity, so much so that they boiled the thongs of their beds for food. At last, however, even these failed them, and Artayctes and Oeobazus and all the Persians made their way down from the back part of the fortress, where the fewest of their enemies were, and fled at nightfall. ,When morning came, the people of the Chersonese signified from their towers to the Athenians what had happened, and opened their gates. The greater part of the Athenians then went in pursuit, while the rest stayed to hold the town. 9.119. As Oeobazus was making his escape into Thrace, the Apsinthians of that country caught and sacrificed him in their customary manner to Plistorus the god of their land; as for his companions, they did away with them by other means. ,Artayctes and his company had begun their flight later, and were overtaken a little way beyond the Goat's Rivers, where after they had defended themselves a long time, some of them were killed and the rest taken alive. The Greeks bound them and carried them to Sestus, and together with them Artayctes and his son also in bonds. 9.120. It is related by the people of the Chersonese that a marvellous thing happened one of those who guarded Artayctes. He was frying dried fish, and these as they lay over the fire began to leap and writhe as though they had just been caught. ,The rest gathered around, amazed at the sight, but when Artayctes saw this strange thing, he called the one who was frying the fish and said to him: “Athenian, do not be afraid of this portent, for it is not to you that it has been sent; it is to me that Protesilaus of Elaeus is trying to signify that although he is dead and dry, he has power given him by the god to take vengeance on me, the one who wronged him. ,Now therefore I offer a ransom, the sum of one hundred talents to the god for the treasure that I took from his temple. I will also pay to the Athenians two hundred talents for myself and my son, if they spare us.” ,But Xanthippus the general was unmoved by this promise, for the people of Elaeus desired that Artayctes should be put to death in revenge for Protesilaus, and the general himself was so inclined. So they carried Artayctes away to the headland where Xerxes had bridged the strait (or, by another story, to the hill above the town of Madytus), and there nailed him to boards and hanged him. As for his son, they stoned him to death before his father's eyes. |
|
| 25. Sophocles, Philoctetes, 1, 10, 100-109, 11, 110-119, 12, 120-129, 13, 130-134, 14-19, 2, 20-21, 219, 22-29, 3, 30-49, 5, 50-59, 6, 60-69, 7, 70-79, 8, 80-89, 9, 90-99, 4 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 529 |
26. Hebrew Bible, Nehemiah, 8.5-8.15 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Balberg (2023), Fractured Tablets: Forgetfulness and Fallibility in Late Ancient Rabbinic Culture, 215| 8.5. "וַיִּפְתַּח עֶזְרָא הַסֵּפֶר לְעֵינֵי כָל־הָעָם כִּי־מֵעַל כָּל־הָעָם הָיָה וּכְפִתְחוֹ עָמְדוּ כָל־הָעָם׃", 8.6. "וַיְבָרֶךְ עֶזְרָא אֶת־יְהוָה הָאֱלֹהִים הַגָּדוֹל וַיַּעֲנוּ כָל־הָעָם אָמֵן אָמֵן בְּמֹעַל יְדֵיהֶם וַיִּקְּדוּ וַיִּשְׁתַּחֲוֻּ לַיהוָה אַפַּיִם אָרְצָה׃", 8.7. "וְיֵשׁוּעַ וּבָנִי וְשֵׁרֵבְיָה יָמִין עַקּוּב שַׁבְּתַי הוֹדִיָּה מַעֲשֵׂיָה קְלִיטָא עֲזַרְיָה יוֹזָבָד חָנָן פְּלָאיָה וְהַלְוִיִּם מְבִינִים אֶת־הָעָם לַתּוֹרָה וְהָעָם עַל־עָמְדָם׃", 8.8. "וַיִּקְרְאוּ בַסֵּפֶר בְּתוֹרַת הָאֱלֹהִים מְפֹרָשׁ וְשׂוֹם שֶׂכֶל וַיָּבִינוּ בַּמִּקְרָא׃", 8.9. "וַיֹּאמֶר נְחֶמְיָה הוּא הַתִּרְשָׁתָא וְעֶזְרָא הַכֹּהֵן הַסֹּפֵר וְהַלְוִיִּם הַמְּבִינִים אֶת־הָעָם לְכָל־הָעָם הַיּוֹם קָדֹשׁ־הוּא לַיהוָה אֱלֹהֵיכֶם אַל־תִּתְאַבְּלוּ וְאַל־תִּבְכּוּ כִּי בוֹכִים כָּל־הָעָם כְּשָׁמְעָם אֶת־דִּבְרֵי הַתּוֹרָה׃", 8.11. "וְהַלְוִיִּם מַחְשִׁים לְכָל־הָעָם לֵאמֹר הַסּוּ כִּי הַיּוֹם קָדֹשׁ וְאַל־תֵּעָצֵבוּ׃", 8.12. "וַיֵּלְכוּ כָל־הָעָם לֶאֱכֹל וְלִשְׁתּוֹת וּלְשַׁלַּח מָנוֹת וְלַעֲשׂוֹת שִׂמְחָה גְדוֹלָה כִּי הֵבִינוּ בַּדְּבָרִים אֲשֶׁר הוֹדִיעוּ לָהֶם׃", 8.13. "וּבַיּוֹם הַשֵּׁנִי נֶאֶסְפוּ רָאשֵׁי הָאָבוֹת לְכָל־הָעָם הַכֹּהֲנִים וְהַלְוִיִּם אֶל־עֶזְרָא הַסֹּפֵר וּלְהַשְׂכִּיל אֶל־דִּבְרֵי הַתּוֹרָה׃", 8.14. "וַיִּמְצְאוּ כָּתוּב בַּתּוֹרָה אֲשֶׁר צִוָּה יְהוָה בְּיַד־מֹשֶׁה אֲשֶׁר יֵשְׁבוּ בְנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל בַּסֻּכּוֹת בֶּחָג בַּחֹדֶשׁ הַשְּׁבִיעִי׃", 8.15. "וַאֲשֶׁר יַשְׁמִיעוּ וְיַעֲבִירוּ קוֹל בְּכָל־עָרֵיהֶם וּבִירוּשָׁלִַם לֵאמֹר צְאוּ הָהָר וְהָבִיאוּ עֲלֵי־זַיִת וַעֲלֵי־עֵץ שֶׁמֶן וַעֲלֵי הֲדַס וַעֲלֵי תְמָרִים וַעֲלֵי עֵץ עָבֹת לַעֲשֹׂת סֻכֹּת כַּכָּתוּב׃", | 8.5. "And Ezra opened the book in the sight of all the people—for he was above all the people—and when he opened it, all the people stood up.", 8.6. "And Ezra blessed the LORD, the great God. And all the people answered: ‘Amen, Amen’, with the lifting up of their hands; and they bowed their heads, and fell down before the LORD with their faces to the ground.", 8.7. "Also Jeshua, and Bani, and Sherebiah, Jamin, Akkub, Shabbethai, Hodiah, Maaseiah, Kelita, Azariah, Jozabad, Ha, Pelaiah, even the Levites, caused the people to understand the Law; and the people stood in their place.", 8.8. "And they read in the book, in the Law of God, distinctly; and they gave the sense, and caused them to understand the reading.", 8.9. "And Nehemiah, who was the Tirshatha, and Ezra the priest the scribe, and the Levites that taught the people, said unto all the people: ‘This day is holy unto the LORD your God; mourn not, nor weep.’ For all the people wept, when they heard the words of the Law.", 8.10. "Then he said unto them: ‘Go your way, eat the fat, and drink the sweet, and send portions unto him for whom nothing is prepared; for this day is holy unto our Lord; neither be ye grieved; for the joy of the LORD is your strength.’", 8.11. "So the Levites stilled all the people, saying: ‘Hold your peace, for the day is holy; neither be ye grieved.’", 8.12. "And all the people went their way to eat, and to drink, and to send portions, and to make great mirth, because they had understood the words that were declared unto them.", 8.13. "And on the second day were gathered together the heads of fathers’houses of all the people, the priests, and the Levites, unto Ezra the scribe, even to give attention to the words of the Law.", 8.14. "And they found written in the Law, how that the LORD had commanded by Moses, that the children of Israel should dwell in booths in the feast of the seventh month;", 8.15. "and that they should publish and proclaim in all their cities, and in Jerusalem, saying: ‘Go forth unto the mount, and fetch olive branches, and branches of wild olive, and myrtle branches, and palm branches, and branches of thick trees, to make booths, as it is written.’", |
|
| 27. Plato, Apology of Socrates, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 48 |
28. Plato, Euthyphro, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 48| 3b. ΣΩ. ἄτοπα, ὦ θαυμάσιε, ὡς οὕτω γʼ ἀκοῦσαι. φησὶ γάρ με ποιητὴν εἶναι θεῶν, καὶ ὡς καινοὺς ποιοῦντα θεοὺς τοὺς δʼ ἀρχαίους οὐ νομίζοντα ἐγράψατο τούτων αὐτῶν ἕνεκα, ὥς φησιν. ΕΥΘ. μανθάνω, ὦ Σώκρατες· ὅτι δὴ σὺ τὸ δαιμόνιον φῂς σαυτῷ ἑκάστοτε γίγνεσθαι. ὡς οὖν καινοτομοῦντός σου περὶ τὰ θεῖα γέγραπται ταύτην τὴν γραφήν, καὶ ὡς διαβαλῶν δὴ ἔρχεται εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον, εἰδὼς ὅτι εὐδιάβολα τὰ τοιαῦτα πρὸς τοὺς πολλούς. καὶ ἐμοῦ γάρ τοι, | 3b. Socrates. Absurd things, my friend, at first hearing. For he says I am a maker of gods; and because I make new gods and do not believe in the old ones, he indicted me for the sake of these old ones, as he says. Euthyphro. I understand, Socrates; it is because you say the divine monitor keeps coming to you. So he has brought the indictment against you for making innovations in religion, and he is going into court to slander you, knowing that slanders on such subjects are readily accepted by the people. Why, they even laugh at me and say I am crazy |
|
29. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hirsch-Luipold (2022), Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts, 226| 416e. ἀνδρεῖοι, ταξαμένους παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν δέχεσθαι μισθὸν τῆς φυλακῆς τοσοῦτον ὅσον μήτε περιεῖναι αὐτοῖς εἰς τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν μήτε ἐνδεῖν· φοιτῶντας δὲ εἰς συσσίτια ὥσπερ ἐστρατοπεδευμένους κοινῇ ζῆν· χρυσίον δὲ καὶ ἀργύριον εἰπεῖν αὐτοῖς ὅτι θεῖον παρὰ θεῶν ἀεὶ ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ ἔχουσι καὶ οὐδὲν προσδέονται τοῦ ἀνθρωπείου, οὐδὲ ὅσια τὴν ἐκείνου κτῆσιν τῇ τοῦ θνητοῦ χρυσοῦ κτήσει συμμειγνύντας μιαίνειν, διότι πολλὰ καὶ ἀνόσια περὶ τὸ τῶν | 416e. they must receive as an agreed stipend from the other citizens as the wages of their guardianship, so measured that there shall be neither superfluity at the end of the year nor any lack. And resorting to a common mess like soldiers on campaign they will live together. Gold and silver, we will tell them, they have of the divine quality from the gods always in their souls, and they have no need of the metal of men nor does holiness suffer them to mingle and contaminate that heavenly possession with the acquisition of mortal gold, since many impious deeds have been done about |
|
| 30. Plato, Timaeus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 83 |
| 31. Aristotle, Rhetoric, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 563 |
| 32. Aeschines, Against Timarchus, 177 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 110 |
| 33. Theophrastus, De Odoribus, 8.14-8.16 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Luck (2006), Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts, 23 |
34. Anon., 1 Enoch, 6.6 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Tefera and Stuckenbruck (2021), Representations of Angelic Beings in Early Jewish and in Christian Traditions, 64 | 6.6. by mutual imprecations upon it. And they were in all two hundred; who descended in the days of Jared on the summit of Mount Hermon, and they called it Mount Hermon, because they had sworn |
|
| 35. Cicero, De Finibus, 32, 95-96, 5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 110 |
| 36. Cicero, Pro Quinctio, 19.60 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 110 |
| 37. Dead Sea Scrolls, Pesher On Habakkuk, 7.1, 8.1-8.3, 12.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 362 |
| 38. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Qppsa, 2.15, 2.33 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 362 |
39. Anon., Testament of Joseph, 14.3-14.4, 14.106, 14.248 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 277 | 14.3. And the woman said unto her husband: Wherefore dost thou detain the captive and well-born lad in bonds, who ought rather to be set at liberty, and be waited upon? 14.4. For she wished to see me out of a desire of sin, but I was ignorant concerning all these things. |
|
| 40. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 32, 5, 95-96 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 110 |
| 41. Cicero, On Old Age, '1, '10, '7, '33 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 563 |
42. Septuagint, 3 Maccabees, 4.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, anaphora of Found in books: Tefera and Stuckenbruck (2021), Representations of Angelic Beings in Early Jewish and in Christian Traditions, 169 | 4.8. Their husbands, in the prime of youth, their necks encircled with ropes instead of garlands, spent the remaining days of their marriage festival in lamentations instead of good cheer and youthful revelry, seeing death immediately before them. |
|
| 43. Septuagint, Judith, 15.37 (2nd cent. BCE - 0th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 110 |
44. Polybius, Histories, 2.71.7-2.71.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 110| 2.71.7. ἡμεῖς δʼ ἐπειδὴ τὴν ἐπίστασιν καὶ προκατασκευὴν τῆς ὅλης ἱστορίας διεληλύθαμεν, διʼ ἧς ὑποδέδεικται πότε καὶ πῶς καὶ διʼ ἃς αἰτίας τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν κρατήσαντες Ῥωμαῖοι πρῶτον ἐγχειρεῖν ἤρξαντο τοῖς ἔξω πράγμασι καὶ πρῶτον ἐτόλμησαν ἀμφισβητεῖν Καρχηδονίοις τῆς θαλάττης, 2.71.8. ἅμα δὲ τούτοις καὶ τὴν περὶ τοὺς Ἕλληνας καὶ Μακεδόνας, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ περὶ Καρχηδονίους ὑπάρχουσαν τότε κατάστασιν δεδηλώκαμεν, 2.71.9. καθῆκον ἂν εἴη παραγεγονότας ἐπὶ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πρόθεσιν, ἐν οἷς ἔμελλον οἱ μὲν Ἕλληνες τὸν συμμαχικόν, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ τὸν Ἀννιβιακόν, οἱ δὲ κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν βασιλεῖς τὸν περὶ Κοίλης Συρίας ἐνίστασθαι πόλεμον, 2.71.10. καὶ τὴν βύβλον ταύτην ἀφορίζειν ἀκολούθως τῇ τε τῶν προγεγονότων πραγμάτων περιγραφῇ καὶ τῇ τῶν κεχειρικότων τὰ πρὸ τοῦ δυναστῶν καταστροφῇ. | 2.71.7. I have thus completed this Introduction or preliminary part of my History. In it I have shown in the first place when, how, and why the Romans, having mastered Italy, first entered on enterprises outside that land and disputed the command of the sea with the Carthaginians, 2.71.8. and next I have dealt with the state of Greece and Macedonia and with that of Carthage as this existed then. 2.71.9. So having, as was my original purpose, reached the date at which the Greeks were on the eve of the Social War, the Romans on the eve of the Hannibalic War, and the kings of Asia about to enter on the war for Coele-Syria, 2.71.10. I must now bring this Book to its close, which coincides with the final events preceding these wars and the death of the three kings who had up to now directed affairs. |
|
45. Anon., Jubilees, 4.15 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Tefera and Stuckenbruck (2021), Representations of Angelic Beings in Early Jewish and in Christian Traditions, 64 | 4.15. And in the seventh jubilee in the third week Enos took Nôâm his sister to be his wife, and she bare him a son in the third year of the fifth week, and he called his name Ke. |
|
46. Septuagint, 1 Maccabees, 2.42, 2.50, 2.52, 2.67 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 362 | 2.42. Then there united with them a company of Hasideans, mighty warriors of Israel, every one who offered himself willingly for the law. 2.50. Now, my children, show zeal for the law, and give your lives for the covet of our fathers. 2.52. Was not Abraham found faithful when tested, and it was reckoned to him as righteousness? 2.67. You shall rally about you all who observe the law, and avenge the wrong done to your people. |
|
47. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 4.7, 4.8, 4.23, 4.24, 5.16, 5.27-7.41, 6, 6.16, 7, 7.33, 10.4, 15.37, 15.38, 15.39 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 285 | 15.38. If it is well told and to the point, that is what I myself desired; if it is poorly done and mediocre, that was the best I could do.' |
|
| 48. Hebrew Bible, Daniel, 2, 8-9 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 105 |
| 49. Philodemus, (Pars I) \ On Piety, 1696-1697 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 48 |
| 50. Septuagint, Ecclesiasticus (Siracides), 19.20 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 362 |
51. Septuagint, Wisdom of Solomon, 2.24, 19.20 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •john chrysostom, audience of Found in books: Azar (2016), Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews", 131; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 362 | 2.24. but through the devils envy death entered the world,and those who belong to his party experience it. 19.20. Fire even in water retained its normal power,and water forgot its fire-quenching nature. |
|
52. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 3.416-3.417, 4.676 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Fielding (2017), Transformations of Ovid in Late Antiquity. 165| 3.416. Dumque bibit, visae correptus imagine formae 3.417. spem sine corpore amat: corpus putat esse, quod unda est 4.676. et stupet et visae correptus imagine formae | |
|
| 53. Horace, Letters, 1.14.22-1.14.26 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 237 |
| 54. Horace, Sermones, 1.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 551, 563 |
| 55. Philo of Alexandria, That The Worse Attacks The Better, 1.7 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, and parrhesia Found in books: Niccolai (2023), Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire. 243 |
| 56. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 22.4, 22.12.6, 22.14.3, 25.4.17 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, homily on st babylas Found in books: König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 196 |
57. Philo of Alexandria, On The Cherubim, 27 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 30 | 27. I have also, on one occasion, heard a more ingenious train of reasoning from my own soul, which was accustomed frequently to be seized with a certain divine inspiration, even concerning matters which it could not explain even to itself; which now, if I am able to remember it accurately, I will relate. It told me that in the one living and true God there were two supreme and primary powers--goodness and authority; and that by his goodness he had created every thing, and by his authority he governed all that he had created; 27. For one may almost say that the whole infinity of numbers is measured by this one, because the boundaries which make it up are four, namely, one, two, three, and four; and an equal number of boundaries, corresponding to them in equal proportions, make up the number of a hundred out of decades; for ten, and twenty, and thirty, and forty produce a hundred. And in the same way one may produce the number of a thousand from hundreds, and that of a myriad from thousands. |
|
58. Philo of Alexandria, On The Migration of Abraham, 18 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 280 | 18. And what is especially worthy of being mentioned is this, that he believed that God would visit the race which was capable of Seeing," and would not give it up for ever and ever to ignorance, that blind mistress, but would distinguish between the immortal and the mortal parts of the soul, and leave in Egypt those parts which were conversant about the pleasures of the body and the other immoderate indulgences of the passions; but with respect to those parts which are imperishable, would make a covet that they should be conducted onwards with those persons who were going up to the cities of virtue and would further ratify this covet with an oath. |
|
59. Philo of Alexandria, On The Sacrifices of Cain And Abel, 56, 21 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hirsch-Luipold (2022), Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts, 225 | 21. For two women live with each individual among us, both unfriendly and hostile to one another, filling the whole abode of the soul with envy, and jealousy, and contention; of these we love the one looking upon her as being mild and tractable, and very dear to and very closely connected with ourselves, and she is called pleasure; but the other we detest, deeming her unmanageable, savage, fierce, and most completely hostile, and her name is virtue. Accordingly, the one comes to us luxuriously dressed in the guise of a harlot and prostitute, with mincing steps, rolling her eyes about with excessive licentiousness and desire, by which baits she entraps the souls of the young, looking about with a mixture of boldness and impudence, holding up her head, and raising herself above her natural height, fawning and giggling, having the hair of her head dressed with most superfluous elaborateness, having her eyes pencilled, her eyebrows covered over, using incessant warm baths, painted with a fictitious colour, exquisitely dressed with costly garments, richly embroidered, adorned with armlets, and bracelets, and necklaces, and all other ornaments which can be made of gold, and precious stones, and all kinds of female decorations; loosely girdled, breathing of most fragrant perfumes, thinking the whole market her home; a marvel to be seen in the public roads, out of the scarcity of any genuine beauty, pursuing a bastard elegance. |
|
60. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 3.149 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 258 | 3.149. Again, those men also are committing an injury akin to and resembling that which has just been mentioned, who when building houses leave the roof level with the ground though they ought to protect them with a parapet, in order that no one may fall down into the hole made without perceiving it. For such men, if one is to tell the plain truth, are committing murder, as far as they themselves are concerned, even though no one fall in and perish; accordingly let them be punished equally with those who have the mouths of pits open.XXVIII. |
|
61. Philo of Alexandria, On The Virtues, 165, 167-168, 166 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 258 | 166. Are your affairs prosperous and flourishing? then, receiving and increasing that strength of body which perhaps you did not expect, get power; and what is meant by this expression must be accurately investigated by those who do not very clearly see what is implied in it. Many persons endeavour to bring upon others, what is exactly contrary to the benefits which they have themselves received; for either, having themselves become rich, they prepare poverty for others, or having arrived at a high degree of honour and reputation, they become to others the causes of dishonour and infamy: |
|
62. Philo of Alexandria, On The Contemplative Life, 13 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 182 | 13. Then, because of their anxious desire for an immortal and blessed existence, thinking that their mortal life has already come to an end, they leave their possessions to their sons or daughters, or perhaps to other relations, giving them up their inheritance with willing cheerfulness; and those who know no relations give their property to their companions or friends, for it followed of necessity that those who have acquired the wealth which sees, as if ready prepared for them, should be willing to surrender that wealth which is blind to those who themselves also are still blind in their minds. |
|
63. Philo of Alexandria, On Husbandry, 80-82, 79 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 182 | 79. But the divine army is the body of virtues, the champions of the souls that love God, whom it becomes, when they see the adversary defeated, to sing a most beautiful and becoming hymn to the God who giveth the victory and the glorious triumph; and two choruses, the one proceeding from the conclave of the men, and the other from the company of the women, will stand up and sing in alternate songs a melody responsive to one another's voices. |
|
| 64. Philo of Alexandria, Allegorical Interpretation, 133 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 221 |
65. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 43 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, church father, homilies by on the judaizers Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 185 | 43. what then did the governor of the country do? Knowing that the city had two classes of inhabitants, our own nation and the people of the country, and that the whole of Egypt was inhabited in the same manner, and that Jews who inhabited Alexandria and the rest of the country from the Catabathmos on the side of Libya to the boundaries of Ethiopia were not less than a million of men; and that the attempts which were being made were directed against the whole nation, and that it was a most mischievous thing to distress the ancient hereditary customs of the land; he, disregarding all these considerations, permitted the mob to proceed with the erection of the statues, though he might have given them a vast number of admonitory precepts instead of any such permission, either commanding them as their governor, or advising them as their friend. VII. |
|
66. Mishnah, Taanit, 4.8 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 237| 4.8. "אָמַר רַבָּן שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן גַּמְלִיאֵל, לֹא הָיוּ יָמִים טוֹבִים לְיִשְׂרָאֵל כַּחֲמִשָּׁה עָשָׂר בְּאָב וּכְיוֹם הַכִּפּוּרִים, שֶׁבָּהֶן בְּנוֹת יְרוּשָׁלַיִם יוֹצְאוֹת בִּכְלֵי לָבָן שְׁאוּלִין, שֶׁלֹּא לְבַיֵּשׁ אֶת מִי שֶׁאֵין לוֹ. כָּל הַכֵּלִים טְעוּנִין טְבִילָה. וּבְנוֹת יְרוּשָׁלַיִם יוֹצְאוֹת וְחוֹלוֹת בַּכְּרָמִים. וּמֶה הָיוּ אוֹמְרוֹת, בָּחוּר, שָׂא נָא עֵינֶיךָ וּרְאֵה, מָה אַתָּה בוֹרֵר לָךְ. אַל תִּתֵּן עֵינֶיךָ בַנּוֹי, תֵּן עֵינֶיךָ בַמִּשְׁפָּחָה. שֶׁקֶר הַחֵן וְהֶבֶל הַיֹּפִי, אִשָּׁה יִרְאַת ה' הִיא תִתְהַלָּל (משלי לא). וְאוֹמֵר, תְּנוּ לָהּ מִפְּרִי יָדֶיהָ, וִיהַלְלוּהָ בַשְּׁעָרִים מַעֲשֶׂיהָ. וְכֵן הוּא אוֹמֵר, צְאֶינָה וּרְאֶינָה בְּנוֹת צִיּוֹן בַּמֶּלֶךְ שְׁלֹמֹה בָּעֲטָרָה שֶׁעִטְּרָה לּוֹ אִמּוֹ בְּיוֹם חֲתֻנָּתוֹ וּבְיוֹם שִׂמְחַת לִבּוֹ (שיר השירים ג). בְּיוֹם חֲתֻנָּתוֹ, זֶה מַתַּן תּוֹרָה. וּבְיוֹם שִׂמְחַת לִבּוֹ, זֶה בִּנְיַן בֵּית הַמִּקְדָּשׁ, שֶׁיִּבָּנֶה בִמְהֵרָה בְיָמֵינוּ. אָמֵן: \n", | 4.8. "Section one: Rabbi Shimon ben Gamaliel said: There were no days of joy in Israel greater than the fifteenth of Av and Yom Kippur. Section two: On these days the daughters of Jerusalem would go out in borrowed white garments in order not to shame any one who had none. All these garments required immersion. The daughters of Jerusalem come out and dance in the vineyards. What would they say? Young man, lift up your eyes and see what you choose for yourself. Do not set your eyes on beauty but set your eyes on the family. “Grace is deceitful, and beauty is vain, but a woman that fears the Lord, she shall be praised” (Proverbs 31:30). And it further says, “Give her of the fruit of her hands; and let her works praise her in the gates” (ibid, 31:31). Section three: Similarly it says, “O maidens of Zion, go forth and gaze upon King Solomon wearing the crown that his mother gave him on his wedding day, on the day of the gladness of his heart” (Song of Songs 3:11). “On his wedding day”: this refers to Matan Torah (the Giving of the Torah). “And on the day of the gladness of his heart”: this refers to the building of the Temple; may it be rebuilt speedily in our days, Amen.", |
|
67. Anon., Didache, 9-10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 404 | 10. But after you are filled, thus give thanks: We thank You, holy Father, for Your holy name which You caused to tabernacle in our hearts, and for the knowledge and faith and immortality, which You made known to us through Jesus Your Servant; to You be the glory forever. You, Master almighty, created all things for Your name's sake; You gave food and drink to men for enjoyment, that they might give thanks to You; but to us You freely gave spiritual food and drink and life eternal through Your Servant. Before all things we thank You that You are mighty; to You be the glory forever. Remember, Lord, Your Church, to deliver it from all evil and to make it perfect in Your love, and gather it from the four winds, sanctified for Your kingdom which You have prepared for it; for Yours is the power and the glory forever. Let grace come, and let this world pass away. Hosanna to the God (Son) of David! If any one is holy, let him come; if any one is not so, let him repent. Maran atha. Amen. But permit the prophets to make Thanksgiving as much as they desire. |
|
68. New Testament, 1 John, 4.15 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john, on vainglory and the raising of children Found in books: Champion (2022), Dorotheus of Gaza and Ascetic Education, 131| 4.15. ὃς ἐὰν ὁμολογήσῃ ὅτι Ἰησοῦς [Χριστός] ἐστιν ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ θεοῦ, ὁ θεὸς ἐν αὐτῷ μένει καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν τῷ θεῷ. | 4.15. Whoever confesses that Jesus is the Son of God, God remains in him, and he in God. |
|
69. New Testament, 2 Corinthians, 1.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 20| 1.11. συνυπουργούντων καὶ ὑμῶν ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν τῇ δεήσει, ἵνα ἐκ πολλῶν προσώπων τὸ εἰς ἡμᾶς χάρισμα διὰ πολλῶν εὐχαριστηθῇ ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν. | |
|
70. New Testament, Colossians, 3.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 197| 3.11. ὅπου οὐκ ἔνι Ἕλλην καὶ Ἰουδαῖος, περιτομὴ καὶ ἀκροβυστία, βάρβαρος, Σκύθης, δοῦλος, ἐλεύθερος, ἀλλὰ πάντα καὶ ἐν πᾶσιν Χριστός. | 3.11. where there can't be Greek and Jew, circumcision and uncircumcision, barbarian, Scythian, bondservant, freeman; but Christ is all, and in all. |
|
71. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 1.30, 3.16, 6.11-6.20, 7.21, 7.24, 7.40, 11.23-11.26, 36.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •john chrysostom, slavery •sermon (derashah), homily, john chrysostom Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 404; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 582; Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 6, 46, 47; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 134| 1.30. ἐξ αὐτοῦ δὲ ὑμεῖς ἐστὲ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ, ὃς ἐγενήθη σοφία ἡμῖν ἀπὸ θεοῦ, δικαιοσύνη τε καὶ ἁγιασμὸς καὶ ἀπολύτρωσις, ἵνα καθὼς γέγραπται 3.16. Οὐκ οἴδατε ὅτι ναὸς θεοῦ ἐστὲ καὶ τὸ πνεῦμα τοῦ θεοῦ ἐν ὑμῖν οἰκεῖ; 6.11. Καὶ ταῦτά τινες ἦτε· ἀλλὰ ἀπελούσασθε, ἀλλὰ ἡγιάσθητε, ἀλλὰ ἐδικαιώθητε ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι τοῦ κυρίου [ἡμῶν] Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ ἐν τῷ πνεύματι τοῦ θεοῦ ἡμῶν. 6.12. Πάντα μοι ἔξεστιν· ἀλλʼ οὐ πάντα συμφέρει. πάντα μοι ἔξεστιν· ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἐγὼ ἐξουσιασθήσομαι ὑπό τινος. 6.13. τὰ βρώματα τῇ κοιλίᾳ, καὶ ἡ κοιλία τοῖς βρώμασιν· ὁ δὲ θεὸς καὶ ταύτην καὶ ταῦτα καταργήσει. τὸ δὲ σῶμα οὐ τῇ πορνείᾳ ἀλλὰ τῷ κυρίῳ, καὶ ὁ κύριος τῷ σώματι· 6.14. ὁ δὲ θεὸς καὶ τὸν κύριον ἤγειρεν καὶ ἡμᾶς ἐξεγερεῖ διὰ τῆς δυνάμεως αὐτοῦ. 6.15. οὐκ οἴδατε ὅτι τὰ σώματα ὑμῶν μέλη Χριστοῦ ἐστίν; ἄρας οὖν τὰ μέλη τοῦ χριστοῦ ποιήσω πόρνης μέλη; μὴ γένοιτο. 6.16. ἢ οὐκ οἴδατε ὅτι ὁ κολλώμενος τῇ πόρνῃ ἓν σῶμά ἐστιν;Ἔσονταιγάρ, φησίν,οἱ δύο εἰς σάρκα μίαν. 6.17. ὁ δὲ κολλώμενος τῷ κυρίῳ ἓν πνεῦμά ἐστιν. 6.18. φεύγετε τὴν πορνείαν· πᾶν ἁμάρτημα ὃ ἐὰν ποιήσῃ ἄνθρωπος ἐκτὸς τοῦ σώματός ἐστιν, ὁ δὲ πορνεύων εἰς τὸ ἴδιον σῶμα ἁμαρτάνει. 6.19. ἢ οὐκ οἴδατε ὅτι τὸ σῶμα ὑμῶν ναὸς τοῦ ἐν ὑμῖν ἁγίου πνεύματός ἐστιν, οὗ ἔχετε ἀπὸ θεοῦ; 6.20. καὶ οὐκ ἐστὲ ἑαυτῶν, ἠγοράσθητε γὰρ τιμῆς· δοξάσατε δὴ τὸν θεὸν ἐν τῷ σώματι ὑμῶν. 7.21. δοῦλος ἐκλήθης; μή σοι μελέτω· ἀλλʼ εἰ καὶ δύνασαι ἐλεύθερος γενέσθαι, μᾶλλον χρῆσαι. 7.24. ἕκαστος ἐν ᾧ ἐκλήθη, ἀδελφοί, ἐν τούτῳ μενέτω παρὰ θεῷ. 7.40. μακαριωτέρα δέ ἐστιν ἐὰν οὕτως μείνῃ, κατὰ τὴν ἐμὴν γνώμην, δοκῶ γὰρ κἀγὼ πνεῦμα θεοῦ ἔχειν. 11.23. ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου, ὃ καὶ παρέδωκα ὑμῖν, ὅτι ὁ κύριος Ἰησοῦς ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ ᾗ παρεδίδετο ἔλαβεν ἄρτον καὶ εὐχαριστήσας ἔκλασεν καὶ εἶπεν 11.24. Τοῦτό μού ἐστιν τὸ σῶμα τὸ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν· τοῦτο ποιεῖτε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν. ὡσαύτως καὶ τὸ ποτήριον μετὰ τὸ δειπνῆσαι, λέγων 11.25. Τοῦτο τὸ ποτήριον ἡ καινὴδιαθήκηἐστὶν ἐντῷἐμῷαἵματι·τοῦτο ποιεῖτε, ὁσάκις ἐὰν πίνητε, εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν. 11.26. ὁσάκις γὰρ ἐὰν ἐσθίητε τὸν ἄρτον τοῦτον καὶ τὸ ποτήριον πίνητε, τὸν θάνατον τοῦ κυρίου καταγγέλλετε, ἄχρι οὗ ἔλθῃ. | 1.30. But of him, you are in ChristJesus, who was made to us wisdom from God, and righteousness andsanctification, and redemption: 3.16. Don't you know that you are a temple of God, and that God'sSpirit lives in you? 6.11. Such were some of you, but you were washed. But you were sanctified.But you were justified in the name of the Lord Jesus, and in the Spiritof our God. 6.12. "All things are lawful for me," but not all thingsare expedient. "All things are lawful for me," but I will not bebrought under the power of anything. 6.13. "Foods for the belly, andthe belly for foods," but God will bring to nothing both it and them.But the body is not for sexual immorality, but for the Lord; and theLord for the body. 6.14. Now God raised up the Lord, and will alsoraise us up by his power. 6.15. Don't you know that your bodies aremembers of Christ? Shall I then take the members of Christ, and makethem members of a prostitute? May it never be! 6.16. Or don't you knowthat he who is joined to a prostitute is one body? For, "The two," sayshe, "will become one flesh." 6.17. But he who is joined to the Lord isone spirit. 6.18. Flee sexual immorality! "Every sin that a man doesis outside the body," but he who commits sexual immorality sins againsthis own body. 6.19. Or don't you know that your body is a temple ofthe Holy Spirit which is in you, which you have from God? You are notyour own, 6.20. for you were bought with a price. Therefore glorifyGod in your body and in your spirit, which are God's. 7.21. Were you calledbeing a bondservant? Don't let that bother you, but if you get anopportunity to become free, use it. 7.24. Brothers, let eachman, in whatever condition he was called, stay in that condition withGod. 7.40. But she is happier if she stays asshe is, in my judgment, and I think that I also have God's Spirit. 11.23. For I received from the Lord that which also I delivered toyou, that the Lord Jesus on the night in which he was betrayed tookbread. 11.24. When he had given thanks, he broke it, and said, "Take,eat. This is my body, which is broken for you. Do this in memory ofme." 11.25. In the same way he also took the cup, after supper,saying, "This cup is the new covet in my blood. Do this, as often asyou drink, in memory of me." 11.26. For as often as you eat this breadand drink this cup, you proclaim the Lord's death until he comes. |
|
72. New Testament, 1 Timothy, 2.8, 2.9.0, 3.2-3.7, 3.2.0, 4.1, 5.5-5.10, 5.10.0, 6.1, 6.3-6.19, 6.17.0 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 551, 563; Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 46; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 134| 2.8. Βούλομαι οὖν προσεύχεσθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐν παντὶ τόπῳ, ἐπαίροντας ὁσίους χεῖρας χωρὶς ὀργῆς καὶ διαλογισμῶν. 3.2. δεῖ οὖν τὸν ἐπίσκοπον ἀνεπίλημπτον εἶναι, μιᾶς γυναικὸς ἄνδρα, νηφάλιον, σώφρονα, κόσμιον, φιλόξενον, διδακτικόν, 3.3. μὴ πάροινον, μὴ πλήκτην, ἀλλὰ ἐπιεικῆ, ἄμαχον, ἀφιλάργυρον, 3.4. τοῦ ἰδίου οἴκου καλῶς προϊστάμενον, τέκνα ἔχοντα ἐν ὑποταγῇ μετὰ πάσης σεμνότητος·?̔ 3.5. εἰ δέ τις τοῦ ἰδίου οἴκου προστῆναι οὐκ οἶδεν, πῶς ἐκκλησίας θεοῦ ἐπιμελήσεται;̓ 3.6. μὴ νεόφυτον, ἵνα μὴ τυφωθεὶς εἰς κρίμα ἐμπέσῃ τοῦ διαβόλου. 3.7. δεῖ δὲ καὶ μαρτυρίαν καλὴν ἔχειν ἀπὸ τῶν ἔξωθεν, ἵνα μὴ εἰς ὀνειδισμὸν ἐμπέσῃ καὶ παγίδα τοῦ διαβόλου. 4.1. Τὸ δὲ πνεῦμα ῥητῶς λέγει ὅτι ἐν ὑστέροις καιροῖς ἀποστήσονταί τινες τῆς πίστεως, προσέχοντες πνεύμασι πλάνοις καὶ διδασκαλίαις δαιμονίων 5.5. ἡ δὲ ὄντως χήρα καὶ μεμονωμένηἤλπικεν ἐπὶ [τὸν] θεὸνκαὶ προσμένει ταῖς δεήσεσιν καὶ ταῖς προσευχαῖς νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέρας· 5.6. ἡ δὲ σπαταλῶσα ζῶσα τέθνηκεν. 5.7. καὶ ταῦτα παράγγελλε, ἵνα ἀνεπίλημπτοι ὦσιν· 5.8. εἰ δέ τις τῶν ἰδίων καὶ μάλιστα οἰκείων οὐ προνοεῖ, τὴν πίστιν ἤρνηται καὶ ἔστιν ἀπίστου χείρων. 5.9. Χήρα καταλεγέσθω μὴ ἔλαττον ἐτῶν ἑξήκοντα γεγονυῖα, ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς γυνή, 5.10. ἐν ἔργοις καλοῖς μαρτυρουμένη, εἰ ἐτεκνοτρόφησεν, εἰ ἐξενοδόχησεν, εἰ ἁγίων πόδας ἔνιψεν, εἰ θλιβομένοις ἐπήρκεσεν, εἰ παντὶ ἔργῳ ἀγαθῷ ἐπηκολούθησεν. 6.1. Ὅσοι εἰσὶν ὑπὸ ζυγὸν δοῦλοι, τοὺς ἰδίους δεσπότας πάσης τιμῆς ἀξίους ἡγείσθωσαν, ἵνα μὴ τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ ἡ διδασκαλία βλασφημῆται. 6.3. Ταῦτα δίδασκε καὶ παρακάλει. εἴ τις ἑτεροδιδασκαλεῖ καὶ μὴ προσέρχεται ὑγιαίνουσι λόγοις, τοῖς τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, καὶ τῇ κατʼ εὐσέβειαν διδασκαλίᾳ, 6.4. τετύφωται, μηδὲν ἐπιστάμενος, ἀλλὰ νοσῶν περὶ ζητήσεις καὶ λογομαχίας, ἐξ ὧν γίνεται φθόνος, ἔρις, βλασφημίαι, ὑπόνοιαι πονηραί, 6.5. διαπαρατριβαὶ διεφθαρμένων ἀνθρώπων τὸν νοῦν καὶ ἀπεστερημένων τῆς ἀληθείας, νομιζόντων πορισμὸν εἶναι τὴν εὐσέβειαν. 6.6. ἔστιν δὲ πορισμὸς μέγας ἡ εὐσέβεια μετὰ αὐταρκείας· 6.7. οὐδὲν γὰρ εἰσηνέγκαμεν εἰς τὸν κόσμον, ὅτι οὐδὲ ἐξενεγκεῖν τι δυνάμεθα· 6.8. ἔχοντες δὲ διατροφὰς καὶ σκεπάσματα, τούτοις ἀρκεσθησόμεθα. 6.9. οἱ δὲ βουλόμενοι πλουτεῖν ἐμπίπτουσιν εἰς πειρασμὸν καὶ παγίδα καὶ ἐπιθυμίας πολλὰς ἀνοήτους καὶ βλαβεράς, αἵτινες βυθίζουσι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους εἰς ὄλεθρον καὶ ἀπώλειαν· 6.10. ῥίζα γὰρ πάντων τῶν κακῶν ἐστὶν ἡ φιλαργυρία, ἧς τινὲς ὀρεγόμενοι ἀπεπλανήθησαν ἀπὸ τῆς πίστεως καὶ ἑαυτοὺς περιέπειραν ὀδύναις πολλαῖς. 6.11. Σὺ δέ, ὦ ἄν θρωπε θεοῦ, ταῦτα φεῦγε· δίωκε δὲ δικαιοσύνην, εὐσέβειαν, πίστιν, ἀγάπην, ὑπομονήν, πραϋπαθίαν. 6.12. ἀγωνίζου τὸν καλὸν ἀγῶνα τῆς πίστεως, ἐπιλαβοῦ τῆς αἰωνίου ζωῆς, εἰς ἣν ἐκλήθης καὶ ὡμολόγησας τὴν καλὴν ὁμολογίαν ἐνώπιον πολλῶν μαρτύρων. 6.13. παραγγέλλω σοι ἐνώπιον τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ζωογονοῦντος τὰ πάντα καὶ Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ τοῦ μαρτυρήσαντος ἐπὶ Ποντίου Πειλάτου τὴν καλὴν ὁμολογίαν, 6.14. τηρῆσαί σε τὴν ἐντολὴν ἄσπιλον ἀνεπίλημπτον μέχρι τῆς ἐπιφανείας τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, 6.15. ἣν καιροῖς ἰδίοις δείξει ὁ μακάριος καὶ μόνος δυνάστης, ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν βασιλευόντων καὶ κύριος τῶν κυριευόντων, 6.16. ὁ μόνος ἔχων ἀθανασίαν, φῶς οἰκῶν ἀπρόσιτον, ὃν εἶδεν οὐδεὶς ἀνθρώπων οὐδὲ ἰδεῖν δύναται· ᾧ τιμὴ καὶ κράτος αἰώνιον· ἀμήν. 6.17. Τοῖς πλουσίοις ἐν τῷ νῦν αἰῶνι παράγγελλε μὴ ὑψηλοφρονεῖν μηδὲ ἠλπικέναι ἐπὶ πλού του ἀδηλότητι, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ θεῷ τῷ παρέχοντι ἡμῖν πάντα πλουσίως εἰς ἀπόλαυσιν, 6.18. ἀγαθοεργεῖν, πλουτεῖν ἐν ἔργοις καλοῖς, εὐμεταδότους εἶναι, κοινωνικούς, 6.19. ἀποθησαυρίζοντας ἑαυτοῖς θεμέλιον καλὸν εἰς τὸ μέλλον, ἵνα ἐπιλάβωνται τῆς ὄντως ζωῆς. | 2.8. I desire therefore that the men in every place pray, lifting up holy hands without wrath and doubting. 3.2. The overseer therefore must be without reproach, the husband of one wife, temperate, sensible, modest, hospitable, good at teaching; 3.3. not a drinker, not violent, not greedy for money, but gentle, not quarrelsome, not covetous; 3.4. one who rules his own house well, having children in subjection with all reverence; 3.5. (but if a man doesn't know how to rule his own house, how will he take care of the assembly of God?) 3.6. not a new convert, lest being puffed up he fall into the same condemnation as the devil. 3.7. Moreover he must have good testimony from those who are outside, to avoid falling into reproach and the snare of the devil. 4.1. But the Spirit says expressly that in later times some will fall away from the faith, paying attention to seducing spirits and doctrines of demons, 5.5. Now she who is a widow indeed, and desolate, has her hope set on God, and continues in petitions and prayers night and day. 5.6. But she who gives herself to pleasure is dead while she lives. 5.7. Also command these things, that they may be without reproach. 5.8. But if anyone doesn't provide for his own, and especially his own household, he has denied the faith, and is worse than an unbeliever. 5.9. Let no one be enrolled as a widow under sixty years old, having been the wife of one man, 5.10. being approved by good works, if she has brought up children, if she has been hospitable to strangers, if she has washed the saints' feet, if she has relieved the afflicted, and if she has diligently followed every good work. 6.1. Let as many as are bondservants under the yoke count their own masters worthy of all honor, that the name of God and the doctrine not be blasphemed. 6.3. If anyone teaches a different doctrine, and doesn't consent to sound words, the words of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to the doctrine which is according to godliness, 6.4. he is conceited, knowing nothing, but obsessed with arguments, disputes, and word battles, from which come envy, strife, reviling, evil suspicions, 6.5. constant friction of men of corrupt minds and destitute of the truth, who suppose that godliness is a means of gain. Withdraw yourself from such. 6.6. But godliness with contentment is great gain. 6.7. For we brought nothing into the world, and we certainly can't carry anything out. 6.8. But having food and clothing, we will be content with that. 6.9. But those who are determined to be rich fall into a temptation and a snare and many foolish and harmful lusts, such as drown men in ruin and destruction. 6.10. For the love of money is a root of all kinds of evil. Some have been led astray from the faith in their greed, and have pierced themselves through with many sorrows. 6.11. But you, man of God, flee these things, and follow after righteousness, godliness, faith, love, patience, and gentleness. 6.12. Fight the good fight of faith. Lay hold of the eternal life to which you were called, and you confessed the good confession in the sight of many witnesses. 6.13. I charge you before God, who gives life to all things, and before Christ Jesus, who before Pontius Pilate testified the good confession, 6.14. that you keep the commandment without spot, blameless, until the appearing of our Lord Jesus Christ; 6.15. which in its own times he will show, who is the blessed and only Ruler, the King of kings, and Lord of lords; 6.16. who alone has immortality, dwelling in unapproachable light; whom no man has seen, nor can see: to whom be honor and eternal power. Amen. 6.17. Charge those who are rich in this present world that they not be haughty, nor have their hope set on the uncertainty of riches, but on the living God, who richly provides us with everything to enjoy; 6.18. that they do good, that they be rich in good works, that they be ready to distribute, willing to communicate; 6.19. laying up in store for themselves a good foundation against the time to come, that they may lay hold of eternal life. |
|
73. New Testament, Acts, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 199| 5.17. Ἀναστὰς δὲ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ πάντες οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ, ἡ οὖσα αἵρεσις τῶν Σαδδουκαίων, | 5.17. But the high priest rose up, and all those who were with him (which is the sect of the Sadducees), and they were filled with jealousy, |
|
| 74. New Testament, Philemon, 16, 11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 45 |
75. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 1.41, 1.46, 1.202, 2.124-2.159, 4.100-4.131, 10.203-10.210, 10.244, 10.266-10.281, 12.322, 18.159, 20.205, 20.213 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis •john chrysostom, •john chrysostom, church father, homilies by on the judaizers Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 277; Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 105, 285; Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 185; Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 180; Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 63 | 1.41. But while all the living creatures had one language, at that time the serpent, which then lived together with Adam and his wife, shewed an envious disposition, at his supposal of their living happily, and in obedience to the commands of God; 1.46. When he made no reply, as conscious to himself that he had transgressed the command of God, God said, “I had before determined about you both, how you might lead a happy life, without any affliction, and care, and vexation of soul; and that all things which might contribute to your enjoyment and pleasure should grow up by my providence, of their own accord, without your own labor and painstaking; which state of labor and painstaking would soon bring on old age, and death would not be at any remote distance: 1.202. 4. But God was much displeased at their impudent behavior, so that he both smote those men with blindness, and condemned the Sodomites to universal destruction. But Lot, upon God’s informing him of the future destruction of the Sodomites, went away, taking with him his wife and daughters, who were two, and still virgins; for those that were betrothed to them were above the thoughts of going, and deemed that Lot’s words were trifling. 2.124. 7. Now when after supper they had composed themselves to sleep, Joseph commanded his steward both to give them their measures of corn, and to hide its price again in their sacks; and that withal they should put into Benjamin’s sack the golden cup, out of which he loved himself to drink— 2.125. which things he did, in order to make trial of his brethren, whether they would stand by Benjamin when he should be accused of having stolen the cup, and should appear to be in danger; or whether they would leave him, and, depending on their own innocency, go to their father without him. 2.126. When the servant had done as he was bidden, the sons of Jacob, knowing nothing of all this, went their way, and took Symeon along with them, and had a double cause of joy, both because they had received him again, and because they took back Benjamin to their father, as they had promised. 2.127. But presently a troop of horsemen encompassed them, and brought with them Joseph’s servant, who had put the cup into Benjamin’s sack. Upon which unexpected attack of the horsemen they were much disturbed, and asked what the reason was that they came thus upon men, 2.128. who a little before had been by their lord thought worthy of an honorable and hospitable reception? They replied, by calling them wicked wretches, who had forgot that very hospitable and kind treatment which Joseph had given them, and did not scruple to be injurious to him, and to carry off that cup out of which he had, in so friendly a manner, drank to them, and not regarding their friendship with Joseph, no more than the danger they should be in if they were taken, in comparison of the unjust gain. 2.129. Hereupon he threatened that they should be punished; for though they had escaped the knowledge of him who was but a servant, yet had they not escaped the knowledge of God, nor had gone off with what they had stolen; and, after all, asked why we come upon them, as if they knew nothing of the matter: and he told them that they should immediately know it by their punishment. This, and more of the same nature, did the servant say, in way of reproach to them: 2.130. but they being wholly ignorant of any thing here that concerned them, laughed at what he said, and wondered at the abusive language which the servant gave them, when he was so hardy as to accuse those who did not before so much as retain the price of their corn, which was found in their sacks, but brought it again, though nobody else knew of any such thing,—so far were they from offering any injury to Joseph voluntarily. 2.131. But still, supposing that a search would be a more sure justification of themselves than their own denial of the fact, they bid him search them, and that if any of them had been guilty of the theft, to punish them all; for being no way conscious to themselves of any crime, they spake with assurance, and, as they thought, without any danger to themselves also. The servants desired there might be a search made; but they said the punishment should extend to him alone who should be found guilty of the theft. 2.132. So they made the search; and, having searched all the rest, they came last of all to Benjamin, as knowing it was Benjamin’s sack in which they had hidden the cup, they having indeed searched the rest only for a show of accuracy: 2.133. o the rest were out of fear for themselves, and were now only concerned about Benjamin, but still were well assured that he would also be found innocent; and they reproached those that came after them for their hindering them, while they might, in the mean while, have gotten a good way on their journey. 2.134. But as soon as they had searched Benjamin’s sack, they found the cup, and took it from him; and all was changed into mourning and lamentation. They rent their garments, and wept for the punishment which their brother was to undergo for his theft, and for the delusion they had put on their father, when they promised they would bring Benjamin safe to him. 2.135. What added to their misery was, that this melancholy accident came unfortunately at a time when they thought they had been gotten off clear; but they confessed that this misfortune of their brother, as well as the grief of their father for him, was owing to themselves, since it was they that forced their father to send him with them, when he was averse to it. 2.136. 8. The horsemen therefore took Benjamin and brought him to Joseph, his brethren also following him; who, when he saw him in custody, and them in the habit of mourners, said, “How came you, vile wretches as you are, to have such a strange notion of my kindness to you, and of God’s providence, as impudently to do thus to your benefactor, who in such an hospitable manner had entertained you?” 2.137. Whereupon they gave up themselves to be punished, in order to save Benjamin; and called to mind what a wicked enterprise they had been guilty of against Joseph. They also pronounced him more happy than themselves, if he were dead, in being freed from the miseries of this life; and if he were alive, that he enjoyed the pleasure of seeing God’s vengeance upon them. They said further; that they were the plague of their father, since they should now add to his former affliction for Joseph, this other affliction for Benjamin. Reubel also was large in cutting them upon this occasion. 2.138. But Joseph dismissed them; for he said they had been guilty of no offense, and that he would content himself with the lad’s punishment; for he said it was not a fit thing to let him go free, for the sake of those who had not offended; nor was it a fit thing to punish them together with him who had been guilty of stealing. And when he promised to give them leave to go away in safety, 2.139. the rest of them were under great consternation, and were able to say nothing on this sad occasion. But Judas, who had persuaded their father to send the lad from him, being otherwise also a very bold and active man, determined to hazard himself for the preservation of his brother. 2.140. “It is true,” said he, “O governor, that we have been very wicked with regard to thee, and on that account deserved punishment; even all of us may justly be punished, although the theft were not committed by all, but only by one of us, and he the youngest also; but yet there remains some hope for us, who otherwise must be under despair on his account, and this from thy goodness, which promises us a deliverance out of our present danger. 2.141. And now I beg thou wilt not look at us, or at that great crime we have been guilty of, but at thy own excellent nature, and take advice of thine own virtue, instead of that wrath thou hast against us; which passion those that otherwise are of lower character indulge, as they do their strength, and that not only on great, but also on very trifling occasions. Overcome, sir, that passion, and be not subdued by it, nor suffer it to slay those that do not otherwise presume upon their own safety, but are desirous to accept of it from thee; 2.142. for this is not the first time that thou wilt bestow it on us, but before, when we came to buy corn, thou affordedst us great plenty of food, and gavest us leave to carry so much home to our family as has preserved them from perishing by famine. 2.143. Nor is there any difference between not overlooking men that were perishing for want of necessaries, and not punishing those that seem to be offenders, and have been so unfortunate as to lose the advantage of that glorious benefaction which they received from thee. This will be an instance of equal favor, though bestowed after a different manner; 2.144. for thou wilt save those this way whom thou didst feed the other; and thou wilt hereby preserve alive, by thy own bounty, those souls which thou didst not suffer to be distressed by famine, it being indeed at once a wonderful and a great thing to sustain our lives by corn, and to bestow on us that pardon, whereby, now we are distressed, we may continue those lives. 2.145. And I am ready to suppose that God is willing to afford thee this opportunity of showing thy virtuous disposition, by bringing us into this calamity, that it may appear thou canst forgive the injuries that are done to thyself, and mayst be esteemed kind to others, besides those who, on other accounts, stand in need of thy assistance; 2.146. ince it is indeed a right thing to do well to those who are in distress for want of food, but still a more glorious thing to save those who deserve to be punished, when it is on account of heinous offenses against thyself; for if it be a thing deserving commendation to forgive such as have been guilty of small offenses, that tend to a person’s loss, and this be praiseworthy in him that overlooks such offenses, to restrain a man’s passion as to crimes which are capital to the guilty, is to be like the most excellent nature of God himself. 2.147. And truly, as for myself, had it not been that we had a father, who had discovered, on occasion of the death of Joseph, how miserably he is always afflicted at the loss of his sons, I had not made any words on account of the saving of our own lives; I mean, any further than as that would be an excellent character for thyself, to preserve even those that would have nobody to lament them when they were dead, but we would have yielded ourselves up to suffer whatsoever thou pleasedst; 2.148. but now (for we do not plead for mercy to ourselves, though indeed, if we die, it will be while we are young, and before we have had the enjoyment of life) have regard to our father, and take pity of his old age, on whose account it is that we make these supplications to thee. We beg thou wilt give us those lives which this wickedness of ours has rendered obnoxious to thy punishment; 2.149. and this for his sake who is not himself wicked, nor does his being our father make us wicked. He is a good man, and not worthy to have such trials of his patience; and now, we are absent, he is afflicted with care for us. But if he hear of our deaths, and what was the cause of it, he will on that account die an immature death; 2.150. and the reproachful manner of our ruin will hasten his end, and will directly kill him; nay, will bring him to a miserable death, while he will make haste to rid himself out of the world, and bring himself to a state of insensibility, before the sad story of our end come abroad into the rest of the world. 2.151. Consider these things in this manner, although our wickedness does now provoke thee with a just desire of punishing that wickedness, and forgive it for our father’s sake; and let thy commiseration of him weigh more with thee than our wickedness. Have regard to the old age of our father, who, if we perish, will be very lonely while he lives, and will soon die himself also. Grant this boon to the name of fathers, 2.152. for thereby thou wilt honor him that begat thee, and will grant it to thyself also, who enjoyest already that denomination; thou wilt then, by that denomination, be preserved of God, the Father of all,—by showing a pious regard to which, in the case of our father, thou wilt appear to honor him who is styled by the same name; I mean, if thou wilt have this pity on our father, upon this consideration, how miserable he will be if he be deprived of his sons! 2.153. It is thy part therefore to bestow on us what God has given us, when it is in thy power to take it away, and so to resemble him entirely in charity; for it is good to use that power, which can either give or take away, on the merciful side; and when it is in thy power to destroy, to forget that thou ever hadst that power, and to look on thyself as only allowed power for preservation; and that the more any one extends this power, the greater reputation does he gain to himself. 2.154. Now, by forgiving our brother what he has unhappily committed, thou wilt preserve us all; for we cannot think of living if he be put to death, since we dare not show ourselves alive to our father without our brother, but here must we partake of one and the same catastrophe of his life. 2.155. And so far we beg of thee, O governor, that if thou condemnest our brother to die, thou wilt punish us together with him, as partners of his crime,—for we shall not think it reasonable to be reserved to kill ourselves for grief of our brother’s death, but so to die rather as equally guilty with him of this crime. 2.156. I will only leave with thee this one consideration, and then will say no more, viz. that our brother committed this fault when he was young, and not yet of confirmed wisdom in his conduct; and that men naturally forgive such young persons. I end here, without adding what more I have to say, that in case thou condemnest us, that omission may be supposed to have hurt us, and permitted thee to take the severer side. 2.157. But in case thou settest us free, that this may be ascribed to thy own goodness, of which thou art inwardly conscious, that thou freest us from condemnation; and that not by barely preserving us, but by granting us such a favor as will make us appear more righteous than we really are, and by representing to thyself more motives for our deliverance than we are able to produce ourselves. 2.158. If, therefore, thou resolvest to slay him, I desire thou wilt slay me in his stead, and send him back to his father; or if thou pleasest to retain him with thee as a slave, I am fitter to labor for thy advantage in that capacity, and, as thou seest, am better prepared for either of those sufferings.” 2.159. So Judas, being very willing to undergo any thing whatever for the deliverance of his brother, cast himself down at Joseph’s feet, and earnestly labored to assuage and pacify his anger. All his brethren also fell down before him, weeping and delivering themselves up to destruction for the preservation of the life of Benjamin. 4.100. 1. Now Moses, when he had brought his army to Jordan; pitched his camp in the great plain over against Jericho. This city is a very happy situation, and very fit for producing palm-trees and balsam. And now the Israelites began to be very proud of themselves, and were very eager for fighting. 4.101. Moses then, after he had offered for a few days sacrifices of thanksgiving to God, and feasted the people, sent a party of armed men to lay waste the country of the Midianites, and to take their cities. Now the occasion which he took for making war upon them was this that follows:— 4.102. 2. When Balak, the king of the Moabites, who had from his ancestors a friendship and league with the Midianites, saw how great the Israelites were grown, he was much affrighted on account of his own and his kingdom’s danger; for he was not acquainted with this, that the Hebrews would not meddle with any other country, but were to be contented with the possession of the land of Canaan, God having forbidden them to go any farther So he, with more haste than wisdom, resolved to make an attempt upon them by words; 4.103. but he did not judge it prudent to fight against them, after they had such prosperous successes, and even became out of ill successes more happy than before, but he thought to hinder them, if he could, from growing greater, and so he resolved to send ambassadors to the Midianites about them. 4.104. Now these Midianites knowing there was one Balaam, who lived by Euphrates, and was the greatest of the prophets at that time, and one that was in friendship with them, sent some of their honorable princes along with the ambassadors of Balak, to entreat the prophet to come to them, that he might imprecate curses to the destruction of the Israelites. 4.105. So Balsam received the ambassadors, and treated them very kindly; and when he had supped, he inquired what was God’s will, and what this matter was for which the Midianites entreated him to come to them. But when God opposed his going, he came to the ambassadors, and told them that he was himself very willing and desirous to comply with their request, but informed them that God was opposite to his intentions, even that God who had raised him to great reputation on account of the truth of his predictions; 4.106. for that this army, which they entreated him to come and curse, was in the favor of God; on which account he advised them to go home again, and not to persist in their enmity against the Israelites; and when he had given them that answer, he dismissed the ambassadors. 4.107. 3. Now the Midianites, at the earnest request and fervent entreaties of Balak, sent other ambassadors to Balaam, who, desiring to gratify the men, inquired again of God; but he was displeased at this [second] trial, and bid him by no means to contradict the ambassadors. Now Balsam did not imagine that God gave this injunction in order to deceive him, so he went along with the ambassadors; 4.108. but when the divine angel met him in the way, when he was in a narrow passage, and hedged in with a wall on both sides, the ass on which Balaam rode understood that it was a divine spirit that met him, and thrust Balaam to one of the walls, without regard to the stripes which Balaam, when he was hurt by the wall, gave her; 4.109. but when the ass, upon the angel’s continuing to distress her, and upon the stripes which were given her, fell down, by the will of God, she made use of the voice of a man, and complained of Balaam as acting unjustly to her; that whereas he had no fault to find with her in her former service to him, he now inflicted stripes upon her, as not understanding that she was hindered from serving him in what he was now going about, by the providence of God. 4.110. And when he was disturbed by reason of the voice of the ass, which was that of a man, the angel plainly appeared to him, and blamed him for the stripes he had given his ass; and informed him that the brute creature was not in fault, but that he was himself come to obstruct his journey, as being contrary to the will of God. 4.111. Upon which Balaam was afraid, and was preparing to return back again: yet did God excite him to go on his intended journey, but added this injunction, that he should declare nothing but what he himself should suggest to his mind. 4.112. 4. When God had given him this charge, he came to Balak; and when the king had entertained him in a magnificent manner, he desired him to go to one of the mountains to take a view of the state of the camp of the Hebrews. Balak himself also came to the mountain, and brought the prophet along with him, with a royal attendance. This mountain lay over their heads, and was distant sixty furlongs from the camp. 4.113. Now when he saw them, he desired the king to build him seven altars, and to bring him as many bulls and rams; to which desire the king did presently conform. He then slew the sacrifices, and offered them as burnt-offerings, that he might observe some signal of the flight of the Hebrews. 4.114. Then said he, “Happy is this people, on whom God bestows the possession of innumerable good things, and grants them his own providence to be their assistant and their guide; so that there is not any nation among mankind but you will be esteemed superior to them in virtue, and in the earnest prosecution of the best rules of life, and of such as are pure from wickedness, and will leave those rules to your excellent children; and this out of the regard that God bears to you, and the provision of such things for you as may render you happier than any other people under the sun. 4.115. You shall retain that land to which he hath sent you, and it shall ever be under the command of your children; and both all the earth, as well as the seas, shall be filled with your glory: and you shall be sufficiently numerous to supply the world in general, and every region of it in particular, with inhabitants out of your stock. 4.116. However, O blessed army! wonder that you are become so many from one father: and truly, the land of Canaan can now hold you, as being yet comparatively few; but know ye that the whole world is proposed to be your place of habitation for ever. The multitude of your posterity also shall live as well in the islands as on the continent, and that more in number than are the stars of heaven. And when you are become so many, God will not relinquish the care of you, but will afford you an abundance of all good things in times of peace, with victory and dominion in times of war. 4.117. May the children of your enemies have an inclination to fight against you; and may they be so hardy as to come to arms, and to assault you in battle, for they will not return with victory, nor will their return be agreeable to their children and wives. To so great a degree of valor will you be raised by the providence of God, who is able to diminish the affluence of some, and to supply the wants of others.” 4.118. 5. Thus did Balaam speak by inspiration, as not being in his own power, but moved to say what he did by the Divine Spirit. But then Balak was displeased, and said he had broken the contract he had made, whereby he was to come, as he and his confederates had invited him, by the promise of great presents: for whereas he came to curse their enemies, he had made an encomium upon them, and had declared that they were the happiest of men. 4.119. To which Balaam replied, “O Balak, if thou rightly considerest this whole matter, canst thou suppose that it is in our power to be silent, or to say any thing, when the Spirit of God seizes upon us?—for he puts such words as he pleases in our mouths, and such discourses as we are not ourselves conscious of. 4.120. I well remember by what entreaties both you and the Midianites so joyfully brought me hither, and on that account I took this journey. It was my prayer, that I might not put any affront upon you, as to what you desired of me; 4.121. but God is more powerful than the purposes I had made to serve you; for those that take upon them to foretell the affairs of mankind, as from their own abilities, are entirely unable to do it, or to forbear to utter what God suggests to them, or to offer violence to his will; for when he prevents us and enters into us, nothing that we say is our own. 4.122. I then did not intend to praise this army, nor to go over the several good things which God intended to do to their race; but since he was so favorable to them, and so ready to bestow upon them a happy life and eternal glory, he suggested the declaration of those things to me: 4.123. but now, because it is my desire to oblige thee thyself, as well as the Midianites, whose entreaties it is not decent for me to reject, go to, let us again rear other altars, and offer the like sacrifices that we did before, that I may see whether I can persuade God to permit me to bind these men with curses.” 4.124. Which, when Balak had agreed to, God would not, even upon second sacrifices, consent to his cursing the Israelites. 4.125. Then fell Balaam upon his face, and foretold what calamities would befall the several kings of the nations, and the most eminent cities, some of which of old were not so much as inhabited; which events have come to pass among the several people concerned, both in the foregoing ages, and in this, till my own memory, both by sea and by land. From which completion of all these predictions that he made, one may easily guess that the rest will have their completion in time to come. 4.126. 6. But Balak being very angry that the Israelites were not cursed, sent away Balaam without thinking him worthy of any honor. Whereupon, when he was just upon his journey, in order to pass the Euphrates, he sent for Balak, and for the princes of the Midianites, 4.127. and spake thus to them:—“O Balak, and you Midianites that are here present, (for I am obliged even without the will of God to gratify you,) it is true no entire destruction can seize upon the nation of the Hebrews, neither by war, nor by plague, nor by scarcity of the fruits of the earth, nor can any other unexpected accident be their entire ruin; 4.128. for the providence of God is concerned to preserve them from such a misfortune; nor will it permit any such calamity to come upon them whereby they may all perish; but some small misfortunes, and those for a short time, whereby they may appear to be brought low, may still befall them; but after that they will flourish again, to the terror of those that brought those mischiefs upon them. 4.129. So that if you have a mind to gain a victory over them for a short space of time, you will obtain it by following my directions:—Do you therefore set out the handsomest of such of your daughters as are most eminent for beauty, and proper to force and conquer the modesty of those that behold them, and these decked and trimmed to the highest degree you are able. Then do you send them to be near the Israelites’ camp, and give them in charge, that when the young men of the Hebrews desire their company, they allow it them; 4.130. and when they see that they are enamored of them, let them take their leaves; and if they entreat them to stay, let them not give their consent till they have persuaded them to leave off their obedience to their own laws, and the worship of that God who established them, and to worship the gods of the Midianites and Moabites; for by this means God will be angry at them .” Accordingly, when Balaam had suggested this counsel to them, he went his way. 4.131. 7. So when the Midianites had sent their daughters, as Balaam had exhorted them, the Hebrew young men were allured by their beauty, and came to discourse with them, and besought them not to grudge them the enjoyment of their beauty, nor to deny them their conversation. These daughters of the Midianites received their words gladly, and consented to it, and staid with them; 10.203. 4. When Daniel was come in to the king, he excused himself first, that he did not pretend to be wiser than the other Chaldeans and magicians, when, upon their entire inability to discover his dream, he was undertaking to inform him of it; for this was not by his own skill, or on account of his having better cultivated his understanding than the rest; but he said, “God hath had pity upon us, when we were in danger of death, and when I prayed for the life of myself, and of those of my own nation, hath made manifest to me both the dream, and the interpretation thereof; 10.204. for I was not less concerned for thy glory than for the sorrow that we were by thee condemned to die, while thou didst so unjustly command men, both good and excellent in themselves, to be put to death, when thou enjoinedst them to do what was entirely above the reach of human wisdom, and requiredst of them what was only the work of God. 10.205. Wherefore, as thou in thy sleep wast solicitous concerning those that should succeed thee in the government of the whole world, God was desirous to show thee all those that should reign after thee, and to that end exhibited to thee the following dream: 10.206. Thou seemedst to see a great image standing before thee, the head of which proved to be of gold, the shoulders and arms of silver, and the belly and the thighs of brass, but the legs and the feet of iron; 10.207. after which thou sawest a stone broken off from a mountain, which fell upon the image, and threw it down, and brake it to pieces, and did not permit any part of it to remain whole; but the gold, the silver, the brass, and the iron, became smaller than meal, which, upon the blast of a violent wind, was by force carried away, and scattered abroad, but the stone did increase to such a degree, that the whole earth beneath it seemed to be filled therewith. 10.208. This is the dream which thou sawest, and its interpretation is as follows: The head of gold denotes thee, and the kings of Babylon that have been before thee; but the two hands and arms signify this, that your government shall be dissolved by two kings; 10.209. but another king that shall come from the west, armed with brass, shall destroy that government; and another government, that shall be like unto iron, shall put an end to the power of the former, and shall have dominion over all the earth, on account of the nature of iron, which is stronger than that of gold, of silver, and of brass.” 10.210. Daniel did also declare the meaning of the stone to the king but I do not think proper to relate it, since I have only undertaken to describe things past or things present, but not things that are future; yet if any one be so very desirous of knowing truth, as not to wave such points of curiosity, and cannot curb his inclination for understanding the uncertainties of futurity, and whether they will happen or not, let him be diligent in reading the book of Daniel, which he will find among the sacred writings. 10.244. —THEKEL. This signifies a weight, and means that God hath weighed thy kingdom in a balance, and finds it going down already.—PHARES. This also, in the Greek tongue, denotes a fragment. God will therefore break thy kingdom in pieces, and divide it among the Medes and Persians.” 10.266. But it is fit to give an account of what this man did, which is most admirable to hear, for he was so happy as to have strange revelations made to him, and those as to one of the greatest of the prophets, insomuch, that while he was alive he had the esteem and applause both of the kings and of the multitude; and now he is dead, he retains a remembrance that will never fail, 10.267. for the several books that he wrote and left behind him are still read by us till this time; and from them we believe that Daniel conversed with God; for he did not only prophesy of future events, as did the other prophets, but he also determined the time of their accomplishment. 10.268. And while prophets used to foretell misfortunes, and on that account were disagreeable both to the kings and to the multitude, Daniel was to them a prophet of good things, and this to such a degree, that by the agreeable nature of his predictions, he procured the goodwill of all men; and by the accomplishment of them, he procured the belief of their truth, and the opinion of [a sort of] divinity for himself, among the multitude. 10.269. He also wrote and left behind him what made manifest the accuracy and undeniable veracity of his predictions; for he saith, that when he was in Susa, the metropolis of Persia, and went out into the field with his companions, there was, on the sudden, a motion and concussion of the earth, and that he was left alone by himself, his friends fleeing away from him, and that he was disturbed, and fell on his face, and on his two hands, and that a certain person touched him, and, at the same time, bid him rise, and see what would befall his countrymen after many generations. 10.270. He also related, that when he stood up, he was shown a great rain, with many horns growing out of his head, and that the last was higher than the rest: that after this he looked to the west, and saw a he-goat carried through the air from that quarter; that he rushed upon the ram with violence, and smote him twice with his horns, and overthrew him to the ground, and trampled upon him: 10.271. that afterward he saw a very great horn growing out of the head of the he-goat, and that when it was broken off, four horns grew up that were exposed to each of the four winds, and he wrote that out of them arose another lesser horn, which, as he said, waxed great; and that God showed to him that it should fight against his nation, and take their city by force, and bring the temple worship to confusion, and forbid the sacrifices to be offered for one thousand two hundred and ninety-six days. 10.272. Daniel wrote that he saw these visions in the Plain of Susa; and he hath informed us that God interpreted the appearance of this vision after the following manner: He said that the ram signified the kingdoms of the Medes and Persians, and the horns those kings that were to reign in them; and that the last horn signified the last king, and that he should exceed all the kings in riches and glory: 10.273. that the he-goat signified that one should come and reign from the Greeks, who should twice fight with the Persian, and overcome him in battle, and should receive his entire dominion: 10.274. that by the great horn which sprang out of the forehead of the he-goat was meant the first king; and that the springing up of four horns upon its falling off, and the conversion of every one of them to the four quarters of the earth, signified the successors that should arise after the death of the first king, and the partition of the kingdom among them, and that they should be neither his children, nor of his kindred, that should reign over the habitable earth for many years; 10.275. and that from among them there should arise a certain king that should overcome our nation and their laws, and should take away their political government, and should spoil the temple, and forbid the sacrifices to be offered for three years’ time. 10.276. And indeed it so came to pass, that our nation suffered these things under Antiochus Epiphanes, according to Daniel’s vision, and what he wrote many years before they came to pass. In the very same manner Daniel also wrote concerning the Roman government, and that our country should be made desolate by them. 10.277. All these things did this man leave in writing, as God had showed them to him, insomuch that such as read his prophecies, and see how they have been fulfilled, would wonder at the honor wherewith God honored Daniel; and may thence discover how the Epicureans are in an error, 10.278. who cast Providence out of human life, and do not believe that God takes care of the affairs of the world, nor that the universe is governed and continued in being by that blessed and immortal nature, but say that the world is carried along of its own accord, without a ruler and a curator; 10.279. which, were it destitute of a guide to conduct it, as they imagine, it would be like ships without pilots, which we see drowned by the winds, or like chariots without drivers, which are overturned; so would the world be dashed to pieces by its being carried without a Providence, and so perish, and come to nought. 10.280. So that, by the forementioned predictions of Daniel, those men seem to me very much to err from the truth, who determine that God exercises no providence over human affairs; for if that were the case, that the world went on by mechanical necessity, we should not see that all things would come to pass according to his prophecy. 10.281. Now as to myself, I have so described these matters as I have found them and read them; but if any one is inclined to another opinion about them, let him enjoy his different sentiments without any blame from me. 12.322. And this desolation came to pass according to the prophecy of Daniel, which was given four hundred and eight years before; for he declared that the Macedonians would dissolve that worship [for some time]. 18.159. He then pretended that he would do as he bid him; but when night came on, he cut his cables, and went off, and sailed to Alexandria, where he desired Alexander the alabarch to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae; but he said he would not lend it to him, but would not refuse it to Cypros, as greatly astonished at her affection to her husband, and at the other instances of her virtue; 20.205. But as for the high priest, Aias he increased in glory every day, and this to a great degree, and had obtained the favor and esteem of the citizens in a signal manner; for he was a great hoarder up of money: he therefore cultivated the friendship of Albinus, and of the high priest [Jesus], by making them presents; 20.213. And now Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, became the successor of Jesus, the son of Damneus, in the high priesthood, which the king had taken from the other; on which account a sedition arose between the high priests, with regard to one another; for they got together bodies of the boldest sort of the people, and frequently came, from reproaches, to throwing of stones at each other. But Aias was too hard for the rest, by his riches, which enabled him to gain those that were most ready to receive. |
|
76. Mishnah, Megillah, 3.1 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 221| 3.1. "בְּנֵי הָעִיר שֶׁמָּכְרוּ רְחוֹבָהּ שֶׁל עִיר, לוֹקְחִין בְּדָמָיו בֵּית הַכְּנֶסֶת. בֵּית הַכְּנֶסֶת, לוֹקְחִין תֵּבָה. תֵּבָה, לוֹקְחִין מִטְפָּחוֹת. מִטְפָּחוֹת, לוֹקְחִין סְפָרִים. סְפָרִים, לוֹקְחִין תּוֹרָה. אֲבָל אִם מָכְרוּ תוֹרָה, לֹא יִקְחוּ סְפָרִים. סְפָרִים, לֹא יִקְחוּ מִטְפָּחוֹת. מִטְפָּחוֹת, לֹא יִקְחוּ תֵבָה. תֵּבָה, לֹא יִקְחוּ בֵית הַכְּנֶסֶת. בֵּית הַכְּנֶסֶת, לֹא יִקְחוּ אֶת הָרְחוֹב. וְכֵן בְּמוֹתְרֵיהֶן. אֵין מוֹכְרִין אֶת שֶׁל רַבִּים לְיָחִיד, מִפְּנֵי שֶׁמּוֹרִידִין אוֹתוֹ מִקְּדֻשָּׁתוֹ, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי יְהוּדָה. אָמְרוּ לוֹ, אִם כֵּן, אַף לֹא מֵעִיר גְּדוֹלָה לְעִיר קְטַנָּה: \n", | 3.1. "Townspeople who sold the town square, they may buy with the proceeds a synagogue. [If they sold] a synagogue, they may buy with the proceeds an ark. [If they sold] an ark they may buy covers [for scrolls]. [If they sold] covers, they may buy scrolls [of the Tanakh]. [If they sold] scrolls they may buy a Torah. But if they sold a Torah they may not buy with the proceeds scrolls [of the Tanakh]. If [they sold] scrolls they may not buy covers. If [they sold] covers they may not buy an ark. If [they sold] an ark they may not buy a synagogue. If [they sold] a synagogue they may not buy a town square. The same applies to any money left over. They may not sell [something] belonging to a community because this lowers its sanctity, the words of Rabbi Meir. They said to him: if so, it should not be allowed to sell from a larger town to a smaller one.", |
|
77. Mishnah, Ketuvot, 8.1, 9.8 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 63| 8.1. "הָאִשָּׁה שֶׁנָּפְלוּ לָהּ נְכָסִים עַד שֶׁלֹּא תִתְאָרֵס, מוֹדִים בֵּית שַׁמַּאי וּבֵית הִלֵּל שֶׁמּוֹכֶרֶת וְנוֹתֶנֶת וְקַיָּם. נָפְלוּ לָהּ מִשֶּׁנִּתְאָרְסָה, בֵּית שַׁמַּאי אוֹמְרִים, תִּמְכֹּר, וּבֵית הִלֵּל אוֹמְרִים, לֹא תִמְכֹּר. אֵלּוּ וָאֵלּוּ מוֹדִים, שֶׁאִם מָכְרָה וְנָתְנָה, קַיָּם. אָמַר רַבִּי יְהוּדָה, אָמְרוּ לִפְנֵי רַבָּן גַּמְלִיאֵל, הוֹאִיל וְזָכָה בָאִשָּׁה, לֹא יִזְכֶּה בַנְּכָסִים. אָמַר לָהֶם, עַל הַחֲדָשִׁים אָנוּ בוֹשִׁין, אֶלָּא שָׁאַתֶּם מְגַלְגְּלִין עָלֵינוּ אֶת הַיְשָׁנִים. נָפְלוּ לָהּ מִשֶּׁנִּשֵּׂאת, אֵלּוּ וָאֵלּוּ מוֹדִים שֶׁאִם מָכְרָה וְנָתְנָה שֶׁהַבַּעַל מוֹצִיא מִיַּד הַלָּקוֹחוֹת. עַד שֶׁלֹּא נִשֵּׂאת וְנִשֵּׂאת, רַבָּן גַּמְלִיאֵל אוֹמֵר, אִם מָכְרָה וְנָתְנָה, קַיָּם. אָמַר רַבִּי חֲנִינָא בֶּן עֲקִיבָא, אָמְרוּ לִפְנֵי רַבָּן גַּמְלִיאֵל, הוֹאִיל וְזָכָה בָאִשָּׁה, לֹא יִזְכֶּה בַנְּכָסִים. אָמַר לָהֶם, עַל הַחֲדָשִׁים אָנוּ בוֹשִׁין, אֶלָּא שֶׁאַתֶּם מְגַלְגְּלִים עָלֵינוּ אֶת הַיְשָׁנִים: \n", 9.8. "הַפּוֹגֶמֶת כְּתֻבָּתָהּ כֵּיצַד, הָיְתָה כְתֻבָּתָהּ אֶלֶף זוּז, וְאָמַר לָהּ הִתְקַבַּלְתְּ כְּתֻבָּתֵךְ, וְהִיא אוֹמֶרֶת לֹא הִתְקַבַּלְתִּי אֶלָּא מָנֶה, לֹא תִפָּרַע אֶלָּא בִשְׁבוּעָה. עֵד אֶחָד מְעִידָהּ שֶׁהִיא פְרוּעָה כֵּיצַד, הָיְתָה כְתֻבָּתָהּ אֶלֶף זוּז, וְאָמַר לָהּ הִתְקַבַּלְתְּ כְּתֻבָּתֵךְ, וְהִיא אוֹמֶרֶת לֹא הִתְקַבָּלְתִּי, וְעֵד אֶחָד מְעִידָהּ שֶׁהִיא פְרוּעָה, לֹא תִפָּרַע אֶלָּא בִשְׁבוּעָה. מִנְּכָסִים מְשֻׁעְבָּדִים כֵּיצַד, מָכַר נְכָסָיו לַאֲחֵרִים, וְהִיא נִפְרַעַת מִן הַלָּקוֹחוֹת, לֹא תִפָּרַע אֶלָּא בִשְׁבוּעָה. מִנִּכְסֵי יְתוֹמִים כֵּיצַד, מֵת וְהִנִּיחַ נְכָסָיו לַיְתוֹמִים, וְהִיא נִפְרַעַת מִן הַיְתוֹמִים, לֹא תִפָּרַע אֶלָּא בִשְׁבוּעָה. וְשֶׁלֹּא בְּפָנָיו כֵּיצַד, הָלַךְ לוֹ לִמְדִינַת הַיָּם, וְהִיא נִפְרַעַת שֶׁלֹּא בְפָנָיו, אֵינָהּ נִפְרַעַת אֶלָּא בִשְׁבוּעָה. רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן אוֹמֵר, כָּל זְמַן שֶׁהִיא תוֹבַעַת כְּתֻבָּתָהּ, הַיּוֹרְשִׁין מַשְׁבִּיעִין אוֹתָהּ. וְאִם אֵינָהּ תּוֹבַעַת כְּתֻבָּתָהּ, אֵין הַיּוֹרְשִׁין מַשְׁבִּיעִין אוֹתָהּ: \n", | 8.1. "If a woman came into the possession of property before she was betrothed, Bet Shammai and Bet Hillel agree that she may sell it or give it away and her act is legally valid. If she came into the possession of property after she was betrothed, Bet Shammai says: she may sell it, and Beth Hillel says: she may not sell it. Both agree that if she had sold it or given it away her act is legally valid. Rabbi Judah said: they argued before Rabban Gamaliel, “Since the man acquires the woman does he not also acquire her property?” If she came into the possession of property after she was married, both agree that, even if she had sold it or given it away, the husband may seize it from the buyers. [If she came into possession] before she married and then she married, Rabban Gamaliel says: if she sold it or gave it away her act is legally valid. Rabbi Hanina ben Akavya said: they argued before Rabban Gamaliel, “Since the man acquires the woman does he not also gain acquires her property?” He replied, “We are embarrassed with regard to her new possessions and you wish to roll over on us her old ones as well?”", 9.8. "“A woman who impairs her kethubah”: How is this so? If her ketubah was for a thousand zuz and [her husband] said to her, “You have already received your kethubah”, and she says, “I received only a maneh”, she is not paid [the balance] except by an oath. “If one witness testifies against her that [her kethubah] has been paid”: How is this so? If her ketubah was for a thousand zuz and [her husband] said to her, “You have already received your ketubah”, and she says, “I have not received it” and one witness testifies against her that [the ketubah] has been paid, she is not paid except by an oath. “From property with a lien on it”: How is this so? He had sold his property to others and she seeks to recover payment from the buyers, she is not paid except by an oath. “From the property of orphans”: How is this so? He died and left his estate to his orphans and she seeks to recover payment from the orphans, she is not paid except by an oath. “An husband who is not present” How is this so? If her husband went to a country beyond the sea and she seeks to recover payment in his absence, she is not paid except by an oath. Rabbi Shimon says: whenever she claims her ketubah the heirs may impose an oath upon her but whenever she does not claim her ketubah the heirs can not impose an oath upon her.", |
|
78. Mishnah, Berachot, 5.4 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 63| 5.4. "הָעוֹבֵר לִפְנֵי הַתֵּיבָה, לֹא יַעֲנֶה אַחַר הַכֹּהֲנִים אָמֵן, מִפְּנֵי הַטֵּרוּף. וְאִם אֵין שָׁם כֹּהֵן אֶלָּא הוּא, לֹא יִשָּׂא אֶת כַּפָּיו. וְאִם הַבְטָחָתוֹ שֶׁהוּא נוֹשֵׂא אֶת כַּפָּיו וְחוֹזֵר לִתְפִלָּתוֹ, רַשַּׁאי: \n", | 5.4. "The one who passes before the ark should not respond Amen after [the blessings of] the priests because this might confuse him. If there is no priest there except himself, he should not raise his hands [to recite the priestly blessing], but if he is confident that he can raise his hands and go back to his place in his prayer, he is permitted to do so.", |
|
79. Mishnah, Bava Qamma, 4.4 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 162| 4.4. "שׁוֹר שֶׁל פִּקֵּחַ שֶׁנָּגַח שׁוֹר שֶׁל חֵרֵשׁ, שׁוֹטֶה וְקָטָן, חַיָּב. וְשֶׁל חֵרֵשׁ, שׁוֹטֶה וְקָטָן, שֶׁנָּגַח שׁוֹר שֶׁל פִּקֵּחַ, פָּטוּר. שׁוֹר שֶׁל חֵרֵשׁ, שׁוֹטֶה וְקָטָן שֶׁנָּגַח, בֵּית דִּין מַעֲמִידִין לָהֶן אַפּוֹטְרוֹפּוֹס וּמְעִידִין לָהֶן בִּפְנֵי אַפּוֹטְרוֹפּוֹס. נִתְפַּקַּח הַחֵרֵשׁ, נִשְׁתַּפָּה הַשּׁוֹטֶה וְהִגְדִּיל הַקָּטָן, חָזַר לְתַמּוּתוֹ, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי מֵאִיר. רַבִּי יוֹסֵי אוֹמֵר, הֲרֵי הוּא בְחֶזְקָתוֹ. שׁוֹר הָאִצְטָדִין אֵינוֹ חַיָּב מִיתָה, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (שמות כא) כִּי יִגַּח, וְלֹא שֶׁיַּגִּיחוּהוּ: \n", | 4.4. "[If] an ox of a person of sound senses gored the ox of a deaf-mute, an insane person, or a minor, [its owner] is obligated. [If] an ox of a deaf-mute, an insane person or a minor, gored the ox of a person of sound senses, [its owner] is exempt. [If] an ox a deaf-mute, an insane person or a minor gored, the court appoints a guardian over them, and [their oxen] are testified against in the presence of the guardian. [If] the deaf-mute became of sound senses, or the insane person recovered his reason, or the minor came of age, [the ox] is thereupon deemed harmless once more, according to Rabbi Meir. Rabbi Yose says, “It remains as it was before.” An ox from the stadium is not liable to be put to death, as it says, “When it will gore” (Exodus 21:28), and not “When others cause it to gore.”", |
|
80. Clement of Rome, 1 Clement, 31 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 111 | 31. Let us cleave then to His blessing, and consider what are the means of possessing it. Let us think over the things which have taken place from the beginning. For what reason was our father Abraham blessed? Was it not because he wrought righteousness and truth through faith? Isaac, James 2:21 with perfect confidence, as if knowing what was to happen, cheerfully yielded himself as a sacrifice. Genesis 22:6-10 Jacob, through reason of his brother, went forth with humility from his own land, and came to Laban and served him; and there was given to him the sceptre of the twelve tribes of Israel. |
|
| 81. Juvenal, Satires, 5.14.96-5.14.101 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022), Judaism from Moses to Muhammad: An Interpretation: Turning Points and Focal Points, 249 |
82. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 18.4-18.5, 36.4 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •chrysostom, john Found in books: Janowitz (2002), Magic in the Roman World: Pagans, Jews and Christians, 10; MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 110; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 245 | 18.4. And I acknowledge on my own behalf a gratitude beyond the ordinary because you have believed that I could be useful to you in carrying out this purpose and this endeavour. For up to the present, as one of the writers of old said that he was 'a good enough prophet for his own self,' so I too considered that I should do well enough for myself in oratory, though barely even that. But you elate me and persuade me to take courage, in the hope that I can be of use to one who not only has attained so high a degree of culture, but is also as gifted as yourself. And perhaps I could, just as a boy or some aged herdsman might, be useful to a strong and vigorous wayfarer in pointing out a shorter road or a beaten track of which he did not happen to know. 18.5. But to cut my preface short, I must at once endeavour to carry out your instructions. For a mere lad, now, or a young man who wishes to withdraw from political life and devote himself to training and to the acquisition of forensic ability, there is need of a different regimen in both tasks and activities. But you are not unacquainted with the task, nor are you able to forsake the political career, nor is it the eloquence and effectiveness of a pleader in the courts of law of which you stand in need, but rather that which is alike fitting and sufficient for a statesman. 36.4. The city of Borysthenes, as to its size, does not correspond to its ancient fame, because of its ever-repeated seizure and its wars. For since the city has lain in the midst of barbarians now for so long a time â barbarians, too, who are virtually the most warlike of all â it is always in a state of war and has often been captured, the last and most disastrous capture occurring not more than one hundred and fifty years ago. And the Getae on that occasion seized not only Borysthenes but also the other cities along the left shore of Pontus as far as Apollonia. |
|
| 83. Josephus Flavius, Life, 331 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 235 |
84. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 2.228-2.231, 2.345-2.401, 2.490-2.491, 2.559-2.561, 5.362-5.419 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 277; Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 199, 285; Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 221; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 295; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 235 | 2.228. 2. Now there followed after this another calamity, which arose from a tumult made by robbers; for at the public road of Bethhoron, one Stephen, a servant of Caesar, carried some furniture, which the robbers fell upon and seized. 2.229. Upon this Cumanus sent men to go round about to the neighboring villages, and to bring their inhabitants to him bound, as laying it to their charge that they had not pursued after the thieves, and caught them. Now here it was that a certain soldier, finding the sacred book of the law, tore it to pieces, and threw it into the fire. 2.230. Hereupon the Jews were in great disorder, as if their whole country were in a flame, and assembled themselves so many of them by their zeal for their religion, as by an engine, and ran together with united clamor to Caesarea, to Cumanus, and made supplication to him that he would not overlook this man, who had offered such an affront to God, and to his law; but punish him for what he had done. 2.231. Accordingly, he, perceiving that the multitude would not be quiet unless they had a comfortable answer from him, gave order that the soldier should be brought, and drawn through those that required to have him punished, to execution, which being done, the Jews went their ways. 2.345. 4. “Had I perceived that you were all zealously disposed to go to war with the Romans, and that the purer and more sincere part of the people did not propose to live in peace, I had not come out to you, nor been so bold as to give you counsel; for all discourses that tend to persuade men to do what they ought to do are superfluous, when the hearers are agreed to do the contrary. 2.346. But because some are earnest to go to war because they are young, and without experience of the miseries it brings, and because some are for it out of an unreasonable expectation of regaining their liberty, and because others hope to get by it, and are therefore earnestly bent upon it, that in the confusion of your affairs they may gain what belongs to those that are too weak to resist them, I have thought it proper to get you all together, and to say to you what I think to be for your advantage; that so the former may grow wiser, and change their minds, and that the best men may come to no harm by the ill conduct of some others. 2.347. And let not anyone be tumultuous against me, in case what they hear me say does not please them; for as to those that admit of no cure, but are resolved upon a revolt, it will still be in their power to retain the same sentiments after my exhortation is over; but still my discourse will fall to the ground, even with a relation to those that have a mind to hear me, unless you will all keep silence. 2.348. I am well aware that many make a tragical exclamation concerning the injuries that have been offered you by your procurators, and concerning the glorious advantages of liberty; but before I begin the inquiry, who you are that must go to war, and who they are against whom you must fight,—I shall first separate those pretenses that are by some connected together; 2.349. for if you aim at avenging yourselves on those that have done you injury, why do you pretend this to be a war for recovering your liberty? but if you think all servitude intolerable, to what purpose serve your complaints against your particular governors? for if they treated you with moderation, it would still be equally an unworthy thing to be in servitude. 2.350. Consider now the several cases that may be supposed, how little occasion there is for your going to war. Your first occasion is the accusations you have to make against your procurators; now here you ought to be submissive to those in authority, and not give them any provocation; 2.351. but when you reproach men greatly for small offenses, you excite those whom you reproach to be your adversaries; for this will only make them leave off hurting you privately, and with some degree of modesty, and to lay what you have waste openly. 2.352. Now nothing so much damps the force of strokes as bearing them with patience; and the quietness of those who are injured diverts the injurious persons from afflicting. But let us take it for granted that the Roman ministers are injurious to you, and are incurably severe; yet are they not all the Romans who thus injure you; nor hath Caesar, against whom you are going to make war, injured you: it is not by their command that any wicked governor is sent to you; for they who are in the west cannot see those that are in the east; nor indeed is it easy for them there even to hear what is done in these parts. 2.353. Now it is absurd to make war with a great many for the sake of one: to do so with such mighty people for a small cause; and this when these people are not able to know of what you complain: 2.354. nay, such crimes as we complain of may soon be corrected, for the same procurator will not continue forever; and probable it is that the successors will come with more moderate inclinations. But as for war, if it be once begun, it is not easily laid down again, nor borne without calamities coming therewith. 2.355. However, as to the desire of recovering your liberty, it is unseasonable to indulge it so late; whereas you ought to have labored earnestly in old time that you might never have lost it; for the first experience of slavery was hard to be endured, and the struggle that you might never have been subject to it would have been just; 2.356. but that slave who hath been once brought into subjection, and then runs away, is rather a refractory slave than a lover of liberty; for it was then the proper time for doing all that was possible, that you might never have admitted the Romans [into your city], when Pompey came first into the country. 2.357. But so it was, that our ancestors and their kings, who were in much better circumstances than we are, both as to money, and [strong] bodies, and [valiant] souls, did not bear the onset of a small body of the Roman army. And yet you, who have now accustomed yourselves to obedience from one generation to another, and who are so much inferior to those who first submitted, in your circumstances will venture to oppose the entire empire of the Romans. 2.358. While those Athenians, who, in order to preserve the liberty of Greece, did once set fire to their own city; who pursued Xerxes, that proud prince, when he sailed upon the land, and walked upon the sea, and could not be contained by the seas, but conducted such an army as was too broad for Europe; and made him run away like a fugitive in a single ship, and brake so great a part of Asia as the Lesser Salamis; are yet at this time servants to the Romans; and those injunctions which are sent from Italy become laws to the principal governing city of Greece. 2.359. Those Lacedemonians also who got the great victories at Thermopylae and Platea, and had Agesilaus [for their king], and searched every corner of Asia, are contented to admit the same lords. 2.360. These Macedonians, also, who still fancy what great men their Philip and Alexander were, and see that the latter had promised them the empire over the world, these bear so great a change, and pay their obedience to those whom fortune hath advanced in their stead. 2.361. Moreover, ten thousand other nations there are who had greater reason than we to claim their entire liberty, and yet do submit. You are the only people who think it a disgrace to be servants to those to whom all the world hath submitted. What sort of an army do you rely on? What are the arms you depend on? Where is your fleet, that may seize upon the Roman seas? and where are those treasures which may be sufficient for your undertakings? 2.362. Do you suppose, I pray you, that you are to make war with the Egyptians, and with the Arabians? Will you not carefully reflect upon the Roman empire? Will you not estimate your own weakness? Hath not your army been often beaten even by your neighboring nations, while the power of the Romans is invincible in all parts of the habitable earth? 2.363. nay, rather they seek for somewhat still beyond that; for all Euphrates is not a sufficient boundary for them on the east side, nor the Danube on the north; and for their southern limit, Libya hath been searched over by them, as far as countries uninhabited, as is Cadiz their limit on the west; nay, indeed, they have sought for another habitable earth beyond the ocean, and have carried their arms as far as such British islands as were never known before. 2.364. What therefore do you pretend to? Are you richer than the Gauls, stronger than the Germans, wiser than the Greeks, more numerous than all men upon the habitable earth? What confidence is it that elevates you to oppose the Romans? 2.365. Perhaps it will be said, It is hard to endure slavery. Yes; but how much harder is this to the Greeks, who were esteemed the noblest of all people under the sun! These, though they inhabit in a large country, are in subjection to six bundles of Roman rods. It is the same case with the Macedonians, who have juster reason to claim their liberty than you have. 2.366. What is the case of five hundred cities of Asia? Do they not submit to a single governor, and to the consular bundle of rods? What need I speak of the Heniochi, and Colchi and the nation of Tauri, those that inhabit the Bosphorus, and the nations about Pontus, and Meotis, 2.367. who formerly knew not so much as a lord of their own, but are now subject to three thousand armed men, and where forty long ships keep the sea in peace, which before was not navigable, and very tempestuous? 2.368. How strong a plea may Bithynia, and Cappadocia, and the people of Pamphylia, the Lycians, and Cilicians, put in for liberty! But they are made tributary without an army. What are the circumstances of the Thracians, whose country extends in breadth five days’ journey, and in length seven, and is of a much more harsh constitution, and much more defensible, than yours, and by the rigor of its cold sufficient to keep off armies from attacking them? do not they submit to two thousand men of the Roman garrisons? 2.369. Are not the Illyrians, who inhabit the country adjoining, as far as Dalmatia and the Danube, governed by barely two legions? by which also they put a stop to the incursions of the Dacians. And for the 2.370. Dalmatians, who have made such frequent insurrections in order to regain their liberty, and who could never before be so thoroughly subdued, but that they always gathered their forces together again, and revolted, yet are they now very quiet under one Roman legion. 2.371. Moreover, if great advantages might provoke any people to revolt, the Gauls might do it best of all, as being so thoroughly walled round by nature; on the east side by the Alps, on the north by the river Rhine, on the south by the Pyrenean mountains, and on the west by the ocean. 2.372. Now, although these Gauls have such obstacles before them to prevent any attack upon them, and have no fewer than three hundred and five nations among them, nay have, as one may say, the fountains of domestic happiness within themselves, and send out plentiful streams of happiness over almost the whole world, these bear to be tributary to the Romans, and derive their prosperous condition from them; 2.373. and they undergo this, not because they are of effeminate minds, or because they are of an ignoble stock, as having borne a war of eighty years in order to preserve their liberty; but by reason of the great regard they have to the power of the Romans, and their good fortune, which is of greater efficacy than their arms. These Gauls, therefore, are kept in servitude by twelve hundred soldiers, which are hardly so many as are their cities; 2.374. nor hath the gold dug out of the mines of Spain been sufficient for the support of a war to preserve their liberty, nor could their vast distance from the Romans by land and by sea do it; nor could the martial tribes of the Lusitanians and Spaniards escape; no more could the ocean, with its tide, which yet was terrible to the ancient inhabitants. 2.375. Nay, the Romans have extended their arms beyond the pillars of Hercules, and have walked among the clouds, upon the Pyrenean mountains, and have subdued these nations. And one legion is a sufficient guard for these people, although they were so hard to be conquered, and at a distance so remote from Rome. 2.376. Who is there among you that hath not heard of the great number of the Germans? You have, to be sure, yourselves seen them to be strong and tall, and that frequently, since the Romans have them among their captives everywhere; 2.377. yet these Germans, who dwell in an immense country, who have minds greater than their bodies, and a soul that despises death, and who are in a rage more fierce than wild beasts, have the Rhine for the boundary of their enterprises, and are tamed by eight Roman legions. Such of them as were taken captive became their servants; and the rest of the entire nation were obliged to save themselves by flight. 2.378. Do you also, who depend on the walls of Jerusalem, consider what a wall the Britons had; for the Romans sailed away to them, and subdued them while they were encompassed by the ocean, and inhabited an island that is not less than [the continent of] this habitable earth; and four legions are a sufficient guard to so large an island: 2.379. And why should I speak much more about this matter, while the Parthians, that most warlike body of men, and lords of so many nations, and encompassed with such mighty forces, send hostages to the Romans? whereby you may see, if you please, even in Italy, the noblest nation of the East, under the notion of peace, submitting to serve them. 2.380. Now, when almost all people under the sun submit to the Roman arms, will you be the only people that make war against them? and this without regarding the fate of the Carthaginians, who, in the midst of their brags of the great Hannibal, and the nobility of their Phoenician original, fell by the hand of Scipio. 2.381. Nor indeed have the Cyrenians, derived from the Lacedemonians, nor the Marmaridae, a nation extended as far as the regions uninhabitable for want of water, nor have the Syrtes, a place terrible to such as barely hear it described, the Nasamons and Moors, and the immense multitude of the Numidians, been able to put a stop to the Roman valor. 2.382. And as for the third part of the habitable earth [Africa], whose nations are so many that it is not easy to number them, and which is bounded by the Atlantic Sea and the pillars of Hercules, and feeds an innumerable multitude of Ethiopians, as far as the Red Sea, these have the Romans subdued entirely. 2.383. And besides the annual fruits of the earth, which maintain the multitude of the Romans for eight months in the year, this, over and above, pays all sorts of tribute, and affords revenues suitable to the necessities of the government. Nor do they, like you, esteem such injunctions a disgrace to them, although they have but one Roman legion that abides among them. 2.384. And indeed what occasion is there for showing you the power of the Romans over remote countries, when it is so easy to learn it from Egypt, in your neighborhood? 2.385. This country is extended as far as the Ethiopians, and Arabia the Happy, and borders upon India; it hath seven million five hundred thousand men, besides the inhabitants of Alexandria, as may be learned from the revenue of the poll tax; yet it is not ashamed to submit to the Roman government, although it hath Alexandria as a grand temptation to a revolt, by reason it is so full of people and of riches, and is besides exceeding large, 2.386. its length being thirty furlongs, and its breadth no less than ten; and it pays more tribute to the Romans in one month than you do in a year; nay, besides what it pays in money, it sends corn to Rome that supports it for four months [in the year]: it is also walled round on all sides, either by almost impassable deserts, or seas that have no havens, or by rivers, or by lakes; 2.387. yet have none of these things been found too strong for the Roman good fortune; however, two legions that lie in that city are a bridle both for the remoter parts of Egypt, and for the parts inhabited by the more noble Macedonians. 2.388. Where then are those people whom you are to have for your auxiliaries? Must they come from the parts of the world that are uninhabited? for all that are in the habitable earth are [under the] Romans. Unless any of you extend his hopes as far as beyond the Euphrates, and suppose that those of your own nation that dwell in Adiabene will come to your assistance 2.389. (but certainly these will not embarrass themselves with an unjustifiable war, nor, if they should follow such ill advice, will the Parthians permit them so to do); for it is their concern to maintain the truce that is between them and the Romans, and they will be supposed to break the covets between them, if any under their government march against the Romans. 2.390. What remains, therefore, is this, that you have recourse to Divine assistance; but this is already on the side of the Romans; for it is impossible that so vast an empire should be settled without God’s providence. 2.391. Reflect upon it, how impossible it is for your zealous observation of your religious customs to be here preserved, which are hard to be observed even when you fight with those whom you are able to conquer; and how can you then most of all hope for God’s assistance, when, by being forced to transgress his law, you will make him turn his face from you? 2.392. and if you do observe the custom of the Sabbath days, and will not be prevailed on to do anything thereon, you will easily be taken, as were your forefathers by Pompey, who was the busiest in his siege on those days on which the besieged rested. 2.393. But if in time of war you transgress the law of your country, I cannot tell on whose account you will afterward go to war; for your concern is but one, that you do nothing against any of your forefathers; 2.394. and how will you call upon God to assist you, when you are voluntarily transgressing against his religion? Now, all men that go to war do it either as depending on Divine or on human assistance; but since your going to war will cut off both those assistances, those that are for going to war choose evident destruction. 2.395. What hinders you from slaying your children and wives with your own hands, and burning this most excellent native city of yours? for by this mad prank you will, however, escape the reproach of being beaten. 2.396. But it were best, O my friends, it were best, while the vessel is still in the haven, to foresee the impending storm, and not to set sail out of the port into the middle of the hurricanes; for we justly pity those who fall into great misfortunes without foreseeing them; but for him who rushes into manifest ruin, he gains reproaches [instead of commiseration]. 2.397. But certainly no one can imagine that you can enter into a war as by an agreement, or that when the Romans have got you under their power, they will use you with moderation, or will not rather, for an example to other nations, burn your holy city, and utterly destroy your whole nation; for those of you who shall survive the war will not be able to find a place whither to flee, since all men have the Romans for their lords already, or are afraid they shall have hereafter. 2.398. Nay, indeed, the danger concerns not those Jews that dwell here only, but those of them which dwell in other cities also; for there is no people upon the habitable earth which have not some portion of you among them, 2.399. whom your enemies will slay, in case you go to war, and on that account also; and so every city which hath Jews in it will be filled with slaughter for the sake only of a few men, and they who slay them will be pardoned; but if that slaughter be not made by them, consider how wicked a thing it is to take arms against those that are so kind to you. 2.400. Have pity, therefore, if not on your children and wives, yet upon this your metropolis, and its sacred walls; spare the temple, and preserve the holy house, with its holy furniture, for yourselves; for if the Romans get you under their power, they will no longer abstain from them, when their former abstinence shall have been so ungratefully requited. 2.401. I call to witness your sanctuary, and the holy angels of God, and this country common to us all, that I have not kept back anything that is for your preservation; and if you will follow that advice which you ought to do, you will have that peace which will be common to you and to me; but if you indulge your passions, you will run those hazards which I shall be free from.” 2.490. but at this time especially, when there were tumults in other places also, the disorders among them were put into a greater flame; for when the Alexandrians had once a public assembly, to deliberate about an embassage they were sending to Nero, a great number of Jews came flocking to the theater; 2.491. but when their adversaries saw them, they immediately cried out, and called them their enemies, and said they came as spies upon them; upon which they rushed out, and laid violent hands upon them; and as for the rest, they were slain as they ran away; but there were three men whom they caught, and hauled them along, in order to have them burnt alive; 2.559. 2. In the meantime, the people of Damascus, when they were informed of the destruction of the Romans, set about the slaughter of those Jews that were among them; 2.560. and as they had them already cooped up together in the place of public exercises, which they had done out of the suspicion they had of them, they thought they should meet with no difficulty in the attempt; yet did they distrust their own wives, which were almost all of them addicted to the Jewish religion; 2.561. on which account it was that their greatest concern was, how they might conceal these things from them; so they came upon the Jews, and cut their throats, as being in a narrow place, in number ten thousand, and all of them unarmed, and this in one hour’s time, without any body to disturb them. 5.362. 3. So Josephus went round about the wall, and tried to find a place that was out of the reach of their darts, and yet within their hearing, and besought them, in many words, to spare themselves, to spare their country and their temple, and not to be more obdurate in these cases than foreigners themselves; 5.363. for that the Romans, who had no relation to those things, had a reverence for their sacred rites and places, although they belonged to their enemies, and had till now kept their hands off from meddling with them; while such as were brought up under them, and, if they be preserved, will be the only people that will reap the benefit of them, hurry on to have them destroyed. 5.364. That certainly they have seen their strongest walls demolished, and that the wall still remaining was weaker than those that were already taken. That they must know the Roman power was invincible, and that they had been used to serve them; 5.365. for, that in case it be allowed a right thing to fight for liberty, that ought to have been done at first; but for them that have once fallen under the power of the Romans, and have now submitted to them for so many long years, to pretend to shake off that yoke afterward, was the work of such as had a mind to die miserably, not of such as were lovers of liberty. 5.366. Besides, men may well enough grudge at the dishonor of owning ignoble masters over them, but ought not to do so to those who have all things under their command; for what part of the world is there that hath escaped the Romans, unless it be such as are of no use for violent heat, or for violent cold? 5.367. And evident it is that fortune is on all hands gone over to them; and that God, when he had gone round the nations with this dominion, is now settled in Italy. That, moreover, it is a strong and fixed law, even among brute beasts, as well as among men, to yield to those that are too strong for them; and to suffer those to have dominion who are too hard 5.368. for the rest in war; for which reason it was that their forefathers, who were far superior to them, both in their souls and bodies, and other advantages, did yet submit to the Romans, which they would not have suffered, had they not known that God was with them. 5.369. As for themselves, what can they depend on in this their opposition, when the greatest part of their city is already taken? and when those that are within it are under greater miseries than if they were taken, although their walls be still standing? 5.370. For that the Romans are not unacquainted with that famine which is in the city, whereby the people are already consumed, and the fighting men will in a little time be so too; 5.371. for although the Romans should leave off the siege, and not fall upon the city with their swords in their hands, yet was there an insuperable war that beset them within, and was augmented every hour, unless they were able to wage war with famine, and fight against it, or could alone conquer their natural appetites. 5.372. He added this further, how right a thing it was to change their conduct before their calamities were become incurable, and to have recourse to such advice as might preserve them, while opportunity was offered them for so doing; for that the Romans would not be mindful of their past actions to their disadvantage, unless they persevered in their insolent behavior to the end; because they were naturally mild in their conquests, and preferred what was profitable, before what their passions dictated to them; 5.373. which profit of theirs lay not in leaving the city empty of inhabitants, nor the country a desert; on which account Caesar did now offer them his right hand for their security. Whereas, if he took the city by force, he would not save anyone of them, and this especially, if they rejected his offers in these their utmost distresses; 5.374. for the walls that were already taken could not but assure them that the third wall would quickly be taken also. And though their fortifications should prove too strong for the Romans to break through them, yet would the famine fight for the Romans against them. 5.375. 4. While Josephus was making this exhortation to the Jews, many of them jested upon him from the wall, and many reproached him; nay, some threw their darts at him: but when he could not himself persuade them by such open good advice, he betook himself to the histories belonging to their own nation, 5.376. and cried out aloud, “O miserable creatures! are you so unmindful of those that used to assist you, that you will fight by your weapons and by your hands against the Romans? When did we ever conquer any other nation by such means? 5.377. and when was it that God, who is the Creator of the Jewish people, did not avenge them when they had been injured? Will not you turn again, and look back, and consider whence it is that you fight with such violence, and how great a Supporter you have profanely abused? Will not you recall to mind the prodigious things done for your forefathers and this holy place, and how great enemies of yours were by him subdued under you? 5.378. I even tremble myself in declaring the works of God before your ears, that are unworthy to hear them; however, hearken to me, that you may be informed how you fight not only against the Romans, but against God himself. 5.379. In old times there was one Necao, king of Egypt, who was also called Pharaoh; he came with a prodigious army of soldiers, and seized queen Sarah, the mother of our nation. 5.380. What did Abraham our progenitor then do? Did he defend himself from this injurious person by war, although he had three hundred and eighteen captains under him, and an immense army under each of them? Indeed he deemed them to be no number at all without God’s assistance, and only spread out his hands towards this holy place, which you have now polluted, and reckoned upon him as upon his invincible supporter, instead of his own army. 5.381. Was not our queen sent back, without any defilement, to her husband, the very next evening?—while the king of Egypt fled away, adoring this place which you have defiled by shedding thereon the blood of your own countrymen; and he also trembled at those visions which he saw in the night season, and bestowed both silver and gold on the Hebrews, as on a people beloved by God. 5.382. Shall I say nothing, or shall I mention the removal of our fathers into Egypt, who, when they were used tyrannically, and were fallen under the power of foreign kings for four hundred years together, and might have defended themselves by war and by fighting, did yet do nothing but commit themselves to God? 5.383. Who is there that does not know that Egypt was overrun with all sorts of wild beasts, and consumed by all sorts of distempers? how their land did not bring forth its fruit? how the Nile failed of water? how the ten plagues of Egypt followed one upon another? and how by those means our fathers were sent away under a guard, without any bloodshed, and without running any dangers, because God conducted them as his peculiar servants? 5.384. Moreover, did not Palestine groan under the ravage the Assyrians made, when they carried away our sacred ark? asdid their idol Dagon, and as also did that entire nation of those that carried it away, 5.385. how they were smitten with a loathsome distemper in the secret parts of their bodies, when their very bowels came down together with what they had eaten, till those hands that stole it away were obliged to bring it back again, and that with the sound of cymbals and timbrels, and other oblations, in order to appease the anger of God for their violation of his holy ark. 5.386. It was God who then became our General, and accomplished these great things for our fathers, and this because they did not meddle with war and fighting, but committed it to him to judge about their affairs. 5.387. When Sennacherib, king of Assyria, brought along with him all Asia, and encompassed this city round with his army, did he fall by the hands of men? 5.388. were not those hands lifted up to God in prayers, without meddling with their arms, when an angel of God destroyed that prodigious army in one night? when the Assyrian king, as he rose the next day, found a hundred fourscore and five thousand dead bodies, and when he, with the remainder of his army, fled away from the Hebrews, though they were unarmed, and did not pursue them. 5.389. You are also acquainted with the slavery we were under at Babylon, where the people were captives for seventy years; yet were they not delivered into freedom again before God made Cyrus his gracious instrument in bringing it about; accordingly they were set free by him, and did again restore the worship of their Deliverer at his temple. 5.390. And, to speak in general, we can produce no example wherein our fathers got any success by war, or failed of success when without war they committed themselves to God. When they staid at home, they conquered, as pleased their Judge; but when they went out to fight, they were always disappointed: 5.391. for example, when the king of Babylon besieged this very city, and our king Zedekiah fought against him, contrary to what predictions were made to him by Jeremiah the prophet, he was at once taken prisoner, and saw the city and the temple demolished. Yet how much greater was the moderation of that king, than is that of your present governors, and that of the people then under him, than is that of you at this time! 5.392. for when Jeremiah cried out aloud, how very angry God was at them, because of their transgressions, and told them that they should be taken prisoners, unless they would surrender up their city, neither did the king nor the people put him to death; 5.393. but for you (to pass over what you have done within the city, which I am not able to describe as your wickedness deserves) you abuse me, and throw darts at me, who only exhort you to save yourselves, as being provoked when you are put in mind of your sins, and cannot bear the very mention of those crimes which you every day perpetrate. 5.394. For another example, when Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, lay before this city, and had been guilty of many indignities against God, and our forefathers met him in arms, they then were slain in the battle, this city was plundered by our enemies, and our sanctuary made desolate for three years and six months. And what need I bring any more examples? 5.395. Indeed what can it be that hath stirred up an army of the Romans against our nation? Is it not the impiety of the inhabitants? Whence did our servitude commence? 5.396. Was it not derived from the seditions that were among our forefathers, when the madness of Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, and our mutual quarrels, brought Pompey upon this city, and when God reduced those under subjection to the Romans who were unworthy of the liberty they had enjoyed? 5.397. After a siege, therefore, of three months, they were forced to surrender themselves, although they had not been guilty of such offenses, with regard to our sanctuary and our laws, as you have; and this while they had much greater advantages to go to war than you have. 5.398. Do not we know what end Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came to, under whose reign God provided that this city should be taken again upon account of the people’s offenses? When Herod, the son of Antipater, brought upon us Sosius, and Sosius brought upon us the Roman army, they were then encompassed and besieged for six months, till, as a punishment for their sins, they were taken, and the city was plundered by the enemy. 5.399. Thus it appears that arms were never given to our nation, but that we are always given up to be fought against, and to be taken; 5.400. for I suppose that such as inhabit this holy place ought to commit the disposal of all things to God, and then only to disregard the assistance of men when they resign themselves up to their Arbitrator, who is above. 5.401. As for you, what have you done of those things that are recommended by our legislator? and what have you not done of those things that he hath condemned? How much more impious are you than those who were so quickly taken! 5.402. You have not avoided so much as those sins that are usually done in secret; I mean thefts, and treacherous plots against men, and adulteries. You are quarreling about rapines and murders, and invent strange ways of wickedness. Nay, the temple itself is become the receptacle of all, and this Divine place is polluted by the hands of those of our own country; which place hath yet been reverenced by the Romans when it was at a distance from them, when they have suffered many of their own customs to give place to our law. 5.403. And, after all this, do you expect Him whom you have so impiously abused to be your supporter? To be sure then you have a right to be petitioners, and to call upon Him to assist you, so pure are your hands! 5.404. Did your king [Hezekiah] lift up such hands in prayer to God against the king of Assyria, when he destroyed that great army in one night? And do the Romans commit such wickedness as did the king of Assyria, that you may have reason to hope for the like vengeance upon them? 5.405. Did not that king accept of money from our king on this condition, that he should not destroy the city, and yet, contrary to the oath he had taken, he came down to burn the temple? while the Romans do demand no more than that accustomed tribute which our fathers paid to their fathers; 5.406. and if they may but once obtain that, they neither aim to destroy this city, nor to touch this sanctuary; nay, they will grant you besides, that your posterity shall be free, and your possessions secured to you, and will preserve your holy laws inviolate to you. 5.407. And it is plain madness to expect that God should appear as well disposed towards the wicked as towards the righteous, since he knows when it is proper to punish men for their sins immediately; accordingly he brake the power of the Assyrians the very first night that they pitched their camp. 5.408. Wherefore, had he judged that our nation was worthy of freedom, or the Romans of punishment, he had immediately inflicted punishment upon those Romans, as he did upon the Assyrians, when Pompey began to meddle with our nation, or when after him Sosius came up against us, or when Vespasian laid waste Galilee, or, lastly, when Titus came first of all near to the city; 5.409. although Magnus and Sosius did not only suffer nothing, but took the city by force; as did Vespasian go from the war he made against you to receive the empire; and as for Titus, those springs that were formerly almost dried up when they were under your power since he is come, run more plentifully than they did before; 5.410. accordingly, you know that Siloam, as well as all the other springs that were without the city, did so far fail, that water was sold by distinct measures; whereas they now have such a great quantity of water for your enemies, as is sufficient not only for drink both for themselves and their cattle, but for watering their gardens also. 5.411. The same wonderful sign you had also experience of formerly, when the forementioned king of Babylon made war against us, and when he took the city, and burnt the temple; while yet I believe the Jews of that age were not so impious as you are. 5.412. Wherefore I cannot but suppose that God is fled out of his sanctuary, and stands on the side of those against whom you fight. 5.413. Now, even a man, if he be but a good man, will fly from an impure house, and will hate those that are in it; and do you persuade yourselves that God will abide with you in your iniquities, who sees all secret things, and hears what is kept most private? 5.414. Now, what crime is there, I pray you, that is so much as kept secret among you, or is concealed by you? nay, what is there that is not open to your very enemies? for you show your transgressions after a pompous manner, and contend one with another which of you shall be more wicked than another; and you make a public demonstration of your injustice, as if it were virtue. 5.415. However, there is a place left for your preservation, if you be willing to accept of it; and God is easily reconciled to those that confess their faults, and repent of them. 5.416. O hard-hearted wretches as you are! cast away all your arms, and take pity of your country already going to ruin; return from your wicked ways, and have regard to the excellency of that city which you are going to betray, to that excellent temple with the donations of so many countries in it. 5.417. Who could bear to be the first that should set that temple on fire? who could be willing that these things should be no more? and what is there that can better deserve to be preserved? O insensible creatures, and more stupid than are the stones themselves! 5.418. And if you cannot look at these things with discerning eyes, yet, however, have pity upon your families, and set before every one of your eyes your children, and wives, and parents, who will be gradually consumed either by famine or by war. 5.419. I am sensible that this danger will extend to my mother, and wife, and to that family of mine who have been by no means ignoble, and indeed to one that hath been very eminent in old time; and perhaps you may imagine that it is on their account only that I give you this advice; if that be all, kill them; nay, take my own blood as a reward, if it may but procure your preservation; for I am ready to die, in case you will but return to a sound mind after my death.” |
|
85. New Testament, Ephesians, 5.23 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 76| 5.23. ὅτι ἀνήρ ἐστιν κεφαλὴ τῆς γυναικὸς ὡς καὶ ὁ χριστὸς κεφαλὴ τῆς ἐκκλησίας, αὐτὸς σωτὴρ τοῦ σώματος. | 5.23. For the husband is the head of the wife, and Christ also is the head of the assembly, being himself the savior of the body. |
|
86. Anon., Epistle of Barnabas, 7.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 404 | 7.3. But moreover when crucified He had vinegar and gall given Him to drink. Hear how on this matter the priests of the temple have revealed. Seeing that there is a commandment in scripture, Whatsoever shall not observe the fast shall surely die, the Lord commanded, because He was in His own person about to offer the vessel of His Spirit a sacrifice for our sins, that the type also which was given in Isaac who was offered upon the alter should be fulfilled. |
|
87. Ignatius, To The Ephesians, 18.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 74 | 18.2. For our God, Jesus the Christ, was conceived in the womb by Mary according to a dispensation, of the seed of David but also of the Holy Ghost; and He was born and was baptized that by His passion He might cleanse water. |
|
88. Mishnah, Rosh Hashanah, 3.7 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 237| 3.7. "הַתּוֹקֵעַ לְתוֹךְ הַבּוֹר אוֹ לְתוֹךְ הַדּוּת אוֹ לְתוֹךְ הַפִּטָּס, אִם קוֹל שׁוֹפָר שָׁמַע, יָצָא. וְאִם קוֹל הֲבָרָה שָׁמַע, לֹא יָצָא. וְכֵן מִי שֶׁהָיָה עוֹבֵר אֲחוֹרֵי בֵית הַכְּנֶסֶת, אוֹ שֶׁהָיָה בֵיתוֹ סָמוּךְ לְבֵית הַכְּנֶסֶת, וְשָׁמַע קוֹל שׁוֹפָר אוֹ קוֹל מְגִלָּה, אִם כִּוֵּן לִבּוֹ, יָצָא, וְאִם לָאו, לֹא יָצָא. אַף עַל פִּי שֶׁזֶּה שָׁמַע וְזֶה שָׁמַע, זֶה כִּוֵּן לִבּוֹ וְזֶה לֹא כִוֵּן לִבּוֹ: \n", | 3.7. "One who blows into a pit or a cistern or a jug, if he heard the sound of the shofar, he has fulfilled his obligation, but if he hears the echo [also], he has not fulfilled his obligation. And also one who was passing behind a synagogue or if his house was next to the synagogue and he heard the sound of the shofar or of the megillah [being read], if he directed his heart (had intention), then he has fulfilled his obligation, but if not he has not fulfilled his obligation. Even though this one heard and this one heard, this one directed his heart and this one did not.", |
|
89. New Testament, Galatians, 3.27, 4.24 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •john chrysostom, anaphora of Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 98; Tefera and Stuckenbruck (2021), Representations of Angelic Beings in Early Jewish and in Christian Traditions, 169| 3.27. ὅσοι γὰρ εἰς Χριστὸν ἐβαπτίσθητε, Χριστὸν ἐνεδύσασθε· 4.24. ἅτινά ἐστιν ἀλληγορούμενα· αὗται γάρ εἰσιν δύο διαθῆκαι, μία μὲν ἀπὸ ὄρους Σινά, εἰς δουλείαν γεννῶσα, ἥτις ἐστὶν Ἅγαρ, | 3.27. For as many of you as werebaptized into Christ have put on Christ. 4.24. These things contain an allegory, forthese are two covets. One is from Mount Sinai, bearing children tobondage, which is Hagar. |
|
90. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 1.1.25-1.1.28, 5.11.22, 8.3.72 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Amsler (2023), Knowledge Construction in Late Antiquity, 231; Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 112 | 1.1.25. Such a practice makes them slow to recognise the letters, since they do not pay attention to their actual shape, preferring to be guided by what they have already learned by rote. It is for this reason that teachers, when they think they have sufficiently familiarised their young pupils with the letters written in their usual order, reverse that order or rearrange it in every kind of combination, until they learn to know the letters from their appearance and not from the order in which they occur. It will be best therefore for children to begin by learning their appearance and names just as they do with men. 1.1.26. The method, however, to which we have objected in teaching the alphabet, is unobjectionable when applied to syllables. I quite approve on the other hand of a practice which has been devised to stimulate children to learn by giving them ivory letters to play with, as I do of anything else that may be discovered to delight the very young, the sight, handling and naming of which is a pleasure. 1.1.27. As soon as the child has begun to know the shapes of the various letters, it will be no bad thing to have them cut as accurately as possible upon a board, so that the pen may be guided along the grooves. Thus mistakes such as occur with wax tablets will be rendered impossible; for the pen will be confined between the edges of the letters and will be prevented from going astray. Further by increasing the frequency and speed with which they follow these fixed outlines we shall give steadiness to the fingers, and there will be no need to guide the child's hand with our own. 1.1.28. The art of writing well and quickly is not unimportant for our purpose, though it is generally disregarded by persons of quality. Writing is of the utmost importance in the study which we have under consideration and by its means alone can true and deeply rooted proficiency be obtained. But a sluggish pen delays our thoughts, while an unformed and illiterate hand cannot be deciphered, a circumstance which necessitates another wearisome task, namely the dictation of what we have written to a copyist. 5.11.22. Simile has a force not unlike that of example, more especially when drawn from things nearly equal without any admixture of metaphor, as in the following case: "Just as those who have been accustomed to receive bribes in the Campus Martius are specially hostile to those whom they suspect of having withheld the money, so in the present case the judges came into court with a strong prejudice against the accused." 8.3.72. The invention of similes has also provided an admirable means of illuminating our descriptions. Some of these are designed for insertion among our arguments to help our proof, while others are devised to make our pictures yet more vivid; it is with this latter class of simile that I am now specially concerned. The following are good examples:â "Thence like fierce wolves beneath the cloud of night," or "Like the bird that flies Around the shore and the fish-haunted reef, Skimming the deep." |
|
91. New Testament, Philippians, 2.7, 2.10-2.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john •john chrysostom, anaphora of Found in books: Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 126; Tefera and Stuckenbruck (2021), Representations of Angelic Beings in Early Jewish and in Christian Traditions, 169| 2.7. ἀλλὰ ἑαυτὸν ἐκένωσεν μορφὴν δούλου λαβών, ἐν ὁμοιώματι ἀνθρώπων γενόμενος· καὶ σχήματι εὑρεθεὶς ὡς ἄνθρωπος 2.10. ἵνα ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦπᾶν γόνυ κάμψῃἐπουρανίων καὶ ἐπιγείων καὶ καταχθονίων, 2.11. καὶ πᾶσα γλῶσσα ἐξομολογήσηταιὅτι ΚΥΡΙΟΣ ΙΗΣΟΥΣ ΧΡΙΣΤΟΣ εἰς δόξανθεοῦπατρός. | 2.7. but emptied himself, taking the form of a servant, being made in the likeness of men. 2.10. that at the name of Jesus every knee should bow, of those in heaven, those on earth, and those under the earth, 2.11. and that every tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of God the Father. |
|
92. Tosefta, Sukkah, 4.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 221| 4.6. "[כיצד] ג' להבטיל את העם מן המלאכה חזן הכנסת נוטל חצוצרת ועולה לראש הגג גבוה שבעיר [נטל לקרות] הסמוכין לעיר בטלין הסמוכין לתחום מתכנסין ובאין לתוך התחום ולא היו נכנסין מיד אלא ממתינין עד שיבואו כולן ויתכנסו כולן בבת אחת [מאימתי הוא נכנס משימלא לו חבית ויצלה לו דגה וידליק לו את הנר].", | 4.6. "Why did they blow three blasts? To make the people cease from work. The sexton took the trumpets, and went to the top of the highest roof in the city to summon those near the city to cease from work. Those near the limits of the city assembled themselves together and came to the schoolhouse. They did not come immediately the trumpets blew, but waited till all were gathered together, and then all came at once. When did they assemble? After one could fill a bottle of water, or fry a fish, or light his lamp. ", |
|
| 93. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 109.5-109.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 223 |
| 94. Tosefta, Hulin, 2.20-2.24 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, denunciation of christian adoption of jewish practices •john chrysostom Found in books: Herman, Rubenstein (2018), The Aggada of the Bavli and Its Cultural World. 263; Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 69 |
95. New Testament, Hebrews, 1.6-1.7, 3.4, 6.1-6.2, 11.17-11.19, 13.15 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 404; Gray (2021), Gregory of Nyssa as Biographer: Weaving Lives for Virtuous Readers, 59; Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 94; Tefera and Stuckenbruck (2021), Representations of Angelic Beings in Early Jewish and in Christian Traditions, 169| 1.6. ὅταν δὲ πάλιν εἰσαγάγῃ τὸν πρωτότοκον εἰς τὴν οἰκουμένην, λέγει 1.7. καὶ πρὸς μὲν τοὺς ἀγγέλους λέγει 3.4. πᾶς γὰρ οἶκος κατασκευάζεται ὑπό τινος, ὁ δὲ πάντα κατασκευάσας θεός. 6.1. Διὸ ἀφέντες τὸν τῆς ἀρχῆς τοῦ χριστοῦ λόγον ἐπὶ τὴν τελειότητα φερώμεθα, μὴ πάλιν θεμέλιον καταβαλλόμενοι μετανοίας ἀπὸ νεκρῶν ἔργων, καὶ πίστεως ἐπὶ θεόν, 6.2. βαπτισμῶν διδαχὴν ἐπιθέσεώς τε χειρῶν, ἀναστάσεως νεκρῶν καὶ κρίματος αἰωνίου. 11.17. Πίστειπροσενήνοχεν Ἀβραὰμ τὸν Ἰσαὰκ πειραζόμενος,καὶ τὸν μονογενῆ προσέφερεν ὁ τὰς ἐπαγγελίας ἀναδεξάμενος, πρὸς ὃν ἐλαλήθη ὅτι 11.18. Ἐν Ἰξαὰκ κληθήσεταί σοι ξπέρμα, 11.19. λογισάμενος ὅτι καὶ ἐκ νεκρῶν ἐγείρειν δυνατὸς ὁ θεός· ὅθεν αὐτὸν καὶ ἐν παραβολῇ ἐκομίσατο. 13.15. διʼ αὐτοῦἀναφέρωμεν θυσίαν αἰνέσεωςδιὰ παντὸςτῷ θεῷ,τοῦτʼ ἔστινκαρπὸν χειλέωνὁμολογούντων τῷ ὀνόματι αὐτοῦ. | 1.6. Again, when he brings in the firstborn into the world he says, "Let all the angels of God worship him." 1.7. of the angels he says, "Who makes his angels winds, And his servants a flame of fire." 3.4. For every house is built by someone; but he who built all things is God. 6.1. Therefore leaving the doctrine of the first principles of Christ, let us press on to perfection -- not laying again a foundation of repentance from dead works, of faith toward God, 6.2. of the teaching of baptisms, of laying on of hands, of resurrection of the dead, and of eternal judgment. 11.17. By faith, Abraham, being tested, offered up Isaac. Yes, he who had gladly received the promises was offering up his one and only son; 11.18. even he to whom it was said, "In Isaac will your seed be called;" 11.19. accounting that God is able to raise up even from the dead. Figuratively speaking, he also did receive him back from the dead. 13.15. Through him, then, let us offer up a sacrifice of praise to God continually, that is, the fruit of lips which make confession to his name. |
|
| 96. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 109.5-109.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 223 |
97. Tacitus, Annals, 11.25.5, 13.32 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, church father, homilies by on the judaizers •chrysostom, john Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 185; Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 182| 13.32. Factum et senatus consultum ultioni iuxta et securitati, ut si quis a suis servis interfectus esset, ii quoque qui testamento manu missi sub eodem tecto mansissent inter servos supplicia penderent. redditur ordini Lurius Varus consularis, avaritiae criminibus olim perculsus. et Pomponia Graecina insignis femina, A. Plautio, quem ovasse de Britannis rettuli, nupta ac superstitionis externae rea, mariti iudicio permissa; isque prisco instituto propinquis coram de capite famaque coniugis cognovit et insontem nuntiavit. longa huic Pomponiae aetas et continua tristitia fuit: nam post Iuliam Drusi filiam dolo Messalinae interfectam per quadraginta annos non cultu nisi lugubri, non animo nisi maesto egit; idque illi imperitante Claudio impune, mox ad gloriam vertit. | 13.32. There was passed, also, a senatorial decree, punitive at once and precautionary, that, if a master had been assassinated by his own slaves, even those manumitted under his will, but remaining under the same roof, should suffer the penalty among the rest. The consular Lucius Varus, sentenced long before under charges of extortion, was restored to his rank. Pomponia Graecina, a woman of high family, married to Aulus Plautius â whose ovation after the British campaign I recorded earlier â and now arraigned for alien superstition, was left to the jurisdiction of her husband. Following the ancient custom, he held the inquiry, which was to determine the fate and fame of his wife, before a family council, and announced her innocent. Pomponia was a woman destined to long life and to continuous grief: for after Julia, the daughter of Drusus, had been done to death by the treachery of Messalina, she survived for forty years, dressed in perpetual mourning and lost in perpetual sorrow; and a constancy unpunished under the empire of Claudius became later a title to glory. |
|
| 98. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 33.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Janowitz (2002), Magic in the Roman World: Pagans, Jews and Christians, 25 |
| 99. Tosefta, Megillah, 2.18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 250 |
| 100. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 214 |
| 101. Plutarch, Precepts of Statecraft, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hirsch-Luipold (2022), Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts, 226 |
| 102. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 84.2-84.10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 202 |
| 103. Tacitus, Histories, 5.5.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 227 |
104. New Testament, Matthew, 1.16, 1.23, 5.44, 6.70, 7.1, 7.3-7.5, 7.18, 7.34, 8.19, 8.31-8.47, 8.50-8.54, 10.6, 11.48, 11.53, 12.35, 12.42-12.43, 13.57, 15.20, 15.24, 19.15, 19.21, 21.25, 26.26-26.28, 28.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Azar (2016), Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews", 110, 124, 125, 127, 128, 131, 132, 133, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 147, 150, 151, 152, 204; Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 98, 404; Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 63, 71; Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 110; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 134, 280; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 357| 1.16. Ἰακὼβ δὲ ἐγέννησεν τὸν Ἰωσὴφ τὸν ἄνδρα Μαρίας, ἐξ ἧς ἐγεννήθη Ἰησοῦς ὁ λεγόμενος Χριστός. 1.23. Ἰδοὺ ἡ παρθένος ἐν γαστρὶ ἕξει καὶ τέξεται υἱόν, καὶ καλέσουσιν τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ Ἐμμανουήλ· ὅ ἐστιν μεθερμηνευόμενον Μεθʼ ἡμῶν ὁ θεός. 5.44. Ἐγὼ δὲ λέγω ὑμῖν, ἀγαπᾶτε τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ὑμῶν καὶ προσεύχεσθε ὑπὲρ τῶν διωκόντων ὑμᾶς· 7.1. Μὴ κρίνετε, ἵνα μὴ κριθῆτε· 7.3. τί δὲ βλέπεις τὸ κάρφος τὸ ἐν τῷ ὀφθαλμῷ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ σου, τὴν δὲ ἐν τῷ σῷ ὀφθαλμῷ δοκὸν οὐ κατανοεῖς; 7.4. ἢ πῶς ἐρεῖς τῷ ἀδελφῷ σου Ἄφες ἐκβάλω τὸ κάρφος ἐκ τοῦ ὀφθαλμοῦ σου, καὶ ἰδοὺ ἡ δοκὸς ἐν τῷ ὀφθαλμῷ σοῦ; 7.5. ὑποκριτά, ἔκβαλε πρῶτον ἐκ τοῦ ὀφθαλμοῦ σοῦ τὴν δοκόν, καὶ τότε διαβλέψεις ἐκβαλεῖν τὸ κάρφος ἐκ τοῦ ὀφθαλμοῦ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ σου. 7.18. οὐ δύναται δένδρον ἀγαθὸν καρποὺς πονηροὺς ἐνεγκεῖν, οὐδὲ δένδρον σαπρὸν καρποὺς καλοὺς ποιεῖν, 8.19. Καὶ προσελθὼν εἷς γραμματεὺς εἶπεν αὐτῷ Διδάσκαλε, ἀκολουθήσω σοι ὅπου ἐὰν ἀπέρχῃ. 8.31. οἱ δὲ δαίμονες παρεκάλουν αὐτὸν λέγοντες Εἰ ἐκβάλλεις ἡμᾶς, ἀπόστειλον ἡμᾶς εἰς τὴν ἀγέλην τῶν χοίρων. 8.32. καὶ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Ὑπάγετε. οἱ δὲ ἐξελθόντες ἀπῆλθαν εἰς τοὺς χοίρους· καὶ ἰδοὺ ὥρμησεν πᾶσα ἡ ἀγέλη κατὰ τοῦ κρημνοῦ εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν, καὶ ἀπέθανον ἐν τοῖς ὕδασιν. 8.33. Οἱ δὲ βόσκοντες ἔφυγον, καὶ ἀπελθόντες εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἀπήγγειλαν πάντα καὶ τὰ τῶν δαιμονιζομένων. 8.34. καὶ ἰδοὺ πᾶσα ἡ πόλις ἐξῆλθεν εἰς ὑπάντησιν τῷ Ἰησοῦ, καὶ ἰδόντες αὐτὸν παρεκάλεσαν ὅπως μεταβῇ ἀπὸ τῶν ὁρίων αὐτῶν. 10.6. πορεύεσθε δὲ μᾶλλον πρὸς τὰ πρόβατα τὰ ἀπολωλότα οἴκου Ἰσραήλ. 12.35. ὁ ἀγαθὸς ἄνθρωπος ἐκ τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ θησαυροῦ ἐκβάλλει ἀγαθά, καὶ ὁ πονηρὸς ἄνθρωπος ἐκ τοῦ πονηροῦ θησαυροῦ ἐκβάλλει πονηρά. 12.42. βασίλισσα νότου ἐγερθήσεται ἐν τῇ κρίσει μετὰ τῆς γενεᾶς ταύτης καὶ κατακρινεῖ αὐτήν· ὅτι ἦλθεν ἐκ τῶν περάτων τῆς γῆς ἀκοῦσαι τὴν σοφίαν Σολομῶνος, καὶ ἰδοὺ πλεῖον Σολομῶνος ὧδε. 12.43. Ὅταν δὲ τὸ ἀκάθαρτον πνεῦμα ἐξέλθῃ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου, διέρχεται διʼ ἀνύδρων τόπων ζητοῦν ἀνάπαυσιν, καὶ οὐχ εὑρίσκει. 13.57. καὶ ἐσκανδαλίζοντο ἐν αὐτῷ. ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Οὐκ ἔστιν προφήτης ἄτιμος εἰ μὴ ἐν τῇ πατρίδι καὶ ἐν τῇ οἰκίᾳ αὐτοῦ. 15.20. ταῦτά ἐστιν τὰ κοινοῦντα τὸν ἄνθρωπον, τὸ δὲ ἀνίπτοις χερσὶν φαγεῖν οὐ κοινοῖ τὸν ἄνθρωπον. 15.24. ὁ δὲ ἀποκριθεὶς εἶπεν Οὐκ ἀπεστάλην εἰ μὴ εἰς τὰ πρόβατα τὰ ἀπολωλότα οἴκου Ἰσραήλ. 19.15. καὶ ἐπιθεὶς τὰς χεῖρας αὐτοῖς ἐπορεύθη ἐκεῖθεν. 19.21. ἔφη αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς Εἰ θέλεις τέλειος εἶναι, ὕπαγε πώλησόν σου τὰ ὑπάρχοντα καὶ δὸς [τοῖς] πτωχοῖς, καὶ ἕξεις θησαυρὸν ἐν οὐρανοῖς, καὶ δεῦρο ἀκολούθει μοι. 21.25. τὸ βάπτισμα τὸ Ἰωάνου πόθεν ἦν; ἐξ οὐρανοῦ ἢ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων; οἱ δὲ διελογίζοντο ἐν ἑαυτοῖς λέγοντες Ἐὰν εἴπωμεν Ἐξ οὐρανοῦ, ἐρεῖ ἡμῖν Διὰ τί οὖν οὐκ ἐπιστεύσατε αὐτῷ; 26.26. Ἐσθιόντων δὲ αὐτῶν λαβὼν ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἄρτον καὶ εὐλογήσας ἔκλασεν καὶ δοὺς τοῖς μαθηταῖς εἶπεν Λάβετε φάγετε, τοῦτό ἐστιν τὸ σῶμά μου. 26.27. καὶ λαβὼν ποτήριον [καὶ] εὐχαριστήσας ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς λέγων 26.28. Πίετε ἐξ αὐτοῦ πάντες, τοῦτο γάρ ἐστιν τὸ αἷμά μου τῆς διαθήκης τὸ περὶ πολλῶν ἐκχυννόμενον εἰς ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν· 28.19. πορευθέντες οὖν μαθητεύσατε πάντα τὰ ἔθνη, βαπτίζοντες αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος, | 1.16. Jacob became the father of Joseph, the husband of Mary, from whom was born Jesus, who is called Christ. 1.23. "Behold, the virgin shall be with child, And shall bring forth a son. They shall call his name Immanuel;" Which is, being interpreted, "God with us." 5.44. But I tell you, love your enemies, bless those who curse you, do good to those who hate you, and pray for those who mistreat you and persecute you, 7.1. "Don't judge, so that you won't be judged. 7.3. Why do you see the speck that is in your brother's eye, but don't consider the beam that is in your own eye? 7.4. Or how will you tell your brother, 'Let me remove the speck from your eye;' and behold, the beam is in your own eye? 7.5. You hypocrite! First remove the beam out of your own eye, and then you can see clearly to remove the speck out of your brother's eye. 7.18. A good tree can't produce evil fruit, neither can a corrupt tree produce good fruit. 8.19. A scribe came, and said to him, "Teacher, I will follow you wherever you go." 8.31. The demons begged him, saying, "If you cast us out, permit us to go away into the herd of pigs." 8.32. He said to them, "Go!"They came out, and went into the herd of pigs: and behold, the whole herd of pigs rushed down the cliff into the sea, and died in the water. 8.33. Those who fed them fled, and went away into the city, and told everything, including what happened to those who were possessed with demons. 8.34. Behold, all the city came out to meet Jesus. When they saw him, they begged that he would depart from their borders. 10.6. Rather, go to the lost sheep of the house of Israel. 12.35. The good man out of his good treasure brings out good things, and the evil man out of his evil treasure brings out evil things. 12.42. The queen of the south will rise up in the judgment with this generation, and will condemn it, for she came from the ends of the earth to hear the wisdom of Solomon; and behold, someone greater than Solomon is here. 12.43. But the unclean spirit, when he is gone out of the man, passes through waterless places, seeking rest, and doesn't find it. 13.57. They were offended by him. But Jesus said to them, "A prophet is not without honor, except in his own country, and in his own house." 15.20. These are the things which defile the man; but to eat with unwashed hands doesn't defile the man." 15.24. But he answered, "I wasn't sent to anyone but the lost sheep of the house of Israel." 19.15. He laid his hands on them, and departed from there. 19.21. Jesus said to him, "If you want to be perfect, go, sell what you have, and give to the poor, and you will have treasure in heaven; and come, follow me." 21.25. The baptism of John, where was it from? From heaven or from men?"They reasoned with themselves, saying, "If we say, 'From heaven,' he will ask us, 'Why then did you not believe him?' 26.26. As they were eating, Jesus took bread, gave thanks for it, and broke it. He gave to the disciples, and said, "Take, eat; this is my body." 26.27. He took the cup, gave thanks, and gave to them, saying, "All of you drink it, 26.28. for this is my blood of the new covet, which is poured out for many for the remission of sins. 28.19. Go, and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, |
|
| 105. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Polybium (Ad Polybium De Consolatione) (Dialogorum Liber Xi), 18.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john, church father Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 394 |
106. New Testament, Titus, 2.2.0, 2.11-2.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 551| 2.11. Ἐπεφάνη γὰρ ἡ χάρις τοῦ θεοῦ σωτήριος πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις παιδεύουσα ἡμᾶς, 2.12. ἵνα ἀρνησάμενοι τὴν ἀσέβειαν καὶ τὰς κοσμικὰς ἐπιθυμίας σωφρόνως καὶ δικαίως καὶ εὐσεβῶς ζήσωμεν ἐν τῷ νῦν αἰῶνι, 2.13. προσδεχόμενοι τὴν μακαρίαν ἐλπίδα καὶ ἐπιφάνειαν τῆς δόξης τοῦ μεγάλου θεοῦ καὶ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ, | 2.11. For the grace of God has appeared, bringing salvation to all men, 2.12. instructing us to the intent that, denying ungodliness and worldly lusts, we would live soberly, righteously, and godly in this present world; 2.13. looking for the blessed hope and appearing of the glory of our great God and Savior, Jesus Christ; |
|
107. Tosefta, Shabbat, 13.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, denunciation of christian adoption of jewish practices Found in books: Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 69| 13.5. "הצד בהמה חיה ועוף מאפר [שברשות אדם] אם היו מחוסרין צידה חייב לאפר [שברשות אדם אע\"פ שמחוסרין] צידה פטור הפורס מצודה ע\"ג בהמה חיה ועוף [אע\"פ שנכנסין לתוכה פטור לבהמה חיה ועוף] אם היו נכנסין לתוכה חייב המפרק בהמה ועוף מן המצודה פטור.", | |
|
108. New Testament, Romans, 1.19-1.23, 2.13, 5.14, 8.6, 11.33, 12.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •john chrysostom, anaphora of •john chrysostom, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 149; Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 404; Doble and Kloha (2014), Texts and Traditions: Essays in Honour of J. Keith Elliott, 284, 293, 302; Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 197; Tefera and Stuckenbruck (2021), Representations of Angelic Beings in Early Jewish and in Christian Traditions, 169; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 362| 1.19. διότι τὸ γνωστὸν τοῦ θεοῦ φανερόν ἐστιν ἐν αὐτοῖς, ὁ θεὸς γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἐφανέρωσεν. 1.20. τὰ γὰρ ἀόρατα αὐτοῦ ἀπὸ κτίσεως κόσμου τοῖς ποιήμασιν νοούμενα καθορᾶται, ἥ τε ἀΐδιος αὐτοῦ δύναμις καὶ θειότης, εἰς τὸ εἶναι αὐτοὺς ἀναπολογήτους, 1.21. διότι γνόντες τὸν θεὸν οὐχ ὡς θεὸν ἐδόξασαν ἢ ηὐχαρίστησαν, ἀλλὰ ἐματαιώθησαν ἐν τοῖς διαλογισμοῖς αὐτῶν καὶ ἐσκοτίσθη ἡ ἀσύνετος αὐτῶν καρδία· 1.22. φάσκοντες εἶναι σοφοὶ ἐμωράνθησαν, 1.23. καὶἤλλαξαν τὴν δόξαντοῦ ἀφθάρτου θεοῦἐν ὁμοιώματιεἰκόνος φθαρτοῦ ἀνθρώπου καὶ πετεινῶν καὶ τετραπόδων καὶ ἑρπετῶν. 2.13. οὐ γὰρ οἱ ἀκροαταὶ νόμου δίκαιοι παρὰ [τῷ] θεῷ, ἀλλʼ οἱ ποιηταὶ νόμου δικαιωθήσονται. 5.14. ἀλλὰ ἐβασίλευσεν ὁ θάνατος ἀπὸ Ἀδὰμ μέχρι Μωυσέως καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς μὴ ἁμαρτήσαντας ἐπὶ τῷ ὁμοιώματι τῆς παραβάσεως Ἀδάμ, ὅς ἐστιν τύπος τοῦ μέλλοντος. 8.6. τὸ γὰρ φρόνημα τῆς σαρκὸς θάνατος, τὸ δὲ φρόνημα τοῦ πνεύματος ζωὴ καὶ εἰρήνη· 11.33. Ὢ βάθος πλούτου καὶ σοφίας καὶ γνώσεως θεοῦ· ὡς ἀνεξεραύνητα τὰ κρίματα αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀνεξιχνίαστοι αἱ ὁδοὶ αὐτοῦ. 12.1. Παρακαλῶ οὖν ὑμᾶς, ἀδελφοί, διὰ τῶν οἰκτιρμῶν τοῦ θεοῦ παραστῆσαι τὰ σώματα ὑμῶν θυσίαν ζῶσαν ἁγίαν τῷ θεῷ εὐάρεστον, τὴν λογικὴν λατρείαν ὑμῶν· | 1.19. because that which is known of God is revealed in them, for God revealed it to them. 1.20. For the invisible things of him since the creation of the world are clearly seen, being perceived through the things that are made, even his everlasting power and divinity; that they may be without excuse. 1.21. Because, knowing God, they didn't glorify him as God, neither gave thanks, but became vain in their reasoning, and their senseless heart was darkened. 1.22. Professing themselves to be wise, they became fools, 1.23. and traded the glory of the incorruptible God for the likeness of an image of corruptible man, and of birds, and four-footed animals, and creeping things. 2.13. For it isn't the hearers of the law who are righteous before God, but the doers of the law will be justified 5.14. Nevertheless death reigned from Adam until Moses, even over those whose sins weren't like Adam's disobedience, who is a foreshadowing of him who was to come. 8.6. For the mind of the flesh is death, but the mind of the Spirit is life and peace; 11.33. Oh the depth of the riches both of the wisdom and the knowledge of God! How unsearchable are his judgments, and his ways past tracing out! 12.1. Therefore I urge you, brothers, by the mercies of God, to present your bodies a living sacrifice, holy, acceptable to God, which is your spiritual service. |
|
109. New Testament, John, 1.1, 1.12, 2.18, 4.40-4.45, 5.13, 5.16-5.18, 5.41-5.44, 8.5, 12.28, 20.28 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Azar (2016), Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews", 127, 130, 131, 133, 134, 136, 147; Gray (2021), Gregory of Nyssa as Biographer: Weaving Lives for Virtuous Readers, 59; Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 177; Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 110; Tefera and Stuckenbruck (2021), Representations of Angelic Beings in Early Jewish and in Christian Traditions, 169| 1.1. ΕΝ ΑΡΧΗ ἦν ὁ λόγος, καὶ ὁ λόγος ἦν πρὸς τὸν θεόν, καὶ θεὸς ἦν ὁ λόγος. 1.12. ὅσοι δὲ ἔλαβον αὐτόν, ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς ἐξουσίαν τέκνα θεοῦ γενέσθαι, τοῖς πιστεύουσιν εἰς τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ, 2.18. Ἀπεκρίθησαν οὖν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι καὶ εἶπαν αὐτῷ Τί σημεῖον δεικνύεις ἡμῖν, ὅτι ταῦτα ποιεῖς; 4.40. ὡς οὖν ἦλθον πρὸς αὐτὸν οἱ Σαμαρεῖται, ἠρώτων αὐτὸν μεῖναι παρʼ αὐτοῖς· καὶ ἔμεινεν ἐκεῖ δύο ἡμέρας. 4.41. καὶ πολλῷ πλείους ἐπίστευσαν διὰ τὸν λόγον αὐτοῦ, 4.42. τῇ τε γυναικὶ ἔλεγον [ὅτι] Οὐκέτι διὰ τὴν σὴν λαλιὰν πιστεύομεν· αὐτοὶ γὰρ ἀκηκόαμεν, καὶ οἴδαμεν ὅτι οὗτός ἐστιν ἀληθῶς ὁ σωτὴρ τοῦ κόσμου. 4.43. Μετὰ δὲ τας δύο ἡμέρας ἐξῆλθεν ἐκεῖθεν εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν· 4.44. αὐτὸς γὰρ Ἰησοῦς ἐμαρτύρησεν ὅτι προφήτης ἐν τῇ ἰδίᾳ πατρίδι τιμὴν οὐκ ἔχει. 4.45. ὅτε οὖν ἦλθεν εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν, ἐδέξαντο αὐτὸν οἱ Γαλιλαῖοι, πάντα ἑωρακότες ὅσα ἐποίησεν ἐν Ἰεροσολύμοις ἐν τῇ ἑορτῇ, καὶ αὐτοὶ γὰρ ἦλθον εἰς τὴν ἑορτήν. 5.13. ὁ δὲ ἰαθεὶς οὐκ ᾔδει τίς ἐστιν, ὁ γὰρ Ἰησοῦς ἐξένευσεν ὄχλου ὄντος ἐν τῷ τόπῳ. 5.16. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐδίωκον οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι τὸν Ἰησοῦν ὅτι ταῦτα ἐποίει ἐν σαββάτῳ. 5.17. ὁ δὲ ἀπεκρίνατο αὐτοῖς Ὁ πατήρ μου ἕως ἄρτι ἐργάζεται, κἀγὼ ἐργάζομαι. 5.18. διὰ τοῦτο οὖν μᾶλλον ἐζήτουν αὐτὸν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι ἀποκτεῖναι ὅτι οὐ μόνον ἔλυε τὸ σάββατον ἀλλὰ καὶ πατέρα ἴδιον ἔλεγε τὸν θεόν, ἴσον ἑαυτὸν ποιῶν τῷ θεῷ. 5.41. Δόξαν παρὰ ἀνθρώπων οὐ λαμβάνω, 5.42. ἀλλὰ ἔγνωκα ὑμᾶς ὅτι τὴν ἀγάπην τοῦ θεοῦ οὐκ ἔχετε ἐν ἑαυτοῖς. 5.43. ἐγὼ ἐλήλυθα ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι τοῦ πατρός μου καὶ οὐ λαμβάνετέ με· ἐὰν ἄλλος ἔλθῃ ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι τῷ ἰδίῳ, ἐκεῖνον λήμψεσθε. 5.44. πῶς δύνασθε ὑμεῖς πιστεῦσαι, δόξαν παρʼ ἀλλήλων λαμβάνοντες, καὶ τὴν δόξαν τὴν παρὰ τοῦ μόνου [θεοῦ] οὐ ζητεῖτε; 8.5. ἐν δὲ τῷ νόμῳ [ἡμῖν] Μωυσῆς ἐνετείλατο τὰς τοιαύτας λιθάζειν· σὺ οὖν τί λέγεις; 12.28. ἦλθεν οὖν φωνὴ ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ Καὶ ἐδόξασα καὶ πάλιν δοξάσω. 20.28. ἀπεκρίθη Θωμᾶς καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῷ Ὁ κύριός μου καὶ ὁ θεός μου. | 1.1. In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. 1.12. But as many as received him, to them he gave the right to become God's children, to those who believe in his name: 2.18. The Jews therefore answered him, "What sign do you show us, seeing that you do these things?" 4.40. So when the Samaritans came to him, they begged him to stay with them. He stayed there two days. 4.41. Many more believed because of his word. 4.42. They said to the woman, "Now we believe, not because of your speaking; for we have heard for ourselves, and know that this is indeed the Christ, the Savior of the world." 4.43. After the two days he went out from there and went into Galilee. 4.44. For Jesus himself testified that a prophet has no honor in his own country. 4.45. So when he came into Galilee, the Galilaeans received him, having seen all the things that he did in Jerusalem at the feast, for they also went to the feast. 5.13. But he who was healed didn't know who it was, for Jesus had withdrawn, a crowd being in the place. 5.16. For this cause the Jews persecuted Jesus, and sought to kill him, because he did these things on the Sabbath. 5.17. But Jesus answered them, "My Father is still working, so I am working, too." 5.18. For this cause therefore the Jews sought all the more to kill him, because he not only broke the Sabbath, but also called God his own Father, making himself equal with God. 5.41. I don't receive glory from men. 5.42. But I know you, that you don't have God's love in yourselves. 5.43. I have come in my Father's name, and you don't receive me. If another comes in his own name, you will receive him. 5.44. How can you believe, who receive glory from one another, and you don't seek the glory that comes from the only God? 8.5. Now in our law, Moses commanded us to stone such. What then do you say about her?" 12.28. Father, glorify your name!"Then there came a voice out of the sky, saying, "I have both glorified it, and will glorify it again." 20.28. Thomas answered him, "My Lord and my God!" |
|
110. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 1.1.25-1.1.28, 5.11.22, 8.3.72 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Amsler (2023), Knowledge Construction in Late Antiquity, 231; Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 112 | 1.1.25. Such a practice makes them slow to recognise the letters, since they do not pay attention to their actual shape, preferring to be guided by what they have already learned by rote. It is for this reason that teachers, when they think they have sufficiently familiarised their young pupils with the letters written in their usual order, reverse that order or rearrange it in every kind of combination, until they learn to know the letters from their appearance and not from the order in which they occur. It will be best therefore for children to begin by learning their appearance and names just as they do with men. 1.1.26. The method, however, to which we have objected in teaching the alphabet, is unobjectionable when applied to syllables. I quite approve on the other hand of a practice which has been devised to stimulate children to learn by giving them ivory letters to play with, as I do of anything else that may be discovered to delight the very young, the sight, handling and naming of which is a pleasure. 1.1.27. As soon as the child has begun to know the shapes of the various letters, it will be no bad thing to have them cut as accurately as possible upon a board, so that the pen may be guided along the grooves. Thus mistakes such as occur with wax tablets will be rendered impossible; for the pen will be confined between the edges of the letters and will be prevented from going astray. Further by increasing the frequency and speed with which they follow these fixed outlines we shall give steadiness to the fingers, and there will be no need to guide the child's hand with our own. 1.1.28. The art of writing well and quickly is not unimportant for our purpose, though it is generally disregarded by persons of quality. Writing is of the utmost importance in the study which we have under consideration and by its means alone can true and deeply rooted proficiency be obtained. But a sluggish pen delays our thoughts, while an unformed and illiterate hand cannot be deciphered, a circumstance which necessitates another wearisome task, namely the dictation of what we have written to a copyist. 5.11.22. Simile has a force not unlike that of example, more especially when drawn from things nearly equal without any admixture of metaphor, as in the following case: "Just as those who have been accustomed to receive bribes in the Campus Martius are specially hostile to those whom they suspect of having withheld the money, so in the present case the judges came into court with a strong prejudice against the accused." 8.3.72. The invention of similes has also provided an admirable means of illuminating our descriptions. Some of these are designed for insertion among our arguments to help our proof, while others are devised to make our pictures yet more vivid; it is with this latter class of simile that I am now specially concerned. The following are good examples:â "Thence like fierce wolves beneath the cloud of night," or "Like the bird that flies Around the shore and the fish-haunted reef, Skimming the deep." |
|
111. New Testament, Luke, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 71| 3.27. τοῦ Ἰωανάν τοῦ Ῥησά τοῦ Ζοροβάβελ τοῦ Σαλαθιήλ τοῦ Νηρεί | 3.27. the son of Joa, the son of Rhesa, the son of Zerubbabel, the son of Shealtiel, the son of Neri, |
|
| 112. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Marciam, 2.2, 3.4, 4.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 394 |
113. New Testament, Mark, 10.14, 12.39, 14.22-14.24, 15.10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •john chrysostom, audience of Found in books: Azar (2016), Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews", 132; Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 404; Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 140; Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 306| 10.14. ἰδὼν δὲ ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἠγανάκτησεν καὶ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Ἄφετε τὰ παιδία ἔρχεσθαι πρός με, μὴ κωλύετε αὐτά, τῶν γὰρ τοιούτων ἐστὶν ἡ βασιλεία τοῦ θεοῦ. 12.39. καὶ πρωτοκαθεδρίας ἐν ταῖς συναγωγαῖς καὶ πρωτοκλισίας ἐν τοῖς δείπνοις, 14.22. Καὶ ἐσθιόντων αὐτῶν λαβὼν ἄρτον εὐλογήσας ἔκλασεν καὶ ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς καὶ εἶπεν Λάβετε, τοῦτό ἐστιν τὸ σῶμά μου. 14.23. καὶ λαβὼν ποτήριον εὐχαριστήσας ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς, καὶ ἔπιον ἐξ αὐτοῦ πάντες. 14.24. καὶ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Τοῦτό ἐστιν τὸ αἷμά μου τῆς διαθήκης τὸ ἐκχυννόμενον ὑπὲρ πολλῶν· 15.10. ἐγίνωσκεν γὰρ ὅτι διὰ φθόνον παραδεδώκεισαν αὐτὸν [οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς]. | 10.14. But when Jesus saw it, he was moved with indignation, and said to them, "Allow the little children to come to me! Don't forbid them, for the Kingdom of God belongs to such as these. 12.39. and the best seats in the synagogues, and the best places at feasts: 14.22. As they were eating, Jesus took bread, and when he had blessed, he broke it, and gave to them, and said, "Take, eat. This is my body." 14.23. He took the cup, and when he had given thanks, he gave to them. They all drank of it. 14.24. He said to them, "This is my blood of the new covet, which is poured out for many. 15.10. For he perceived that for envy the chief priests had delivered him up. |
|
| 114. Tosefta, Menachot, 13.21 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 180 |
| 115. Tertullian, On The Games, 1.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 92 |
| 116. Lucian, The Dance, 59 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 190 |
| 117. Anon., Acts of Philip, 132 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 305 |
118. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 2.2 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 77| 2.2. ἐπὶ τὸν σοφιστὴν Θεόδοτον καλεῖ με ὁ λόγος. Θεόδοτος μὲν προὔστη καὶ τοῦ ̓Αθηναίων δήμου κατὰ χρόνους, οὓς προσέκρουον ̔Ηρώδῃ ̓Αθηναῖοι, καὶ ἐς ἀπέχθειαν φανερὰν οὐδεμίαν τῷ ἀνδρὶ ἀφίκετο, ἀλλ' ἀφανῶς αὐτὸν ὑπεκάθητο δεινὸς ὢν χρῆσθαι τοῖς πράγμασιν, καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ τῶν ἀγοραίων εἷς οὗτος: τοῖς γοῦν ἀμφὶ τὸν Δημόστρατον οὕτω ξυνεκέκρατο, ὡς καὶ ξυνάρασθαί σφισι τῶν λόγων, οὓς ἐξεπόνουν πρὸς τὸν ̔Ηρώδην. προὔστη δὲ καὶ τῆς ̓Αθηναίων νεότητος πρῶτος ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐκ βασιλέως μυρίαις. καὶ οὐ τοῦτό πω λόγου ἄξιον, οὐδὲ γὰρ πάντες οἱ ἐπιβατεύοντες τοῦ θρόνου τούτου λόγου ἄξιοι, ἀλλ' ὅτι τοὺς μὲν Πλατωνείους καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς Στοᾶς καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ Περιπάτου καὶ αὐτοῦ ̓Επικούρου προσέταξεν ὁ Μάρκος τῷ ̔Ηρώδῃ κρῖναι, τὸν δὲ ἄνδρα τοῦτον ἀπὸ τῆς περὶ αὐτὸν δόξης αὐτὸς ἐπέκρινε τοῖς νέοις ἀγωνιστὴν τῶν πολιτικῶν προσειπὼν λόγων καὶ ῥητορικῆς ὄφελος. ὁ ἀνὴρ οὗτος Λολλιανοῦ μὲν ἀκροατής, ̔Ηρώδου δὲ οὐκ ἀνήκοος. ἐβίω μὲν οὖν ὑπὲρ τὰ πεντήκοντα δυοῖν ἐτοῖν κατασχὼν τὸν θρόνον, τὴν δὲ ἰδέαν τῶν λόγων ἀποχρῶν καὶ τοῖς δικανικοῖς καὶ τοῖς ὑπερσοφιστεύουσιν. | |
|
| 119. Hippolytus, Apostolic Tradition, 41, 35 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 134 |
| 120. Anon., Acts of Paul, 3.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 74 |
| 121. Anon., Sifre Deuteronomy, 48 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, denunciation of christian adoption of jewish practices Found in books: Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 69 |
| 122. Justin, First Apology, 1.5.3, 15.5, 32.3, 32.14 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 48; Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 37, 74 |
123. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 4.42, 7.38, 8.30 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john •john chrysostom Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 237; Janowitz (2002b), Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity, 15| 4.42. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Δημήτριος διατεθεὶς πρὸς αὐτόν, ὡς ἐν τοῖς Κορινθιακοῖς λόγοις εἴρηκα, παραγενόμενος ἐς τὴν ̔Ρώμην ὕστερον ἐθεράπευε μὲν τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον, ἐπηφίει δ' αὑτὸν τῷ Νέρωνι, τέχνη ταῦτα ὑπωπτεύθη τοῦ ἀνδρὸς καὶ τὸν Δημήτριον αὐτὸς ἐδόκει καθεικέναι ἐς αὐτά, καὶ πολὺ μᾶλλον, ὁπότε γυμνάσιον μὲν ἐξεποιήθη τῷ Νέρωνι θαυμασιώτατον τῶν ἐκεῖ, λευκὴν δ' ἔθυον ἐν αὐτῷ ἡμέραν Νέρων τε αὐτὸς καὶ ἡ βουλὴ ἡ μεγάλη καὶ τὸ ἱππεῦον τῆς ̔Ρώμης, παρελθὼν δὲ ὁ Δημήτριος ἐς αὐτὸ τὸ γυμνάσιον διεξῆλθε λόγον κατὰ τῶν λουμένων, ὡς ἐκλελυμένων τε καὶ αὑτοὺς χραινόντων, καὶ ἐδείκνυεν, ὅτι περιττὸν ἀνάλωμα εἴη τὰ τοιαῦτα, ἐφ' οἷς ξυνήρατο μὲν αὐτῷ ̔τοῦ̓ μὴ ἀποθανεῖν αὐτίκα τὸ τὸν Νέρωνα εὐφωνότατα ἑαυτοῦ κατὰ τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην ᾅδειν — ᾖδε δὲ ἐν καπηλείῳ πεποιημένῳ ἐς τὸ γυμνάσιον διάζωμα ἔχων γυμνός, ὥσπερ τῶν καπήλων οἱ ἀσελγέστατοι — οὐ μὴν διέφυγεν ὁ Δημήτριος τὸ ἐφ' οἷς εἶπε κινδυνεῦσαι, Τιγελλῖνος γάρ, ὑφ' ᾧ τὸ ξίφος ἦν τοῦ Νέρωνος, ἀπήλαυνεν αὐτὸν τῆς ̔Ρώμης, ὡς τὸ βαλανεῖον κατασκάψαντα οἷς εἶπε, τὸν δ' ̓Απολλώνιον ἀφανῶς ἀνίχνευεν, ὁπότε καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπιλήψιμόν τι καὶ παραβεβλημένον εἴποι. 7.38. διαλέγεσθαι μὲν δὴ τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον πλείω τοιαῦτα, ἑαυτὸν δὲ ὁ Δάμις ἀπορεῖν μὲν ὑπὲρ τῶν παρόντων φησί, λύσιν δὲ αὐτῶν ὁρᾶν οὐδεμίαν, πλὴν ὅσαι παρὰ τῶν θεῶν εὐξαμένοις τισὶ κἀκ πολλῷ χαλεπωτέρων ἦλθον, ὀλίγον δὲ πρὸ μεσημβρίας “ὦ Τυανεῦ,” φάναι, σφόδρα γὰρ δὴ χαίρειν αὐτὸν τῇ προσρήσει “τί πεισόμεθα;” “ὅ γε ἐπάθομεν,” ἔφη “πέρα δ' οὐδέν, οὐδὲ ἀποκτενεῖ ἡμᾶς οὐδείς.” “καὶ τίς” εἶπεν “οὕτως ἄτρωτος; λυθήσῃ δὲ πότε;” “τὸ μὲν ἐπὶ τῷ δικάσαντι” ἔφη “τήμερον, τὸ δὲ ἐπ' ἐμοὶ ἄρτι.” καὶ εἰπὼν ταῦτα ἐξήγαγε τὸ σκέλος τοῦ δεσμοῦ καὶ πρὸς τὸν Δάμιν ἔφη “ἐπίδειξιν πεποίημαί σοι τῆς ἐλευθερίας τῆς ἐμαυτοῦ καὶ θάρρει.” τότε πρῶτον ὁ Δάμις φησὶν ἀκριβῶς ξυνεῖναι τῆς ̓Απολλωνίου φύσεως, ὅτι θεία τε εἴη καὶ κρείττων ἀνθρώπου, μὴ γὰρ θύσαντα, πῶς γὰρ ἐν δεσμωτηρίῳ; μηδ' εὐξάμενόν τι, μηδὲ εἰπόντα καταγελάσαι τοῦ δεσμοῦ καὶ ἐναρμόσαντα αὖ τὸ σκέλος τὰ τοῦ δεδεμένου πράττειν. 8.30. τελευτῆσαι δ' αὐτὸν οἱ μὲν ἐν ̓Εφέσῳ θεραπευόμενον ὑπὸ δυοῖν δμωαῖν, τεθνάναι γὰρ ἤδη οἱ ἀπελεύθεροι, περὶ ὧν κατ' ἀρχὰς εἶπον, ἐλευθερώσαντα δὲ τὴν ἑτέραν αἰτίαν πρὸς τῆς ἑτέρας ἔχειν, ἐπεὶ μὴ τῶν αὐτῶν ἠξίωτο, τὸν δ' ̓Απολλώνιον “καὶ δουλεῦσαι” φάναι “προσήκει σὲ αὐτῇ, τουτὶ γάρ σοι ἀγαθοῦ ἄρξει.” τελευτήσαντος οὖν ἡ μὲν δουλεύειν ἐκείνῃ, ἡ δ' ἐκ μικρᾶς αἰτίας ἀποδόσθαι αὐτὴν καπήλῳ, παρ' οὗ πρίασθαί τις οὐδ' εὐπρεπῆ οὖσαν, ἀλλ' ἐρῶν οὗτος καὶ χρηματιστὴς ἱκανὸς ὢν γυναῖκά τε ἀνειπεῖν καὶ παῖδας ἐξ αὐτῆς ἐγγράψαι. οἱ δ' ἐν Λίνδῳ τελευτῆσαι αὐτὸν παρελθόντα ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς ̓Αθηνᾶς καὶ ἔσω ἀφανισθέντα, οἱ δ' ἐν Κρήτῃ φασὶ θαυμασιώτερον ἢ οἱ ἐν Λίνδῳ: διατρίβειν μὲν γὰρ ἐν τῇ Κρήτῃ τὸν ̓Απολλώνιον μᾶλλον ἢ πρὸ τούτου θαυμαζόμενον, ἀφικέσθαι δ' ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς Δικτύννης ἀωρί, φυλακὴ δὲ τῷ ἱερῷ κυνῶν ἐπιτέτακται φρουροὶ τοῦ ἐν αὐτῷ πλούτου, καὶ ἀξιοῦσιν αὐτοὺς οἱ Κρῆτες μήτε τῶν ἄρκτων μήτε τῶν ὧδε ἀγρίων λείπεσθαι, οἱ δ' οὔθ' ὑλακτεῖν ἥκοντα σαίνειν τε αὐτὸν προσιόντες, ὡς μηδὲ τοὺς ἄγαν ἐθάδας. οἱ μὲν δὴ τοῦ ἱεροῦ προϊστάμενοι ξυλλαβόντες αὐτὸν ὡς γόητα καὶ λῃστὴν δῆσαι μείλιγμα τοῖς κυσὶ προβεβλῆσθαί τι ὑπ' αὐτοῦ φάσκοντες, ὁ δ' ἀμφὶ μέσας νύκτας ἑαυτὸν λῦσαι, καλέσας δὲ τοὺς δήσαντας, ὡς μὴ λάθοι, δραμεῖν ἐπὶ τὰς τοῦ ἱεροῦ θύρας, αἱ δ' ἀνεπετάσθησαν, παρελθόντος δὲ ἔσω τὰς μὲν θύρας ξυνελθεῖν, ὥσπερ ἐκέκλειντο, βοὴν δὲ ᾀδουσῶν παρθένων ἐκπεσεῖν. τὸ δὲ ᾆσμα ἦν: “στεῖχε γᾶς, στεῖχε ἐς οὐρανόν, στεῖχε.” οἷον: ἴθι ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἄνω. | 4.42. Now Demetrius being attracted to Apollonius, as I have said above in my account of the events at Corinth, betook himself subsequently to Rome, and proceeded to court Apollonius, at the same time that he launched out against Nero. In consequence our sage's profession was looked at askance, and he was thought to have set Demetrius on to proceed thus, and the suspicion was increased on the occasion of Nero's completion of the most magnificent gymnasium in Rome: for the auspicious day was being celebrated therein by Nero himself and the great Senate and all the knights of Rome, when Demetrius made his way into the gymnasium itself and delivered himself of a philippic against people who bathed, declaring that they enfeebled and polluted themselves; and he showed that such institutions were a useless expense. He was only saved from immediate death as the penalty of such language by the fact that Nero was in extra good voice when he sang on that day, and he sang in the tavern which adjoined the gymnasium, naked except for a girdle round his waste, like any low tapster. Demetrius, however, did not wholly escape the risk which he had courted by his language; for Tigellinus, to whom Nero had committed the power of life and death, proceeded to banish him from Rome, on the plea that he had ruined and overthrown the bath by the words he used; and he began to dog the steps of Apollonius secretly, in the hope that he would catch him out too in some compromising utterance. 7.38. Damis says that though Apollonius uttered many more discourses of the same kind, he was himself in despair of the situation, because he saw no way out of it except such as the gods have vouchsafed to some in answer to prayer, when they were in even worse straits. But a little before midday, he tells us that he said: O man of Tyana, — for he took a special pleasure, it appears, in being called by that name, — what is to become of us? Why what has become of us already, said Apollonius, and nothing more, for no one is going to kill us. And who, said Damis, is so invulnerable as that? But will you ever be liberated? So far as it rests with the verdict of the court, said Apollonius, I shall be set at liberty this day, but so far as depend upon my own will, now and here. And with these words he took his leg out of the fetters and remarked to Damis: Here is proof positive to you of my freedom, to cheer you up. Damis says that it was then for the first time that he really and truly understood the nature of Apollonius, to wit that it was divine and superhuman, for without sacrifice — and how in prison could he have offered any? — and without a single prayer, without even a word, he quietly laughed at the fetters, and then inserted his leg in them afresh, and behaved like a prisoner once more. 8.30. Now there are some who relate that he died in Ephesus, tended by two maid servants; for the freedmen of whom I spoke at the beginning of my story were already dead. One of these maids he emancipated, and was blamed by the other one for not conferring the same privilege upon her, but Apollonius told her that it was better for her to remain the other's slave, for that would be the beginning of her well-being. Accordingly after his death this one continued to be the slave of the other, who for some insignificant reason sold her to a merchant, from whom she was purchased. Her new master, although she was not good-looking, nevertheless fell in love with her; and being a fairly rich man, made her his legal wife and had legitimate children with her. Others again say that he died in Lindus, where he entered the sanctuary of Athena and disappeared within it. Others again say that he died in Crete in a much more remarkable manner than the people of Lindus relate. For they say that he continued to live in Crete, where he became a greater center of admiration than ever before, and that he came to the sanctuary of Dictynna late at night. Now this sanctuary is guarded by dogs, whose duty it is to watch over the wealth deposited in it, and the Cretans claim that they are as good as bears or any other animals equally fierce. None the less, when he came, instead of barking, they approached him and fawned upon him, as they would not have done even with people they knew familiarly. The guardians of the shrine arrested him in consequence, and threw him in bonds as a wizard and a robber, accusing him of having thrown to the dogs some charmed morsel. But about midnight he loosened his bonds, and after calling those who had bound him, in order that they might witness the spectacle, he ran to the doors of the sanctuary, which opened wide to receive him; and when he had passed within, they closed afresh, as they had been shut, and there was heard a chorus of maidens singing from within the doors, and their song was this. Hasten thou from earth, hasten thou to Heaven, hasten. In other words: Do thou go upwards from earth. |
|
| 124. Apuleius, Apology, 25.26 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Janowitz (2002), Magic in the Roman World: Pagans, Jews and Christians, 10 |
| 125. Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, 23.3, 43.1, 45.4, 85.3, 100.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Janowitz (2002b), Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity, 15; Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 74 |
| 126. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 1.10.1, 3.6.5, 3.9.2, 3.16.3, 3.21.5, 4.33.7, 5.17.7-5.17.8, 9.9.20, 22.15, 117.89 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Doble and Kloha (2014), Texts and Traditions: Essays in Honour of J. Keith Elliott, 284; Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 74, 129, 164 |
| 127. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 29.30 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 237 |
| 128. Irenaeus, Demonstration of The Apostolic Teaching, 36 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 74 |
| 129. Hippolytus, On The Blessings of Issac And Jacob, 77, 76 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 74 |
| 130. Anon., Acts of Thomas, 1.13-1.14, 5.43 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 88 |
| 131. Anon., Sifra, None (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 134 |
| 132. Tertullian, On Patience, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 394 |
| 133. Galen, That The Qualities of The Mind Depend On The Temperament of The Body, 71 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Champion (2022), Dorotheus of Gaza and Ascetic Education, 12, 13 |
| 134. Tertullian, On Fasting, Against The Psychics, 16 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 227 |
135. Athenagoras, Apology Or Embassy For The Christians, 20.2-20.3 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 357; Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 164 | 33. Therefore, having the hope of eternal life, we despise the things of this life, even to the pleasures of the soul, each of us reckoning her his wife whom he has married according to the laws laid down by us, and that only for the purpose of having children. For as the husbandman throwing the seed into the ground awaits the harvest, not sowing more upon it, so to us the procreation of children is the measure of our indulgence in appetite. Nay, you would find many among us, both men and women, growing old unmarried, in hope of living in closer communion with God. But if the remaining in virginity and in the state of an eunuch brings nearer to God, while the indulgence of carnal thought and desire leads away from Him, in those cases in which we shun the thoughts, much more do we reject the deeds. For we bestow our attention, not on the study of words, but on the exhibition and teaching of actions, - that a person should either remain as he was born, or be content with one marriage; for a second marriage is only a specious adultery. For whosoever puts away his wife, says He, and marries another, commits adultery; Matthew 19:9 not permitting a man to send her away whose virginity he has brought to an end, nor to marry again. For he who deprives himself of his first wife, even though she be dead, is a cloaked adulterer, resisting the hand of God, because in the beginning God made one man and one woman, and dissolving the strictest union of flesh with flesh, formed for the intercourse of the race. |
|
| 136. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 223 |
137. Anon., Genesis Rabba, 49.32, 50.14, 55.1, 55.4, 56.10, 80.1-80.2, 98.13 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis •chrysostom, john •sermon (derashah), homily, john chrysostom •john chrysostom Found in books: Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 43, 72; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 582; Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 63; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 237| 55.1. וַיְהִי אַחַר הַדְּבָרִים הָאֵלֶּה וְהָאֱלֹהִים נִסָּה אֶת אַבְרָהָם (בראשית כב, א), כְּתִיב (תהלים ס, ו): נָתַתָּה לִּירֵאֶיךָ נֵס לְהִתְנוֹסֵס מִפְּנֵי קשֶׁט סֶלָּה, נִסָּיוֹן אַחַר נִסָּיוֹן, וְגִדּוּלִין אַחַר גִּדּוּלִין, בִּשְׁבִיל לְנַסּוֹתָן בָּעוֹלָם, בִּשְׁבִיל לְגַדְּלָן בָּעוֹלָם, כַּנֵּס הַזֶּה שֶׁל סְפִינָה. וְכָל כָּךְ לָמָּה, מִפְּנֵי קשֶׁט, בִּשְׁבִיל שֶׁתִּתְקַשֵּׁט מִדַּת הַדִּין בָּעוֹלָם, שֶׁאִם יֹאמַר לְךָ אָדָם לְמִי שֶׁהוּא רוֹצֶה לְהַעֲשִׁיר מַעֲשִׁיר, לְמִי שֶׁהוּא רוֹצֶה מַעֲנִי, וּלְמִי שֶׁהוּא רוֹצֶה הוּא עוֹשֶׂה מֶלֶךְ, אַבְרָהָם כְּשֶׁרָצָה עֲשָׂאוֹ מֶלֶךְ, כְּשֶׁרָצָה עֲשָׂאוֹ עָשִׁיר, יָכוֹל אַתְּ לַהֲשִׁיבוֹ וְלוֹמַר לוֹ יָכוֹל אַתְּ לַעֲשׂוֹת כְּמוֹ שֶׁעָשָׂה אַבְרָהָם אָבִינוּ, וְהוּא אוֹמֵר מֶה עָשָׂה, וְאַתְּ אוֹמֵר לוֹ (בראשית כא, ה): וְאַבְרָהָם בֶּן מְאַת שָׁנָה בְּהִוָּלֶד לוֹ, וְאַחַר כָּל הַצַּעַר הַזֶּה נֶאֱמַר לוֹ (בראשית כב, ב): קַח נָא אֶת בִּנְךָ אֶת יְחִידְךָ וְלֹא עִכֵּב, הֲרֵי נָתַתָּה לִּירֵאֶיךָ נֵס לְהִתְנוֹסֵס. 55.4. אַחַר הַדְּבָרִים הָאֵלֶּה, אַחַר הִרְהוּרֵי דְבָרִים שֶׁהָיוּ שָׁם, מִי הִרְהֵר אַבְרָהָם הִרְהֵר וְאָמַר שָׂמַחְתִּי וְשִׂמַּחְתִּי אֶת הַכֹּל וְלֹא הִפְרַשְׁתִּי לְהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא לֹא פַּר אֶחָד וְלֹא אַיִל אֶחָד. אָמַר לוֹ הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא עַל מְנָת שֶׁנֹּאמַר לְךָ שֶׁתַּקְרִיב אֶת בִּנְךָ וְלֹא תְעַכֵּב, עַל דַּעְתֵּיהּ דְּרַבִּי אֶלְעָזָר דְּאָמַר, אֱלֹהִים וְהָאֱלֹהִים, הוּא וּבֵית דִּינוֹ, מַלְאֲכֵי הַשָּׁרֵת אָמְרוּ, אַבְרָהָם זֶה שָׂמַח וְשִׂמַּח אֶת הַכֹּל וְלֹא הִפְרִישׁ לְהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא לֹא פַּר אֶחָד וְלֹא אַיִל אֶחָד. אָמַר לָהֶן הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא עַל מְנָת שֶׁנֹּאמַר לוֹ שֶׁיַּקְרִיב אֶת בְּנוֹ וְלֹא יְעַכֵּב. יִצְחָק וְיִשְׁמָעֵאל הָיוּ מִדַּיְּנִים זֶה עִם זֶה, זֶה אוֹמֵר אֲנִי חָבִיב מִמְךָ שֶׁנִּמַּלְתִּי לִשְׁלשׁ עֶשְׂרֵה שָׁנָה, וְזֶה אָמַר חָבִיב אֲנִי מִמְךָ שֶׁנִּמַּלְתִּי לִשְׁמוֹנָה יָמִים. אָמַר לֵיהּ יִשְׁמָעֵאל אֲנִי חָבִיב מִמְךָ, לָמָּה שֶׁהָיָה סִפֵּק בְּיָדִי לִמְחוֹת וְלֹא מָחִיתִי. בְּאוֹתָהּ שָׁעָה אָמַר יִצְחָק הַלְּוַאי הָיָה נִגְלָה עָלַי הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא וְאוֹמֵר לִי שֶׁאֶחְתֹּךְ אֶחָד מֵאֵבָרַי וְלֹא אֲעַכֵּב, מִיָּד וְהָאֱלֹהִים נִסָּה אֶת אַבְרָהָם. br br[נֻסַּח אַחֵר: אָמַר לוֹ יִשְׁמָעֵאל, אֲנִי חָבִיב מִמְךָ שֶׁנִּמַּלְתִּי לִשְׁלשׁ עֶשְׂרֵה שָׁנָה, אֲבָל אַתָּה נִמַּלְתָּ בְּקָטְנְךָ וְאִי אֶפְשָׁר לִמְחוֹת. אָמַר לוֹ יִצְחָק כָּל מַה שֶּׁהִלְוֵיתָ לְהַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא שְׁלשָׁה טִפִּים דַּם הֵם, אֶלָּא הֲרֵינִי עַכְשָׁו בֶּן שְׁלשִׁים וְשֶׁבַע שָׁנָה אִלּוּ מְבַקֵּשׁ לִי הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא לְהִשָּׁחֵט אֵינִי מְעַכֵּב, אָמַר הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא הֲרֵי הַשָּׁעָה, מִיָּד וְהָאֱלֹהִים נִסָּה אֶת אַבְרָהָם.] 80.1. וַתֵּצֵא דִינָה בַּת לֵאָה (בראשית לד, א), (יחזקאל טז, מד): הִנֵּה כָּל הַמּשֵׁל עָלַיִךְ יִמְשֹׁל לֵאמֹר כְּאִמָּה בִּתָּהּ, יוֹסֵי מְעוֹנָאָה תִּרְגֵּם בִּכְנִישָׁתְהוֹן דִּמְעוֹנָא, (הושע ה, א): שִׁמְעוּ זֹאת הַכֹּהֲנִים וְהַקְשִׁיבוּ בֵּית יִשְׂרָאֵל וּבֵית הַמֶּלֶךְ הַאֲזִינוּ, אָמַר עָתִיד הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא לִטֹּל אֶת הַכֹּהֲנִים וּלְהַעֲמִידָן בַּדִּין וְלֵאמֹר לָהֶם לָמָּה לֹא יְגַעְתֶּם בַּתּוֹרָה, לֹא הֱיִיתֶם נֶהֱנִים מֵאַרְבַּע וְעֶשְׂרִים מַתְּנוֹת כְּהֻנָּה, וְאִינוּן אָמְרִין לֵיהּ לָא יָהֲבִין לָן כְּלוּם. וְהַקְשִׁיבוּ בֵּית יִשְׂרָאֵל, לָמָּה לֹא הֱיִיתֶם נוֹתְנִים לַכֹּהֲנִים אַרְבַּע וְעֶשְׂרִים מַתְּנוֹת כְּהֻנָּה שֶׁכָּתַבְתִּי לָכֶם בַּתּוֹרָה, וְאִינוּן אָמְרִין לֵיהּ עַל אִלֵּין דְּבֵי נְשִׂיאָה דַּהֲווֹ נָסְבִין כּוֹלָּא. בֵּית הַמֶּלֶךְ הַאֲזִינוּ כִּי לָכֶם הַמִּשְׁפָּט, שֶׁלָּכֶם הָיָה, (דברים יח, ג): וְזֶה יִהְיֶה מִשְׁפַּט הַכֹּהֲנִים, לְפִיכָךְ לָכֶם וַעֲלֵיכֶם מִדַּת הַדִּין נֶהְפָּכֶת. שָׁמַע רַבִּי וְכָעַס, בְּפַתֵּי רַמְשָׁא סְלֵיק רֵישׁ לָקִישׁ שָׁאֵיל שְׁלָמֵיהּ דְּרַבִּי וּפַיְּסֵי עֲלוֹהִי דְּיוֹסֵי מְעוֹנָאָה, אָמַר לוֹ רַבִּי, צְרִיכִין אָנוּ לְהַחֲזִיק טוֹבָה לְאֻמּוֹת הָעוֹלָם, שֶׁהֵן מַכְנִיסִין מוּמָסִין לְבָתֵּי טְרַטְיָאוֹת וּלְבָתֵּי קַרְקְסָאוֹת שֶׁלָּהֶן וּמְשַׂחֲקִין בָּהֶם כְּדֵי שֶׁלֹא יִהְיוּ מְשִׂיחִין אֵלּוּ עִם אֵלּוּ וְיָבוֹאוּ לִידֵי קְטָטָה בְּטֵלָה, יוֹסֵי מְעוֹנָאָה אָמַר מִלָּה דְּאוֹרָיְיתָא וְאַקְפַּדְתְּ עֲלוֹהִי, אָמַר לוֹ וְיוֹדֵעַ הוּא בְּדִבְרֵי תוֹרָה כְּלוּם, אָמַר לוֹ הֵן. אֲמַר לֵיהּ וְאוּלְפַן קַבֵּיל, אֲמַר לֵיהּ אֵין. וְאִי שָׁאֵלְנָא לֵיהּ מְגִיִּיב, אֲמַר לֵיהּ אֵין, אִם כֵּן יִסַּק לְהָכָא, וּסְלֵיק לְגַבֵּיהּ, אֲמַר לֵיהּ מַהוּ דִּכְתִיב: הִנֵּה כָּל הַמּשֵׁל עָלַיִךָ יִמְשֹׁל לֵאמֹר כְּאִמָּה בִּתָּהּ. אֲמַר לֵיהּ כַּבַּת כֵּן אִמָּהּ, כַּדּוֹר כֵּן נָשִׂיא, כַּמִּזְבֵּחַ כֵּן כֹּהֲנָיו. הָכָא אָמְרֵי לְפוּם גִּנְּתָא גַּנָּנָא. אָמַר לוֹ רֵישׁ לָקִישׁ עַד כַּדּוּן לָא חֲסֵלִית מִן מְפַיְּסֵיהּ עַל הָדָא וְאַתָּה מַיְיתֵי לָן אוֹחֲרִי, עִקָּרוֹ שֶׁל דָּבָר הִנֵּה כָּל הַמּשֵׁל מַהוּ, אֲמַר לֵיהּ לֵית תּוֹרְתָא עֲנִישָׁא עַד דִּבְרַתָּהּ בְּעִיטָא, לֵית אִתְּתָא זָנְיָא עַד דִּבְרַתָּהּ זָנְיָא. אָמְרוּ לֵיהּ אִם כֵּן לֵאָה אִמֵּנוּ זוֹנָה הָיְתָה, אָמַר לָהֶם (בראשית ל, טז): וַתֵּצֵא לִקְרָאתוֹ וגו', יָצָאת מְקֻשֶּׁטֶת כְּזוֹנָה, לְפִיכָךְ וַתֵּצֵא דִינָה בַּת לֵאָה. 80.1. וַיִּקְּחוּ שְׁנֵי בְנֵי יַעֲקֹב שִׁמְעוֹן וְלֵוִי (בראשית לד, כה), מִמַּשְׁמַע שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר: שִׁמְעוֹן וְלֵוִי, יָדַעְנוּ שֶׁבְּנֵי יַעֲקֹב הֵם, אֶלָּא בְּנֵי יַעֲקֹב שֶׁלֹא נָטְלוּ עֵצָה מִיַּעֲקֹב. שִׁמְעוֹן וְלֵוִי, שֶׁנָטְלוּ עֵצָה זֶה מִזֶּה. אֲחֵי דִינָה, וְכִי אֲחוֹת שְׁנֵיהֶם הָיְתָה וַהֲלוֹא אֲחוֹת כָּל הַשְּׁבָטִים הָיְתָה, אֶלָּא לְפִי שֶׁנָּתְנוּ אֵלּוּ נַפְשָׁם עָלֶיהָ נִקְרֵאת עַל שְׁמָם, וְדִכְוָתָהּ (שמות טו, כ): וַתִּקַּח מִרְיָם הַנְּבִיאָה אֲחוֹת אַהֲרֹן, וְכִי אֲחוֹת אַהֲרֹן הָיְתָה וַהֲלוֹא אֲחוֹת שְׁנֵיהֶם הָיְתָה, אֶלָּא לְפִי שֶׁנָּתַן אַהֲרֹן נַפְשׁוֹ עָלֶיהָ לְפִיכָךְ נִקְרֵאת עַל שְׁמוֹ, וְדִכְוָתָהּ (במדבר כה, יח): וְעַל דְּבַר כָּזְבִּי בַת נְשִׂיא מִדְיָן אֲחֹתָם, וְכִי אֲחוֹתָם הָיְתָה וַהֲלוֹא בַּת אֻמָּתָן הָיְתָה, אֶלָּא לְפִי שֶׁנָּתְנָה נַפְשָׁהּ עַל אֻמָּתָהּ נִקְרֵאת אֻמָּתָהּ לִשְׁמָהּ. (בראשית לד, כה): אִישׁ חַרְבּוֹ, רַבִּי אֶלְעָזָר אוֹמֵר בֶּן שְׁלשׁ עֶשְׂרֵה שָׁנָה הָיוּ. שְׁמוּאֵל שָׁאַל לְלֵוִי בַּר סִיסִי אָמַר לוֹ מַהוּ דֵין דִּכְתִיב (בראשית לד, כה): וַיָּבֹאוּ עַל הָעִיר בֶּטַח, אָמַר לוֹ בְּטוּחִים הָיוּ עַל כֹּחוֹ שֶׁל זָקֵן, וְלֹא הָיָה אָבִינוּ יַעֲקֹב רוֹצֶה שֶׁיַּעֲשׂוּ בָנָיו אוֹתוֹ הַמַּעֲשֶׂה, וְכֵיוָן שֶׁעָשׂוּ בָנָיו אוֹתוֹ מַעֲשֶׂה, אָמַר מָה אֲנִי מַנִּיחַ אֶת בָּנַי לִפֹּל בְּיַד אֻמּוֹת הָעוֹלָם, מֶה עָשָׂה נָטַל חַרְבּוֹ וְקַשְׁתּוֹ וְעָמַד לוֹ עַל פִּתְחָהּ שֶׁל שְׁכֶם וְאָמַר אִם יָבוֹאוּ אֻמּוֹת הָעוֹלָם לְהִזְדַּוֵּג לָהֶם לְבָנַי אֲנִי נִלְחַם כְּנֶגְדָן, הוּא דְּהוּא אוֹמֵר לוֹ לְיוֹסֵף (בראשית מח, כב): וַאֲנִי נָתַתִּי לְךָ שְׁכֶם אַחַד עַל אַחֶיךָ וגו', וְהֵיכָן מָצִינוּ שֶׁנָּטַל אָבִינוּ יַעֲקֹב חַרְבּוֹ וְקַשְׁתּוֹ בִּשְׁכֶם, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (בראשית מח, כב): אֲשֶׁר לָקַחְתִּי מִיַּד הָאֱמֹרִי בְּחַרְבִּי וּבְקַשְׁתִּי. (בראשית לד, כו): וְאֶת חֲמוֹר וְאֶת שְׁכֶם בְּנוֹ. 80.2. וּכְחַכֵּי אִישׁ גְּדוּדִים חֶבֶר כֹּהֲנִים דֶּרֶךְ יְרַצְּחוּ שֶׁכְמָה כִּי זִמָּה עָשׂוּ (הושע ו, ט), כְּשֵׁם שֶׁהַלִּסְטִים הַלָּלוּ יוֹשְׁבִין עַל הַדֶּרֶךְ וְהוֹרְגִים בְּנֵי אָדָם וְנוֹטְלִים מָמוֹנָם, כָּךְ עָשׂוּ שִׁמְעוֹן וְלֵוִי לִשְׁכֶם, אֶלָּא כְּחֶבֶר כֹּהֲנִים, אֶתְמְהָא, כְּשֵׁם שֶׁהַכֹּהֲנִים הַלָּלוּ נֶחְבָּרִים עַל הַגֹּרֶן לִטֹּל אֶת חֶלְקָם, כָּךְ עָשׂוּ שִׁמְעוֹן וְלֵוִי לִשְׁכֶם, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר: דֶּרֶךְ יְרַצְּחוּ שֶׁכְמָה, מִדֶּרֶךְ יְרַצְּחוּ שִׁמְעוֹן וְלֵוִי לִשְׁכֶם. (בראשית לד, לא): הַכְזוֹנָה וגו', אָמְרוּ מָה הֵם נוֹהֲגִים בָּנוּ כִּבְנֵי אָדָם שֶׁל הֶפְקֵר, וּמִי גָרַם וַתֵּצֵא דִינָה בַּת לֵאָה. 98.13. דָּן יָדִין עַמּוֹ כְּאַחַד שִׁבְטֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל (בראשית מט, טז), כַּמְּיֻחָד שֶׁל שְׁבָטִים. אָמַר רַבִּי יְהוֹשֻׁעַ בַּר נְחֶמְיָה אִלּוּלֵי שֶׁנִּדְבַּק לַמְיֻחָד שֶׁבַּשְּׁבָטִים אֲפִלּוּ שׁוֹפֵט אֶחָד שֶׁהֶעֱמִיד לֹא הָיָה מַעֲמִיד, וְאֵיזֶה זֶה, זֶה שִׁמְשׁוֹן בֶּן מָנוֹחַ. כִּיחִידוֹ שֶׁל עוֹלָם, מַה יְּחִידוֹ שֶׁל עוֹלָם אֵינוֹ צָרִיךְ סִיּוּעַ כָּךְ שִׁמְשׁוֹן בֶּן מָנוֹחַ אֵינוֹ צָרִיךְ לְסִיּוּעַ, אֶלָּא (שופטים טו, טו): וַיִּמְצָא לְחִי חֲמוֹר טְרִיָה, מַהוּ טְרִיָה, בַּר תְּלָתָא יוֹמִין. רַבִּי אָבוּן אָמַר בִּטְנָהּ תְּרֵין, הִיא דַּעְתֵּיהּ דְּרַבִּי אָבוּוֹן, דְּאָמַר רַבִּי אָבוּן (שופטים טו, טז): בִּלְחִי הַחֲמוֹר חֲמוֹר חֲמֹרָתָיִם וגו' (שופטים טו, יח): וַיִּצְמָא מְאֹד, דִּמְפַטְפֵּט צָחֵי, אָמַר רַבִּי חוּנְיָא וְרַבִּי עֲזַרְיָה בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן אֲפִלּוּ הָיָה צַרְצוּר שֶׁל מַיִם לֹא הָיָה יָכוֹל לִפְשֹׁט אֶת יָדוֹ וְלִטְלוֹ, אֶלָּא (שופטים טו, יח): וַיִּקְרָא אֶל ה' וַיֹּאמַר אַתָּה נָתַתָּ בְיַד עַבְדְּךָ וגו', אָמַר לְפָנָיו רִבּוֹן הָעוֹלָמִים אִם אֵינוֹ בֵּינִי לְבֵינָן אֶלָּא הַמִּילָה הַזֹּאת כְּדַאי הוּא שֶׁלֹא אֶפֹּל בְּיָדָן, מִיָּד (שופטים טו, יט): וַיִּבְקַע אֱלֹהִים אֶת הַמַּכְתֵּשׁ אֲשֶׁר בַּלֶּחִי, רַבִּי לֵוִי וְרַבָּנָן, רַבִּי לֵוִי אָמַר הַמָּקוֹם הַהוּא שְׁמוֹ לֶחִי. רַבָּנָן אָמְרֵי הַמָּקוֹם הַהוּא מַכְתֵּשׁ שְׁמוֹ. רַבִּי אַבָּא בַּר כַּהֲנָא וְרַבִּי בֶּרֶכְיָה בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר מְלַמֵּד שֶׁהֵבִיא לוֹ הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא מַעֲיָן מִבֵּין שִׁנָּיו, בְּאֵיזוֹ זְכוּת, מִבִּרְכָתוֹ שֶׁל משֶׁה שֶׁאָמַר (דברים לג, כב): יְזַנֵּק מִן הַבָּשָׁן, מִבֵּין שִׁנָּיו. | 55.1. "And it came to pass after these things, that God tested [nisah] Avraham (Gen. 21:1). It is written, “You have given a nes (flag, banner) to those who fear You, that it may be displayed [lehithnoses] because of truth [koshet], selah” (Ps. 60:6): this means, trial after trial, greatness after greatness, in order to test them in the world and exalt them in the world like a ship’s flag. And why all this? ‘Because of truth, selah’: so that the attribute of justice [din] may be verified [titkashet] in the world. Thus, if one says: ‘Whom God wishes to enrich, God enriches; to impoverish, God impoverishes; whom God desires God makes into a king; when God wished, God made Avraham wealthy, and when God wished God made him a king!’ Then you can answer that person and say, ‘Can you do what Avraham did?’ And the person would ask: 'What did he do?' and you say: \"Avraham was a hundred years old, when his son Itzchak was born to him\" (Gen. 21:5); yet after all this pain it was said to him: \"Take, please, your son, your only son\" (22:2), yet he did not refuse. This is ‘You have given a flag to those who fear You, that it may be displayed’.", 55.4. "After these things — misgivings were experienced on that occasion. Who then had misgivings? Avraham, saying to himself: ‘I have rejoiced and made all others rejoice, yet I did not set aside a single bullock or ram for the Holy One of Blessing.’ Said the Holy One of Blessing to him: ‘I know that even if you were commanded to offer your only son to Me, you would not refuse.’ - this is according to Rabbi Eleazar who said that the employment of va-e-lohim where E-lohim would suffice, implies both God and God’s Court. It was the ministering angels who spoke thus: ‘This Avraham rejoiced and made all others rejoice, yet did not set aside for the Holy One of Blessing a single bullock or ram.’ Said the Holy One of Blessing to them: ‘Even if we tell him to offer his own son, he will not refuse.’ Itzchak and Ishmael were engaged in a dispute: the latter argued, ‘I am more beloved than you, because I was circumcised at the age of thirteen’; while the other retorted, ‘I am more beloved than you, because I was circumcised at eight days.’ Said Ishmael to him: ‘I am more beloved, because I could have protested, yet I did not.’ At that moment Itzchak exclaimed: ‘O that God would appear to me and bid me cut off one of my limbs! then I would not refuse.’ Said God: ‘Even if I bid you sacrifice yourself, you will not refuse.’ [Another version: Said Ishmael to him: ‘I am more beloved than you, since I as circumcised at the age of thirteen, but you were circumcised as a baby and could not refuse.’ Itzchak retorted: ‘All that you did lend to the Holy One of Blessing was three drops of blood. But look, I am now thirty-seven years old, yet if God desired of me that I be slaughtered, I would not refuse.’ Said the Holy One of Blessing ‘This is the moment!’ Straightway, “God tested Avraham”.]", 56.10. "\"And Avraham called the name of the place \"Ad-nai Yireh\" [Ad-nai will see] (Gen. 22:14). Rabbi Yocha said \"he said to Him: 'Master of Worlds, at the hour that you said to me \"Take please your son, your only son\" (Gen. 22:2), I had what to respond. Yesterday You said \"For through Itzchak [will I make your line great]\" (Gen. 21:22) but now \"Take please your son\"!? And God forbid that I don't do as you've asked me; instead, I conquered my mercy to do Your will. May it be your will, Ad-nai our God, that in the hour when the sons of Itzchak come to do transgressions and bad deeds, that this very Binding [Akeidah] be remembered for them, and may You be filled with Mercy on them!' Avraham called it \"Yireh\", as it says \"and Avraham called the name of the place Ad-nai Yireh.\" Shem called it Shalem, as it says \"And Malchitzedek, the king of Shalem...\"(Genesis 14:18) The Holy One of Blessing said \"If I call it Yireh, as Avraham called it, then Shem, who was a righteous man, will become angry; and if I call it Shalem, Abraham, who was a righteous man, will be angry. Instead, I call it Yerushalayim [Jerusalem], as they called it together: Yireh Shalem. Jerusalem. Rabbi Berechiah said in Rabbi Helbo’s name: While it was Shalem, the Holy One of Blessing made for Godself a sukkah [booth] and prayed in it, since it says \"In Shalem is set His tabernacle, and His dwelling-place in Tzion\" (Psalms 76:3). And what did He say? ‘May it happen that I see the building of My house.\" Another interpretation: It [this verse] teaches that the Holy One of Blessing showed him the Temple destroyed and built, destroyed and build [a second time], since it says: \"the name of that place Ad-nai Yireh\" (Ad-nai sees): this is it built, as you say [the verse] \"Three times in a year shall all your males be seen [yira'eh] (Deut. 16:16). \"As it is said to this day in the Mountain of Ad-nai [is seen, Heb. yira'eh]\" (Gen.22:14) This is it destroyed, as in the verse \"on the mountain of Tzion, which is desolate\" (Lam. 5:18). \"Ad-nai is seen\" this is it built and perfected in the future to come as the topic [in the verse] that is said: \"When Ad-nai built Tzion, He will be seen in His glory\" (Psalms 102:17).", |
|
| 138. Tertullian, Against The Jews, 8.18, 9.26-9.27 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 92; Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 74 |
139. Tertullian, Against Marcion, 3.20, 4.1, 4.36 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 74 | 3.20. It is sufficient for my purpose to have traced thus far the course of Christ's dispensation in these particulars. This has proved Him to be such a one as prophecy announced He should be, so that He ought not to be regarded in any other character than that which prediction assigned to Him; and the result of this agreement between the facts of His course and the Scriptures of the Creator should be the restoration of belief in them from that prejudice which has, by contributing to diversity of opinion, either thrown doubt upon, or led to a denial of, a considerable part of them. And now we go further and build up the superstructure of those kindred events out of the Scriptures of the Creator which were predicted and destined to happen after Christ. For the dispensation would not be found complete, if He had not come after whom it had to run on its course. Look at all nations from the vortex of human error emerging out of it up to the Divine Creator, the Divine Christ, and deny Him to be the object of prophecy, if you dare. At once there will occur to you the Father's promise in the Psalms: You are my Son, this day have I begotten You. Ask of me, and I shall give You the heathen for Your inheritance, and the uttermost parts of the earth for Your possession. You will not be able to put in a claim for some son of David being here meant, rather than Christ; or for the ends of the earth being promised to David, whose kingdom was confined to the Jewish nation simply, rather than to Christ, who now embraces the whole world in the faith of His gospel. So again He says by Isaiah: I have given You for a dispensation of the people, for a light of the Gentiles, to open the eyes of the blind, that is, those that be in error, to bring out the prisoners from the prison, that is, to free them from sin, and from the prison-house, that is, of death, those that sit in darkness - even that of ignorance. Isaiah 42:6-7 If these things are accomplished through Christ, they would not have been designed in prophecy for any other than Him through whom they have their accomplishment. In another passage He also says: Behold, I have set Him as a testimony to the nations, a prince and commander to the nations; nations which know You not shall invoke You, and peoples shall run together unto You. Isaiah 55:4-5 You will not interpret these words of David, because He previously said, I will make an everlasting covet with you, even the sure mercies of David. Isaiah 55:3 Indeed, you will be obliged from these words all the more to understand that Christ is reckoned to spring from David by carnal descent, by reason of His birth of the Virgin Mary. Touching this promise of Him, there is the oath to David in the psalm, of the fruit of your body will I set upon your throne. What body is meant? David's own? Certainly not. For David was not to give birth to a son. Nor his wife's either. For instead of saying, of the fruit of your body, he would then have rather said, of the fruit of your wife's body. But by mentioning his body, it follows that He pointed to some one of his race of whose body the flesh of Christ was to be the fruit, which bloomed forth from Mary's womb. He named the fruit of the body (womb) alone, because it was peculiarly fruit of the womb, of the womb only in fact, and not of the husband also; and he refers the womb (body) to David, as to the chief of the race and father of the family. Because it could not consist with a virgin's condition to consort her with a husband, He therefore attributed the body (womb) to the father. That new dispensation, then, which is found in Christ now, will prove to be what the Creator then promised under the appellation of the sure mercies of David, which were Christ's, inasmuch as Christ sprang from David, or rather His very flesh itself was David's sure mercies, consecrated by religion, and sure after its resurrection. Accordingly the prophet Nathan, in the first of Kings, makes a promise to David for his seed, which shall proceed, says he, out of your bowels. Now, if you explain this simply of Solomon, you will send me into a fit of laughter. For David will evidently have brought forth Solomon! But is not Christ here designated the seed of David, as of that womb which was derived from David, that is, Mary's? Now, because Christ rather than any other was to build the temple of God, that is to say, a holy manhood, wherein God's Spirit might dwell as in a better temple, Christ rather than David's son Solomon was to be looked for as the Son of God. Then, again, the throne for ever with the kingdom for ever is more suited to Christ than to Solomon, a mere temporal king. From Christ, too, God's mercy did not depart, whereas on Solomon even God's anger alighted, after his luxury and idolatry. For Satan stirred up an Edomite as an enemy against him. Since, therefore, nothing of these things is compatible with Solomon, but only with Christ, the method of our interpretations will certainly be true; and the very issue of the facts shows that they were clearly predicted of Christ. And so in Him we shall have the sure mercies of David. Him, not David, has God appointed for a testimony to the nations; Him, for a prince and commander to the nations, not David, who ruled over Israel alone. It is Christ whom all nations now invoke, which knew Him not; Christ to whom all races now betake themselves, whom they were ignorant of before. It is impossible that that should be said to be future, which you see (daily) coming to pass. 4.1. Every opinion and the whole scheme of the impious and sacrilegious Marcion we now bring to the test of that very Gospel which, by his process of interpolation, he has made his own. To encourage a belief of this Gospel he has actually devised for it a sort of dower, in a work composed of contrary statements set in opposition, thence entitled Antitheses, and compiled with a view to such a severance of the law from the gospel as should divide the Deity into two, nay, diverse, gods - one for each Instrument, or Testament as it is more usual to call it; that by such means he might also patronize belief in the Gospel according to the Antitheses. These, however, I would have attacked in special combat, hand to hand; that is to say, I would have encountered singly the several devices of the Pontic heretic, if it were not much more convenient to refute them in and with that very gospel to which they contribute their support. Although it is so easy to meet them at once with a peremptory demurrer, yet, in order that I may both make them admissible in argument, and account them valid expressions of opinion, and even contend that they make for our side, that so there may be all the redder shame for the blindness of their author, we have now drawn out some antitheses of our own in opposition to Marcion. And indeed I do allow that one order did run its course in the old dispensation under the Creator, and that another is on its way in the new under Christ. I do not deny that there is a difference in the language of their documents, in their precepts of virtue, and in their teachings of the law; but yet all this diversity is consistent with one and the same God, even Him by whom it was arranged and also foretold. Long ago did Isaiah declare that out of Sion should go forth the law, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem Isaiah 2:3 - some other law, that is, and another word. In short, says he, He shall judge among the nations, and shall rebuke many people; Isaiah 2:4 meaning not those of the Jewish people only, but of the nations which are judged by the new law of the gospel and the new word of the apostles, and are among themselves rebuked of their old error as soon as they have believed. And as the result of this, they beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears (which are a kind of hunting instruments) into pruning-hooks; Isaiah 2:4 that is to say, minds, which once were fierce and cruel, are changed by them into good dispositions productive of good fruit. And again: Hearken unto me, hearken unto me, my people, and you kings, give ear unto me; for a law shall proceed from me, and my judgment for a light to the nations; wherefore He had determined and decreed that the nations also were to be enlightened by the law and the word of the gospel. This will be that law which (according to David also) is unblameable, because perfect, converting the soul from idols unto God. This likewise will be the word concerning which the same Isaiah says, For the Lord will make a decisive word in the land. Because the New Testament is compendiously short, and freed from the minute and perplexing burdens of the law. But why enlarge, when the Creator by the same prophet foretells the renovation more manifestly and clearly than the light itself? Remember not the former things, neither consider the things of old (the old things have passed away, and new things are arising). Behold, I will do new things, which shall now spring forth. Isaiah 43:18-19 So by Jeremiah: Break up for yourselves new pastures, and sow not among thorns, and circumcise yourselves in the foreskin of your heart. And in another passage: Behold, the days come, says the Lord, that I will make a new covet with the house of Jacob, and with the house of Judah; not according to the covet that I made with their fathers in the day when I arrested their dispensation, in order to bring them out of the land of Egypt. He thus shows that the ancient covet is temporary only, when He indicates its change; also when He promises that it shall be followed by an eternal one. For by Isaiah He says: Hear me, and you shall live; and I will make an everlasting covet with you, adding the sure mercies of David, Isaiah 55:3 in order that He might show that that covet was to run its course in Christ. That He was of the family of David, according to the genealogy of Mary, He declared in a figurative way even by the rod which was to proceed out of the stem of Jesse. Isaiah 11:1 Forasmuch then as he said, that from the Creator there would come other laws, and other words, and new dispensations of covets, indicating also that the very sacrifices were to receive higher offices, and that among all nations, by Malachi when he says: I have no pleasure in you, says the Lord, neither will I accept your sacrifices at your hands. For from the rising of the sun, even unto the going down of the same, my name shall be great among the Gentiles; and in every place a sacrifice is offered unto my name, even a pure offering Malachi 1:10-11 - meaning simple prayer from a pure conscience - it is of necessity that every change which comes as the result of innovation, introduces a diversity in those things of which the change is made, from which diversity arises also a contrariety. For as there is nothing, after it has undergone a change, which does not become different, so there is nothing different which is not contrary. of that very thing, therefore, there will be predicated a contrariety in consequence of its diversity, to which there accrued a change of condition after an innovation. He who brought about the change, the same instituted the diversity also; He who foretold the innovation, the same announced beforehand the contrariety likewise. Why, in your interpretation, do you impute a difference in the state of things to a difference of powers? Why do you wrest to the Creator's prejudice those examples from which you draw your antitheses, when you may recognise them all in His sensations and affections? I will wound, He says, and I will heal; I will kill, He says again, and I will make alive Deuteronomy 32:39 - even the same who creates evil and makes peace; Isaiah 45:7 from which you are used even to censure Him with the imputation of fickleness and inconstancy, as if He forbade what He commanded, and commanded what He forbade. Why, then, have you not reckoned up the Antitheses also which occur in the natural works of the Creator, who is for ever contrary to Himself? You have not been able, unless I am misinformed, to recognise the fact, that the world, at all events, even among your people of Pontus, is made up of a diversity of elements which are hostile to one another. It was therefore your bounden duty first to have determined that the god of the light was one being, and the god of darkness was another, in such wise that you might have been able to have distinctly asserted one of them to be the god of the law and the other the god of the gospel. It is, however, the settled conviction already of my mind from manifest proofs, that, as His works and plans exist in the way of Antitheses, so also by the same rule exist the mysteries of His religion. 4.36. When He recommends perseverance and earnestness in prayer, He sets before us the parable of the judge who was compelled to listen to the widow, owing to the earnestness and importunity of her requests. Luke 18:1-8 He show us that it is God the judge whom we must importune with prayer, and not Himself, if He is not Himself the judge. But He added, that God would avenge His own elect. Luke 18:7-8 Since, then, He who judges will also Himself be the avenger, He proved that the Creator is on that account the specially good God, whom He represented as the avenger of His own elect, who cry day and night to Him. And yet, when He introduces to our view the Creator's temple, and describes two men worshipping therein with diverse feelings - the Pharisee in pride, the publican in humility - and shows us how they accordingly went down to their homes, one rejected, the other justified, Luke 18:10-14 He surely, by thus teaching us the proper discipline of prayer, has determined that that God must be prayed to from whom men were to receive this discipline of prayer- whether condemnatory of pride, or justifying in humility. I do not find from Christ any temple, any suppliants, any sentence (of approval or condemnation) belonging to any other god than the Creator. Him does He enjoin us to worship in humility, as the lifter-up of the humble, not in pride, because He brings down the proud. What other god has He manifested to me to receive my supplications? With what formula of worship, with what hope (shall I approach him?) I trow, none. For the prayer which He has taught us suits, as we have proved, none but the Creator. It is, of course, another matter if He does not wish to be prayed to, because He is the supremely and spontaneously good God! But who is this good God? There is, He says, none but one. Luke 18:19 It is not as if He had shown us that one of two gods was the supremely good; but He expressly asserts that there is one only good God, who is the only good, because He is the only God. Now, undoubtedly, He is the good God who sends rain on the just and on the unjust, and makes His sun to rise on the evil and on the good; Matthew 5:45 sustaining and nourishing and assisting even Marcionites themselves! When afterwards a certain man asked him, 'Good Master, what shall I do to inherit eternal life?' (Jesus) inquired whether he knew (that is, in other words, whether he kept) the commandments of the Creator, in order to testify that it was by the Creator's precepts that eternal life is acquired. Luke 18:18-20 Then, when he affirmed that from his youth up he had kept all the principal commandments, (Jesus) said to him: One thing you yet lack: sell all that you have, and give to the poor, and you shall have treasure in heaven; and come, follow me. Luke 18:21-22 Well now, Marcion, and all you who are companions in misery, and associates in hatred with that heretic, what will you dare say to this? Did Christ rescind the forementioned commandments: Do not kill, Do not commit adultery, Do not steal, Do not bear false witness, Honour your father and your mother? Or did He both keep them, and then add what was wanting to them? This very precept, however, about giving to the poor, was very largely diffused through the pages of the law and the prophets. This vainglorious observer of the commandments was therefore convicted of holding money in much higher estimation (than charity). This verity of the gospel then stands unimpaired: I am not come to destroy the law and the prophets, but rather to fulfil them. Matthew 5:17 He also dissipated other doubts, when He declared that the name of God and of the Good belonged to one and the same being, at whose disposal were also the everlasting life and the treasure in heaven and Himself too - whose commandments He both maintained and augmented with His own supplementary precepts. He may likewise be discovered in the following passage of Micah, saying: He has showed you, O man, what is good; and what does the Lord require of you, but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to be ready to follow the Lord your God? Now Christ is the man who tells us what is good, even the knowledge of the law. You know, says He, the commandments. To do justly- Sell all that you have; to love mercy - Give to the poor: and to be ready to walk with God - And come, says He, follow me. The Jewish nation was from its beginning so carefully divided into tribes and clans, and families and houses, that no man could very well have been ignorant of his descent - even from the recent assessments of Augustus, which were still probably extant at this time. But the Jesus of Marcion (although there could be no doubt of a person's having been born, who was seen to be a man), as being unborn, could not, of course, have possessed any public testimonial of his descent, but was to be regarded as one of that obscure class of whom nothing was in any way known. Why then did the blind man, on hearing that He was passing by, exclaim, Jesus, You Son of David, have mercy on me? Luke 18:38 unless he was considered, in no uncertain manner, to be the Son of David (in other words, to belong to David's family) through his mother and his brethren, who at some time or other had been made known to him by public notoriety? Those, however, who went before rebuked the blind man, that he should hold his peace. Luke 18:39 And properly enough; because he was very noisy, not because he was wrong about the son of David. Else you must show me, that those who rebuked him were aware that Jesus was not the Son of David, in order that they may be supposed to have had this reason for imposing silence on the blind man. But even if you could show me this, still (the blind man) would more readily have presumed that they were ignorant, than that the Lord could possibly have permitted an untrue exclamation about Himself. But the Lord stood patient. Luke 18:40 Yes; but not as confirming the error, for, on the contrary, He rather displayed the Creator. Surely He could not have first removed this man's blindness, in order that he might afterwards cease to regard Him as the Son of David! However, that you may not slander His patience, nor fasten on Him any charge of dissimulation, nor deny Him to be the Son of David, He very pointedly confirmed the exclamation of the blind man - both by the actual gift of healing, and by bearing testimony to his faith: Your faith, say Christ, has made you whole. Luke 18:42 What would you have the blind man's faith to have been? That Jesus was descended from that (alien) god (of Marcion), to subvert the Creator and overthrow the law and the prophets? That He was not the destined offshoot from the root of Jesse, and the fruit of David's loins, the restorer also of the blind? But I apprehend there were at that time no such stone-blind persons as Marcion, that an opinion like this could have constituted the faith of the blind man, and have induced him to confide in the mere name, of Jesus, the Son of David. He, who knew all this of Himself, and wished others to know it also, endowed the faith of this man - although it was already gifted with a better sight, and although it was in possession of the true light - with the external vision likewise, in order that we too might learn the rule of faith, and at the same time find its recompense. Whosoever wishes to see Jesus the Son of David must believe in Him; through the Virgin's birth. He who will not believe this will not hear from Him the salutation, Your faith has saved you. And so he will remain blind, falling into Antithesis after Antithesis, which mutually destroy each other, just as the blind man leads the blind down into the ditch. For (here is one of Marcion's Antitheses): whereas David in old time, in the capture of Sion, was offended by the blind who opposed his admission (into the stronghold) - in which respect (I should rather say) that they were a type of people equally blind, who in after-times would not admit Christ to be the son of David - so, on the contrary, Christ succoured the blind man, to show by this act that He was not David's son, and how different in disposition He was, kind to the blind, while David ordered them to be slain. If all this were so, why did Marcion allege that the blind man's faith was of so worthless a stamp? The fact is, the Son of David so acted, that the Antithesis must lose its point by its own absurdity. Those persons who offended David were blind, and the man who now presents himself as a suppliant to David's son is afflicted with the same infirmity. Therefore the Son of David was appeased with some sort of satisfaction by the blind man when He restored him to sight, and added His approval of the faith which had led him to believe the very truth, that he must win to his help the Son of David by earnest entreaty. But, after all, I suspect that it was the audacity (of the old Jebusites) which offended David, and not their malady. |
|
| 140. Tertullian, Apology, 18.29-18.30, 42.2.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, •john chrysostom Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 92; Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 134 |
| 141. Hermogenes, Rhetorical Exercises, 7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Gray (2021), Gregory of Nyssa as Biographer: Weaving Lives for Virtuous Readers, 72 |
| 142. Palestinian Talmud, Avodah Zarah, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, denunciation of christian adoption of jewish practices Found in books: Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 69 |
143. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 67.14.1-67.14.2, 72.31.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john •john chrysostom Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 77; Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 182 | 67.14.1. At this time the road leading from Sinuessa to Puteoli was paved with stone. And the same year Domitian slew, along with many others, Flavius Clemens the consul, although he was a cousin and had to wife Flavia Domitilla, who was also a relative of the emperor's. 67.14.2. The charge brought against them both was that of atheism, a charge on which many others who drifted into Jewish ways were condemned. Some of these were put to death, and the rest were at least deprived of their property. |
|
| 144. Chariton, Chaereas And Callirhoe, 7.5.9 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 112 |
| 145. Tertullian, On Monogamy, a b c d\n0 7. 7. 7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 74 |
| 146. Palestinian Talmud, Berachot, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 20 |
| 147. Clement of Alexandria, A Discourse Concerning The Salvation of Rich Men, 4.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 357 |
| 148. Anon., Didascalia Apostolorum, 3.9.18-3.9.19 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 37, 88 |
| 149. Anon., Qohelet Rabba, 1.8 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, denunciation of christian adoption of jewish practices Found in books: Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 69 |
| 150. Aristides of Athens, Apology, 8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 357 |
| 151. Palestinian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 237; Witter et al. (2021), Torah, Temple, Land: Constructions of Judaism in Antiquity, 261 |
| 152. Palestinian Talmud, Sotah, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
153. Tertullian, On Idolatry, 16-18 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 277 | 18. But we must now treat of the garb only and apparatus of office. There is a dress proper to every one, as well for daily use as for office and dignity. That famous purple, therefore, and the gold as an ornament of the neck, were, among the Egyptians and Babylonians, ensigns of dignity, in the same way as bordered, or striped, or palm-embroidered togas, and the golden wreaths of provincial priests, are now; but not on the same terms. For they used only to be conferred, under the name of honour, on such as deserved the familiar friendship of kings (whence, too, such used to be styled the purpled-men of kings, just as among us, some, from their white toga, are called candidates ); but not on the understanding that that garb should be tied to priesthoods also, or to any idol-ceremonies. For if that were the case, of course men of such holiness and constancy would instantly have refused the defiled dresses; and it would instantly have appeared that Daniel had been no zealous slave to idols, nor worshipped Bel, nor the dragon, which long after did appear. That purple, therefore, was simple, and used not at that time to be a mark of dignity among the barbarians, but of nobility. For as both Joseph, who had been a slave, and Daniel, who through captivity had changed his state, attained the freedom of the states of Babylon and Egypt through the dress of barbaric nobility; so among us believers also, if need so be, the bordered toga will be proper to be conceded to boys, and the stole to girls, as ensigns of birth, not of power; of race, not of office; of rank, not of superstition. But the purple, or the other ensigns of dignities and powers, dedicated from the beginning to idolatry engrafted on the dignity and the powers, carry the spot of their own profanation; since, moreover, bordered and striped togas, and broad-barred ones, are put even on idols themselves; and fasces also, and rods, are borne before them; and deservedly, for demons are the magistrates of this world: they bear the fasces and the purples, the ensigns of one college. What end, then, will you advance if you use the garb indeed, but administer not the functions of it? In things unclean, none can appear clean. If you put on a tunic defiled in itself, it perhaps may not be defiled through you; but you, through it, will be unable to be clean. Now by this time, you who argue about Joseph and Daniel, know that things old and new, rude and polished, begun and developed, slavish and free, are not always comparable. For they, even by their circumstances, were slaves; but you, the slave of none, in so far as you are the slave of Christ alone, who has freed you likewise from the captivity of the world, will incur the duty of acting after your Lord's pattern. That Lord walked in humility and obscurity, with no definite home: for the Son of man, said He, has not where to lay His head; unadorned in dress, for else He had not said, Behold, they who are clad in soft raiment are in kings' houses: in short, inglorious in countece and aspect, just as Isaiah withal had fore-announced. Isaiah 53:2 If, also, He exercised no right of power even over His own followers, to whom He discharged menial ministry; if, in short, though conscious of His own kingdom, He shrank back from being made a king, John 6:15 He in the fullest manner gave His own an example for turning coldly from all the pride and garb, as well of dignity as of power. For if they were to be used, who would rather have used them than the Son of God? What kind and what number of fasces would escort Him? What kind of purple would bloom from His shoulders? What kind of gold would beam from His head, had He not judged the glory of the world to be alien both to Himself and to His? Therefore what He was unwilling to accept, He has rejected; what He rejected, He has condemned; what He condemned, He has counted as part of the devil's pomp. For He would not have condemned things, except such as were not His; but things which are not God's, can be no other's but the devil's. If you have forsworn the devil's pomp, know that whatever there you touch is idolatry. Let even this fact help to remind you that all the powers and dignities of this world are not only alien to, but enemies of, God; that through them punishments have been determined against God's servants; through them, too, penalties prepared for the impious are ignored. But both your birth and your substance are troublesome to you in resisting idolatry. For avoiding it, remedies cannot be lacking; since, even if they be lacking, there remains that one by which you will be made a happier magistrate, not in the earth, but in the heavens. |
|
| 154. Clement of Alexandria, Christ The Educator, 5.23 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •chrysostom, john Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 237; Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 134; Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 112 |
| 155. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 2.145.3, 3.78.5, 3.100.5, 4.66.1, 7.49.6, 7.81.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 114; Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 306; Langstaff, Stuckenbruck, and Tilly, (2022), The Lord’s Prayer, 275; Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 37 |
| 156. Palestinian Talmud, Sukkah, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan |
157. Tertullian, On The Flesh of Christ, 21-22 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 74 | 22. They may, then, obliterate the testimony of the devils which proclaimed Jesus the son of David; but whatever unworthiness there be in this testimony, that of the apostles they will never be able to efface. There is, first of all, Matthew, that most faithful chronicler of the Gospel, because the companion of the Lord; for no other reason in the world than to show us clearly the fleshly original of Christ, he thus begins his Gospel: The book of the generation of Jesus Christ, the son of David, the son of Abraham. Matthew 1:1 With a nature issuing from such fountal sources, and an order gradually descending to the birth of Christ, what else have we here described than the very flesh of Abraham and of David conveying itself down, step after step, to the very virgin, and at last introducing Christ, - nay, producing Christ Himself of the virgin? Then, again, there is Paul, who was at once both a disciple, and a master, and a witness of the selfsame Gospel; as an apostle of the same Christ, also, he affirms that Christ was made of the seed of David, according to the flesh, - which, therefore, was His own likewise. Christ's flesh, then, is of David's seed. Since He is of the seed of David in consequence of Mary's flesh, He is therefore of Mary's flesh because of the seed of David. In what way so ever you torture the statement, He is either of the flesh of Mary because of the seed of David, or He is of the seed of David because of the flesh of Mary. The whole discussion is terminated by the same apostle, when he declares Christ to be the seed of Abraham. And if of Abraham, how much more, to be sure, of David, as a more recent progenitor! For, unfolding the promised blessing upon all nations in the person of Abraham, And in your seed shall all nations of the earth be blessed, he adds, He says not, And to seeds, as of many; but as of one, And to your seed, which is Christ. Galatians 3:8, 16 When we read and believe these things, what sort of flesh ought we, and can we, acknowledge in Christ? Surely none other than Abraham's, since Christ is the seed of Abraham; none other than Jesse's, since Christ is the blossom of the stem of Jesse; none other than David's, since Christ is the fruit of David's loins; none other than Mary's, since Christ came from Mary's womb; and, higher still, none other than Adam's, since Christ is the second Adam. The consequence, therefore, is that they must either maintain, that those (ancestors) had a spiritual flesh, that so there might be derived to Christ the same condition of substance, or else allow that the flesh of Christ was not a spiritual one, since it is not traced from the origin of a spiritual stock. |
|
| 158. Porphyry, Life of Plotinus, 14.10-14.18 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Amsler (2023), Knowledge Construction in Late Antiquity, 269 |
| 159. Plotinus, Enneads, 2.9.14, 4.4.26 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Janowitz (2002b), Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity, 15 |
| 160. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 12.9 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, on moses •john chrysostom, on recusatio Found in books: Niccolai (2023), Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire. 239 |
| 161. Iamblichus, Concerning The Mysteries, 5.8 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Janowitz (2002b), Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity, 15 |
| 162. Eusebius of Caesarea, De Laudibus Constantini, 11.2 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 173 |
| 163. Eusebius of Caesarea, Demonstration of The Gospel, 1.2.1, 3.6, 3.6.1-3.6.3 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 93, 209 |
164. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 3.5.2 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 280 | 3.5.2. For the Jews after the ascension of our Saviour, in addition to their crime against him, had been devising as many plots as they could against his apostles. First Stephen was stoned to death by them, and after him James, the son of Zebedee and the brother of John, was beheaded, and finally James, the first that had obtained the episcopal seat in Jerusalem after the ascension of our Saviour, died in the manner already described. But the rest of the apostles, who had been incessantly plotted against with a view to their destruction, and had been driven out of the land of Judea, went unto all nations to preach the Gospel, relying upon the power of Christ, who had said to them, Go and make disciples of all the nations in my name. |
|
165. Eusebius of Caesarea, Life of Constantine, 4.26 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 75 | 4.26. So numerous, indeed, were the benefits of this kind conferred by the emperor on every province, as to afford ample materials to any who might desire to record them. Among these may be instanced those laws which he entirely remodelled, and established on a more equitable basis: the nature of which reform may be briefly and easily explained. The childless were punished under the old law with the forfeiture of their hereditary property, a merciless statute, which dealt with them as positive criminals. The emperor annulled this, and decreed that those so circumstanced should inherit. He regulated the question on the principles of equity and justice, arguing willful transgressors should be chastised with the penalties their crimes deserve. But nature herself denies children to many, who long, perhaps, for a numerous offspring, but are disappointed of their hope by bodily infirmity. Others continue childless, not from any dislike of posterity, but because their ardent love of philosophy renders them averse to the conjugal union. Women, too, consecrated to the service of God, have maintained a pure and spotless virginity, and have devoted themselves, soul and body to a life of entire chastity and holiness. What then? Should this conduct be deemed worthy of punishment, or rather of admiration and praise; since to desire this state is in itself honorable, and to maintain it surpasses the power of unassisted nature? Surely those whose bodily infirmity destroys their hope of offspring are worthy of pity, not of punishment: and he who devotes himself to a higher object calls not for chastisement, but special admiration. On such principles of sound reason did the emperor rectify the defects of this law. Again, with regard to the wills of dying persons, the old laws had ordained that they should be expressed, even at the latest breath, as it were, in certain definite words, and had prescribed the exact form and terms to be employed. This practice had occasioned many fraudulent attempts to hinder the intentions of the deceased from being carried into full effect. As soon as our emperor was aware of these abuses, he reformed this law likewise, declaring that a dying man ought to be permitted to indicate his last wishes in as few words as possible, and in whatever terms he pleased; and to set forth his will in any written form; or even by word of mouth, provided it were done in the presence of proper witnesses, who might be competent faithfully to discharge their trust. |
|
| 166. Pseudo-Justinus, Quaestiones Et Responsiones Ad Orthodoxos, 24 (3rd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Janowitz (2002b), Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity, 15 |
167. Babylonian Talmud, Yevamot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brooten (1982), Women Leaders in the Ancient Synagogue, 146| 46a. עובד כוכבים גופא לא קני ליה מאי דקני ליה הוא דמקני ליה לישראל וכיון דקדם וטבל לשם בן חורין אפקעיה לשעבודיה,כדרבא דאמר רבא הקדש חמץ ושחרור מפקיעין מידי שעבוד,מתיב רב חסדא מעשה בבלוריא הגיורת שקדמו עבדיה וטבלו לפניה ובא מעשה לפני חכמים ואמרו קנו עצמן בני חורין לפניה אין לאחריה לא,אמר רבא לפניה בין בסתם בין במפורש לאחריה במפורש אין בסתם לא,אמר רב אויא לא שנו אלא בלוקח מן העובד כוכבים אבל עובד כוכבים גופיה קני,דכתיב (ויקרא כה, מה) וגם מבני התושבים הגרים עמכם מהם תקנו אתם קונים מהם ולא הם קונים מכם ולא הם קונים זה מזה,ולא הם קונים מכם למאי אילימא למעשה ידיו אטו עובד כוכבים לא קני ליה לישראל למעשה ידיו והכתיב (ויקרא כה, מז) או לעקר משפחת גר ואמר מר משפחת גר זה העובד כוכבים אלא לאו לגופיה וקאמר רחמנא אתם קונין מהם אפילו גופיה,פריך רב אחא אימא בכספא ובטבילה קשיא,אמר שמואל וצריך לתקפו במים,כי האי דמנימין עבדיה דרב אשי בעא לאטבולי מסריה ניהלייהו לרבינא ולרב אחא ברי' דרבא אמר להו חזו דמינייכו קבעית ליה רמו ליה ארויסא בצואריה ארפו ליה וצמצמו ליה,ארפו ליה כי היכי דלא להוי חציצה צמצמו ליה כי היכי דלא לקדים ולימא להו לשם בן חורין אני טובל בהדי דדלי רישיה ממיא אנחו ליה זולטא דטינא ארישיה ואמרו ליה זיל אמטי לבי מרך,א"ל רב פפא לרבא חזי מר הני דבי פפא בר אבא דיהבי זוזי לאינשי לכרגייהו ומשעבדי בהו כי נפקי צריכי גיטא דחירותא או לא,א"ל איכו שכיבי לא אמרי לכו הא מילתא הכי א"ר ששת מוהרקייהו דהני בטפסא דמלכא מנח ומלכא אמר מאן דלא יהיב כרגא משתעבד למאן דיהיב כרגא,ר' חייא בר אבא איקלע לגבלא חזא בנות ישראל דמעברן מגרים שמלו ולא טבלו וחזא חמרא דישראל דמזגי עובדי כוכבים ושתו ישראל וחזא תורמוסין דשלקי עובדי כוכבים ואכלי ישראל ולא אמר להו ולא מידי,אתא לקמיה דר' יוחנן א"ל צא והכרז על בניהם שהם ממזרים ועל יינם משום יין נסך ועל תורמוסן משום בישולי עובדי כוכבים לפי שאינן בני תורה,על בניהן שהם ממזרים ר' יוחנן לטעמיה דאמר ר' חייא בר אבא אמר ר' יוחנן לעולם אין גר עד שימול ויטבול וכיון דלא טביל עובד כוכבים הוא ואמר רבה בר בר חנה א"ר יוחנן עובד כוכבים ועבד הבא על בת ישראל הולד ממזר,ועל יינם משום יין נסך משום לך לך אמרין נזירא סחור סחור לכרמא לא תקרב,ועל תורמוסן משום בשולי עובדי כוכבים לפי שאינן בני תורה הא בני תורה שרי והאמר רב שמואל בר רב יצחק משמי' דרב כל הנאכל כמות שהוא חי אין בו משום בשולי עובדי כוכבים והא תורמוס אינו נאכל כמות שהוא חי ויש בו משום בשולי עובדי כוכבים,ר' יוחנן כאידך לישנא סבירא ליה דאמר רב שמואל בר רב יצחק משמי' דרב כל שאין עולה על שולחן מלכים לאכול בו את הפת אין בו משום בשולי עובדי כוכבים וטעמא דאינן בני תורה הא בני תורה שרי,ת"ר גר שמל ולא טבל ר"א אומר הרי זה גר שכן מצינו באבותינו שמלו ולא טבלו טבל ולא מל ר' יהושע אומר הרי זה גר שכן מצינו באמהות שטבלו ולא מלו וחכמים אומרים טבל ולא מל מל ולא טבל אין גר עד שימול ויטבול,ורבי יהושע נמי נילף מאבות ור"א נמי נילף מאמהות וכי תימא אין דנין אפשר משאי אפשר,והתניא ר"א אומר מנין לפסח דורות שאין בא אלא מן החולין נאמר פסח במצרים ונאמר פסח בדורות מה פסח האמור במצרים אין בא אלא מן החולין אף פסח האמור לדורות אין בא אלא מן החולין,א"ל ר' עקיבא וכי דנין אפשר משאי אפשר א"ל אע"פ שאי אפשר ראיה גדולה היא ונלמד הימנה,אלא | 46a. His previous b gentile /b owner b did not have ownership of the /b slave’s b body, /b since a gentile is unable to have ownership of another’s body; rather, he had rights to only the slave’s labor. And only b that which he owned in him was he /b able to b sell to /b the b Jew. /b Therefore, before immersion, the Jew had rights to only the slave’s labor, but not ownership of his body, b and /b therefore, b once /b the slave b preempted /b his owner b and immersed for the sake of /b conversion to make him b a freeman, he abrogates /b his master’s b lien /b upon him.,The Gemara notes: This explanation is b in accordance with /b the opinion b of Rava, as Rava said: Consecration /b of an item to the Temple, the prohibition of b leavened bread /b taking effect upon a leavened food, b and /b the b emancipation /b of a slave b abrogate /b any b lien /b that exists upon them., b Rav Ḥisda raised an objection /b from a i baraita /i : There was b an incident involving Beloreya the female convert in which her slaves preempted /b her b and immersed before her /b own immersion for her own conversion. b And /b the details of the b incident came before the Sages, and they said: /b The slaves b acquired themselves /b and became b freemen. /b Rav Ḥisda explains how the i baraita /i poses a challenge: The i baraita /i implies that only because the slaves immersed b before her, /b while she was still a gentile, that b yes, /b they became freemen; however, had they immersed b after her, /b i.e., after she had already converted, then b no, /b they would not have become freemen. The reason for this is presumably that upon her conversion she attains the rights to her slaves’ bodies, and therefore their immersion for the sake of becoming freemen would be ineffective. However, this contradicts the Gemara’s explanation above that when a Jew gains ownership of a slave from a gentile, he has a right to only the slave’s labor.,To resolve the challenge b Rava said: /b When the i baraita /i says that because they immersed b before her /b they acquired themselves, that is b whether /b they immersed b without a specified /b intention b or whether /b they immersed b with explicit /b intention to convert and become freemen. However, had they immersed b after her, /b if they did so b with explicit /b intention to convert, then b yes, /b the immersion would achieve that end, but if they did so b without a specified /b intention, then b no, /b their immersion would, by default, be considered for the sake of slavery and they would not become free., b Rav Avya said: They taught /b that one acquires only the rights to the slave’s labor b only with regard to /b a Jew b who purchased /b a slave b from a gentile /b slave owner, b but /b if b a gentile /b sold b his /b own b body /b as a slave directly to a Jew, then the Jew b acquires /b his body., b As it is written: “Moreover, of the children of the strangers that sojourn among you, of them you may acquire” /b (Leviticus 25:45). The verse states only that b you, /b i.e., Jews, b can acquire /b a slave b from them, /b i.e., a gentile slave, b but they cannot acquire /b a slave b from you, /b i.e., a Jewish slave, b and they cannot acquire /b a slave b from one another. /b ,When it is derived that: b But they cannot acquire /b slaves b from you, to what /b type of acquisition is it referring? b If we say /b it is b for his labor, is that to say /b that b a gentile cannot acquire a Jew for his labor? Isn’t it written: /b “And if a stranger who is a settler with you becomes rich, and your brother becomes poor beside him, and he sells himself to the stranger who is a settler with you, b or to the offshoot of a stranger’s family” /b (Leviticus 25:47), b and the Master said /b in explanation of the phrase b “a stranger’s family” /b that b this /b is referring to b a gentile. /b If so, the verse explicitly states that a Jew can sell himself as a slave to a gentile. b Rather, is it not /b that the reference is b to /b selling b his body, and the Merciful One states /b that b you, /b i.e., Jews, b can acquire /b a slave b from them, /b which means b even his body. /b Accordingly the verse indicates that a Jew can acquire a gentile slave’s body, but a gentile is unable to acquire ownership of another’s body, even that of another gentile., b Rav Aḥa refutes /b Rav Avya’s explanation: b Say /b that the verse is referring to acquiring a gentile slave by both purchasing him b with money and /b then b by immersing /b him for the purpose of slavery, and only in that case does it teach that a Jew acquires the gentile slave’s body. However, until he has been immersed the acquisition is not fully complete, and therefore if the slave immerses himself with the intention to become free, then his immersion would achieve that end. The Gemara concedes: This is b difficult. /b , b Shmuel said: And /b if one wishes to ensure that one’s slave does not declare the immersion to be for the sake of conversion, then b one needs to hold him tightly in the water /b in a way that demonstrates the owner’s domice over the slave at that time, thereby defining the immersion as one for the sake of slavery.,That is b as /b demonstrated b in this /b incident b involving Minyamin, Rav Ashi’s slave: /b When b he wished to immerse /b him, b he passed him to Ravina and Rav Aḥa, son of Rava, /b to perform the immersion on his behalf, and b he said to them: Be aware that I will claim /b compensation b for him from you /b if you do not prevent my slave from immersing for the sake of conversion. b They placed a bridle [ i arvisa /i ] upon his neck, /b and at the moment of immersion b they loosened it and /b then immediately b tightened it /b again while he was still immersed.,The Gemara explains their actions: b They /b initially b loosened it in order that there should not be any interposition /b between the slave and the water during the immersion, which would invalidate it. b They /b immediately b tightened it /b again b in order that /b the slave b should not preempt /b them b and say to them: I am immersing for the sake of /b becoming b a freeman. When he lifted his head from the water they placed a bucket of clay upon his head and said to him: Go /b and b bring /b this b to the house of your master. /b They did this in order to demonstrate that the immersion had been successful and that he was still a slave., b Rav Pappa said to Rava: /b Has b the Master seen those of the house of Pappa bar Abba who give money /b to the tax-collectors b on behalf of /b poor b people to /b pay b for their poll tax [ i karga /i ], and /b as a result b they would enslave them. /b Anyone who did not pay the tax would be taken as a slave for the king. By paying for such people’s taxes, the members of the house of Pappa bar Abba essentially purchased those people, who had become the king’s slaves, for themselves. Rav Pappa asked: b When /b those slaves b go free, do they require a bill of emancipation, /b because the members of the house of Pappa bar Abba actually attained ownership of the slaves’ bodies, b or not, /b as they were owned only for the sake of their labor?, b He said to him: Were I dead I could not say this matter to you, /b so it is good that you have asked me while I am still alive, as I know that b this /b is what b Rav Sheshet said /b with regard to the matter: b The writ of slavery [ i moharkayehu /i ] of these /b residents of the kingdom b rests in the treasury [ i tafsa /i ] of the king, /b and in fact all the residents of the kingdom are considered to be full slaves of the king, i.e., he owns their bodies, irrespective of whether they pay their taxes. b And /b so when b the king says: One who does not give the poll tax is to be enslaved to the one who /b does b give the poll tax /b on his behalf, the king’s decree is fully effective in making those residents full slaves of those who paid for them. As such, they will require a bill of emancipation when they are freed.,§ The Gemara relates: b Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba /b once b happened /b to come b to Gavla. He saw Jewish women /b there b who had become pregt from converts who were circumcised but had /b still b not immersed /b to complete their conversion process; b and he saw wine of Jews that gentiles were pouring, and Jews were drinking /b it; b and he saw lupines [ i turmusin /i ] that gentiles were cooking, and Jews were eating /b them; b but he did not say anything to them. /b ,Later, b he came before Rabbi Yoḥa /b and told him what he had witnessed. b Rabbi Yoḥa said to him: Go and make /b a public b declaration concerning their children that they are i mamzerim /i , and concerning their wine /b that it is forbidden b because /b it is like b wine poured as an /b idolatrous b libation, and concerning their lupines /b that they are forbidden b because /b they are b food cooked by gentiles. /b One should be stringent and make such a declaration b because they are not /b well-versed b in Torah, /b and if they are left to be lax in this regard they will eventually transgress Torah prohibitions.,The Gemara explains: With regard to the declaration b concerning their children that they are i mamzerim /i , Rabbi Yoḥa /b conforms b to his /b standard line of b reasoning /b in two i halakhot /i : The first is b as Rabbi Ḥiyya bar Abba said /b that b Rabbi Yoḥa said: /b One b is never /b considered to be b a convert until he has been circumcised and has immersed. And since /b the convert in the case in Gavla b had not immersed, he is /b still considered b a gentile. And /b the second i halakha /i is as b Rabba bar bar Ḥana said /b that b Rabbi Yoḥa said: /b With regard to b a gentile or a slave who engaged in intercourse with a Jewish woman, the offspring /b of that union b is a i mamzer /i . /b , b And /b the reason to declare b concerning their wine /b that it is forbidden b because /b it is like b wine poured as an /b idolatrous b libation /b is that although their wine was not actually poured as an idolatrous libation, it was prohibited by rabbinic decree b due to /b the maxim that: b Go, go, we say to a nazirite, go around and go around, /b but b do not come near to the vineyard. /b Although a nazirite is prohibited only from eating produce of the vine, he is warned not even to come into close proximity of a vineyard as a protective measure to ensure that he will not transgress this prohibition. So too, in many cases, the Sages decreed certain items and actions to be prohibited because they understood that if people would partake of them, they would eventually transgress Torah prohibitions., b And /b the final declaration b concerning their lupines /b that they are forbidden b because /b they are b food cooked by gentiles /b is issued b because they are not /b well versed b in Torah. /b The Gemara expresses astonishment: Does this imply that b were they students of the Torah /b their lupines would b be permitted? Didn’t Rav Shmuel bar Rav Yitzḥak say in the name of Rav: Any /b food item b that is eaten as it is, raw, is not /b subject b to /b the prohibition of b food cooked by gentiles, /b even when cooked by them? b But a lupine is not eaten as it is, raw, and /b therefore b it is subject to /b the prohibition of b food cooked by gentiles. /b ,The Gemara explains that b Rabbi Yoḥa holds /b in this matter b in accordance with /b the opinion of b the other version /b of what b Rav Shmuel bar Rav Yitzḥak said in the name of Rav: Any /b food item that lacks sufficient importance such that it b does not appear on the table of kings /b in order b to eat bread with it is not /b subject b to /b the prohibition of b food cooked by gentiles. /b Lupines lack importance and are therefore permitted even if cooked by gentiles. b And /b consequently, b the /b only b reason /b to make a declaration prohibiting the residents of Gavla from eating them is b because they are not /b well versed b in Torah, /b and if they are left to be lax in this regard they will eventually become lax in actual Torah prohibitions; by inference, to those well versed b in Torah, it is permitted. /b br § During their sojourn in Egypt, the children of Israel had the halakhic status of gentiles. At the revelation at Sinai they entered into a national covet with God in which they attained their status of the Jewish people. This transformation was essentially the mass conversion of the people, and so their preparation for the revelation provides a paradigm of the process required for conversion for all generations. The i tanna’im /i disagree as to which aspects of that original conversion are to be derived for all generations., b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : With regard to b a convert who was circumcised but did not immerse, Rabbi Eliezer says /b that b this is a convert, as so we found with our forefathers /b following the exodus from Egypt b that they were circumcised but were not immersed. /b With regard to one who b immersed but was not circumcised, Rabbi Yehoshua says /b that b this is a convert, as so we found with our foremothers that they immersed but were not circumcised. And the Rabbis say: /b Whether b he immersed but was not circumcised /b or whether b he was circumcised but did not immerse, he is not a convert until he is circumcised and he immerses. /b ,The Gemara questions the opinions in the i baraita /i : b But let Rabbi Yehoshua also derive /b what is required for conversion b from /b our b forefathers; /b why didn’t he do so? b And let Rabbi Eliezer also derive /b the i halakha /i b from /b our b foremothers; /b why didn’t he do so? b And if you would say /b that Rabbi Eliezer did not derive the i halakha /i from our foremothers because he holds b one cannot derive /b the b possible from /b the b impossible, /b i.e., one cannot derive that men do not require circumcision from the i halakha /i that women do not require it, because for women it is a physical impossibility, that claim may be refuted.,It would appear that Rabbi Eliezer does not accept that principle, as b isn’t it taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Eliezer says: From where /b is it derived with regard b to /b the b Paschal lamb /b brought throughout the b generations that it may be brought only from non-sacred /b animals? b A Paschal lamb is stated /b in the Torah b in /b reference to the lamb that the Jewish people brought prior to the exodus from b Egypt, and a Paschal lamb is stated in /b reference to the yearly obligation throughout the b generations. /b The association between them teaches that b just as the Paschal lamb stated in /b reference to b Egypt was only brought from non-sacred /b animals, since prior to the giving of the Torah there was no possibility to consecrate property, b so too, /b with regard to b the Paschal lamb stated /b in reference b to /b the obligation throughout the b generations, it may be brought only from non-sacred /b animals., b Rabbi Akiva said to him: But can one derive /b the b possible, /b i.e., the i halakha /i for the Paschal lamb throughout the generations, where a possibility exists to bring it from consecrated animals, b from /b the b impossible, /b i.e., from the Paschal lamb in Egypt, where it was not a possibility? Rabbi Eliezer b said to him: Although it was impossible /b to bring the Paschal lamb in Egypt from consecrated animals, nevertheless, b it is /b still b a great proof, and we may learn from it. /b It is apparent, then, that Rabbi Eliezer holds that one can derive the possible from the impossible. Therefore the original question stands: Why didn’t Rabbi Eliezer derive from the foremothers that circumcision is not essential for conversion?,The Gemara concedes: b Rather, /b the i baraita /i must be reinterpreted as follows: |
|
168. Babylonian Talmud, Shabbat, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 69| 116a. שאין זה מקומה ר' אומר לא מן השם הוא זה אלא מפני שספר חשוב הוא בפני עצמו,כמאן אזלא הא דא"ר שמואל בר נחמן א"ר יונתן (משלי ט, א) חצבה עמודיה שבעה אלו שבעה ספרי תורה כמאן כר',מאן תנא דפליג עליה דר' רשב"ג הוא דתניא רשב"ג אומר עתידה פרשה זו שתיעקר מכאן ותכתב במקומה ולמה כתבה כאן כדי להפסיק בין פורענות ראשונה לפורענות שנייה פורענות שנייה מאי היא (במדבר יא, א) ויהי העם כמתאוננים פורענות ראשונה (במדבר י, לג) ויסעו מהר ה' וא"ר חמא בר' חנינא שסרו מאחרי ה' והיכן מקומה אמר רב אשי בדגלים,איבעיא להו הגליונין של ס"ת מצילין אותן מפני הדליקה או אין מצילין אותן מפני הדליקה ת"ש ס"ת שבלה אם יש בו ללקט שמונים וחמש אותיות כגון פרשת ויהי בנסוע הארון מצילין ואם לאו אין מצילין ואמאי תיפוק ליה משום גיליון דידיה בלה שאני,ת"ש ס"ת שנמחק אם יש בו ללקט שמונים וחמש אותיות כגון פרשת ויהי בנסוע הארון מצילין ואם לאו אין מצילין ואמאי תיפוק ליה משום גיליון דידיה מקום הכתב לא קמיבעיא לי דכי קדוש אגב כתב הוא דקדוש אזל כתב אזלא לה קדושתיה כי קמיבעיא לי של מעלה ושל מטה שבין פרשה לפרשה שבין דף לדף שבתחלת הספר שבסוף הספר ותיפוק ליה משום ההוא דגייז ושדי,ת"ש הגליונין של מעלה ושל מטה שבין פרשה לפרשה שבין דף לדף שבתחלת הספר שבסוף הספר מטמאין את הידים דילמא אגב ס"ת שאני,ת"ש הגיליונין וספרי מינין אין מצילין אותן מפני הדליקה אלא נשרפין במקומן הן ואזכרותיהן מאי לאו גליונין דספר תורה לא גליונין דספרי מינין השתא ספרי מינין גופייהו אין מצילין גליונין מבעיא הכי קאמר וספרי מינין הרי הן כגליונים,גופא הגליונים וספרי מינין אין מצילין אותם מפני הדליקה רבי יוסי אומר בחול קודר את האזכרות שבהן וגונזן והשאר שורפן א"ר טרפון אקפח את בני שאם יבאו לידי שאני אשרוף אותם ואת האזכרות שבהן שאפי' אדם רודף אחריו להורגו ונחש רץ להכישו נכנס לבית ע"ז ואין נכנס לבתיהן של אלו שהללו מכירין וכופרין והללו אין מכירין וכופרין ועליהן הכתוב אומר (ישעיהו נז, ח) [ו] אחר הדלת והמזוזה שמת זכרונך,א"ר ישמעאל ק"ו ומה לעשות שלום בין איש לאשתו אמרה תורה שמי שנכתב בקדושה ימחה על המים הללו שמטילין קנאה ואיבה ותחרות בין ישראל לאביהן שבשמים על אחת כמה וכמה ועליהם אמר דוד (תהלים קלט, כא) הלא משנאיך ה' אשנא ובתקוממיך אתקוטט תכלית שנאה שנאתים לאויבים היו לי וכשם שאין מצילין אותן מפני הדליקה כך אין מצילין אותן לא מן המפולת ולא מן המים ולא מדבר המאבדן,בעי מיניה יוסף בר חנין מר' אבהו הני ספרי דבי אבידן מצילין אותן מפני הדליקה או אין מצילין אין ולאו ורפיא בידיה רב לא אזיל לבי אבידן וכ"ש לבי נצרפי שמואל לבי נצרפי לא אזיל לבי אבידן אזיל אמרו ליה לרבא מ"ט לא אתית לבי אבידן אמר להו דיקלא פלניא איכא באורחא וקשי לי ניעקריה דוכתיה קשי לי מר בר יוסף אמר אנא מינייהו אנא ולא מסתפינא מינייהו זימנא חדא אזיל בעו לסכוניה [הוספה מחסרונות הש"ס: רבי מאיר הוה קרי ליה און גליון רבי יוחנן הוה קרי ליה עון גליון.],אימא שלום דביתהו דרבי אליעזר אחתיה דרבן גמליאל הואי הוה ההוא פילוסופא בשבבותיה | 116a. b that this is not its place, /b as the previous portion does not discuss the nation’s travels. b Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b says: It is not for that /b reason that signs were inserted. b Rather, /b the signs are there b because /b this portion b is considered a book unto itself. /b ,The Gemara asks: b According to whose /b opinion is b that /b which b Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥman said /b that b Rabbi Yonatan said, /b that with regard to the verse: “With wisdom she built her house, b she carved its seven pillars” /b (Proverbs 9:1), b these are the seven books of the Torah? According to whose /b opinion? It is b according to /b the opinion of b Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi, as by his count there are seven books of the Torah: Genesis; Exodus; Leviticus; Numbers until: “And when the Ark traveled”; the portion: “And when the Ark traveled,” which is considered its own book; the remainder of Numbers; and Deuteronomy., b Who is /b the b tanna who disagrees with Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi? b It is Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel. As it was taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel says: In the future, this portion will be uprooted from here, /b where it appears, b and will be written in its /b proper b place. And why was it written here, /b even though it discusses the travels of the children of Israel, and the portion before it does not? It is b in order to demarcate between the first punishment and the second punishment. What is the second punishment /b that appears immediately afterward? It is the verse: b “And the people complained /b wickedly in God’s ears, and God heard and became angry, and the fire of God burned in them and it consumed the edge of the camp” (Numbers 11:1). What is b the first punishment? /b It is the verse: b “And they traveled from the mountain of God [ i mehar Hashem /i ] /b for three days” (Numbers 10:33), b and Rabbi Ḥama, son of Rabbi Ḥanina, said: That they turned from after God [ i me’aḥarei Hashem /i ] /b and hurriedly fled Mount Sinai. The Gemara asks: b And /b if so, b where is /b the proper b place /b for this paragraph? b Rav Ashi said: In /b the portion of the b flags, /b where there is a description of the manner in which the Jewish people traveled through the desert., b A dilemma was raised before /b the Sages: With regard to b the blank folios /b of parchment b of a Torah scroll, /b does b one rescue them from the fire /b on Shabbat, b or /b does b one not rescue them from the fire? Come /b and b hear /b a resolution to this from that which we learned: With regard to b a Torah scroll that is worn, if there is /b enough b in it to compile eighty-five /b complete b letters as in the portion of: “And when the Ark traveled,” one rescues /b it from the fire, b and if not one does not rescue /b it. If even the blank folios are rescued, b why /b would one not rescue a Torah scroll with fewer than the requisite number of letters? b Derive /b that this scroll may be rescued b due to its blank folios. The Gemara /b answers: A Torah scroll that is b worn is different, /b because at that point its sanctity is negated, and its blank folios are not sacred. Therefore, one may rescue the scroll only if it contains eighty-five letters., b Come /b and b hear /b a different resolution from that which was taught in another i baraita /i : With regard to b a Torah scroll that was erased, if there is /b enough b in it to compile eighty-five /b complete b letters as in the portion of: “And when the Ark traveled,” one rescues /b it from the fire, b and if not, one does not rescue /b it. b And why /b is that so? b Derive /b that this scroll may be rescued b due to its blank folios, /b as the erased section is surely no less significant than the blank folios of the scroll. The Gemara answers: That is not so. In a case where b the place of the writing /b is erased b it is not a dilemma for me, as it is sacred due to /b the b writing. /b If the b writing is gone, its sanctity is gone. When it is a dilemma for me is /b with regard to the blank portions that are b above and below, that are between /b one b section and /b another b section, that are between /b one b page and /b another b page, that are at the beginning of the scroll, /b and b that are at the end of the scroll. /b The Gemara asks again: b Derive /b that this scroll may be rescued b due to that /b area that is blank, whose sanctity remains. The Gemara replies: There, it is referring to a case b where /b the blank area b was cut and thrown /b out, and all that remains is the place of the writing., b Come /b and b hear /b a different resolution from what we learned in a mishna: The Sages decreed that b the blank folios /b that are b above and below, that are between /b one b section and /b another b section, that are between /b one b page and /b another b page, that are at the beginning of the scroll, /b and b that are at the end of the scroll render the hands /b that touch them b ritually impure. /b Apparently, the blank folios have the sanctity of a Torah scroll. The Gemara replies: That is not a proof, as b perhaps /b when it is b part of the Torah scroll, it is different, /b and in those circumstances the sanctity of the Torah extends to the blank portions. When they stand alone they have no sanctity.,Therefore, b come /b and b hear /b a different resolution from that which was taught in another i baraita /i : With regard to b the blank folios and the /b Torah b scrolls of heretics, one does not rescue them from the fire; rather, they burn in their place, they and the names /b of God contained therein. b What, /b is this b not /b referring to the b blank folios /b of b a Torah scroll? /b The Gemara rejects this: b No, /b it is referring to the b blank folios /b of b the scrolls of heretics. /b The Gemara is surprised at this: b Now, /b with regard to b the scrolls of heretics themselves, one does not rescue /b them; is it b necessary /b to say that one does not rescue their b blank folios? /b Rather, b this is what it is saying: And the scrolls of heretics are like blank folios. /b ,Apropos the scrolls of heretics, the Gemara analyzes b the matter itself. /b With regard to b the blank folios and the /b Torah b scrolls of /b the b heretics, one does not rescue them from the fire. Rabbi Yosei says: During the week, one cuts the names /b of God contained b therein and buries them, and burns the rest. Rabbi Tarfon said /b in the form of an oath: b I will bury my sons /b if I fail to do the following, b that if /b these books b come into my possession I will burn them and the names /b contained b therein. As even /b if b a person is pursuing him /b with the intent b to kill him, and a snake is hurrying to bite him, one enters a house of idolatry and does not enter the houses of these /b heretics. The reason is b that these /b heretics b are aware /b of the greatness of the Creator manifest in the Torah and its mitzvot, b and /b nevertheless, they b deny /b the existence of God; b whereas these /b idolators b are not aware, and /b that is the reason that they b deny /b the existence of God. b And with regard to the /b heretics, b the verse says: “And behind the door and the doorpost you place your memory” /b (Isaiah 57:8). Although they remember the word of God, they treat it contemptuously, as if casting it behind the door., b Rabbi Yishmael said: /b The fact that the names of God in the scrolls of heretics may be burned can be derived through an b i a fortiori /i /b inference: b Just as to make peace between a husband and his wife, /b the b Torah says: My name that was written in sanctity shall be erased in the water /b in the framework of the ordeal of the i sota /i ; b these, /b the heretics, b who impose jealousy, and hatred, and conflict between the Jewish people and their Father in Heaven, all the more so /b it is proper to erase God’s names because of them. b And with regard to /b heretics, b David said: “For I hate those who hate You, God, and I fight those who rise against You. I hate them with the utmost hatred, they have become enemies to me” /b (Psalms 139:21–22). b And just as they, /b the scrolls of heretics, b are not rescued from the fire, neither are they rescued from a rockslide, nor from water, nor from /b any other b matter that destroys them. /b , b Yosef bar Ḥanin raised a dilemma before Rabbi Abbahu: /b With regard to b these books of the house of Abidan, /b does b one rescue them from the fire or /b does b one not rescue /b them? There were sacred Jewish texts in that house, which were used in debates and discussions on matters of faith. Rabbi Abbahu did not give him a clear answer but said b yes and no, and /b the matter was b uncertain to him. Rav would not go to the house of Abidan /b for conversation, b and all the more so /b he would not go b to the house of Nitzrefei, /b the Persian fire-temple. b Shmuel, to the house of Nitzrefei he did not go, /b but b to the house of Abidan he did go. /b The gentile scholars b said to Rava: Why did you not come to the house of Abidan? /b He evaded their question with an excuse and b said to them: There is a certain palm tree on the road, and /b that makes the path b difficult for me. /b They said to him: b We will uproot it. /b He said to them: Nevertheless, the resulting pit in b its place /b will be b difficult for me. Mar bar Yosef said: I am /b one b of them, /b we are friends, b and I do not fear them. /b Still, b one time he went /b and argued with them and b they sought to endanger his /b life. b Rabbi Meir would call /b the Christian writing, the Evangelion, the b wicked folio [ i aven gilyon /i ]; Rabbi Yoḥa /b called it the b sinful folio [ i avon gilyon /i ]. /b ,The Gemara relates: b Imma Shalom, /b the b wife /b of b Rabbi Eliezer, was Rabban Gamliel’s sister. There was /b a Christian b philosopher [ i pilosofa /i ] in their neighborhood /b |
|
| 169. Cyprian, Testimoniorum Libri Tres Adversus Judaeos (Ad Quirinum), 3.62 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 74 |
| 170. Cyprian, Letters, 73.1-73.2, 73.9 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 89 |
| 171. Cyprian, Letters, 73.1-73.2, 73.9 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 89 |
| 172. Anon., Protevangelium of James, 7-8, 10 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 74 |
| 173. Cyprian, Letters To Jovian, 73.1-73.2, 73.9 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 89 |
| 174. Cyprian, Exhortation To Martyrdom, 11 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 179 |
| 175. Origen, Homilies On Numbers, 27.1 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 45 |
176. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 2.8, 4.10, 5.10.16-5.10.17 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, •john chrysostom Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 92; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 233 | 2.8. It is therefore right, especially in a matter on which the whole plan of life turns, that every one should place confidence in himself, and use his own judgment and individual capacity for the investigation and weighing of the truth, rather than through confidence in others to be deceived by their errors, as though he himself were without understanding. God has given wisdom to all alike, that they might be able both to investigate things which they have not heard, and to weigh things which they have heard. Nor, because they preceded us in time, did they also outstrip us in wisdom; for if this is given equally to all, we cannot be anticipated in it by those who precede us. It is incapable of diminution, as the light and brilliancy of the sun; because, as the sun is the light of the eyes, so is wisdom the light of man's heart. Wherefore, since wisdom - that is, the inquiry after truth- is natural to all, they deprive themselves of wisdom, who without any judgment approve of the discoveries of their ancestors, and like sheep are led by others. But this escapes their notice, that the name of ancestors being introduced, they think it impossible that they themselves should have more knowledge because they are called descendants, or that the others should be unwise because they are called ancestors. What, therefore, prevents us from taking a precedent from them, that as they handed down to posterity their false inventions, so we who have discovered the truth may hand down better things to our posterity? There remains therefore a great subject of inquiry, the discussion of which does not come from talent, but from knowledge: and this must be explained at greater length, that nothing at all may be left in doubt. For perhaps some one may have recourse to those things which are handed down by many and undoubted authorities; that those very persons, whom we have shown to be no gods, have often displayed their majesty both by prodigies, and dreams, and auguries, and oracles. And, indeed, many wonderful things may be enumerated, and especially this, that Accius Navius, a consummate augur, when he was warning Tarquinius Priscus to undertake the commencement of nothing new without the previous sanction of auguries, and the king, detracting from the credit due to his art, told him to consult the birds, and then to announce to him whether it was possible for that which he himself had conceived in his mind to be accomplished, and Navius affirmed that it was possible; then take this whetstone, he said, and divide it with a razor. But the other without any hesitation took and cut it. In the next place is the fact of Castor and Pollux having been seen in the Latin war at the lake of Juturna washing off the sweat of their horses, when their temple which adjoins the fountain had been open of its own accord. In the Macedonian war the same deities, mounted on white horses, are said to have presented themselves to Publius Vatienus as he went to Rome at night, announcing that King Perseus had been vanquished and taken captive on that day, the truth of which was proved by letters received from Paulus a few days afterwards. That also is wonderful, that the statue of Fortune, in the form of a woman, is reported to have spoken more than once; also that the statue of Juno Moneta, when, on the capture of Veii, one of the soldiers, being sent to remove it, sportively and in jest asked whether she wished to remove to Rome, answered that she wished it. Claudia also is set forth as an example of a miracle. For when, in accordance with the Sibylline books, the Id an mother was sent for, and the ship in which she was conveyed had grounded on a shoal of the river Tiber, and could not be moved by any force, they report that Claudia, who had been always regarded as unchaste on account of her excess in personal adornment, with bended knees entreated the goddess, if she judged her to be chaste, to follow her girdle; and thus the ship, which could not be moved by all the strong men, was moved by a single woman. It is equally wonderful, that during the prevalence of a pestilence, Æsculapius, being called from Epidaurus, is said to have released the city of Rome from the long-continued plague. Sacrilegious persons can also be mentioned, by the immediate punishment of whom the gods are believed to have avenged the injury done to them. Appius Claudius the censor having, against the advice of the oracle, transferred the sacred rites of Hercules to the public slaves, was deprived of his eyesight; and the Potitian gens, which abandoned its privilege, within the space of one year became extinct. Likewise the censor Fulvius, when he had taken away the marble tiles from the temple of the Lacinian Juno, to cover the temple of the equestrian Fortuna, which he had built at Rome, was deprived of his senses, and having lost his two sons who were serving in Illyricum, was consumed with the greatest grief of mind. Turullius also, the lieutet of Mark Antony, when he had cut down a grove of Æsculapius in Cos, and built a fleet, was afterwards slain at the same place by the soldiers of C sar. To these examples is added Pyrrhus, who, having taken away money from the treasure of the Locrian Proserpine, was shipwrecked, and dashed against the shores near to the temple of the goddess, so that nothing was found uninjured except that money. Ceres of Miletus also gained for herself great veneration among men. For when the city had been taken by Alexander, and the soldiers had rushed in to plunder her temple, a flame of fire suddenly thrown upon them blinded them all. There are also found dreams which seem to show the power of the gods. For it is said that Jupiter presented himself to Tiberius Atinius, a plebeian, in his sleep, and enjoined him to announce to the consuls and senate, that in the last Circensian games a public dancer had displeased him, because a certain Antonius Maximus had severely scourged a slave under the furca in the middle of the circus, and had led him to punishment, and that on this account the games ought to be repeated. And when he had neglected this command, he is said on the same day to have lost his son, and to have been himself seized by a severe disease; and that when he again perceived the same image asking whether he had suffered sufficient punishment for the neglect of his command, he was carried on a litter to the consuls; and having explained the whole matter in the senate, he regained strength of body, and returned to his house on foot. And that dream also was not less wonderful, to which it is said that Augustus C sar owed his preservation. For when in the civil war with Brutus he was afflicted with a severe disease, and had determined to abstain from battle, the image of Minerva presented itself to his physician Artorius, advising him that C sar should not confine himself to the camp on account of his bodily infirmity. He was therefore carried on a litter to the army, and on the same day the camp was taken by Brutus. Many other examples of a similar nature may be brought forward; but I fear that, if I shall delay too long in the setting forth of contrary subjects, I may either appear to have forgotten my purpose, or may incur the charge of loquacity. 4.10. In the first place, then, men ought to know that the arrangements of the Most High God have so advanced from the beginning, that it was necessary, as the end of the world approached, that the Son of God should descend to the earth, that He might build a temple for God, and teach righteousness; but, however, not with the might of an angel or with heavenly power, but in the form of man and in the condition of a mortal, that when He had discharged the office of His ministry, He might be delivered into the hands of wicked men, and might undergo death, that, having subdued this also by His might, He might rise again, and bring to man, whose nature He had put on and represented, the hope of overcoming death, and might admit him to the rewards of immortality. And that no one may be ignorant of this arrangement, we will show that all things were foretold which we see fulfilled in Christ. Let no one believe our assertion unless I shall show that the prophets before a long series of ages published that it should come to pass at length that the Son of God should be born as a man, and perform wonderful deeds, and sow the worship of God throughout the whole earth, and at last be crucified, and on the third day rise again. And when I shall have proved all these things by the writings of those very men who treated with violence their God who had assumed a mortal body, what else will prevent it from being manifest that true wisdom is conversant with this religion only? Now the origin of the whole mystery is to be related. Our ancestors, who were chiefs of the Hebrews, when they were distressed by famine and want, passed over into Egypt, that they might obtain a supply of grain; and sojourning there a long time, they were oppressed with an intolerable yoke of slavery. Then God pitied them, and led them out, and freed them from the hand of the king of the Egyptians, after four hundred and thirty years, under the leadership of Moses, through whom the law was afterwards given to them by God; and in this leading out God displayed the power of His majesty. For He made His people to pass through the midst of the Red Sea, His angel going before and dividing the water, so that the people might walk over the dry land, of whom it might more truly be said (as the poet says ), that the wave, closing over him after the appearance of a mountain, stood around him. And when he heard of this, the tyrant of the Egyptians followed with this great host of his men, and rashly entering the sea which still lay open, was destroyed, together with his whole army, by the waves returning to their place. But the Hebrews, when they had entered into the wilderness, saw many wonderful deeds. For when they suffered thirst, a rock having been struck with a rod, a fountain of water sprung forth and refreshed the people. And again, when they were hungry, a shower of heavenly nourishment descended. Moreover, also, the wind brought quails into their camp, so that they were not only satisfied with heavenly bread, but also with more choice banquets. And yet, in return for these divine benefits, they did not pay honour to God; but when slavery had been now removed from them, and their thirst and hunger laid aside, they fell away into luxury, and transferred their minds to the profane rites of the Egyptians. For when Moses, their leader, had ascended into the mountain, and there tarried forty days, they made the head of an ox in gold, which they call Apis, that it might go before them as a standard. With which sin and crime God was offended, and justly visited the impious and ungrateful people with severe punishments, and made them subject to the law which He had given by Moses. But afterwards, when they had settled in a desert part of Syria, the Hebrews lost their ancient name; and since the leader of their host was Judas, they were called Jews, and the land which they inhabited Jud a. And at first, indeed, they were not subject to the dominion of Kings, but civil Judges presided over the people and the law: they were not, however, appointed only for a year, as the Roman consuls, but supported by a perpetual jurisdiction. Then, the name of Judges being taken away, the kingly power was introduced. But during the government of the Judges the people had often undertaken corrupt religious rites; and God, offended by them, as often brought them into bondage to strangers, until again, softened by the repentance of the people, He freed them from bondage. Likewise under the Kings, being oppressed by wars with their neighbours on account of their iniquities, and at last taken captive and led to Babylon, they suffered punishment for their impiety by oppressive slavery, until Cyrus came to the kingdom, who immediately restored the Jews by an edict. Afterwards they had tetrarchs until the time of Herod, who was in the reign of Tiberius C sar; in whose fifteenth year, in the consulship of the two Gemini, on the 23d of March, the Jews crucified Christ. This series of events, this order, is contained in the secrets of the sacred writings. But I will first show for what reason Christ came to the earth, that the foundation and the system of divine religion may be manifest. |
|
| 177. Lactantius, Epitome Divinarum Institutionum, 21 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019), Monstrosity and Philosophy: Radical Otherness in Greek and Latin Culture, 178 |
| 178. Origen, Homiliae In Genesim (In Catenis), 8.4-8.6, 8.8 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 94, 107, 112, 117, 126 |
| 179. Origen, Exhortation To Martyrdom, 23-25, 27, 26 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 179 |
180. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 2.40 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 48 | 2.40. The affidavit in the case, which is still preserved, says Favorinus, in the Metroon, ran as follows: This indictment and affidavit is sworn by Meletus, the son of Meletus of Pitthos, against Socrates, the son of Sophroniscus of Alopece: Socrates is guilty of refusing to recognize the gods recognized by the state, and of introducing other new divinities. He is also guilty of corrupting the youth. The penalty demanded is death. The philosopher then, after Lysias had written a defence for him, read it through and said: A fine speech, Lysias; it is not, however, suitable to me. For it was plainly more forensic than philosophical. |
|
181. Origen, Against Celsus, 1.7, 1.26, 2.1-2.7, 2.32, 2.60, 3.44 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •chrysostom, john •john chrysostom, adversus judaeos sermons of •john chrysostom, rhetoric of Found in books: Azar (2016), Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews", 149; Janowitz (2002), Magic in the Roman World: Pagans, Jews and Christians, 25; Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 209; Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 71; Stroumsa (1996), Hidden Widsom: Esoteric Traditions and the Roots of Christian Mysticism. 33 | 1.7. Moreover, since he frequently calls the Christian doctrine a secret system (of belief), we must confute him on this point also, since almost the entire world is better acquainted with what Christians preach than with the favourite opinions of philosophers. For who is ignorant of the statement that Jesus was born of a virgin, and that He was crucified, and that His resurrection is an article of faith among many, and that a general judgment is announced to come, in which the wicked are to be punished according to their deserts, and the righteous to be duly rewarded? And yet the mystery of the resurrection, not being understood, is made a subject of ridicule among unbelievers. In these circumstances, to speak of the Christian doctrine as a secret system, is altogether absurd. But that there should be certain doctrines, not made known to the multitude, which are (revealed) after the exoteric ones have been taught, is not a peculiarity of Christianity alone, but also of philosophic systems, in which certain truths are exoteric and others esoteric. Some of the hearers of Pythagoras were content with his ipse dixit; while others were taught in secret those doctrines which were not deemed fit to be communicated to profane and insufficiently prepared ears. Moreover, all the mysteries that are celebrated everywhere throughout Greece and barbarous countries, although held in secret, have no discredit thrown upon them, so that it is in vain that he endeavours to calumniate the secret doctrines of Christianity, seeing he does not correctly understand its nature. 1.26. But let us see the manner in which this Celsus, who professes to know everything, brings a false accusation against the Jews, when he alleges that they worship angels, and are addicted to sorcery, in which Moses was their instructor. Now, in what part of the writings of Moses he found the lawgiver laying down the worship of angels, let him tell, who professes to know all about Christianity and Judaism; and let him show also how sorcery can exist among those who have accepted the Mosaic law, and read the injunction, Neither seek after wizards, to be defiled by them. Moreover, he promises to show afterwards how it was through ignorance that the Jews were deceived and led into error. Now, if he had discovered that the ignorance of the Jews regarding Christ was the effect of their not having heard the prophecies about Him, he would show with truth how the Jews fell into error. But without any wish whatever that this should appear, he views as Jewish errors what are no errors at all. And Celsus having promised to make us acquainted, in a subsequent part of his work, with the doctrines of Judaism, proceeds in the first place to speak of our Saviour as having been the leader of our generation, in so far as we are Christians, and says that a few years ago he began to teach this doctrine, being regarded by Christians as the Son of God. Now, with respect to this point - His prior existence a few years ago - we have to remark as follows. Could it have come to pass without divine assistance, that Jesus, desiring during these years to spread abroad His words and teaching, should have been so successful, that everywhere throughout the world, not a few persons, Greeks as well as Barbarians, learned as well as ignorant, adopted His doctrine, so that they struggled, even to death in its defense, rather than deny it, which no one is ever related to have done for any other system? I indeed, from no wish to flatter Christianity, but from a desire thoroughly to examine the facts, would say that even those who are engaged in the healing of numbers of sick persons, do not attain their object - the cure of the body - without divine help; and if one were to succeed in delivering souls from a flood of wickedness, and excesses, and acts of injustice, and from a contempt of God, and were to show, as evidence of such a result, one hundred persons improved in their natures (let us suppose the number to be so large), no one would reasonably say that it was without divine assistance that he had implanted in those hundred individuals a doctrine capable of removing so many evils. And if any one, on a candid consideration of these things, shall admit that no improvement ever takes place among men without divine help, how much more confidently shall he make the same assertion regarding Jesus, when he compares the former lives of many converts to His doctrine with their after conduct, and reflects in what acts of licentiousness and injustice and covetousness they formerly indulged, until, as Celsus, and they who think with him, allege, they were deceived, and accepted a doctrine which, as these individuals assert, is destructive of the life of men; but who, from the time that they adopted it, have become in some way meeker, and more religious, and more consistent, so that certain among them, from a desire of exceeding chastity, and a wish to worship God with greater purity, abstain even from the permitted indulgences of (lawful) love. 2.1. The first book of our answer to the treatise of Celsus, entitled A True Discourse, which concluded with the representation of the Jew addressing Jesus, having now extended to a sufficient length, we intend the present part as a reply to the charges brought by him against those who have been converted from Judaism to Christianity. And we call attention, in the first place, to this special question, viz., why Celsus, when he had once resolved upon the introduction of individuals upon the stage of his book, did not represent the Jew as addressing the converts from heathenism rather than those from Judaism, seeing that his discourse, if directed to us, would have appeared more likely to produce an impression. But probably this claimant to universal knowledge does not know what is appropriate in the matter of such representations; and therefore let us proceed to consider what he has to say to the converts from Judaism. He asserts that they have forsaken the law of their fathers, in consequence of their minds being led captive by Jesus; that they have been most ridiculously deceived, and that they have become deserters to another name and to another mode of life. Here he has not observed that the Jewish converts have not deserted the law of their fathers, inasmuch as they live according to its prescriptions, receiving their very name from the poverty of the law, according to the literal acceptation of the word; for Ebion signifies poor among the Jews, and those Jews who have received Jesus as Christ are called by the name of Ebionites. Nay, Peter himself seems to have observed for a considerable time the Jewish observances enjoined by the law of Moses, not having yet learned from Jesus to ascend from the law that is regulated according to the letter, to that which is interpreted according to the spirit, - a fact which we learn from the Acts of the Apostles. For on the day after the angel of God appeared to Cornelius, suggesting to him to send to Joppa, to Simon surnamed Peter, Peter went up into the upper room to pray about the sixth hour. And he became very hungry, and would have eaten: but while they made ready he fell into a trance, and saw heaven opened, and a certain vessel descending unto him, as it had been a great sheet knit at the four corners, and let down to the earth; wherein were all manner of four-footed beasts, and creeping things of the earth, and fowls of the air. And there came a voice to him, Rise, Peter; kill, and eat. But Peter said, Not so, Lord; for I have never eaten anything that is common or unclean. And the voice spoke unto him again the second time, What God has cleansed, call not common. Now observe how, by this instance, Peter is represented as still observing the Jewish customs respecting clean and unclean animals. And from the narrative that follows, it is manifest that he, as being yet a Jew, and living according to their traditions, and despising those who were beyond the pale of Judaism, stood in need of a vision to lead him to communicate to Cornelius (who was not an Israelite according to the flesh), and to those who were with him, the word of faith. Moreover, in the Epistle to the Galatians, Paul states that Peter, still from fear of the Jews, ceased upon the arrival of James to eat with the Gentiles, and separated himself from them, fearing them that were of the circumcision; and the rest of the Jews, and Barnabas also, followed the same course. And certainly it was quite consistent that those should not abstain from the observance of Jewish usages who were sent to minister to the circumcision, when they who seemed to be pillars gave the right hand of fellowship to Paul and Barnabas, in order that, while devoting themselves to the circumcision, the latter might preach to the Gentiles. And why do I mention that they who preached to the circumcision withdrew and separated themselves from the heathen, when even Paul himself became as a Jew to the Jews, that he might gain the Jews? Wherefore also in the Acts of the Apostles it is related that he even brought an offering to the altar, that he might satisfy the Jews that he was no apostate from their law. Now, if Celsus had been acquainted with all these circumstances, he would not have represented the Jew holding such language as this to the converts from Judaism: What induced you, my fellow citizens, to abandon the law of your fathers, and to allow your minds to be led captive by him with whom we have just conversed, and thus be most ridiculously deluded, so as to become deserters from us to another name, and to the practices of another life? 2.2. Now, since we are upon the subject of Peter, and of the teachers of Christianity to the circumcision, I do not deem it out of place to quote a certain declaration of Jesus taken from the Gospel according to John, and to give the explanation of the same. For it is there related that Jesus said: I have yet many things to say unto you, but you cannot bear them now. Howbeit when He, the Spirit of truth, has come, He will guide you into all the truth: for He shall not speak of Himself; but whatsoever He shall hear, that shall He speak. And when we inquire what were the many things referred to in the passage which Jesus had to say to His disciples, but which they were not then able to bear, I have to observe that, probably because the apostles were Jews, and had been trained up according to the letter of the Mosaic law, He was unable to tell them what was the true law, and how the Jewish worship consisted in the pattern and shadow of certain heavenly things, and how future blessings were foreshadowed by the injunctions regarding meats and drinks, and festivals, and new moons, and sabbaths. These were many of the subjects which He had to explain to them; but as He saw that it was a work of exceeding difficulty to root out of the mind opinions that have been almost born with a man, and amid which he has been brought up till he reached the period of maturity, and which have produced in those who have adopted them the belief that they are divine, and that it is an act of impiety to overthrow them; and to demonstrate by the superiority of Christian doctrine, that is, by the truth, in a manner to convince the hearers, that such opinions were but loss and dung, He postponed such a task to a future season - to that, namely, which followed His passion and resurrection. For the bringing of aid unseasonably to those who were not yet capable of receiving it, might have overturned the idea which they had already formed of Jesus, as the Christ, and the Son of the living God. And see if there is not some well-grounded reason for such a statement as this, I have many things to say unto you, but you cannot bear them now; seeing there are many points in the law which require to be explained and cleared up in a spiritual sense, and these the disciples were in a manner unable to bear, having been born and brought up among Jews. I am of opinion, moreover, that since these rites were typical, and the truth was that which was to be taught them by the Holy Spirit, these words were added, When He has come who is the Spirit of truth, He will lead you into all the truth; as if He had said, into all the truth about those things which, being to you but types, you believed to constitute a true worship which you rendered unto God. And so, according to the promise of Jesus, the Spirit of truth came to Peter, saying to him, with regard to the four-footed beasts, and creeping things of the earth, and fowls of the air: Arise, Peter; kill, and eat. And the Spirit came to him while he was still in a state of superstitious ignorance; for he said, in answer to the divine command, Not so Lord; for I have never yet eaten anything common or unclean. He instructed him, however, in the true and spiritual meaning of meats, by saying, What God has cleansed, call not common. And so, after that vision, the Spirit of truth, which conducted Peter into all the truth, told him the many things which he was unable to bear when Jesus was still with him in the flesh. But I shall have another opportunity of explaining those matters, which are connected with the literal acceptation of the Mosaic law. 2.3. Our present object, however, is to expose the ignorance of Celsus, who makes this Jew of his address his fellow-citizen and the Israelitish converts in the following manner: What induced you to abandon the law of your fathers? etc. Now, how should they have abandoned the law of their fathers, who are in the habit of rebuking those who do not listen to its commands, saying, Tell me, you who read the law, do you not hear the law? For it is written, that Abraham had two sons; and so on, down to the place, which things are an allegory, etc.? And how have they abandoned the law of their fathers, who are ever speaking of the usages of their fathers in such words as these: Or does not the law say these things also? For it is written in the law of Moses, You shall not muzzle the mouth of the ox that treads out the grain. Does God care for oxen? Or says He it altogether for our sakes? For for our sakes it was written, and so on? Now, how confused is the reasoning of the Jew in regard to these matters (although he had it in his power to speak with greater effect) when he says: Certain among you have abandoned the usages of our fathers under a pretence of explanations and allegories; and some of you, although, as you pretend, interpreting them in a spiritual manner, nevertheless do observe the customs of our fathers; and some of you, without any such interpretation, are willing to accept Jesus as the subject of prophecy, and to keep the law of Moses according to the customs of the fathers, as having in the words the whole mind of the Spirit. Now how was Celsus able to see these things so clearly in this place, when in the subsequent parts of his work he makes mention of certain godless heresies altogether alien from the doctrine of Jesus, and even of others which leave the Creator out of account altogether, and does not appear to know that there are Israelites who are converts to Christianity, and who have not abandoned the law of their fathers? It was not his object to investigate everything here in the spirit of truth, and to accept whatever he might find to be useful; but he composed these statements in the spirit of an enemy, and with a desire to overthrow everything as soon as he heard it. 2.4. The Jew, then, continues his address to converts from his own nation thus: Yesterday and the day before, when we visited with punishment the man who deluded you, you became apostates from the law of your fathers; showing by such statements (as we have just demonstrated) anything but an exact knowledge of the truth. But what he advances afterwards seems to have some force, when he says: How is it that you take the beginning of your system from our worship, and when you have made some progress you treat it with disrespect, although you have no other foundation to show for your doctrines than our law? Now, certainly the introduction to Christianity is through the Mosaic worship and the prophetic writings; and after the introduction, it is in the interpretation and explanation of these that progress takes place, while those who are introduced prosecute their investigations into the mystery according to revelation, which was kept secret since the world began, but now is made manifest in the Scriptures of the prophets, and by the appearance of our Lord Jesus Christ. But they who advance in the knowledge of Christianity do not, as you allege, treat the things written in the law with disrespect. On the contrary, they bestow upon them greater honour, showing what a depth of wise and mysterious reasons is contained in these writings, which are not fully comprehended by the Jews, who treat them superficially, and as if they were in some degree even fabulous. And what absurdity should there be in our system - that is, the Gospel- having the law for its foundation, when even the Lord Jesus Himself said to those who would not believe upon Him: If you had believed Moses, you would have believed Me, for he wrote of Me. But if you do not believe his writings, how shall you believe My words? Nay, even one of the evangelists- Mark - says: The beginning of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, as it is written in the prophet Isaiah, Behold, I send My messenger before Your face, who shall prepare Your way before You, which shows that the beginning of the Gospel is connected with the Jewish writings. What force, then, is there in the objection of the Jew of Celsus, that if any one predicted to us that the Son of God was to visit mankind, he was one of our prophets, and the prophet of our God? Or how is it a charge against Christianity, that John, who baptized Jesus, was a Jew? For although He was a Jew, it does not follow that every believer, whether a convert from heathenism or from Judaism, must yield a literal obedience to the law of Moses. 2.5. After these matters, although Celsus becomes tautological in his statements about Jesus, repeating for the second time that he was punished by the Jews for his crimes, we shall not again take up the defense, being satisfied with what we have already said. But, in the next place, as this Jew of his disparages the doctrine regarding the resurrection of the dead, and the divine judgment, and of the rewards to be bestowed upon the just, and of the fire which is to devour the wicked, as being stale opinions, and thinks that he will overthrow Christianity by asserting that there is nothing new in its teaching upon these points, we have to say to him, that our Lord, seeing the conduct of the Jews not to be at all in keeping with the teaching of the prophets, inculcated by a parable that the kingdom of God would be taken from them, and given to the converts from heathenism. For which reason, now, we may also see of a truth that all the doctrines of the Jews of the present day are mere trifles and fables, since they have not the light that proceeds from the knowledge of the Scriptures; whereas those of the Christians are the truth, having power to raise and elevate the soul and understanding of man, and to persuade him to seek a citizenship, not like the earthly Jews here below, but in heaven. And this result shows itself among those who are able to see the grandeur of the ideas contained in the law and the prophets, and who are able to commend them to others. 2.6. But let it be granted that Jesus observed all the Jewish usages, including even their sacrificial observances, what does that avail to prevent our recognising Him as the Son of God? Jesus, then, is the Son of God, who gave the law and the prophets; and we, who belong to the Church, do not transgress the law, but have escaped the mythologizings of the Jews, and have our minds chastened and educated by the mystical contemplation of the law and the prophets. For the prophets themselves, as not resting the sense of these words in the plain history which they relate, nor in the legal enactments taken according to the word and letter, express themselves somewhere, when about to relate histories, in words like this, I will open my mouth in parables, I will utter hard sayings of old; and in another place, when offering up a prayer regarding the law as being obscure, and needing divine help for its comprehension, they offer up this prayer, Open my eyes, that I may behold wondrous things out of Your law. 2.7. Moreover, let them show where there is to be found even the appearance of language dictated by arrogance and proceeding from Jesus. For how could an arrogant man thus express himself, Learn of Me, for I am meek and lowly of heart, and you shall find rest for your souls? or how can He be styled arrogant, who after supper laid aside His garments in the presence of His disciples, and, after girding Himself with a towel, and pouring water into a basin, proceeded to wash the feet of each disciple, and rebuked him who was unwilling to allow them to be washed, with the words, Except I wash you, you have no part with Me? Or how could He be called such who said, I was among you, not as he that sits at meat, but as he that serves? And let any one show what were the falsehoods which He uttered, and let him point out what are great and what are small falsehoods, that he may prove Jesus to have been guilty of the former. And there is yet another way in which we may confute him. For as one falsehood is not less or more false than another, so one truth is not less or more true than another. And what charges of impiety he has to bring against Jesus, let the Jew of Celsus especially bring forward. Was it impious to abstain from corporeal circumcision, and from a literal Sabbath, and literal festivals, and literal new moons, and from clean and unclean meats, and to turn the mind to the good and true and spiritual law of God, while at the same time he who was an ambassador for Christ knew how to become to the Jews as a Jew, that he might gain the Jews, and to those who are under the law, as under the law, that he might gain those who are under the law? 2.32. We have already shown that Jesus can be regarded neither as an arrogant man, nor a sorcerer; and therefore it is unnecessary to repeat our former arguments, lest, in replying to the tautologies of Celsus, we ourselves should be guilty of needless repetition. And now, in finding fault with our Lord's genealogy, there are certain points which occasion some difficulty even to Christians, and which, owing to the discrepancy between the genealogies, are advanced by some as arguments against their correctness, but which Celsus has not even mentioned. For Celsus, who is truly a braggart, and who professes to be acquainted with all matters relating to Christianity, does not know how to raise doubts in a skilful manner against the credibility of Scripture. But he asserts that the framers of the genealogies, from a feeling of pride, made Jesus to be descended from the first man, and from the kings of the Jews. And he thinks that he makes a notable charge when he adds, that the carpenters wife could not have been ignorant of the fact, had she been of such illustrious descent. But what has this to do with the question? Granted that she was not ignorant of her descent, how does that affect the result? Suppose that she were ignorant, how could her ignorance prove that she was not descended from the first man, or could not derive her origin from the Jewish kings? Does Celsus imagine that the poor must always be descended from ancestors who are poor, or that kings are always born of kings? But it appears folly to waste time upon such an argument as this, seeing it is well known that, even in our own days, some who are poorer than Mary are descended from ancestors of wealth and distinction, and that rulers of nations and kings have sprung from persons of no reputation. 2.60. In the next place, as if this were possible, viz., that the image of a man who was dead could appear to another as if he were still living, he adopts this opinion as an Epicurean, and says, That some one having so dreamed owing to a peculiar state of mind, or having, under the influence of a perverted imagination, formed such an appearance as he himself desired, reported that such had been seen; and this, he continues, has been the case with numberless individuals. But even if this statement of his seems to have a considerable degree of force, it is nevertheless only fitted to confirm a necessary doctrine, that the soul of the dead exists in a separate state (from the body); and he who adopts such an opinion does not believe without good reason in the immortality, or at least continued existence, of the soul, as even Plato says in his treatise on the Soul that shadowy phantoms of persons already dead have appeared to some around their sepulchres. Now the phantoms which exist about the soul of the dead are produced by some substance, and this substance is in the soul, which exists apart in a body said to be of splendid appearance. But Celsus, unwilling to admit any such view, will have it that some dreamed a waking dream, and, under the influence of a perverted imagination, formed to themselves such an image as they desired. Now it is not irrational to believe that a dream may take place while one is asleep; but to suppose a waking vision in the case of those who are not altogether out of their senses, and under the influence of delirium or hypochondria, is incredible. And Celsus, seeing this, called the woman half-mad,- a statement which is not made by the history recording the fact, but from which he took occasion to charge the occurrences with being untrue. 3.44. After these points Celsus quotes some objections against the doctrine of Jesus, made by a very few individuals who are considered Christians, not of the more intelligent, as he supposes, but of the more ignorant class, and asserts that the following are the rules laid down by them. Let no one come to us who has been instructed, or who is wise or prudent (for such qualifications are deemed evil by us); but if there be any ignorant, or unintelligent, or uninstructed, or foolish persons, let them come with confidence. By which words, acknowledging that such individuals are worthy of their God, they manifestly show that they desire and are able to gain over only the silly, and the mean, and the stupid, with women and children. In reply to which, we say that, as if, while Jesus teaches continence, and says, Whosoever looks upon a woman to lust after her, has already committed adultery with her in his heart, one were to behold a few of those who are deemed to be Christians living licentiously, he would most justly blame them for living contrary to the teaching of Jesus, but would act most unreasonably if he were to charge the Gospel with their censurable conduct; so, if he found nevertheless that the doctrine of the Christians invites men to wisdom, the blame then must remain with those who rest in their own ignorance, and who utter, not what Celsus relates (for although some of them are simple and ignorant, they do not speak so shamelessly as he alleges), but other things of much less serious import, which, however, serve to turn aside men from the practice of wisdom. |
|
| 182. Cyprian, Letters, 73.1-73.2, 73.9 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 89 |
| 183. Cyprian, Letters, 73.1-73.2, 73.9 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 89 |
| 184. Anon., The Acts of Thecla, 133 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 88 |
185. Babylonian Talmud, Pesahim, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 180| 57a. נימא תלתא תנאי הוו לא תרי תנאי הוו ותנא קמא דר' שמעון היינו ר' יוסי ותנא קמא דר' יוסי היינו ר' שמעון ומאי אף אקמייתא,ת"ר בן בוהיין נתן פיאה לירק ובא אביו ומצאן לעניים שהיו טעונין ירק ועומדין על פתח הגינה אמר להם בני השליכו מעליכם ואני נותן לכם כפליים במעושר לא מפני שעיני צרה אלא מפני שאמרו חכמים אין נותנין פיאה לירק,למה ליה למימרא להו לא מפני שעיני צרה כי היכי דלא לימרו דחויי קא מדחי לן,ת"ר בראשונה היו מניחין עורות קדשים בלשכת בית הפרוה לערב היו מחלקין אותן לאנשי בית אב והיו בעלי זרועות נוטלין אותן בזרוע התקינו שיהיו מחלקין אותן מערב שבת לע"ש דאתיין כולהו משמרות ושקלן בהדדי,ועדיין היו גדולי כהונה נוטלין אותן בזרוע עמדו בעלים והקדישום לשמים,אמרו לא היו ימים מועטים עד שחיפו את ההיכל כולו בטבלאות של זהב שהן אמה על אמה כעובי דינר זהב ולרגל היו מקפלין אותן ומניחין אותן על גב מעלה בהר הבית כדי שיהו עולי רגלים רואין שמלאכתם נאה ואין בה דלם,תנא אבא שאול אומר קורות של שקמה היו ביריחו והיו בעלי זרועות נוטלין אותן בזרוע עמדו בעלים והקדישום לשמים,עליהם ועל כיוצא בהם אמר אבא שאול בן בטנית משום אבא יוסף בן חנין אוי לי מבית בייתוס אוי לי מאלתן אוי לי מבית חנין אוי לי מלחישתן אוי לי מבית קתרוס אוי לי מקולמוסן אוי לי מבית ישמעאל בן פיאכי אוי לי מאגרופן שהם כהנים גדולים ובניהן גיזברין וחתניהם אמרכלין ועבדיהן חובטין את העם במקלות,תנו רבנן ארבע צווחות צוחה עזרה ראשונה צאו מכאן בני עלי שטימאו היכל ה' ועוד צווחה צא מיכן יששכר איש כפר ברקאי שמכבד את עצמו ומחלל קדשי שמים דהוה כריך ידיה בשיראי ועביד עבודה,ועוד צווחה העזרה שאו שערים ראשיכם ויכנס ישמעאל בן פיאכי תלמידו של פנחס וישמש בכהונה גדולה ועוד צווחה העזרה שאו שערים ראשיכם ויכנס יוחנן בן נרבאי תלמידו של פנקאי וימלא כריסו מקדשי שמים,אמרו עליו על יוחנן בן נרבאי שהיה אוכל ג' מאות עגלים ושותה ג' מאות גרבי יין ואוכל ארבעים סאה גוזלות בקינוח סעודה אמרו כל ימיו של יוחנן בן נרבאי לא נמצא נותר במקדש מאי סלקא ביה ביששכר איש כפר ברקאי אמרי מלכא ומלכתא הוו יתבי מלכא אמר גדיא יאי ומלכתא אמרה אימרא יאי אמרו מאן מוכח כהן גדול דקא מסיק קרבנות כל יומא אתא איהו | 57a. b Let us say /b that b there are three i tanna’im /i /b who dispute this point: The two unattributed opinions, each of which is referring to two vegetables, and the opinion common to Rabbi Yosei and Rabbi Shimon that includes all three vegetables. The Gemara rejects this: b No, there are /b only b two i tanna’im /i /b who dispute the point, b and the first i tanna /i /b whose opinion appears before the opinion of b Rabbi Shimon is Rabbi Yosei. And the first i tanna /i /b whose opinion appears before the opinion of b Rabbi Yosei is Rabbi Shimon. And what /b is the meaning of the word b even /b in both their statements? They agree with regard to b the first /b vegetable, turnips; however, they disagree with regard to the second, and replace it with another vegetable.,The Gemara cites an episode from the i Tosefta /i . b The Sages taught: The son /b of a man named b Bohayan designated /b for the poor b the /b produce in the b corner /b in a garden b of vegetables, and his father /b Bohayan b found the poor laden /b with b vegetables and standing at the opening of the garden /b on their way out. b He said to them: My sons, cast /b the vegetables that you have gathered b from upon yourselves and I will give you twice /b the amount in b tithed /b produce, and you will be no worse off. b Not because I begrudge /b you what you have taken. b Rather, it is because the Sages say: One does not designate /b for the poor b the /b produce in the b corner /b in a garden b of vegetables. /b Therefore, the vegetables that you took require tithing.,The Gemara asks: b Why /b was it necessary b for him to say to them: Not because I begrudge /b you what you have taken? It would have been sufficient to offer them tithed produce. The Gemara answers that he said it b so they would not say: He is putting us off, /b taking what we collected now, but later he will not fulfill his commitment.,Apropos the people of Jericho, the Gemara relates that powerful people would steal wood from them. b The Sages taught: Initially, /b the priests b would place the hides /b that were flayed from animals b consecrated /b as offerings of the most sacred order, which were given to the priests, b in the Parva chamber. In the evening, they would distribute them to the members of the family /b of priests serving in the Temple that day. b And the powerful /b priests among them would b take them by force /b before they could be distributed. The Rabbis b decreed that they would distribute them each Shabbat eve, /b because then b all the /b families of both priestly b watches came and took /b their part b together. /b All the families from both the watch that was beginning its service and the one ending its service were together when they divided the hides. The powerful priests were unable to take the hides by force., b Yet still the prominent priests /b by virtue of their lineage b would take them by force. /b Due to their prominence, the members of the rest of the watch dared not challenge them. When they realized that there was no equitable distribution, b the owners /b of the sacrifices ( i Me’iri /i ) b arose and consecrated /b the hides b to Heaven /b so the priests could not take them.,The Sages b said: Not a few days passed before they had plated the entire sanctuary with golden tablets /b with the proceeds from the redemption and sale of the hides. These plates b were one cubit by one cubit and as thick as a golden dinar. And /b when the people assembled b for the /b Festival b pilgrimage they would remove /b the tablets b and place them on a stair of the Temple Mount so that the pilgrims would see that the craftsmanship /b of the tablets b was beautiful and without flaw [ i dalam /i ]. /b Afterward they replaced the tablets in the Sanctuary., b It was /b similarly b taught /b that b Abba Shaul says: There were sycamore tree trunks in Jericho, and powerful people would take them /b from their owners b by force. The owners stood and consecrated /b these trunks b to Heaven. /b It was with regard to these trunks and the branches that grew from them that the residents of Jericho acted against the will of the Sages., b With regard to /b the prominent priests b and those like them, Abba Shaul ben Batnit said in the name of Abba Yosef ben Ḥanin: Woe is me due to /b the High Priests of b the house of Baitos, woe is me due to their clubs. Woe is me due to /b the High Priests of b the house of Ḥanin; woe is me due to their whispers /b and the rumors they spread. b Woe is me due to /b the High Priests of b the house of Katros; woe is me due to their pens /b that they use to write lies. b Woe is me due to /b the servants of the High Priests of b the house of Yishmael ben Piakhi; woe is me due to their fists. /b The power of these households stemmed from the fact b that /b the fathers b were High Priests, and their sons were /b the Temple b treasurers, and their sons-in-law were /b Temple b overseers [ i amarkalin /i ]. And their servants strike the people with clubs, /b and otherwise act inappropriately.,Apropos the critique of several prominent priests, the Gemara relates that b the Sages taught: /b The people in b the /b Temple b courtyard /b all b cried four cries, /b as they were in agreement over various issues ( i Pardes Rimonim /i ). The b first /b cry was: b Leave here, sons of Eli, who defiled God’s Sanctuary /b (see I Samuel 2:22). Subsequently the priesthood was transferred to the house of Zadok. b And an additional cry: Leave here, Yissakhar of Kfar Barkai, who honors himself and desecrates /b the items b consecrated /b to b Heaven. /b Due to his delicate nature and his disrespect for the Temple service, he would b wrap /b his hands b in silk [ i shirai /i ] and perform the service. /b This would invalidate the service because the silk was an interposition between his hands and the Temple vessels. Furthermore, his conduct demeaned the Temple service, as he demonstrated that he was unwilling to dirty his hands for it., b And /b the people in b the /b Temple b courtyard cried additionally: Lift your heads, O gates, and let /b the righteous b Yishmael ben Piakhi, the student of Pinehas /b ben Elazar the priest, b enter and serve as High Priest, /b although the members of this family were violent. b And /b the people in b the /b Temple b courtyard cried additionally: Lift your heads, O gates, and let Yoḥa ben Narbbai, the student of Pinkai, enter and fill his belly with /b meat b of offerings /b consecrated to b Heaven, /b as he is worthy to eat offerings., b They said about Yoḥa ben Narbbai that he /b and his household b would eat three hundred calves, and drink three hundred jugs of wine, and eat forty i se’a /i of doves for dessert. They said: /b Throughout b all the days of Yoḥa ben Narbbai there was no leftover /b sacrificial meat b in the Temple, /b as he would make certain that someone ate it. The Gemara asks: b What /b ultimately b happened to Yissakhar of Kfar Barkai? They said: The king and the queen were sitting /b and talking. b The king said /b that b goat /b meat b is better /b food, b and the queen said lamb /b meat is b better /b food. b They said: Who can prove /b which one of us is correct? b The High Priest /b can, b as he offers sacrifices all day /b and tastes their meat. The High Priest had the right to take a portion from any sacrifice offered in the Temple, and therefore was well acquainted with the tastes of different meat. Yissakhar of Kfar Barkai b came, /b and when they asked him this question, |
|
186. Babylonian Talmud, Niddah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer (2010), Unreliable Witnesses: Religion, Gender, and History in the Greco-Roman Mediterranean, 182| 31a. מאי קרא (תהלים עא, ו) ממעי אמי אתה גוזי מאי משמע דהאי גוזי לישנא דאשתבועי הוא דכתיב (ירמיהו ז, כט) גזי נזרך והשליכי,ואמר רבי אלעזר למה ולד דומה במעי אמו לאגוז מונח בספל של מים אדם נותן אצבעו עליו שוקע לכאן ולכאן,תנו רבנן שלשה חדשים הראשונים ולד דר במדור התחתון אמצעיים ולד דר במדור האמצעי אחרונים ולד דר במדור העליון וכיון שהגיע זמנו לצאת מתהפך ויוצא וזהו חבלי אשה,והיינו דתנן חבלי של נקבה מרובין משל זכר,ואמר רבי אלעזר מאי קרא (תהלים קלט, טו) אשר עשיתי בסתר רקמתי בתחתיות ארץ דרתי לא נאמר אלא רקמתי,מאי שנא חבלי נקבה מרובין משל זכר זה בא כדרך תשמישו וזה בא כדרך תשמישו זו הופכת פניה וזה אין הופך פניו,תנו רבנן שלשה חדשים הראשונים תשמיש קשה לאשה וגם קשה לולד אמצעיים קשה לאשה ויפה לולד אחרונים יפה לאשה ויפה לולד שמתוך כך נמצא הולד מלובן ומזורז,תנא המשמש מטתו ליום תשעים כאילו שופך דמים מנא ידע אלא אמר אביי משמש והולך (תהלים קטז, ו) ושומר פתאים ה',תנו רבנן שלשה שותפין יש באדם הקב"ה ואביו ואמו אביו מזריע הלובן שממנו עצמות וגידים וצפרנים ומוח שבראשו ולובן שבעין אמו מזרעת אודם שממנו עור ובשר ושערות ושחור שבעין והקב"ה נותן בו רוח ונשמה וקלסתר פנים וראיית העין ושמיעת האוזן ודבור פה והלוך רגלים ובינה והשכל,וכיון שהגיע זמנו להפטר מן העולם הקב"ה נוטל חלקו וחלק אביו ואמו מניח לפניהם אמר רב פפא היינו דאמרי אינשי פוץ מלחא ושדי בשרא לכלבא,דרש רב חיננא בר פפא מאי דכתיב (איוב ט, י) עושה גדולות עד אין חקר ונפלאות עד אין מספר בא וראה שלא כמדת הקב"ה מדת בשר ודם מדת בשר ודם נותן חפץ בחמת צרורה ופיה למעלה ספק משתמר ספק אין משתמר ואילו הקב"ה צר העובר במעי אשה פתוחה ופיה למטה ומשתמר,דבר אחר אדם נותן חפציו לכף מאזנים כל זמן שמכביד יורד למטה ואילו הקב"ה כל זמן שמכביד הולד עולה למעלה,דרש רבי יוסי הגלילי מאי דכתיב {תהילים קל״ט:י״ד } אודך (ה') על כי נוראות נפליתי נפלאים מעשיך ונפשי יודעת מאד בא וראה שלא כמדת הקב"ה מדת בשר ודם מדת בשר ודם אדם נותן זרעונים בערוגה כל אחת ואחת עולה במינו ואילו הקב"ה צר העובר במעי אשה וכולם עולין למין אחד,דבר אחר צבע נותן סמנין ליורה כולן עולין לצבע אחד ואילו הקב"ה צר העובר במעי אשה כל אחת ואחת עולה למינו,דרש רב יוסף מאי דכתיב (ישעיהו יב, א) אודך ה' כי אנפת בי ישוב אפך ותנחמני במה הכתוב מדבר,בשני בני אדם שיצאו לסחורה ישב לו קוץ לאחד מהן התחיל מחרף ומגדף לימים שמע שטבעה ספינתו של חבירו בים התחיל מודה ומשבח לכך נאמר ישוב אפך ותנחמני,והיינו דאמר רבי אלעזר מאי דכתיב (תהלים עב, יח) עושה נפלאות (גדולות) לבדו וברוך שם כבודו לעולם אפילו בעל הנס אינו מכיר בנסו,דריש רבי חנינא בר פפא מאי דכתיב (תהלים קלט, ג) ארחי ורבעי זרית וכל דרכי הסכנת מלמד שלא נוצר אדם מן כל הטפה אלא מן הברור שבה תנא דבי רבי ישמעאל משל לאדם שזורה בבית הגרנות נוטל את האוכל ומניח את הפסולת,כדרבי אבהו דרבי אבהו רמי כתיב (שמואל ב כב, מ) ותזרני חיל וכתיב (תהלים יח, לג) האל המאזרני חיל אמר דוד לפני הקב"ה רבש"ע זיריתני וזרזתני,דרש רבי אבהו מאי דכתיב (במדבר כג, י) מי מנה עפר יעקב ומספר את רובע ישראל מלמד שהקב"ה יושב וסופר את רביעיותיהם של ישראל מתי תבא טיפה שהצדיק נוצר הימנה,ועל דבר זה נסמית עינו של בלעם הרשע אמר מי שהוא טהור וקדוש ומשרתיו טהורים וקדושים יציץ בדבר זה מיד נסמית עינו דכתיב (במדבר כד, ג) נאם הגבר שתום העין,והיינו דאמר רבי יוחנן מאי דכתיב (בראשית ל, טז) וישכב עמה בלילה הוא מלמד שהקב"ה סייע באותו מעשה שנאמר (בראשית מט, יד) יששכר חמור גרם חמור גרם לו ליששכר,אמר רבי יצחק אמר רבי אמי אשה מזרעת תחילה יולדת זכר איש מזריע תחילה יולדת נקבה שנאמר (ויקרא יג, כט) אשה כי תזריע וילדה זכר,תנו רבנן בראשונה היו אומרים אשה מזרעת תחילה יולדת זכר איש מזריע תחלה יולדת נקבה ולא פירשו חכמים את הדבר עד שבא רבי צדוק ופירשו (בראשית מו, טו) אלה בני לאה אשר ילדה ליעקב בפדן ארם ואת דינה בתו תלה הזכרים בנקבות ונקבות בזכרים,(דברי הימים א ח, מ) ויהיו בני אולם אנשים גבורי חיל דורכי קשת ומרבים בנים ובני בנים וכי בידו של אדם להרבות בנים ובני בנים אלא מתוך | 31a. b What is the verse /b from which it is derived that a fetus is administered an oath on the day of its birth? “Upon You I have relied from birth; b You are He Who took me out [ i gozi /i ] of my mother’s womb” /b (Psalms 71:6). b From where may /b it b be inferred that this /b word: b “ i Gozi /i ,” is a term of administering an oath? As it is written: “Cut off [ i gozi /i ] your hair and cast it away” /b (Jeremiah 7:29), which is interpreted as a reference to the vow of a nazirite, who must cut off his hair at the end of his term of naziriteship., b And Rabbi Elazar says: To what is a fetus in its mother’s womb comparable? /b It is comparable b to a nut placed in a basin /b full b of water, /b floating on top of the water. If b a person puts his finger on top of /b the nut, b it sinks /b either b in this direction or in that direction. /b ,§ b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : During b the first three months /b of pregcy, the b fetus resides in the lower compartment /b of the womb; in the b middle /b three months, the b fetus resides in the middle compartment; /b and during the b last /b three months of pregcy the b fetus resides in the upper compartment. And once its time to emerge arrives, it turns upside down and emerges; and this is /b what causes b labor pains. /b ,With regard to the assertion that labor pains are caused by the fetus turning upside down, the Gemara notes: b And this is /b the explanation for b that which we learned /b in a i baraita /i : b The labor pains experienced by /b a woman who gives birth to b a female are greater than /b those b experienced by /b a woman who gives birth to b a male. /b The Gemara will explain this below., b And Rabbi Elazar says: What is the verse /b from which it is derived that a fetus initially resides in the lower part of the womb? b “When I was made in secret, and I was woven together in the lowest parts of the earth” /b (Psalms 139:15). Since it b is not stated: I resided /b in the lowest parts of the earth, b but rather: “I was woven together /b in the lowest parts of the earth,” this teaches that during the initial stage of a fetus’s development, when it is woven together, its location is in the lower compartment of the womb.,The Gemara asks: b What is different /b about b the labor pains experienced by /b a woman who gives birth to b a female, /b that they b are greater than those experienced by /b a woman who gives birth to b a male? /b The Gemara answers: b This /b one, a male fetus, b emerges in the manner in which it engages in intercourse. /b Just as a male engages in intercourse facing downward, so too, it is born while facing down. b And that /b one, a female fetus, b emerges in the manner in which it engages in intercourse, /b i.e., facing upward. Consequently, b that /b one, a female fetus, b turns its face around /b before it is born, b but this /b one, a male fetus, b does not turn its face around /b before it is born.,§ b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : During b the first three months /b of pregcy, b sexual intercourse is difficult /b and harmful b for the woman and is also difficult for the offspring. /b During the b middle /b three months, intercourse is b difficult for the woman but is beneficial for the offspring. /b During the b last /b three months, sexual intercourse is b beneficial for the woman and beneficial for the offspring; as a result of it the offspring is found to be strong and fair skinned. /b ,The Sages b taught /b in a i baraita /i : With regard to b one who engages in intercourse /b with his wife b on the ninetieth day /b of her pregcy, b it is as though he spills /b her b blood. /b The Gemara asks: b How does one know /b that it is the ninetieth day of her pregcy? b Rather, Abaye says: One should go ahead and engage in intercourse /b with his wife even if it might be the ninetieth day, b and /b rely on God to prevent any ensuing harm, as the verse states: b “The Lord preserves the simple” /b (Psalms 116:6).,§ b The Sages taught: There are three partners in /b the creation of b a person: The Holy One, Blessed be He, and his father, and his mother. His father emits the white seed, from which /b the following body parts are formed: The b bones, /b the b sinews, /b the b nails, /b the b brain that is in its head, and /b the b white of the eye. His mother emits red seed, from which /b are formed the b skin, /b the b flesh, /b the b hair, and /b the b black of the eye. And the Holy One, Blessed be He, inserts into him a spirit, a soul, /b his b countece [ i ukelaster /i ], eyesight, hearing of the ear, /b the capability of b speech /b of b the mouth, /b the capability of b walking /b with b the legs, understanding, and wisdom. /b , b And when /b a person’s b time to depart from the world arrives, the Holy One, Blessed be He, retrieves His part, and He leaves the part of /b the person’s b father and mother before them. Rav Pappa said: This /b is in accordance with the adage b that people say: Remove the salt /b from a piece of meat, b and /b you may then b toss the meat to a dog, /b as it has become worthless.,§ b Rav Ḥina bar Pappa taught: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written: “Who does great deeds beyond comprehension, wondrous deeds without number” /b (Job 9:10)? b Come and see that the attribute of flesh and blood is unlike the attribute of the Holy One, Blessed be He. The attribute of flesh and blood /b is that if one b puts an article in a flask, /b even if the flask is b tied and its opening /b faces b upward, it is uncertain whether /b the item b is preserved /b from getting lost, b and it is uncertain whether it is not preserved /b from being lost. b But the Holy One, Blessed be He, forms the fetus in a woman’s open womb, and its opening /b faces b downward, and /b yet the fetus b is preserved. /b , b Another matter /b that demonstrates the difference between the attributes of God and the attributes of people is that when b a person places his articles on a scale /b to be measured, b the heavier /b the item b is, /b the more b it descends. But /b when b the Holy One, Blessed be He, /b forms a fetus, b the heavier the offspring gets, /b the more b it ascends upward /b in the womb., b Rabbi Yosei HaGelili taught: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written: “I will give thanks to You, for I am fearfully and wonderfully made; wonderful are Your works, and that my soul knows very well” /b (Psalms 139:14)? b Come and see that the attribute of flesh and blood is unlike the attribute of the Holy One, Blessed be He. The attribute of flesh and blood /b is that when b a person plants seeds /b of different species b in /b one b garden bed, each and every one /b of the seeds b emerges /b as a grown plant b according to its species. But the Holy One, Blessed be He, forms the fetus in a woman’s womb, and all of /b the seeds, i.e., those of both the father and the mother, b emerge /b when the offspring is formed b as one /b sex., b Alternatively, /b when b a dyer puts herbs in a cauldron [ i leyora /i ], they all emerge as one color /b of dye, b whereas the Holy One, Blessed be He, forms the fetus in a woman’s womb, /b and b each and every one /b of the seeds b emerges as its own type. /b In other words, the seed of the father form distinct elements, such as the white of the eye, and the seed of the mother forms other elements, such as the black of the eye, as explained above., b Rav Yosef taught: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written: /b “And on that day you shall say: b I will give thanks to You, Lord, for You were angry with me; Your anger is turned away, and You comfort me” /b (Isaiah 12:1)? b With regard to what /b matter b is the verse speaking? /b ,It is referring, for example, b to two people who left /b their homes to go b on a business /b trip. b A thorn penetrated /b the body b of one of them, /b and he was consequently unable to go with his colleague. b He started blaspheming and cursing /b in frustration. b After a period of time, he heard that the ship of the other /b person b had sunk in the sea, /b and realized that the thorn had saved him from death. He then b started thanking /b God b and praising /b Him for his delivery due to the slight pain caused to him by the thorn. This is the meaning of the statement: I will give thanks to You, Lord, for You were angry with me. b Therefore, it is stated /b at the end of the verse: b “Your anger is turned away, and You comfort me.” /b , b And this /b statement b is /b identical to b that which Rabbi Elazar said: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written: /b “Blessed be the Lord God, the God of Israel, b Who does wondrous things alone; and blessed be His glorious name forever” /b (Psalms 72:18–19)? What does it mean that God “does wondrous things alone”? It means that b even the one for whom the miracle was performed does not recognize the miracle /b that was performed for b him. /b , b Rabbi Ḥanina bar Pappa taught: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written: “You measure [ i zerita /i ] my going about [ i orḥi /i ] and my lying down [ i riv’i /i ], and are acquainted with all my ways” /b (Psalms 139:3)? This verse b teaches that a person is not created from the entire drop /b of semen, b but from its clear /b part. i Zerita /i can mean to winnow, while i orḥi /i and i riv’i /i can both be explained as references to sexual intercourse. Therefore the verse is interpreted homiletically as saying that God separates the procreative part of the semen from the rest. b The school of Rabbi Yishmael taught a parable: /b This matter is comparable b to a person who winnows /b grain b in the granary; he takes the food and leaves the waste. /b ,This is b in accordance with /b a statement b of Rabbi Abbahu, as Rabbi Abbahu raises a contradiction: It is written /b in one of King David’s psalms: b “For You have girded me [ i vatazreni /i ] with strength for battle” /b (II Samuel 22:40), without the letter i alef /i in i vatazreni /i ; b and it is written /b in another psalm: b “Who girds me [ i hame’azreni /i ] with strength” /b (Psalms 18:33), with an i alef /i in i hame’azreini /i . What is the difference between these two expressions? b David said before the Holy One, Blessed be He: Master of the Universe, You selected me [ i zeiritani /i ], /b i.e., You separated between the procreative part and the rest of the semen in order to create me, b and You have girded me [ i zeraztani /i ] with strength. /b , b Rabbi Abbahu taught: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written /b in Balaam’s blessing: b “Who has counted the dust of Jacob, or numbered the stock [ i rova /i ] of Israel” /b (Numbers 23:10)? The verse b teaches that the Holy One, Blessed be He, sits and counts the times that the Jewish people engage in intercourse [ i revi’iyyoteihem /i ], /b anticipating the time b when the drop from which the righteous person will be created will arrive. /b , b And /b it was b due to this matter /b that b the eye of wicked Balaam went blind. He said: Should /b God, b who is pure and holy, and whose ministers are pure and holy, peek at this matter? Immediately his eye was blinded /b as a divine punishment, b as it is written: “The saying of the man whose eye is shut” /b (Numbers 24:3)., b And this /b statement b is /b the same as that b which Rabbi Yoḥa said: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written, /b with regard to Leah’s conceiving Issachar: b “And he lay with her that night” /b (Genesis 30:16)? The verse b teaches that the Holy One, Blessed be He, contributed to that act. /b The manner in which God contributed to this act is derived from another verse, b as it is stated: “Issachar is a large-boned [ i garem /i ] donkey” /b (Genesis 49:14). This teaches that God directed Jacob’s b donkey /b toward Leah’s tent so that he would engage in intercourse with her, thereby b causing [ i garam /i ] /b Leah’s conceiving b Issachar. /b ,§ b Rabbi Yitzḥak says /b that b Rabbi Ami says: /b The sex of a fetus is determined at the moment of conception. If the b woman emits seed first, she gives birth to a male, /b and if the b man emits seed first, she gives birth to a female, as it is stated: “If a woman bears seed and gives birth to a male” /b (Leviticus 12:2)., b The Sages taught: At first, /b people b would say /b that if the b woman emits seed first she gives birth to a male, /b and if the b man emits seed first, she gives birth to a female. But the Sages did not explain /b from which verse this b matter /b is derived, b until Rabbi Tzadok came and explained /b that b it /b is derived from the following verse: b “These are the sons of Leah, whom she bore to Jacob in Paddan Aram, with his daughter Dinah” /b (Genesis 46:15). From the fact that the verse b attributes the males to the females, /b as the males are called: The sons of Leah, b and /b it attributes b the females to the males, /b in that Dinah is called: His daughter, it is derived that if the woman emits seed first she gives birth to a male, whereas if the man emits seed first, she bears a female.,This statement is also derived from the following verse: b “And the sons of Ulam were mighty men of valor, archers, and had many sons and sons’ sons” /b (I Chronicles 8:40). b Is it in a person’s power to have many sons and sons’ sons? Rather, because /b |
|
187. Babylonian Talmud, Ketuvot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john, Found in books: Brooten (1982), Women Leaders in the Ancient Synagogue, 146| 37a. וסבר רבי יהודה בקדושתה קיימא והתניא הגיורת שנתגיירה וראתה דם ר' יהודה אומר דיה שעתה ר' יוסי אומר הרי היא ככל הנשים ומטמאה מעת לעת ומפקידה לפקידה,וצריכה להמתין ג' חדשים דברי ר' יהודה ר' יוסי מתיר ליארס ולינשא מיד א"ל גיורת אשבויה קא רמית גיורת לא מנטרא נפשה שבויה מנטרא נפשה,ורמי שבויה אשבויה דתניא הגיורת והשבויה והשפחה שנפדו ושנתגיירו ושנשתחררו יתירות על בנות ג' שנים ויום אחד צריכות להמתין ג' חדשים דברי ר' יהודה ר' יוסי מתיר ליארס ולינשא מיד אשתיק,א"ל מידי שמיע לך בהא אמר ליה הכי אמר רב ששת שראוה שנבעלה א"ה מאי טעמא דר' יוסי אמר רבה קסבר ר' יוסי אשה מזנה משמשת במוך שלא תתעבר,בשלמא גיורת כיון דדעתה לאיגיורי מנטרא נפשה שבויה נמי דלא ידעה היכא ממטו לה שפחה נמי דשמעה מפי מרה אלא יוצאה בשן ועין מאי איכא למימר,וכי תימא כל ממילא לא א"ר יוסי הרי אנוסה ומפותה דממילא ותניא אנוסה ומפותה צריכות להמתין ג' חדשים דברי ר' יהודה ר' יוסי מתיר ליארס ולינשא מיד,אלא אמר רבה קסבר ר' יוסי אשה מזנה מתהפכת כדי שלא תתעבר ואידך חיישי' שמא לא נהפכה יפה יפה:,שנא' (שמות כא, כב) ולא יהיה אסון ענוש יענש וכו': והא מהכא נפקא מהתם נפקא (דברים כה, ב) כדי רשעתו משום רשעה אחת אתה מחייבו ואי אתה מחייבו משום שתי רשעיות,חדא במיתה וממון וחדא במלקות וממון וצריכא דאי אשמעינן מיתה וממון משום דאיכא איבוד נשמה אבל מלקות וממון דליכא איבוד נשמה אימא לא,ואי אשמעינן מלקות וממון משום דלא חמיר איסוריה אבל מיתה וממון דחמיר איסוריה אימא לא צריכא,ולרבי מאיר דאמר לוקה ומשלם תרתי למה לי חדא במיתה וממון | 37a. b And /b does b Rabbi Yehuda maintain /b that a captive woman b remains in her /b state of b sanctity? But isn’t it taught /b in a i baraita /i : With regard to a female b convert who converted and saw /b the flow of menstrual b blood /b on that same day, b Rabbi Yehuda says: /b Deeming b her /b impure from the b hour /b that she saw the menstrual flow b is sufficient for her. /b There is no decree of retroactive impurity on objects that she touched earlier, due to the concern that the blood flow might have started earlier. b Rabbi Yosei says: Her /b legal status b is like /b that of b all /b of b the /b Jewish b women, and she /b therefore b transmits impurity /b retroactively b for a twenty-four hour period /b following her conversion, or b from examination to examination, /b i.e., from the last time she examined herself., b And /b a convert b is required to wait three months /b after her conversion before marrying a Jew, due to the concern that she is pregt, leading to confusion whether the child was conceived before or after her conversion; this is b the statement of Rabbi Yehuda. Rabbi Yosei permits her to be betrothed and to be married immediately. /b Clearly, Rabbi Yehuda is concerned that she engaged in sexual relations prior to her conversion. Rav Yosef b said to /b Rav Pappa bar Shmuel: b Are you raising a contradiction /b from the i halakha /i of b a convert to /b that of b a captive /b woman? b A convert does not protect herself /b from engaging in sexual relations before conversion, whereas b a captive protects herself, /b as she is conscious of the sanctity of the Jewish people and does not want to be violated., b And /b Rav Pappa bar Shmuel b raised a contradiction from /b one i halakha /i with regard to b a captive to /b another i halakha /i with regard to b a captive, as it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b The convert, or the captive /b woman b or the /b gentile b maidservant, who were redeemed, converted, or emancipated /b when they were b more than three years and one day /b old, b are required to wait three months /b before marrying; this is b the statement of Rabbi Yehuda. Rabbi Yosei permits /b these women b to be betrothed and to be married immediately. /b Apparently, Rabbi Yehuda is concerned that she engaged in sexual relations prior to her redemption, contradicting his opinion here. Rav Yosef b was silent, /b unable to respond.,Later, Rav Yosef b said to him: Have you heard anything with regard to this /b matter? Rav Pappa bar Shmuel b said to him: This /b is what b Rav Sheshet said: /b Rabbi Yehuda is referring to a captive b whom /b witnesses b saw engage in intercourse. /b The Gemara asks: b If so, what is the rationale /b for the ruling of b Rabbi Yosei /b that she may marry immediately? Shouldn’t he be concerned lest she is pregt? b Rabba said: Rabbi Yosei holds /b that b a woman who engages in /b promiscuous b sexual relations has relations with /b a contraceptive b resorbent /b at the entrance of her womb, so b that she will not become pregt. /b ,The Gemara asks: b Granted, a convert /b uses the resorbent; b since it is her intention to convert, she protects herself /b from pregcy. b A captive too /b uses the resorbent because b she does not know where they are taking her, /b and she does not want to become pregt. b A maidservant /b uses the resorbent b too, as she heard from her master /b that he intends to free her, and she seeks to avoid confusion with regard to the lineage of her offspring. b However, /b with regard a maidservant who b emerges /b from slavery b with /b the extraction by her master of her b tooth or /b her b eye, what is there to say? /b She has no advance knowledge that she will be freed and therefore would not take precautions to avoid becoming pregt, and Rav Sheshet explained that this is a case where she was seen engaging in sexual relations., b And if you say /b that with regard to b any /b situation that occurs b on its own, /b without advance knowledge, b Rabbi Yosei /b concedes to Rabbi Yehuda and b did not say /b that it is permitted for her to marry immediately, that cannot be so. There is the case of b a raped or seduced /b woman, which happens b on its own /b without advance knowledge, b and it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b A raped woman and a seduced woman must wait three months /b before marrying; this is b the statement of Rabbi Yehuda; Rabbi Yosei permits /b these women b to be betrothed and to be married immediately. /b , b Rather, Rabba said: /b The rationale for the ruling of Rabbi Yosei is not because the woman uses a contraceptive resorbent that she inserts before engaging in relations. Rather, b Rabbi Yosei holds: A woman /b who b engages in /b promiscuous b sexual relations turns over /b at the conclusion of the sexual act so b that she will not become pregt. /b Therefore, even if she engaged in unplanned sexual relations, she can take steps afterward to prevent unwanted pregcy. The Gemara asks: b And /b how does b the other /b i tanna /i , Rabbi Yehuda respond to this contention? The Gemara answers: b We are concerned lest /b the semen remain in her womb because b she did not turn over properly, /b and she will become pregt.,§ The mishna states that one liable to receive the death penalty is exempt from payment, b as it is stated: “And yet no harm follow, he shall be punished, etc.” /b (Exodus 21:22). The Gemara asks: b And is this /b principle b derived from here? /b Actually, b it is derived from there: /b “And to be beaten before his face b according to the measure of his iniquity” /b (Deuteronomy 25:2). From the term: His iniquity, it is inferred: b You can hold /b one who performs one action b liable for one iniquity, /b i.e., punishment for violating one prohibition, b but you do not hold him liable for two iniquities, /b i.e., punishments for violating two prohibitions.,The Gemara answers: b One /b of these derivations, from the verse “And yet no harm follow” is stated b with regard to /b one who performed an action for which he is liable to receive the b death /b penalty b and /b to pay b money, /b and the liability to be executed exempts him from payment. b And one /b of these derivations, from the verse “According to the measure of his iniquity,” is stated b with regard to /b one who performed an action for which he is liable to receive b lashes and /b to pay b money, /b and he receives only one punishment. The Gemara elaborates: b And /b both derivations b are necessary, as if /b the Torah b taught us /b this i halakha /i only with regard to b death and money, /b one would assert that the exemption from payment is b due to /b the fact b that there is loss of life, /b the ultimate punishment, leaving no room for additional punishment; b however, /b in the case of b lashes and money, where there is no loss of life, say no, /b there is no exemption and he is flogged and pays., b And if /b the Torah b taught us /b this i halakha /i only with regard to b lashes and money, /b one would assert that the exemption from payment is b due to /b the fact b that /b the b prohibition /b that he violated b is not severe, /b as it is punishable by lashes, and for violating a prohibition that is not severe one does not receive two punishments. b However, /b with regard to b death and money, where /b the b prohibition /b that he violated b is severe, say no, /b he is not exempt from receiving two punishments. Therefore, it was b necessary /b for the Torah to teach both derivations.,The Gemara asks: b And according to Rabbi Meir, who said /b that one b is flogged and pays /b in cases where he violated a prohibition punishable by both, b why do I /b require b two /b derivations teaching that one does not receive the death penalty and pay? The Gemara answers: b One /b derivation is b with regard to death and money, /b exempting one liable to be executed from payment, |
|
188. Babylonian Talmud, Keritot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 180| 28a. לכבשתו והעני הואיל ונדחה ידחה,אמר רב הונא בריה דרב יהושע שמע מינה תלת שמע מינה בעלי חיים נדחים וקדושת דמים נדחה,ודחוי מעיקרא הוי דחוי,מתיב רב עוקבא בר חמא המפריש נקבה לפסחו קודם הפסח תרעה עד שתסתאב ותמכר ויביא בדמיה פסח ילדה זכר ירעה עד שיסתאב וימכר ויביא בדמיו פסח,ר"ש אומר הוא עצמו יקרב פסח ש"מ בעלי חיים אינם נדחים,אמרי דבי רבי אושעיא כי אמרינן לרבנן דר"ש ס"ל בעלי חיים אינן נדחין,והגרלה אינה מעכבת דתניא מת אחד מהן מביא חבירו שלא בהגרלה דברי ר"ש,אלמא קסבר בעלי חיים אינן נידחין והגרלה אינה מעכבת,אמר רב חסדא אין הקינין מתפרשות אלא אי בלקיחת בעלים אי בעשיית כהן,אמר רב שימי בר אשי מאי טעמא דרב חסדא דכתיב (ויקרא יב, ח) ולקחה שתי תורים וגו' (ויקרא טו, ל) ועשה הכהן וגו' או בלקיחת בעלים או בעשיית כהן,מיתיבי (ויקרא טז, ט) ועשהו חטאת הגורל עושהו חטאת ואין השם עושהו חטאת ואין כהן עושה חטאת,שיכול והלא דין הוא ומה במקום שלא קידש הגורל קידש השם מקום שיקדש הגורל אינו דין שיקדש השם,ת"ל ועשהו חטאת הגורל עושהו חטאת ואין השם עושהו חטאת,קתני שם דומיא דגורל מה גורל לאו בלקיחה ולאו בעשייה אף השם נמי לאו בלקיחה ולאו בעשייה,אמר רב ה"ק ומה במקום שלא קידש הגורל בלקיחת בעלים ובעשיית הכהן קידש השם אי בלקיחת בעלים אי בעשיית כהן כאן שיקדש הגורל שלא בלקיחה ושלא בעשייה אינו דין שיקדש השם אי בלקיחה אי בעשייה,ת"ל ועשהו חטאת הגורל עושהו חטאת ואין השם עושהו חטאת,מיתיבי מטמא מקדש עני שהפריש מעות לקינו והעשיר,אמר אלו לחטאתי ואלו לעולתי מוסיף ומביא חובתו מדמי חטאתו ואין מוסיף ומביא מדמי עולתו,והא הכא דליכא לא לקיחה ולא עשייה וקתני מביא חובתו מדמי חטאתו ולא מדמי עולתו,א"ר ששת ותסברא מתניתא מתקנתא היא דקתני והעשיר והא"ר אלעזר א"ר אושעיא מטמא מקדש עשיר שהביא קרבן עני לא יצא,אלא מאי אית לך למימר שכבר אמר משעת ענייתו ה"נ שכבר אמר משעת הפרשתו,ולר' חגא א"ר אושעיא דאמר יצא מאי איכא למימר תני ואח"כ לקח ואמר,מיתיבי מצורע עני שהביא קרבן עשיר יצא עשיר שהביא קרבן עני לא יצא תיובתא דר' חגא א"ר אושעיא,אמר לך שאני גבי מצורע דמיעט רחמנא (ויקרא יד, ב) זאת,אי הכי אפילו מצורע עני נמי שהביא קרבן עשיר לא יצא לאיי הא אהדריה קרא תורת והתניא תורת לרבות מצורע עני שהביא קרבן עשיר יצא יכול אפילו עשיר שהביא קרבן עני שיצא תלמוד לומר זאת,ולילף מיניה אמר קרא (ויקרא יד, כא) ואם דל הוא ואין ידו משגת מצורע הוא דעשיר שהביא קרבן עני הוא דלא יצא אבל מטמא מקדש עשיר שהביא קרבן עני יצא:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big ר"ש אומר כבשים קודמין את העזים בכל מקום יכול מפני שהן מובחרים מהם ת"ל (ויקרא ד, לב) ואם כבש יביא קרבנו לחטאת מלמד ששניהם שקולין,תורין קודמין לבני יונה בכל מקום יכול מפני שהן מובחרים מהן תלמוד לומר ((ויקרא יב, ו) תור ובני) יונה או תור לחטאת מלמד ששניהם שקולין,האב קודם לאם בכל מקום יכול מפני שכיבוד האב קודם על כיבוד האם ת"ל (ויקרא יט, ג) איש אמו ואביו תיראו מלמד ששניהם שקולין אבל אמרו חכמים האב קודם לאם בכל מקום מפני שהוא ואמו חייבין בכבוד אביו,וכן בתלמוד תורה אם זכה הבן לפני הרב הרב קודם את האב בכל מקום מפני שהוא ואביו חייבין בכבוד רבו:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big ת"ר ד' צווחות צווחה עזרה צווחה אחת הוציאו מיכן בני עלי חפני ופנחס שטימאו את ההיכל,צווחה שניה פתחו שערים ויכנס יוחנן בן נדבאי תלמידו של פינקאי וימלא כרסו מקדשי שמים אמרו על בן נדבאי שהיה אוכל ארבע סאה גוזלות | 28a. instead b of a female lamb, and he /b then b became poorer, /b a bird pair is now the appropriate offering for him. Nevertheless, b since /b his offering b was disqualified /b at the outset because at that time he was obligated to bring a female lamb, b it is /b permanently b disqualified. /b , b Rav Huna, son of Rav Yehoshua, said: /b One can b conclude from this /b ruling b three /b i halakhot /i . b Conclude from it /b that b consecrated living animals can be /b permanently b disqualified /b even if the animal is unblemished, as is the case with regard to this pair of birds. b And /b conclude from it that when there is b sanctity /b that inheres in an animal’s b value, /b where the consecrated item will not be sacrificed as an offering, it can be b disqualified. /b When he was wealthy and designated the bird pair as his offering, the two birds were consecrated only with sanctity that inheres in their value because they were unfit for sacrifice, and yet the birds were permanently disqualified., b And /b finally, conclude from this that b a disqualification at the outset, /b when the animal is initially consecrated, b is /b considered a permanent b disqualification. /b Not only is an animal that was initially fit to be sacrificed and was later disqualified permanently disqualified, but even in a case such as this, where the birds were unfit for sacrifice from the beginning, the disqualification is permanent., b Rav Ukva bar Ḥama raises an objection /b from a i baraita /i ( i Tosefta /i , i Temura /i 2:3): With regard to b one who designates a female /b animal b for his Paschal offering before Passover, /b since the Paschal offering must be a male it is left to b graze until it becomes blemished, /b at which point b it is sold and one brings a Paschal offering with the money /b received from its sale. Similarly, if this animal b gave birth to a male /b animal, the offspring is left to b graze until it becomes blemished, /b at which point b it is sold and one brings a Paschal offering with the money /b received from its sale., b Rabbi Shimon says: /b It is not necessary to sell the offspring in such a case, as the offspring b itself is sacrificed /b as b a Paschal offering. Conclude from this /b statement of Rabbi Shimon that b consecrated living animals are not /b permanently b disqualified, /b as the mother was unfit to be a Paschal offering and yet the offspring, which is an extension of the mother’s sanctity, is fit for sacrifice., b The school of Rabbi Oshaya say: When we say /b that consecrated living animals can be permanently disqualified, this applies b according to /b the opinion of b the Rabbis, /b who maintain that the offspring is not sacrificed. Nevertheless, it is correct b that Rabbi Shimon holds /b that consecrated b living animals are not /b permanently b disqualified. /b , b And /b Rabbi Shimon likewise maintains b that /b the b drawing /b of the lots for the two goats on Yom Kippur to decide which goat is designated as a sacrifice and which is designated as the scapegoat, b is not indispensable. As it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : If b one of /b the goats b died /b following their designation, one b brings another /b goat instead of it, and it is designated b without drawing /b lots. The surviving goat is still used for the purpose for which it was designated by the lot; this is b the statement of Rabbi Shimon. /b , b Evidently, Rabbi Shimon holds: /b Consecrated b living animals are not /b permanently b disqualified. /b Although the surviving goat was disqualified when the other goat died, it is once again fit when a new goat is designated as its partner. b And /b Rabbi Shimon also holds that the b drawing /b of the lots b is not indispensable, /b as the new goat was designated without drawing lots.,§ b Rav Ḥisda says: Nests, /b i.e., pairs of birds, b are designated, /b one as a burnt offering and one as a sin offering, b only /b in the following manner: b Either /b by the b owner /b at the time b of purchase or, /b if the owner did not designate the birds at that stage, by the b priest /b at the time b of sacrifice. /b , b Rav Shimi bar Ashi said: What is the reason of Rav Ḥisda? As it is written /b with regard to the offering of a woman after childbirth: b “And she shall purchase two doves /b or two pigeons, one for a burnt offering and the other for a sin offering” (Leviticus 12:8). And with regard to the offering of a leper it is written: b “And the priest shall sacrifice /b the one for a sin offering, and the other for a burnt offering” (Leviticus 15:30). Together, these verses indicate that one bird is designated as a burnt offering and the other as a sin offering b either /b by the b owner /b at the time b of purchase or /b by the b priest /b at the time b of sacrifice. /b ,The Gemara b raises an objection /b from a i baraita /i in the i Sifra /i that discusses the drawing of lots for the two goats of Yom Kippur. The verse states: “Aaron shall bring forward the goat upon which the lot came up for the Lord, b and he shall sacrifice it for a sin offering” /b (Leviticus 16:9). This teaches that the drawing of b the lot renders it a sin offering, but /b verbally designating b the name /b of the goat b does not render it a sin offering, and /b likewise the act of the b priest, /b placing the lot on the goat, b does not render it a sin offering. /b ,A verse is required to teach this i halakha /i , b as /b one b might /b have come to the opposite conclusion: b Could this not /b be derived through an i a fortiori /i b inference, /b as follows: b And if in a case where /b the drawing of b a lot does not sanctify /b an animal with a specific designation, e.g., a woman after childbirth, who cannot determine by lot the status of the two birds she must bring, one as a sin offering and one as a burnt offering, nevertheless, in such a case a verbal designation of b the name does sanctify /b with a specific designation; b is it not logical /b in b a case where /b the drawing of b a lot sanctifies /b an animal with a specific designation, i.e., the two goats of Yom Kippur, b that /b verbally designating b the name /b should b sanctify /b it with a specific designation?,The i baraita /i concludes: Therefore b the verse states, /b with regard to one of the two goats of Yom Kippur: b “He shall sacrifice it for a sin offering,” /b to teach that the drawing of b the lot renders it a sin offering, but /b verbally designating b the name /b of the goat b does not render it a sin offering. /b ,The Gemara explains the objection: The i baraita /i b teaches /b that verbally designating the b name /b of an offering b is similar to /b drawing b a lot. /b If so, one can reason as follows: b Just as /b the drawing of b a lot /b is b not /b performed b at /b the time of b purchase nor at /b the time of b sacrifice, so too /b verbal designation of b the name also /b does b not /b have to be performed b at /b the time of b purchase nor at /b the time of b sacrifice. /b This contradicts the opinion of Rav Ḥisda., b Rav said /b that b this /b is what the i baraita /i b is saying: And if in a place where /b the drawing of b a lot, /b either by the b owner /b at the time b of purchase or /b by the b priest /b at the time b of sacrifice, does not sanctify /b an animal with a specific designation, and nevertheless a verbal designation of b the name, either /b by the b owner /b at the time b of purchase or /b by the b priest /b at the time b of sacrifice, does sanctify /b it with a specific designation; b here, /b with regard to the two goats, b where /b the drawing of b a lot /b that does b not /b take place b at /b the time of b purchase nor at /b the time of b sacrifice sanctifies /b the animal with a specific designation, b is it not logical that /b verbally designating b the name, either at /b the time of b purchase or at /b the time of b sacrifice, /b should b sanctify /b it with a specific designation?,Therefore, b the verse states: “He shall sacrifice it for a sin offering,” /b to teach that drawing b the lot renders it a sin offering, but /b verbally designating b the name /b of the goat b does not render it a sin offering. /b ,The Gemara b raises /b another b objection /b to the opinion of Rav Ḥisda from a i baraita /i : In the case of b a poor person who defiles the Temple, /b i.e., he entered the Temple while ritually impure, b who designated money for his nest, /b as he is required to bring one bird as a sin offering and another bird as a burnt offering, b and he /b then b became wealthier, /b he is now obligated to bring a female lamb or goat as a sin offering.,If he was unaware that he is no longer obligated to bring a pair of birds, and he b says: This /b money b is for my sin offering and this /b money b is for my burnt offering, /b which is an error, as he is not obligated to bring a burnt offering, b he adds /b more money b and brings his obligation /b of a lamb or goat for his sin offering b from /b the b money /b designated b for his sin offering. But he may not add /b more money b and bring his obligation /b of a sin offering b from /b the b money /b designated b for his burnt offering, /b as one may not use money that is designated for a burnt offering for the purchase of a sin offering.,The Gemara explains the objection: b But here, /b the i baraita /i is dealing with a case where he said: This money is for my sin offering and that money is for my burnt offering, which means that he designated the money at a stage b that was not /b the time of b purchase nor /b the time of b sacrifice; and /b yet the i baraita /i b teaches /b that the designation is established and therefore b he brings his obligation /b of a sin offering b from /b the b money /b designated for b a sin offering but not from /b the b money /b designated for b a burnt offering. /b , b Rav Sheshet said: And can you understand /b that b this i baraita /i is properly /b explained, i.e., the i baraita /i as it stands is difficult, b as it teaches: He became wealthier /b and said: This money is for my sin offering and this money is for my burnt offering. b But /b this is difficult, as b doesn’t Rabbi Elazar say /b that b Rabbi Oshaya says: A wealthy person who defiles the Temple, /b i.e., he entered the Temple while ritually impure, b who brought /b the b offering /b of b a poor person /b to atone for his transgression has b not fulfilled /b his obligation. Since he cannot fulfill his obligation with that offering, how can his designation permanently establish the status of the money?, b Rather, what have you to say? /b You must say that the i baraita /i is referring to a case b where he already said: /b This money is for my sin offering and this money is for my burnt offering, b at the time /b when b he was poor. So too, /b it is referring to a case b where he already said /b it even earlier, b at the time /b when b he designated /b the money, and therefore there is no difficulty for Rav Ḥisda.,The Gemara asks: b But according to Rabbi Ḥagga, /b who b says /b that b Rabbi Oshaya says /b that a wealthy person who brings the offering of a poor person has b fulfilled /b his obligation, b what can be said? /b According to this opinion, there is no inherent difficulty in the i baraita /i that necessitates Rav Sheshet’s interpretation, and therefore that i baraita /i apparently contradicts Rav Ḥisda’s ruling. The Gemara answers that one should b teach /b the i baraita /i as follows: b And after /b he became wealthier, b he purchased /b animals b and said /b at the time of purchase: This is designated as my sin offering and this as my burnt offering.,With regard to the dispute between Rabbi Elazar and Rabbi Ḥagga in the case of a wealthy person who brings the offering of a poor person, the Gemara b raises an objection /b from a i baraita /i : b A poor leper who brought the offering of a wealthy person /b has b fulfilled /b his obligation. By contrast, b a wealthy /b leper b who brought the offering of a poor person /b has b not fulfilled /b his obligation. This is apparently b a conclusive refutation of /b the opinion b that Rabbi Ḥagga /b says that b Rabbi Oshaya says. /b ,The Gemara explains that Rabbi Ḥagga could have b said to you: /b The i halakha /i b is different with regard to /b a wealthy b leper, as the Merciful One excluded /b the possibility of a wealthy person bringing the offering of a poor person in the verse: b “This /b shall be the law of the leper” (Leviticus 14:2). The emphasis of “this” teaches that a leper fulfills his obligation only with the appropriate offering.,The Gemara objects: b If so, /b that this i halakha /i is derived from a verse, then b even /b in the case of b a poor leper who brings the offering of a wealthy person as well, /b he should b not fulfill /b his obligation. The Gemara rejects that suggestion: This is b not so, /b as b the verse returned /b to state: “This shall be b the law /b of the leper,” which includes a leper who brings an inappropriate offering. b As it is taught /b in a i baraita /i that the phrase b “the law /b of the leper” serves b to include a poor leper who brought the offering of a wealthy person, /b that he b has fulfilled /b his obligation. One b might /b have thought that b even /b in the case of b a wealthy /b leper b who brought the offering of a poor person, he /b has b fulfilled /b his obligation. Therefore, b the verse states: “This /b shall be the law.”,The Gemara raises a difficulty: b But /b why not b derive /b a principle b from that /b verse that with regard to any sliding-scale offering, a wealthy person who brings a poor person’s offering has not fulfilled his obligation? The Gemara answers: With regard to a leper b the verse states: “And if he is poor and cannot afford” /b (Leviticus 14:21). The emphasis of “he” teaches that b it is /b only with regard to b a leper that a wealthy person who brought a poor person’s offering /b has b not fulfilled /b his obligation. b But /b in the case of b one who defiles the Temple, /b i.e., he entered the Temple while ritually impure, b a wealthy person who brought a poor person’s offering /b has b fulfilled /b his obligation., strong MISHNA: /strong b Rabbi Shimon says: Lambs precede goats /b almost b everywhere /b in the Torah that they are both mentioned, as in the verse: “You shall take it from the lambs or from the goats” (Exodus 12:5). One b might /b have thought that it is b due to /b the fact b that /b sheep b are more select than /b goats. Therefore, b the verse states: /b “And he shall bring for his offering a goat” (Leviticus 4:28), after which it is written: b “And if he bring a lamb as his offering for a sin offering” /b (Leviticus 4:32), which b teaches that both of them are equal. /b ,Similarly, b doves precede pigeons /b almost b everywhere /b in the Torah, as in the verse: “And he shall bring his guilt offering…two doves, or two pigeons” (Leviticus 5:7). One b might /b have thought that it is b due to /b the fact b that /b doves b are more select than /b pigeons. Therefore, b the verse states: “And a pigeon or a dove for a sin offering” /b (Leviticus 12:6), with the usual order reversed, which b teaches that both of them are equal. /b ,Likewise, mention of b the father precedes /b that of b the mother /b almost b everywhere /b in the Torah, as in the verse: “Honor your father and your mother” (Exodus 20:12). One b might /b have thought that it is b due to /b the fact b that the honor of the father takes precedence over the honor of the mother. /b Therefore, b the verse states: “Every man shall fear his mother and his father” /b (Leviticus 19:3), with the order reversed, which b teaches that both of them are equal. But the Sages said: /b Honor of b the father takes precedence over /b honor of b the mother everywhere, due to /b the fact b that /b both the son b and his mother are obligated in the honor of his father. /b , b And likewise with regard to Torah study, if the son was privileged /b to acquire most of his Torah knowledge from studying b before the teacher, /b honor of b the teacher takes precedence over /b honor of b the father, due to /b the fact b that /b both the son b and his father are obligated in the honor of his teacher, /b as everyone is obligated in the honor of Torah scholars., strong GEMARA: /strong With regard to the mishna’s discussion of lambs and goats, b the Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : The Temple b courtyard cried four cries. The first cry /b was: b Remove Ḥofni and Pineḥas the sons of Eli /b the priest b from here, as they have rendered the Sanctuary /b in Shiloh b impure /b (see I Samuel 4:13–22)., b The second cry /b was: b Open /b the b gates, and let Yoḥa ben Nedavai, the student of Pinkai, enter and fill his belly with /b meat of b offerings /b consecrated to b Heaven, /b as he is worthy to eat offerings. b They said about ben Nedavai that he would eat four i se’a /i of doves /b |
|
189. Babylonian Talmud, Berachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john, Found in books: Brooten (1982), Women Leaders in the Ancient Synagogue, 146| 8b. ואפילו (במדבר לב) עטרות ודיבון שכל המשלים פרשיותיו עם הצבור מאריכין לו ימיו ושנותיו,רב ביבי בר אביי סבר לאשלומינהו לפרשייתא דכולא שתא במעלי יומא דכפורי תנא ליה חייא בר רב מדפתי כתיב (ויקרא כג) ועניתם את נפשתיכם בתשעה לחדש בערב,וכי בתשעה מתענין והלא בעשרה מתענין אלא לומר לך כל האוכל ושותה בתשיעי מעלה עליו הכתוב כאילו מתענה תשיעי ועשירי.,סבר לאקדומינהו אמר ליה ההוא סבא תנינא ובלבד שלא יקדים ושלא יאחר,כדאמר להו ר' יהושע בן לוי לבניה אשלימו פרשיותייכו עם הצבור שנים מקרא ואחד תרגום,והזהרו בורידין כרבי יהודה דתנן רבי יהודה אומר עד שישחוט את הורידין,והזהרו בזקן ששכח תלמודו מחמת אונסו דאמרינן לוחות ושברי לוחות מונחות בארון,אמר להו רבא לבניה כשאתם חותכין בשר אל תחתכו על גב היד איכא דאמרי משום סכנה ואיכא דאמרי משום קלקול סעודה,ואל תשבו על מטת ארמית ואל תעברו אחורי בית הכנסת בשעה שהצבור מתפללין. ואל תשבו על מטת ארמית. איכא דאמרי לא תגנו בלא ק"ש ואיכא דאמרי דלא תנסבו גיורתא וא"ד ארמית ממש,ומשום מעשה דרב פפא דרב פפא אזל לגבי ארמית הוציאה לו מטה אמרה לו שב אמר לה איני יושב עד שתגביהי את המטה הגביהה את המטה ומצאו שם תינוק מת מכאן אמרו חכמים אסור לישב על מטת ארמית,ואל תעברו אחורי בית הכנסת בשעה שהצבור מתפללין מסייע ליה לרבי יהושע בן לוי דאמר ר' יהושע בן לוי אסור לו לאדם שיעבור אחורי בית הכנסת בשעה שהצבור מתפללין,אמר אביי ולא אמרן אלא דליכא פתחא אחרינא אבל איכא פתחא אחרינא לית לן בה ולא אמרן אלא דליכא בי כנישתא אחרינא אבל איכא בי כנישתא אחרינא לית לן בה ולא אמרן אלא דלא דרי טונא ולא רהיט ולא מנח תפילין אבל איכא חד מהנך לית לן בה:,תניא אמר ר"ע בשלשה דברים אוהב אני את המדיים כשחותכין את הבשר אין חותכין אלא על גבי השולחן כשנושקין אין נושקין אלא על גב היד וכשיועצין אין יועצין אלא בשדה,אמר רב אדא בר אהבה מאי קראה (בראשית לא) וישלח יעקב ויקרא לרחל וללאה השדה אל צאנו:,תניא אמר רבן גמליאל בשלשה דברים אוהב אני את הפרסיים הן צנועין באכילתן וצנועין בבית הכסא וצנועין בדבר אחר:,(ישעיהו יג) אני צויתי למקודשי תני רב יוסף אלו הפרסיים המקודשין ומזומנין לגיהנם:,רבן גמליאל אומר וכו': אמר רב יהודה אמר שמואל הלכה כר"ג,תניא ר"ש בן יוחי אומר פעמים שאדם קורא ק"ש שתי פעמים בלילה אחת קודם שיעלה עמוד השחר ואחת לאחר שיעלה עמוד השחר ויוצא בהן ידי חובתו אחת של יום ואחת של לילה.,הא גופא קשיא אמרת פעמים שאדם קורא קרית שמע שתי פעמים בלילה אלמא לאחר שיעלה עמוד השחר ליליא הוא והדר תני יוצא בהן ידי חובתו אחת של יום ואחת של לילה אלמא יממא הוא,לא לעולם ליליא הוא והא דקרי ליה יום דאיכא אינשי דקיימי בההיא שעתא,אמר רב אחא בר חנינא אמר רבי יהושע בן לוי הלכה כרבי שמעון בן יוחי,איכא דמתני להא דרב אחא בר חנינא אהא דתניא רבי שמעון בן יוחי אומר משום ר' עקיבא פעמים שאדם קורא ק"ש שתי פעמים ביום אחת קודם הנץ החמה ואחת לאחר הנץ החמה ויוצא בהן ידי חובתו אחת של יום ואחת של לילה,הא גופא קשיא אמרת פעמים שאדם קורא קרית שמע שתי פעמים ביום אלמא קודם הנץ החמה יממא הוא והדר תני יוצא בהן ידי חובתו אחת של יום ואחת של לילה אלמא ליליא הוא | 8b. This applies to every verse, b even /b a verse like: b “Atarot and Divon /b and Yazer and Nimra and Ḥeshbon and Elaleh and Sevam and Nevo and Beon” (Numbers 32:3). While that verse is comprised entirely of names of places that are identical in Hebrew and Aramaic, one is nevertheless required to read the verse twice and its translation once, b as one who completes his /b Torah b portions with the congregation /b is rewarded that b his days and years are extended. /b , b Rav Beivai bar Abaye thought to finish all the /b Torah b portions of the entire year, /b which he had been unable to complete at their appointed time, b on the eve of Yom Kippur /b when he would have time to do so. But b Ḥiyya bar Rav of Difti taught him: It is written /b with regard to Yom Kippur: b “And you shall afflict your souls on the ninth day of the month in the evening, /b from evening to evening you shall keep your Sabbath” (Leviticus 23:32).,The Gemara wonders: b And does one fast on the ninth /b of Tishrei? b Doesn’t one fast on the tenth of Tishrei, /b as the Torah says at the beginning of that portion: “However, on the tenth day of this seventh month is the Day of Atonement; there shall be a holy convocation for you, and you shall afflict your souls” (Leviticus 23:27)? b Rather, /b this verse comes b to tell you: One who eats and drinks on the ninth /b day of Tishrei in preparation for the fast the next day, b the verse ascribes him /b credit b as if he fasted on /b both b the ninth and the tenth /b of Tishrei. Ḥiyya bar Rav of Difti cited this verse to Rav Beivai bar Abaye to teach him that Yom Kippur eve is dedicated to eating and drinking, not to completing the Torah portions one may have missed throughout the year.,When Rav Beivai heard this, b he thought to /b read the Torah portions b earlier, /b before they were to be read by the community. b A certain /b unnamed b elder told him, we learned: As long as one does not /b read the Torah portions b earlier or later /b than the congregation. One must read them together with the congregation., b As Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi told his sons: Complete your portions with the congregation, the Bible /b text b twice and /b the b translation once. /b ,He also advised them: b Be careful with the /b jugular b veins, in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Yehuda, as we learned /b in a mishna with regard to the laws of ritual slaughter: b Rabbi Yehuda said: /b Cutting the trachea and esophagus in the ritual slaughter of a bird does not render the bird kosher b until he slaughters the /b jugular b veins /b as well. While this is not halakhically required, it is appropriate to do so to prevent significant amounts of blood from remaining in the bird.,Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi further advised: b And be careful /b to continue to respect b an elder who has forgotten his /b Torah b knowledge due to /b circumstances b beyond his control. /b Even though he is no longer a Torah scholar, he must still be respected for the Torah that he once possessed. b As we say: /b Both b the tablets /b of the Covet b and the broken tablets are placed in the Ark /b of the Covet in the Temple. Even though the first tablets were broken, their sanctity obligates one not to treat them with contempt. An elder who forgot the Torah knowledge he once possessed is likened to these broken tablets., b Rava said to his sons /b three bits of advice: b When you cut meat, do not cut it on your hand. /b The Gemara offers two explanations for this. b Some say: Due to /b the b danger /b that one might accidentally cut his hand, b and some say: Due to /b the fact that it could b ruin the meal, /b as even if one only cut himself slightly, that small amount of blood could still spoil the meat and render it repulsive to eat., b And /b Rava also advised: b Do not sit on the bed of an Aramean woman, and do not pass by a synagogue when the community is praying. /b The Gemara explains: b Some say: Do not sit on the bed of an Aramean woman /b means b one should not go to sleep without reciting i Shema, /i /b as by doing so, it is tantamount to sleeping in the bed of a non-Jew, as his conduct is unbecoming a Jew. b Others say: /b This means that b one should not marry a woman who converted, /b and it is better to marry a woman who was born Jewish. b And some say: /b It b literally /b means that one should not sit on the bed of b an Aramean, /b i.e., a non-Jewish b woman. /b ,This bit of advice was b due to an incident /b involving b Rav Pappa. Rav Pappa went to /b visit b an Aramean woman. She took out a bed /b and b she said to him: Sit. He said to her: I will not sit until you lift the /b sheets covering the b bed. /b She did so b and they found a dead baby there. /b Had Rav Pappa sat upon the bed, he would have been blamed for killing the baby. b From /b that incident, b the Sages said: One is prohibited from sitting on the bed of an Aramean woman. /b , b And /b Rava’s third bit of advice was, b do not pass behind a synagogue while the congregation is praying. This /b statement b supports /b the opinion of b Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi, /b as b Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: One is prohibited from passing behind a synagogue while the congregation is praying /b because they will suspect that he does not want to pray, and it is a show of contempt for the synagogue., b Abaye /b introduced several caveats to Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi’s statement and b said: /b br b We only said /b this prohibition if b there is no other entrance /b to the synagogue, b but /b if b there is /b another entrance, since it is possible that he will simply use the second entrance, they will not suspect him, and the prohibition b does not apply. /b br b And we only said /b this prohibition if b there is no other synagogue /b in the city, b but /b if b there is another synagogue, /b the prohibition b does not apply. /b br b And we only said /b this prohibition when b he is not carrying a burden, and not running, and not wearing phylacteries. But /b if b one of those /b factors b applies /b , the prohibition b does not apply. /b If he is carrying a burden or running, clearly he is occupied with his work. If he is wearing phylacteries, it is evident that he is a God-fearing individual and they will not suspect him.,The Gemara cites a statement from a i baraita /i , along the lines of Rava’s advice to refrain from cutting meat on one’s hands: b Rabbi Akiva said: In three aspects /b of their conduct, b I like the Medes, /b and we should learn from their practices. b When they cut meat, they cut it only on the table /b and not on their hands; b when they kiss, /b either as a show of affection or honor, b they kiss only the back of the hand /b and do not give the person being kissed an unpleasant feeling; and b when they hold counsel, they only hold counsel in the field /b so others will not hear their secrets., b Rav Adda bar Ahava said: /b From b what verse /b is this derived? From the verse, b “And Jacob sent and he called Rachel and Leah to the field to his flock” /b (Genesis 31:4); it was only there in the field that he held counsel with them., b It was taught /b in a i baraita /i , b Rabban Gamliel said: In three aspects /b of their conduct, b I like the Persians: /b They are a modest people; b they are modest in their eating, they are modest in the lavatory, and they are modest in another matter, /b i.e., sexual relations.,While they have been praised here regarding certain specific aspects of their conduct, the Gemara proceeds to offer another perspective on the Persians based on a verse describing the destruction of Babylonia at the hands of the Persian and Medean armies: b “I have commanded My consecrated ones; /b I have also called My mighty ones for My anger, even My proudly exulting ones” (Isaiah 13:3). b Rav Yosef taught /b a i baraita /i : b These are the Persians who are consecrated and designated for Gehenna, /b for they have been sent by God to carry out his mission of anger, and they will be sent to Gehenna.,The Gemara returns to explain the mishna, in which we learned that b Rabban Gamliel says: /b One may recite i Shema /i until dawn. b Rav Yehuda said /b that b Shmuel said: The i halakha /i is in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabban Gamliel. /b , b It was taught /b in a i baraita /i : Based on Rabban Gamliel’s ruling, b Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai said: At times, one recites i Shema /i twice at night, once /b just b before dawn and once /b just b after dawn, and he thereby fulfills his obligation /b to recite i Shema /i , b one of the day and one of the night. /b According to Rabban Gamliel, the i Shema /i that he recited before dawn fulfills his evening obligation and the i Shema /i that he recited after dawn fulfills his morning obligation., b This /b i Tosefta /i b is self-contradictory. /b Initially, b you said: At times one recites i Shema /i twice at night. Apparently, /b the time just b after dawn is /b still b night. And then you taught: He thereby fulfills his obligation /b to recite i Shema /i b one of the day and one of the night. Apparently, /b the time in question b is /b considered b day, /b as otherwise, he would not have fulfilled his obligation to recite i Shema /i during the day. There is an internal contradiction with regard to the status of the time just after dawn. Is it considered day or night?,The Gemara answers: b No, /b there is no contradiction. b Actually, /b the time just after dawn, when it is still dark, b is /b considered b night and the fact that it is referred to /b here as b day /b is because b there are people who rise /b from their sleep b at that time /b and, if the need arises, it can be characterized as i bekumekha /i , when you rise, despite the fact that it is still night., b Rav Aḥa bar Ḥanina said /b that b Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said: The /b i halakha /i b is in accordance with /b the opinion of b Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai. /b , b Some teach this /b statement b of Rav Aḥa bar Ḥanina, /b in which he ruled that the i halakha /i is in accordance with the opinion of Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai, b with regard to this /b i halakha /i , which is stylistically similar to the previous i halakha /i . b As it was taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai said in the name of Rabbi Akiva: At times, one recites i Shema /i twice during the day, once /b just b before sunrise and once /b just b after sunrise, and he thereby fulfills his /b dual b obligation /b to recite i Shema /i : b One, /b that he recites after sunrise, i Shema /i b of the day, and one, /b that he recites before sunrise, i Shema /i b of the night. /b , b This /b i baraita /i b is self-contradictory. /b Initially, b you said: “At times one recites i Shema /i twice during the day.” Apparently, /b the time just b before sunrise is /b considered b day. And then you taught: “He thereby fulfills his /b dual b obligation /b to recite i Shema /i , b one of the day and one of the night.” Apparently, /b the time in question b is /b considered b night, /b as otherwise, he could not thereby fulfill his obligation to recite i Shema /i during the night. |
|
190. Origen, Commentary On Matthew, 10.18, 11.8, 11.17 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 134, 280 | 10.18. But Jesus said to them, A prophet is not without honour, save in his own country. Matthew 13:57 We must inquire whether the expression has the same force when applied universally to every prophet (as if each one of the prophets was dishonoured in his own country only, but not as if every one who was dishonoured was dishonoured in his country); or, because of the expression being singular, these things were said about one. If, then, these words are spoken about one, these things which have been said suffice, if we refer that which is written to the Saviour. But if it is general, it is not historically true; for Elijah did not suffer dishonour in Tishbeth of Gilead, nor Elisha in Abelmeholah, nor Samuel in Ramathaim, nor Jeremiah in Anathoth. But, figuratively interpreted, it is absolutely true; for we must think of Jud a as their country, and that famous Israel as their kindred, and perhaps of the body as the house. For all suffered dishonour in Jud a from the Israel which is according to the flesh, while they were yet in the body, as it is written in the Acts of the Apostles, as having been spoken in censure to the people, Which of the prophets did not your fathers persecute, who showed before of the coming of the Righteous one? Acts 7:52 And by Paul in the First Epistle to the Thessalonians like things are said: For you brethren became imitators of the churches of God which are in Jud a in Christ Jesus, for you also suffered the same things of your own countrymen even as they did of the Jews, who both killed the Lord Jesus and the prophets, and drove out us, and please not God, and are contrary to all men. 1 Thessalonians 2:14-15 A prophet, then, is not without honour among the Gentiles; for either they do not know him at all, or, having learned and received him as a prophet, they honour him. And such are those who are of the Church. Prophets suffer dishonour, first, when they are persecuted, according to historical fact, by the people, and, secondly, when their prophecy is not believed by the people. For if they had believed Moses and the prophets they would have believed Christ, who showed that when men believed Moses and the prophets, belief in Christ logically followed, and that when men did not believe Christ they did not believe Moses. John 5:46 Moreover, as by the transgression of the law he who sins is said to dishonour God, so by not believing in that which is prophesied the prophet is dishonoured by the man who disbelieves the prophecies. And so far as the literal truth is concerned, it is useful to recount what things Jeremiah suffered among the people in relation to which he said, And I said, I will not speak, nor will I call upon the name of the Lord. Jeremiah 20:9 And again, elsewhere, I was continually being mocked. Jeremiah 20:7 And how great sufferings he endured from the then king of Israel are written in his prophecy. And it is also written that some of the people often came to stone Moses to death; for his fatherland was not the stones of any place, but the people who followed him, among whom also he was dishonoured. And Isaiah is reported to have been sawn asunder by the people; and if any one does not accept the statement because of its being found in the Apocryphal Isaiah, let him believe what is written thus in the Epistle to the Hebrews, They were stoned, they were sawn asunder, they were tempted; Hebrews 11:37 for the expression, They were sawn asunder, refers to Isaiah, just as the words, They were slain with the sword, refer to Zacharias, who was slain between the sanctuary and the altar, as the Saviour taught, bearing testimony, as I think, to a Scripture, though not extant in the common and widely circulated books, but perhaps in apocryphal books. And they, too, were dishonoured in their own country among the Jews who went about in sheep-skins, in goat-skins, being destitute, afflicted, and so on; Hebrews 11:37 For all that will to live godly in Christ Jesus shall suffer persecution. 2 Timothy 3:12 And probably because Paul knew this, That a prophet has no honour in his own country, though he preached the Word in many places he did not preach it in Tarsus. And the Apostles on this account left Israel and did that which had been enjoined on them by the Saviour, Make disciples of all the nations, Matthew 28:19 and, You shall be My witnesses both in Jerusalem and in all Jud a and Samaria, and unto the uttermost part of the earth. Acts 1:8 For they did that which had been commanded them in Jud a and Jerusalem; but, since a prophet has no honour in his own country, when the Jews did not receive the Word, they went away to the Gentiles. Consider, too, if, because of the fact that the saying, I will pour forth of My Spirit upon all flesh, and they shall prophesy, Joel 2:28 has been fulfilled in the churches from the Gentiles, you can say that those formerly of the world and who by believing became no longer of the world, having received the Holy Spirit in their own country - that is, the world - and prophesying, have not honour, but are dishonoured. Wherefore blessed are they who suffer the same things as the prophets, according to what was said by the Saviour, For in the same manner did their fathers unto the prophets. Luke 6:23 Now if any one who attends carefully to these things be hated and attacked, because of his living with rigorous austerity, and his reproof of sinners, as a man who is persecuted and reproached for the sake of righteousness, he will not only not be grieved, but will rejoice and be exceeding glad, being assured that, because of these things, he has great reward in heaven from Him who likened him to the prophets on the ground of his having suffered the same things. Therefore, he who zealously imitates the prophetic life, and attains to the spirit which was in them, must be dishonoured in the world, and in the eyes of sinners, to whom the life of the righteous man is a burden. 11.8. Then there came to Him from Jerusalem Pharisees and scribes, saying, Why do Your disciples transgress the tradition of the elders? For they wash not their hands when they eat bread. Matthew 15:1-2 He who observes at what time the Pharisees and scribes came from Jerusalem to Jesus, saying, Why do Your disciples transgress the tradition of the elders, etc., will perceive that Matthew of necessity wrote not simply that Pharisees and scribes from Jerusalem came to the Saviour to inquire of Him the matters before us, but put it thus, Then come to Him from Jerusalem. What time, therefore, are we to understand by then? At the time when Jesus and His disciples crossed over and came in the boat to the land of Gennesaret, when the wind ceased from the time that Jesus entered into the boat, and when the men of that place knowing Him sent into all that region round about, and brought unto Him all that were sick, and besought Him that they might touch if it were only the border of His garment, and as many as touched were made whole. Matthew 14:35-36 At that time came to Him from Jerusalem Pharisees and scribes, not struck with admiration at the power which was in Jesus, which healed those who only touched even the border of His garment, but in a censorious spirit, accusing the disciples before their Teacher, not concerning the transgression of a commandment of God, but of a single tradition of the Jewish elders. And it is probable that this very charge of these censorious persons is a proof of the piety of the disciples of Jesus, who gave to the Pharisees and scribes no opportunity of censure with reference to the transgression of the commandments of God, as they would not have brought the charge of transgression against the disciples, as transgressing the commandment of the elders, if they had had it in their power to censure those whom they accused, and to show that they were transgressing a commandment of God. But do not suppose that these things go to establish the necessity of keeping the law of Moses according to the letter, because the disciples of Jesus up to that time kept it; for not before He suffered did He redeem us from the curse of the law, Galatians 3:13 who in suffering for men became a curse for us. But just as fittingly Paul became a Jew to the Jews that he might gain Jews, 1 Corinthians 9:20 what strange thing is it that the Apostles, whose way of life was passed among the Jews, even though they understood the spiritual things in the law, should have used a spirit of accommodation, as Paul also did when he circumcised Timothy, Galatians 2:3 and offered sacrifice in accordance with a certain legal vow, as is written in the Acts of the Apostles? Only, again, they appear fond of bringing accusations, as they have no charge to bring against the disciples of Jesus with reference to a commandment of God, but only with reference to one tradition of the elders. And especially does this love of accusation become manifest in this, that they bring the charge in presence of those very persons who had been healed from their sickness; in appearance against the disciples, but in reality purposing to slander their Teacher, as it was a tradition of the elders that the washing of hands was a thing essential to piety. For they thought that the hands of those who did not wash before eating bread were defiled and unclean, but that the hands of those who had washed them with water became pure and holy, not in a figurative sense, in due relation to the law of Moses according to the letter. But let us, not according to the tradition of the elders among the Jews, but according to sound reason, endeavour to purify our own actions and so to wash the hands of our souls, when we are about to eat the three loaves which we ask from Jesus, who wishes to be our friend; for with hands that are defiled and unwashed and impure, we ought not to partake of the loaves. 11.17. Now bring together from the Gospels those who call Him Son of David, as she, and the blind men in Jericho; Matthew 20:30 and who call Him Son of God, and that without the addition truly like the demoniacs who say, What have we to do with You, Thou Son of God; Matthew 8:29 and who call Him so with the addition truly, like those in the boat who worshipped Him saying, Truly You are the Son of God. Matthew 14:33 For the bringing together of these passages will, I think, be useful to you with a view to seeing the difference of those who come (to Jesus); some indeed come as to Him who was born of the seed of David according to the flesh; Romans 1:3 but others come to Him who was declared to be the Son of God with power, according to the spirit of holiness; Romans 1:4 and of these some with the truly, and some without it. Further, observe, that the Canaanitish woman besought Him not about a son, whom she does not seem to have brought forth at all, but about a daughter who was terribly vexed with a demon; but another mother receives back alive her son who was being carried forth dead. Luke 7:12 And again the ruler of the synagogue makes supplication for a daughter twelve years old, as being dead, Matthew 9:18 but the nobleman about a son as being still sick, and at the point of death. John 4:46 The daughter, accordingly, who was distressed by a demon, and the dead son sprang from two mothers; and the dead daughter, and the son who was sick unto death, sprang from two fathers, of whom the one was a ruler of the synagogue, and the other was a nobleman. And I am persuaded these things contain reasons concerning the diverse kinds of souls which Jesus vivifies and heals. And all the cures that He works among the people, especially those recorded by the Evangelists, took place at that time, that those who would not otherwise have believed unless they saw signs and wonders might believe; John 4:48 for the things aforetime were symbols of the things that are ever being accomplished by the power of Jesus; for there is no time when each of the things which are written is not done by the power of Jesus according to the desert of each. The Canaanitish woman, therefore, because of her race was not worthy even to receive an answer from Jesus, who acknowledged that He had not been sent by the Father for any other thing than to the lost sheep of the house of Israel, Matthew 15:24 - a lost race of souls possessed of clear vision; but, because of her resolution and of having worshipped Jesus as Son of God, she obtains an answer, which reproaches her with baseness of birth and exhibits the measure of her worthiness, namely, that she was worthy of crumbs as the little dogs, but not of the loaves. But when she with intensified resolution, accepting the saying of Jesus, puts forth the claim to obtain crumbs even as a little dog, and acknowledges that the masters are of a nobler race, then she gets a second answer, which bears testimony to her faith as great, and a promise that it shall be done unto her as she wills. Matthew 15:28 And corresponding, I think, to the Jerusalem above, which is free, the mother Galatians 4:26 of Paul and those like to him, must we conceive of the Canaanitish woman, the mother of her who was terribly distressed with a demon, who was the symbol of the mother of such a soul. And consider whether it is not according to sound reason that there are also many fathers and many mothers corresponding to the fathers of Abraham to whom the patriarch went away, Genesis 15:15 and to Jerusalem the mother, as Paul says, concerning himself and those like to him. And it is probable that she of whom the Canaanitish woman was a symbol came out of the borders of Tyre and Sidon, of which the places on earth were types, and came to the Saviour and besought Him and even now beseeches Him saying, Have mercy on me, O Lord, Thou Son of David, my daughter is terribly vexed with a demon. Matthew 15:22 Then also to those without and to the disciples when necessary He answers and says, I was not sent; Matthew 15:24 teaching us that there are some lost souls pre-eminently intellectual and clear of vision, figuratively called sheep of the house of Israel; which things, I think, the simpler who are of opinion that they are spoken in regard to the Israel which is after the flesh will of necessity admit, namely, that our Saviour was sent by the Father to no others than to those lost Jews. But we, who can truthfully boast that if we have once known Christ after the flesh, but now no longer do we know Him so, 2 Corinthians 5:16 are assured that it is pre-eminently the work of the Word to save the more intelligent, for these are more akin to Him than those who are duller. But since the lost sheep of the house of Israel, with the exception of the remt according to the election of grace, Romans 11:5 disbelieved the Word, on this account God chose the foolish things of the world, 1 Corinthians 1:27 namely, that which was not Israel, nor clear of vision, that He might put to shame the wise ones of Israel; and He called the things which are not, 1 Corinthians 1:28 handing over to them an intelligent nation who were able to admit the foolishness of the preaching, 1 Corinthians 1:21 and of His good pleasure saved those who believe in this, that He might refute the things which are, having perfected praise for Himself, out of the mouths of babes and sucklings, when they became hostile to truth. Now, the Canaanitish woman, having come, worshipped Jesus as God, saying, Lord, help me, but He answered and said, It is not possible to take the children's bread and cast it to the little dogs. Matthew 15:25-26 But some one might inquire also into the meaning of this saying, since - inasmuch as there was a measure of loaves such that both the children and the dogs of the household could not eat loaves, unless the dogs ate other loaves than those which were well made - it was not possible according to right reason for the well-made loaf of the children to be given as food to the little dogs. But no such thing appears in the case of the power of Jesus, for of this it was possible both for the children and those called little dogs to partake. Consider, then, whether perhaps with reference to the saying, It is not possible to take the bread of children, we ought to say that, He who emptied Himself and took upon Him the form of a servant, Philippians 2:7 brought a measure of power such as the world was capable of receiving, of which power also He was conscious that a certain quantity went forth from Him as is plain from the words, Some one did touch Me, for I perceived that power had gone forth from Me. Luke 8:46 From this measure of power, then, He dispensed, giving a larger portion to those who were pre-eminent and who were called sons, but a smaller portion to those who were not such, as to the little dogs. But though these things were so, nevertheless where there was great faith, to her, who because of her base birth in Canaanitish land was a little dog, He gave as to a child the bread of the children. And perhaps, also, of the words of Jesus there are some loaves which it is possible to give to the more rational, as to children only; and other words, as it were, crumbs from the great house and table of the wellborn and the masters, which may be used by some souls, like the dogs. And according to the law of Moses it is written about certain things, You shall cast them to the dogs, Exodus 22:31 and it was a matter of care to the Holy Spirit to give instruction about certain foods that they should be left to the dogs. Let others, then, who are strangers to the doctrine of the Church, assume that souls pass from the bodies of men into the bodies of dogs, according to their varying degree of wickedness; but we, who do not find this at all in the divine Scripture, say that the more rational condition changes into one more irrational, undergoing this affection in consequence of great slothfulness and negligence. But, also, in the same way, a will which was more irrational, because of its neglect of reason, sometimes turns and becomes rational, so that that which at one time was a dog, loving to eat of the crumbs that fell from the table of its masters, comes into the condition of a son. For virtue contributes greatly to the making of one a son of God, but wickedness, and mad fury in wanton discourses and shamelessness, contribute to the giving of a man the name of dog according to the word of the Scripture. 2 Samuel 16:9 And the like you will also understand in the case of the other names which are applied to animals without reason. Only, he who is reproached as a dog and yet is not indigt at being called unworthy of the bread of children and with all forbearance repeats the saying of that Canaanitish woman, Yea, Lord, for even the little dogs eat of the crumbs which fall from their masters' Matthew 15:27 table, will obtain the very gentle answer of Jesus saying to him, Great is your faith,- when he has received so great faith- and saying, Be it done unto you even as you will, Matthew 15:28 so that he himself may be healed, and if he has produced any fruit which stands in need of healing, that this, too, may be cured. |
|
| 191. Origen, Commentary On John, 20.5.39 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 280 |
| 192. Nag Hammadi, Apocalypse of Peter, 11.7 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 88 |
| 193. Arnobius, Against The Gentiles, 1.43-1.44 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Janowitz (2002b), Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity, 15 |
| 194. Athanasius, On The Incarnation, 1.2 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 173 |
195. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Witter et al. (2021), Torah, Temple, Land: Constructions of Judaism in Antiquity, 261| 23a. מתני׳ big strongדיני /strong /big ממונות בשלשה זה בורר לו אחד וזה בורר לו אחד ושניהן בוררין להן עוד אחד דברי ר"מ וחכמים אומרים שני דיינין בוררין להן עוד אחד,זה פוסל דיינו של זה וזה פוסל דיינו של זה דברי ר' מאיר וחכמים אומרים אימתי בזמן שמביא עליהן ראיה שהן קרובין או פסולין אבל אם היו כשרין או מומחין מפי בית דין אינו יכול לפוסלן,זה פוסל עדיו של זה וזה פוסל עדיו של זה דברי רבי מאיר וחכמים אומרים אימתי בזמן שמביא עליהן ראיה שהן קרובין או פסולין אבל אם היו כשרין אינו יכול לפוסלן:, big strongגמ׳ /strong /big מאי זה בורר לו אחד וזה בורר לו אחד בתלתא סגי,הכי קאמר כשזה בורר לו ב"ד אחד וזה בורר לו ב"ד אחד שניהן בוררין להן עוד אחד,ואפילו לוה מצי מעכב והאמר ר' אלעזר לא שנו אלא מלוה אבל לוה כופין אותו ודן בעירו,כדאמר רבי יוחנן בערכאות שבסוריא שנו הכא נמי בערכאות שבסוריא שנו אבל מומחין לא,רב פפא אמר אפילו תימא מומחין כגון בי דינא דרב הונא ודרב חסדא דקאמר ליה מי קא מטרחנא לך,תנן וחכ"א שני דיינין בוררין להן עוד אחד ואי ס"ד כדקאמרינן ב"ד בית דין בתר דפסלי להו אזלו ובררו להו בי דינא אחריני,ועוד מאי זה בורר לו אחד וזה בורר לו אחד,אלא ה"ק כשזה בורר לו דיין אחד וזה בורר לו דיין אחד שניהן בוררין להן עוד אחד,מאי שנא דעבדי הכי אמרי במערבא משמיה דר' זירא מתוך שזה בורר לו דיין אחד וזה בורר לו דיין אחד ושניהן בוררין להן עוד אחד יצא הדין לאמיתו:,וחכמים אומרים כו': נימא בדרב יהודה אמר רב קמיפלגי,דאמר רב יהודה אמר רב אין העדים חותמין על השטר אלא א"כ יודעין מי חותם עמהן רבי מאיר לית ליה דרב יהודה אמר רב ורבנן אית להו דרב יהודה אמר רב,לא דכולי עלמא אית להו דרב יהודה אמר רב ודעת הדיינין כ"ע לא פליגי דבעינן כי פליגי דעת בעלי דינין ר"מ סבר דעת בעלי דינין נמי בעינן ורבנן סברי דעת הדיינין בעינן דעת בעלי דינין לא בעינן,גופא אמר רב יהודה אמר רב אין העדים חותמין על השטר כו' תניא נמי הכי כך היו נקיי הדעת שבירושלים עושין לא היו חותמין על השטר אלא א"כ יודעין מי חותם עמהן ולא היו יושבין בדין אלא א"כ יודעין מי יושב עמהן ולא היו נכנסין בסעודה אלא אם כן יודעין מי מיסב עמהן:,זה פוסל דיינו כו': כל כמיניה דפסיל דייני,א"ר יוחנן בערכאות שבסוריא שנו אבל מומחים לא,הא מדקתני סיפא וחכ"א אימתי בזמן שמביא ראיה שהן קרובין או פסולין אבל אם היו כשרין או מומחין מפי ב"ד אינו יכול לפוסלן מכלל דר' מאיר מומחין נמי קאמר,ה"ק אבל אם היו כשרין נעשו כמומחין מפי ב"ד ואינו יכול לפוסלן,ת"ש אמרו לו לר"מ לא כל הימנו שפוסל דיין שמומחה לרבים,אימא לא כל הימנו שפוסל דיין שהמחוהו רבים עליהם,תניא נמי הכי לעולם פוסל והולך עד שיקבל עליו ב"ד שמומחה לרבים דברי ר"מ,והא עדים כמומחין דמי ואמר ר"מ זה פוסל עדיו של זה וזה פוסל עדיו של זה,הא איתמר עלה אמר ריש לקיש פה קדוש יאמר דבר זה תני עדו,עדו למאי אילימא לממון רחמנא פסליה אי לשבועה הימוני מהימן כבי תרי,לעולם לממון לא צריכא דקבליה עליה כבי תרי,מאי קמ"ל דמצי הדר ביה תנינא אמר לו נאמן עלי אבא נאמן עלי אביך נאמנין עלי ג' רועי בקר ר"מ אומר יכול לחזור בו וחכ"א אינו יכול לחזור בו | 23a. strong MISHNA: /strong Cases of b monetary law /b are adjudicated b by three. /b They are chosen in the following manner: b This /b litigant b chooses one for himself and that /b litigant b chooses one for himself, and the two of them choose one more for themselves; /b this is b the statement of Rabbi Meir. And the Rabbis say: /b The b two judges /b that were chosen b choose one more /b judge b for themselves. /b , b This /b litigant can b disqualify the judge /b chosen b by that /b litigant b and that /b litigant can b disqualify the judge /b chosen b by this /b litigant; this is b the statement of Rabbi Meir. And the Rabbis say: When /b can one of the litigants disqualify the judges? Only b when he brings evidence about them that they are related /b to one of the litigants or to each other, b or /b that they are b disqualified /b from serving as judges for another reason. b But if they are fit /b to serve as judges b or are experts /b ordained b by the court, he cannot disqualify them. /b , b This /b litigant can b disqualify the witnesses of that /b litigant b and that /b litigant can b disqualify the witnesses of this /b litigant; this is b the statement of Rabbi Meir. And the Rabbis say: When /b can one litigant disqualify the other’s witnesses? Only b when he brings evidence about them that they are related /b to one of the litigants or to each other, b or /b that they are b disqualified /b from bearing witness for another reason. b But if they are fit /b to serve as witnesses, b he cannot disqualify them. /b , strong GEMARA: /strong The Gemara assumes that the statement: This litigant chooses one and that litigant chooses one and the two of them choose one more, means that each litigant chooses a court of three judges and the two courts together choose one more court, for a total of nine judges. The Gemara asks: For b what /b purpose does b this /b litigant b choose one /b court b for himself and that /b litigant b choose one /b court b for himself; /b isn’t it b sufficient /b to judge the case b with three /b judges?,The Gemara answers: b This /b is what the mishna b is saying: /b In a case b where this /b litigant b chooses one court for himself, /b i.e., he requests to be judged before three specific judges, b and that /b litigant b chooses one /b other b court /b of three judges b for himself, /b as he does not wish to be judged before the court that the first litigant requested, in this case, b both of them choose one more /b court b for themselves, /b i.e., they must reach a compromise and decide about the composition of the court that will judge them.,The Gemara asks: b And can even a debtor restrict /b the choice of the court? b But doesn’t Rabbi Elazar say: /b The Sages b taught /b that b only a creditor /b can refuse a court chosen by the debtor, due to his desire to be judged by a prominent court, b but /b that as for b a debtor, they compel him /b to appear in the court that b presides in his /b own b city. /b ,The Gemara answers: It is b as Rabbi Yoḥa says /b concerning a different matter, that the Sages b taught /b that other matter b with regard to /b the laymen’s b courts [ i be’arkaot /i ] in Syria. Here too, /b the Sages b taught /b the i halakha /i in the mishna b with regard to /b the laymen’s b courts in Syria, /b which allow even the debtor to refuse to be judged before the court chosen by the creditor, claiming that they are not worthy judges. b But /b if the creditor chooses a court of b experts, /b the debtor does b not /b have the right to refuse to be judged before them., b Rav Pappa said: You /b may b even say /b that the mishna is referring to courts of b experts /b in the same city, b such as the courts of Rav Huna and of Rav Ḥisda. As /b in that case, each litigant b can say to /b the other: b Am I burdening you /b by requesting that you be judged by a different court?, b We learned /b in the mishna: b And the Rabbis say: /b The b two judges /b that were chosen b choose one more for themselves. And if it enters your mind /b to interpret the mishna b as we said /b before, that each litigant chose b a court /b of three judges, this statement is difficult; b after /b each b court was disqualified /b by one of the litigants, shall the members of both courts b go and choose another court for themselves? /b , b And furthermore, /b for b what /b reason would the mishna state that the standard procedure for choosing judges is that b this /b litigant b chooses one /b court b for himself and that /b litigant b chooses one /b court b for himself, /b each disqualifying the court that the other chose?, b Rather, this /b is what the mishna b is saying: When this /b litigant b chooses one judge for himself /b before whom he requests to be judged, b and that /b litigant b chooses one /b other b judge for him-self /b before whom he requests to be judged, b the two /b litigants then b choose one more /b judge b for themselves, /b and the case is adjudicated by these three judges.,The Gemara asks: b What is different /b about this procedure; i.e., b that /b the selection of the judges is b performed /b specifically b in this /b manner? The Sages b in the West, /b Eretz Yisrael, b say in the name of Rabbi Zeira: As result of /b the fact b that this /b litigant b chooses one judge for himself, and that /b litigant b chooses one judge for himself, and the two /b litigants b choose one more /b judge b for themselves, the true judgment will emerge. /b Each litigant assumes that the judges he chose do not bear a grudge against him, and he will accept their ruling.,§ The mishna teaches: b And the Rabbis say: /b The two judges that were chosen choose one more judge. The Gemara suggests: b Let us say /b that Rabbi Meir and the Rabbis b disagree with regard to what Rav Yehuda /b says that b Rav says. /b , b As Rav Yehuda says /b that b Rav says: Witnesses do not sign a document unless they know who is signing with them. /b One does not sign a document unless he recognizes that those signing with him are fit to bear witness. According to the Gemara’s suggestion, b Rabbi Meir does not accept that which Rav Yehuda /b says that b Rav says. /b Therefore, the litigants can choose the third judge, as the first two judges will be amenable to signing the court order without knowing the third judge. b And the Rabbis accept that which Rav Yehuda /b says that b Rav says; /b and the judges would not sign the court order without themselves knowing the third judge.,The Gemara rejects this suggestion: b No, everyone accepts that which Rav Yehuda /b says that b Rav says; and everyone agrees /b with the premise b that we need the consent of the /b first two b judges /b for the appointment of the third. Rather, b when they disagree, /b it is about whether b the consent of the litigants /b is necessary. b Rabbi Meir holds /b that b we need the consent of the litigants as well, and the Rabbis hold /b that although b we need the consent of the /b other two b judges, we do not need the consent of the litigants. /b ,Returning to b the /b matter b itself, Rav Yehuda says /b that b Rav says: Witnesses do not sign a document /b unless they know who is signing with them. b That is also taught /b in a i baraita /i : b This is what the scrupulous people of Jerusalem would do: They would not sign a document unless they knew who was signing with them, and they would not sit in judgment unless they knew who was sitting with them, and they would not join a meal unless they knew who was reclining, /b i.e., eating, b with them. /b ,§ The mishna teaches: b This /b litigant can b disqualify the judge /b chosen by that litigant and that litigant can disqualify the judge chosen by this litigant. The Gemara asks: b Is it in his /b power b to disqualify judges? /b , b Rabbi Yoḥa says: /b The Sages b taught /b this matter b with regard to /b the laymen’s b courts in Syria. /b In those courts, each litigant can refuse to be judged by the judge the other litigant chose. b But /b this i halakha /i is b not /b stated with regard to a court of b expert /b judges.,The Gemara challenges: b From /b the fact b that /b the mishna b teaches /b in b the latter clause: And the Rabbis say: When /b can one of the litigants disqualify the judges? b When he brings evidence that they are related /b to one of the litigants or to each other, b or /b that they are b disqualified /b from serving as judges for another reason; b but if they are fit /b to serve as judges, b or are experts /b ordained b by the court, he cannot disqualify them. By inference, Rabbi Meir is also speaking /b of a court of b experts /b when he says that one can refuse to be judged.,The Gemara answers: b This /b is what the mishna is b saying: But if they are fit /b to serve as judges b they are treated like experts /b ordained b by the court, and he cannot disqualify them. /b ,The Gemara suggests: b Come /b and b hear /b a i baraita /i that contradicts this interpretation: The Rabbis b said to Rabbi Meir: It is not within /b a litigant’s power b to disqualify a judge who /b is accepted as b an expert for the public. /b Apparently, Rabbi Meir disagrees with the Rabbis with regard to an expert judge.,The Gemara answers: b Say /b that the i baraita /i should be emended as follows: b It is not within /b a litigant’s power b to disqualify a judge whom the public accepted upon themselves as an expert /b judge for their matters, just as the i halakha /i is concerning the laymen’s courts in Syria., b That /b interpretation b is also taught /b in a i baraita /i , which teaches: A litigant b can continuously disqualify /b the judges chosen by the other litigant b forever, until /b the latter b accepts /b to be judged by b a court that /b is accepted as b an expert /b court b for the public; /b this is b the statement of Rabbi Meir. /b Clearly, Rabbi Meir concedes that one cannot refuse to have the case judged by an expert court.,The Gemara asks: b But aren’t witnesses like experts, /b in that their standing is independent of their being accepted by the litigants? b And /b yet b Rabbi Meir says: This /b litigant b can disqualify the witnesses of that /b litigant b and that /b litigant b can disqualify the witnesses of this /b litigant.,The Gemara answers: b It was stated with regard to that /b statement of Rabbi Meir that b Reish Lakish says: Would a holy mouth, /b i.e., that of Rabbi Meir, b say this /b strange b statement, /b that a litigant can prevent a witness from testifying against him? Rather, emend the text of the mishna and b teach: His witness, /b in the singular, meaning that a litigant can disqualify only a witness who testifies alone.,The Gemara asks: b For what /b purpose does b his /b single b witness /b testify? b If we say /b it is b to /b testify about b monetary matters, the Merciful One /b already b disqualifies him, /b as by Torah law the testimony of only one witness is not accepted. b If /b it is b to /b render the defendant liable to take b an oath /b that he does not owe the money being claimed, in this regard the testimony of one witness b is deemed credible like two /b witnesses; the Torah states that if one witness supports the claim of the claimant, the defendant is required to take an oath that he does not owe the money.,The Gemara answers: b Actually, /b the purpose of the testimony is b to /b testify about b monetary matters; /b and b no, /b one should not raise that challenge, as this ruling is b necessary /b only in a case b where /b the litigant initially b accepted upon himself /b the single witness b as /b equivalent to b two /b witnesses. Afterward, he retracted his agreement to accept the single witness’s testimony as if it were that of two witnesses. Rabbi Meir rules that his retraction is valid, and the testimony is not accepted.,The Gemara asks: b What is this teaching us, that one can retract /b this kind of agreement? b We learn /b this in the following mishna (24a): If one of the litigants b says to /b the other: b My father is trusted /b to adjudicate b for me, /b or: b Your father is trusted /b to adjudicate b for me, /b or: b Three cattle herders, /b who are not proficient in i halakha /i , b are trusted /b to adjudicate b for me, /b all of whom are legally disqualified from serving as judges, b Rabbi Meir says /b that the one who made the offer b can retract it; and the Rabbis say /b that b he cannot retract it, /b and must accept their verdict. |
|
| 196. Anon., Mosaicarum Et Romanarum Legum Collatio, 15.2.1 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 180 |
| 197. Hilary of Poitiers, Commentary On Matthew, 1.1 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 72 |
| 198. Pseudo Clementine Literature, Recognitions, 1.65.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 199 |
| 199. John Chrysostom, Letters, 8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 311 |
| 200. Methodius of Olympus, Symposium, 7.1.152 (4th cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 76 |
| 201. Anon., Apostolic Constitutions, 6.10.2, 6.11.6, 6.14.3-6.14.4, 6.26-6.28, 7.33-7.38, 8.32.4-8.32.5, 8.32.18, 8.47, 8.47.70, 8.65, 8.70-8.71 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •fast days, public, john chrysostom •sermon (derashah), homily, john chrysostom •against the jews ( john chrysostom) •apostolic constitutions ( john chrysostom) Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 295, 296; Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 37, 115; Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022), Judaism from Moses to Muhammad: An Interpretation: Turning Points and Focal Points, 248; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 134 |
| 202. John Chrysostomin Illud, In Illud Utinam Sustineretis Modicum, 1.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 2 |
| 203. John Chrysostom, Letters, 8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 311 |
| 204. John Chrysostom, De Virginitate, 1.2, 57.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 88, 164, 177 |
| 205. John Chrysostom, De Sacerdotio, 3.17, 4.1.357, 5.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •john chrysostom, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 150; Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 112; Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 202; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 246 |
| 206. John Chrysostom, De Lazaro (Homiliae 17), 3.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •john chrysostom, and christ, correspondence between •john chrysostom, as teacher Found in books: Azar (2016), Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews", 109 |
| 207. John Chrysostom, De Diabolo Tentatore (Homiliae 13), 3.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 200 |
| 208. John Chrysostom, De Baptismo Christi, 1.8, 3.1, 3.2.26 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 89, 100 |
| 209. John Chrysostom, Commentarius In Job, 2.4-2.6, 4.3, 8.5.935, 8.7.937-8.7.938, 8.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john, •chrysostom, john •john chrysostom Found in books: Brooten (1982), Women Leaders in the Ancient Synagogue, 147; Janowitz (2002), Magic in the Roman World: Pagans, Jews and Christians, 25; Janowitz (2002b), Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity, 15 |
| 210. John Chrysostom, Against The Jews, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 172; Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 20 |
| 211. John Chrysostom, In Principium Actorum (Homiliae 14), 3.54, 11.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 195, 196 |
| 212. Petrus Chrysologus, Sermones, 155.1-155.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 182, 183 |
| 213. Julian (Emperor), Ad Heraclium Cynicum, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, homily on st babylas Found in books: König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 196 |
| 214. Julian (Emperor), Letters, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 196 |
| 215. Julian (Emperor), Letters, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 196 |
| 216. Julian (Emperor), Misopogon (Sc.), None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 196 |
| 217. Paulinus of Nola, Letters, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 394 |
| 218. Paulinus of Nola, Carmina, 27.555-27.557 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 188 |
| 219. Libanius, Letters, 2.4, 1411.3 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 138; Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 93; Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 136 |
| 220. Libanius, Orations, 12.94-12.95, 16.18, 18.13, 30.4-30.13, 30.26-30.29 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, homily on st babylas •john chrysostom •john chrysostom, anti-jewish writings of Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 51, 172; Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 130, 135; König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 196 |
| 221. Marcus Diaconus, Vita Porphyrii Episcopi Gazensis, 27, 37-40, 42-43, 45-46, 50-54, 26 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 52 |
| 222. Palladius of Aspuna, Dialogue On The Life of John Chrysostom, 9.177-9.207 (4th cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amsler (2023), Knowledge Construction in Late Antiquity, 115; Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 45; Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 52 |
| 223. John Chrysostom, In Illud: Utinam Sustineretis Modicum, 1.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 2 |
| 224. Julian (Emperor), Letters, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019), Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream, 9 |
| 225. John Chrysostom, Letters, 8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 311 |
| 226. Ambrose, Letters, 40.16 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 148, 179 |
| 227. Augustine, Retractiones, 2.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 72 |
| 228. Augustine, Sermons, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 298 |
| 229. John Chrysostom, Homilies On 2 Timothy, 5.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 114 |
| 230. Ephrem, Hymns On Nativity, 2.12-2.13 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 71 |
| 231. Basil of Caesarea, Letters, 188.3, 188.6, 199.22, 199.26, 199.30, 199.38, 199.40, 199.42 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 96, 115 |
| 232. John Chrysostom, Homilies On Ephesians, 3.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 421, 425 |
| 233. John Chrysostom, Homilies On Genesis, 1.6, 7.12, 26.5, 35.3, 43.25, 56.10, 56.23, 61.16 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •john chrysostom, •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019), Monstrosity and Philosophy: Radical Otherness in Greek and Latin Culture, 178; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 340; Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 93, 94 |
| 234. John Chrysostom, Homilies On Hebrews, 2.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john, church father Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 394 |
| 235. Basil of Caesarea, Letters, 188.3, 188.6, 199.22, 199.26, 199.30, 199.38, 199.40, 199.42 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 96, 115 |
| 236. John Chrysostom, Homilies On John, 1.2-1.3, 2.5, 2.11, 3.1-3.2, 3.5, 4.1, 11.1, 12.1, 13.1, 14.3, 17.4, 19.3, 21.3, 22.1, 23.1-23.2, 24.1-24.3, 25.1, 25.3, 26.2-26.3, 27.1, 28.2-28.4, 29.2-29.3, 30.2, 31.1, 32.2-32.3, 33.1-33.2, 34.1, 34.3, 35.1-35.2, 37.1-37.3, 38.1, 38.4-38.5, 39.1, 40.3-40.4, 41.2, 44.1, 45.1, 45.3, 47.2-47.5, 48.1-48.3, 49.1, 49.3, 50.2-50.3, 51.3, 52.4, 54.1, 54.3, 55.3, 58.5, 59.3, 60.1, 60.5-60.6, 61.1, 61.6, 62.5, 64.1, 64.4, 65.1, 66.1, 68.3, 69.1, 69.3, 70.2, 71.3, 74.1-74.2, 76.3, 77.5, 80.1, 81.3, 82.4, 87.1-87.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Azar (2016), Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews", 101, 103, 105, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 149, 150, 152; Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 94 |
| 237. John Chrysostom, Homilies On Matthew, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 64, 94 |
| 238. Basil of Caesarea, Homiliae In Hexaemeron, 9.6.104-9.6.107 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 83 |
| 239. John Chrysostom, Homilies On Philemon, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 45, 46, 47 |
| 240. Shenoute, I Am Amazed, 819, 818 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 98 |
| 241. Cyril of Alexandria, Contra Iulianum, 8.253, 8.261 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 71 |
| 242. Cyril of Alexandria, Glaphyra In Pentateuchum, 7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 74 |
| 243. Ambrose, On Elijah And The Fast, 18.66 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 337 |
| 244. Ephrem, Commentary On The Diatessaron, 1.25-1.26, 2.1 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 71, 72, 76 |
| 245. Ephrem, Commentary On The Acts of The Apostles, 5.34 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 199 |
| 246. Ephrem, Hymns Against Julian, 5 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, homily on st babylas Found in books: König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 196 |
| 247. Diodore of Tarsus, Commentary On The Psalms, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amsler (2023), Knowledge Construction in Late Antiquity, 272 |
| 248. Epiphanius, Panarion, 30.11.4, 66.1, 78.13.6, 78.17.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 227; Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 180; Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 72, 74 |
249. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 29.1.25-29.1.32 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Luck (2006), Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts, 23 | 29.1.25. First, after some unimportant questions, Pergamius was called in, betrayed (as has been said) Cf. 1, 6, above. by Palladius of having foreknowledge of certain things through criminal incantations. Since he was very eloquent and was prone to say dangerous things, while the judges were in doubt what ought to be asked first and what last, he began to speak boldly, and shouted out in an endless flood the names of a very large number of men as accomplices, demanding that some be produced from all but the ends of the earth, to be accused of great crimes. He, as the contriver of too hard a task, In calling for the trial of so many men, and from remote places. was punished with death; and after him others were executed in flocks; then finally they came to the case of Theodorus himself, as if to the dusty arena of an Olympic contest. 29.1.26. And that same day, among very many others, this sad event also happened, that Salia, shortly before master of the treasures There were two classes of comites thesaurorum: one ( comitatenses ), located at the court, had charge of the imperial wardrobe, table-furnishings, etc.; the other ( provinciarum et urbium ) of the revenues and the equipment of the soldiers. in Thrace, when he was brought out of prison to be heard, just as he was putting his foot into his shoe, as if under the stroke of great terror suddenly falling upon him, breathed his last in the arms of those who held him. 29.1.27. Well then, when the court was ready to act, while the judges called attention to the provisions of the laws, but nevertheless regulated their handling of the cases according to the wish of the ruler, terror seized upon all. For Valens had entirely swerved from the high-way of justice, and had now learned better how to hurt; so he broke out into frenzied fits of rage, like a wild beast trained for the arena if it sees that anyone brought near to the barrier has made his escape. 29.1.28. Then Patricius and Hilarius were brought in and ordered to give a connected account of what had happened. In the beginning they were at variance with each other, but when their sides had been furrowed and the tripod which they were in the habit of using was brought in, they were driven into a corner, and gave a true account of the whole business, which they unfolded from its very beginning. First Hilarius said: 29.1.29. O most honoured judges, we constructed from laurel twigs under dire auspices this unlucky little table which you see, in the likeness of the Delphic tripod, and having duly consecrated it by secret incantations, after many long-continued rehearsals we at length made it work. Now the manner of its working, whenever it was consulted about hidden matters, was as follows. 29.1.30. It was placed in the middle of a house purified thoroughly with Arabic perfumes; on it was placed a perfectly round plate made of various metallic substances. Around its outer rim the written forms of the twenty-four letters of the alphabet were skilfully engraved, separated from one another by carefully measured spaces. 29.1.31. Then a man clad in linen garments, shod also in linen sandals and having a fillet wound about his head, carrying twigs from a tree of good omen, after propitiating in a set formula the divine power from whom predictions come, having full knowledge of the ceremonial, stood over the tripod as priest and set swinging a hanging ring fitted to a very fine linen Valesius read carbasio, which would correspond to the linen garments and sandals; the Thes. Ling. Lat. reads carpathio = linteo . thread and consecrated with mystic arts. This ring, passing over the designated intervals in a series of jumps, and falling upon this and that letter which detained it, made hexameters corresponding with the questions and completely finished in feet and rhythm, like the Pythian verses which we read, or those given out from the oracles of the Branchidae. The descendants of a certain Branchus, a favourite of Apollo, who were at first in charge of the oracle at Branchidae, later called oraculum Apollinis Didymei (Mela, i. 17, 86), in the Milesian territory; cf. Hdt. i. 1 57. The rings had magic powers, cf. Cic., De off. iii. 9, 38; Pliny, N. H. xxxiii. 8. Some writers give a different account of the method of divination used by the conspirators. 29.1.32. When we then and there inquired, what man will succeed the present emperor ?, since it was said that he would be perfect in every particular, and the ring leaped forward and lightly touched the two syllables θεο, adding the next letter, of the name, i.e. δ. The prediction would apply equally well to Theodosius, who actually succeeded Valens. then one of those present cried out that by the decision of inevitable fate Theodorus was meant. And there was no further investigation of the matter; for it was agreed among us that he was the man who was sought. |
|
250. Augustine, The City of God, 5.24, 6.4, 8.12, 14.9-14.10, 21.6, 22.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •chrysostom, john, church father Found in books: Hirsch-Luipold (2022), Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts, 227; Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 45, 52, 179, 209; Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 394 | 5.24. For neither do we say that certain Christian emperors were therefore happy because they ruled a long time, or, dying a peaceful death, left their sons to succeed them in the empire, or subdued the enemies of the republic, or were able both to guard against and to suppress the attempt of hostile citizens rising against them. These and other gifts or comforts of this sorrowful life even certain worshippers of demons have merited to receive, who do not belong to the kingdom of God to which these belong; and this is to be traced to the mercy of God, who would not have those who believe in Him desire such things as the highest good. But we say that they are happy if they rule justly; if they are not lifted up amid the praises of those who pay them sublime honors, and the obsequiousness of those who salute them with an excessive humility, but remember that they are men; if they make their power the handmaid of His majesty by using it for the greatest possible extension of His worship; if they fear, love, worship God; if more than their own they love that kingdom in which they are not afraid to have partners; if they are slow to punish, ready to pardon; if they apply that punishment as necessary to government and defense of the republic, and not in order to gratify their own enmity; if they grant pardon, not that iniquity may go unpunished, but with the hope that the transgressor may amend his ways; if they compensate with the lenity of mercy and the liberality of benevolence for whatever severity they may be compelled to decree; if their luxury is as much restrained as it might have been unrestrained; if they prefer to govern depraved desires rather than any nation whatever; and if they do all these things, not through ardent desire of empty glory, but through love of eternal felicity, not neglecting to offer to the true God, who is their God, for their sins, the sacrifices of humility, contrition, and prayer. Such Christian emperors, we say, are happy in the present time by hope, and are destined to be so in the enjoyment of the reality itself, when that which we wait for shall have arrived. 6.4. In this whole series of most beautiful and most subtle distributions and distinctions, it will most easily appear evident from the things we have said already, and from what is to be said hereafter, to any man who is not, in the obstinacy of his heart, an enemy to himself, that it is vain to seek and to hope for, and even most impudent to wish for eternal life. For these institutions are either the work of men or of demons - not of those whom they call good demons, but, to speak more plainly, of unclean, and, without controversy, malign spirits, who with wonderful slyness and secretness suggest to the thoughts of the impious, and sometimes openly present to their understandings, noxious opinions, by which the human mind grows more and more foolish, and becomes unable to adapt itself to and abide in the immutable and eternal truth, and seek to confirm these opinions by every kind of fallacious attestation in their power. This very same Varro testifies that he wrote first concerning human things, but afterwards concerning divine things, because the states existed first, and afterward these things were instituted by them. But the true religion was not instituted by any earthly state, but plainly it established the celestial city. It, however, is inspired and taught by the true God, the giver of eternal life to His true worshippers. The following is the reason Varro gives when he confesses that he had written first concerning human things, and afterwards of divine things, because these divine things were instituted by men: - As the painter is before the painted tablet, the mason before the edifice, so states are before those things which are instituted by states. But he says that he would have written first concerning the gods, afterwards concerning men, if he had been writing concerning the whole nature of the gods - as if he were really writing concerning some portion of, and not all, the nature of the gods; or as if, indeed, some portion of, though not all, the nature of the gods ought not to be put before that of men. How, then, comes it that in those three last books, when he is diligently explaining the certain, uncertain and select gods, he seems to pass over no portion of the nature of the gods? Why, then, does he say, If we had been writing on the whole nature of the gods, we would first have finished the divine things before we touched the human? For he either writes concerning the whole nature of the gods, or concerning some portion of it, or concerning no part of it at all. If concerning it all, it is certainly to be put before human things; if concerning some part of it, why should it not, from the very nature of the case, precede human things? Is not even some part of the gods to be preferred to the whole of humanity? But if it is too much to prefer a part of the divine to all human things, that part is certainly worthy to be preferred to the Romans at least. For he writes the books concerning human things, not with reference to the whole world, but only to Rome; which books he says he had properly placed, in the order of writing, before the books on divine things, like a painter before the painted tablet, or a mason before the building, most openly confessing that, as a picture or a structure, even these divine things were instituted by men. There remains only the third supposition, that he is to be understood to have written concerning no divine nature, but that he did not wish to say this openly, but left it to the intelligent to infer; for when one says not all, usage understands that to mean some, but it may be understood as meaning none, because that which is none is neither all nor some. In fact, as he himself says, if he had been writing concerning all the nature of the gods, its due place would have been before human things in the order of writing. But, as the truth declares, even though Varro is silent, the divine nature should have taken precedence of Roman things, though it were not all, but only some. But it is properly put after, therefore it is none. His arrangement, therefore, was due, not to a desire to give human things priority to divine things, but to his unwillingness to prefer false things to true. For in what he wrote on human things, he followed the history of affairs; but in what he wrote concerning those things which they call divine, what else did he follow but mere conjectures about vain things? This, doubtless, is what, in a subtle manner, he wished to signify; not only writing concerning divine things after the human, but even giving a reason why he did so; for if he had suppressed this, some, perchance, would have defended his doing so in one way, and some in another. But in that very reason he has rendered, he has left nothing for men to conjecture at will, and has sufficiently proved that he preferred men to the institutions of men, not the nature of men to the nature of the gods. Thus he confessed that, in writing the books concerning divine things, he did not write concerning the truth which belongs to nature, but the falseness which belongs to error; which he has elsewhere expressed more openly (as I have mentioned in the fourth book ), saying that, had he been founding a new city himself, he would have written according to the order of nature; but as he had only found an old one, he could not but follow its custom. 8.12. But we need not determine from what source he learned these things - whether it was from the books of the ancients who preceded him, or, as is more likely, from the words of the apostle: Because that which is known of God, has been manifested among them, for God has manifested it to them. For His invisible things from the creation of the world are clearly seen, being understood by those things which have been made, also His eternal power and Godhead. Romans 1:20 From whatever source he may have derived this knowledge, then, I think I have made it sufficiently plain that I have not chosen the Platonic philosophers undeservedly as the parties with whom to discuss; because the question we have just taken up concerns the natural theology, - the question, namely, whether sacred rites are to be performed to one God, or to many, for the sake of the happiness which is to be after death. I have specially chosen them because their juster thoughts concerning the one God who made heaven and earth, have made them illustrious among philosophers. This has given them such superiority to all others in the judgment of posterity, that, though Aristotle, the disciple of Plato, a man of eminent abilities, inferior in eloquence to Plato, yet far superior to many in that respect, had founded the Peripatetic sect - so called because they were in the habit of walking about during their disputations - and though he had, through the greatness of his fame, gathered very many disciples into his school, even during the life of his master; and though Plato at his death was succeeded in his school, which was called the Academy, by Speusippus, his sister's son, and Xenocrates, his beloved disciple, who, together with their successors, were called from this name of the school, Academics; nevertheless the most illustrious recent philosophers, who have chosen to follow Plato, have been unwilling to be called Peripatetics, or Academics, but have preferred the name of Platonists. Among these were the renowned Plotinus, Iamblichus, and Porphyry, who were Greeks, and the African Apuleius, who was learned both in the Greek and Latin tongues. All these, however, and the rest who were of the same school, and also Plato himself, thought that sacred rites ought to be performed in honor of many gods. 14.9. But so far as regards this question of mental perturbations, we have answered these philosophers in the ninth book of this work, showing that it is rather a verbal than a real dispute, and that they seek contention rather than truth. Among ourselves, according to the sacred Scriptures and sound doctrine, the citizens of the holy city of God, who live according to God in the pilgrimage of this life, both fear and desire, and grieve and rejoice. And because their love is rightly placed, all these affections of theirs are right. They fear eternal punishment, they desire eternal life; they grieve because they themselves groan within themselves, waiting for the adoption, the redemption of their body; Romans 8:23 they rejoice in hope, because there shall be brought to pass the saying that is written, Death is swallowed up in victory. 1 Corinthians 15:54 In like manner they fear to sin, they desire to persevere; they grieve in sin, they rejoice in good works. They fear to sin, because they hear that because iniquity shall abound, the love of many shall wax cold. Matthew 24:12 They desire to persevere, because they hear that it is written, He that endures to the end shall be saved. Matthew 10:22 They grieve for sin, hearing that If we say that we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us. 1 John 1:8 They rejoice in good works, because they hear that the Lord loves a cheerful giver. 2 Corinthians 9:7 In like manner, according as they are strong or weak, they fear or desire to be tempted, grieve or rejoice in temptation. They fear to be tempted, because they hear the injunction, If a man be overtaken in a fault, you which are spiritual restore such an one in the spirit of meekness; considering yourself, lest you also be tempted. Galatians 6:l They desire to be tempted, because they hear one of the heroes of the city of God saying, Examine me, O Lord, and tempt me: try my reins and my heart. They grieve in temptations, because they see Peter weeping; Matthew 26:75 they rejoice in temptations, because they hear James saying, My brethren, count it all joy when you fall into various temptations. James 1:2 And not only on their own account do they experience these emotions, but also on account of those whose deliverance they desire and whose perdition they fear, and whose loss or salvation affects them with grief or with joy. For if we who have come into the Church from among the Gentiles may suitably instance that noble and mighty hero who glories in his infirmities, the teacher (doctor) of the nations in faith and truth, who also labored more than all his fellow apostles, and instructed the tribes of God's people by his epistles, which edified not only those of his own time, but all those who were to be gathered in - that hero, I say, and athlete of Christ, instructed by Him, anointed of His Spirit, crucified with Him, glorious in Him, lawfully maintaining a great conflict on the theatre of this world, and being made a spectacle to angels and men, 1 Corinthians 4:9 and pressing onwards for the prize of his high calling, Philippians 3:14 - very joyfully do we with the eyes of faith behold him rejoicing with them that rejoice, and weeping with them that weep; Romans 12:15 though hampered by fightings without and fears within; 2 Corinthians 7:5 desiring to depart and to be with Christ; Philippians 1:23 longing to see the Romans, that he might have some fruit among them as among other Gentiles; Romans 1:11-13 being jealous over the Corinthians, and fearing in that jealousy lest their minds should be corrupted from the chastity that is in Christ; 2 Corinthians 11:1-3 having great heaviness and continual sorrow of heart for the Israelites, Romans 9:2 because they, being ignorant of God's righteousness, and going about to establish their own righteousness, have not submitted themselves unto the righteousness of God; Romans 10:3 and expressing not only his sorrow, but bitter lamentation over some who had formally sinned and had not repented of their uncleanness and fornications. 2 Corinthians 12:21 If these emotions and affections, arising as they do from the love of what is good and from a holy charity, are to be called vices, then let us allow these emotions which are truly vices to pass under the name of virtues. But since these affections, when they are exercised in a becoming way, follow the guidance of right reason, who will dare to say that they are diseases or vicious passions? Wherefore even the Lord Himself, when He condescended to lead a human life in the form of a slave, had no sin whatever, and yet exercised these emotions where He judged they should be exercised. For as there was in Him a true human body and a true human soul, so was there also a true human emotion. When, therefore, we read in the Gospel that the hard-heartedness of the Jews moved Him to sorrowful indignation, Mark 3:5 that He said, I am glad for your sakes, to the intent you may believe, John 11:15 that when about to raise Lazarus He even shed tears, John 11:35 that He earnestly desired to eat the passover with His disciples, Luke 22:15 that as His passion drew near His soul was sorrowful, Matthew 26:38 these emotions are certainly not falsely ascribed to Him. But as He became man when it pleased Him, so, in the grace of His definite purpose, when it pleased Him He experienced those emotions in His human soul. But we must further make the admission, that even when these affections are well regulated, and according to God's will, they are peculiar to this life, not to that future life we look for, and that often we yield to them against our will. And thus sometimes we weep in spite of ourselves, being carried beyond ourselves, not indeed by culpable desire; but by praiseworthy charity. In us, therefore, these affections arise from human infirmity; but it was not so with the Lord Jesus, for even His infirmity was the consequence of His power. But so long as we wear the infirmity of this life, we are rather worse men than better if we have none of these emotions at all. For the apostle vituperated and abominated some who, as he said, were without natural affection. Romans 1:31 The sacred Psalmist also found fault with those of whom he said, I looked for some to lament with me, and there was none. For to be quite free from pain while we are in this place of misery is only purchased, as one of this world's literati perceived and remarked, at the price of blunted sensibilities both of mind and body. And therefore that which the Greeks call ἀπαθεια, and what the Latins would call, if their language would allow them, impassibilitas, if it be taken to mean an impassibility of spirit and not of body, or, in other words, a freedom from those emotions which are contrary to reason and disturb the mind, then it is obviously a good and most desirable quality, but it is not one which is attainable in this life. For the words of the apostle are the confession, not of the common herd, but of the eminently pious, just, and holy men: If we say we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us. 1 John 1:8 When there shall be no sin in a man, then there shall be this απάθεια . At present it is enough if we live without crime; and he who thinks he lives without sin puts aside not sin, but pardon. And if that is to be called apathy, where the mind is the subject of no emotion, then who would not consider this insensibility to be worse than all vices? It may, indeed, reasonably be maintained that the perfect blessedness we hope for shall be free from all sting of fear or sadness; but who that is not quite lost to truth would say that neither love nor joy shall be experienced there? But if by apathy a condition be meant in which no fear terrifies nor any pain annoys, we must in this life renounce such a state if we would live according to God's will, but may hope to enjoy it in that blessedness which is promised as our eternal condition. For that fear of which the Apostle John says, There is no fear in love; but perfect love casts out fear, because fear has torment. He that fears is not made perfect in love, 1 John 4:18 - that fear is not of the same kind as the Apostle Paul felt lest the Corinthians should be seduced by the subtlety of the serpent; for love is susceptible of this fear, yea, love alone is capable of it. But the fear which is not in love is of that kind of which Paul himself says, For you have not received the spirit of bondage again to fear. Romans 8:15 But as for that clean fear which endures for ever, if it is to exist in the world to come (and how else can it be said to endure for ever?), it is not a fear deterring us from evil which may happen, but preserving us in the good which cannot be lost. For where the love of acquired good is unchangeable, there certainly the fear that avoids evil is, if I may say so, free from anxiety. For under the name of clean fear David signifies that will by which we shall necessarily shrink from sin, and guard against it, not with the anxiety of weakness, which fears that we may strongly sin, but with the tranquillity of perfect love. Or if no kind of fear at all shall exist in that most imperturbable security of perpetual and blissful delights, then the expression, The fear of the Lord is clean, enduring for ever, must be taken in the same sense as that other, The patience of the poor shall not perish forever. For patience, which is necessary only where ills are to be borne, shall not be eternal, but that which patience leads us to will be eternal. So perhaps this clean fear is said to endure for ever, because that to which fear leads shall endure. And since this is so - since we must live a good life in order to attain to a blessed life, a good life has all these affections right, a bad life has them wrong. But in the blessed life eternal there will be love and joy, not only right, but also assured; but fear and grief there will be none. Whence it already appears in some sort what manner of persons the citizens of the city of God must be in this their pilgrimage, who live after the spirit, not after the flesh - that is to say, according to God, not according to man - and what manner of persons they shall be also in that immortality whither they are journeying. And the city or society of the wicked, who live not according to God, but according to man, and who accept the doctrines of men or devils in the worship of a false and contempt of the true divinity, is shaken with those wicked emotions as by diseases and disturbances. And if there be some of its citizens who seem to restrain and, as it were, temper those passions, they are so elated with ungodly pride, that their disease is as much greater as their pain is less. And if some, with a vanity monstrous in proportion to its rarity, have become enamored of themselves because they can be stimulated and excited by no emotion, moved or bent by no affection, such persons rather lose all humanity than obtain true tranquillity. For a thing is not necessarily right because it is inflexible, nor healthy because it is insensible. 14.10. But it is a fair question, whether our first parent or first parents (for there was a marriage of two), before they sinned, experienced in their animal body such emotions as we shall not experience in the spiritual body when sin has been purged and finally abolished. For if they did, then how were they blessed in that boasted place of bliss, Paradise? For who that is affected by fear or grief can be called absolutely blessed? And what could those persons fear or suffer in such affluence of blessings, where neither death nor ill-health was feared, and where nothing was wanting which a good will could desire, and nothing present which could interrupt man's mental or bodily enjoyment? Their love to God was unclouded, and their mutual affection was that of faithful and sincere marriage; and from this love flowed a wonderful delight, because they always enjoyed what was loved. Their avoidance of sin was tranquil; and, so long as it was maintained, no other ill at all could invade them and bring sorrow. Or did they perhaps desire to touch and eat the forbidden fruit, yet feared to die; and thus both fear and desire already, even in that blissful place, preyed upon those first of mankind? Away with the thought that such could be the case where there was no sin! And, indeed, this is already sin, to desire those things which the law of God forbids, and to abstain from them through fear of punishment, not through love of righteousness. Away, I say, with the thought, that before there was any sin, there should already have been committed regarding that fruit the very sin which our Lord warns us against regarding a woman: Whosoever looks on a woman to lust after her, has committed adultery with her already in his heart. Matthew 5:28 As happy, then, as were these our first parents, who were agitated by no mental perturbations, and annoyed by no bodily discomforts, so happy should the whole human race have been, had they not introduced that evil which they have transmitted to their posterity, and had none of their descendants committed iniquity worthy of damnation; but this original blessedness continuing until, in virtue of that benediction which said, Increase and multiply, Genesis 1:28 the number of the predestined saints should have been completed, there would then have been bestowed that higher felicity which is enjoyed by the most blessed angels - a blessedness in which there should have been a secure assurance that no one would sin, and no one die; and so should the saints have lived, after no taste of labor, pain, or death, as now they shall live in the resurrection, after they have endured all these things. 21.6. At this point they will perhaps reply, These things have no existence; we don't believe one of them; they are travellers' tales and fictitious romances; and they may add what has the appearance of argument, and say, If you believe such things as these, believe what is recorded in the same books, that there was or is a temple of Venus in which a candelabrum set in the open air holds a lamp, which burns so strongly that no storm or rain extinguishes it, and which is therefore called, like the stone mentioned above, the asbestos or inextinguishable lamp. They may say this with the intention of putting us into a dilemma: for if we say this is incredible, then we shall impugn the truth of the other recorded marvels; if, on the other hand, we admit that this is credible, we shall avouch the pagan deities. But, as I have already said in the eighteenth book of this work, we do not hold it necessary to believe all that profane history contains, since, as Varro says, even historians themselves disagree on so many points, that one would think they intended and were at pains to do so; but we believe, if we are disposed, those things which are not contradicted by these books, which we do not hesitate to say we are bound to believe. But as to those permanent miracles of nature, whereby we wish to persuade the sceptical of the miracles of the world to come, those are quite sufficient for our purpose which we ourselves can observe or of which it is not difficult to find trustworthy witnesses. Moreover, that temple of Venus, with its inextinguishable lamp, so far from hemming us into a corner, opens an advantageous field to our argument. For to this inextinguishable lamp we add a host of marvels wrought by men, or by magic - that is, by men under the influence of devils, or by the devils directly - for such marvels we cannot deny without impugning the truth of the sacred Scriptures we believe. That lamp, therefore, was either by some mechanical and human device fitted with asbestos, or it was arranged by magical art in order that the worshippers might be astonished, or some devil under the name of Venus so signally manifested himself that this prodigy both began and became permanent. Now devils are attracted to dwell in certain temples by means of the creatures (God's creatures, not theirs), who present to them what suits their various tastes. They are attracted not by food like animals, but, like spirits, by such symbols as suit their taste, various kinds of stones, woods, plants, animals, songs, rites. And that men may provide these attractions, the devils first of all cunningly seduce them, either by imbuing their hearts with a secret poison, or by revealing themselves under a friendly guise, and thus make a few of them their disciples, who become the instructors of the multitude. For unless they first instructed men, it were impossible to know what each of them desires, what they shrink from, by what name they should be invoked or constrained to be present. Hence the origin of magic and magicians. But, above all, they possess the hearts of men, and are chiefly proud of this possession when they transform themselves into angels of light. Very many things that occur, therefore, are their doing; and these deeds of theirs we ought all the more carefully to shun as we acknowledge them to be very surprising. And yet these very deeds forward my present arguments. For if such marvels are wrought by unclean devils, how much mightier are the holy angels! And what can not that God do who made the angels themselves capable of working miracles! If, then, very many effects can be contrived by human art, of so surprising a kind that the uninitiated think them divine, as when, e.g., in a certain temple two magnets have been adjusted, one in the roof, another in the floor, so that an iron image is suspended in mid-air between them, one would suppose by the power of the divinity, were he ignorant of the magnets above and beneath; or, as in the case of that lamp of Venus which we already mentioned as being a skillful adaptation of asbestos; if, again, by the help of magicians, whom Scripture calls sorcerers and enchanters, the devils could gain such power that the noble poet Virgil should consider himself justified in describing a very powerful magician in these lines: Her charms can cure what souls she please, Rob other hearts of healthful ease, Turn rivers backward to their source, And make the stars forget their course, And call up ghosts from night: The ground shall bellow 'neath your feet: The mountain-ash shall quit its seat, And travel down the height; - if this be so, how much more able is God to do those things which to sceptics are incredible, but to His power easy, since it is He who has given to stones and all other things their virtue, and to men their skill to use them in wonderful ways; He who has given to the angels a nature more mighty than that of all that lives on earth; He whose power surpasses all marvels, and whose wisdom in working, ordaining, and permitting is no less marvellous in its goverce of all things than in its creation of all! 22.8. Why, they say, are those miracles, which you affirm were wrought formerly, wrought no longer? I might, indeed, reply that miracles were necessary before the world believed, in order that it might believe. And whoever now-a-days demands to see prodigies that he may believe, is himself a great prodigy, because he does not believe, though the whole world does. But they make these objections for the sole purpose of insinuating that even those former miracles were never wrought. How, then, is it that everywhere Christ is celebrated with such firm belief in His resurrection and ascension? How is it that in enlightened times, in which every impossibility is rejected, the world has, without any miracles, believed things marvellously incredible? Or will they say that these things were credible, and therefore were credited? Why then do they themselves not believe? Our argument, therefore, is a summary one - either incredible things which were not witnessed have caused the world to believe other incredible things which both occurred and were witnessed, or this matter was so credible that it needed no miracles in proof of it, and therefore convicts these unbelievers of unpardonable scepticism. This I might say for the sake of refuting these most frivolous objectors. But we cannot deny that many miracles were wrought to confirm that one grand and health-giving miracle of Christ's ascension to heaven with the flesh in which He rose. For these most trustworthy books of ours contain in one narrative both the miracles that were wrought and the creed which they were wrought to confirm. The miracles were published that they might produce faith, and the faith which they produced brought them into greater prominence. For they are read in congregations that they may be believed, and yet they would not be so read unless they were believed. For even now miracles are wrought in the name of Christ, whether by His sacraments or by the prayers or relics of His saints; but they are not so brilliant and conspicuous as to cause them to be published with such glory as accompanied the former miracles. For the canon of the sacred writings, which behooved to be closed, causes those to be everywhere recited, and to sink into the memory of all the congregations; but these modern miracles are scarcely known even to the whole population in the midst of which they are wrought, and at the best are confined to one spot. For frequently they are known only to a very few persons, while all the rest are ignorant of them, especially if the state is a large one; and when they are reported to other persons in other localities, there is no sufficient authority to give them prompt and unwavering credence, although they are reported to the faithful by the faithful. The miracle which was wrought at Milan when I was there, and by which a blind man was restored to sight, could come to the knowledge of many; for not only is the city a large one, but also the emperor was there at the time, and the occurrence was witnessed by an immense concourse of people that had gathered to the bodies of the martyrs Protasius and Gervasius, which had long lain concealed and unknown, but were now made known to the bishop Ambrose in a dream, and discovered by him. By virtue of these remains the darkness of that blind man was scattered, and he saw the light of day. But who but a very small number are aware of the cure which was wrought upon Innocentius, ex-advocate of the deputy prefecture, a cure wrought at Carthage, in my presence, and under my own eyes? For when I and my brother Alypius, who were not yet clergymen, though already servants of God, came from abroad, this man received us, and made us live with him, for he and all his household were devotedly pious. He was being treated by medical men for fistul , of which he had a large number intricately seated in the rectum. He had already undergone an operation, and the surgeons were using every means at their command for his relief. In that operation he had suffered long-continued and acute pain; yet, among the many folds of the gut, one had escaped the operators so entirely, that, though they ought to have laid it open with the knife, they never touched it. And thus, though all those that had been opened were cured, this one remained as it was, and frustrated all their labor. The patient, having his suspicions awakened by the delay thus occasioned, and fearing greatly a second operation, which another medical man - one of his own domestics - had told him he must undergo, though this man had not even been allowed to witness the first operation, and had been banished from the house, and with difficulty allowed to come back to his enraged master's presence - the patient, I say, broke out to the surgeons, saying, Are you going to cut me again? Are you, after all, to fulfill the prediction of that man whom you would not allow even to be present? The surgeons laughed at the unskillful doctor, and soothed their patient's fears with fair words and promises. So several days passed, and yet nothing they tried did him good. Still they persisted in promising that they would cure that fistula by drugs, without the knife. They called in also another old practitioner of great repute in that department, Ammonius (for he was still alive at that time); and he, after examining the part, promised the same result as themselves from their care and skill. On this great authority, the patient became confident, and, as if already well, vented his good spirits in facetious remarks at the expense of his domestic physician, who had predicted a second operation. To make a long story short, after a number of days had thus uselessly elapsed, the surgeons, wearied and confused, had at last to confess that he could only be cured by the knife. Agitated with excessive fear, he was terrified, and grew pale with dread; and when he collected himself and was able to speak, he ordered them to go away and never to return. Worn out with weeping, and driven by necessity, it occurred to him to call in an Alexandrian, who was at that time esteemed a wonderfully skillful operator, that he might perform the operation his rage would not suffer them to do. But when he had come, and examined with a professional eye the traces of their careful work, he acted the part of a good man, and persuaded his patient to allow those same hands the satisfaction of finishing his cure which had begun it with a skill that excited his admiration, adding that there was no doubt his only hope of a cure was by an operation, but that it was thoroughly inconsistent with his nature to win the credit of the cure by doing the little that remained to be done, and rob of their reward men whose consummate skill, care, and diligence he could not but admire when be saw the traces of their work. They were therefore again received to favor; and it was agreed that, in the presence of the Alexandrian, they should operate on the fistula, which, by the consent of all, could now only be cured by the knife. The operation was deferred till the following day. But when they had left, there arose in the house such a wailing, in sympathy with the excessive despondency of the master, that it seemed to us like the mourning at a funeral, and we could scarcely repress it. Holy men were in the habit of visiting him daily; Saturninus of blessed memory, at that time bishop of Uzali, and the presbyter Gelosus, and the deacons of the church of Carthage; and among these was the bishop Aurelius, who alone of them all survives - a man to be named by us with due reverence - and with him I have often spoken of this affair, as we conversed together about the wonderful works of God, and I have found that he distinctly remembers what I am now relating. When these persons visited him that evening according to their custom, he besought them, with pitiable tears, that they would do him the honor of being present next day at what he judged his funeral rather than his suffering. For such was the terror his former pains had produced, that he made no doubt he would die in the hands of the surgeons. They comforted him, and exhorted him to put his trust in God, and nerve his will like a man. Then we went to prayer; but while we, in the usual way, were kneeling and bending to the ground, he cast himself down, as if some one were hurling him violently to the earth, and began to pray; but in what a manner, with what earnestness and emotion, with what a flood of tears, with what groans and sobs, that shook his whole body, and almost prevented him speaking, who can describe! Whether the others prayed, and had not their attention wholly diverted by this conduct, I do not know. For myself, I could not pray at all. This only I briefly said in my heart: O Lord, what prayers of Your people do You hear if You hear not these? For it seemed to me that nothing could be added to this prayer, unless he expired in praying. We rose from our knees, and, receiving the blessing of the bishop, departed, the patient beseeching his visitors to be present next morning, they exhorting him to keep up his heart. The dreaded day dawned. The servants of God were present, as they had promised to be; the surgeons arrived; all that the circumstances required was ready; the frightful instruments are produced; all look on in wonder and suspense. While those who have most influence with the patient are cheering his fainting spirit, his limbs are arranged on the couch so as to suit the hand of the operator; the knots of the bandages are untied; the part is bared; the surgeon examines it, and, with knife in hand, eagerly looks for the sinus that is to be cut. He searches for it with his eyes; he feels for it with his finger; he applies every kind of scrutiny: he finds a perfectly firm cicatrix! No words of mine can describe the joy, and praise, and thanksgiving to the merciful and almighty God which was poured from the lips of all, with tears of gladness. Let the scene be imagined rather than described! In the same city of Carthage lived Innocentia, a very devout woman of the highest rank in the state. She had cancer in one of her breasts, a disease which, as physicians say, is incurable. Ordinarily, therefore, they either amputate, and so separate from the body the member on which the disease has seized, or, that the patient's life may be prolonged a little, though death is inevitable even if somewhat delayed, they abandon all remedies, following, as they say, the advice of Hippocrates. This the lady we speak of had been advised to by a skillful physician, who was intimate with her family; and she betook herself to God alone by prayer. On the approach of Easter, she was instructed in a dream to wait for the first woman that came out from the baptistery after being baptized, and to ask her to make the sign of Christ upon her sore. She did so, and was immediately cured. The physician who had advised her to apply no remedy if she wished to live a little longer, when he had examined her after this, and found that she who, on his former examination, was afflicted with that disease was now perfectly cured, eagerly asked her what remedy she had used, anxious, as we may well believe, to discover the drug which should defeat the decision of Hippocrates. But when she told him what had happened, he is said to have replied, with religious politeness, though with a contemptuous tone, and an expression which made her fear he would utter some blasphemy against Christ, I thought you would make some great discovery to me. She, shuddering at his indifference, quickly replied, What great thing was it for Christ to heal a cancer, who raised one who had been four days dead? When, therefore, I had heard this, I was extremely indigt that so great a miracle wrought in that well-known city, and on a person who was certainly not obscure, should not be divulged, and I considered that she should be spoken to, if not reprimanded on this score. And when she replied to me that she had not kept silence on the subject, I asked the women with whom she was best acquainted whether they had ever heard of this before. They told me they knew nothing of it. See, I said, what your not keeping silence amounts to, since not even those who are so familiar with you know of it. And as I had only briefly heard the story, I made her tell how the whole thing happened, from beginning to end, while the other women listened in great astonishment, and glorified God. A gouty doctor of the same city, when he had given in his name for baptism, and had been prohibited the day before his baptism from being baptized that year, by black woolly-haired boys who appeared to him in his dreams, and whom he understood to be devils, and when, though they trod on his feet, and inflicted the acutest pain he had ever yet experienced, he refused to obey them, but overcame them, and would not defer being washed in the laver of regeneration, was relieved in the very act of baptism, not only of the extraordinary pain he was tortured with, but also of the disease itself, so that, though he lived a long time afterwards, he never suffered from gout; and yet who knows of this miracle? We, however, do know it, and so, too, do the small number of brethren who were in the neighborhood, and to whose ears it might come. An old comedian of Curubis was cured at baptism not only of paralysis, but also of hernia, and, being delivered from both afflictions, came up out of the font of regeneration as if he had had nothing wrong with his body. Who outside of Curubis knows of this, or who but a very few who might hear it elsewhere? But we, when we heard of it, made the man come to Carthage, by order of the holy bishop Aurelius, although we had already ascertained the fact on the information of persons whose word we could not doubt. Hesperius, of a tribunitian family, and a neighbor of our own, has a farm called Zubedi in the Fussalian district; and, finding that his family, his cattle, and his servants were suffering from the malice of evil spirits, he asked our presbyters, during my absence, that one of them would go with him and banish the spirits by his prayers. One went, offered there the sacrifice of the body of Christ, praying with all his might that that vexation might cease. It did cease immediately, through God's mercy. Now he had received from a friend of his own some holy earth brought from Jerusalem, where Christ, having been buried, rose again the third day. This earth he had hung up in his bedroom to preserve himself from harm. But when his house was purged of that demoniacal invasion, he began to consider what should be done with the earth; for his reverence for it made him unwilling to have it any longer in his bedroom. It so happened that I and Maximinus bishop of Synita, and then my colleague, were in the neighborhood. Hesperius asked us to visit him, and we did so. When he had related all the circumstances, he begged that the earth might be buried somewhere, and that the spot should be made a place of prayer where Christians might assemble for the worship of God. We made no objection: it was done as he desired. There was in that neighborhood a young countryman who was paralytic, who, when he heard of this, begged his parents to take him without delay to that holy place. When he had been brought there, he prayed, and immediately went away on his own feet perfectly cured. There is a country-seat called Victoriana, less than thirty miles from Hippo-regius. At it there is a monument to the Milanese martyrs, Protasius and Gervasius. Thither a young man was carried, who, when he was watering his horse one summer day at noon in a pool of a river, had been taken possession of by a devil. As he lay at the monument, near death, or even quite like a dead person, the lady of the manor, with her maids and religious attendants, entered the place for evening prayer and praise, as her custom was, and they began to sing hymns. At this sound the young man, as if electrified, was thoroughly aroused, and with frightful screaming seized the altar, and held it as if he did not dare or were not able to let it go, and as if he were fixed or tied to it; and the devil in him, with loud lamentation, besought that he might be spared, and confessed where and when and how he took possession of the youth. At last, declaring that he would go out of him, he named one by one the parts of his body which he threatened to mutilate as he went out and with these words he departed from the man. But his eye, falling out on his cheek, hung by a slender vein as by a root, and the whole of the pupil which had been black became white. When this was witnessed by those present (others too had now gathered to his cries, and had all joined in prayer for him), although they were delighted that he had recovered his sanity of mind, yet, on the other hand, they were grieved about his eye, and said he should seek medical advice. But his sister's husband, who had brought him there, said, God, who has banished the devil, is able to restore his eye at the prayers of His saints. Therewith he replaced the eye that was fallen out and hanging, and bound it in its place with his handkerchief as well as he could, and advised him not to loose the bandage for seven days. When he did so, he found it quite healthy. Others also were cured there, but of them it were tedious to speak. I know that a young woman of Hippo was immediately dispossessed of a devil, on anointing herself with oil, mixed with the tears of the prebsyter who had been praying for her. I know also that a bishop once prayed for a demoniac young man whom he never saw, and that he was cured on the spot. There was a fellow-townsman of ours at Hippo, Florentius, an old man, religious and poor, who supported himself as a tailor. Having lost his coat, and not having means to buy another, he prayed to the Twenty Martyrs, who have a very celebrated memorial shrine in our town, begging in a distinct voice that he might be clothed. Some scoffing young men, who happened to be present, heard him, and followed him with their sarcasm as he went away, as if he had asked the martyrs for fifty pence to buy a coat. But he, walking on in silence, saw on the shore a great fish, gasping as if just cast up, and having secured it with the good-natured assistance of the youths, he sold it for curing to a cook of the name of Catosus, a good Christian man, telling him how he had come by it, and receiving for it three hundred pence, which he laid out in wool, that his wife might exercise her skill upon, and make into a coat for him. But, on cutting up the fish, the cook found a gold ring in its belly; and immediately, moved with compassion, and influenced, too, by religious fear, gave it up to the man, saying, See how the Twenty Martyrs have clothed you. When the bishop Projectus was bringing the relics of the most glorious martyr Stephen to the waters of Tibilis, a great concourse of people came to meet him at the shrine. There a blind woman entreated that she might be led to the bishop who was carrying the relics. He gave her the flowers he was carrying. She took them, applied them to her eyes, and immediately saw. Those who were present were astounded, while she, with every expression of joy, preceded them, pursuing her way without further need of a guide. Lucillus bishop of Sinita, in the neighborhood of the colonial town of Hippo, was carrying in procession some relics of the same martyr, which had been deposited in the castle of Sinita. A fistula under which he had long labored, and which his private physician was watching an opportunity to cut, was suddenly cured by the mere carrying of that sacred fardel, - at least, afterwards there was no trace of it in his body. Eucharius, a Spanish priest, residing at Calama, was for a long time a sufferer from stone. By the relics of the same martyr, which the bishop Possidius brought him, he was cured. Afterwards the same priest, sinking under another disease, was lying dead, and already they were binding his hands. By the succor of the same martyr he was raised to life, the priest's cloak having been brought from the oratory and laid upon the corpse. There was there an old nobleman named Martial, who had a great aversion to the Christian religion, but whose daughter was a Christian, while her husband had been baptized that same year. When he was ill, they besought him with tears and prayers to become a Christian, but he positively refused, and dismissed them from his presence in a storm of indignation. It occurred to the son-in-law to go to the oratory of St. Stephen, and there pray for him with all earnestness that God might give him a right mind, so that he should not delay believing in Christ. This he did with great groaning and tears, and the burning fervor of sincere piety; then, as he left the place, he took some of the flowers that were lying there, and, as it was already night, laid them by his father's head, who so slept. And lo! Before dawn, he cries out for some one to run for the bishop; but he happened at that time to be with me at Hippo. So when he had heard that he was from home, he asked the presbyters to come. They came. To the joy and amazement of all, he declared that he believed, and he was baptized. As long as he remained in life, these words were ever on his lips: Christ, receive my spirit, though he was not aware that these were the last words of the most blessed Stephen when he was stoned by the Jews. They were his last words also, for not long after he himself also gave up the ghost. There, too, by the same martyr, two men, one a citizen, the other a stranger, were cured of gout; but while the citizen was absolutely cured, the stranger was only informed what he should apply when the pain returned; and when he followed this advice, the pain was at once relieved. Audurus is the name of an estate, where there is a church that contains a memorial shrine of the martyr Stephen. It happened that, as a little boy was playing in the court, the oxen drawing a wagon went out of the track and crushed him with the wheel, so that immediately he seemed at his last gasp. His mother snatched him up, and laid him at the shrine, and not only did he revive, but also appeared uninjured. A religious female, who lived at Caspalium, a neighboring estate, when she was so ill as to be despaired of, had her dress brought to this shrine, but before it was brought back she had gone. However, her parents wrapped her corpse in the dress, and, her breath returning, she became quite well. At Hippo a Syrian called Bassus was praying at the relics of the same martyr for his daughter, who was dangerously ill. He too had brought her dress with him to the shrine. But as he prayed, behold, his servants ran from the house to tell him she was dead. His friends, however, intercepted them, and forbade them to tell him, lest he should bewail her in public. And when he had returned to his house, which was already ringing with the lamentations of his family, and had thrown on his daughter's body the dress he was carrying, she was restored to life. There, too, the son of a man, Iren us, one of our tax-gatherers, took ill and died. And while his body was lying lifeless, and the last rites were being prepared, amidst the weeping and mourning of all, one of the friends who were consoling the father suggested that the body should be anointed with the oil of the same martyr. It was done, and he revived. Likewise Eleusinus, a man of tribunitian rank among us, laid his infant son, who had died, on the shrine of the martyr, which is in the suburb where he lived, and, after prayer, which he poured out there with many tears, he took up his child alive. What am I to do? I am so pressed by the promise of finishing this work, that I cannot record all the miracles I know; and doubtless several of our adherents, when they read what I have narrated, will regret that I have omitted so many which they, as well as I, certainly know. Even now I beg these persons to excuse me, and to consider how long it would take me to relate all those miracles, which the necessity of finishing the work I have undertaken forces me to omit. For were I to be silent of all others, and to record exclusively the miracles of healing which were wrought in the district of Calama and of Hippo by means of this martyr- I mean the most glorious Stephen - they would fill many volumes; and yet all even of these could not be collected, but only those of which narratives have been written for public recital. For when I saw, in our own times, frequent signs of the presence of divine powers similar to those which had been given of old, I desired that narratives might be written, judging that the multitude should not remain ignorant of these things. It is not yet two years since these relics were first brought to Hippo-regius, and though many of the miracles which have been wrought by it have not, as I have the most certain means of knowing, been recorded, those which have been published amount to almost seventy at the hour at which I write. But at Calama, where these relics have been for a longer time, and where more of the miracles were narrated for public information, there are incomparably more. At Uzali, too, a colony near Utica, many signal miracles were, to my knowledge, wrought by the same martyr, whose relics had found a place there by direction of the bishop Evodius, long before we had them at Hippo. But there the custom of publishing narratives does not obtain, or, I should say, did not obtain, for possibly it may now have been begun. For, when I was there recently, a woman of rank, Petronia, had been miraculously cured of a serious illness of long standing, in which all medical appliances had failed, and, with the consent of the above-named bishop of the place, I exhorted her to publish an account of it that might be read to the people. She most promptly obeyed, and inserted in her narrative a circumstance which I cannot omit to mention, though I am compelled to hasten on to the subjects which this work requires me to treat. She said that she had been persuaded by a Jew to wear next her skin, under all her clothes, a hair girdle, and on this girdle a ring, which, instead of a gem, had a stone which had been found in the kidneys of an ox. Girt with this charm, she was making her way to the threshold of the holy martyr. But, after leaving Carthage, and when she had been lodging in her own demesne on the river Bagrada, and was now rising to continue her journey, she saw her ring lying before her feet. In great surprise she examined the hair girdle, and when she found it bound, as it had been, quite firmly with knots, she conjectured that the ring had been worn through and dropped off; but when she found that the ring was itself also perfectly whole, she presumed that by this great miracle she had received somehow a pledge of her cure, whereupon she untied the girdle, and cast it into the river, and the ring along with it. This is not credited by those who do not believe either that the Lord Jesus Christ came forth from His mother's womb without destroying her virginity, and entered among His disciples when the doors were shut; but let them make strict inquiry into this miracle, and if they find it true, let them believe those others. The lady is of distinction, nobly born, married to a nobleman. She resides at Carthage. The city is distinguished, the person is distinguished, so that they who make inquiries cannot fail to find satisfaction. Certainly the martyr himself, by whose prayers she was healed, believed on the Son of her who remained a virgin; on Him who came in among the disciples when the doors were shut; in fine - and to this tends all that we have been retailing - on Him who ascended into heaven with the flesh in which He had risen; and it is because he laid down his life for this faith that such miracles were done by his means. Even now, therefore, many miracles are wrought, the same God who wrought those we read of still performing them, by whom He will and as He will; but they are not as well known, nor are they beaten into the memory, like gravel, by frequent reading, so that they cannot fall out of mind. For even where, as is now done among ourselves, care is taken that the pamphlets of those who receive benefit be read publicly, yet those who are present hear the narrative but once, and many are absent; and so it comes to pass that even those who are present forget in a few days what they heard, and scarcely one of them can be found who will tell what he heard to one who he knows was not present. One miracle was wrought among ourselves, which, though no greater than those I have mentioned, was yet so signal and conspicuous, that I suppose there is no inhabitant of Hippo who did not either see or hear of it, none who could possibly forget it. There were seven brothers and three sisters of a noble family of the Cappadocian C sarea, who were cursed by their mother, a new-made widow, on account of some wrong they had done her, and which she bitterly resented, and who were visited with so severe a punishment from Heaven, that all of them were seized with a hideous shaking in all their limbs. Unable, while presenting this loathsome appearance, to endure the eyes of their fellow citizens, they wandered over almost the whole Roman world, each following his own direction. Two of them came to Hippo, a brother and a sister, Paulus and Palladia, already known in many other places by the fame of their wretched lot. Now it was about fifteen days before Easter when they came, and they came daily to church, and specially to the relics of the most glorious Stephen, praying that God might now be appeased, and restore their former health. There, and wherever they went, they attracted the attention of every one. Some who had seen them elsewhere, and knew the cause of their trembling, told others as occasion offered. Easter arrived, and on the Lord's day, in the morning, when there was now a large crowd present, and the young man was holding the bars of the holy place where the relics were, and praying, suddenly he fell down, and lay precisely as if asleep, but not trembling as he was wont to do even in sleep. All present were astonished. Some were alarmed, some were moved with pity; and while some were for lifting him up, others prevented them, and said they should rather wait and see what would result. And behold! He rose up, and trembled no more, for he was healed, and stood quite well, scanning those who were scanning him. Who then refrained himself from praising God? The whole church was filled with the voices of those who were shouting and congratulating him. Then they came running to me, where I was sitting ready to come into the church. One after another they throng in, the last comer telling me as news what the first had told me already; and while I rejoiced and inwardly gave God thanks, the young man himself also enters, with a number of others, falls at my knees, is raised up to receive my kiss. We go in to the congregation: the church was full, and ringing with the shouts of joy, Thanks to God! Praised be God! every one joining and shouting on all sides, I have healed the people, and then with still louder voice shouting again. Silence being at last obtained, the customary lessons of the divine Scriptures were read. And when I came to my sermon, I made a few remarks suitable to the occasion and the happy and joyful feeling, not desiring them to listen to me, but rather to consider the eloquence of God in this divine work. The man dined with us, and gave us a careful ac count of his own, his mother's, and his family's calamity. Accordingly, on the following day, after delivering my sermon, I promised that next day I would read his narrative to the people. And when I did so, the third day after Easter Sunday, I made the brother and sister both stand on the steps of the raised place from which I used to speak; and while they stood there their pamphlet was read. The whole congregation, men and women alike, saw the one standing without any unnatural movement, the other trembling in all her limbs; so that those who had not before seen the man himself saw in his sister what the divine compassion had removed from him. In him they saw matter of congratulation, in her subject for prayer. Meanwhile, their pamphlet being finished, I instructed them to withdraw from the gaze of the people; and I had begun to discuss the whole matter somewhat more carefully, when lo! As I was proceeding, other voices are heard from the tomb of the martyr, shouting new congratulations. My audience turned round, and began to run to the tomb. The young woman, when she had come down from the steps where she had been standing, went to pray at the holy relics, and no sooner had she touched the bars than she, in the same way as her brother, collapsed, as if falling asleep, and rose up cured. While, then, we were asking what had happened, and what occasioned this noise of joy, they came into the basilica where we were, leading her from the martyr's tomb in perfect health. Then, indeed, such a shout of wonder rose from men and women together, that the exclamations and the tears seemed like never to come to an end. She was led to the place where she had a little before stood trembling. They now rejoiced that she was like her brother, as before they had mourned that she remained unlike him; and as they had not yet uttered their prayers in her behalf, they perceived that their intention of doing so had been speedily heard. They shouted God's praises without words, but with such a noise that our ears could scarcely bear it. What was there in the hearts of these exultant people but the faith of Christ, for which Stephen had shed his blood? |
|
| 251. Ambrosiaster, Quaestiones Veteris Et Novi Testamenti, 56 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 72 |
| 252. Ambrose, Letters, 40.16 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 148, 179 |
| 253. Ambrose, Letters, 40.16, 72.13, 107.4 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Amsler (2023), Knowledge Construction in Late Antiquity, 231; Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 148, 179; Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 151 |
| 254. Ambrose, Letters, 40.16 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 148, 179 |
| 255. Ambrose, Letters, 40.16 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 148, 179 |
| 256. Ambrose, De Virginibus, 3.7.32-3.7.36 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 164 |
| 257. Ambrose, On Duties, 1.2-3.132(…), 1.7.23-3.22.131(…), 1.41.212, 2.3.8-2.4.14, 2.4.11, 2.5 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 277 |
| 258. Ambrose, Homilies On Luke, 3.4-3.5, 3.15 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 72 |
| 259. Didymus, In Genesim, 4.5-4.23 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, on the changing of names •john chrysostom, on the prologue of acts Found in books: Pomeroy (2021), Chrysostom as Exegete: Scholarly Traditions and Rhetorical Aims in the Homilies on Genesis, 146 |
| 260. John Chrysostom, Homilies On Acts, 14 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Crabb (2020), Luke/Acts and the End of History, 199 |
| 261. Augustine, On The Work of Monks, 29 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 202 |
| 262. Aphrahat, Demonstrations, 21, 23 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 76 |
| 263. Gregory of Nazianzus, De Vita Sua, 116-117, 267-271, 115 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 142 |
| 264. Gregory of Nazianzus, Carmina Moralia, (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, on moses •john chrysostom, on recusatio •john chrysostom, and parrhesia Found in books: Niccolai (2023), Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire. 239, 243 |
| 265. Gregory of Nyssa, De Vita Mosis, 1.16-1.19 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Gray (2021), Gregory of Nyssa as Biographer: Weaving Lives for Virtuous Readers, 72 |
266. Augustine, Confessions, 6.2.2, 9.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 209; Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 183, 188 | 9.8. 17. You, who makest men to dwell of one mind in a house, associated with us Evodius also, a young man of our city, who, when serving as an agent for Public Affairs, was converted unto You and baptized prior to us; and relinquishing his secular service, prepared himself for Yours. We were together, and together were we about to dwell with a holy purpose. We sought for some place where we might be most useful in our service to You, and were going back together to Africa. And when we were at the Tiberine Ostia my mother died. Much I omit, having much to hasten. Receive my confessions and thanksgivings, O my God, for innumerable things concerning which I am silent. But I will not omit anything that my soul has brought forth as to that Your handmaid who brought me forth - in her flesh, that I might be born to this temporal light, and in her heart, that I might be born to life eternal. I will speak not of her gifts, but Yours in her; for she neither made herself nor educated herself. You created her, nor did her father nor her mother know what a being was to proceed from them. And it was the rod of Your Christ, the discipline of Your only Son, that trained her in Your fear, in the house of one of Your faithful ones, who was a sound member of Your Church. Yet this good discipline did she not so much attribute to the diligence of her mother, as that of a certain decrepid maid-servant, who had carried about her father when an infant, as little ones are wont to be carried on the backs of elder girls. For which reason, and on account of her extreme age and very good character, was she much respected by the heads of that Christian house. Whence also was committed to her the care of her master's daughters, which she with diligence performed, and was earnest in restraining them when necessary, with a holy severity, and instructing them with a sober sagacity. For, excepting at the hours in which they were very temperately fed at their parents' table, she used not to permit them, though parched with thirst, to drink even water; thereby taking precautions against an evil custom, and adding the wholesome advice, You drink water only because you have not control of wine; but when you have come to be married, and made mistresses of storeroom and cellar, you will despise water, but the habit of drinking will remain. By this method of instruction, and power of command, she restrained the longing of their tender age, and regulated the very thirst of the girls to such a becoming limit, as that what was not seemly they did not long for. 18. And yet - as Your handmaid related to me, her son - there had stolen upon her a love of wine. For when she, as being a sober maiden, was as usual bidden by her parents to draw wine from the cask, the vessel being held under the opening, before she poured the wine into the bottle, she would wet the tips of her lips with a little, for more than that her inclination refused. For this she did not from any craving for drink, but out of the overflowing buoyancy of her time of life, which bubbles up with sportiveness, and is, in youthful spirits, wont to be repressed by the gravity of elders. And so unto that little, adding daily littles (for he that despises small things shall fall little by little), she contracted such a habit as, to drink off eagerly her little cup nearly full of wine. Where, then, was the sagacious old woman with her earnest restraint? Could anything prevail against a secret disease if Your medicine, O Lord, did not watch over us? Father, mother, and nurturers absent, Thou present, who hast created, who callest, who also by those who are set over us work some good for the salvation of our souls, what did Thou do at that time, O my God? How did You heal her? How did You make her whole? Did You not out of another woman's soul evoke a hard and bitter insult, as a surgeon's knife from Your secret store, and with one thrust remove all that putrefaction? For the maidservant who used to accompany her to the cellar, falling out, as it happens, with her little mistress, when she was alone with her, cast in her teeth this vice, with very bitter insult, calling her a wine-bibber. Stung by this taunt, she perceived her foulness, and immediately condemned and renounced it. Even as friends by their flattery pervert, so do enemies by their taunts often correct us. Yet You render not unto them what You do by them, but what was proposed by them. For she, being angry, desired to irritate her young mistress, not to cure her; and did it in secret, either because the time and place of the dispute found them thus, or perhaps lest she herself should be exposed to danger for disclosing it so late. But You, Lord, Governor of heavenly and earthly things, who convertest to Your purposes the deepest torrents, and disposest the turbulent current of the ages, healest one soul by the unsoundness of another; lest any man, when he remarks this, should attribute it unto his own power if another, whom he wishes to be reformed, is so through a word of his. |
|
| 267. Augustine, Enarrationes In Psalmos, a b c d\n0 30 30 30 None\n1 141.17 141.17 141 17 \n2 141.18 141.18 141 18 \n3 118(27).6 118(27).6 118(27) 6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 298 |
| 268. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 8.187 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 48 |
| 269. Augustine, Contra Academicos, 1.1.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 7 |
| 270. Augustine, Contra Duas Epistolas Pelagianorum, 3.9.25 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 312 |
| 271. Rufinus of Aquileia, Apologiae In Sanctum Hieronimum Libri Duo, 2.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Amsler (2023), Knowledge Construction in Late Antiquity, 227 |
| 272. Gregory of Nazianzus, Letters, 184, 144 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 37 |
| 273. Augustine, Reply To Faustus, 3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 72 |
| 274. Augustine, De Baptismo Contra Donatistas, 4.21.28 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 306 |
| 275. Socrates Scholasticus, Ecclesiastical History, 1.2, 1.21.2, 6.3, 6.18, 6.22, 7.12, 7.41, 7.43 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 47; Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 134; Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 183; Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 52, 54, 143 |
| 276. Synesius of Cyrene, Letters, 105, 66-67 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 209; Niccolai (2023), Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire. 260 |
| 277. Augustine, De Nuptiis Et Concupiscentia, 2.3.9, 2.23.28, 2.35.60 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 306 |
| 278. Gregory of Nyssa, Life of Makrina, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gray (2021), Gregory of Nyssa as Biographer: Weaving Lives for Virtuous Readers, 72 |
| 279. Augustine, Commentary On Genesis, 68.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 179 |
| 280. Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, 2.15.22 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 45 |
| 281. Augustine, De Consensu Evangelistarum Libri Quatuor, 1.21.29, 2.1.2-2.1.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 132; Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 76 |
| 282. Anon., Apophthegmata Patrum, Pistus, 10 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 209 |
| 283. Gregory of Nazianzus, Letters, 144 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 37 |
284. Theodoret of Cyrus, Ecclesiastical History, 4.25.4, 5.39 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Amsler (2023), Knowledge Construction in Late Antiquity, 259, 271; Hahn Emmel and Gotter (2008), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 84 | 5.39. When the divine Theodorus was ruling the church of Antioch, Theodorus, bishop of Mopsuestia, a doctor of the whole church and successful combatant against every heretical phalanx, ended this life. He had enjoyed the teaching of the great Diodorus, and was the friend and fellow-worker of the holy John, for they both together benefited by the spiritual draughts given by Diodorus. Six-and-thirty years he had spent in his bishopric, fighting against the forces of Arius and Eunomius, struggling against the piratical band of Apollinarius, and finding the best pasture for God's sheep. His brother Polychronius was the excellent bishop of Apamea, a man gifted with great eloquence and of illustrious character. I shall now make an end of my history, and shall entreat those who meet with it to requite my labour with their prayers. The narrative now embraces a period of 105 years, beginning from the Arian madness and ending with the death of the admirable Theodorus and Theodotus. I will give a list of the bishops of great cities after the persecution. List of the bishops of great cities. of Rome: - Miltiades [Melchiades. 311-314] Silvester [314-335] Julius [337-352. Mark Jan. to Oct., 336] Liberius [352-366] Damasus [366-384] Siricius [384-398] Anastasius [398-401] Innocentius [402-417] Bonifacius [418-422] Zosimus [417-418] C lestinu [422-432] of Antioch:- Vitalius (Orthodox) [312-318] Philogonius (Orthodox) [318-323] Eustathius (Orthodox) [325-328] Eulalius (Arians) [328-330] Euphronius (Arians) [330-332] Placidus (Arians) [332-342] Stephanus (Arians) [342-348] Leontius (Arians) [348-357] Eudoxius (Arians) [357-359] Meletius (Orthodox) [360 (died) 381] Flavianus (Orthodox) [381-404] Porphyrius (Orthodox) [404-413] Alexander (Orthodox) [413-419] Theodotus (Orthodox) [419-429] Paulinus III. (Eustathians) [362-388] Evagrius (Eustathians) [388-] of Alexandria: - Peter [301-312] Achillas [312-313] Alexander [313-326] Athanasius [326-341] Gregory (Arian) [341-347] Athanasius [347-356] George (heretic) [356-362] Athanasius [363-373] Peter (disciple of Athanasius) [373-373] Lucius (Arian) [373-377] Peter [377-378] Timothy [378-385] Theophilus [385-412] Cyril [412-444] of Jerusalem: - Macarius [324-336] Maximus [336-350] Cyril [350-388] John [388-416] Praylius [416-425] Juvenalius [425-458] of Constantinopole: Alexander [326-340] Eusebius of Nicomedia (Arian) [340-342] Paul the Confessor [342-342] Macedonius the enemy of the Holy Ghost [342-360] The impious Eudoxius [360-370] Demophilus of Berœa in Thrace (heretic) [370-] Gregory of Nazianzus [380-381] Nectarius [381-398] John Chrysostom [398-404] Arsacius [404-406] Atticus [406-426] Sissinnius [426-428] |
|
| 285. Theodoret of Cyrus, Compendium Against Heresies, 1.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: McGowan (1999), Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals, 211 |
| 286. Augustine, On Care To Be Had For The Dead, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john, church father Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 394 |
| 287. Themistius, Orations, None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 83 |
| 288. Synesius of Cyrene, Letters, 105, 66-67 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 209; Niccolai (2023), Christianity, Philosophy, and Roman Power: Constantine, Julian, and the Bishops on Exegesis and Empire. 260 |
| 289. Theodoret of Cyrus, Religious History, 1.4, 9.12, 10.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 209; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 336 |
| 290. Justinian, Digest, 23.1.4, 23.1.9-23.1.13, 23.2.2, 23.2.4, 31.88.17 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 129 |
| 291. Justinian, Novellae, 82.11, 121.2 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 35; Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 52 |
| 292. Justinian, Novellae, 82.11 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 35 |
| 293. Proclus, In Platonis Timaeum Commentarii, None (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Janowitz (2002), Magic in the Roman World: Pagans, Jews and Christians, 10 |
| 294. Jerome, Commentaria In Abdiam, None (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 209 |
| 295. Jerome, Letters, None (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john, church father Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 394 |
| 296. Jerome, Letters, None (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john, church father Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 394 |
| 297. Jerome, On Illustrious Men, 106 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 183 |
| 298. Jerome, Commentaria In Matthaeum (Commentaria In Evangelium S. Matthaei), 1.16, 1.18 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 71, 72, 76, 177 |
| 299. Jerome, Commentary On Ezekiel, 33.23-33.33, 34.3 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •sermon (derashah), homily, john chrysostom Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 582; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 246, 247 |
| 300. Sidonius Apollinaris, Letters, 5.17 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 188 |
| 301. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 3.1.5, 3.7.2, 4.21.1, 5.5, 9.7.5, 9.16.10, 9.45.2, 15.5.5, 16.1.2-16.1.3, 16.2.18, 16.5.36, 16.5.44, 16.8.1-16.8.6, 16.8.19, 16.8.23, 16.9.1, 16.9.4, 16.10.7, 16.10.10-16.10.12, 16.10.25 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brooten (1982), Women Leaders in the Ancient Synagogue, 146 |
| 302. Zosimus, New History, 4.3.2-4.3.3 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 141 |
| 303. Jerome, Letters, None (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john, church father •john chrysostom •chrysostom, john Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 115, 209; Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 48; Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 394 |
| 304. Anon., Avot Derabbi Nathan B, 3 (6th cent. CE - 8th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, denunciation of christian adoption of jewish practices Found in books: Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 69 |
| 305. Gregory The Great, Liber Regulae Pastoralis, 1.1 (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 114 |
| 306. Procopius, On Buildings, 1.2, 1.21.2, 6.2 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 227; Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 173, 175 |
| 307. Augustine, Letters, 17.4, 22.3-22.6, 29.11, 91.8-91.10, 95.3, 157.23-157.24 (7th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 72, 132, 151, 189; O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 6; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 357 |
| 308. Anon., Gerim, 3.4 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, church father, homilies by on the judaizers Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 184 |
| 309. Ambrose, Expos. In Psalm. 118 Serm. 16.45 123,, 118 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 183 |
| 310. John Chrysostom, Hom. In 1 Cor., 24.3-24.5 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 180 |
| 311. Proclus, Comm. Rep., 1.29.14 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 179 |
| 312. John Chrysostom, Educ. Lib., 19.1 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 166, 188 |
| 313. Eunapius, V. Soph., 6.114-6.115 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 72 |
| 315. Maximus of Turin, Serm., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 183 |
| 316. Augustine, C. Litt. Petil., 1.10.11 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 45 |
| 317. Anon., Yalqut Shimoni, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 582 |
| 318. Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Cur. Proem., 8.34 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 93 |
| 319. Marius Victorinus, Homoous., 1.7 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 93 |
| 320. Various, Anthologia Graeca, 119 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •john chrysostom, condemnation of luxury Found in books: König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 193 |
| 321. Augustine, Mor. Eccl., 1.34.75 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 188 |
| 322. Basil of Caesarea, Hom., 14.1 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 188 |
| 323. Augustine, Div. Quaest., 73.79.1-73.79.4 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 209 |
| 324. Anon., Consultationes Zacchaei Et Apollonii, 1.13.2-1.13.4 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 209 |
| 325. John Chrysostom, Hom. De Statuis, 19.14 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 209 |
| 326. John Chrysostom, Hom. Col. 8.5, None Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 209 |
| 327. John Chrysostom, Hom. Elemos., 6 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 167 |
| 328. John Chrysostom, Hom. In 2 Cor. 12,, 12 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 167 |
| 329. Optatus of Milevis, De Schismate Donatistarum Adversus Parmenianum, 7.1 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Yates and Dupont (2020), The Bible in Christian North Africa: Part I: Commencement to the Confessiones of Augustine (ca. 180 to 400 CE), 45 |
| 330. Paulus Julius, Digesta, 5.23.18 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 207 |
| 331. Papyri, P.Oxy., 54.3756 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •chrysostom, john Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 214; Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 36 |
| 332. Palladius of Aspuna, Lausiac History, 44.1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 209; Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019), Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream, 148 |
| 338. Marius Victorinus, In Gal., 2.3 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 93 |
| 339. Athanasius of Alexandria, Ep. Aeg. Lib., 21 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 93 |
| 340. John Chrysostom, Hom. De Iuven. Et Maximin., 2 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 151 |
| 341. John Chrysostom, Catech., 1.5, 6.16 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 151, 180 |
| 342. Augustine17,21, 17,21 Csel 41, 329F., 311; Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Karfíková (2012), Grace and the Will According to Augustine, 312 |
| 343. Eusebius of Caesarea, Eccl., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 163 |
| 344. Theodosius, Constitutiones Sirmondianae, 12, 2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 131 |
| 345. Pseudo-Hegesippus, Historiae, 2.9, 2.9.1, 2.12.2, 5.2, 5.2.1, 5.15.1, 5.22, 5.41.2, 5.46, 5.46.1, 5.50, 5.53.1 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 22, 122, 147, 148, 149, 150, 179, 277 |
| 346. Orosiu, Hist., 7.33.9 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 93 |
| 347. Socrates Scholasticus, Eccl., 4.1, 7.14 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 45, 46, 92 |
| 348. Severus, Life of Martin, 4.3-4.9 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 209 |
| 349. Sozomen, Eccl., 7.15 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 46 |
| 350. Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Eccl., 3.3, 3.7.10, 4.22.13-4.22.15, 5.21.1 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 46, 72, 151, 186 |
| 351. Severus of Minorca, Letters, 30, 38, 45, 73 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 88 |
352. Sozomenus, Ecclesiastical History, 1.20, 4.20, 4.27, 6.9, 6.40, 7.15, 7.24, 8.1-8.3, 8.2.5-8.2.6, 8.13 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •john chrysostom, •john chrysostom, character of •john chrysostom, dating sermons of •john chrysostom, historical context of •john chrysostom, arkadios and eudoxia and Found in books: Amsler (2023), Knowledge Construction in Late Antiquity, 258; Azar (2016), Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews", 102; Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 148; Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 209; Hahn Emmel and Gotter (2008), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 70, 83; Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 143; Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 176 | 4.20. While the events I have above related were taking place in Italy, the East, even before the council of Seleucia had been constituted, was the theatre of great disturbances. The adherents of Acacius and Patrophilus, having ejected Maximus, turned over the church of Jerusalem to Cyril. Macedonius harassed Constantinople and the neighboring cities; he was abetted by Eleusius and Marathonius. This latter was originally a deacon in his own church, and was a zealous superintendent of the poor of the monastical dwellings inhabited by men and women, and Macedonius raised him to the bishopric of Nicomedia. Eleusius, who, not without distinction, was formerly attached to the military service of the palace, had been ordained bishop of Cyzicus. It is said that Eleusius and Marathonius were both good men in their conduct, but that they were zealous in persecuting those who maintained that the Son is of the same substance as the Father, although they were not so distinctly cruel as Macedonius, who not only expelled those who refused to hold communion with him, but imprisoned some, and dragged others before the tribunals. In many cases he compelled the unwilling to communion. He seized children and women who had not been initiated and initiated them, and destroyed many churches in different places, under the pretext that the emperor had commanded the demolition of all houses of prayer in which the Son was recognized to be of the same substance as the Father. Under this pretext the church of the Novatians at Constantinople, situated in that part of the city called Pelargus, was destroyed. It is related that these heretics performed a courageous action with the aid of the members of the Catholic Church, with whom they made common cause. When those who were employed to destroy this church were about to commence the work of demolition, the Novatians assembled themselves together; some tore down the materials, and others conveyed them to a suburb of the city called Syc . They quickly achieved this task; for men, women, and children participated in it, and by offering their labor to God they were extraordinarily inspirited. By the exercise of this zeal the church was soon renewed, and, from this circumstance, received the name of Anastasia. After the death of Constantius, Julian, his successor, granted to the Novatians the ground which they had previously possessed, and permitted them to rebuild their church. The people spiritedly took advantage of this permission, and transported the identical materials of the former edifice from Syc . But this happened at a later period of time than that which we are now reviewing. At this period a union was nearly effected between the Novatian and Catholic churches; for as they held the same opinions concerning the Godhead, and were subjected to a common persecution, the members of both churches assembled and prayed together. The Catholics then possessed no houses of prayer, for the Arians had wrested them from them. It appears, too, that from the frequent intercourse between the members of each church, they reasoned that the differences between them were vain, and they resolved to commune with one another. A reconciliation would certainly have been effected, I think, had not the desire of the multitude been frustrated by the slander of a few individuals, who asserted that there was an ancient law prohibiting the union of the churches. 4.27. The spirit of innovation is self-laudatory, and hence it advanced further and further, and crept along to greater novelties with increasing self-conceit, and in scorn of the fathers it enacted laws of its own, nor does it honor the doctrines of the ancients concerning God, but is always thinking out strange dogmas and restlessly adds novelty to novelty as the events now show. For after Macedonius had been deposed from the church of Constantinople, he renounced the tenets of Acacius and Eudoxius. He began to teach that the Son is God, and that He is in all respects and in substance like the Father. But he affirmed that the Holy Ghost is not a participant of the same dignities, and designated Him a minister and a servant, and applied to Him whatever could, without error, be said of the holy angels. This doctrine was embraced by Eleusius, Eustathius, and by all the other bishops who had been deposed at Constantinople, by the partisans of the opposite heresy. Their example was quickly followed by no small part of the people of Constantinople, Bithynia, Thrace, the Hellespont, and of the neighboring provinces. For their mode of life had no little influence, and to this do the people give special attention. They assumed great gravity of demeanor, and their discipline was like that of the monks; their conversation was plain and of a style fitted to persuade. It is said that all these qualifications were united in Marathonius. He originally held a public appointment in the army, under the command of the prefect. After amassing some money in this employment, he quit military science, and undertook the superintendence of the establishments for the relief of the sick and the destitute. Afterwards, at the suggestion of Eustathius, bishop of Sebaste, he embraced an ascetic mode of life, and founded a monastical institution in Constantinople which exists to the present day. He brought so much zeal, and so much of his own wealth to the support of the aforesaid heresy, that the Macedonians were by many termed Marathonians, and it seems to me not without reason; for it appears that he alone, together with his institutions, was the cause that it was not altogether extinguished in Constantinople. In fact, after the deposition of Macedonius, the Macedonians possessed neither churches nor bishops until the reign of Arcadius. The Arians, who drove out of the churches and rigorously persecuted all who held different sentiments from themselves, deprived them of all these privileges. It would be no easy task to enumerate the names of the priests who were at this period ejected from their own cities; for I believe that no province of the empire was exempted from such a calamity. 6.9. The Christians who represented the Nicene doctrines and the followers of the Novatian views were treated with equal severity in the city of Constantinople. They were all ultimately expelled from the city; and the churches of the Novatians were closed by order of the emperor. The other party had no churches to be closed, having been deprived of them all during the reign of Constantius. At this period, Agelius who, from the time of Constantius, had governed the church of the Novatians at Constantinople, was condemned to banishment. It is said that he was especially remarkable for his course of life according to the ecclesiastical laws. With respect to his mode of life, he had attained to the highest degree of philosophy, namely, freedom from worldly possessions; this was evidenced by his daily conduct; he had but one tunic, and always walked barefooted. Not long after his banishment, he was recalled, received the churches under him, and boldly convened churches through the influence of Marcian, a man of extraordinary virtue and eloquence, who had formerly been enrolled among the troops of the palace, but at this period was a presbyter of the Novatian heresy, and the teacher of grammar to Anastasia and Carosa, the daughters of the emperor. There are still baths at Constantinople which bear the names of these princesses. It was for the sake of Marcian alone that the privilege above-mentioned was conceded to the Novatians. 6.40. When Valens was on the point of departing from Constantinople, Isaac, a monk of great virtue, who feared no danger in the cause of God, presented himself before him, and addressed him in the following words: Give back, O emperor, to the orthodox, and to those who maintain the Nicene doctrines, the churches of which you have deprived them, and the victory will be yours. The emperor was offended at this act of boldness, and commanded that Isaac should be arrested and kept in chains until his return, when he meant to bring him to justice for his temerity. Isaac, however, replied, You will not return unless you restore the churches. And so in fact it came to pass. For when Valens marched out with his army, the Goths retreated while pursued. In his advances he passed by Thrace, and came to Adrianople. When at not great distance from the barbarians, he found them encamped in a secure position; and yet he had the rashness to attack them before he had arranged his own legions in proper order. His cavalry was dispersed, his infantry compelled to retreat; and, pursued by the enemy, he dismounted from his horse, and with a few attendants entered into a small house or tower, where he secreted himself. The barbarians were in full pursuit, and went beyond the tower, not suspecting that he had selected it for his place of concealment. As the last detachment of the barbarians was passing by the tower, the attendants of the emperor let fly a volley of arrows from their covert, which immediately led to the exclamation that Valens was concealed within the building. Those who were a little in advance heard this exclamation, and made known the news with a shout to those companions who were in advance of them; and thus the news was conveyed till it reached the detachments which were foremost in the pursuit. They returned, and encompassed the tower. They collected vast quantities of wood from the country around, which they piled up against the tower, and finally set fire to the mass. A wind which had happened to arise favored the progress of the conflagration; and in a short period the tower, with all that it contained, including the emperor and his attendants, was utterly destroyed. Valens was fifty years of age. He had reigned thirteen years conjointly with his brother, and three by himself. 7.15. Paulinus, bishop of Antioch, died about this period, and those who had been convened into a church with him persisted in their aversion to Flavian, although his religious sentiments were precisely the same as their own, because he had violated the oath he had formerly made to Meletius. They, therefore, elected Evagrius as their bishop. Evagrius did not long survive this appointment, and although Flavian prevented the election of another bishop, those who had seceded from communion with him, still continued to hold their assemblies apart. About this period, the bishop of Alexandria, to whom the temple of Dionysus had, at his own request, been granted by the emperor, converted the edifice into a church. The statues were removed, the adyta were exposed; and, in order to cast contumely on the pagan mysteries, he made a procession for the display of these objects; the phalli, and whatever other object had been concealed in the adyta which really was, or seemed to be, ridiculous, he made a public exhibition of. The pagans, amazed at so unexpected an exposure, could not suffer it in silence, but conspired together to attack the Christians. They killed many of the Christians, wounded others, and seized the Serapion, a temple which was conspicuous for beauty and vastness and which was seated on an eminence. This they converted into a temporary citadel; and hither they conveyed many of the Christians, put them to the torture, and compelled them to offer sacrifice. Those who refused compliance were crucified, had both legs broken, or were put to death in some cruel manner. When the sedition had prevailed for some time, the rulers came and urged the people to remember the laws, to lay down their arms, and to give up the Serapion. There came then Romanus, the general of the military legions in Egypt; and Evagrius was the prefect of Alexandria As their efforts, however, to reduce the people to submission were utterly in vain, they made known what had transpired to the emperor. Those who had shut themselves up in the Serapion prepared a more spirited resistance, from fear of the punishment that they knew would await their audacious proceedings, and they were further instigated to revolt by the inflammatory discourses of a man named Olympius, attired in the garments of a philosopher, who told them that they ought to die rather than neglect the gods of their fathers. Perceiving that they were greatly dispirited by the destruction of the idolatrous statues, he assured them that such a circumstance did not warrant their renouncing their religion; for that the statues were composed of corruptible materials, and were mere pictures, and therefore would disappear; whereas, the powers which had dwelt within them, had flown to heaven. By such representations as these, he retained the multitude with him in the Serapion. When the emperor was informed of these occurrences, he declared that the Christians who had been slain were blessed, inasmuch as they had been admitted to the honor of martyrdom, and had suffered in defense of the faith. He offered free pardon to those who had slain them, hoping that by this act of clemency they would be the more readily induced to embrace Christianity; and he commanded the demolition of the temples in Alexandria which had been the cause of the popular sedition. It is said that, when this imperial edict was read in public, the Christians uttered loud shouts of joy, because the emperor laid the odium of what had occurred upon the pagans. The people who were guarding the Serapion were so terrified at hearing these shouts, that they took to flight, and the Christians immediately obtained possession of the spot, which they have retained ever since. I have been informed that, on the night preceding this occurrence, Olympius heard the voice of one singing hallelujah in the Serapion. The doors were shut and everything was still; and as he could see no one, but could only hear the voice of the singer, he at once understood what the sign signified; and unknown to any one he quitted the Serapion and embarked for Italy. It is said that when the temple was being demolished, some stones were found, on which were hieroglyphic characters in the form of a cross, which on being submitted to the inspection of the learned, were interpreted as signifying the life to come. These characters led to the conversion of several of the pagans, as did likewise other inscriptions found in the same place, and which contained predictions of the destruction of the temple. It was thus that the Serapion was taken, and, a little while after, converted into a church; it received the name of the Emperor Arcadius. There were still pagans in many cities, who contended zealously in behalf of their temples; as, for instance, the inhabitants of Petr a and of Areopolis, in Arabia; of Raphi and Gaza, in Palestine; of Heriopolis in Phœnicia; and of Apamea, on the river Axius, in Syria. I have been informed that the inhabitants of the last-named city often armed the men of Galilee and the peasants of Lebanon in defense of their temples; and that at last, they even carried their audacity to such a height, as to slay a bishop named Marcellus. This bishop had commanded the demolition of all the temples in the city and villages, under the supposition that it would not be easy otherwise for them to be converted from their former religion. Having heard that there was a very spacious temple at Aulon, a district of Apamea, he repaired there with a body of soldiers and gladiators. He stationed himself at a distance from the scene of conflict, beyond the reach of the arrows; for he was afflicted with the gout, and was unable to fight, to pursue, or to flee. Whilst the soldiers and gladiators were engaged in the assault against the temple, some pagans, discovering that he was alone, hastened to the place where he was separated from the combat; they arose suddenly and seized him, and burnt him alive. The perpetrators of this deed were not then known, but, in course of time, they were detected, and the sons of Marcellus determined upon avenging his death. The council of the province, however, prohibited them from executing this design, and declared that it was not just that the relatives or friends of Marcellus should seek to avenge his death; when they should rather return thanks to God for having accounted him worthy to die in such a cause. 7.24. When he had completed his preparations for war, Theodosius declared his younger son Honorius emperor, and leaving him to reign at Constantinople conjointly with Arcadius, who had previously been appointed emperor, he departed from the East to the West at the head of his troops. His army consisted not only of Roman soldiers, but of bands of barbarians from the banks of the Ister. It is said that when he left Constantinople, he came to the seventh milestone, and went to pray to God in the church which he had erected in honor of John the Baptist; and in his name prayed that success might attend the Roman arms, and besought the Baptist himself to aid him. After offering up these prayers he proceeded towards Italy, crossed the Alps, and took the first guard-posts. On descending from the heights of these mountains, he perceived a plain before him covered with infantry and cavalry, and became at the same time aware that some of the enemy's troops were lying in ambush behind him, among the recesses of the mountains. The advance guard of his army attacked the infantry stationed in the plain, and a desperate and very doubtful conflict ensued. Further, when the army surrounded him, he considered that he had come into the power of men, and could not be saved even by those who would desire to do so, since those who had been posted in his rear were seizing the heights; he fell prone upon the earth, and prayed with tears, and God instantly answered him; for the officers of the troops stationed in ambush on the height sent to offer him their services as his allies, provided that he would assign them honorable posts in his army. As he had neither paper nor ink within reach, he took up some tablets, and wrote on them the high and befitting appointments he would confer upon them, provided that they would fulfill their promise to him. Under these conditions they advanced to the emperor. The issue did not yet incline to either side, but the battle was still evenly balanced in the plain, when a tremendous wind descended into the face of the enemy. It was such an one as we have never before recorded, and broke up the ranks of the enemies. The arrows and darts which were sent against the Romans, as if projected by the opposing ranks, were turned upon the bodies of those who had cast them; and their shields were wrenched from their hands, and whirled against them with filth and dust. Standing thus exposed, in a defenseless condition, to the weapons of the Romans, many of them perished, while the few who attempted to effect an escape were soon captured. Eugenius threw himself at the feet of the emperor, and implored him to spare his life; but while in the act of offering up these entreaties, a soldier struck off his head. Arbogastes fled after the battle, and fell by his own hands. It is said that while the battle was being fought, a demoniac presented himself in the temple of God which is in the Hebdomos, where the emperor had engaged in prayer on starting out, and insulted John the Baptist, taunting him with having his head cut off, and shouted the following words: You conquer me, and lay snares for my army. The persons who happened to be on the spot, and who were waiting impatiently to learn some news of the war, were amazed, and wrote an account of it on the day that it occurred, and afterwards ascertained that it was the same day as that on which the battle had been fought. Such is the history of these transactions. 8.1. Such was the death of Theodosius, who had contributed so efficiently to the aggrandizement of the Church. He expired in the sixtieth year of his age, and the sixteenth of his reign. He left his two sons as his successors. Arcadius, the elder, reigned in the East, and Honorius in the West. They both held the same religious sentiments as their father. Damasus was dead; and at this period Siricius was the leader of the church of Rome; Nectarius, of the church in Constantinople; Theophilus, over the church of Alexandria; Flavian, over the church of Antioch; and John, over that of Jerusalem. Armenia and the Eastern provinces were at this time overrun by the barbarian Huns. Rufinus, prefect of the East, was suspected of having clandestinely invited them to devastate the Roman territories, in furtherance of his own ambitious designs; for he was said to aspire to tyranny. For this reason, he was soon after slain; for, on the return of the troops from the conquest of Eugenius, the Emperor Arcadius, according to custom, went forth from Constantinople to meet them; and the soldiers took this opportunity to massacre Rufinus. These circumstances tended greatly to the extension of religion. The emperors attributed to the piety of their father, the ease with which the tyrant had been vanquished, and the plot of Rufinus to gain their government arrested; and they readily confirmed all the laws which had been enacted by their predecessors in favor of the churches, and bestowed their own gifts in addition. Their subjects profited by their example, so that even the pagans were converted without difficulty to Christianity, and the heretics united themselves to the Catholic Church. Owing to the disputes which had arisen among the Arians and Eunomians, and to which I have already alluded, these heretics daily diminished in number. Many of them, in reflecting upon the diversity of sentiments which prevailed among those of their own persuasion, judged that the truth of God could not be present with them, and went over to those who held the same faith as the emperors. The interests of the Macedonians of Constantinople were materially affected by their possessing no bishop in that juncture; for, ever since they had been deprived of their churches by Eudoxius, under the reign of Constantius, they had been governed only by presbyters, and remained so until the next reign. The Novatians, on the other hand, although they had been agitated by the controversy concerning the Passover, which was an innovation made by Sabbatius, yet the most of them remained in quiet possession of their churches, and had not been molested by any of the punishments or laws enacted against other heretics, because they maintained that the Three Persons of the Trinity are of the same substance. The virtue of their leaders also tended greatly to the maintece of concord among them. After the presidency of Agelius they were governed by Marcian, a good man; and on his decease, a little while before the time now under consideration, the bishopric devolved upon Sisinius, a very eloquent man, well versed in the doctrines of philosophy and of the Holy Scriptures, and so expert in disputation that even Eunomius, who was well approved in this art and effective in this work, often refused to hold debates with him. His course of life was prudent and above the reach of calumny; yet he indulged in luxury, and even in superfluities; so that those who knew him not were incredulous as to whether he could remain temperate in the midst of so much abundance. His manners were gracious and suave in assemblies, and on this account he was esteemed by the bishops of the Catholic Church, by the rulers, and by the learned. His jests were replete with good nature, and he could bear ridicule without manifesting the least resentment. He was very prompt and witty in his rejoinders. Being once asked wherefore, as he was bishop, he bathed twice daily, he replied, Because I do not bathe thrice. On another occasion, being ridiculed by a member of the Catholic Church because he dressed in white, he asked where it was commanded that he should dress in black; and, as the other hesitated for a reply, he continued, You can give no argument in support of your position; but I refer you to Solomon, the wisest of men, who says, 'Let your garments be always white.' Moreover Christ is described in the Gospel as having appeared in white, and Moses and Elias manifested themselves to the apostles in robes of white. It appears to me that the following reply was also very ingenious. Leontius, bishop of Ancyra, in Galatia, settled in Constantinople after he had deprived the Novatians in his province of their churches. Sisinius went to him to request that the churches might be restored; but far from yielding compliance, he reviled the Novatians, and said that they were not worthy of holding churches, because, by abolishing the observance of pece, they intercepted the philanthropy of God. To this Sisinius replied, No one does pece as I do. Leontius asked him in what way he did pece. In coming to see you, retorted Sisinius. Many other witty speeches are attributed to him, and he is even said to have written several works with some elegance. But his discourses obtained greater applause than his writings, since he was best at declamation, and was capable of attracting the hearer by his voice and look and pleasing countece. This brief description may serve as a proof of the disposition and mode of life of this great man. 8.2. Nectarius died about this period, and lengthened debates were held on the ordination of a successor. They all voted for different individuals, and it seemed impossible for all to unite on one, and the time passed heavily. There was, however, at Antioch on the Orontes, a certain presbyter named John, a man of noble birth and of exemplary life, and possessed of such wonderful powers of eloquence and persuasion that he was declared by the sophist, Libanius the Syrian, to surpass all the orators of the age. When this sophist was on his death-bed he was asked by his friends who should take his place. It would have been John, replied he, had not the Christians taken him from us. Many of those who heard the discourses of John in the church were thereby excited to the love of virtue and to the reception of his own religious sentiments. For by living a divine life he imparted zeal from his own virtues to his hearers. He produced convictions similar to his own, because he did not enforce them by rhetorical art and strength, but expounded the sacred books with truth and sincerity. For a word which is ornamented by deeds customarily shows itself as worthy of belief; but without these the speaker appears as an impostor and a traitor to his own words, even though he teach earnestly. Approbation in both regards was due to John. He devoted himself to a prudent course of life and to a severe public career, while he also used a clear diction, united with brilliance in speech. His natural abilities were excellent, and he improved them by studying under the best masters. He learned rhetoric from Libanius, and philosophy from Andragathius. When it was expected that he would embrace the legal profession and take part in the career of an advocate, he determined to exercise himself in the sacred books and to practice philosophy according to the law of the Church. He had as teachers of this philosophy, Carterius and Diodorus, two celebrated presidents of ascetic institutions. Diodorus was afterwards the governor of the church of Tarsus, and, I have been informed, left many books of his own writings in which he explained the significance of the sacred words and avoided allegory. John did not receive the instructions of these men by himself, but persuaded Theodore and Maximus, who had been his companions under the instruction of Libanius, to accompany him. Maximus afterwards became bishop of Seleucia, in Isauria; and Theodore, bishop of Mompsuestia, in Cilicia. Theodore was well conversant with the sacred books and with the rest of the discipline of rhetoricians and philosophers. After studying the ecclesiastical laws, and frequenting the society of holy men, he was filled with admiration of the ascetic mode of life and condemned city life. He did not persevere in the same purpose, but after changing it, he was drawn to his former course of life; and, to justify his conduct, cited many examples from ancient history, with which he was well acquainted, and went back into the city. On hearing that he was engaged in business and intent on marriage, John composed an epistle, more divine in language and thought than the mind of man could produce, and sent it to him. Upon reading it, he repented and immediately gave up his possessions, renounced his intention of marrying, and was saved by the advice of John, and returned to the philosophic career. This seems to me a remarkable instance of the power of John's eloquence; for he readily forced conviction on the mind of one who was himself habituated to persuade and convince others. By the same eloquence, John attracted the admiration of the people; while he strenuously convicted sinners even in the churches, and antagonized with boldness all acts of injustice, as if they had been perpetrated against himself. This boldness pleased the people, but grieved the wealthy and the powerful, who were guilty of most of the vices which he denounced. Being, then, held in such high estimation by those who knew him by experience, and by those who were acquainted with him through the reports of others, John was adjudged worthy, in word and in deed, by all the subjects of the Roman Empire, to be the bishop of the church of Constantinople. The clergy and people were uimous in electing him; their choice was approved by the emperor, who also sent the embassy which should conduct him; and, to confer greater solemnity on his ordination, a council was convened. Not long after the letter of the emperor reached Asterius, the general of the East; he sent to desire John to repair to him, as if he had need of him. On his arrival, he at once made him get into his chariot, and conveyed him with dispatch to a military station, Pagras so-called, where he delivered him to the officers whom the emperor had sent in quest of him. Asterius acted very prudently in sending for John before the citizens of Antioch knew what was about to occur; for they would probably have excited a sedition, and have inflicted injury on others, or subjected themselves to acts of violence, rather than have suffered John to be taken from them. When John had arrived at Constantinople, and when the priests were assembled together, Theophilus opposed his ordination; and proposed as a candidate in his stead, a presbyter of his church named Isidore, who took charge of strangers and of the poor at Alexandria. I have been informed by persons who were acquainted with Isidore, that from his youth upwards he practiced the philosophic virtues, near Scetis. Others say that he had gained the friendship of Theophilus by being a participant and a familiar in a very perilous undertaking. For it is reported that during the war against Maximus, Theophilus entrusted Isidore with gifts and letters respectively addressed to the emperor and to the tyrant, and sent him to Rome, desiring him to remain there until the termination of the war, when he was to deliver the gifts, with the letters, to him, who might prove the victor. Isidore acted according to his instructions, but the artifice was detected; and, fearful of being arrested, he fled to Alexandria. Theophilus from that period evinced much attachment towards him, and, with a view of recompensing his services, strove to raise him to the bishopric of Constantinople. But whether there was really any truth in this report, or whether Theophilus desired to ordain this man because of his excellence, it is certain that he eventually yielded to those who decided for John. He feared Eutropius, who was artfully eager for this ordination. Eutropius then presided over the imperial house, and they say he threatened Theophilus, that unless he would vote with the other bishops, he would have to defend himself against those who desired to accuse him; for many written accusations against him were at that time before the council. 8.3. As soon as John was raised to the episcopal dignity, he devoted his attention first to the reformation of the lives of his clergy; he reproved and amended their ways and diet and every procedure of their manifold transactions. He also ejected some of the clergy from the Church. He was naturally disposed to reprehend the misconduct of others, and to antagonize righteously those who acted unjustly; and he gave way to these characteristics still more in the episcopate; for his nature, having attained power, led his tongue to reproof, and nerved his wrath more readily against the enemy. He did not confine his efforts to the reformation of his own church; but as a good and large-minded man, he sought to rectify abuses throughout the world. Immediately upon entering the episcopate, he strove to put an end to the dissension which had arisen concerning Paulinus, between the Western and Egyptian bishops and the bishops of the East; since on this account a general disunion was overpowering the churches in the whole empire. He requested the assistance of Theophilus in effecting the reconciliation of Flavian with the bishop of Rome. Theophilus agreed to co-operate with him in the restoration of concord; and Acacius, bishop of Berea, and Isidore, whom Theophilus had proposed as a candidate for ordination instead of John, were sent on an embassy to Rome. They soon effected the object of their journey, and sailed back to Egypt. Acacius repaired to Syria, bearing conciliatory letters to the adherents of Flavian from the priests of Egypt and of the West. And the churches, after a long delay once more laid aside their discord, and took up communion with one another. The people at Antioch, who were called Eustathians, continued, indeed, for some time to hold separate assemblies, although they possessed no bishop. Evagrius, the successor of Paulinus, did not, as we have stated, long survive him; and I think reconciliation became easier for the bishops from there being no one to oppose. The laity, as is customary with the populace, gradually went over to those who assembled together under the guidance of Flavian; and thus, in course of time, they were more and more united. 8.13. Dioscorus, Ammonius, and the other monks, having discovered the machinations of Theophilus, retired to Jerusalem, and thence proceeded to Scythopolis; for they thought that it would be an advantageous residence there for them on account of the many palms, whose leaves are used by the monks for their customary work. Dioscorus and Ammonius were accompanied hither by about eighty other monks. In the meantime, Theophilus sent messengers to Constantinople, to prefer complaints against them, and to oppose any petitions that they might lay before the emperor. On being informed of this fact, Ammonius and the monks embarked for Constantinople, and took Isidore with them; and they requested that their cause might be tried in the presence of the emperor and of the bishop; for they thought that, by reason of his boldness, John, who was careful to do right, would be able to help them in their rights. John, although he received them with kindness, and treated them with honor, and did not forbid them to pray in the church, refused to admit them to participation in the mysteries, for it was not lawful to do this before the investigation. He wrote to Theophilus, desiring him to receive them back into communion, as their sentiments concerning the Divine nature were orthodox; requesting him, if he regarded their orthodoxy as doubtful, to send some one to act as their accuser. Theophilus returned no reply to this epistle. Some time subsequently, Ammonius and his companions presented themselves before the wife of the emperor, as she was riding out, and complained of the machinations of Theophilus against them. She knew what had been plotted against them; and she stood up in honor of them; and, leaning forward from her royal chariot, she nodded, and said to them, Pray for the emperor, for me, for our children, and for the empire. For my part, I shall shortly cause a council to be convened, to which Theophilus shall be summoned. A false report having prevailed in Alexandria, that John had received Dioscorus and his companions into communion, and had afforded them every aid and encouragement in his power, Theophilus began to reflect upon what measures it would be possible to adopt in order to eject John from his episcopate. |
|
| 353. Stesichorus, Fragments, 33, 35 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 48 |
| 354. Suidas Thessalius, Fragments, δ1149 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 139 |
| 355. Anon., Midrash Mishle, 31 Tagged with subjects: •sermon (derashah), homily, john chrysostom Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 582 |
| 356. Eusebius of Caesarea, V. Const., 3.64-3.65 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 171 |
357. Vergil, Aeneis, 12.950-12.952 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 110 | 12.950. were fixed his way; and all who kept a guard 12.951. on lofty rampart, or in siege below 12.952. were battering the foundations, now laid by |
|
| 358. Cyril of Alexandria, Ep., 11.6 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 46 |
| 359. Rufinus, Eccl., 11.22-11.23, 11.26 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 46, 72 |
| 360. Anon., Historia Acephala, 5.8-5.10 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 46 |
| 361. Victorinus, Commentary On Revelation, 4.4 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 74 |
| 362. Anon., Avellana Collectio, 111.25 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 52 |
| 363. Gerontius, Life of Melania, 21 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, bishop Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 277 |
| 364. Anon., Origo Constantini, 6.30 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019), Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream, 157 |
| 365. Augustine, Enarr. Ps., 25.2.2, 25.2.14, 80.23, 85.15, 90.1 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 52, 179, 182, 183, 186, 188 |
| 366. Marcus Diaconus, V. Porph., 33 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 207 |
| 367. Caesarius of Arles, Serm., 192.2 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 183 |
| 368. Gaudentius of Brescia, Tract., 4.14 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 188 |
| 369. Salvian of Marseilles, Gub., 6.2 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 183 |
| 370. Augustine, Tract. In Ioh. Ev., 7.6-7.7 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 132, 209 |
| 378. Augustine, C. Ep. Parm., 1.8.13-1.9.15 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 45 |
| 381. Anon., Liber Pontificalis, 39 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 134 |
| 398. Dorotheus of Gaza, Instructions, 1.11.1-1.11.5, 4.47, 4.47.10-4.47.12, 4.47.14-4.47.16, 4.48.16-4.48.17, 12.126, 17.177.11-17.177.12 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john •chrysostom, john, on vainglory and the raising of children Found in books: Champion (2022), Dorotheus of Gaza and Ascetic Education, 12, 13, 123, 124, 131, 132 |
| 402. Gregory of Nazianzus, Orations, 2.100, 15.1, 15.8, 32.13, 38.6, 38.9, 38.11, 38.13 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 179; Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 209; MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 30, 83 |
| 422. Anon., Tanchuma (Buber), None Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 92 |
| 424. Stobaeus, Eclogues, 1.136.21 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019), Monstrosity and Philosophy: Radical Otherness in Greek and Latin Culture, 178 |
| 425. Anon., History of The Monks In Egypt, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cain (2016), The Greek Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: Monastic Hagiography in the Late Fourth Century, 94, 100 |
| 426. Council of Elvira, Can., 54 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 164 |
| 427. Council of Laodicea [Between Ca.343-381], Can., 15, 21, 29, 36, 37, 39, 54, 56, 35-7, 53 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 37 |
| 439. Mark The Deacon, Life of Porphyrius, 48 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, arkadios and eudoxia and Found in books: Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 175 |
| 440. Ambrose, Obit. Theod., 4 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 46 |
| 441. John Chrysostom, Homiliae In Acta Apostolorum, 1.1 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 200 |
| 442. Anon., Kephalaia, 31.25 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 180 |
| 443. Eusebius, Greek Questions, 1.9-1.12, 4.2, 9.1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 71, 72, 76 |
| 444. Eusebius of Caesarea, Syriac Questions, 9.2, 11.4 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis •john chrysostom Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 71, 72 |
| 445. Anon., Catena Sinaitica, §100 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 63 |
| 446. Origen, Homilies On Romans, 1.7.6 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 72 |
| 447. Lactantius, Nativity of Mary, 1 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 74 |
| 448. Ps. Matthew, Sermons, 1 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 74 |
| 449. Jesubarnun, Code, 79, 5 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 177 |
| 450. Anon., Collectio Coisliniana, §100 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 63 |
| 451. Sulpicius Severus of Aquitania, Letters, 2.12 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 164 |
| 452. Pseudo-Ephrem, Sogyata, 5.4 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 88 |
| 453. Ivo of Chartres, Decretum Vi, 113 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 88 |
| 454. John Chrysostom, Against Remarriage, 138, 4 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 88 |
| 455. Ps. John Chrysostom, Opus Imperfectum In Matthaeum, 32.9 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 115 |
| 456. Gregory of Nyssa, In Christi Res., 1 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 112 |
| 458. Eusebius, Catena, 1277 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 107 |
| 459. Johannes Chrysostomus, In Johannem, 2.3, 2.5 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Joosse (2021), Olympiodorus of Alexandria: Exegete, Teacher, Platonic Philosopher, 236 |
| 460. Romanos, De Abraham, 5 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 107 |
| 461. Anon., Catenae, §1128 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 63 |
| 462. Horsiesius, Ep., 1 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 47 |
| 463. John Chrysostom, De Inani Gloria Et De Educandis Liberis, 1.1-1.5, 2.31, 2.33, 11.12 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hirsch-Luipold (2022), Plutarch and the New Testament in Their Religio-Philosophical Contexts, 225, 226 |
| 464. John Chrysostom, Homilies On Colossians, None Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Janowitz (2002b), Icons of Power: Ritual Practices in Late Antiquity, 15 |
| 465. Anon., Pesikta Rabbati, 40.6 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 117 |
| 466. Anon., Pesiqta De Rav Kahana, 15.2 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 134 |
| 467. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Sirmondian Constitutions, 4 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, anti-jewish writings of Found in books: Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 88 |
| 468. Socrates of Constantinople, Ecclesiastical History, 6.11.1-6.11.7, 6.11.11-6.11.21, 6.15.1-6.15.3, 6.18.4-6.18.5, 7.4 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, arkadios and eudoxia and •john chrysostom, anti-jewish writings of Found in books: Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 175, 176, 185 |
| 469. Theodoret of Cyrus, Quaestiones In Ruth, 1.1 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 154 |
| 470. Epigraphy, Seg, 39.1420 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, bishop Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 298 |
| 471. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, De Thucydide, 55 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 110 |
| 472. Epigraphy, Cij, 1449 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Goodman (2006), Judaism in the Roman World: Collected Essays, 227 |
| 473. Epigraphy, Cil, 2.5181, 6.16740, 11.720, 11.5265 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 200; Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 186 |
| 474. Aristophanes, Islands Pcg, 1.2-1.3 Tagged with subjects: •fast days, public, john chrysostom Found in books: Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 296 |
| 475. Anon., Panegyric On Macarius, 12 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, homily on st babylas Found in books: König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 196 |
| 476. Besa, Frag., 1.17 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 48 |
| 477. New Testament, 2 Chr., 11.1, 11.6 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 47 |
| 478. Anon., V. Mel., 1 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 47 |
| 479. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, De Demosthene, 32 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Roskovec and Hušek (2021), Interactions in Interpretation: The Pilgrimage of Meaning through Biblical Texts and Contexts, 110 |
| 480. Dionysius Periegetes, Little Iliad, 164-165, 167, 166 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 176, 529 |
| 481. Anon., Isaiah Targum, 33.7 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 126 |
| 482. Cyril of Alexandria, Paschal Homily, 5 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 69 |
| 485. Anon., Yalqut, 745 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, church father, homilies by on the judaizers Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 184 |
| 486. Strabo, Ap. Josephus, Ant., 14.115 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, church father, homilies by on the judaizers Found in books: Feldman (2006), Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered, 185 |
| 488. John Chysostom, Hom., 1.6 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Janowitz (2002), Magic in the Roman World: Pagans, Jews and Christians, 25 |
| 493. John Chrysostom, Homiliae In Epistulam I Ad Timotheum, '6 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 551 |
| 494. John Chrysostomos, Pg, 48.900, 50.617-50.628 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Schwartz (2008), 2 Maccabees, 89 |
| 495. Ambrose, On The Death of His Brother (Csel 73, Pp.207–325), 1.70-1.71, 2.11 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john, church father Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 394 |
| 497. John Chrysostom, Pseudo‐Augustine, De Consolatione Mortuorum, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 394 |
| 498. Paulinus of Nola, Epithalamium Carmen, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 394 |
| 499. John Chrysostom, Homiliae In Epistulam Ad Titum, '4 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 563 |
| 500. Succensus, Catena, 1250 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 94 |
| 501. Augustine Civdei, Serm., 20.3-20.4 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Janowitz (2002), Magic in the Roman World: Pagans, Jews and Christians, 10 |
| 503. Pseudo-Gregory of Nyssa, In Abraham, 66 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 72, 111 |
| 504. Origen, In Cant., None Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 72 |
| 505. Cyril of Alexandria, Glaph. In Gen., 45 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 107, 112 |
| 507. Basil of Seleucia, Orat, 7 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 72 |
| 508. John Chrysostom, De Sac., 5 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 49 |
| 510. Augustine Civdei, Civ. Dei., 6.11 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Janowitz (2002), Magic in the Roman World: Pagans, Jews and Christians, 25 |
| 512. Eznik of Kolb, On God, 77 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: McGowan (1999), Ascetic Eucharists: Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals, 211 |
513. Septuagint, 4 Maccabees, 2.2-2.5, 2.17-2.20, 3.6-3.16, 6.17, 6.22, 7.11-7.12, 7.19, 9.21, 13.9, 13.12, 13.17, 14.20, 16.3, 16.20-16.21, 16.25, 17.6, 18.1, 18.11-18.13, 18.20, 18.23 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 122 | 2.2. It is for this reason, certainly, that the temperate Joseph is praised, because by mental effort he overcame sexual desire. 2.3. For when he was young and in his prime for intercourse, by his reason he nullified the frenzy of the passions. 2.4. Not only is reason proved to rule over the frenzied urge of sexual desire, but also over every desire. 2.5. Thus the law says, "You shall not covet your neighbor's wife...or anything that is your neighbor's." 2.17. When Moses was angry with Dathan and Abiram he did nothing against them in anger, but controlled his anger by reason. 2.18. For, as I have said, the temperate mind is able to get the better of the emotions, to correct some, and to render others powerless. 2.19. Why else did Jacob, our most wise father, censure the households of Simeon and Levi for their irrational slaughter of the entire tribe of the Shechemites, saying, "Cursed be their anger"? 2.20. For if reason could not control anger, he would not have spoken thus. 3.6. Now this can be explained more clearly by the story of King David's thirst. 3.7. David had been attacking the Philistines all day long, and together with the soldiers of his nation had slain many of them. 3.8. Then when evening fell, he came, sweating and quite exhausted, to the royal tent, around which the whole army of our ancestors had encamped. 3.9. Now all the rest were at supper, 3.10. but the king was extremely thirsty, and although springs were plentiful there, he could not satisfy his thirst from them. 3.11. But a certain irrational desire for the water in the enemy's territory tormented and inflamed him, undid and consumed him. 3.12. When his guards complained bitterly because of the king's craving, two staunch young soldiers, respecting the king's desire, armed themselves fully, and taking a pitcher climbed over the enemy's ramparts. 3.13. Eluding the sentinels at the gates, they went searching throughout the enemy camp 3.14. and found the spring, and from it boldly brought the king a drink. 3.15. But David, although he was burning with thirst, considered it an altogether fearful danger to his soul to drink what was regarded as equivalent to blood. 3.16. Therefore, opposing reason to desire, he poured out the drink as an offering to God. 6.17. May we, the children of Abraham, never think so basely that out of cowardice we feign a role unbecoming to us! 6.22. Therefore, O children of Abraham, die nobly for your religion! 7.11. For just as our father Aaron, armed with the censer, ran through the multitude of the people and conquered the fiery angel, 7.12. o the descendant of Aaron, Eleazar, though being consumed by the fire, remained unmoved in his reason. 7.19. ince they believe that they, like our patriarchs Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, do not die to God, but live in God. 9.21. Although the ligaments joining his bones were already severed, the courageous youth, worthy of Abraham, did not groan, 13.9. Brothers, let us die like brothers for the sake of the law; let us imitate the three youths in Assyria who despised the same ordeal of the furnace. 13.12. and another reminded them, "Remember whence you came, and the father by whose hand Isaac would have submitted to being slain for the sake of religion." 13.17. For if we so die, Abraham and Isaac and Jacob will welcome us, and all the fathers will praise us." 14.20. But sympathy for her children did not sway the mother of the young men; she was of the same mind as Abraham. 16.3. The lions surrounding Daniel were not so savage, nor was the raging fiery furnace of Mishael so intensely hot, as was her innate parental love, inflamed as she saw her seven sons tortured in such varied ways. 16.20. For his sake also our father Abraham was zealous to sacrifice his son Isaac, the ancestor of our nation; and when Isaac saw his father's hand wielding a sword and descending upon him, he did not cower. 16.21. And Daniel the righteous was thrown to the lions, and Haiah, Azariah, and Mishael were hurled into the fiery furnace and endured it for the sake of God. 16.25. They knew also that those who die for the sake of God live in God, as do Abraham and Isaac and Jacob and all the patriarchs. 17.6. For your children were true descendants of father Abraham. 18.1. O Israelite children, offspring of the seed of Abraham, obey this law and exercise piety in every way, 18.11. He read to you about Abel slain by Cain, and Isaac who was offered as a burnt offering, and of Joseph in prison. 18.12. He told you of the zeal of Phineas, and he taught you about Haiah, Azariah, and Mishael in the fire. 18.13. He praised Daniel in the den of the lions and blessed him. 18.20. O bitter was that day -- and yet not bitter -- when that bitter tyrant of the Greeks quenched fire with fire in his cruel caldrons, and in his burning rage brought those seven sons of the daughter of Abraham to the catapult and back again to more tortures, 18.23. But the sons of Abraham with their victorious mother are gathered together into the chorus of the fathers, and have received pure and immortal souls from God, |
|
| 514. Anon., Rwi Anemurion, 40 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, bishop Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 298 |
| 515. Anon., Reg. Ecc. Carth., 61 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, bishop Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 298 |
| 517. Augustine, Erfurt Sermon, 4.6 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, bishop Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 320 |
| 519. Gregory of Nazianzos, Lament On The Passions of His Soul, None Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 311 |
| 520. Ambrose, Iob, 2.1.5 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 183 |
| 521. Dio Chrysostom, Discourses, 52, 59 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jouanna (2018), Sophocles: A Study of His Theater in Its Political and Social Context, 529 |
| 522. Athansius, Life of St. Anthony, 10, 9 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Luck (2006), Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts, 465 |
| 523. John Chrysostom, Homilies, 7 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •john chrysostom, adversus judaeos sermons of •john chrysostom, and christ, correspondence between •john chrysostom, as teacher •john chrysostom, character of •john chrysostom, dating sermons of •john chrysostom, exegetical goals of •john chrysostom, historical context of •john chrysostom, perceived as anti-jewish •john chrysostom, relating to contemporary jews •john chrysostom, rhetoric of •john chrysostom, theatrical elements in Found in books: Azar (2016), Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews", 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 148, 204 |
| 524. John Chrysostom, Homilies On The Statues, 2.5 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 357, 360 |
| 525. Gregory of Nazianzus Orations, Carm. Theol., 2.33.113-2.33.116 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 360 |
| 526. Hesychius of Jerusalem, Hom., 9 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Mendez (2022), The Cult of Stephen in Jerusalem: Inventing a Patron Martyr, 70, 71 |
| 527. Ps.-Zacharias Rhetor, Ecclesiastical History, 1.2-1.8 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 52 |
| 528. Cyril of Scythopolis, Life of John The Hesychast, 4 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 52 |
| 529. Theodore Lector, Epitome, 483 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 54 |
| 530. John Chrysostom, Homilies On, 146 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •john chrysostom, adversus judaeos sermons of •john chrysostom, passion homilies of •john chrysostom, audience of •john chrysostom, relating to contemporary jews Found in books: Azar (2016), Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews", 146, 151 |
| 531. Anon., Canones Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, None Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 52 |
| 532. Justinian, Codex Theodosianus, 11.2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 52 |
| 533. John Chrysstom, In Psalm., 41, 1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 223 |
| 534. John Chrysstom, Homilia Dicta Postquam Reliquiae Martyrum, 2.1 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 339 |
535. Babylonian Talmud, Avodah Zarah, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kalmin (1998), The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity, 69| 27b. סבר שיולי משאיל לו כי היכי דמשאיל לו משאיל לאיניש אחרינא ואתא ההוא גברא לאורועי נפשיה,אמר רבא א"ר יוחנן ואמרי לה אמר רב חסדא אמר ר' יוחנן ספק חי ספק מת אין מתרפאין מהן ודאי מת מתרפאין מהן,מת האיכא חיי שעה לחיי שעה לא חיישינן,ומנא תימרא דלחיי שעה לא חיישינן דכתיב (מלכים ב ז, ד) אם אמרנו נבוא העיר והרעב בעיר ומתנו שם והאיכא חיי שעה אלא לאו לחיי שעה לא חיישינן,מיתיבי לא ישא ויתן אדם עם המינין ואין מתרפאין מהן אפילו לחיי שעה,מעשה בבן דמא בן אחותו של ר' ישמעאל שהכישו נחש ובא יעקב איש כפר סכניא לרפאותו ולא הניחו ר' ישמעאל וא"ל ר' ישמעאל אחי הנח לו וארפא ממנו ואני אביא מקרא מן התורה שהוא מותר ולא הספיק לגמור את הדבר עד שיצתה נשמתו ומת,קרא עליו ר' ישמעאל אשריך בן דמא שגופך טהור ויצתה נשמתך בטהרה ולא עברת על דברי חביריך שהיו אומרים (קהלת י, ח) ופורץ גדר ישכנו נחש,שאני מינות דמשכא דאתי למימשך בתרייהו,אמר מר לא עברת על דברי חביריך שהיו אומרים ופורץ גדר ישכנו נחש איהו נמי חויא טרקיה חויא דרבנן דלית ליה אסותא כלל,ומאי ה"ל למימר (ויקרא יח, ה) וחי בהם ולא שימות בהם,ור' ישמעאל הני מילי בצינעא אבל בפרהסיא לא דתניא היה רבי ישמעאל אומר מנין שאם אומרים לו לאדם עבוד עבודת כוכבים ואל תהרג שיעבוד ואל יהרג ת"ל וחי בהם ולא שימות בהם יכול אפילו בפרהסיא ת"ל (ויקרא כב, לב) ולא תחללו את שם קדשי,אמר רבה בר בר חנה אמר רבי יוחנן כל מכה שמחללין עליה את השבת אין מתרפאין מהן ואיכא דאמרי אמר רבה בר בר חנה אמר ר"י כל | 27b. The Gemara explains the rationale for this leniency: The gentile b thinks /b to himself that the Jew b is asking him /b for his opinion, and b just as he is asking him, he /b will also b ask other people. And /b the gentile further reasons that if the Jew understands that the gentile provided him with bad advice, b that man, /b i.e., the gentile, b will bring harm to himself /b by damaging his own reputation. It is therefore assumed that the gentile will provide good advice in order to avoid sullying his reputation.,§ The Gemara analyzes a situation in which one may receive medical attention from gentiles. b Rava says /b that b Rabbi Yoḥa says, and some say /b that it was b Rav Ḥisda /b who b says /b that b Rabbi Yoḥa says: /b If there is b uncertainty /b as to whether a patient will b live /b through his ailment b or die /b from it, the patient b may not be treated by /b gentile doctors, due to the concern that a gentile doctor may kill him. But if it is b certain /b that he will b die /b from his affliction if he does not receive medical attention, the patient b is treated by them, /b as it is possible that a gentile physician will save him.,The Gemara challenges: Even if it is certain that the patient will b die /b if he is not treated, b nevertheless, there is /b value in b temporal life, /b i.e., it is preferable for the Jew to live as long as his ailment permits rather than risking a premature death at the hands of a gentile physician. The Gemara explains: b We are not concerned with /b the value of b temporal life /b when there is a possibility of permanent recovery, and therefore it is preferable to receive medical attention from a gentile despite the risk involved.,The Gemara asks: b And from where do you say that we are not concerned with /b the value of b temporal life? As it is written /b with regard to the discussion held by four lepers left outside a besieged city: b “If we say: We will enter into the city, then the famine is in the city, and we shall die there; /b and if we sit still here, we also die. Now therefore come, and let us fall unto the host of the Arameans; if they save us alive, we shall live; and if they kill us, we shall but die” (II Kings 7:4). The starving lepers decided to risk premature death rather than waiting to die of starvation. The Gemara asks rhetorically: b But isn’t there temporal life /b to be lost, in which case it would be preferable for the lepers to remain in their current location? b Rather, is it not /b apparent that b we are not concerned with /b the value of b temporal life? /b ,The Gemara b raises an objection /b from a i baraita /i : b A person may not engage in dealings with heretics, and one may not be treated by them even in /b a case where it is clear that without medical attention one will experience only b temporal life. /b ,The i baraita /i relates an incident illustrating this point. There was b an incident involving ben Dama, son of Rabbi Yishmael’s sister, /b in b which a snake bit him. And /b following the attack, b Ya’akov of the village of Sekhanya, /b who was a heretic, a disciple of Jesus the Nazarene, b came to treat him, but Rabbi Yishmael did not let him /b do so. b And /b ben Dama b said to him: Rabbi Yishmael, my brother, let him /b treat me, b and I will be healed by him. And I will cite a verse from the Torah /b to prove b that /b accepting medical treatment from a heretic b is permitted /b in this situation. b But /b ben Dama b did not manage to complete the statement before his soul departed /b from his body b and he died. /b , b Rabbi Yishmael recited with regard to him: Fortunate are you, ben Dama, as your body is pure and your soul departed in purity, and you did not transgress the statement of your colleagues, who would state /b the verse: b “And who breaks through a fence, a snake shall bite him” /b (Ecclesiastes 10:8), i.e., one is punished for ignoring an ordice of the Sages. This incident indicates that it is not permitted for one to accept medical treatment from a heretic even if it is clear that without it he will live only a short while.,The Gemara explains: b Heresy is different, as it is enticing. /b In other words, it is prohibited to accept medical treatment from a heretic, b as one might come to be drawn after /b his heresy. By contrast, receiving medical attention from a gentile is permitted if it is certain that one will die if he is not treated., b The Master said /b above: b You did not transgress the statement of your colleagues, who would state /b the verse: b “And who breaks through a fence, a snake shall bite him.” /b The Gemara asks: But ben Dama b was also bitten by a snake, /b even before this declaration of Rabbi Yishmael, so how can he be considered fortunate? The Gemara explains: b The snake /b mentioned in the curse b of the Sages /b is different, b as it has no remedy whatsoever. /b Although ben Dama was bitten by a snake, he could have been healed.,The Gemara asks: b And what would /b ben Dama b have said? /b What verse did he intend to cite as proof that it was permitted for him to be healed by a heretic? The verse: “You shall therefore keep My statutes, and My ordices, which if a man do, b he shall live by them” /b (Leviticus 18:5). This teaches that one should live by God’s mitzvot, b and not that he /b should b die by them. /b This verse serves as a source for the i halakha /i that one may violate a prohibition in order to save a life., b And /b why does b Rabbi Yishmael /b disagree with ben Dama? He maintains that b this matter /b applies only b in private, but in public /b one b may not /b transgress a prohibition even to save a life. b As it is taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi Yishmael would say: From where /b is it derived b that if /b oppressors b say to a person: Worship an idol and you /b will b not be killed, that one should worship /b the idol b and not be killed? The verse states: “He shall live by them,” and not that he should die by them. /b One b might /b have thought that this applies b even in public. /b Therefore, b the verse states: “And you shall not profane My holy name” /b (Leviticus 22:32).,§ The Gemara examines various circumstances in which one is permitted to receive treatment from a gentile. b Rabba bar bar Ḥana says /b that b Rabbi Yoḥa says: /b With regard to b any injury for which Shabbat is desecrated, one may not be treated by /b gentiles. b And there are /b those b who say /b that b Rabba bar bar Ḥana says /b that b Rabbi Yoḥa says: /b With regard to b any /b |
|
| 536. John Chrysstom, In Illud. Forn., 2 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 214 |
| 537. John Chrysstom, Homilia Post Terra Motum (Pg, 50.715.21-2) Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 237 |
| 538. Athanasius, Orat. I Contr. Ar., 4.2 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 237 |
| 539. Justinian, Notitia Urbis Constantinopolitanae, 233, 235, 237, 240-242, 231 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 143 |
| 540. John Chrysstomin Illud, In Illud Vidi Dominum, 1.2 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 337 |
| 541. John Chrysostom, Homilies On Galatians, 2 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •john chrysostom, adversus judaeos sermons of Found in books: Azar (2016), Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews", 146 |
| 542. John Chrysostom, First Epistle To Innocent, 3 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •john chrysostom, adversus judaeos sermons of •john chrysostom, relating to contemporary jews •john chrysostom, rhetoric of Found in books: Azar (2016), Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews", 148 |
| 543. Pseudo-Chrysostom, De Occursu Domini, De Deipara Et Symeone, None Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Corrigan and Rasimus (2013), Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 587 |
| 544. Origen, Psalmus Cxli (Catena Fragment), None Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Corrigan and Rasimus (2013), Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 587 |
| 545. Anon., Apocalypse of David, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Brooten (1982), Women Leaders in the Ancient Synagogue, 146 |
| 546. Jesubocht, Code, 3.4, 3.6 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 115, 177 |
| 547. Asterius, Homilies, 3.8 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 75 |
| 548. Ps-Chrysostom, Hom. 1 Cor., 20.3 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Doble and Kloha (2014), Texts and Traditions: Essays in Honour of J. Keith Elliott, 293 |
| 549. Ps-Basil, Adv. Eun., 5, 4 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Doble and Kloha (2014), Texts and Traditions: Essays in Honour of J. Keith Elliott, 293 |
| 550. John Chrysostom, On The Incomprehensible Nature of God, 2.1-2.3 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •john chrysostom, adversus judaeos sermons of •john chrysostom, as teacher •john chrysostom, exegetical goals of •john chrysostom, perceived as anti-jewish •john chrysostom, rhetoric of Found in books: Azar (2016), Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews", 104, 146 |
| 551. Anon., Prot. Jas., 12, 11 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Doble and Kloha (2014), Texts and Traditions: Essays in Honour of J. Keith Elliott, 321 |
| 552. Gregory of Nazianzus, Or., 31.1, 31.3, 42.3 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Doble and Kloha (2014), Texts and Traditions: Essays in Honour of J. Keith Elliott, 293; Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 163 |
| 553. New Testament, '2Thess, 2.8 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Doble and Kloha (2014), Texts and Traditions: Essays in Honour of J. Keith Elliott, 266 |
| 555. Hermogenes, De Inventione, 2.5.5-2.5.10 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Gray (2021), Gregory of Nyssa as Biographer: Weaving Lives for Virtuous Readers, 59 |
| 556. Menander Rhetor, On Epideictic Speeches, 2.371.27-2.371.30 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Gray (2021), Gregory of Nyssa as Biographer: Weaving Lives for Virtuous Readers, 72 |
| 557. Gregory of Nyssa, Vita Gregorii Thaumaturgi, 10-22, 28-34, 5-9, 4 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gray (2021), Gregory of Nyssa as Biographer: Weaving Lives for Virtuous Readers, 59 |
| 558. New Testament, 1 Corinthians 108, 108, 110,, 9.22 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom •john chrysostom, and christ, correspondence between •john chrysostom, audience of •john chrysostom, sunkatabasis of •john chrysostom, theatrical elements in •sunkatabasis, of john chrysostom Found in books: Azar (2016), Exegeting the Jews: the early reception of the Johannine "Jews", 118 |
| 559. Ambrose, Fid., 2.16.139-2.16.140 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 131 |
| 560. Nt, Galatians, 5.19-5.21 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Luck (2006), Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts, 459 |
| 561. Basil, Hom. 14 In Ebriosis, 1.25-1.28 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 337, 338 |
| 562. Basil of Caesarea, Long Rules, 15 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Amsler (2023), Knowledge Construction in Late Antiquity, 225 |
| 563. Pseudo-Cyprian, To Bishop Vigilius (On Jewish Unbelief), 8 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 92 |
| 564. Ambrose, Exposition On Psalm, 21.12 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 92 |
| 565. John Chrysostom, Expositions On The Psalms, 46 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 150 |
| 566. John Chrysostom, Discourses On Lazarus, 6.7 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 150 |
| 567. John Chrysostom, Homilies, 10.8, 12.10 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 149 |
| 568. John Chrysostom, Homily, 1 Tagged with subjects: •against the jews ( john chrysostom) •apostolic constitutions ( john chrysostom) •john chrysostom Found in books: Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022), Judaism from Moses to Muhammad: An Interpretation: Turning Points and Focal Points, 248 |
| 569. Melito of Sardis, On Pascha, 59, 57 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kessler (2004), Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, 109 |
| 570. Hippolytus, On Daniel, 2.21, 2.35 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 179 |
| 571. Anon., Apocalypse of Peter, 11.7 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 88 |
| 572. John Chrysostom, Hom., 8.5 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 305 |
| 573. Ambrose of Milan, Ep. Extra Collectionem, 9 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019), Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream, 160 |
| 574. Council of Nicaea (325), Can., 5 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019), Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream, 148 |
| 575. Council of Constantinople (381), Can., 4, 3 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019), Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream, 148, 157, 159 |
| 576. Socr., H.E., 5.8.15 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019), Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream, 160 |
| 577. Soz., H.E., 7.9.6, 8.6.1-8.6.9 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019), Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream, 159, 160 |
| 578. Augustine, Ser. Dolbeau, 25 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: O'Daly (2020), Augustine's City of God: A Reader's Guide (2nd edn), 7 |
| 580. Epigraphy, Ig Ii², 7.2712 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 214, 223, 237 |
| 581. John Chrysostom, Homilies On The Holy Maccabees, 1-2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 179 |
| 582. Gregory of Nazianzus, Or., 43.44 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 422 |
| 583. Phot., Bibl., 223 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 139 |
| 584. Thdt., H.E., 5.8, 5.21.1, 5.40.1 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 138, 143 |
| 585. Soz., H.E., 6.17.1, 7.7.49, 7.15, 8.2 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 138, 139, 143, 161 |
| 586. Socr., H.E., 5.8.18, 6.3.6-6.3.7 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 138, 139 |
| 587. Bas., Ep., 336.1 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 138 |
| 588. George of Alexandria, Life of John Chrysostom, 4.1-4.9, 4.12, 4.15, 4.19, 4.22, 4.24-4.26, 4.31, 4.39-4.41, 4.53-4.55, 4.57-4.59, 4.91-4.93, 4.98, 4.102, 4.113-4.115, 4.123-4.129, 4.135-4.163, 4.184-4.192, 4.201-4.202, 4.219, 4.238, 4.313-4.319, 4.335-4.341 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 139, 140, 141 |
| 589. Anon., Ascension of Isaiah, 11.2 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom, biblical exegesis Found in books: Monnickendam (2020), Jewish Law and Early Christian Identity: Betrothal, Marriage, and Infidelity in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian, 74 |
| 590. Hebrew Bible, 2 Kings, 3.1 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 404 |
| 591. Theodore of Mopsuestia, Hom. Cat., 12-13 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 100 |
| 592. Cyril of Jerusalem, De Rebapt., 1.6.7 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 89 |
| 593. John Chrysostom, Hom., 36.8 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 421 |
| 594. Theodore of Mopsuestia, Hom. Bapt. Euch., 6 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 422 |
| 595. Basil of Caesarea, Frag., 325 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 422 |
| 596. Gallican Council of Narbonne, Canons, 13 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 429 |
| 597. Cyril of Jerusalem, Procats., 3.4, 10.16, 16.4.19, 18.33 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 98 |
| 598. John Chrysostom, Orig., 34 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 404, 422, 429 |
| 599. Cyril of Jerusalem, Myst. Catech., 2.4 Tagged with subjects: •john chrysostom Found in books: Berglund Crostini and Kelhoffer (2022), Why We Sing: Music, Word, and Liturgy in Early Christianity, 98 |
| 600. Pseudo-Tertullian, To His Wife, 2.6.1-2.6.2 Tagged with subjects: •chrysostom, john Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 237 |
