1. Pindar, Dithyrambi (Poxy. 1604.), None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •chorus, khoros, and socialization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 6 |
2. Aeschylus, Suppliant Women, 290-291, 293-301, 292 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 280, 281 292. Ἰὼ γενέσθαι τῇ δʼ ἐν Ἀργείᾳ χθονί; Βασιλεύς | |
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3. Bacchylides, Fragmenta Ex Operibus Incertis, 11.40-11.123 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283 |
4. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 5 803d. ΚΛ. πῶς; ΑΘ. νῦν μέν που τὰς σπουδὰς οἴονται δεῖν ἕνεκα τῶν παιδιῶν γίγνεσθαι· τὰ γὰρ περὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἡγοῦνται σπουδαῖα ὄντα τῆς εἰρήνης ἕνεκα δεῖν εὖ τίθεσθαι. τὸ δʼ ἦν ἐν πολέμῳ μὲν ἄρα οὔτʼ οὖν παιδιὰ πεφυκυῖα οὔτʼ αὖ παιδεία ποτὲ ἡμῖν ἀξιόλογος, οὔτε οὖσα οὔτʼ ἐσομένη, ὃ δή φαμεν ἡμῖν γε εἶναι σπουδαιότατον· δεῖ δὴ τὸν κατʼ εἰρήνην βίον ἕκαστον πλεῖστόν τε καὶ ἄριστον διεξελθεῖν. τίς οὖν | 803d. Clin. How so? Ath. Now they imagine that serious work should be done for the sake of play; for they think that it is for the sake of peace that the serious work of war needs to be well conducted. But as a matter of fact we, it would seem, do not find in war, either as existing or likely to exist, either real play or education worthy of the name, which is what we assert to be in our eyes the most serious thing. It is the life of peace that everyone should live as much and as well as he can. What then is the right way? We should live out our lives playing |
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5. Plato, Ion, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •chorus, khoros, and socialization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 6 534d. τοῖς χρησμῳδοῖς καὶ τοῖς μάντεσι τοῖς θείοις, ἵνα ἡμεῖς οἱ ἀκούοντες εἰδῶμεν ὅτι οὐχ οὗτοί εἰσιν οἱ ταῦτα λέγοντες οὕτω πολλοῦ ἄξια, οἷς νοῦς μὴ πάρεστιν, ἀλλʼ ὁ θεὸς αὐτός ἐστιν ὁ λέγων, διὰ τούτων δὲ φθέγγεται πρὸς ἡμᾶς. μέγιστον δὲ τεκμήριον τῷ λόγῳ Τύννιχος ὁ Χαλκιδεύς, ὃς ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν πώποτε ἐποίησε ποίημα ὅτου τις ἂν ἀξιώσειεν μνησθῆναι, τὸν δὲ παίωνα ὃν πάντες ᾁδουσι, σχεδόν τι πάντων μελῶν κάλλιστον, ἀτεχνῶς, ὅπερ αὐτὸς λέγει, | 534d. in order that we who hear them may know that it is not they who utter these words of great price, when they are out of their wits, but that it is God himself who speaks and addresses us through them. A convincing proof of what I say is the case of Tynnichus, the Chalcidian, who had never composed a single poem in his life that could deserve any mention, and then produced the paean which is in everyone’s mouth, almost the finest song we have, simply—as he says himself— an invention of the Muses. For the god, as it seems to me, |
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6. Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 638-642, 697-700, 85-89, 696 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 281 696. οὐ γὰρ ὑμῶν φροντίσαιμ' ἄν, ἢν ἐμοὶ ζῇ Λαμπιτὼ | |
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7. Aristophanes, Wasps, 118 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •chorus, khoros, and socialization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 282 118. εἶτ' αὐτὸν ἀπέλου κἀκάθαιρ', ὁ δ' οὐ μάλα. | |
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8. Euripides, Electra, 173-174, 178-180 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 281 180. εἱλικτὸν κρούσω πόδ' ἐμόν. | |
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9. Phylarchus of Athens, Fragments, 63 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •chorus, khoros, and socialization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 282 |
10. Polybius, Histories, 4.18.9-4.18.11, 4.20-4.21, 4.20.8, 4.21.3-4.21.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •chorus, khoros, and socialization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 4, 5, 290 4.18.9. τοῦτον δὲ τὸν τρόπον λωβησάμενοι τοὺς Κυναιθεῖς ἀνεστρατοπέδευσαν, ἀπολιπόντες φυλακὴν τῶν τειχῶν, καὶ προῆγον ὡς ἐπὶ Λούσων· 4.18.10. καὶ παραγενόμενοι πρὸς τὸ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερόν, ὃ κεῖται μὲν μεταξὺ Κλείτορος καὶ Κυναίθης, ἄσυλον δὲ νενόμισται παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἀνετείνοντο διαρπάσειν τὰ θρέμματα τῆς θεοῦ καὶ τἄλλα τὰ περὶ τὸν ναόν. 4.18.11. οἱ δὲ Λουσιᾶται νουνεχῶς δόντες τινὰ τῶν κατασκευασμάτων τῆς θεοῦ, παρῃτήσαντο τὴν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἀσέβειαν τοῦ μηδὲν παθεῖν ἀνήκεστον. 4.20.8. ταῦτα γὰρ πᾶσίν ἐστι γνώριμα καὶ συνήθη, διότι σχεδὸν παρὰ μόνοις Ἀρκάσι πρῶτον μὲν οἱ παῖδες ἐκ νηπίων ᾄδειν ἐθίζονται κατὰ νόμους τοὺς ὕμνους καὶ παιᾶνας, οἷς ἕκαστοι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους ἥρωας καὶ θεοὺς ὑμνοῦσι· 4.21.3. βουλόμενοι δὲ μαλάττειν καὶ κιρνᾶν τὸ τῆς φύσεως αὔθαδες καὶ σκληρόν, τά τε προειρημένα πάντα παρεισήγαγον, καὶ πρὸς τούτοις συνόδους κοινὰς καὶ θυσίας πλείστας ὁμοίως ἀνδράσι καὶ γυναιξὶ κατείθισαν, ἔτι δὲ χοροὺς παρθένων ὁμοῦ καὶ παίδων, 4.21.4. καὶ συλλήβδην πᾶν ἐμηχανήσαντο, σπεύδοντες τὸ τῆς ψυχῆς ἀτέραμνον διὰ τῆς τῶν ἐθισμῶν κατασκευῆς ἐξημεροῦν καὶ πραΰνειν. | 4.18.9. After this cruel treatment of the Cynaetheans, they took their departure, leaving a garrison to guard the walls and advanced towards Lusi. 4.18.10. On arriving at the temple of Artemis which lies between Cleitor and Cynaetha, and is regarded as inviolable by the Greeks, they threatened to lift the cattle of the goddess and plunder the other property about the temple. 4.18.11. But the people of Lusi very wisely induced them to refrain from their impious purpose and commit no serious outrage by giving them some of the sacred furniture. 4.20. 1. Since the Arcadian nation on the whole has a very high reputation for virtue among the Greeks, due not only to their humane and hospitable character and usages, but especially to their piety to the gods,,2. it is worth while to give a moment's consideration to the question of the savagery of the Cynaetheans, and ask ourselves why, though unquestionably of Arcadian stock, they so far surpassed all other Greeks at this period in cruelty and wickedness.,3. I think the reason was that they were the first and indeed only people in Arcadia to abandon an admirable institution, introduced by their forefathers with a nice regard for the natural conditions under which all the inhabitants of that country live.,4. For the practice of music, I mean real music, is beneficial to all men, but to Arcadians it is a necessity.,5. For we must not suppose, as Ephorus, in the Preface to his History, making a hasty assertion quite unworthy of him, says, that music was introduced by men for the purpose of deception and delusion;,6. we should not think that the ancient Cretans and Lacedaemonians acted at haphazard in substituting the flute and rhythmic movement for the bugle in war, or that the early Arcadians had no good reason for incorporating music in their whole public life to such an extent that not only boys, but young men up to the age of thirty were compelled to study it constantly, although in other matters their lives were most austere.,8. For it is a well-known fact, familiar to all, that it is hardly known except in Arcadia, that in the first place the boys from their earliest childhood are trained to sing in measure the hymns and paeans in which by traditional usage they celebrated the heroes and gods of each particular place: later they learn the measures of Philoxenus and Timotheus, and every year in the theatre they compete keenly in choral singing to the accompaniment of professional flute-players, the boys in the contest proper to them and the young men in what is called the men's contest.,10. And not only this, but through their whole life they entertain themselves at banquets not by listening to hired musicians but by their own efforts, calling for a song from each in turn.,11. Whereas they are not ashamed of denying acquaintance with other studies, in the case of singing it is neither possible for them to deny knowledge of it because they all are compelled to learn it, nor, if they confess to such knowledge can they excuse themselves, so great a disgrace is this considered in that country.,12. Besides this the young men practise military parades to the music of the flute and perfect themselves in dances and give annual performances in the theatres, all under state supervision and at the public expense. 4.20.8. For it is a well-known fact, familiar to all, that it is hardly known except in Arcadia, that in the first place the boys from their earliest childhood are trained to sing in measure the hymns and paeans in which by traditional usage they celebrated the heroes and gods of each particular place: later they learn the measures of Philoxenus and Timotheus, and every year in the theatre they compete keenly in choral singing to the accompaniment of professional flute-players, the boys in the contest proper to them and the young men in what is called the men's contest. 4.21. 1. Now all these practices I believe to have been introduced by the men of old time, not as luxuries and superfluities but because they had before their eyes the universal practice of personal manual labour in Arcadia, and in general the toilsomeness and hardship of the men's lives, as well as the harshness of character resulting from the cold and gloomy atmospheric conditions usually prevailing in these parts â conditions to which all men by their very nature must perforce assimilate themselves;,2. there being no other cause than this why separate nations and peoples dwelling widely apart differ so much from each other in character, feature, and colour as well as in the most of their pursuits.,3. The primitive Arcadians, therefore, with the view of softening and tempering the stubbornness and harshness of nature, introduced all the practices I mentioned, and in addition accustomed the people, both men and women, to frequent festivals and general sacrifices, and dances of young men and maidens, and in fact resorted to every contrivance to render more gentle and mild, by the influence of the customs they instituted, the extreme hardness of the natural character. The Cynaetheans, by entirely neglecting these institutions, though in special need of such influences, as their country is the most rugged and their climate the most inclement in Arcadia, and by devoting themselves exclusively to their local affairs and political rivalries, finally became so savage that in no city of Greece were greater and more constant crimes committed. As an indication of the deplorable condition of the Cynaetheans in this respect and the detestation of the other Arcadians for such practices I may mention the following: at the time when, after the great massacre, the Cynaetheans sent an embassy to Sparta, the other Arcadian cities which they entered on their journey gave them instant notice to depart by cry of herald,,9. but the Mantineans after their departure even made a solemn purification by offering piacular sacrifices and carrying them round their city and all their territory.,10. I have said so much on this subject firstly in order that the character of the Arcadian nation should not suffer for the crimes of one city, secondly to deter any other Arcadians from beginning to neglect music under the impression that its extensive practice in Arcadia serves no necessary purpose. I also spoke for the sake of the Cynaetheans themselves, in order that, if Heaven ever grant them better fortune, they may humanize themselves by turning their attention to education and especially to music; for by no other means can they hope to free themselves from that savagery which overtook them at this time.,12. Having now said all that occurred to me on the subject of this people I return to the point whence I digressed. 4.21.3. The primitive Arcadians, therefore, with the view of softening and tempering the stubbornness and harshness of nature, introduced all the practices I mentioned, and in addition accustomed the people, both men and women, to frequent festivals and general sacrifices, and dances of young men and maidens, and in fact resorted to every contrivance to render more gentle and mild, by the influence of the customs they instituted, the extreme hardness of the natural character. The Cynaetheans, by entirely neglecting these institutions, though in special need of such influences, as their country is the most rugged and their climate the most inclement in Arcadia, and by devoting themselves exclusively to their local affairs and political rivalries, finally became so savage that in no city of Greece were greater and more constant crimes committed. As an indication of the deplorable condition of the Cynaetheans in this respect and the detestation of the other Arcadians for such practices I may mention the following: at the time when, after the great massacre, the Cynaetheans sent an embassy to Sparta, the other Arcadian cities which they entered on their journey gave them instant notice to depart by cry of herald, |
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11. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 8.3.21 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •chorus, khoros, and socialization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 282 |
12. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 15.322-15.328 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chorus, khoros, and socialization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 282 15.322. Clitorio quicumque sitim de fonte levavit, 15.323. vina fugit gaudetque meris abstemius undis, 15.324. seu vis est in aqua calido contraria vino, 15.325. sive, quod indigenae memorant, Amythaone natus, 15.326. Proetidas attonitas postquam per carmen et herbas 15.327. eripuit furiis, purgamina mentis in illas 15.328. misit aquas odiumque meri permansit in undis. | |
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13. Ovid, Amores, 3.27 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chorus, khoros, and socialization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 281 |
14. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 31.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chorus, khoros, and socialization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 282 |
15. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 2.2.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chorus, khoros, and socialization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 278 2.2.2. καὶ γίνεται Ἀκρισίῳ μὲν ἐξ Εὐρυδίκης τῆς Λακεδαίμονος Δανάη, Προίτῳ δὲ ἐκ Σθενεβοίας Λυσίππη καὶ Ἰφινόη καὶ Ἰφιάνασσα. αὗται δὲ ὡς ἐτελειώθησαν, ἐμάνησαν, ὡς μὲν Ἡσίοδός φησιν, ὅτι τὰς Διονύσου τελετὰς οὐ κατεδέχοντο, ὡς δὲ Ἀκουσίλαος λέγει, διότι τὸ τῆς Ἥρας ξόανον ἐξηυτέλισαν. γενόμεναι δὲ ἐμμανεῖς ἐπλανῶντο ἀνὰ τὴν Ἀργείαν ἅπασαν, αὖθις δὲ τὴν Ἀρκαδίαν καὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον 1 -- διελθοῦσαι μετʼ ἀκοσμίας ἁπάσης διὰ τῆς ἐρημίας ἐτρόχαζον. Μελάμπους δὲ ὁ Ἀμυθάονος καὶ Εἰδομένης τῆς Ἄβαντος, μάντις ὢν καὶ τὴν διὰ φαρμάκων καὶ καθαρμῶν θεραπείαν πρῶτος εὑρηκώς, ὑπισχνεῖται θεραπεύειν τὰς παρθένους, εἰ λάβοι τὸ τρίτον μέρος τῆς δυναστείας. οὐκ ἐπιτρέποντος δὲ Προίτου θεραπεύειν ἐπὶ μισθοῖς τηλικούτοις, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐμαίνοντο αἱ παρθένοι καὶ προσέτι μετὰ τούτων αἱ λοιπαὶ γυναῖκες· καὶ γὰρ αὗται τὰς οἰκίας ἀπολιποῦσαι τοὺς ἰδίους ἀπώλλυον παῖδας καὶ εἰς τὴν ἐρημίαν ἐφοίτων. προβαινούσης δὲ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τῆς συμφορᾶς, τοὺς αἰτηθέντας μισθοὺς ὁ Προῖτος ἐδίδου. ὁ δὲ ὑπέσχετο θεραπεύειν ὅταν ἕτερον τοσοῦτον τῆς γῆς ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ λάβῃ Βίας. Προῖτος δὲ εὐλαβηθεὶς μὴ βραδυνούσης τῆς θεραπείας αἰτηθείη καὶ πλεῖον, θεραπεύειν συνεχώρησεν ἐπὶ τούτοις. Μελάμπους δὲ παραλαβὼν τοὺς δυνατωτάτους τῶν νεανιῶν μετʼ ἀλαλαγμοῦ καί τινος ἐνθέου χορείας ἐκ τῶν ὀρῶν αὐτὰς εἰς Σικυῶνα συνεδίωξε. κατὰ δὲ τὸν διωγμὸν ἡ πρεσβυτάτη τῶν θυγατέρων Ἰφινόη μετήλλαξεν· ταῖς δὲ λοιπαῖς τυχούσαις καθαρμῶν σωφρονῆσαι συνέβη. καὶ ταύτας μὲν ἐξέδοτο Προῖτος Μελάμποδι καὶ Βίαντι, παῖδα δʼ ὕστερον ἐγέννησε Μεγαπένθην. | |
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16. Plutarch, De Fluviis, 21.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chorus, khoros, and socialization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 282 21.4. 4. Παράκειται δὲ αὐτῷ ὄρος Τεύθρας καλούμενον ἀπὸ Τεύθραντος, τοῦ Μυσῶν βασιλέως, ὃς κυνηγεσίας χάριν εἰς Θράσυλλον ὄρος ἀναβὰς καὶ θεασάμενος ὑπερμεγέθη κάπρον, ἐδίωκεν αὐτὸν μετὰ τῶν δορυφόρων· ὁ δὲ φθάσας κατέφυγεν ὡς ἱκέτης εἰς τὸ τῆς Ὀρθωσίας Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερόν· βιαζομένων δὲ πάντων εἰς τὸν ναὸν εἰσελθεῖν, ὁ σῦς ἀνθρωπίνῃ φωνῇ χρησάμενος ἐξάκουστον ἀνέκραγεν· Φεῖσαι, βασιλεῦ, τοῦ θρέμματος τῆς θεᾶς· μετεωρισθεὶς δὲ Τεύθρας ἀνεῖλεν τὸ ζῶον. Ἄρτεμις δὲ μισοπονήρως ἐνεγκοῦσα τὴν πρᾶξιν, τὸν μὲν κάπρον ἀνεζωπύρησεν· τῷ δὲ παραιτίῳ τοῦ συγκυρήματος ἀλφὸν μετὰ μανίας ἔπεμψε. Δυσωπούμενος δὲ τὸ πάθος ἐν ταῖς ἀκρωρείαις διέτριβεν. Λυσίππη δὲ, ἡ τοῦ προειρημένου μήτηρ, κατηχηθεῖσα περὶ τῶν συμβεβηκότων, εἰς τὴν ὕλην ἔδραμε, συνεπισπωμένη μάντιν τὸν Κοιράνου Πολύιδον· παῤ οὗ πᾶσαν πολυπραγμονήσασα τὴν ἀλήθειαν, βουθυσίαις τῆς θεᾶς ἐξιλάσατο τὴν μισοπονηρίαν· καὶ ἀπολαβοῦσα τὸν υἱὸν σωφρονοῦντα, βωμὸν ἱδρύσατο Ἀρτέμιδος Ὀρθωσίας· κατεσκεύασε δὲ καὶ κάπρον χρύσεον, εἰς προτομὴν ἀνθρώπου ἠσκημένον. Οὗτος μέχρι νῦν ὥσπερ διωκόμενος, κυνηγῶν εἰσελθόντων εἰς τὸν ναὸν, φωνὴν ἀναδίδωσι « φείδεσθε ». Τεύθρας δὲ παῤ ἐλπίδα τὴν ἀρχέτυπον μορφὴν ἀναλαβὼν, τὸ ὄρος μετωνόμασε Τεύθραντα. | |
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17. Aelian, Varia Historia, 3.42 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chorus, khoros, and socialization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 278, 282 |
18. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 5.5.10 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chorus, khoros, and socialization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 282 5.5.10. Ἑλλήνων δὲ οἱ μὲν Χίρωνα, οἱ δὲ ἄλλον Κένταυρον Πυλήνορα τοξευθέντα ὑπὸ Ἡρακλέους καὶ φυγόντα τραυματίαν φασὶν ἐν τῷ ὕδατι ἀπολοῦσαι τούτῳ τὸ ἕλκος, καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς ὕδρας τοῦ ἰοῦ γενέσθαι δυσχερῆ τῷ Ἀνίγρῳ τὴν ὀσμήν· οἱ δὲ ἐς Μελάμποδα τὸν Ἀμυθάονος καὶ ἐς τῶν Προίτου θυγατέρων τὰ καθάρσια ἐμβληθέντα ἐνταῦθα ἀνάγουσι τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ ἐπὶ τῷ ποταμῷ παθήματος. | 5.5.10. others that Pylenor, another Centaur, when shot by Heracles fled wounded to this river and washed his hurt in it, and that it was the hydra's poison which gave the Anigrus its nasty smell. Others again attribute the quality of the river to Melampus the son of Amythaon, who threw into it the means he used to purify the daughters of Proetus. |
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19. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chorus, khoros, and socialization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 6 |
20. Gregory of Nazianzus, In Theophania (Orat. 38), 131 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chorus, khoros, and socialization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 282 |
21. Diodore of Tarsus, Commentary On The Psalms, 3.236 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chorus, khoros, and socialization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 278, 279, 281 |
22. Servius, In Vergilii Bucolicon Librum, 6.48-6.51 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •chorus, khoros, and socialization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 280 |
23. Plautus, Caecus Or Praedones, 6.48-6.51 Tagged with subjects: •chorus, khoros, and socialization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 280 |
24. Anon., Pesiqta De Rav Kahana, None Tagged with subjects: •chorus, khoros, and socialization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 284 |
26. Anon., Nitzavim, 645 Tagged with subjects: •chorus, khoros, and socialization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 284 |
27. Vergil, Eclogues, 6.48-6.51 Tagged with subjects: •chorus, khoros, and socialization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 280 |
28. Strabo, Geography, 8.3.19 Tagged with subjects: •chorus, khoros, and socialization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 282 | 8.3.19. At the base of these mountains, on the seaboard, are two caves. One is the cave of the nymphs called Anigriades; the other is the scene of the stories of the daughters of Atlas and of the birth of Dardanus. And here, too, are the sacred precincts called the Ionaion and the Eurycydeium. Samicum is now only a fortress, though formerly there was also a city which was called Samos, perhaps because of its lofty situation; for they used to call lofty places Samoi. And perhaps Samicum was the acropolis of Arene, which the poet mentions in the Catalogue: And those who dwelt in Pylus and lovely Arene. For while they cannot with certainty discover Arene anywhere, they prefer to conjecture that this is its site; and the neighboring River Anigrus, formerly called Minyeius, gives no slight indication of the truth of the conjecture, for the poet says: And there is a River Minyeius which falls into the sea near Arene. For near the cave of the nymphs called Anigriades is a spring which makes the region that lies below it swampy and marshy. The greater part of the water is received by the Anigrus, a river so deep and so sluggish that it forms a marsh; and since the region is muddy, it emits an offensive odor for a distance of twenty stadia, and makes the fish unfit to eat. In the mythical accounts, however, this is attributed by some writers to the fact that certain of the Centaurs here washed off the poison they got from the Hydra, and by others to the fact that Melampus used these cleansing waters for the purification of the Proetides. The bathing-water from here cures leprosy, elephantiasis, and scabies. It is said, also, that the Alpheius was so named from its being a cure for leprosy. At any rate, since both the sluggishness of the Anigrus and the backwash from the sea give fixity rather than current to its waters, it was called the Minyeius in earlier times, so it is said, though some have perverted the name and made it Minteius instead. But the word has other sources of derivation, either from the people who went forth with Chloris, the mother of Nestor, from the Minyeian Orchomenus, or from the Minyans, who, being descendants of the Argonauts, were first driven out of Lemnos into Lacedemon, and thence into Triphylia, and took up their abode about Arene in the country which is now called Hypaesia, though it no longer has the settlements of the Minyans. Some of these Minyans sailed with Theras, the son of Autesion, who was a descendant of Polyneices, to the island which is situated between Cyrenaea and Crete (Calliste its earlier name, but Thera its later, as Callimachus says), and founded Thera, the mother-city of Cyrene, and designated the island by the same name as the city. |
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29. Theodore of Heracleia, Fr.Mt., 848, 707 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007) 6 |