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Full texts for Hebrew Bible and rabbinic texts is kindly supplied by Sefaria; for Greek and Latin texts, by Perseus Scaife, for the Quran, by Tanzil.net

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subject book bibliographic info
boxes/cases, cosmetics Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 148, 173, 175, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 190, 191
case Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 5, 27, 28, 40, 46, 47, 48, 51, 52, 53, 60, 61, 64, 76, 80, 81, 82, 83, 85, 88, 90, 96, 105, 108, 109, 112, 113, 115, 120, 121, 128, 129, 135, 138, 141, 143, 144, 145, 147, 148, 149, 151, 152, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 161, 162, 164, 167, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 201, 202, 207, 208, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 227, 230, 231, 244, 246, 248, 250, 251, 255, 256, 257, 258, 262, 266, 268, 269, 280, 281, 284, 290, 295, 296
case, apollodorus’ against neaera, outline of the Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 109
case, building inscription, genitive Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 537
case, building inscriptions, nominative Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 178, 179
case, criminal Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 40, 112, 143, 147, 161, 178, 179, 212
case, epitaphs, genitive Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 166, 630
case, fast days, post facto Simon-Shushan (2012), Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna, 41
case, fiscal pledge, moschis’s Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 327, 328, 329, 331, 332
case, for metriopatheia, augustine, the misrepresentation is part of his Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 397, 398
case, genitive Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 155
case, grammatical Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 240, 253
case, histories Jouanna (2012), Greek Medicine from Hippocrates to Galen, 177, 235
case, histories, patient, individual Jouanna (2012), Greek Medicine from Hippocrates to Galen, 61
case, in inscriptions, ablative Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 179
case, law, conventions of Alexander (2013), Gender and Timebound Commandments in Judaism. 190
case, law, tosephta. see also tannaitic, structure Alexander (2013), Gender and Timebound Commandments in Judaism. 49, 50, 51, 52, 53
case, libanius, on filicide Hidary (2017), Rabbis and Classical Rhetoric: Sophistic Education and Oratory in the Talmud and Midrash, 154
case, of christianity, identity as nation or people, in Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 213
case, of divorce, eldest son living situation in Huebner (2013), The Family in Roman Egypt: A Comparative Approach to Intergenerational Solidarity , 95
case, of females?, augustine, can augustine explain Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 412, 415, 416
case, of hecuba, agamemnon, presiding over Braund and Most (2004), Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen, 142
case, stories Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 485
Simon-Shushan (2012), Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna, 11, 47, 48, 177, 180, 181, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192
case, stories, destabilization Simon-Shushan (2012), Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna, 115
case, stories, double-ended Simon-Shushan (2012), Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna, 169, 177
case, stories, ma‘aseh Simon-Shushan (2012), Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna, 46
case, stories, narrative and law Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 485
case, stories, patterns Simon-Shushan (2012), Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna, 177
case, stories, pre-destruction jerusalem Simon-Shushan (2012), Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna, 180, 181
case, stories, rabbinic conflicts Simon-Shushan (2012), Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna, 169, 177, 180
case, stories, repetitions Simon-Shushan (2012), Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna, 169
case, stories, stories Simon-Shushan (2012), Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna, 48
case, stories, stories, etiological Simon-Shushan (2012), Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna, 11, 48, 195, 200, 201, 203, 205, 206, 207, 209, 211, 212, 214, 216, 217, 253
case, stories, structure Simon-Shushan (2012), Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna, 48, 114
case, stories, witnesses Simon-Shushan (2012), Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna, 184, 185, 186, 187
case, studies from roman egypt, singleness Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 53, 54, 55
case, study of fourth-year fruits Shemesh (2009), Halakhah in the Making: The Development of Jewish Law from Qumran to the Rabbis. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13
case, study, apartment case, study, garrison Huebner and Laes (2019), Aulus Gellius and Roman Reading Culture: Text, Presence and Imperial Knowledge in the 'Noctes Atticae', 70
case, suetonius, on payment of tribute in Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 229
case, use of in inscriptions, dative Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 165, 166, 630, 636
cases, between, courts, transferral of Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 158, 159, 163
cases, codex theodosianus, general laws related to specific Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 87
cases, constitutions, imperial, relation to concrete Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 87, 88
cases, daily, augustine, st, judging Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 168
cases, dike exoules, dike emporike, cf. maritime Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 74
cases, exemplars, sukkah Simon-Shushan (2012), Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna, 143, 146
cases, funerals, funerary rituals, grammatical Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 630, 636
cases, general law, relation to specific Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 87, 88, 121, 122
cases, hypothetical Simon-Shushan (2012), Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna, 31, 36, 38, 47, 48
cases, hypothetical, gangplank story Simon-Shushan (2012), Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna, 54
cases, in aphroditos relationship with, small claims Ruffini (2018), Life in an Egyptian Village in Late Antiquity: Aphrodito Before and After the Islamic Conquest, 52
cases, in gentile courts, yosef, rav, and capital Mokhtarian (2021), Rabbis, Sorcerers, Kings, and Priests: The Culture of the Talmud in Ancient Iran. 121
cases, in mishnah Neusner (2003), Rabbinic Narrative: The Precedent and the Parable in Diachronic View. 44, 45
cases, involving christians and, gamaliel vi, arbitration of Kraemer (2020), The Mediterranean Diaspora in Late Antiquity: What Christianity Cost the Jews, 168
cases, involving jews outside the rabbinic establishment at yavneh, rabbinic courts, no Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 284
cases, lawyers and legal system, capital Hidary (2017), Rabbis and Classical Rhetoric: Sophistic Education and Oratory in the Talmud and Midrash, 128, 138, 198, 230, 231, 232, 233, 235, 236, 238, 239
cases, lawyers and legal system, monetary Hidary (2017), Rabbis and Classical Rhetoric: Sophistic Education and Oratory in the Talmud and Midrash, 138, 147, 230, 231, 232, 236, 238, 239
cases, metaphor of and synecdoche Laks (2022), Plato's Second Republic: An Essay on the Laws. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2022 212
cases, of disease, hopelessness, of van der EIjk (2005), Medicine and Philosophy in Classical Antiquity: Doctors and Philosophers on Nature, Soul, Health and Disease, 57, 71, 115, 116
cases, of metaphor Laks (2022), Plato's Second Republic: An Essay on the Laws. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2022 54, 152, 171, 172, 173, 174, 192, 193, 196, 204, 205, 212, 213, 228, 231, 233
cases, papyri, as evidence for court Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 114, 115, 116
cases, presenting rabbis as authority figures, rabbis, tannaitic literature Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 283
cases, presenting rabbis as authority rabbis, tannaitic literature figures, geographical scope Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 284, 285
cases, presenting rabbis as authority rabbis, tannaitic literature figures, periodization Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 284
cases, presenting rabbis as authority rabbis, tannaitic literature figures, range of authority Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289
cases, repetundae Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 192, 250, 260, 272
cases, slaves, and law/court Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 198, 208, 469
cases, that contradict the rule, yerushalmi, tolerance for Alexander (2013), Gender and Timebound Commandments in Judaism. 120, 121, 122, 123, 124
cases, timebound positive commandments, contradictory Alexander (2013), Gender and Timebound Commandments in Judaism. 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 126, 127, 128, 129
cases, to by judges, advocates, delegation of Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 53, 54
cases, to, delegation of adjudication, transferral of Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 156, 157, 158, 159, 161, 163
cases, yohanan ben zakkai, r., sabbath Simon-Shushan (2012), Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna, 114, 115
cases/dikai, emporikai, maritime Riess (2012), Performing interpersonal violence: court, curse, and comedy in fourth-century BCE Athens, 117

List of validated texts:
15 validated results for "case"
1. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 11.29 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Lawyers and legal system, capital cases • corpses, impurity caused by • impurity, corpses causing

 Found in books: Hidary (2017), Rabbis and Classical Rhetoric: Sophistic Education and Oratory in the Talmud and Midrash, 198, 233; Neis (2012), When a Human Gives Birth to a Raven: Rabbis and the Reproduction of Species. 69

sup>
11.29 וְזֶה לָכֶם הַטָּמֵא בַּשֶּׁרֶץ הַשֹּׁרֵץ עַל־הָאָרֶץ הַחֹלֶד וְהָעַכְבָּר וְהַצָּב לְמִינֵהוּ׃'' None		sup>
11.29 And these are they which are unclean unto you among the swarming things that swarm upon the earth: the weasel, and the mouse, and the great lizard after its kinds,'' None
2. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Causality / causa / αἰτία • dictator, appointed after calamity caused by vitium

 Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 260; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 81
3. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Actio quod metus causa • case

 Found in books: Ferrándiz (2022), Shipwrecks, Legal Landscapes and Mediterranean Paradigms: Gone Under Sea, 189; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 64
4. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Causality / causa / αἰτία • Repetundae cases

 Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 272; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 99
5. Ovid, Fasti, 4.133-4.160 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • aetiology, origins, causae • cosmetics, boxes/cases

 Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 184; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 133

sup>
4.133 Rite deam colitis Latiae matresque nurusque 4.134 et vos, quis vittae longaque vestis abest. 4.135 aurea marmoreo redimicula demite collo, 4.136 demite divitias: tota lavanda dea est. 4.137 aurea siccato redimicula reddite collo: 4.138 nunc alii flores, nunc nova danda rosa est. 4.139 vos quoque sub viridi myrto iubet ipsa lavari: 4.140 causaque, cur iubeat (discite!), certa subest 4.141 litore siccabat rorantes nuda capillos: 4.142 viderunt satyri, turba proterva, deam. 4.143 sensit et opposita texit sua corpora myrto: 4.144 tuta fuit facto vosque referre iubet. 4.145 discite nunc, quare Fortunae tura Virili 4.146 detis eo, calida qui locus umet aqua. 4.147 accipit ille locus posito velamine cunctas 4.148 et vitium nudi corporis omne videt; 4.149 ut tegat hoc celetque viros, Fortuna Virilis 4.150 praestat et hoc parvo ture rogata facit, 4.151 nec pigeat tritum niveo cum lacte papaver 4.152 sumere et expressis mella liquata favis; 4.153 cum primum cupido Venus est deducta marito, 4.154 hoc bibit: ex illo tempore nupta fuit. 4.155 supplicibus verbis illam placate: sub illa 4.156 et forma et mores et bona fama manet. 4.157 Roma pudicitia proavorum tempore lapsa est: 4.158 Cymaeam, veteres, consuluistis anum. 4.159 templa iubet fieri Veneri, quibus ordine factis 4.160 inde Venus verso nomina corde tenet.'' None		sup>
4.133 Perform the rites of the goddess, Roman brides and mothers, 4.134 And you who must not wear the headbands and long robes. 4.135 Remove the golden necklaces from her marble neck, 4.136 Remove her riches: the goddess must be cleansed, complete. 4.137 Return the gold necklaces to her neck, once it’s dry: 4.138 Now she’s given fresh flowers, and new-sprung roses. 4.139 She commands you too to bathe, under the green myrtle, 4.140 And there’s a particular reason for her command (learn, now!). 4.141 Naked, on the shore, she was drying her dripping hair: 4.142 The Satyrs, that wanton crowd, spied the goddess. 4.143 She sensed it, and hid her body with a screen of myrtle: 4.144 Doing so, she was safe: she commands that you do so too. 4.145 Learn now why you offer incense to Fortuna Virilis, 4.146 In that place that steams with heated water. 4.147 All women remove their clothes on entering, 4.148 And every blemish on their bodies is seen: 4.149 Virile Fortune undertakes to hide those from the men, 4.150 And she does this at the behest of a little incense. 4.151 Don’t begrudge her poppies, crushed in creamy milk 4.152 And in flowing honey, squeezed from the comb: 4.153 When Venus was first led to her eager spouse, 4.154 She drank so: and from that moment was a bride. 4.155 Please her with words of supplication: beauty, 4.156 Virtue, and good repute are in her keeping. 4.157 In our forefather’s time Rome lapsed from chastity: 4.158 And the ancients consulted the old woman of Cumae. 4.159 She ordered a temple built to Venus: when it was done 4.160 Venus took the name of Heart-Changer (Verticordia).'' None
6. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 18.65-18.79 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • adultery, cases of • case • criminal case

 Found in books: Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 466; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 129, 143

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18.65 Καὶ ὑπὸ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους ἕτερόν τι δεινὸν ἐθορύβει τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους καὶ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς ̓́Ισιδος τὸ ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ πράξεις αἰσχυνῶν οὐκ ἀπηλλαγμέναι συντυγχάνουσιν. καὶ πρότερον τοῦ τῶν ̓Ισιακῶν τολμήματος μνήμην ποιησάμενος οὕτω μεταβιβῶ τὸν λόγον ἐπὶ τὰ ἐν τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις γεγονότα.' "18.66 Παυλῖνα ἦν τῶν ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης προγόνων τε ἀξιώματι τῶν καθ' ἑαυτὴν ἐπιτηδεύοντι κόσμον ἀρετῆς ἐπὶ μέγα προϊοῦσα τῷ ὀνόματι, δύναμίς τε αὐτῇ χρημάτων ἦν καὶ γεγονυῖα τὴν ὄψιν εὐπρεπὴς καὶ τῆς ὥρας ἐν ᾗ μάλιστα ἀγάλλονται αἱ γυναῖκες εἰς τὸ σωφρονεῖν ἀνέκειτο ἡ ἐπιτήδευσις τοῦ βίου. ἐγεγάμητο δὲ Σατορνίνῳ τῶν εἰς τὰ πάντα ἀντισουμένων τῷ περὶ αὐτὴν ἀξιολόγῳ." '18.67 ταύτης ἐρᾷ Δέκιος Μοῦνδος τῶν τότε ἱππέων ἐν ἀξιώματι μεγάλῳ, καὶ μείζονα οὖσαν ἁλῶναι δώροις διὰ τὸ καὶ πεμφθέντων εἰς πλῆθος περιιδεῖν ἐξῆπτο μᾶλλον, ὥστε καὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδας δραχμῶν ̓Ατθίδων ὑπισχνεῖτο εὐνῆς μιᾶς.' "18.68 καὶ μηδ' ὣς ἐπικλωμένης, οὐ φέρων τὴν ἀτυχίαν τοῦ ἔρωτος ἐνδείᾳ σιτίων θάνατον ἐπιτιμᾶν αὑτῷ καλῶς ἔχειν ἐνόμισεν ἐπὶ παύλῃ κακοῦ τοῦ κατειληφότος. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐπεψήφιζέν τε τῇ οὕτω τελευτῇ καὶ πράσσειν οὐκ ἀπηλλάσσετο." '18.69 καὶ ἦν γὰρ ὄνομα ̓́Ιδη πατρῷος ἀπελευθέρα τῷ Μούνδῳ παντοίων ἴδρις κακῶν, δεινῶς φέρουσα τοῦ νεανίσκου τῷ ψηφίσματι τοῦ θανεῖν, οὐ γὰρ ἀφανὴς ἦν ἀπολούμενος, ἀνεγείρει τε αὐτὸν ἀφικομένη διὰ λόγου πιθανή τε ἦν ἐλπίδων τινῶν ὑποσχέσεσιν, ὡς διαπραχθησομένων ὁμιλιῶν πρὸς τὴν Παυλῖναν αὐτῷ.' "18.71 τῶν ἱερέων τισὶν ἀφικομένη διὰ λόγων ἐπὶ πίστεσιν μεγάλαις τὸ δὲ μέγιστον δόσει χρημάτων τὸ μὲν παρὸν μυριάδων δυοῖν καὶ ἡμίσει, λαβόντος δ' ἔκβασιν τοῦ πράγματος ἑτέρῳ τοσῷδε, διασαφεῖ τοῦ νεανίσκου τὸν ἔρωτα αὐτοῖς, κελεύουσα παντοίως ἐπὶ τῷ ληψομένῳ τὴν ἄνθρωπον σπουδάσαι." "18.72 οἱ δ' ἐπὶ πληγῇ τοῦ χρυσίου παραχθέντες ὑπισχνοῦντο. καὶ αὐτῶν ὁ γεραίτατος ὡς τὴν Παυλῖναν ὠσάμενος γενομένων εἰσόδων καταμόνας διὰ λόγων ἐλθεῖν ἠξίου. καὶ συγχωρηθὲν πεμπτὸς ἔλεγεν ἥκειν ὑπὸ τοῦ ̓Ανούβιδος ἔρωτι αὐτῆς ἡσσημένου τοῦ θεοῦ κελεύοντός τε ὡς αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν." "18.73 τῇ δὲ εὐκτὸς ὁ λόγος ἦν καὶ ταῖς τε φίλαις ἐνεκαλλωπίζετο τῇ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ἀξιώσει τοῦ ̓Ανούβιδος καὶ φράζει πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα, δεῖπνόν τε αὐτῇ καὶ εὐνὴν τοῦ ̓Ανούβιδος εἰσηγγέλθαι, συνεχώρει δ' ἐκεῖνος τὴν σωφροσύνην τῆς γυναικὸς ἐξεπιστάμενος." '18.74 χωρεῖ οὖν εἰς τὸ τέμενος, καὶ δειπνήσασα, ὡς ὕπνου καιρὸς ἦν, κλεισθεισῶν τῶν θυρῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ ἱερέως ἔνδον ἐν τῷ νεῷ καὶ τὰ λύχνα ἐκποδὼν ἦν καὶ ὁ Μοῦνδος, προεκέκρυπτο γὰρ τῇδε, οὐχ ἡμάρτανεν ὁμιλιῶν τῶν πρὸς αὐτήν, παννύχιόν τε αὐτῷ διηκονήσατο ὑπειληφυῖα θεὸν εἶναι.' "18.75 καὶ ἀπελθόντος πρότερον ἢ κίνησιν ἄρξασθαι τῶν ἱερέων, οἳ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ᾔδεσαν, ἡ Παυλῖνα πρωὶ̈ ὡς τὸν ἄνδρα ἐλθοῦσα τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν ἐκδιηγεῖται τοῦ ̓Ανούβιδος καὶ πρὸς τὰς φίλας ἐνελαμπρύνετο λόγοις τοῖς ἐπ' αὐτῷ." "18.76 οἱ δὲ τὰ μὲν ἠπίστουν εἰς τὴν φύσιν τοῦ πράγματος ὁρῶντες, τὰ δ' ἐν θαύματι καθίσταντο οὐκ ἔχοντες, ὡς χρὴ ἄπιστα αὐτὰ κρίνειν, ὁπότε εἴς τε τὴν σωφροσύνην καὶ τὸ ἀξίωμα ἀπίδοιεν αὐτῆς." "18.77 τρίτῃ δὲ ἡμέρᾳ μετὰ τὴν πρᾶξιν ὑπαντιάσας αὐτὴν ὁ Μοῦνδος “Παυλῖνα, φησίν, ἀλλά μοι καὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδας διεσώσω δυναμένη οἴκῳ προσθέσθαι τῷ σαυτῆς διακονεῖσθαί τε ἐφ' οἷς προεκαλούμην οὐκ ἐνέλιπες. ἃ μέντοι εἰς Μοῦνδον ὑβρίζειν ἐπειρῶ, μηδέν μοι μελῆσαν τῶν ὀνομάτων, ἀλλὰ τῆς ἐκ τοῦ πράγματος ἡδονῆς, ̓Ανούβιον ὄνομα ἐθέμην αὐτῷ.”" '18.78 καὶ ὁ μὲν ἀπῄει ταῦτα εἰπών, ἡ δὲ εἰς ἔννοιαν τότε πρῶτον ἐλθοῦσα τοῦ τολμήματος περιρρήγνυταί τε τὴν στολὴν καὶ τἀνδρὶ δηλώσασα τοῦ παντὸς ἐπιβουλεύματος τὸ μέγεθος ἐδεῖτο μὴ περιῶφθαι βοηθείας τυγχάνειν:' "18.79 ὁ δὲ τῷ αὐτοκράτορι ἐπεσήμηνε τὴν πρᾶξιν. καὶ ὁ Τιβέριος μαθήσεως ἀκριβοῦς αὐτῷ γενομένης ἐξετάσει τῶν ἱερέων ἐκείνους τε ἀνεσταύρωσεν καὶ τὴν ̓́Ιδην ὀλέθρου γενομένην αἰτίαν καὶ τὰ πάντα ἐφ' ὕβρει συνθεῖσαν τῆς γυναικός, τόν τε ναὸν καθεῖλεν καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα τῆς ̓́Ισιδος εἰς τὸν Θύβριν ποταμὸν ἐκέλευσεν ἐμβαλεῖν. Μοῦνδον δὲ φυγῆς ἐτίμησε," ' None		sup>
18.65 4. About the same time also another sad calamity put the Jews into disorder, and certain shameful practices happened about the temple of Isis that was at Rome. I will now first take notice of the wicked attempt about the temple of Isis, and will then give an account of the Jewish affairs. 18.66 There was at Rome a woman whose name was Paulina; one who, on account of the dignity of her ancestors, and by the regular conduct of a virtuous life, had a great reputation: she was also very rich; and although she was of a beautiful countece, and in that flower of her age wherein women are the most gay, yet did she lead a life of great modesty. She was married to Saturninus, one that was every way answerable to her in an excellent character. 18.67 Decius Mundus fell in love with this woman, who was a man very high in the equestrian order; and as she was of too great dignity to be caught by presents, and had already rejected them, though they had been sent in great abundance, he was still more inflamed with love to her, insomuch that he promised to give her two hundred thousand Attic drachmae for one night’s lodging; 18.68 and when this would not prevail upon her, and he was not able to bear this misfortune in his amours, he thought it the best way to famish himself to death for want of food, on account of Paulina’s sad refusal; and he determined with himself to die after such a manner, and he went on with his purpose accordingly. 18.69 Now Mundus had a freed-woman, who had been made free by his father, whose name was Ide, one skillful in all sorts of mischief. This woman was very much grieved at the young man’s resolution to kill himself, (for he did not conceal his intentions to destroy himself from others,) and came to him, and encouraged him by her discourse, and made him to hope, by some promises she gave him, that he might obtain a night’s lodging with Paulina; 18.71 She went to some of Isis’s priests, and upon the strongest assurances of concealment, she persuaded them by words, but chiefly by the offer of money, of twenty-five thousand drachmae in hand, and as much more when the thing had taken effect; and told them the passion of the young man, and persuaded them to use all means possible to beguile the woman. 18.72 So they were drawn in to promise so to do, by that large sum of gold they were to have. Accordingly, the oldest of them went immediately to Paulina; and upon his admittance, he desired to speak with her by herself. When that was granted him, he told her that he was sent by the god Anubis, who was fallen in love with her, and enjoined her to come to him. 18.73 Upon this she took the message very kindly, and valued herself greatly upon this condescension of Anubis, and told her husband that she had a message sent her, and was to sup and lie with Anubis; so he agreed to her acceptance of the offer, as fully satisfied with the chastity of his wife. 18.74 Accordingly, she went to the temple, and after she had supped there, and it was the hour to go to sleep, the priest shut the doors of the temple, when, in the holy part of it, the lights were also put out. Then did Mundus leap out, (for he was hidden therein,) and did not fail of enjoying her, who was at his service all the night long, as supposing he was the god; 18.75 and when he was gone away, which was before those priests who knew nothing of this stratagem were stirring, Paulina came early to her husband, and told him how the god Anubis had appeared to her. Among her friends, also, she declared how great a value she put upon this favor, 18.76 who partly disbelieved the thing, when they reflected on its nature, and partly were amazed at it, as having no pretense for not believing it, when they considered the modesty and the dignity of the person. 18.77 But now, on the third day after what had been done, Mundus met Paulina, and said, “Nay, Paulina, thou hast saved me two hundred thousand drachmae, which sum thou sightest have added to thy own family; yet hast thou not failed to be at my service in the manner I invited thee. As for the reproaches thou hast laid upon Mundus, I value not the business of names; but I rejoice in the pleasure I reaped by what I did, while I took to myself the name of Anubis.” 18.78 When he had said this, he went his way. But now she began to come to the sense of the grossness of what she had done, and rent her garments, and told her husband of the horrid nature of this wicked contrivance, and prayed him not to neglect to assist her in this case. So he discovered the fact to the emperor; 18.79 whereupon Tiberius inquired into the matter thoroughly by examining the priests about it, and ordered them to be crucified, as well as Ide, who was the occasion of their perdition, and who had contrived the whole matter, which was so injurious to the woman. He also demolished the temple of Isis, and gave order that her statue should be thrown into the river Tiber;' ' None
7. Mishnah, Pesahim, 7.2 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cases, in Mishnah • Ma‘aseh, case stories • case stories, ma‘aseh

 Found in books: Neusner (2003), Rabbinic Narrative: The Precedent and the Parable in Diachronic View. 44; Simon-Shushan (2012), Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna, 46

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7.2 אֵין צוֹלִין אֶת הַפֶּסַח לֹא עַל הַשַּׁפּוּד וְלֹא עַל הָאַסְכְּלָא. אָמַר רַבִּי צָדוֹק, מַעֲשֶׂה בְּרַבָּן גַּמְלִיאֵל שֶׁאָמַר לְטָבִי עַבְדּוֹ, צֵא וּצְלֵה לָנוּ אֶת הַפֶּסַח עַל הָאַסְכְּלָא. נָגַע בְּחַרְסוֹ שֶׁל תַּנּוּר, יִקְלֹף אֶת מְקוֹמוֹ. נָטַף מֵרָטְבּוֹ עַל הַחֶרֶס וְחָזַר עָלָיו, יִטֹּל אֶת מְקוֹמוֹ. נָטַף מֵרָטְבּוֹ עַל הַסֹּלֶת, יִקְמֹץ אֶת מְקוֹמוֹ:'' None		sup>
7.2 One may not roast the pesah either on a metal spit or on a grill. Rabbi Zadok said: it once happened that Rabban Gamaliel said to his servant Tabi, “Go out and roast us the pesah on the grill.” If it the pesah touched the clay of the oven, he should pare its place. If some of its juice dripped on to the clay of the oven and dripped back on to it, he must remove its place. If some of its juice fell on the flour, he must take a handful away from its place.'' None
8. Mishnah, Shabbat, 3.4, 16.8 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Cases, in Mishnah • Ma‘aseh, case stories • case stories • case stories, ma‘aseh • cases, hypothetical • narrative and law, case stories • rabbis, tannaitic literature cases presenting rabbis as authority figures, geographical scope • rabbis, tannaitic literature cases presenting rabbis as authority figures, range of authority

 Found in books: Cohen (2010), The Significance of Yavneh and other Essays in Jewish Hellenism, 285; Hayes (2022), The Literature of the Sages: A Re-Visioning, 485; Neusner (2003), Rabbinic Narrative: The Precedent and the Parable in Diachronic View. 44; Simon-Shushan (2012), Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna, 46, 47

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3.4 מַעֲשֶׂה שֶׁעָשׂוּ אַנְשֵׁי טְבֶרְיָא וְהֵבִיאוּ סִלּוֹן שֶׁל צוֹנֵן לְתוֹךְ אַמָּה שֶׁל חַמִּין. אָמְרוּ לָהֶן חֲכָמִים, אִם בְּשַׁבָּת, כְּחַמִּין שֶׁהוּחַמּוּ בְשַׁבָּת, אֲסוּרִין בִּרְחִיצָה וּבִשְׁתִיָּה; בְּיוֹם טוֹב, כְּחַמִּין שֶׁהוּחַמּוּ בְיוֹם טוֹב, אֲסוּרִין בִּרְחִיצָה וּמֻתָּרִין בִּשְׁתִיָּה. מוּלְיָאר הַגָּרוּף, שׁוֹתִין הֵימֶנּוּ בְשַׁבָּת. אַנְטִיכִי, אַף עַל פִּי שֶׁגְּרוּפָה, אֵין שׁוֹתִין מִמֶּנָּה:
16.8 נָכְרִי שֶׁהִדְלִיק אֶת הַנֵּר, מִשְׁתַּמֵּשׁ לְאוֹרוֹ יִשְׂרָאֵל, וְאִם בִּשְׁבִיל יִשְׂרָאֵל, אָסוּר. מִלֵּא מַיִם לְהַשְׁקוֹת בְּהֶמְתּוֹ, מַשְׁקֶה אַחֲרָיו יִשְׂרָאֵל, וְאִם בִּשְׁבִיל יִשְׂרָאֵל, אָסוּר. עָשָׂה גוֹי כֶּבֶשׁ לֵירֵד בּוֹ, יוֹרֵד אַחֲרָיו יִשְׂרָאֵל, וְאִם בִּשְׁבִיל יִשְׂרָאֵל, אָסוּר. מַעֲשֶׂה בְרַבָּן גַּמְלִיאֵל וּזְקֵנִים שֶׁהָיוּ בָאִין בִּסְפִינָה, וְעָשָׂה גוֹי כֶּבֶשׁ לֵירֵד בּוֹ, וְיָרְדוּ בוֹ רַבָּן גַּמְלִיאֵל וּזְקֵנִים:'' None		sup>
3.4 It once happened that the people of Tiberias conducted a pipe of cold water through an arm of the hot springs. The sages said to them: if this happened on the Shabbat, it is like hot water heated on the Shabbat, and is forbidden both for washing and for drinking; If on a festival, it is like water heated on a festival, which is forbidden for washing but permitted for drinking. A miliarum which is cleared of its ashes--they may drink from it on Shabbat. An antiki even if its ashes have been cleared--they may not drink from it.
16.8 If a Gentile lights a lamp, an Israelite may make use of its light. But if he does it for the sake of the Israelite, it is forbidden. If he draws water to give his own animal to drink, an Israelite may water his animal after him. But if he draws it for the Israelite’s sake, it is forbidden. If a Gentile makes a plank to descend off a ship by it, an Israelite may descend after him; But if on the Israelite’s account, it is forbidden. It once happened that Rabban Gamaliel and the elders were traveling in a ship, when a Gentile made a plank for getting off, and Rabban Gamaliel, and the elders descended by it.'' None
9. Mishnah, Sotah, 9.9 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Lamentations Rabbah, law, exemplary cases and • case stories, stories, etiological

 Found in books: Neusner (2004), The Idea of History in Rabbinic Judaism, 83; Simon-Shushan (2012), Stories of the Law: Narrative Discourse and the Construction of Authority in the Mishna, 201

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9.9 מִשֶּׁרַבּוּ הָרַצְחָנִים, בָּטְלָה עֶגְלָה עֲרוּפָה, מִשֶּׁבָּא אֶלִיעֶזֶר בֶּן דִּינַאי, וּתְחִינָה בֶּן פְּרִישָׁה הָיָה נִקְרָא, חָזְרוּ לִקְרוֹתוֹ בֶּן הָרַצְחָן. מִשֶּׁרַבּוּ הַמְנָאֲפִים, פָּסְקוּ הַמַּיִם הַמָּרִים, וְרַבָּן יוֹחָנָן בֶּן זַכַּאי הִפְסִיקָן, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (הושע ד) לֹא אֶפְקוֹד עַל בְּנוֹתֵיכֶם כִּי תִזְנֶינָה וְעַל כַּלּוֹתֵיכֶם כִּי תְנָאַפְנָה כִּי הֵם וְגוֹ'. מִשֶּׁמֵּת יוֹסֵי בֶן יוֹעֶזֶר אִישׁ צְרֵדָה וְיוֹסֵי בֶן יוֹחָנָן אִישׁ יְרוּשָׁלַיִם, בָּטְלוּ הָאֶשְׁכּוֹלוֹת, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (מיכה ז) אֵין אֶשְׁכּוֹל לֶאֱכֹל בִּכּוּרָה אִוְּתָה נַפְשִׁי:"" None		sup>
9.9 When murderers multiplied, the ceremony of breaking a heifer’s neck ceased. That was from the time of Eliezer ben Dinai, and he was also called Tehinah ben Perisha and he was afterwards renamed “son of the murderer”. When adulterers multiplied, the ceremony of the bitter waters ceased and it was Rabban Yoha ben Zakkai who discontinued it, as it is said, “I will not punish their daughters for fornicating, nor their daughters-in-law for committing adultery, for they themselves turn aside with whores and sacrifice with prostitutes” (Hosea 4:14). When Yose ben Yoezer of Zeredah and Yose ben Yoha of Jerusalem died, the grape-clusters ceased, as it is said, “There is not a cluster of grapes to eat; not a ripe fig I could desire The pious are vanished from the land, none upright are left among men” (Micah 7:1-2).'' None
10. Suetonius, Nero, 16.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • case • identity as nation or people, in case of Christianity

 Found in books: Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 213; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 158

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16.2 During his reign many abuses were severely punished and put down, and no fewer new laws were made: a\xa0limit was set to expenditures; the public banquets were confined to a distribution of food; the sale of any kind of cooked viands in the taverns was forbidden, with the exception of pulse and vegetables, whereas before every sort of dainty was exposed for sale. Punishment was inflicted on the Christians, a class of men given to a new and mischievous superstition. He put an end to the diversions of the chariot drivers, who from immunity of long standing claimed the right of ranging at large and amusing themselves by cheating and robbing the people. The pantomimic actors and their partisans were banished from the city.'' None
11. Tacitus, Annals, 3.13, 3.22, 3.38, 4.15, 4.22, 11.26-11.27, 11.36, 14.41 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Repetundae cases • case • criminal case • falsum, cases of • fastidium, caused by pathology • liberorum quaerendorum causa (and variants of) • magistrates (in senate) absence,, involvement in cases

 Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 250; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 16; Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 128; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 467, 481, 484; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 143, 144, 155, 157, 178, 179, 182

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3.13 Exim biduum criminibus obiciendis statuitur utque sex dierum spatio interiecto reus per triduum defenderetur. tum Fulcinius vetera et iia orditur, ambitiose avareque habitam Hispaniam; quod neque convictum noxae reo si recentia purgaret, neque defensum absolutioni erat si teneretur maioribus flagitiis. post quem Servaeus et Veranius et Vitellius consimili studio et multa eloquentia Vitellius obiecere odio Germanici et rerum novarum studio Pisonem vulgus militum per licentiam et sociorum iniurias eo usque conrupisse ut parens legionum a deterrimis appellaretur; contra in optimum quemque, maxime in comites et amicos Germanici saevisse; postremo ipsum devotionibus et veneno peremisse; sacra hinc et immolationes nefandas ipsius atque Plancinae, petitam armis rem publicam, utque reus agi posset, acie victum.
3.22 At Romae Lepida, cui super Aemiliorum decus L. Sulla et Cn. Pompeius proavi erant, defertur simulavisse partum ex P. Quirinio divite atque orbo. adiciebantur adulteria venena quaesitumque per Chaldaeos in domum Caesaris, defendente ream Manio Lepido fratre. Quirinius post dictum repudium adhuc infensus quamvis infami ac nocenti miserationem addiderat. haud facile quis dispexerit illa in cognitione mentem principis: adeo vertit ac miscuit irae et clementiae signa. deprecatus primo senatum ne maiestatis crimina tractarentur, mox M. Servilium e consularibus aliosque testis inlexit ad proferenda quae velut reicere voluerat. idemque servos Lepidae, cum militari custodia haberentur, transtulit ad consules neque per tormenta interrogari passus est de iis quae ad domum suam pertinerent. exemit etiam Drusum consulem designatum dicendae primo loco sententiae; quod alii civile rebantur, ne ceteris adsentiendi necessitas fieret, quidam ad saevitiam trahebant: neque enim cessurum nisi damdi officio.
3.38 Non enim Tiberius, non accusatores fatiscebant. et Ancharius Priscus Caesium Cordum pro consule Cretae postulaverat repetundis, addito maiestatis crimine, quod tum omnium accusationum complementum erat. Caesar Antistium Veterem e primoribus Macedoniae, absolutum adulterii, increpitis iudicibus ad dicendam maiestatis causam retraxit, ut turbidum et Rhescuporidis consiliis permixtum, qua tempestate Cotye fratre interfecto bellum adversus nos volverat. igitur aqua et igni interdictum reo, adpositumque ut teneretur insula neque Macedoniae neque Thraeciae opportuna. nam Thraecia diviso imperio in Rhoemetalcen et liberos Cotyis, quis ob infantiam tutor erat Trebellenus Rufus, insolentia nostri discors agebat neque minus Rhoemetalcen quam Trebellenum incusans popularium iniurias inultas sinere. Coelaletae Odrusaeque et Dii, validae nationes, arma cepere, ducibus diversis et paribus inter se per ignobilitatem; quae causa fuit ne in bellum atrox coalescerent. pars turbant praesentia, alii montem Haemum transgrediuntur ut remotos populos concirent; plurimi ac maxime compositi regem urbemque Philippopolim, a Macedone Philippo sitam, circumsidunt.
4.15 Idem annus alio quoque luctu Caesarem adficit alterum ex geminis Drusi liberis extinguendo, neque minus morte amici. is fuit Lucilius Longus, omnium illi tristium laetorumque socius unusque e senatoribus Rhodii secessus comes. ita quamquam novo homini censorium funus, effigiem apud forum Augusti publica pecunia patres decrevere, apud quos etiam tum cuncta tractabantur, adeo ut procurator Asiae Lucilius Capito accusante provincia causam dixerit, magna cum adseveratione principis non se ius nisi in servitia et pecunias familiares dedisse: quod si vim praetoris usurpasset manibusque militum usus foret, spreta in eo mandata sua: audirent socios. ita reus cognito negotio damnatur. ob quam ultionem et quia priore anno in C. Silanum vindicatum erat, decrevere Asiae urbes templum Tiberio matrique eius ac senatui. et permissum statuere; egitque Nero grates ea causa patribus atque avo, laetas inter audientium adfectiones qui recenti memoria Germanici illum aspici, illum audiri rebantur. aderantque iuveni modestia ac forma principe viro digna, notis in eum Seiani odiis ob periculum gratiora.
4.22 Per idem tempus Plautius Silvanus praetor incertis causis Aproniam coniugem in praeceps iecit, tractusque ad Caesarem ab L. Apronio socero turbata mente respondit, tamquam ipse somno gravis atque eo ignarus, et uxor sponte mortem sumpsisset. non cunctanter Tiberius pergit in domum, visit cubiculum, in quo reluctantis et impulsae vestigia cernebantur. refert ad senatum, datisque iudici- bus Vrgulania Silvani avia pugionem nepoti misit. quod perinde creditum quasi principis monitu ob amicitiam Augustae cum Vrgulania. reus frustra temptato ferro venas praebuit exolvendas. mox Numantina, prior uxor eius, accusata iniecisse carminibus et veneficiis vaecordiam marito, insons iudicatur.
11.26 Iam Messalina facilitate adulteriorum in fastidium versa ad incognitas libidines profluebat, cum abrumpi dissimulationem etiam Silius, sive fatali vaecordia an imminentium periculorum remedium ipsa pericula ratus, urgebat: quippe non eo ventum ut senectam principis opperirentur. insontibus innoxia consilia, flagitiis manifestis subsidium ab audacia petendum. adesse conscios paria metuentis. se caelibem, orbum, nuptiis et adoptando Britannico paratum. mansuram eandem Messalinae potentiam, addita securitate, si praevenirent Claudium, ut insidiis incautum, ita irae properum. segniter eae voces acceptae, non amore in maritum, sed ne Silius summa adeptus sperneret adulteram scelusque inter ancipitia probatum veris mox pretiis aestimaret. nomen tamen matrimonii concupivit ob magnitudinem infamiae cuius apud prodigos novissima voluptas est. nec ultra expectato quam dum sacrificii gratia Claudius Ostiam proficisceretur, cuncta nuptiarum sollemnia celebrat. 11.27 Haud sum ignarus fabulosum visum iri tantum ullis mortalium securitatis fuisse in civitate omnium gnara et nihil reticente, nedum consulem designatum cum uxore principis, praedicta die, adhibitis qui obsignarent, velut suscipiendorum liberorum causa convenisse, atque illam audisse auspicum verba, subisse, sacrificasse apud deos; discubitum inter convivas, oscula complexus, noctem denique actam licentia coniugali. sed nihil compositum miraculi causa, verum audita scriptaque senioribus tradam.
11.36 Solus Mnester cunctationem attulit, dilaniata veste clamitans aspiceret verberum notas, reminisceretur vocis, qua se obnoxium iussis Messalinae dedisset: aliis largitione aut spei magnitudine, sibi ex necessitate culpam; nec cuiquam ante pereundum fuisse si Silius rerum poteretur. commotum his et pronum ad misericordiam Caesarem perpulere liberti ne tot inlustribus viris interfectis histrioni consuleretur: sponte an coactus tam magna peccavisset, nihil referre. ne Trauli quidem Montani equitis Romani defensio recepta est. is modesta iuventa, sed corpore insigni, accitus ultro noctemque intra unam a Messalina proturbatus erat, paribus lasciviis ad cupidinem et fastidia. Suillio Caesonino et Plautio Laterano mors remittitur, huic ob patrui egregium meritum: Caesoninus vitiis protectus est, tamquam in illo foedissimo coetu passus muliebria.
14.41 Perculit is dies Pompeium quoque Aelianum, iuvenem quaestorium, tamquam flagitiorum Fabiani gnarum, eique Italia et Hispania in qua ortus erat interdictum est. pari ignominia Valerius Ponticus adficitur quod reos ne apud praefectum urbis arguerentur ad praetorem detulisset, interim specie legum, mox praevaricando ultionem elusurus. additur senatus consulto, qui talem operam emptitasset vendidissetve perinde poena teneretur ac publico iudicio calumniae condemnatus.'' None		sup>
3.13 \xa0It was then resolved to allow two days for the formulation of the charges: after an interval of six days, the case for the defence would occupy another three. Fulcinius opened with an old and futile tale of intrigue and cupidity during Piso\'s administration of Spain. The allegations, if established, could do the defendant no harm, should he dispel the more recent charge: if they were rebutted, there was still no acquittal, if he was found guilty of the graver delinquencies. Servaeus, Veranius, and Vitellius followed â\x80\x94 with equal fervour; and Vitellius with considerable eloquence. "Through his hatred of Germanicus and his zeal for anarchy," so ran the indictment, "Piso had, by relaxing discipline and permitting the maltreatment of the provincials, so far corrupted the common soldiers that among the vilest of them he was known as the Father of the Legions. On the other hand, he had been ruthless to the best men, especially the companions and friends of Germanicus, and at last, with the help of poison and the black arts, had destroyed the prince himself. Then had come the blasphemous rites and sacrifices of Plancina and himself, an armed assault on the commonwealth, and â\x80\x94\xa0in order that he might be put on his trial â\x80\x94 defeat upon a stricken field." <' "
3.22 \xa0At Rome, in the meantime, Lepida, who, over and above the distinction of the Aemilian family, owned Sulla and Pompey for great-grandsires, was accused of feigning to be a mother by Publius Quirinius, a rich man and childless. There were complementary charges of adulteries, of poisonings, and of inquiries made through the astrologers with reference to the Caesarian house. The defence was in the hands of her brother, Manius Lepidus. Despite her infamy and her guilt, Quirinius, by persisting in his malignity after divorcing her, had gained her a measure of sympathy. It is not easy to penetrate the emperor's sentiments during this trial: so adroitly did he invert and confuse the symptoms of anger and of mercy. He began by requesting the senate not to deal with the charges of treason; then he lured the former consul, Marcus Servilius, with a\xa0number of other witnesses, into stating the very facts he had apparently wished to have suppressed. Lepida's slaves, again, were being held in military custody; he transferred them to the consuls, and would not allow them to be questioned under torture upon the issues concerning his own family. Similarly, he exempted Drusus, who was consul designate, from speaking first to the question. By some this was read as a concession relieving the rest of the members from the need of assenting: others took it to mark a sinister purpose on the ground that he would have ceded nothing save the duty of condemning. <" 3.38 \xa0For Tiberius and the informers showed no fatigue. Ancharius Priscus had accused Caesius Cordus, proconsul of Crete, of malversation: a\xa0charge of treason, the complement now of all arraignments, was appended. Antistius Vetus, a grandee of Macedonia, had been acquitted of adultery: the Caesar reprimanded the judges and recalled him to stand his trial for treason, as a disaffected person, involved in the schemes of Rhescuporis during that period after the murder of Cotys when he had meditated war against ourselves. The defendant was condemned accordingly to interdiction from fire and water, with a proviso that his place of detention should be an island not too conveniently situated either for Macedonia or for Thrace. For since the partition of the monarchy between Rhoemetalces and the children of Cotys, who during their minority were under the tutelage of Trebellenus Rufus, Thrace â\x80\x94 unaccustomed to Roman methods â\x80\x94 was divided against herself; and the accusations against Trebellenus were no more violent than those against Rhoemetalces for leaving the injuries of his countrymen unavenged. Three powerful tribes, the Coelaletae, Odrysae, and Dii, took up arms, but under separate leaders of precisely equal obscurity: a\xa0fact which saved us from a coalition involving a serious war. One division embroiled the districts at hand; another crossed the Haemus range to bring out the remote clans; the most numerous, and least disorderly, besieged the king in Philippopolis, a city founded by Philip of Macedon. <
4.15 \xa0The same year brought still another bereavement to the emperor, by removing one of the twin children of Drusus, and an equal affliction in the death of a friend. This was Lucilius Longus, his comrade in evil days and good, and the one member of the senate to share his isolation at Rhodes. Hence, in spite of his modest antecedents, a censorian funeral and a statue erected in the Forum of Augustus at the public expense were decreed to him by the Fathers, before whom, at that time, all questions were still dealt with; so much so, that Lucilius Capito, the procurator of Asia, was obliged, at the indictment of the province, to plead his cause before them, the emperor asserting forcibly that "any powers he had given to him extended merely to the slaves and revenues of the imperial domains; if he had usurped the governor\'s authority and used military force, it was a flouting of his orders: the provincials must be heard." The case was accordingly tried and the defendant condemned. In return for this act of retribution, as well as for the punishment meted out to Gaius Silanus the year before, the Asiatic cities decreed a temple to Tiberius, his mother, and the senate. Leave to build was granted, and Nero returned thanks on that score to the senate and his grandfather â\x80\x94 a\xa0pleasing sensation to his listeners, whose memory of Germanicus was fresh enough to permit the fancy that his were the features they saw and the accents to which they listened. The youth had, in fact, a modesty and beauty worthy of a prince: endowments the more attractive from the peril of their owner, since the hatred of Sejanus for him was notorious. <' "
4.22 \xa0About this time, the praetor Plautius Silvanus, for reasons not ascertained, flung his wife Apronia out of the window, and, when brought before the emperor by his father-inâ\x80\x91law, Lucius Apronius, gave an incoherent reply to the effect that he had himself been fast asleep and was therefore ignorant of the facts; his wife, he thought, must have committed suicide. Without any hesitation, Tiberius went straight to the house and examined the bedroom, in which traces were visible of resistance offered and force employed. He referred the case to the senate, and a judicial committee had been formed, when Silvanus' grandmother Urgulania sent her descendant a dagger. In view of Augusta's friendship with Urgulania, the action was considered as equivalent to a hint from the emperor: the accused, after a fruitless attempt with the weapon, arranged for his arteries to be opened. Shortly afterwards, his first wife Numantina, charged with procuring the insanity of her husband by spells and philtres, was adjudged innocent." 11.26 \xa0By now the ease of adultery had cloyed on Messalina and she was drifting towards untried debaucheries, when Silius himself, blinded by his fate, or convinced perhaps that the antidote to impending danger was actual danger, began to press for the mask to be dropped:â\x80\x94 "They were not reduced to waiting upon the emperor\'s old age: deliberation was innocuous only to the innocent; detected guilt must borrow help from hardihood. They had associates with the same motives for fear. He himself was celibate, childless, prepared for wedlock and to adopt Britannicus. Messalina would retain her power unaltered, with the addition of a mind at ease, could they but forestall Claudius, who, if slow to guard against treachery, was prompt to anger." She took his phrases with a coolness due, not to any tenderness for her husband, but to a misgiving that Silius, with no heights left to scale, might spurn his paramour and come to appreciate at its just value a crime sanctioned in the hour of danger. Yet, for the sake of that transcendent infamy which constitutes the last delight of the profligate, she coveted the name of wife; and, waiting only till Claudius left for Ostia to hold a sacrifice, she celebrated the full solemnities of marriage. <' "11.27 \xa0It will seem, I\xa0am aware, fabulous that, in a city cognizant of all things and reticent of none, any human beings could have felt so much security; far more so, that on a specified day, with witnesses to seal the contract, a consul designate and the emperor's wife should have met for the avowed purposes of legitimate marriage; that the woman should have listened to the words of the auspices, have assumed the veil, have sacrificed in the face of Heaven; that both should have dined with the guests, have kissed and embraced, and finally have spent the night in the licence of wedlock. But I\xa0have added no touch of the marvellous: all that I\xa0record shall be the oral or written evidence of my seniors. <" 11.36 \xa0Only Mnester caused some hesitation, as, tearing his garments, he called to Claudius to look at the imprints of the lash and remember the phrase by which he had placed him at the disposal of Messalina. "Others had sinned through a bounty of high hope; he, from need; and no man would have had to perish sooner, if Silius gained the empire." The Caesar was affected, and leaned to mercy; but the freedmen decided him, after so many executions of the great, not to spare an actor: when the transgression was so heinous, it mattered nothing whether it was voluntary or enforced. Even the defence of the Roman knight Traulus Montanus was not admitted. A\xa0modest but remarkably handsome youth, he had within a single night received his unsought invitation and his dismissal from Messalina, who was equally capricious in her desires and her disdains. In the cases of Suillius Caesoninus and Plautius Lateranus, the death penalty was remitted. The latter was indebted to the distinguished service of his uncle: Suillius was protected by his vices, since in the proceedings of that shameful rout his part had been the reverse of masculine. <
14.41 \xa0The same day brought also the fall of a youthful ex-quaestor, Pompeius Aelianus, charged with complicity in the villainies of Fabianus: he was outlawed from Italy and also from Spain, the country of his origin. The same humiliation was inflicted on Valerius Ponticus, because, to save the accused from prosecution before the city prefect, with the intention of defeating for the moment by a legal subterfuge, and in the long run by collusion. A\xa0clause was added to the senatorial decree, providing that any person buying or selling this form of connivance was to be liable to the same penalty as if convicted of calumny in a criminal trial. <'' None
12. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 51.19.7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • aetiology, origins, causae • case • criminal case

 Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 217; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 105, 108, 112, 120, 295

sup>
51.19.7 \xa0also that he should judge appealed cases, and that in all the courts his vote was to be cast as Athena's vote. The priests and priestesses also in their prayers in behalf of the people and the senate were to pray for him likewise, and at all banquets, not only public but private as well, everybody was to pour a libation to him."" None
13. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Repetundae cases • case

 Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 192; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 190
14. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • menstruation, impurity caused by • wealth, arrogance caused by

 Found in books: Birnbaum and Dillon (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Life of Abraham: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, 354; Neis (2012), When a Human Gives Birth to a Raven: Rabbis and the Reproduction of Species. 247

109a מאן נשדר נשדר בהדי נחום איש גם זו דמלומד בנסים הוא,כי מטא לההוא דיורא בעא למיבת אמרי ליה מאי איכא בהדך אמר להו קא מובילנא כרגא לקיסר קמו בליליא שרינהו לסיפטיה ושקלו כל דהוה גביה ומלנהו עפרא כי מטא להתם אישתכח עפרא אמר אחוכי קא מחייכי בי יהודאי אפקוהו למקטליה אמר גם זו לטובה אתא אליהו ואידמי להו כחד מינייהו אמר להו דילמא האי עפרא מעפרא דאברהם אבינו הוא דהוה שדי עפרא הוו חרבי גילי הוו גירי בדוק ואשכחו הכי,הוה מחוזא דלא הוו קא יכלי ליה למיכבשיה שדו מההוא עפרא עליה וכבשוה עיילוהו לבי גנזא אמרי שקול דניחא לך מלייה לסיפטא דהבא כי הדר אתא אמרו ליה הנך דיורי מאי אמטית לבי מלכא אמר להו מאי דשקלי מהכא אמטאי להתם שקלי אינהו אמטו להתם קטלינהו להנך דיורי:,דור הפלגה אין להם חלק לעולם הבא וכו\': מאי עבוד אמרי דבי רבי שילא נבנה מגדל ונעלה לרקיע ונכה אותו בקרדומות כדי שיזובו מימיו מחכו עלה במערבא א"כ ליבנו אחד בטורא,(אלא) א"ר ירמיה בר אלעזר נחלקו לג\' כיתות אחת אומרת נעלה ונשב שם ואחת אומרת נעלה ונעבוד עבודת כוכבים ואחת אומרת נעלה ונעשה מלחמה זו שאומרת נעלה ונשב שם הפיצם ה\' וזו שאומרת נעלה ונעשה מלחמה נעשו קופים ורוחות ושידים ולילין וזו שאומרת נעלה ונעבוד עבודת כוכבים (בראשית יא, ט) כי שם בלל ה\' שפת כל הארץ,תניא רבי נתן אומר כולם לשם עבודת כוכבים נתכוונו כתיב הכא (בראשית יא, ד) נעשה לנו שם וכתיב התם (שמות כג, יג) ושם אלהים אחרים לא תזכירו מה להלן עבודת כוכבים אף כאן עבודת כוכבים,אמר רבי יוחנן מגדל שליש נשרף שליש נבלע שליש קיים אמר רב אויר מגדל משכח אמר רב יוסף בבל ובורסיף סימן רע לתורה מאי בורסיף אמר ר\' אסי בור שאפי:,אנשי סדום אין להם חלק לעולם הבא וכו\': ת"ר אנשי סדום אין להן חלק לעולם הבא שנאמר (בראשית יג, יג) ואנשי סדום רעים וחטאים לה\' מאד רעים בעוה"ז וחטאים לעולם הבא,אמר רב יהודה רעים בגופן וחטאים בממונם רעים בגופן דכתיב (בראשית לט, ט) ואיך אעשה הרעה הגדולה הזאת וחטאתי לאלהים וחטאים בממונם דכתיב (דברים טו, ט) והיה בך חטא לה\' זו ברכת השם מאד שמתכוונים וחוטאים,במתניתא תנא רעים בממונם וחטאים בגופן רעים בממונם דכתיב (דברים טו, ט) ורעה עינך באחיך האביון וחטאים בגופן דכתיב (בראשית לט, ט) וחטאתי לאלהים לה\' זו ברכת השם מאד זו שפיכות דמים שנאמר (מלכים ב כא, טז) גם דם נקי שפך מנשה (בירושלים) הרבה מאד וגו\',ת"ר אנשי סדום לא נתגאו אלא בשביל טובה שהשפיע להם הקב"ה ומה כתיב בהם (איוב כח, ה) ארץ ממנה יצא לחם ותחתיה נהפך כמו אש מקום ספיר אבניה ועפרות זהב לו נתיב לא ידעו עיט ולא שזפתו עין איה לא הדריכוהו בני שחץ לא עדה עליו שחל,אמרו וכי מאחר שארץ ממנה יצא לחם ועפרות זהב לו למה לנו עוברי דרכים שאין באים אלינו אלא לחסרינו מממוננו בואו ונשכח תורת רגל מארצנו שנאמר (איוב כח, ד) פרץ נחל מעם גר הנשכחים מני רגל דלו מאנוש נעו,דרש רבא מאי דכתיב (תהלים סב, ד) עד אנה תהותתו על איש תרצחו כולכם כקיר נטוי גדר הדחויה מלמד שהיו נותנין עיניהן בבעלי ממון ומושיבין אותו אצל קיר נטוי ודוחין אותו עליו ובאים ונוטלין את ממונו,דרש רבא מאי דכתיב (איוב כד, טז) חתר בחשך בתים יומם חתמו למו לא (ראו) ידעו אור מלמד שהיו נותנים עיניהם בבעלי ממון ומפקידים אצלו אפרסמון ומניחים אותו בבית גנזיהם לערב באים ומריחין אותו ככלב שנא\' (תהלים נט, ז) ישובו לערב יהמו ככלב ויסובבו עיר ובאים וחותרים שם ונוטלין אותו ממון,(איוב כד, י) ערום הלכו מבלי לבוש ואין כסות בקרה חמור יתומים ינהגו יחבלו שור אלמנה גבולות ישיגו עדר גזלו וירעו (איוב כא, לב) והוא לקברות יובל ועל גדיש ישקוד,דרש ר\' יוסי בציפורי אחתרין ההיא ליליא תלת מאה מחתרתא בציפורי אתו וקא מצערי ליה אמרו ליה יהבית אורחיה לגנבי אמר להו מי הוה ידענא דאתו גנבי כי קא נח נפשיה דרבי יוסי שפעי מרזבי דציפורי דמא,אמרי דאית ליה חד תורא מרעי חד יומא דלית ליה לירעי תרי יומי ההוא יתמא בר ארמלתא הבו ליה תורי למרעיה אזל שקלינהו וקטלינהו אמר להו'' None109a whom shall we send the gift? They decided: We will send it with Naḥum of Gam Zo, as he is experienced in miracles.,When he reached a certain lodging, he sought to sleep there. The residents of that lodging said to him: What do you have with you? Naḥum said to them: I am taking the head tax to the emperor. They rose in the night, opened his chest and took everything that was in it, and then filled the chest with dirt. When he arrived there, in Rome, earth was discovered in the chest. The emperor said: The Jews are mocking me by giving me this gift. They took Naḥum out to kill him. Naḥum said: This too is for the best. Elijah the prophet came and appeared to them as one of Naḥum’s traveling party. Elijah said to them: Perhaps this earth is from the earth of Abraham our forefather, who would throw dust and it became swords, and who would throw straw and it became arrows. They examined the dust and discovered that it was indeed the dust of Abraham.,There was a province that the Romans were unable to conquer. They threw some of this earth upon that province and they conquered it. In appreciation for the gift that Naḥum of Gam Zo had brought on behalf of the Jewish people, they brought him into the treasury and said: Take that which is preferable to you. He filled his chest with gold. When he returned to that lodging, those residents said to him: What did you bring to the king’s palace? Naḥum said to them: What I took from here, I brought to there. The residents concluded that the earth with which they had filled the chest had miraculous properties. They took earth and brought it to the emperor. Once the Romans discovered that the earth was ineffective in battle, they executed those residents.,§ The mishna teaches that the members of the generation of the dispersion have no share in the World-to-Come. The Gemara asks: What sin did they perform? Their sin is not explicitly delineated in the Torah. The school of Rabbi Sheila say that the builders of the Tower of Babel said: We will build a tower and ascend to heaven, and we will strike it with axes so that its waters will flow. They laughed at this explanation in the West, Eretz Yisrael, and asked: If that was their objective, let them build a tower on a mountain; why did they build it specifically in a valley (see Genesis 11:2)?,Rather, Rabbi Yirmeya bar Elazar says: They divided into three factions; one said: Let us ascend to the top of the tower and dwell there. And one said: Let us ascend to the top of the tower and engage in idol worship. And one said: Let us ascend to the top of the tower and wage war. With regard to that faction that said: Let us ascend to the top of the tower and dwell there, God dispersed them. And that faction that said: Let us ascend to the top of the tower and wage war, became apes, and spirits, and demons, and female demons. And with regard to that faction that said: Let us ascend to the top of the tower and engage in idol wor-ship, it is written: “Because there the Lord confounded the language of all the earth” (Genesis 11:9).,It is taught in a baraita: Rabbi Natan says: All of those factions intended to build the tower for the sake of idol worship. It is written here: “And let us make a name for us” (Genesis 11:4), and it is written there: “And make no mention of the name of the other gods” (Exodus 23:13). Just as there, the connotation of “name” is idol worship, so too here, the connotation of “name” is idol worship.,Rabbi Yoḥa says: The uppermost third of the tower was burned, the lowermost third of the tower was swallowed into the earth, and the middle third remained intact. Rav says: The atmosphere of the tower causes forgetfulness; anyone who goes there forgets what he has learned. As a result of the building of the tower, forgetting was introduced into the world. Rav Yosef says: Babylonia and the adjacent place, Bursif, are each a bad omen for Torah, i.e., they cause one to forget his knowledge. The Gemara asks: What is the meaning of Bursif? Rabbi Asi says: It is an abbreviation of empty pit bor shafi.,§ The mishna teaches: The people of Sodom have no share in the World-to-Come. The Sages taught: The people of Sodom have no share in the World-to-Come, as it is stated: “And the men of Sodom were wicked and sinners before the Lord exceedingly” (Genesis 13:13). “Wicked” indicates in this world; “and sinners” indicates for the World-to-Come.,Rav Yehuda says: “Wicked” is referring to sins they committed with their bodies; “and sinners” is referring to sins they committed with their money. “Wicked” is referring to sins they committed with their bodies, as it is written with regard to Joseph and the wife of Potiphar: “And how can I do this great wickedness, and sin against God” (Genesis 39:9). “And sinners” is referring to sins they committed with their money, as it is written: “And your eye is wicked against your poor brother, and you give him nothing…for it shall be reckoned to you as a sin” (Deuteronomy 15:9). “Before the Lord”; this is referring to blessing, a euphemism for cursing, God. “Exceedingly” means that they had intent and sinned and did not sin unwittingly or driven by lust.,It was taught in a baraita: “Wicked” is referring to sins they committed with their money; “and sinners” is referring to sins they committed with their bodies. “Wicked” is referring to sins they committed with their money, as it is written: “And your eye is wicked against your poor brother and you give him nothing” (Deuteronomy 15:9). “And sinners” is referring to sins they committed with their bodies, as it is written with regard to Joseph and the wife of Potiphar: “And sin against God” (Genesis 39:9). “Before the Lord”; this is referring to blessing, a euphemism for cursing, God. “Exceedingly meod ” is referring to bloodshed, as it is stated: “Moreover Manasseh shed very meod much blood” (II\xa0Kings 21:16).,The Sages taught: The people of Sodom became haughty and sinned due only to the excessive goodness that the Holy One, Blessed be He, bestowed upon them. And what is written concerning them, indicating that goodness? “As for the earth, out of it comes bread, and underneath it is turned up as it were by fire. Its stones are the place of sapphires, and it has dust of gold. That path no bird of prey knows, neither has the falcon’s eye seen it. The proud beasts have not trodden it, nor has the lion passed thereby” (Job 28:5–8). The reference is to the city of Sodom, which was later overturned, as it is stated thereafter: “He puts forth His hand upon the flinty rock; He overturns the mountains by the roots” (Job 28:9).,The people of Sodom said: Since we live in a land from which bread comes and has the dust of gold, we have everything that we need. Why do we need travelers, as they come only to divest us of our property? Come, let us cause the proper treatment of travelers to be forgotten from our land, as it is stated: “He breaks open a watercourse in a place far from inhabitants, forgotten by pedestrians, they are dried up, they have moved away from men” (Job 28:4).,Rava taught: What is the meaning of that which is written: “How long will you seek to overwhelm a man? You will all be murdered like a leaning wall or a tottering fence” (Psalms 62:4)? This teaches that the people of Sodom set their sights on property owners. They would take one and place him alongside an inclined, flimsy wall that was about to fall, and push it upon him to kill him, and then they would come and take his property.,Rava taught: What is the meaning of that which is written: “In the dark they dig through houses; by day they shut themselves up; they know not the light” (Job 24:16)? This teaches that they would set their sights on property owners. They would take one and they would give him balsam, whose smell diffuses, and the property owner would place it in his treasury. In the evening, the people of Sodom would come and sniff it out like a dog and discover the location of the property owner’s treasury, as it is stated: “They return at evening; they howl like a dog, and go round about the city” (Psalms 59:7). And after discovering the location they would come and dig there, and they would take that property.,The Gemara cites verses that allude to the practices of the people of Sodom: “They lie at night naked without clothing, and they have no covering in the cold” (Job 24:7). And likewise: “They drive away the donkey of the fatherless; they take the widow’s ox as a pledge” (Job 24:3). And likewise: “They trespass; they violently steal flocks and graze them” (Job 24:2). And likewise: “For he is brought to the grave, and watch is kept over his tomb” (Job 21:32).,Rabbi Yosei taught in Tzippori the methods of theft employed in Sodom. That night three hundred tunnels were excavated in Tzippori in order to employ those methods. Homeowners came and harassed him; they said to him: You have given a way for thieves to steal. Rabbi Yosei said to them: Did I know that thieves would come as a result of my lecture? The Gemara relates: When Rabbi Yosei died, the gutters of Tzippori miraculously overflowed with blood as a sign of his death.,The people of Sodom would say: Anyone who has one ox shall herd the city’s oxen for one day. Anyone who does not have any oxen shall herd the city’s oxen for two days. The Gemara relates: They gave oxen to a certain orphan, son of a widow, to herd. He went and took them and killed them. The orphan said to the people of Sodom:'' None
15. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Repetundae cases • case

 Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 192; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 257



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