| 1. Cicero, Pro Caelio, 4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 123 |
| 2. Cicero, On Friendship, 97 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 8 |
| 3. Cicero, On Laws, 2.23.59 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, caligula Found in books: Goldman (2013) 49 |
| 4. Cicero, Letters, 1.9.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 8 |
| 5. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 3.1.24, 3.2.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 188 |
| 6. Cicero, In Pisonem, 38.92-38.93 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 45 |
| 7. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.5.77 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 19 |
| 8. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.18.44 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 36, 45 |
| 9. Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 93 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 8 |
10. Cicero, Pro Lege Manilia, 40 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 243| 40. quae quae H : qua p : quali y : qualis cett. sit temperantia considerate. Vnde illam tantam celeritatem et tam incredibilem cursum inventum putatis? non enim illum eximia vis remigum aut ars inaudita quaedam guberdi aut venti aliqui novi tam celeriter in ultimas terras pertulerunt, sed eae eae hae Eb s res quae ceteros remorari solent non retardarunt. non avaritia ab instituto cursu ad praedam aliquam devocavit, non libido ad voluptatem, non amoenitas ad delectationem, non nobilitas urbis urbis nobilitas H ad cognitionem, non denique labor ipse ad quietem; postremo signa et tabulas ceteraque ornamenta Graecorum oppidorum quae ceteri tollenda esse arbitrantur, ea sibi ille ne visenda quidem existimavit. | |
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| 11. Cicero, Pro Murena, 76.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 80 |
| 12. Ovid, Epistulae Ex Ponto, 1.8.29, 1.8.33-1.8.38, 1.8.41-1.8.48, 1.8.65-1.8.68 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 107 |
13. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.31-1.32 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 24| 1.31. Este procul, vittae tenues, insigne pudoris, 1.32. rend= | |
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| 14. Nicolaus of Damascus, Fragments, 4.8-4.10 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 65 |
| 15. Livy, History, 1.46.3, 9.7.11, 9.24.15, 31.24.13, 34.1 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 8, 19, 188; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 203 |
16. Ovid, Fasti, 3.771-3.772, 3.809-3.876 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) •caligula, emperor Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 49; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 203| 3.771. restat, ut inveniam, quare toga libera detur 3.772. Lucifero pueris, candide Bacche, tuo: 3.809. Una dies media est, et fiunt sacra Minervae, 3.810. nomina quae iunctis quinque diebus habent, 3.811. sanguine prima vacat, nec fas concurrere ferro: 3.812. causa, quod est illa nata Minerva die. 3.813. altera tresque super strata celebrantur harena: 3.814. ensibus exertis bellica laeta dea est. 3.815. Pallada nunc pueri teneraeque orate puellae: 3.816. qui bene placarit Pallada, doctus erit. 3.817. Pallade placata lanam mollire puellae 3.818. discant et plenas exonerare colos. 3.819. illa etiam stantis radio percurrere telas 3.820. erudit et rarum pectine denset opus. 3.821. hanc cole, qui maculas laesis de vestibus aufers, 3.822. hanc cole, velleribus quisquis aena paras; 3.823. nec quisquam invita faciet bene vincula plantae 3.824. Pallade, sit Tychio doctior ille licet; 3.825. et licet antiquo manibus conlatus Epeo 3.826. sit prior, irata Pallade manens erit. 3.827. vos quoque, Phoebea morbos qui pellitis arte, 3.828. munera de vestris pauca referte deae: 3.829. nec vos, turba fere censu fraudata, 1 magistri, 3.830. spernite; discipulos attrahit illa novos: 3.831. quique moves caelum, tabulamque coloribus uris, 3.832. quique facis docta mollia saxa manu. 3.833. mille dea est operum: certe dea carminis illa est; 3.834. si mereor, studiis adsit amica meis, 3.835. Caelius ex alto qua mons descendit in aequum, 3.836. hic, ubi non plana est, sed prope plana via, 3.837. parva licet videas Captae delubra Minervae, 3.838. quae dea natali coepit habere suo. 3.839. nominis in dubio causa est. capitale vocamus 3.840. ingenium sollers: ingeniosa dea est. 3.841. an quia de capitis fertur sine matre paterni 3.842. vertice cum clipeo prosiluisse suo? 3.843. an quia perdomitis ad nos captiva Faliscis 3.844. venit? et hoc ipsum littera prisca docet. 3.845. an quod habet legem, capitis quae pendere poenas 3.846. ex illo iubeat furta reperta loco? 3.847. a quacumque trahis ratione vocabula, Pallas, 3.848. pro ducibus nostris aegida semper habe. 23. B TVBIL — NP 3.849. Summa dies e quinque tubas lustrare canoras 3.850. admonet et forti sacrificare deae. 3.851. nunc potes ad solem sublato dicere voltu 3.852. hic here Phrixeae vellera pressit ovis. 3.853. seminibus tostis sceleratae fraude novercae 3.854. sustulerat nullas, ut solet, herba comas. 3.855. mittitur ad tripodas, certa qui sorte reportet, 3.856. quam sterili terrae Delphicus edat opem. 3.857. hic quoque corruptus cum semine nuntiat Helles 3.858. et iuvenis Phrixi funera sorte peti; 3.859. utque recusantem cives et tempus et Ino 3.860. compulerunt regem iussa nefanda pati, 3.861. et soror et Phrixus, velati tempora vittis, 3.862. stant simul ante aras iunctaque fata gemunt. 3.863. aspicit hos, ut forte pependerat aethere, mater 3.864. et ferit attonita pectora nuda manu, 3.865. inque draconigenam nimbis comitantibus urbem 3.866. desilit et natos eripit inde suos; 3.867. utque fugam capiant, aries nitidissimus auro 3.868. traditur: ille vehit per freta longa duos. 3.869. icitur infirma cornu tenuisse sinistra 3.870. femina, cum de se nomina fecit aquae. 3.871. paene simul periit, dum volt succurrere lapsae 3.872. frater, et extentas porrigit usque manus, 3.873. flebat, ut amissa gemini consorte pericli, 3.874. caeruleo iunctam nescius esse deo. 3.875. litoribus tactis aries fit sidus, at huius 3.876. pervenit in Colchas aurea lana domos. 24. C Q — REX — C — F 25. DC 26. EC | 3.771. of manhood, is given to boys on your day, Bacchus: 3.772. Whether it’s because you seem to be ever boy or youth, 3.809. Which take their name from the sequence of five days. 3.810. The first day is bloodless, and sword fights are unlawful, 3.811. Because Minerva was born on that very day. 3.812. The next four are celebrated with gladiatorial shows, 3.813. The warlike goddess delights in naked swords. 3.814. Pray now you boys and tender girls to Pallas: 3.815. He who can truly please Pallas, is learned. 3.816. Pleasing Pallas let girls learn to card wool, 3.817. And how to unwind the full distaff. 3.818. She shows how to draw the shuttle through the firm 3.819. Warp, and close up loose threads with the comb. 3.820. Worship her, you who remove stains from damaged clothes, 3.821. Worship her, you who ready bronze cauldrons for fleeces. 3.822. If Pallas frowns, no one could make good shoes, 3.823. Even if he were more skilled than Tychius: 3.824. And even if he were cleverer with his hand 3.825. Than Epeus once was, he’ll be useless if Pallas is angry. 3.826. You too who drive away ills with Apollo’s art, 3.827. Bring a few gifts of your own for the goddess: 3.828. And don’t scorn her, you schoolmasters, a tribe 3.829. So often cheated of its pay: she attracts new pupils: 3.830. Nor you engravers, and painters with encaustics, 3.831. Nor you who carve the stone with a skilful hand. 3.832. She’s the goddess of a thousand things: and song for sure: 3.833. If I’m worthy may she be a friend to my endeavours. 3.834. Where the Caelian Hill slopes down to the plain, 3.835. At the point where the street’s almost, but not quite, level, 3.836. You can see the little shrine of Minerva Capta, 3.837. Which the goddess first occupied on her birthday. 3.838. The source of the name is doubtful: we speak of 3.839. ‘Capital’ ingenuity: the goddess is herself ingenious. 3.840. Or is it because, motherless, she leapt, with a shield 3.841. From the crown of her father’s head (caput)? 3.842. Or because she came to us as a ‘captive’ from the conquest 3.843. of Falerii? This, an ancient inscription claims. 3.844. Or because her law ordains ‘capital’ punishment 3.845. For receiving things stolen from that place? 3.846. By whatever logic your title’s derived, Pallas, 3.847. Shield our leaders with your aegis forever. 3.848. The last day of the five exhorts us to purify 3.849. The tuneful trumpets, and sacrifice to the mighty god. 3.850. Now you can turn your face to the Sun and say: 3.851. ‘He touched the fleece of the Phrixian Ram yesterday’. 3.852. The seeds having been parched, by a wicked stepmother’ 3.853. Guile, the corn did not sprout in the usual way. 3.854. They sent to the oracle, to find by sure prophecy, 3.855. What cure the Delphic god would prescribe for sterility. 3.856. But tarnished like the seed, the messenger brought new 3.857. That the oracle sought the death of Helle and young Phrixus: 3.858. And when citizens, season, and Ino herself compelled 3.859. The reluctant king to obey that evil order, 3.860. Phrixus and his sister, brows covered with sacred bands, 3.861. Stood together before the altar, bemoaning their mutual fate. 3.862. Their mother saw them, as she hovered by chance in the air, 3.863. And, stunned, she beat her naked breasts with her hand: 3.864. Then, with the clouds as her companions, she leapt down 3.865. Into serpent-born Thebes, and snatched away her children: 3.866. And so that they could flee a ram, shining and golden, 3.867. Was brought, and it carried them over the wide ocean. 3.868. They say the sister held too weakly to the left-hand horn, 3.869. And so gave her own name to the waters below. 3.870. Her brother almost died with her, trying to help her 3.871. As she fell, stretching out his hands as far as he could. 3.872. He wept at losing her, his friend in their twin danger, 3.873. Not knowing she was now wedded to a sea-green god. 3.874. Reaching the shore the Ram was raised as a constellation, 3.875. While his golden fleece was carried to the halls of Colchis. 3.876. When the Morning Star has three times heralded the dawn, |
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| 17. Catullus, Poems, 45.6-45.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, caligula Found in books: Goldman (2013) 104 |
18. Ovid, Tristia, 1.3, 2.247-2.252, 3.12.17-3.12.24 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 24; Jenkyns (2013) 107, 188| 1.3. vade, sed incultus, qualem decet exulis esse 1.3. neve, precor, magni subscribite Caesaris irae! 1.3. cum repeto noctem, qua tot mihi cara reliqui, 1.3. nos tamen Ionium non nostra findimus aequor 1.3. attonitum qui me, memini, carissime, primus 1.3. pectoribus quantum tu nostris, uxor, inhaeres, 1.3. ista decent laetos felicia signa poetas : 1.3. terra feret stellas, caelum findetur aratro, 1.3. atque utinam pro te possent mea vota valere, 1.3. sive opus est velis, minimam bene currit ad auram, 1.3. aut haec me, gelido tremerem cum mense Decembri, 2.247. este procul, vittae tenues, insigne pudoris, 2.248. quaeque tegis medios instita longa pedes! 2.249. nil nisi legitimum concessitque furta canemus, 2.250. inque meo nullum carmine crimen erit. 2.251. ecquid ab hac omnes rigide summovimus Arte, 2.252. quas stola contingi vittaque sumpta vetat? | |
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| 19. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 25.2, 32.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 182, 193; Csapo (2022) 125 |
| 20. Propertius, Elegies, 4.1.15-4.1.16 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, caligula Found in books: Goldman (2013) 87 |
| 21. Sallust, Historiae, 2.59 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 45 |
22. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 1, 10, 100-109, 11, 110-119, 12, 120-129, 13, 130-139, 14, 140-149, 15, 150-159, 16, 160-169, 17, 170-179, 18, 180-189, 19, 190-191, 2, 20-29, 3, 30-35, 37-39, 4, 40-49, 5, 50-59, 6, 60-69, 7, 70-79, 8, 80-89, 9, 90-99, 36 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 38, 39, 40 | 36. There was a certain madman named Carabbas, afflicted not with a wild, savage, and dangerous madness (for that comes on in fits without being expected either by the patient or by bystanders), but with an intermittent and more gentle kind; this man spent all this days and nights naked in the roads, minding neither cold nor heat, the sport of idle children and wanton youths; |
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23. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 139, 162-164, 166-172, 174-175, 250-253, 338, 353-357, 173 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 38, 40 | 173. And he, being continually declaiming of that time in which, while his master was present, and in conjunction with him, he should be almost supreme in his power over a large portion of the world (for it was notorious enough that by his assiduous courting of Gaius, he would be able to acquire power over the most illustrious portion of the citizens, and over all those who are held in especial honour by the most magnificent and glorious city, promised every thing). |
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| 24. Philo of Alexandria, Allegorical Interpretation, 203, 205, 204 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo (2022) 124 |
| 25. Persius, Saturae, 6.45-6.47 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, caligula Found in books: Goldman (2013) 61 |
26. Plutarch, Sulla, 2.2-2.3, 17.2, 26.1, 36.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 81, 243| 2.2. τοῖς δὲ τοιούτοις τῶν τεκμηρίων οὐκ ἄτοπόν ἐστι χρῆσθαι περὶ ἀνδρός, ὃν οὕτω φιλοσκώμμονα φύσει γεγονέναι λέγουσιν, ὥστε νέον μὲν ὄντα καὶ ἄδοξον ἔτι μετὰ μίμων καὶ γελωτοποιῶν διαιτᾶσθαι καὶ συνακολασταίνειν, ἐπεὶ δὲ κύριος ἁπάντων κατέστη, συναγαγόντα τῶν ἀπὸ σκηνῆς καὶ θεάτρου τοὺς ἰταμωτάτους ὁσημέραι πίνειν καὶ διαπληκτίζεσθαι τοῖς σκώμμασι, τοῦ τε γήρως ἀωρότερα πράττειν δοκοῦντα καὶ πρὸς τῷ καταισχύνειν τὸ ἀξίωμα τῆς ἀρχῆς πολλὰ τῶν δεομένων ἐπιμελείας προϊέμενον. 2.3. οὐ γὰρ ἦν τῷ Σύλλᾳ περὶ δεῖπνον ὄντι χρήσασθαι σπουδαῖον οὐδέν, ἀλλʼ ἐνεργὸς ὢν καὶ σκυθρωπότερος παρὰ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον, ἀθρόαν ἐλάμβανε μεταβολὴν ὁπότε πρῶτον ἑαυτὸν εἰς συνουσίαν καταβάλοι καὶ πότον, ὥστε μιμῳδοῖς καὶ ὀρχησταῖς τιθασὸς εἶναι καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν ἔντευξιν ὑποχείριος καὶ κατάντης. ταύτης δὲ τῆς ἀνέσεως ἔοικε γεγονέναι νόσημα καὶ ἡ πρὸς τοὺς ἔρωτας εὐχέρεια καὶ ῥύσις αὐτοῦ τῆς φιληδονίας, ἧς οὐδὲ γηράσας ἐπαύσατο, 17.2. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον ἀνὴρ τῶν ἐν τάξει στρατευομένων ὄνομα Σαλουήνιος ἀνήνεγκε παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τέλος οἷον αἱ κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν πράξεις ἔμελλον ἕξειν. ἀμφότεροι δὲ ταὐτὰ περὶ τῆς ὀμφῆς ἔφραζον τῷ γὰρ Ὀλυμπίῳ Διῒ καὶ τὸ κάλλος καὶ τὸ μέγεθος παραπλήσιον ἰδεῖν ἔφασαν. 26.1. ἀναχθεὶς δὲ πάσαις ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐξ Ἐφέσου τριταῖος ἐν Πειραιεῖ καθωρμίσθη καὶ μυηθεὶς ἐξεῖλεν ἑαυτῷ τὴν Ἀπελλικῶνος τοῦ Τηΐου βιβλιοθήκην, ἐν ᾗ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν Ἀριστοτέλους καὶ Θεοφράστου βιβλίων ἦν, οὔπω τότε σαφῶς γνωριζόμενα τοῖς πολλοῖς, λέγεται δὲ κομισθείσης αὐτῆς εἰς Ῥώμην Τυραννίωνα τὸν γραμματικὸν ἐνσκευάσασθαι τὰ πολλά, καὶ παρʼ αὐτοῦ τὸν Ῥόδιον Ἀνδρόνικον εὐπορήσαντα τῶν ἀντιγράφων εἰς μέσον θεῖναι καὶ ἀναγράψαι τοὺς νῦν φερομένους πίνακας. 36.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ταύτην ἔχων ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας συνῆν μίμοις γυναιξὶ καὶ κιθαριστρίαις καὶ θυμελικοῖς ἀνθρώποις, ἐπὶ στιβάδων ἀφʼ ἡμέρας συμπίνων. οὗτοι γὰρ οἱ τότε παρʼ αὐτῷ δυνάμενοι μέγιστον ἦσαν, Ῥώσκιος ὁ κωμῳδὸς καὶ Σῶριξ ὁ ἀρχιμῖμος καὶ Μητρόβιος ὁ λυσιῳδός, οὗ καίπερ ἐξώρου γενομένου διετέλει μέχρι παντὸς ἐρᾶν οὐκ ἀρνούμενος. | 2.2. 2.3. 17.2. 26.1. 36.1. |
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27. Plutarch, Pompey, 27.3, 30.1, 43.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 188, 243| 27.3. ἐπειγόμενος δὲ τῷ καιρῷ καὶ παραπλέων τὰς πόλεις ὑπὸ σπουδῆς, ὅμως οὐ παρῆλθε τὰς Ἀθήνας, ἀναβὰς δὲ καὶ θύσας τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ προσαγορεύσας τὸν δῆμον εὐθὺς ἀπιὼν ἀνεγίνωσκεν εἰς αὐτὸν ἐπιγεγραμμένα μονόστιχα, τὸ μὲν ἐντὸς τῆς πύλης· ἐφʼ ὅσον ὢν ἄνθρωπος οἶδας, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον εἶ θεός· τὸ δʼ ἐκτός· προσεδοκῶμεν, προσεκυνοῦμεν, εἴδομεν, προπέμπομεν. 30.1. ἀπαγγελθέντος δὲ εἰς Ῥώμην πέρας ἔχειν τὸν πειρατικὸν πόλεμον καὶ σχολὴν ἄγοντα τὸν Πομπήϊον ἐπέρχεσθαι τὰς πόλεις, γράφει νόμου εἷς τῶν δημάρχων Μάλλιος, ὅσης Λεύκολλος ἄρχει χώρας καὶ δυνάμεως, Πομπήϊον παραλαβόντα πᾶσαν, προσλαβόντα δὲ καὶ Βιθυνίαν, ἣν ἔχει Γλαβρίων, πολεμεῖν Μιθριδάτῃ καὶ Τιγράνῃ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν, ἔχοντα καὶ τὴν ναυτικὴν δύναμιν καὶ τὸ κράτος τῆς θαλάσσης ἐφʼ οἷς ἔλαβεν ἐξ ἀρχῆς. 43.3. ὁρῶσαι γὰρ αἱ πόλεις Πομπήϊον Μάγνον ἄνοπλον καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγων τῶν συνήθων ὥσπερ ἐξ ἄλλης ἀποδημίας διαπορευόμενον, ἐκχεόμεναι διʼ εὔνοιαν καὶ προπέμπουσαι μετὰ μείζονος δυνάμεως συγκατῆγον εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, εἴ τι κινεῖν διενοεῖτο καὶ νεωτερίζειν τότε, μηδὲν ἐκείνου δεόμενον τοῦ στρατεύματος. | 27.3. 30.1. 43.3. |
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| 28. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 18.4-19.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor Found in books: Rüpke (2011) 133 |
| 29. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 203 |
30. Plutarch, Lucullus, 1.4-1.5, 2.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 81, 243| 1.4. ἀλλὰ καί τὴν ἐμμελῆ ταύτην καί λεγομένην ἐλευθέριον ἐπὶ τῷ καλῷ προσεποιεῖτο παιδείαν ἔτι καί μειράκιον ὤν. γενόμενος δὲ πρεσβύτερος ἤδη παντάπασιν ὥσπερ ἐκ πολλῶν ἀγώνων ἀφῆκε τὴν διάνοιαν ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ σχολάζειν καί ἀναπαύεσθαι, τὸ θεωρητικὸν αὐτῆς ἐγείρας, καταλύσας δʼ ἐν καιρῷ καί κολούσας τὸ φιλότιμον ἐκ τῆς πρὸς Πομπήϊον διαφορᾶς. 1.5. περὶ μὲν οὖν τῆς φιλολογίας αὐτοῦ πρὸς τοῖς εἰρημένοις καὶ ταῦτα λέγεται· νέον ὄντα πρὸς Ὁρτήσιον τὸν δικολόγον καί Σισεννᾶν τὸν ἱστορικὸν ἐκ παιδιᾶς τινος εἰς σπουδὴν προελθούσης ὁμολογῆσαι, προθεμένων ποίημα καί λόγον Ἑλληνικόν τε καί Ῥωμαϊκόν, εἰς ὅ τι ἂν λάχῃ τούτων, τὸν Μαρσικὸν ἐντενεῖν πόλεμον. καί πως ἔοικεν εἰς λόγον Ἑλληνικὸν ὁ κλῆρος ἀφικέσθαι διασῴζεται γὰρ Ἑλληνική τις ἱστορία τοῦ Μαρσικοῦ πολέμου. 2.6. δαπάνην δὲ καὶ σύνταξιν οὐχ ὅσην ἐδίδου τοῖς ἄλλοις, ἀλλὰ τετραπλῆν ἐκείνῳ παρεῖχεν, οὐ προσιεμένῳ τῶν ἀναγκαίων πλέον οὐδὲν οὐδὲ δῶρον λαβόντι, καίπερ ὀγδοήκοντα ταλάντων ἄξια πέμψαντος αὐτῷ. λέγεται δὲ μήτʼ εἰς Μέμφιν ἀναβῆναι μήτʼ ἄλλο τῶν θαυμαζομένων ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ περιβοήτων ἱστορῆσαι· σχολάζοντος γὰρ εἶναι ταῦτα θεατοῦ καὶ τρυφῶντος, οὐχ, ὡς αὐτὸς, ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ τὸν αὐτοκράτορα σκηνοῦντα παρὰ ταῖς ἐπάλξεσι τῶν πολεμίων ἀπολελοιπότος. | 1.4. 1.5. 2.6. |
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| 31. Plutarch, Galba, 12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (emperor) Found in books: Phang (2001) 369 |
| 32. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 78 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 242 |
| 33. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 5.85, 11.54.143-11.54.145, 33.27.90, 35.1.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor •emperors, caligula Found in books: Goldman (2013) 22, 87, 103, 104; Marek (2019) 331 |
| 34. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 74, 85, 77 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 243 |
| 35. Epictetus, Discourses, 2.8.26 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 243 |
36. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 16.137-16.139, 16.149, 18.66-18.80, 19.75-19.98, 19.336, 19.343 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (emperor) •emperors and egypt, caligula (gaius) Found in books: Csapo (2022) 115, 124, 125; Manolaraki (2012) 37, 38 | 16.137. There was accordingly a great festival and most sumptuous preparations made presently, in order to its dedication; for he had appointed a contention in music, and games to be performed naked. He had also gotten ready a great number of those that fight single combats, and of beasts for the like purpose; horse races also, and the most chargeable of such sports and shows as used to be exhibited at Rome, and in other places. 16.138. He consecrated this combat to Caesar, and ordered it to be celebrated every fifth year. He also sent all sorts of ornaments for it out of his own furniture, that it might want nothing to make it decent; 16.139. nay, Julia, Caesar’s wife, sent a great part of her most valuable furniture [from Rome], insomuch that he had no want of any thing. The sum of them all was estimated at five hundred talents. 16.149. And as to the olympic games, which were in a very low condition, by reason of the failure of their revenues, he recovered their reputation, and appointed revenues for their maintece, and made that solemn meeting more venerable, as to the sacrifices and other ornaments; and by reason of this vast liberality, he was generally declared in their inscriptions to be one of the perpetual managers of those games. 18.66. There was at Rome a woman whose name was Paulina; one who, on account of the dignity of her ancestors, and by the regular conduct of a virtuous life, had a great reputation: she was also very rich; and although she was of a beautiful countece, and in that flower of her age wherein women are the most gay, yet did she lead a life of great modesty. She was married to Saturninus, one that was every way answerable to her in an excellent character. 18.67. Decius Mundus fell in love with this woman, who was a man very high in the equestrian order; and as she was of too great dignity to be caught by presents, and had already rejected them, though they had been sent in great abundance, he was still more inflamed with love to her, insomuch that he promised to give her two hundred thousand Attic drachmae for one night’s lodging; 18.68. and when this would not prevail upon her, and he was not able to bear this misfortune in his amours, he thought it the best way to famish himself to death for want of food, on account of Paulina’s sad refusal; and he determined with himself to die after such a manner, and he went on with his purpose accordingly. 18.69. Now Mundus had a freed-woman, who had been made free by his father, whose name was Ide, one skillful in all sorts of mischief. This woman was very much grieved at the young man’s resolution to kill himself, (for he did not conceal his intentions to destroy himself from others,) and came to him, and encouraged him by her discourse, and made him to hope, by some promises she gave him, that he might obtain a night’s lodging with Paulina; 18.70. and when he joyfully hearkened to her entreaty, she said she wanted no more than fifty thousand drachmae for the entrapping of the woman. So when she had encouraged the young man, and gotten as much money as she required, she did not take the same methods as had been taken before, because she perceived that the woman was by no means to be tempted by money; but as she knew that she was very much given to the worship of the goddess Isis, she devised the following stratagem: 18.71. She went to some of Isis’s priests, and upon the strongest assurances [of concealment], she persuaded them by words, but chiefly by the offer of money, of twenty-five thousand drachmae in hand, and as much more when the thing had taken effect; and told them the passion of the young man, and persuaded them to use all means possible to beguile the woman. 18.72. So they were drawn in to promise so to do, by that large sum of gold they were to have. Accordingly, the oldest of them went immediately to Paulina; and upon his admittance, he desired to speak with her by herself. When that was granted him, he told her that he was sent by the god Anubis, who was fallen in love with her, and enjoined her to come to him. 18.73. Upon this she took the message very kindly, and valued herself greatly upon this condescension of Anubis, and told her husband that she had a message sent her, and was to sup and lie with Anubis; so he agreed to her acceptance of the offer, as fully satisfied with the chastity of his wife. 18.74. Accordingly, she went to the temple, and after she had supped there, and it was the hour to go to sleep, the priest shut the doors of the temple, when, in the holy part of it, the lights were also put out. Then did Mundus leap out, (for he was hidden therein,) and did not fail of enjoying her, who was at his service all the night long, as supposing he was the god; 18.75. and when he was gone away, which was before those priests who knew nothing of this stratagem were stirring, Paulina came early to her husband, and told him how the god Anubis had appeared to her. Among her friends, also, she declared how great a value she put upon this favor, 18.76. who partly disbelieved the thing, when they reflected on its nature, and partly were amazed at it, as having no pretense for not believing it, when they considered the modesty and the dignity of the person. 18.77. But now, on the third day after what had been done, Mundus met Paulina, and said, “Nay, Paulina, thou hast saved me two hundred thousand drachmae, which sum thou sightest have added to thy own family; yet hast thou not failed to be at my service in the manner I invited thee. As for the reproaches thou hast laid upon Mundus, I value not the business of names; but I rejoice in the pleasure I reaped by what I did, while I took to myself the name of Anubis.” 18.78. When he had said this, he went his way. But now she began to come to the sense of the grossness of what she had done, and rent her garments, and told her husband of the horrid nature of this wicked contrivance, and prayed him not to neglect to assist her in this case. So he discovered the fact to the emperor; 18.79. whereupon Tiberius inquired into the matter thoroughly by examining the priests about it, and ordered them to be crucified, as well as Ide, who was the occasion of their perdition, and who had contrived the whole matter, which was so injurious to the woman. He also demolished the temple of Isis, and gave order that her statue should be thrown into the river Tiber; 18.80. while he only banished Mundus, but did no more to him, because he supposed that what crime he had committed was done out of the passion of love. And these were the circumstances which concerned the temple of Isis, and the injuries occasioned by her priests. I now return to the relation of what happened about this time to the Jews at Rome, as I formerly told you I would. 19.75. that it would therefore be the best to set about the work when the shows were exhibited in the palace. These shows were acted in honor of that Caesar who first of all changed the popular government, and transferred it to himself; galleries being fixed before the palace, where the Romans that were patricians became spectators, together with their children and their wives, and Caesar himself was to be also a spectator; 19.76. and they reckoned, among those many ten thousands who would there be crowded into a narrow compass, they should have a favorable opportunity to make their attempt upon him as he came in, because his guards that should protect him, if any of them should have a mind to do it, would not here be able to give him any assistance. 19.77. 12. Cherea consented to this delay; and when the shows were exhibited, it was resolved to do the work the first day. But fortune, which allowed a further delay to his slaughter, was too hard for their foregoing resolution; and as three days of the regular times for these shows were now over, they had much ado to get the business done on the last day. 19.78. Then Cherea called the conspirators together, and spake thus to them: “So much time passed away without effect is a reproach to us, as delaying to go through such a virtuous design as we are engaged in; but more fatal will this delay prove if we be discovered, and the design be frustrated; for Caius will then become more cruel in his unjust proceedings. 19.79. Do we not see how long we deprive all our friends of their liberty, and give Caius leave still to tyrannize over them? while we ought to have procured them security for the future, and, by laying a foundation for the happiness of others, gain to ourselves great admiration and honor for all time to come.” 19.80. Now while the conspirators had nothing tolerable to say by way of contradiction, and yet did not quite relish what they were doing, but stood silent and astonished, he said further, “O my brave comrades! why do we make such delays? Do not you see that this is the last day of these shows, and that Caius is about to go to sea? 19.81. for he is preparing to sail to Alexandria, in order to see Egypt. Is it therefore for your honor to let a man go out of your hands who is a reproach to mankind, and to permit him to go, after a pompous manner, triumphing both at land and sea? 19.82. Shall not we be justly ashamed of ourselves, if we give leave to some Egyptian or other, who shall think his injuries insufferable to free-men, to kill him? 19.83. As for myself, I will no longer bear your stow proceedings, but will expose myself to the dangers of the enterprise this very day, and bear cheerfully whatsoever shall be the consequence of the attempt; nor, let them be ever so great, will I put them off any longer: for, to a wise and courageous man, what can be more miserable than that, while I am alive, any one else should kill Caius, and deprive me of the honor of so virtuous an action?” 19.84. 13. When Cherea had spoken thus, he zealously set about the work, and inspired courage into the rest to go on with it, and they were all eager to fall to it without further delay. So he was at the palace in the morning, with his equestrian sword girt on him; 19.85. for it was the custom that the tribunes should ask for the watchword with their swords on, and this was the day on which Cherea was, by custom, to receive the watchword; 19.86. and the multitude were already come to the palace, to be soon enough for seeing the shows, and that in great crowds, and one tumultuously crushing another, while Caius was delighted with this eagerness of the multitude; for which reason there was no order observed in the seating men, nor was any peculiar place appointed for the senators, or for the equestrian order; but they sat at random, men and women together, and free-men were mixed with the slaves. 19.87. So Caius came out in a solemn manner, and offered sacrifice to Augustus Caesar, in whose honor indeed these shows were celebrated. Now it happened, upon the fall of a certain priest, that the garment of Asprenas, a senator, was filled with blood, which made Caius laugh, although this was an evident omen to Asprenas, for he was slain at the same time with Caius. 19.88. It is also related that Caius was that day, contrary to his usual custom, so very affable and good-natured in his conversation, that every one of those that were present were astonished at it. 19.89. After the sacrifice was over, Caius betook himself to see the shows, and sat down for that purpose, as did also the principal of his friends sit near him. 19.90. Now the parts of the theater were so fastened together, as it used to be every year, in the manner following: It had two doors, the one door led to the open air, the other was for going into, or going out of, the cloisters, that those within the theater might not be thereby disturbed; but out of one gallery there went an inward passage, parted into partitions also, which led into another gallery, to give room to the combatants and to the musicians to go out as occasion served. 19.91. When the multitude were set down, and Cherea, with the other tribunes, were set down also, and the right corner of the theater was allotted to Caesar, one Vatinius, a senator, commander of the praetorian band, asked of Cluvius, one that sat by him, and was of consular dignity also, whether he had heard any thing of the news, or not? but took care that nobody should hear what he said; 19.92. and when Cluvius replied, that he had heard no news, “Know then,” said Vatinius, “that the game of the slaughter of tyrants is to be played this day.” But Cluvius replied “O brave comrade hold thy peace, lest some other of the Achaians hear thy tale.” 19.93. And as there was abundance of autumnal fruit thrown among the spectators, and a great number of birds, that were of great value to such as possessed them, on account of their rareness, Caius was pleased with the birds fighting for the fruits, and with the violence wherewith the spectators seized upon them: 19.94. and here he perceived two prodigies that happened there; for an actor was introduced, by whom a leader of robbers was crucified, and the pantomime brought in a play called Cinyras, wherein he himself was to be slain, as well as his daughter Myrrha, and wherein a great deal of fictitious blood was shed, both about him that was crucified, and also about Cinyras. 19.95. It was also confessed that this was the same day wherein Pausanias, a friend of Philip, the son of Amyntas, who was king of Macedonia, slew him, as he was entering into the theater. 19.96. And now Caius was in doubt whether he should tarry to the end of the shows, because it was the last day, or whether he should not go first to the bath, and to dinner, and then return and sit down as before. Hereupon Minucianus, who sat over Caius, and was afraid that the opportunity should fail them, got up, because he saw Cherea was already gone out, and made haste out, to confirm him in his resolution; 19.97. but Caius took hold of his garment, in an obliging way, and said to him, “O brave man! whither art thou going?” Whereupon, out of reverence to Caesar, as it seemed, he sat down again; but his fear prevailed over him, and in a little time he got up again, 19.98. and then Caius did no way oppose his going out, as thinking that he went out to perform some necessities of nature. And Asprenas, who was one of the confederates, persuaded Caius to go out to the bath, and to dinner, and then to come in again, as desirous that what had been resolved on might be brought to a conclusion immediately. 19.336. He also spent a great deal upon their dedication, and exhibited shows upon them, and brought thither musicians of all sorts, and such as made the most delightful music of the greatest variety. He also showed his magnificence upon the theater, in his great number of gladiators; 19.343. 2. Now when Agrippa had reigned three years over all Judea, he came to the city Caesarea, which was formerly called Strato’s Tower; and there he exhibited shows in honor of Caesar, upon his being informed that there was a certain festival celebrated to make vows for his safety. At which festival a great multitude was gotten together of the principal persons, and such as were of dignity through his province. |
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37. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 4.618, 7.120 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors and egypt, caligula (gaius) Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 123 | 4.618. Accordingly Vespasian, looking upon himself as already intrusted with the government, got all things ready for his journey [to Rome]. Now fame carried this news abroad more suddenly than one could have thought, that he was emperor over the east, upon which every city kept festivals, and celebrated sacrifices and oblations for such good news; 7.120. but still the multitude of the citizens conceived the greatest joy when they saw them all three together, as they did at this time; |
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| 38. Juvenal, Satires, 1.96, 2.99-2.109, 2.143, 3.283-3.284, 7.134-7.136, 8.207, 11.200 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) •caligula (emperor) •emperors, caligula Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 24, 123; Goldman (2013) 51, 52, 85; Phang (2001) 127 |
| 39. Lucan, Pharsalia, 2.38-2.42, 3.76-3.78, 7.778 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor •emperors, caligula Found in books: Goldman (2013) 128; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 206, 244 |
| 40. Martial, Epigrams, 1.49.31-1.49.32, 1.96, 3.46.1, 3.82.5-3.82.12, 3.95, 5.8, 5.14, 5.23, 5.24.12, 5.25, 5.35, 5.38, 6.61.3-6.61.4, 9.1.4, 10.50, 10.76.7-10.76.9, 11.1, 11.33 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) •emperors, caligula •caligula (emperor) •caligula, emperor Found in books: Csapo (2022) 116; Edmondson (2008) 24, 45, 116; Goldman (2013) 51, 52, 90, 91, 128; Rüpke (2011) 133 |
| 41. Martial, Epigrams, 1.49.31-1.49.32, 1.96, 3.46.1, 3.82.5-3.82.12, 3.95, 5.8, 5.14, 5.23, 5.24.12, 5.25, 5.35, 5.38, 6.61.3-6.61.4, 9.1.4, 10.50, 10.76.7-10.76.9, 11.1, 11.33 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) •emperors, caligula •caligula (emperor) •caligula, emperor Found in books: Csapo (2022) 116; Edmondson (2008) 24, 45, 116; Goldman (2013) 51, 52, 90, 91, 128; Rüpke (2011) 133 |
| 42. Mela, De Chorographia, 1.8-1.10, 1.14, 1.20, 1.22, 1.40, 1.49-1.51, 1.60, 1.64, 2.8, 2.103-2.104, 2.114, 3.74, 3.80, 3.82, 3.84-3.85, 3.90, 3.97 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors and egypt, caligula (gaius) Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 38 |
| 43. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 53.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011) 133 |
| 44. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 53.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011) 133 |
| 45. Persius, Satires, 6.45-6.47 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, caligula Found in books: Goldman (2013) 61 |
| 46. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 11.3.138, 11.3.143 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 45, 123 |
| 47. Ptolemy, Geography, 5.6.17 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor Found in books: Marek (2019) 329 |
| 48. Statius, Siluae, 5.3.116-5.3.120 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 65 |
| 49. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, 1.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (emperor) Found in books: Phang (2001) 127 |
| 50. Suetonius, Augustus, 32.2, 53.2, 86.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 45; Jenkyns (2013) 188; Rüpke (2011) 133, 142 |
| 51. Suetonius, Caligula, 10.1, 15.1-15.2, 17.2, 18.3, 22.2, 23.1, 24.2-24.3, 30.1, 30.3, 35.1, 49.2, 50.1, 55.2, 56.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 65, 116, 123; Goldman (2013) 49, 87, 90, 103; Jenkyns (2013) 8, 243; Manolaraki (2012) 37; Phang (2001) 293; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 206, 217, 242, 244; Rüpke (2011) 133, 142 |
| 52. Suetonius, Claudius, 15.2, 18.1, 20.3, 24.3, 34.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 22, 116; Jenkyns (2013) 188; Manolaraki (2012) 38 |
| 53. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 86.6, 114.4-114.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, caligula •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 45; Goldman (2013) 22 |
| 54. Seneca The Younger, Dialogi, 11.15.5, 11.17.2-11.17.6 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 234, 242 |
| 55. Seneca The Younger, On Anger, 3.18.4, 3.19.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 19 |
| 56. Suetonius, Domitianus, 7.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, caligula Found in books: Goldman (2013) 85 |
| 57. Seneca The Younger, De Constantia Sapientis, 18.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, caligula Found in books: Goldman (2013) 103, 104 |
| 58. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Polybium (Ad Polybium De Consolatione) (Dialogorum Liber Xi), 17.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 81 |
| 59. Suetonius, Iulius, 45.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 45 |
| 60. Seneca The Younger, De Clementia, 1.12.4, 2.2.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 206 |
61. Seneca The Younger, Phaedra, 719-735, 896-900 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 217| 900. capulo refulget, gentis Actaeae decus. | |
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| 62. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 6.32.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (emperor) Found in books: Phang (2001) 369 |
| 63. Appian, Civil Wars, 2.442 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor Found in books: Rüpke (2011) 133 |
| 64. Tacitus, Histories, 4.40.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor Found in books: Rüpke (2011) 142 |
| 65. Tacitus, Dialogus De Oratoribus, 7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 123 |
| 66. Suetonius, Tiberius, 54.1, 59.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 65; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 206 |
| 67. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 11.3.138, 11.3.143 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 45, 123 |
| 68. Suetonius, Titus, 8.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 80 |
| 69. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 19 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (emperor) Found in books: Csapo (2022) 115 |
70. Tacitus, Annals, 2.59-2.61, 3.29.3, 4.36, 4.53.2, 5.1-5.2, 6.10.1, 6.19, 6.25.2, 6.50, 11.22.1, 12.47, 13.10.1, 13.17, 13.21, 13.30, 13.41.4-13.41.5, 14.1-14.13, 14.1.1, 14.4.1, 14.10.1-14.10.2, 14.12.1, 14.20, 14.52-14.56, 14.64, 15.37, 15.53.2, 15.62, 16.12.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors and egypt, caligula (gaius) •caligula (roman emperor) •caligula, emperor •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 45, 65; Jenkyns (2013) 80; Manolaraki (2012) 37, 109; Marek (2019) 329; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 203, 206, 217, 234, 244; Rüpke (2011) 133, 142| 2.59. M. Silano L. Norbano consulibus Germanicus Aegyptum proficiscitur cognoscendae antiquitatis. sed cura provinciae praetendebatur, levavitque apertis horreis pretia frugum multaque in vulgus grata usurpavit: sine milite incedere, pedibus intectis et pari cum Graecis amictu, P. Scipionis aemulatione, quem eadem factitavisse apud Siciliam, quamvis flagrante adhuc Poenorum bello, accepimus. Tiberius cultu habituque eius lenibus verbis perstricto, acerrime increpuit quod contra instituta Augusti non sponte principis Alexandriam introisset. nam Augustus inter alia dominationis arcana, vetitis nisi permissu ingredi senatoribus aut equitibus Romanis inlustribus, seposuit Aegyptum ne fame urgeret Italiam quisquis eam provinciam claustraque terrae ac maris quamvis levi praesidio adversum ingentis exercitus insedisset. 2.61. Ceterum Germanicus aliis quoque miraculis intendit animum, quorum praecipua fuere Memnonis saxea effigies, ubi radiis solis icta est, vocalem sonum reddens, disiectasque inter et vix pervias arenas instar montium eductae pyramides certamine et opibus regum, lacusque effossa humo, superfluentis Nili receptacula; atque alibi angustiae et profunda altitudo, nullis inquirentium spatiis penetrabilis. exim ventum Elephantinen ac Syenen, claustra olim Romani imperii, quod nunc rubrum ad mare patescit. 4.36. Ceterum postulandis reis tam continuus annus fuit ut feriarum Latinarum diebus praefectum urbis Drusum, auspicandi gratia tribunal ingressum, adierit Calpurnius Salvianus in Sextum Marium: quod a Caesare palam increpitum causa exilii Salviano fuit. obiecta publice Cyzicenis incuria caerimoniarum divi Augusti, additis violentiae criminibus adversum civis Romanos. et amisere libertatem, quam bello Mithridatis meruerant, circumsessi nec minus sua constantia quam praesidio Luculli pulso rege. at Fonteius Capito, qui pro consule Asiam curaverat, absolvitur, comperto ficta in eum crimina per Vibium Serenum. neque tamen id Sereno noxae fuit, quem odium publicum tutiorem faciebat. nam ut quis destrictior accusator, velut sacrosanctus erat: leves ignobiles poenis adficiebantur. 5.1. Rubellio et Fufio consulibus, quorum utrique Geminus cognomentum erat, Iulia Augusta mortem obiit, aetate extrema, nobilitatis per Claudiam familiam et adoptione Liviorum Iuliorumque clarissimae. primum ei matrimonium et liberi fuere cum Tiberio Nerone, qui bello Perusino profugus pace inter Sex. Pompeium ac triumviros pacta in urbem rediit. exim Caesar cupidine formae aufert marito, incertum an invitam, adeo properus ut ne spatio quidem ad enitendum dato penatibus suis gravidam induxerit. nullam posthac subolem edidit sed sanguini Augusti per coniunctionem Agrippinae et Germanici adnexa communis pronepotes habuit. sanctitate domus priscum ad morem, comis ultra quam antiquis feminis probatum, mater impotens, uxor facilis et cum artibus mariti, simulatione filii bene composita. funus eius modicum, testamentum diu inritum fuit. laudata est pro rostris a G. Caesare pronepote qui mox rerum potitus est. 5.2. At Tiberius, quod supremis in matrem officiis defuisset, nihil mutata amoenitate vitae, magnitudinem negotiorum per litteras excusavit honoresque memoriae eius ab senatu large decretos quasi per modestiam imminuit, paucis admodum receptis et addito ne caelestis religio decerneretur: sic ipsam maluisse. quin et parte eiusdem epistulae increpuit amicitias muliebris, Fufium consulem oblique perstringens. is gratia Augustae floruerat, aptus adliciendis feminarum animis, dicax idem et Tiberium acerbis facetiis inridere solitus quarum apud praepotentis in longum memoria est. 6.19. Post quos Sex. Marius Hispaniarum ditissimus defertur incestasse filiam et saxo Tarpeio deicitur. ac ne dubium haberetur magnitudinem pecuniae malo vertisse, aerarias aurariasque eius, quamquam publicarentur, sibimet Tiberius seposuit. inritatusque suppliciis cunctos qui carcere attinebantur accusati societatis cum Seiano necari iubet. iacuit immensa strages, omnis sexus, omnis aetas, inlustres ignobiles, dispersi aut aggerati. neque propinquis aut amicis adsistere, inlacrimare, ne visere quidem diutius dabatur, sed circumiecti custodes et in maerorem cuiusque intenti corpora putrefacta adsectabantur, dum in Tiberim traherentur ubi fluitantia aut ripis adpulsa non cremare quisquam, non contingere. interciderat sortis humanae commercium vi metus, quantumque saevitia glisceret, miseratio arcebatur. 12.47. Ac primo Radamistus in amplexus eius effusus simulare obsequium, socerum ac parentem appellare; adicit ius iurandum, non ferro, non veneno vim adlaturum; simul in lucum propinquum trahit, provisum illic sacrificii paratum dictitans, ut diis testibus pax firmaretur. mos est regibus, quoties in societatem coeant, implicare dextras pollicesque inter se vincire nodoque praestringere: mox ubi sanguis in artus se extremos suffuderit, levi ictu cruorem eliciunt atque invicem lambunt. id foedus arcanum habetur quasi mutuo cruore sacratum. sed tunc qui ea vincla admovebat, decidisse simulans genua Mithridatis invadit ipsumque prosternit; simulque concursu plurium iniciuntur catenae. ac compede, quod dedecorum barbaris, trahebatur; mox quia vulgus duro imperio habitum, probra ac verbera intentabat. et erant contra qui tantam fortunae commutationem misera- rentur; secutaque cum parvis liberis coniunx cuncta lamentatione complebat. diversis et contectis vehiculis abduntur, dum Pharasmanis iussa exquirerentur. illi cupido regni fratre et filia potior animusque sceleribus paratus; visui tamen consuluit, ne coram interficeret. et Radamistus, quasi iuris iurandi memor, non ferrum, non venenum in sororem et patruum expromit, sed proiectos in humum et veste multa gravique opertos necat. filii quoque Mithridatis quod caedibus parentum inlacrimaverant trucidati sunt. 13.17. Nox eadem necem Britannici et rogum coniunxit, proviso ante funebri paratu, qui modicus fuit. in campo tamen Martis sepultus est adeo turbidis imbribus, ut vulgus iram deum portendi crediderit adversus facinus cui plerique etiam hominum ignoscebant, antiquas fratrum discordias et insociabile regnum aestimantes. tradunt plerique eorum temporum scriptores crebris ante exitium diebus illusum isse pueritiae Britannici Neronem, ut iam non praematura neque saeva mors videri queat, quamvis inter sacra mensae, ne tempore quidem ad complexum sororum dato, ante oculos inimici properata sit in illum supremum Claudiorum sanguinem, stupro prius quam veneno pollutum. festinationem exequiarum edicto Caesar defendit, ita maioribus institutum referens, subtrahere oculis acerba funera neque laudationibus aut pompa detinere. ceterum et sibi amisso fratris auxilio reliquas spes in re publica sitas, et tanto magis fovendum patribus populoque principem qui unus superesset e familia summum ad fastigium genita. 13.21. Sic lenito principis metu et luce orta itur ad Agrippinam ut nosceret obiecta dissolveretque vel poenas lueret. Burrus iis mandatis Seneca coram fungebatur; aderant et ex libertis arbitri sermonis. deinde a Burro, postquam crimina et auctores exposuit, minaciter actum. et Agrippina ferociae memor 'non miror' inquit 'Silanam, num- quam edito partu, matrum adfectus ignotos habere; neque enim proinde a parentibus liberi quam ab impudica adulteri mutantur. nec si Iturius et Calvisius adesis omnibus fortunis novissimam suscipiendae accusationis operam anui rependunt, ideo aut mihi infamia parricidii aut Caesari conscientia subeunda est. nam Domitiae inimicitiis gratias agerem, si benevolentia mecum in Neronem meum certaret: nunc per concubinum Atimetum et histrionem Paridem quasi scaenae fabulas componit. Baiarum suarum piscinas extollebat, cum meis consiliis adoptio et proconsulare ius et designatio consulatus et cetera apiscendo imperio praepararentur. aut existat qui cohortis in urbe temptatas, qui provinciarum fidem labefactatam, denique servos vel libertos ad scelus corruptos arguat. vivere ego Britannico potiente rerum poteram? ac si Plautus aut quis alius rem publicam iudicaturus obtinuerit, desunt scilicet mihi accusatores qui non verba impatientia caritatis aliquando incauta, sed ea crimina obiciant quibus nisi a filio absolvi non possim.' commotis qui aderant ultroque spiritus eius mitigantibus, conloquium filii exposcit, ubi nihil pro innocentia, quasi diffideret, nec de beneficiis, quasi exprobraret, disseruit, sed ultionem in delatores et praemia amicis obtinuit. 14.1. Gaio Vipstano C. Fonteio consulibus diu meditatum scelus non ultra Nero distulit, vetustate imperii coalita audacia et flagrantior in dies amore Poppaeae, quae sibi matrimonium et discidium Octaviae incolumi Agrippina haud sperans crebris criminationibus, aliquando per facetias incusaret principem et pupillum vocaret, qui iussis alienis obnoxius non modo imperii sed libertatis etiam indigeret. cur enim differri nuptias suas? formam scilicet displicere et triumphalis avos. an fecunditatem et verum animum? timeri ne uxor saltem iniurias patrum, iram populi adversus superbiam avaritiamque matris aperiat. quod si nurum Agrippina non nisi filio infestam ferre posset, redderetur ipsa Othonis coniugio: ituram quoquo terrarum, ubi audiret potius contumelias imperatoris quam viseret periculis eius immixta. haec atque talia lacrimis et arte adulterae penetrantia nemo prohibebat, cupientibus cunctis infringi potentiam matris et credente nullo usque ad caedem eius duratura filii odia. 14.1. Sed a Caesare perfecto demum scelere magnitudo eius intellecta est. reliquo noctis modo per silentium defixus, saepius pavore exsurgens et mentis inops lucem opperiebatur tamquam exitium adlaturam. atque eum auctore Burro prima centurionum tribunorumque adulatio ad spem firmavit, prensantium manum gratantiumque quod discrimen improvisum et matris facinus evasisset. amici dehinc adire templa et coepto exemplo proxima Campaniae municipia victimis et legationibus laetitiam testari: ipse diversa simulatione maestus et quasi incolumitati suae infensus ac morti parentis inlacrimans. quia tamen non, ut hominum vultus, ita locorum facies mutantur, obversabaturque maris illius et litorum gravis aspectus (et erant qui crederent sonitum tubae collibus circum editis planctusque tumulo matris audiri), Neapolim concessit litterasque ad senatum misit quarum summa erat repertum cum ferro percussorem Agerinum, ex intimis Agrippinae libertis, et luisse eam poenas conscientia quasi scelus paravisset. 14.2. Tradit Cluvius ardore retinendae Agrippinam potentiae eo usque provectam ut medio diei, cum id temporis Nero per vinum et epulas incalesceret, offerret se saepius temulento comptam et incesto paratam; iamque lasciva oscula et praenuntias flagitii blanditias adnotantibus proximis, Senecam contra muliebris inlecebras subsidium a femina petivisse, immissamque Acten libertam quae simul suo periculo et infamia Neronis anxia deferret pervulgatum esse incestum gloriante matre, nec toleraturos milites profani principis imperium. Fabius Rusticus non Agrippinae sed Neroni cupitum id memorat eiusdemque libertae astu disiectum. sed quae Cluvius eadem ceteri quoque auctores prodidere, et fama huc inclinat, seu concepit animo tantum immanitatis Agrippina, seu credibilior novae libidinis meditatio in ea visa est quae puellaribus annis stuprum cum Lepido spe dominationis admiserat, pari cupidine usque ad libita Pallantis provoluta et exercita ad omne flagitium patrui nuptiis. 14.2. Nerone quartum Cornelio Cosso consulibus quinquennale ludicrum Romae institutum est ad morem Graeci certaminis, varia fama, ut cuncta ferme nova. quippe erant qui Gn. quoque Pompeium incusatum a senioribus ferrent quod mansuram theatri sedem posuisset. nam antea subitariis gradibus et scaena in tempus structa ludos edi solitos, vel si vetustiora repetas, stantem populum spectavisse, ne, si consideret theatro, dies totos ignavia continuaret. spectaculorum quidem antiquitas servaretur, quoties praetores ederent, nulla cuiquam civium necessitate certandi. ceterum abolitos paulatim patrios mores funditus everti per accitam lasciviam, ut quod usquam corrumpi et corrumpere queat in urbe visatur, degeneretque studiis externis iuventus, gymnasia et otia et turpis amores exercendo, principe et senatu auctoribus, qui non modo licentiam vitiis permiserint, sed vim adhibeant ut proceres Romani specie orationum et carminum scaena polluantur. quid superesse nisi ut corpora quoque nudent et caestus adsumant easque pugnas pro militia et armis meditentur? an iustitiam auctum iri et decurias equitum egregium iudicandi munus expleturos, si fractos sonos et dulcedinem vocum perite audissent? noctes quoque dedecori adiectas ne quod tempus pudori relinquatur, sed coetu promisco, quod perditissimus quisque per diem concupiverit, per tenebras audeat. 14.3. Igitur Nero vitare secretos eius congressus, abscedentem in hortos aut Tusculanum vel Antiatem in agrum laudare quod otium capesseret. postremo, ubicumque haberetur, praegravem ratus interficere constituit, hactenus consultans, veneno an ferro vel qua alia vi. placuitque primo venenum. sed inter epulas principis si daretur, referri ad casum non poterat tali iam Britannici exitio; et ministros temptare arduum videbatur mulieris usu scelerum adversus insidias intentae; atque ipsa praesumendo remedia munierat corpus. ferrum et caedes quonam modo occultaretur nemo reperiebat; et ne quis illi tanto facinori delectus iussa sperneret metuebat. obtulit ingenium Anicetus libertus, classi apud Misenum praefectus et pueritiae Neronis educator ac mutuis odiis Agrippinae invisus. ergo navem posse componi docet cuius pars ipso in mari per artem soluta effunderet ignaram: nihil tam capax fortuitorum quam mare; et si naufragio intercepta sit, quem adeo iniquum ut sceleri adsignet quod venti et fluctus deliquerint? additurum principem defunctae templum et aras et cetera ostentandae pietati. 14.3. Stabat pro litore diversa acies, densa armis virisque, intercursantibus feminis; in modum Furiarum veste ferali, crinibus deiectis faces praeferebant; Druidaeque circum, preces diras sublatis ad caelum manibus fundentes, novitate aspectus perculere militem ut quasi haerentibus membris immobile corpus vulneribus praeberent. dein cohortationibus ducis et se ipsi stimulantes ne muliebre et fanaticum agmen pavescerent, inferunt signa sternuntque obvios et igni suo involvunt. praesidium posthac impositum victis excisique luci saevis superstitionibus sacri: nam cruore captivo adolere aras et hominum fibris consulere deos fas habebant. haec agenti Suetonio repentina defectio provinciae nuntiatur. 14.4. Placuit sollertia, tempore etiam iuta, quando Quinquatruum festos dies apud Baias frequentabat. illuc matrem elicit, ferendas parentium iracundias et placandum animum dictitans quo rumorem reconciliationis efficeret acciperetque Agrippina facili feminarum credulitate ad gaudia. venientem dehinc obvius in litora (nam Antio adventabat) excepit manu et complexu ducitque Baulos. id villae nomen est quae promunturium Misenum inter et Baianum lacum flexo mari adluitur. stabat inter alias navis ornatior, tamquam id quoque honori matris daretur: quippe sueverat triremi et classiariorum remigio vehi. ac tum invitata ad epulas erat ut occultando facinori nox adhiberetur. satis constitit extitisse proditorem et Agrippinam auditis insidiis, an crederet ambiguam, gestamine sellae Baias pervectam. ibi blandimentum sublevavit metum: comiter excepta superque ipsum conlocata. iam pluribus sermonibus modo familiaritate iuvenili Nero et rursus adductus, quasi seria consociaret, tracto in longum convictu, prosequitur abeuntem, artius oculis et pectori haerens, sive explenda simulatione, seu periturae matris supremus aspectus quamvis ferum animum retinebat. 14.4. Eodem anno Romae insignia scelera, alterum senatoris, servili alterum audacia, admissa sunt. Domitius Balbus erat praetorius, simul longa senecta, simul orbitate et pecunia insidiis obnoxius. ei propinquus Valerius Fabianus, capessendis honoribus destinatus, subdidit testamentum adscitis Vinicio Rufino et Terentio Lentino equitibus Romanis. illi Antonium Primum et Asinium Marcellum sociaverant. Antonius audacia promptus, Marcellus Asinio Pollione proavo clarus neque morum spernendus habebatur nisi quod paupertatem praecipuum malorum credebat. igitur Fabianus tabulas sociis quos memoravi et aliis minus inlustribus obsignat. quod apud patres convictum et Fabianus Antoniusque cum Rufino et Terentio lege Cornelia damtur. Marcellum memoria maiorum et preces Caesaris poenae magis quam infamiae exemere. 14.5. Noctem sideribus inlustrem et placido mari quietam quasi convincendum ad scelus dii praebuere. nec multum erat progressa navis, duobus e numero familiarium Agrippinam comitantibus, ex quis Crepereius Gallus haud procul gubernaculis adstabat, Acerronia super pedes cubitantis reclinis paenitentiam filii et reciperatam matris gratiam per gaudium memorabat, cum dato signo ruere tectum loci multo plumbo grave, pressusque Crepereius et statim exanimatus est: Agrippina et Acerronia eminentibus lecti parietibus ac forte validioribus quam ut oneri cederent protectae sunt. nec dissolutio navigii sequebatur, turbatis omnibus et quod plerique ignari etiam conscios impediebant. visum dehinc remigibus unum in latus inclinare atque ita navem submergere: sed neque ipsis promptus in rem subitam consensus, et alii contra nitentes dedere facultatem lenioris in mare iactus. verum Acerronia, imprudentia dum se Agrippinam esse utque subveniretur matri principis clamitat, contis et remis et quae fors obtulerat navalibus telis conficitur: Agrippina silens eoque minus adgnita (unum tamen vulnus umero excepit) do, deinde occursu lenunculorum Lucrinum in lacum vecta villae suae infertur. 14.5. Haud dispari crimine Fabricius Veiento conflictatus est, quod multa et probrosa in patres et sacerdotes compo- suisset iis libris quibus nomen codicillorum dederat. adiciebat Tullius Geminus accusator venditata ab eo munera principis et adipiscendorum honorum ius. quae causa Neroni fuit suscipiendi iudicii, convictumque Veientonem Italia depulit et libros exuri iussit, conquisitos lectitatosque donec cum periculo parabantur: mox licentia habendi oblivionem attulit. 14.6. Illic reputans ideo se fallacibus litteris accitam et honore praecipuo habitam, quodque litus iuxta non ventis acta, non saxis impulsa navis summa sui parte veluti terrestre machinamentum concidisset; observans etiam Acerroniae necem, simul suum vulnus aspiciens, solum insidiarum remedium esse, si non intellegerentur; misitque libertum Agerinum qui nuntiaret filio benignitate deum et fortuna eius evasisse gravem casum; orare ut quamvis periculo matris exterritus visendi curam differret; sibi ad praesens quiete opus. atque interim securitate simulata medicamina vulneri et fomenta corpori adhibet; testamentum Acerroniae requiri bonaque obsignari iubet, id tantum non per simulationem. 14.6. Igitur accepto patrum consulto, postquam cuncta scelerum suorum pro egregiis accipi videt, exturbat Octaviam, sterilem dictitans; exim Poppaeae coniungitur. ea diu paelex et adulteri Neronis, mox mariti potens, quendam ex ministris Octaviae impulit servilem ei amorem obicere. destinaturque reus cognomento Eucaerus, natione Alexandrinus, canere tibiis doctus. actae ob id de ancillis quaestiones et vi tormentorum victis quibusdam ut falsa adnuerent, plures perstitere sanctitatem dominae tueri; ex quibus una instanti Tigellino castiora esse muliebria Octaviae respondit quam os eius. movetur tamen primo civilis discidii specie domumque Burri, praedia Plauti, infausta dona accipit: mox in Campaniam pulsa est addita militari custodia. inde crebri questus nec occulti per vulgum, cui minor sapientia et ex mediocritate fortunae pauciora pericula sunt. his tamquam Nero paenitentia flagitii coniugem revocarit Octaviam. 14.7. At Neroni nuntios patrati facinoris opperienti adfertur evasisse ictu levi sauciam et hactenus adito discrimine ne auctor dubitaretur. tum pavore exanimis et iam iamque adfore obtestans vindictae properam, sive servitia armaret vel militem accenderet, sive ad senatum et populum pervaderet, naufragium et vulnus et interfectos amicos obiciendo: quod contra subsidium sibi? nisi quid Burrus et Seneca; quos expergens statim acciverat, incertum an et ante gnaros. igitur longum utriusque silentium, ne inriti dissuaderent, an eo descensum credebant ut, nisi praeveniretur Agrippina, pereundum Neroni esset. post Seneca hactenus promptius ut respiceret Burrum ac sciscitaretur an militi imperanda caedes esset. ille praetorianos toti Caesarum domui obstrictos memoresque Germanici nihil adversus progeniem eius atrox ausuros respondit: perpetraret Anicetus promissa. qui nihil cunctatus poscit summam sceleris. ad eam vocem Nero illo sibi die dari imperium auctoremque tanti muneris libertum profitetur: iret propere duceretque promptissimos ad iussa. ipse audito venisse missu Agrippinae nuntium Agerinum, scaenam ultro criminis parat gladiumque, dum mandata perfert, abicit inter pedes eius, tum quasi deprehenso vincla inici iubet, ut exitium principis molitam matrem et pudore deprehensi sceleris sponte mortem sumpsisse confingeret. 14.8. Interim vulgato Agrippinae periculo, quasi casu evenisset, ut quisque acceperat, decurrere ad litus. hi molium obiectus, hi proximas scaphas scandere; alii quantum corpus sinebat vadere in mare; quidam manus protendere; questibus, votis, clamore diversa rogitantium aut incerta respondentium omnis ora compleri; adfluere ingens multitudo cum luminibus, atque ubi incolumem esse pernotuit, ut ad gratandum sese expedire, donec aspectu armati et minitantis agminis disiecti sunt. Anicetus villam statione circumdat refractaque ianua obvios servorum abripit, donec ad foris cubiculi veniret; cui pauci adstabant, ceteris terrore inrumpentium exterritis. cubiculo modicum lumen inerat et ancillarum una, magis ac magis anxia Agrippina quod nemo a filio ac ne Agerinus quidem: aliam fore laetae rei faciem; nunc solitudinem ac repentinos strepitus et extremi mali indicia. abeunte dehinc ancilla 'tu quoque me deseris' prolocuta respicit Anicetum trierarcho Herculeio et Obarito centurione classiario comitatum: ac, si ad visendum venisset, refotam nuntiaret, sin facinus patraturus, nihil se de filio credere; non imperatum parricidium. circumsistunt lectum percussores et prior trierarchus fusti caput eius adflixit. iam in mortem centurioni ferrum destringenti protendens uterum 'ventrem feri' exclamavit multisque vulneribus confecta est. 14.9. Haec consensu produntur. aspexeritne matrem exanimem Nero et formam corporis eius laudaverit, sunt qui tradiderint, sunt qui abnuant. cremata est nocte eadem convivali lecto et exequiis vilibus; neque, dum Nero rerum potiebatur, congesta aut clausa humus. mox domesticorum cura levem tumulum accepit, viam Miseni propter et villam Caesaris dictatoris quae subiectos sinus editissima prospectat. accenso rogo libertus eius cognomento Mnester se ipse ferro transegit, incertum caritate in patronam an metu exitii. hunc sui finem multos ante annos crediderat Agrippina contempseratque. nam consulenti super Nerone responderunt Chaldaei fore ut imperaret matremque occideret; atque illa 'occidat' inquit, 'dum imperet.' 14.11. Adiciebat crimina longius repetita, quod consortium imperii iuraturasque in feminae verba praetorias cohortis idemque dedecus senatus et populi speravisset, ac postquam frustra habita sit, infensa militi patribusque et plebi dissuasisset donativum et congiarium periculaque viris inlustribus struxisset. quanto suo labore perpetratum ne inrumperet curiam, ne gentibus externis responsa daret. temporum quoque Claudianorum obliqua insectatione cuncta eius dominationis flagitia in matrem transtulit, publica fortuna extinctam referens. namque et naufragium narrabat: quod fortuitum fuisse quis adeo hebes inveniretur ut crederet? aut a muliere naufraga missum cum telo unum qui cohortis et classis imperatoris perfringeret? ergo non iam Nero, cuius immanitas omnium questus antibat, sed Seneca adverso rumore erat quod oratione tali confessionem scripsisset. 14.12. Miro tamen certamine procerum decernuntur supplicationes apud omnia pulvinaria, utque Quinquatrus quibus apertae insidiae essent ludis annuis celebrarentur; aureum Minervae simulacrum in curia et iuxta principis imago statuerentur; dies natalis Agrippinae inter nefastos esset. Thrasea Paetus silentio vel brevi adsensu priores adulationes transmittere solitus exiit tum senatu ac sibi causam periculi fecit, ceteris libertatis initium non praebuit. prodigia quoque crebra et inrita intercessere: anguem enixa mulier et alia in concubitu mariti fulmine exanimata; iam sol repente obscu- ratus et tactae de caelo quattuordecim urbis regiones. quae adeo sine cura deum eveniebant ut multos post annos Nero imperium et scelera continuaverit. ceterum quo gravaret invidiam matris eaque demota auctam lenitatem suam testificaretur, feminas inlustris Iuniam et Calpurniam, praetura functos Valerium Capitonem et Licinium Gabolum sedibus patriis reddidit, ab Agrippina olim pulsos. etiam Lolliae Paulinae cineres reportari sepulcrumque extrui permisit; quosque ipse nuper relegaverat, Iturium et Calvisium poena exolvit. nam Silana fato functa erat, longinquo ab exilio Tarentum regressa labante iam Agrippina, cuius inimicitiis conciderat, vel mitigata. 14.13. Tamen cunctari in oppidis Campaniae, quonam modo urbem ingrederetur, an obsequium senatus, an studia plebis reperiret anxius: contra deterrimus quisque, quorum non alia regia fecundior extitit, invisum Agrippinae nomen et morte eius accensum populi favorem disserunt: iret intrepidus et venerationem sui coram experiretur; simul praegredi exposcunt. et promptiora quam promiserant inveniunt, obvias tribus, festo cultu senatum, coniugum ac liberorum agmina per sexum et aetatem disposita, extructos, qua incederet, spectaculorum gradus, quo modo triumphi visuntur. hinc superbus ac publici servitii victor Capitolium adiit, grates exolvit seque in omnis libidines effudit quas male coercitas qualiscumque matris reverentia tardaverat. 14.52. Mors Burri infregit Senecae potentiam quia nec bonis artibus idem virium erat altero velut duce amoto et Nero ad deteriores inclinabat. hi variis criminationibus Senecam adoriuntur, tamquam ingentis et privatum modum evectas opes adhuc augeret, quodque studia civium in se verteret, hortorum quoque amoenitate et villarum magnificentia quasi principem supergrederetur. obiciebant etiam eloquentiae laudem uni sibi adsciscere et carmina crebrius factitare, postquam Neroni amor eorum venisset. nam oblectamentis principis palam iniquum detrectare vim eius equos regentis, inludere voces, quoties caneret. quem ad finem nihil in re publica clarum fore quod non ab illo reperiri credatur? certe finitam Neronis pueritiam et robur iuventae adesse: exueret magistrum satis amplis doctoribus instructus maioribus suis. 14.53. At Seneca crimitium non ignarus, prodentibus iis quibus aliqua honesti cura et familiaritatem eius magis asperte Caesare, tempus sermoni orat et accepto ita incipit: 'quartus decimus annus est, Caesar, ex quo spei tuae admotus sum, octavus ut imperium obtines: medio temporis tantum honorum atque opum in me cumulasti ut nihil felicitati meae desit nisi moderatio eius. utar magnis exemplis nec meae fortunae sed tuae. abavus tuus Augustus Marco Agrippae Mytilenense secretum, C. Maecenati urbe in ipsa velut peregrinum otium permisit; quorum alter bellorum socius, alter Romae pluribus laboribus iactatus ampla quidem sed pro ingentibus meritis praemia acceperant. ego quid aliud munificentiae tuae adhibere potui quam studia, ut sic dixerim, in umbra educata, et quibus claritudo venit, quod iuventae tuae rudimentis adfuisse videor, grande huius rei pretium. at tu gratiam immensam, innumeram pecuniam circumdedisti adeo ut plerumque intra me ipse volvam: egone equestri et provinciali loco ortus proceribus civitatis adnumeror? inter nobilis et longa decora praeferentis novitas mea enituit? ubi est animus ille modicis contentus? talis hortos extruit et per haec suburbana incedit et tantis agrorum spatiis, tam lato faenore exuberat? una defensio occurrit quod muneribus tuis obniti non debui. 14.54. Sed uterque mensuram implevimus, et tu, quantum princeps tribuere amico posset, et ego, quantum amicus a principe accipere: cetera invidiam augent. quae quidem, ut omnia mortalia, infra tuam magnitudinem iacet, sed mihi incumbit, mihi subveniendum est. quo modo in militia aut via fessus adminiculum orarem, ita in hoc itinere vitae senex et levissimis quoque curis impar, cum opes meas ultra sustinere non possim, praesidium peto. iube rem per procuratores tuos administrari, in tuam fortunam recipi. nec me in paupertatem ipse detrudam, sed traditis quorum fulgore praestringor, quod temporis hortorum aut villarum curae seponitur in animum revocabo. superest tibi robur et tot per annos visum summi fastigii regimen: possumus seniores amici quietem reposcere. hoc quoque in tuam gloriam cedet, eos ad summa vexisse qui et modica tolerarent.' 14.55. Ad quae Nero sic ferme respondit: 'quod meditatae orationi tuae statim occurram id primum tui muneris habeo, qui me non tantum praevisa sed subita expedire docuisti. abavus meus Augustus Agrippae et Maecenati usurpare otium post labores concessit, sed in ea ipse aetate cuius auctoritas tueretur quidquid illud et qualecumque tribuisset; ac tamen neutrum datis a se praemiis exuit. bello et periculis meruerant; in iis enim iuventa Augusti versata est: nec mihi tela et manus tuae defuissent in armis agenti; sed quod praesens condicio poscebat, ratione consilio praeceptis pueritiam, dein iuventam meam fovisti. et tua quidem erga me munera, dum vita suppetet, aeterna erunt: quae a me habes, horti et faenus et villae, casibus obnoxia sunt. ac licet multa videantur, plerique haudquaquam artibus tuis pares plura tenuerunt. pudet referre libertinos qui ditiores spectantur: unde etiam mihi rubori est quod praecipuus caritate nondum omnis fortuna antecellis. 14.56. Verum et tibi valida aetas rebusque et fructui rerum sufficiens, et nos prima imperii spatia ingredimur, nisi forte aut te Vitellio ter consuli aut me Claudio postponis et quantum Volusio longa parsimonia quaesivit, tantum in te mea liberalitas explere non potest. quin, si qua in parte lubricum adulescentiae nostrae declinat, revocas ornatumque robur subsidio impensius regis? non tua moderatio, si reddideris pecuniam, nec quies, si reliqueris principem, sed mea avaritia, meae crudelitatis metus in ore omnium versabitur. quod si maxime continentia tua laudetur, non tamen sapienti viro decorum fuerit unde amico infamiam paret inde gloriam sibi recipere.' his adicit complexum et oscula, factus natura et consuetudine exercitus velare odium fallacibus blanditiis. Seneca, qui finis omnium cum domite sermonum, grates agit: sed instituta prioris potentiae commutat, prohibet coetus salutantium, vitat comitantis, rarus per urbem, quasi valetudine infensa aut sapientiae studiis domi attineretur. 14.64. Ac puella vicesimo aetatis anno inter centuriones et milites, praesagio malorum iam vitae exempta, nondum tamen morte adquiescebat. paucis dehinc interiectis diebus mori iubetur, cum iam viduam se et tantum sororem testaretur communisque Germanicos et postremo Agrippinae nomen cieret, qua incolumi infelix quidem matrimonium sed sine exitio pertulisset. restringitur vinclis venaeque eius per omnis artus exolvuntur; et quia pressus pavore sanguis tardius labebatur, praefervidi balnei vapore enecatur. additurque atrocior saevitia quod caput amputatum latumque in urbem Poppaea vidit. dona ob haec templis decreta quem ad finem memorabimus? quicumque casus temporum illorum nobis vel aliis auctoribus noscent, praesumptum habeant, quoties fugas et caedes iussit princeps, toties grates deis actas, quaeque rerum secundarum olim, tum publicae cladis insignia fuisse. neque tamen silebimus si quod senatus consultum adulatione novum aut patientia postremum fuit. 15.37. Ipse quo fidem adquireret nihil usquam perinde laetum sibi, publicis locis struere convivia totaque urbe quasi domo uti. et celeberrimae luxu famaque epulae fuere quas a Tigellino paratas ut exemplum referam, ne saepius eadem prodigentia narranda sit. igitur in stagno Agrippae fabricatus est ratem cui superpositum convivium navium aliarum tractu moveretur. naves auro et ebore distinctae, remiges- que exoleti per aetates et scientiam libidinum componebantur. volucris et feras diversis e terris et animalia maris Oceano abusque petiverat. crepidinibus stagni lupanaria adstabant inlustribus feminis completa et contra scorta visebantur nudis corporibus. iam gestus motusque obsceni; et postquam tenebrae incedebant, quantum iuxta nemoris et circumiecta tecta consonare cantu et luminibus clarescere. ipse per licita atque inlicita foedatus nihil flagitii reliquerat quo corruptior ageret, nisi paucos post dies uni ex illo contaminatorum grege (nomen Pythagorae fuit) in modum sollemnium coniugiorum denupsisset. inditum imperatori flammeum, missi auspices, dos et genialis torus et faces nuptiales, cuncta denique spectata quae etiam in femina nox operit. 15.62. Ille interritus poscit testamenti tabulas; ac denegante centurione conversus ad amicos, quando meritis eorum referre gratiam prohiberetur, quod unum iam et tamen pulcherrimum habeat, imaginem vitae suae relinquere testatur, cuius si memores essent, bonarum artium famam fructum constantis amicitiae laturos. simul lacrimas eorum modo sermone, modo intentior in modum coercentis ad firmitudinem revocat, rogitans ubi praecepta sapientiae, ubi tot per annos meditata ratio adversum imminentia? cui enim ignaram fuisse saevitiam Neronis? neque aliud superesse post matrem fratremque interfectos quam ut educatoris praeceptorisque necem adiceret. | 2.60. Not yet aware, however, that his itinerary was disapproved, Germanicus sailed up the Nile, starting from the town of Canopus â founded by the Spartans in memory of the helmsman so named, who was buried there in the days when Menelaus, homeward bound for Greece, was blown to a distant sea and the Libyan coast. From Canopus he visited the next of the river-mouths, which is sacred to Hercules (an Egyptian born, according to the local account, and the eldest of the name, the others of later date and equal virtue being adopted into the title); then, the vast remains of ancient Thebes. On piles of masonry Egyptian letters still remained, embracing the tale of old magnificence, and one of the senior priests, ordered to interpret his native tongue, related that "once the city contained seven hundred thousand men of military age, and with that army King Rhamses, after conquering Libya and Ethiopia, the Medes and the Persians, the Bactrian and the Scyth, and the lands where the Syrians and Armenians and neighbouring Cappadocians dwell, had ruled over all that lies between the Bithynian Sea on the one hand and the Lycian on the other." The tribute-lists of the subject nations were still legible: the weight of silver and gold, the number of weapons and horses, the temple-gifts of ivory and spices, together with the quantities of grain and other necessaries of life to be paid by the separate countries; revenues no less imposing than those which are now exacted by the might of Parthia or by Roman power. 2.61. But other marvels, too, arrested the attention of Germanicus: in especial, the stone colossus of Memnon, which emits a vocal sound when touched by the rays of the sun; the pyramids reared mountain high by the wealth of emulous kings among wind-swept and all but impassable sands; the excavated lake which receives the overflow of Nile; and, elsewhere, narrow gorges and deeps impervious to the plummet of the explorer. Then he proceeded to Elephantine and Syene, once the limits of the Roman Empire, which now stretches to the Persian Gulf. 4.36. For the rest, the year was so continuous a chain of impeachments that in the days of the Latin Festival, when Drusus, as urban prefect, mounted the tribunal to inaugurate his office, he was approached by Calpurnius Salvianus with a suit against Sextus Marius: an action which drew a public reprimand from the Caesar and occasioned the banishment of Salvianus. The community of Cyzicus were charged with neglecting the cult of the deified Augustus; allegations were added of violence to Roman citizens; and they forfeited the freedom earned during the Mithridatic War, when the town was invested and they beat off the king as much by their own firmness as by the protection of Lucullus. On the other hand, Fonteius Capito, who had administered Asia as proconsul, was acquitted upon proof that the accusations against him were the invention of Vibius Serenus. The reverse, however, did no harm to Serenus, who was rendered doubly secure by the public hatred. For the informer whose weapon never rested became quasi-sacrosanct: it was on the insignificant and unknown that punishments descended. 5.1. In the consulate of Rubellius and Fufius, both surnamed Geminus, Julia Augusta departed this life in extreme old age; by membership of the Claudian family and by adoption into the Livian and Julian houses, associated with the proudest nobility of Rome. Her first marriage and only children were to Tiberius Nero; who, exiled in the Perusian War, returned to the capital on the conclusion of peace between Sextus Pompeius and the triumvirate. In the sequel, Augustus, smitten by her beauty, took her from her husband. Her regrets are doubtful, and his haste was such that, without even allowing an interval for her confinement, he introduced her to his hearth while pregt. After this, she had no issue; but the union of Agrippina and Germanicus created a blood connection between herself and Augustus, so that her great-grandchildren were shared with the prince. In domestic virtue she was of the old school, though her affability went further than was approved by women of the elder world. An imperious mother, she was an accommodating wife, and an excellent match for the subtleties of her husband and the insincerity of her son. Her funeral was plain, her will long unexecuted: her eulogy was delivered at the rostra by her great-grandson Gaius Caesar, soon to occupy the throne. 5.2. Tiberius, however, without altering the amenities of his life, excused himself by letter, on the score of important affairs, for neglecting to pay the last respects to his mother, and, with a semblance of modesty, curtailed the lavish tributes decreed to her memory by the senate. Extremely few passed muster, and he added a stipulation that divine honours were not to be voted: such, he observed, had been her own wish. More than this, in a part of the same missive he attacked "feminine friendships": an indirect stricture upon the consul Fufius, who had risen by the favour of Augusta, and, besides his aptitude for attracting the fancy of the sex, had a turn for wit and a habit of ridiculing Tiberius with those bitter pleasantries which linger long in the memory of potentates. 6.19. After these, Sextus Marius, the richest man of Spain, was arraigned for incest with his daughter and flung from the Tarpeian Rock; while, to leave no doubt that it was the greatness of his wealth which had redounded to his ruin, his copper-mines and gold-mines, though forfeit to the state, were reserved by Tiberius for himself. And as executions had whetted his appetite, he gave orders for all persons in custody on the charge of complicity with Sejanus to be killed. On the ground lay the huge hecatomb of victims: either sex, every age; the famous, the obscure; scattered or piled in mounds. Nor was it permitted to relatives or friends to stand near, to weep over them, or even to view them too long; but a cordon of sentries, with eyes for each beholder's sorrow, escorted the rotting carcasses, as they were dragged to the Tiber, there to float with the current or drift to the banks, with none to commit them to the flames or touch them. The ties of our common humanity had been dissolved by the force of terror; and before each advance of cruelty compassion receded. 6.50. By now his constitution and his strength were failing Tiberius, but not yet his powers of dissimulation. The unbending mind remained; still energetic in word and look, he strove every now and then to cover the manifest breaking-up by a forced sociability. After repeated changes of residence, he came to rest at last on the promontory of Misenum, in a villa which once had Lucius Lucullus for its master. There it was discovered, by the following means, that he was nearing the end. There was a doctor, of repute in his calling, by the name of Charicles, who had been accustomed not to treat the illnesses of the emperor but to offer him opportunities for consulting him. While taking his departure on the plea of private business, he clasped the Caesar's hand, apparently as an act of respect, and felt the pulse. The device was detected. Tiberius â possibly offended, and therefore making a special effort to conceal his anger â ordered the dinner to proceed, and, ostensibly out of compliment to a departing friend, remained at table until after his usual hour. Still, Charicles assured Macro that the respiration was failing and that he would not last above a couple of days. Immediately all arrangements were hurried through; at interviews, if the parties were present; by couriers, in the case of the generals and the armies. On the sixteenth of March, owing to a stoppage in his breathing, it was believed that he had paid the debt of nature; and Gaius Caesar, in the midst of a gratulatory crowd, was leaving the villa to enter on the preliminaries of empire, when suddenly word came that Tiberius was recovering his speech and sight and calling for someone to bring him food as a restorative after his swoon. A general panic followed: the others began to scatter in all directions, each face counterfeiting grief or ignorance; only the Caesar, frozen into silence, stood dashed from the height of hope and expecting the worst. Macro, undaunted, ordered the old man to be suffocated under a pile of bedclothes, while all left the threshold. â Thus Tiberius made an end in the seventy-eighth year of his age. 12.47. The first act of Radamistus was to throw himself into his arms with affected devotion and to address him as father-inâlaw and parent. He followed with an oath that neither by steel nor by poison would he practise against his life. At the same moment, he hurried him into a neighbouring grove, where, he informed him, the apparatus of sacrifice had been provided in order that their peace might be ratified before the attesting gods. The procedure in the case of two kings meeting to conclude an alliance is to unite their right hands, tie the thumbs together, and tighten the pressure by a knot: then, when the blood has run to the extremities, a slight incision gives it outlet, and each prince licks it in turn. A mystical character is attached to the agreement thus sealed and counter-sealed in blood. But, on this occasion, the person who was fastening the bonds feigned to slip, and, grasping Mithridates by the knees, threw him prostrate: at the same instant, a number of men rushed up and put him in irons. He was dragged off by his shackles, to barbarians a supreme indignity; and before long the populace, which had experienced the rigour of his sway, was levelling against him its insults and its blows. There were also, on the other hand, some found to pity so complete a reversal of fortune; and his wife, who followed with their infant children, filled the place with her laments. The prisoners were stowed out of sight in separate and covered vehicles, until the orders of Pharasmanes should be ascertained. To him the desire of a crown outweighed a brother and a daughter, and his temper was prompt to crime: still he shewed consideration for his eyes by not having them killed in his presence. Radamistus, too mindful apparently of his oath, produced neither steel nor poison for the destruction of his sister and uncle, but had them tossed on the ground and smothered under a heavy pile of clothes. Mithridates' sons were also slaughtered, since they had shed tears at the murder of their parents. 13.17. The same night saw the murder of Britannicus and his pyre, the funeral apparatus â modest enough â having been provided in advance. Still, his ashes were buried in the Field of Mars, under such a tempest of rain that the crowd believed it to foreshadow the anger of the gods against a crime which, even among men, was condoned by the many who took into account the ancient instances of brotherly hatred and the fact that autocracy knows no partnership. The assertion is made by many contemporary authors that, for days before the murder, the worst of all outrages had been offered by Nero to the boyish years of Britannicus: in which case, it ceases to be possible to regard his death as either premature or cruel, though it was amid the sanctities of the table, without even a respite allowed in which to embrace his sister, and under the eyes of his enemy, that the hurried doom fell on this last scion of the Claudian house, upon whom lust had done its unclean work before the poison. The hastiness of the funeral was vindicated in an edict of the Caesar, who called to mind that "it was a national tradition to withdraw these untimely obsequies from the public gaze and not to detain it by panegyrics and processions. However, now that he had lost the aid of his brother, not only were his remaining hopes centred in the state, but the senate and people themselves must so much the more cherish their prince as the one survivor of a family born to the heights of power." 13.21. When the emperor's fears had been thus calmed, at break of day a visit was paid to Agrippina; who was to listen to the charges, and rebut them or pay the penalty. The commission was carried out by Burrus under the eye of Seneca: a number of freedmen also were present as witnesses to the conversation. Then, after recapitulating the charges and their authors, Burrus adopted a threatening attitude. Agrippina summoned up her pride:â "I am not astonished," she said, "that Silana, who has never known maternity, should have no knowledge of a mother's heart: for parents do not change their children as a wanton changes her adulterers. Nor, if Iturius and Calvisius, after consuming the last morsel of their estates, pay their aged mistress the last abject service of undertaking a delation, is that a reason why my own fair fame should be darkened by the blood of my son or the emperor's conscience by that of his mother? For as to Domitia â I should thank her for her enmity, if she were competing with me in benevolence to my Nero, instead of staging this comedy with the help of her bedfellow Atimetus and her mummer Paris. In the days when my counsels were preparing his adoption, his proconsular power, his consulate in prospect, and the other steps to his sovereignty, she was embellishing the fish-ponds of her beloved Baiae. â Or let a man stand forth to convict me of tampering with the guards in the capital â of shaking the allegiance of the provinces â or, finally, of seducing either slave or freedman into crime! Could I have lived with Britannicus on the throne? And if Plautus or another shall acquire the empire and sit in judgement, am I to assume there is a dearth of accusers prepared to indict me, no longer for the occasional hasty utterances of an ill-regulated love, but for guilt from which only a son can absolve?" The listeners were moved, but she demanded an interview with her son. There she neither spoke in support of her innocence, as though she could entertain misgivings, nor on the theme of her services, as though she would cast them in his teeth, but procured vengeance upon her accusers and recognition for her friends. 13.30. In the same consulate, Vipsanius Laenas was found guilty of malversation in his province of Sardinia; Cestius Proculus was acquitted on a charge of extortion brought by the Cretans. Clodius Quirinalis, who, as commandant of the crews stationed at Ravenna, had by his debauchery and ferocity tormented Italy, as though Italy were the most abject of the nations, forestalled his sentence by poison. Caninius Rebilus, who in juristic knowledge and extent of fortune ranked with the greatest, escaped the tortures of age and sickness by letting the blood from his arteries; though, from the unmasculine vices for which he was infamous, he had been thought incapable of the firmness of committing suicide. In contrast, Lucius Volusius departed in the fullness of honour, after enjoying a term of ninety-three years of life, a noble fortune virtuously gained, and the unbroken friendship of a succession of emperors. 14.1. In the consular year of Gaius Vipstanius and Gaius Fonteius, Nero postponed no further the long-contemplated crime: for a protracted term of empire had consolidated his boldness, and day by day he burned more hotly with love for Poppaea; who, hopeless of wedlock for herself and divorce for Octavia so long as Agrippina lived, plied the sovereign with frequent reproaches and occasional raillery, styling him "the ward, dependent on alien orders, who was neither the empire's master nor his own. For why was her wedding deferred? Her face, presumably, and her grandsires with their triumphs, did not give satisfaction â or was the trouble her fecundity and truth of heart? No, it was feared that, as a wife at all events, she might disclose the wrongs of the Fathers, the anger of the nation against the pride and greed of his mother! But, if Agrippina could tolerate no daughter-inâlaw but one inimical to her son, then let her be restored to her married life with Otho: she would go to any corner of earth where she could hear the emperor's ignominy rather than view it and be entangled in his perils." To these and similar attacks, pressed home by tears and adulterous art, no opposition was offered: all men yearned for the breaking of the mother's power; none credited that the hatred of the son would go the full way to murder. 14.2. It is stated by Cluvius that Agrippina's ardour to keep her influence was carried so far that at midday, an hour at which Nero was beginning to experience the warmth of wine and good cheer, she presented herself on several occasions to her half-tipsy son, coquettishly dressed and prepared for incest. Already lascivious kisses, and endearments that were the harbingers of guilt, had been observed by their intimates, when Seneca sought in a woman the antidote to female blandishments, and brought in the freedwoman Acte, who, alarmed as she was both at her own danger and at Nero's infamy, was to report that the incest was common knowledge, since his mother boasted of it, and that the troops would not submit to the supremacy of a sacrilegious emperor. According to Fabius Rusticus, not Agrippina, but Nero, desired the union, the scheme being wrecked by the astuteness of the same freedwoman. The other authorities, however, give the same version as Cluvius, and to their side tradition leans; whether the enormity was actually conceived in the brain of Agrippina, or whether the contemplation of such a refinement in lust was merely taken as comparatively credible in a woman who, for the prospect of power, had in her girlish years yielded to the embraces of Marcus Lepidus; who, for a similar ambition had prostituted herself to the desires of Pallas; and who had been inured to every turpitude by her marriage with her uncle. 14.3. Nero, therefore, began to avoid private meetings with her; when she left for her gardens or the estates at Tusculum and Antium, he commended her intention of resting; finally, convinced that, wherever she might be kept, she was still an incubus, he decided to kill her, debating only whether by poison, the dagger, or some other form of violence. The first choice fell on poison. But, if it was to be given at the imperial table, then the death could not be referred to chance, since Britannicus had already met a similar fate. At the same time, it seemed an arduous task to tamper with the domestics of a woman whose experience of crime had made her vigilant for foul play; and, besides, she had herself fortified her system by taking antidotes in advance. Cold steel and bloodshed no one could devise a method of concealing: moreover, there was the risk that the agent chosen for such an atrocity might spurn his orders. Mother wit came to the rescue in the person of Anicetus the freedman, preceptor of Nero's boyish years, and detested by Agrippina with a vigour which was reciprocated. Accordingly, he pointed out that it was possible to construct a ship, part of which could be artificially detached, well out at sea, and throw the unsuspecting passenger overboard:â "Nowhere had accident such scope as on salt water; and, if the lady should be cut off by shipwreck, who so captious as to read murder into the delinquency of wind and wave? The sovereign, naturally, would assign the deceased a temple and the other displays of filial piety." 14.4. This ingenuity commended itself: the date, too, was in its favour, as Nero was in the habit of celebrating the festival of Minerva at Baiae. Thither he proceeded to lure his mother, observing from time to time that outbreaks of parental anger had to be tolerated, and that he must show a forgiving spirit; his aim being to create a rumour of reconciliation, which Agrippina, with the easy faith of her sex in the agreeable, would probably accept. â In due course, she came. He went down to the beach to meet her (she was arriving from Antium), took her hand, embraced her, and escorted her to Bauli, the name of a villa washed by the waters of a cove between the promontory of Misenum and the lake of Baiae. Here, among others, stood a more handsomely appointed vessel; apparently one attention the more to his mother, as she had been accustomed to use a trireme with a crew of marines. Also, she had been invited to dinner for the occasion, so that night should be available for the concealment of the crime. It is well established that someone had played the informer, and that Agrippina, warned of the plot, hesitated whether to believe or not, but made the journey to Baiae in a litter. There her fears were relieved by the blandishments of a cordial welcome and a seat above the prince himself. At last, conversing freely, â one moment boyishly familiar, the next grave-browed as though making some serious communication, â Nero, after the banquet had been long protracted, escorted her on her way, clinging more closely than usual to her breast and kissing her eyes; possibly as a final touch of hypocrisy, or possibly the last look upon his doomed mother gave pause even to that brutal spirit. 14.5. A starlit night and the calm of an unruffled sea appeared to have been sent by Heaven to afford proof of guilt. The ship had made no great way, and two of Agrippina's household were in attendance, Crepereius Gallus standing not far from the tiller, while Acerronia, bending over the feet of the recumbent princess, recalled exultantly the penitence of the son and the re-entry of the mother into favour. Suddenly the signal was given: the canopy above them, which had been heavily weighted with lead, dropped, and Crepereius was crushed and killed on the spot. Agrippina and Acerronia were saved by the height of the couch-sides, which, as it happened, were too solid to give way under the impact. Nor did the break-up of the vessel follow: for confusion was universal, and even the men accessory to the plot were impeded by the large numbers of the ignorant. The crew then decided to throw their weight on one side and so capsize the ship; but, even on their own part, agreement came too slowly for a sudden emergency, and a counter-effort by others allowed the victims a gentler fall into the waves. Acerronia, however, incautious enough to raise the cry that she was Agrippina, and to demand aid for the emperor's mother, was despatched with poles, oars, and every nautical weapon that came to hand. Agrippina, silent and so not generally recognised, though she received one wound in the shoulder, swam until she was met by a few fishing-smacks, and so reached the Lucrine lake, whence she was carried into her own villa. 14.6. There she reflected on the evident purpose of the treacherous letter of invitation and the exceptional honour with which she had been treated, and on the fact that, hard by the shore, a vessel, driven by no gale and striking no reef, had collapsed at the top like an artificial structure on land. She reviewed as well the killing of Acerronia, glanced simultaneously at her own wound, and realized that the one defence against treachery was to leave it undetected. Accordingly she sent the freedman Agermus to carry word to her son that, thanks to divine kindness and to his fortunate star, she had survived a grave accident; but that, however great his alarm at his mother's danger, she begged him to defer the attention of a visit: for the moment, what she needed was rest. Meanwhile, with affected unconcern, she applied remedies to her wound and fomentations to her body: Acerronia's will, she gave instructions was to be sought, and her effects sealed up, â the sole measure not referable to dissimulation. 14.7. Meanwhile, as Nero was waiting for the messengers who should announce the doing of the deed, there came the news that she had escaped with a wound from a light blow, after running just sufficient risk to leave no doubt as to its author. Half-dead with terror, he protested that any moment she would be here, hot for vengeance. And whether she armed her slaves or inflamed the troops, or made her way to the senate and the people, and charged him with the wreck, her wound, and the slaying of her friends, what counter-resource was at his own disposal? Unless there was hope in Seneca and Burrus! He had summoned them immediately: whether to test their feeling, or as cognizant already of the secret, is questionable. â There followed, then, a long silence on the part of both: either they were reluctant to dissuade in vain, or they believed matters to have reached a point at which Agrippina must be forestalled or Nero perish. After a time, Seneca so far took the lead as to glance at Burrus and inquire if the fatal order should be given to the military. His answer was that the guards, pledged as they were to the Caesarian house as a whole, and attached to the memory of Germanicus, would flinch from drastic measures against his issue: Anicetus must redeem his promise. He, without any hesitation, asked to be given full charge of the crime. The words brought from Nero a declaration that that day presented him with an empire, and that he had a freedman to thank for so great a boon: Anicetus must go with speed and take an escort of men distinguished for implicit obedience to orders. He himself, on hearing that Agermus had come with a message from Agrippina, anticipated it by setting the stage for a charge of treason, threw a sword at his feet while he was doing his errand, then ordered his arrest as an assassin caught in the act; his intention being to concoct a tale that his mother had practised against the imperial life and taken refuge in suicide from the shame of detection. 14.8. In the interval, Agrippina's jeopardy, which was attributed to accident, had become generally known; and there was a rush to the beach, as man after man learned the news. Some swarmed up the sea-wall, some into the nearest fishing-boats: others were wading middle-deep into the surf, a few standing with outstretched arms. The whole shore rang with lamentations and vows and the din of conflicting questions and vague replies. A huge multitude streamed up with lights, and, when the knowledge of her safety spread, set out to offer congratulations; until, at the sight of an armed and threatening column, they were forced to scatter. Anicetus drew a cordon around the villa, and, breaking down the entrance, dragged off the slaves as they appeared, until he reached the bedroom-door. A few servants were standing by: the rest had fled in terror at the inrush of men. In the chamber was a dim light and a single waiting-maid; and Agrippina's anxiety deepened every instant. Why no one from her son â nor even Agermus? Had matters prospered, they would have worn another aspect. Now, nothing but solitude, hoarse alarms, and the symptoms of irremediable ill! Then the maid rose to go. "Dost thou too forsake me?" she began, and saw Anicetus behind her, accompanied by Herculeius, the trierarch, and Obaritus, a centurion of marines. "If he had come to visit the sick, he might take back word that she felt refreshed. If to do murder, she would believe nothing of her son: matricide was no article of their instructions." The executioners surrounded the couch, and the trierarch began by striking her on the head with a club. The centurion was drawing his sword to make an end, when she proffered her womb to the blow. "Strike here," she exclaimed, and was despatched with repeated wounds. 14.9. So far the accounts concur. Whether Nero inspected the corpse of his mother and expressed approval of her figure is a statement which some affirm and some deny. She was cremated the same night, on a dinner-couch, and with the humblest rites; nor, so long as Nero reigned, was the earth piled over the grave or enclosed. Later, by the care of her servants, she received a modest tomb, hard by the road to Misenum and that villa of the dictator Caesar which looks from its dizzy height to the bay outspread beneath. As the pyre was kindled, one of her freedmen, by the name of Mnester, ran a sword through his body, whether from love of his mistress or from fear of his own destruction remains unknown. This was that ending to which, years before, Agrippina had given her credence, and her contempt. For to her inquiries as to the destiny of Nero the astrologers answered that he should reign, and slay his mother; and "Let him slay," she had said, "so that he reign." 14.10. But only with the completion of the crime was its magnitude realized by the Caesar. For the rest of the night, sometimes dumb and motionless, but not rarely starting in terror to his feet with a sort of delirium, he waited for the daylight which he believed would bring his end. Indeed, his first encouragement to hope came from the adulation of the centurions and tribunes, as, at the suggestion of Burrus, they grasped his hand and wished him joy of escaping his unexpected danger and the criminal enterprise of his mother. His friends in turn visited the temples; and, once the example had been given, the Campanian towns in the neighbourhood attested their joy by victims and deputations. By a contrast in hypocrisy, he himself was mournful, repining apparently at his own preservation and full of tears for the death of a parent. But because the features of a landscape change less obligingly than the looks of men, and because there was always obtruded upon his gaze the grim prospect of that sea and those shores, â and there were some who believed that he could hear a trumpet, calling in the hills that rose around, and lamentations at his mother's grave, â he withdrew to Naples and forwarded to the senate a letter, the sum of which was that an assassin with his weapon upon him had been discovered in Agermus, one of the confidential freedmen of Agrippina, and that his mistress, conscious of her guilt, had paid the penalty of meditated murder. 14.11. He appended a list of charges drawn from the remoter past:â "She had hoped for a partnership in the empire; for the praetorian cohorts to swear allegiance to a woman; for the senate and people to submit to a like ignominy. Then, her ambition foiled, she had turned against the soldiers, the Fathers and the commons; had opposed the donative and the largess, and had worked for the ruin of eminent citizens. At what cost of labour had he succeeded in preventing her from forcing the door of the senate and delivering her answers to foreign nations!" He made an indirect attack on the Claudian period also, transferring every scandal of the reign to the account of his mother, whose removal he ascribed to the fortunate star of the nation. For even the wreck was narrated: though where was the folly which could believe it accidental, or that a ship-wrecked woman had despatched a solitary man with a weapon to cut his way through the guards and navies of the emperor? The object, therefore, of popular censure was no longer Nero â whose barbarity transcended all protest â but Seneca, who in composing such a plea had penned a confession. 14.12. However, with a notable spirit of emulation among the magnates, decrees were drawn up: thanksgivings were to be held at all appropriate shrines; the festival of Minerva, on which the conspiracy had been brought to light, was to be celebrated with annual games; a golden statue of the goddess, with an effigy of the emperor by her side, was to be erected in the curia, and Agrippina's birthday included among the inauspicious dates. Earlier sycophancies Thrasea Paetus had usually allowed to pass, either in silence or with a curt assent: this time he walked out of the senate, creating a source of danger for himself, but implanting no germ of independence in his colleagues. Portents, also, frequent and futile made their appearance: a woman gave birth to a serpent, another was killed by a thunderbolt in the embraces of her husband; the sun, again, was suddenly obscured, and the fourteen regions of the capital were struck by lightning â events which so little marked the concern of the gods that Nero continued for years to come his empire and his crimes. However, to aggravate the feeling against his mother, and to furnish evidence that his own mildness had increased with her removal, he restored to their native soil two women of high rank, Junia and Calpurnia, along with the ex-praetors Valerius Capito and Licinius Gabolus â all of them formerly banished by Agrippina. He sanctioned the return, even, of the ashes of Lollia Paulina, and the erection of a tomb: Iturius and Calvisius, whom he had himself relegated some little while before, he now released from the penalty. As to Silana, she had died a natural death at Tarentum, to which she had retraced her way, when Agrippina, by whose enmity she had fallen, was beginning to totter or to relent. 14.13. And yet he dallied in the towns of Campania, anxious and doubtful how to make his entry into Rome. Would he find obedience in the senate? enthusiasm in the crowd? Against his timidity it was urged by every reprobate â and a court more prolific of reprobates the world has not seen â that the name of Agrippina was abhorred and that her death had won him the applause of the nation. Let him go without a qualm and experience on the spot the veneration felt for his position! At the same time, they demanded leave to precede him. They found, indeed, an alacrity which surpassed their promises: the tribes on the way to meet him; the senate in festal dress; troops of wives and of children disposed according to their sex and years, while along his route rose tiers of seats of the type used for viewing a triumph. Then, flushed with pride, victor over the national servility, he made his way to the Capitol, paid his grateful vows, and abandoned himself to all the vices, till now retarded, though scarcely repressed, by some sort of deference to his mother. 14.20. In the consulate of Nero â his fourth term â and of Cornelius Cossus, a quinquennial competition on the stage, in the style of a Greek contest, was introduced at Rome. Like almost all innovations it was variously canvassed. Some insisted that "even Pompey had been censured by his elders for establishing the theatre in a permanent home. Before, the games had usually been exhibited with the help of improvised tiers of benches and a stage thrown up for the occasion; or, to go further into the past, the people stood to watch: seats in the theatre, it was feared, might tempt them to pass whole days in indolence. By all means let the spectacles be retained in their old form, whenever the praetor presided, and so long as no citizen lay under any obligation to compete. But the national morality, which had gradually fallen into oblivion, was being overthrown from the foundations by this imported licentiousness; the aim of which was that every production of every land, capable of either undergoing or engendering corruption, should be on view in the capital, and that our youth, under the influence of foreign tastes, should degenerate into votaries of the gymnasia, of indolence, and of dishonourable amours, â and this at the instigation of the emperor and senate, who, not content with conferring immunity upon vice, were applying compulsion, in order that Roman nobles should pollute themselves on the stage under pretext of delivering an oration or a poem. What remained but to strip to the skin as well, put on the gloves, and practise that mode of conflict instead of the profession of arms? Would justice be promoted, would the equestrian decuries better fulfil their great judicial functions, if they had lent an expert ear to emasculated music and dulcet voices? Even night had been requisitioned for scandal, so that virtue should not be left with a breathing-space, but that amid a promiscuous crowd every vilest profligate might venture in the dark the act for which he had lusted in the light." 14.52. The death of Burrus shook the position of Seneca: for not only had the cause of decency lost in power by the removal of one of its two champions, but Nero was inclining to worse counsellors. These brought a variety of charges to the assault on Seneca, "who was still augmenting that enormous wealth which had transcended the limits of a private fortune; who was perverting the affection of his countrymen to himself; who even in the charm of his pleasure-grounds and the splendour of his villas appeared bent on surpassing the sovereign. The honours of eloquence," so the count proceeded, "he arrogated to himself alone; and he was writing verse more frequently, now that Nero had developed an affection for the art. For of the emperor's amusements in general he was an openly captious critic, disparaging his powers when he drove his horses and deriding his notes when he sang! How long was nothing to be counted brilliant in Rome, unless it was believed the invention of Seneca? Beyond a doubt, Nero's boyhood was finished, and the full vigour of youth had arrived: let him discharge his pedagogue â he had a sufficiently distinguished staff of teachers in his own ancestors." 14.53. Seneca was aware of his maligners: they were revealed from the quarters where there was some little regard for honour, and the Caesar's avoidance of his intimacy was becoming marked. He therefore asked to have a time fixed for an interview; it was granted, and he began as follows:â "It is the fourteenth year, Caesar, since I was associated with your hopeful youth, the eighth that you have held the empire: in the time between, you have heaped upon me so much of honour and of wealth that all that is lacking to complete my happiness is discretion in its use. I shall appeal to great precedents, and I shall draw them not from my rank but from yours. Augustus, the grandfather of your grandfather, conceded to Marcus Agrippa the privacy of Mytilene, and to Gaius Maecenas, within the capital itself, something tantamount to retirement abroad. One had been the partner of his wars, the other had been harassed by more numerous labours at Rome, and each had received his reward â a magnificent reward, it is true, but proportioned to immense deserts. For myself, what incentive to your generosity have I been able to apply except some bookish acquirements, cultivated, I might say, in the shadows of the cloister? Acquirements to which fame has come because I am thought to have lent a helping hand in your own first youthful efforts â a wage that overpays the service! But you have invested me with measureless influence, with countless riches; so that often I put the question to myself:â 'Is it I, born in the station of a simple knight and a provincial, who am numbered with the magnates of the realm? Among these nobles, wearing their long-descended glories, has my novel name swum into ken? Where is that spirit which found contentment in mediocrity? Building these terraced gardens? â Pacing these suburban mansions? â Luxuriating in these broad acres, these world-wide investments?' â A single defence suggests itself â that I had not the right to obstruct your bounty. 14.54. "But we have both filled up the measure: you, of what a prince may give to his friend; and I, of what a friend may take from his prince. All beyond breeds envy! True, envy, like everything mortal, lies far beneath your greatness; but by me the burden is felt â to me a relief is necessary. As I should pray for support in warfare, or when wearied by the road, so in this journey of life, an old man and unequal to the lightest of cares, I ask for succour: for I can bear my riches no further. Order my estates to be administered by your procurators, to be embodied in your fortune. Not that by my own action I shall reduce myself to poverty: rather, I shall resign the glitter of wealth which dazzles me, and recall to the service of the mind those hours which are now set apart to the care of my gardens or my villas. You have vigour to spare; you have watched for years the methods by which supreme power is wielded: we, your older friends, may demand our rest. This, too, shall redound to your glory â that you raised to the highest places men who could also accept the lowly." 14.55. Nero's reply, in effect, was this:â "If I am able to meet your studied eloquence with an immediate answer, that is the first part of my debt to you, who have taught me how to express my thought not merely after premeditation but on the spur of the moment. Augustus, the grandfather of my grandfather, allowed Agrippa and Maecenas to rest after their labours, but had himself reached an age, the authority of which could justify whatever boon, and of whatever character, he had bestowed upon them. And even so he stripped neither of the rewards conferred by himself. It was in battle and jeopardy they had earned them, for such were the scenes in which the youth of Augustus moved; and, had my own days been spent in arms, your weapons and your hand would not have failed me; but you did what the actual case demanded, and fostered first my boyhood, then my youth, with reason, advice, and precept. And your gifts to me will be imperishable, so long as life may last; but mine to you â gardens, capital, and villas â are vulnerable to accident. They may appear many; but numbers of men, not comparable to you in character have held more. Shame forbids me to mention the freedmen who flaunt a wealth greater than yours! And hence I even blush that you, who have the first place in my love, do not as yet excel all in fortune. Or is it, by chance, the case that you deem either Seneca lower than Vitellius, who held his three consulates, or Nero lower than Claudius, and that the wealth which years of parsimony won for Volusius is incapable of being attained by my own generosity to you? 14.56. "On the contrary, not only is yours a vigorous age, adequate to affairs and to their rewards, but I myself am but entering the first stages of my sovereignty. Why not recall the uncertain steps of my youth, if here and there they slip, and even more zealously guide and support the manhood which owes its pride to you. Not your moderation, if you give back your riches; not your retirement, if you abandon your prince; by my avarice, and the terrors of my cruelty, will be upon all men's lips. And, however much your abnegation may be praised, it will still be unworthy of a sage to derive credit from an act which sullies the fair fame of a friend." He followed his words with an embrace and kisses â nature had fashioned him and use had trained him to veil his hatred under insidious caresses. Seneca â such is the end of all dialogues with an autocrat â expressed his gratitude: but he changed the established routine of his former power, banished the crowds from his antechambers, shunned his attendants, and appeared in the city with a rareness ascribed to his detention at home by adverse health or philosophic studies. 14.64. And so this girl, in the twentieth year of her age, surrounded by centurions and soldiers, cut off already from life by foreknowledge of her fate, still lacked the peace of death. There followed an interval of a few days; then she was ordered to die â though she protested she was husbandless now, a sister and nothing more, evoking the Germanici whose blood they shared, and, in the last resort, the name of Agrippina, in whose lifetime she had supported a wifehood, unhappy enough but still not fatal. She was tied fast with cords, and the veins were opened in each limb: then, as the blood, arrested by terror, ebbed too slowly, she was suffocated in the bath heated to an extreme temperature. As a further and more hideous cruelty, the head was amputated and carried to Rome, where it was viewed by Poppaea. For all these things offerings were decreed to the temples â how often must those words be said? Let all who make their acquaintance with the history of that period in my narrative or that of others take so much for granted: as often as the emperor ordered an exile or a murder, so often was a thanksgiving addressed to Heaven; and what formerly betokened prosperity was now a symbol of public calamity. Nevertheless, where a senatorial decree achieved a novelty in adulation or a last word in self-abasement, I shall not pass it by in silence. 15.37. He himself, to create the impression that no place gave him equal pleasure with Rome, began to serve banquets in the public places and to treat the entire city as his palace. In point of extravagance and notoriety, the most celebrated of the feasts was that arranged by Tigellinus; which I shall describe as a type, instead of narrating time and again the monotonous tale of prodigality. He constructed, then, a raft on the Pool of Agrippa, and superimposed a banquet, to be set in motion by other craft acting as tugs. The vessels were gay with gold and ivory, and the oarsmen were catamites marshalled according to their ages and their libidinous attainments. He had collected birds and wild beasts from the ends of the earth, and marine animals from the ocean itself. On the quays of the lake stood brothels, filled with women of high rank; and, opposite, naked harlots met the view. First came obscene gestures and dances; then, as darkness advanced, the whole of the neighbouring grove, together with the dwelling-houses around, began to echo with song and to glitter with lights. Nero himself, defiled by every natural and unnatural lust had left no abomination in reserve with which to crown his vicious existence; except that, a few days later, he became, with the full rites of legitimate marriage, the wife of one of that herd of degenerates, who bore the name of Pythagoras. The veil was drawn over the imperial head, witnesses were despatched to the scene; the dowry, the couch of wedded love, the nuptial torches, were there: everything, in fine, which night enshrouds even if a woman is the bride, was left open to the view. 15.62. Seneca, nothing daunted, asked for the tablets containing his will. The centurion refusing, he turned to his friends, and called them to witness that "as he was prevented from showing his gratitude for their services, he left them his sole but fairest possession â the image of his life. If they bore it in mind, they would reap the reward of their loyal friendship in the credit accorded to virtuous accomplishments." At the same time, he recalled them from tears to fortitude, sometimes conversationally, sometimes in sterner, almost coercive tones. "Where," he asked, "were the maxims of your philosophy? Where that reasoned attitude towards impending evils which they had studied through so many years? For to whom had Nero's cruelty been unknown? Nor was anything left him, after the killing of his mother and his brother, but to add the murder of his guardian and preceptor." |
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| 71. Tacitus, Agricola, 11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, caligula Found in books: Goldman (2013) 128 |
| 72. Suetonius, Nero, 21.2, 22.1, 32.3, 39.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Goldman (2013) 51, 91; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 203, 206 |
| 73. Suetonius, Vitellius, 10.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 217 |
| 74. Apuleius, Apology, 87.10-87.11 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 65 |
75. Tertullian, On The Games, 2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 80 | 2. Then, again, every one is ready with the argument that all things, as we teach, were created by God, and given to man for his use, and that they must be good, as coming all from so good a source; but that among them are found the various constituent elements of the public shows, such as the horse, the lion, bodily strength, and musical voice. It cannot, then, be thought that what exists by God's own creative will is either foreign or hostile to Him; and if it is not opposed to Him, it cannot be regarded as injurious to His worshippers, as certainly it is not foreign to them. Beyond all doubt, too, the very buildings connected with the places of public amusement, composed as they are of rocks, stones, marbles, pillars, are things of God, who has given these various things for the earth's embellishment; nay, the very scenes are enacted under God's own heaven. How skilful a pleader seems human wisdom to herself, especially if she has the fear of losing any of her delights - any of the sweet enjoyments of worldly existence! In fact, you will find not a few whom the imperilling of their pleasures rather than their life holds back from us. For even the weakling has no strong dread of death as a debt he knows is due by him; while the wise man does not look with contempt on pleasure, regarding it as a precious gift - in fact, the one blessedness of life, whether to philosopher or fool. Now nobody denies what nobody is ignorant of - for Nature herself is teacher of it - that God is the Maker of the universe, and that it is good, and that it is man's by free gift of its Maker. But having no intimate acquaintance with the Highest, knowing Him only by natural revelation, and not as His friends- afar off, and not as those who have been brought near to Him - men cannot but be in ignorance alike of what He enjoins and what He forbids in regard to the administration of His world. They must be ignorant, too, of the hostile power which works against Him, and perverts to wrong uses the things His hand has formed; for you cannot know either the will or the adversary of a God you do not know. We must not, then, consider merely by whom all things were made, but by whom they have been perverted. We shall find out for what use they were made at first, when we find for what they were not. There is a vast difference between the corrupted state and that of primal purity, just because there is a vast difference between the Creator and the corrupter. Why, all sorts of evils, which as indubitably evils even the heathens prohibit, and against which they guard themselves, come from the works of God. Take, for instance, murder, whether committed by iron, by poison, or by magical enchantments. Iron and herbs and demons are all equally creatures of God. Has the Creator, withal, provided these things for man's destruction? Nay, He puts His interdict on every sort of man-killing by that one summary precept, You shall not kill. Moreover, who but God, the Maker of the world, put in its gold, brass, silver, ivory, wood, and all the other materials used in the manufacture of idols? Yet has He done this that men may set up a worship in opposition to Himself? On the contrary idolatry in His eyes is the crowning sin. What is there offensive to God which is not God's? But in offending Him, it ceases to be His; and in ceasing to be His, it is in His eyes an offending thing. Man himself, guilty as he is of every iniquity, is not only a work of God - he is His image, and yet both in soul and body he has severed himself from his Maker. For we did not get eyes to minister to lust, and the tongue for speaking evil with, and ears to be the receptacle of evil speech, and the throat to serve the vice of gluttony, and the belly to be gluttony's ally, and the genitals for unchaste excesses, and hands for deeds of violence, and the feet for an erring life; or was the soul placed in the body that it might become a thought-manufactory of snares, and fraud, and injustice? I think not; for if God, as the righteous ex-actor of innocence, hates everything like malignity - if He hates utterly such plotting of evil, it is clear beyond a doubt, that, of all things that have come from His hand, He has made none to lead to works which He condemns, even though these same works may be carried on by things of His making; for, in fact, it is the one ground of condemnation, that the creature misuses the creation. We, therefore, who in our knowledge of the Lord have obtained some knowledge also of His foe - who, in our discovery of the Creator, have at the same time laid hands upon the great corrupter, ought neither to wonder nor to doubt that, as the prowess of the corrupting and God-opposing angel overthrew in the beginning the virtue of man, the work and image of God, the possessor of the world, so he has entirely changed man's nature - created, like his own, for perfect sinlessness - into his own state of wicked enmity against his Maker, that in the very thing whose gift to man, but not to him, had grieved him, he might make man guilty in God's eyes, and set up his own supremacy. |
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| 76. Lucian, Nigrinus, 17-18 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 8 |
| 77. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 4.14.7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 244 |
| 78. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 10.116 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 65 |
| 79. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 10.116 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 65 |
| 80. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 49.4-49.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 80 |
| 81. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 26.32 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (emperor) Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al (2020) 107 |
82. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 28.16.6, 37.21.3-37.21.4, 43.43.1, 43.43.4, 44.6.2, 48.18.2, 48.31.3, 53.26.5, 54.25, 55.2.1, 55.10.2, 56.8, 57.13.5, 57.24.6, 58.2, 59.2.2, 59.5, 59.18.4, 59.26.6-59.26.10, 59.28.1, 60.6.9, 60.17, 60.17.1, 61.4.5, 61.16.2, 63.4.2, 63.6.3, 63.13.3, 63.14.3, 67.4.4, 68.2.3, 73.15.3, 77.7.2, 78.1.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo (2022) 116, 124, 125, 146; Edmondson (2008) 34, 36, 45, 65; Goldman (2013) 85, 91; Jenkyns (2013) 188; Manolaraki (2012) 109, 123; Marek (2019) 329, 331; Phang (2001) 369; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 203, 206, 234, 244; Rüpke (2011) 133, 142 | 37.21.3. He did not, however, add any other title to his name, but was satisfied with that of Magnus alone, which, of course, he had gained even before these achievements. Nor did he contrive to receive any other extravagant honour, or even accept such as had been voted him in his absence, except on a single occasion. 37.21.4. These consisted in the privilege of always wearing the laurel wreath at all public games, and arraying himself in the cloak of a general at all of them, as well as in the triumphal garb at the horse-races. They had been granted him chiefly through the coöperation of Caesar, and contrary to the advice of Marcus Cato. 43.43.1. Such was his gift to Rome. For himself, he wore the triumphal garb, by decree, at all the games, and was adorned with the laurel crown always and everywhere alike. The excuse that he gave for it was that his forehead was bald; yet he gave occasion for talk by this very circumstance that at that time, though well past youth, he still bestowed attention upon his appearance. 43.43.4. Sulla had looked askance at the looseness of his girdle, so much so that he had wished to kill him, and declared to those who begged him off: "Well, I will grant him to you; but be thoroughly on your guard against this ill-girt fellow." And Cicero could not comprehend it, 44.6.2. Next they bestowed upon him a quadrennial festival, as to a hero, and a third priestly college, which they called the Julian, as overseers of the Lupercalia, and one special day of his own each time in connection with all gladiatorial combats both in Rome and the rest of Italy. 48.18.2. Rufus managed to repel Sextus from Italy, and when Sextus retired to Sicily, undertook to manufacture boats of leather, similar to those used on the ocean. He made a framework of light rods for the interior and stretched over them an uncured ox-hide after the manner of a circular shield. 48.31.3. But a short time before they had brought the two rulers into the city mounted on horses as if at a triumph, had bestowed upon them the triumphal dress just as upon those who celebrated triumphs, had allowed them to view the festivals seated upon their chairs of state, and had espoused to Antony Caesar's sister, Octavia, now that her husband was dead, though she was pregt; 53.26.5. For this and his other exploits of this period a triumph, as well as the title, was voted to Augustus; but as he did not care to celebrate it, a triumphal arch was erected in the Alps in his honour and he was granted the right always to wear both the crown and the triumphal garb on the first day of the year. After these achievements in the wars Augustus closed the precinct of Janus, which had been opened because of these wars. 54.25. 1. Now when Augustus had finished all the business which occupied him in the several provinces of Gaul, of Germany and of Spain, having spent large sums from others, having bestowed freedom and citizenship upon some and taken them away from others, he left Drusus in Germany and returned to Rome himself in the consulship of Tiberius and Quintilius Varus.,2. Now it chanced that the news of his coming reached the city during those days when Cornelius Balbus was celebrating with spectacles the dedication of theatre which is even toâday called by his name; and Balbus accordingly began to put on airs, as if it were he himself that was going to bring Augustus back, â although he was unable even to enter his theatre, except by boat, on account of the flood of water caused by the Tiber, which had overflowed its banks, â and Tiberius put the vote to him first, in honour of his building the theatre.,3. For the senate convened, and among its other decrees voted to place an altar in the senate-chamber itself, to commemorate the return of Augustus, and also voted that those who approached him as suppliants while he was inside the pomerium should not be punished. Nevertheless, he accepted neither of these honours, and even avoided encountering the people on this occasion also;,4. for he entered the city at night. This he did nearly always when he went out to the suburbs or anywhere else, both on his way out and on his return, so that he might trouble none of the citizens. The next day he welcomed the people in the palace, and then, ascending the Capitol, took the laurel from around his fasces and placed it upon the knees of Jupiter; and he also placed baths and barbers at the service of the people free of charge on that day.,5. After this he convened the senate, and though he made no address himself by reason of hoarseness, he gave his manuscript to the quaestor to read and thus enumerated his achievements and promulgated rules as to the number of years the citizens should serve in the army and as to the amount of money they should receive when discharged from service, in lieu of the land which they were always demanding.,6. His object was that the soldiers, by being enlisted henceforth on certain definite terms, should find no excuse for revolt on this score. The number of years was twelve for the Pretorians and sixteen for the rest; and the money to be distributed was less in some cases and more in others. These measures caused the soldiers neither pleasure nor anger for the time being, because they neither obtained all they desired nor yet failed of all; but in the rest of the population the measures aroused confident hopes that they would not in future be robbed of their possessions. 55.10.2. . . . to Mars, and that he himself and his grandsons should go there as often as they wished, while those who were passing from the class of boys and were being enrolled among the youths of military age should invariably do so; that those who were sent out to commands abroad should make that their starting-point; 56.8. 1. Nay, I for my part am ashamed that I have been forced even to mention such a thing. Have done with your madness, then, and stop at last to reflect, that with many dying all the time by disease and many in war it is impossible for the city to maintain itself, unless its population is continually renewed by those who are ever and anon to be born.,2. "And let none of you imagine that I fail to realize that there are disagreeable and painful things incident to marriage and the begetting of children. But bear this in mind, that we do not possess any other good with which some unpleasantness is not mingled, and that in our most abundant and greatest blessings there reside the most abundant and greatest evils.,3. Therefore, if you decline to accept the latter, do not seek to obtain the former, either, since for practically everything that has any genuine excellence or enjoyment one must strive beforehand, strive at the time, and strive afterwards. But why should I prolong my speech by going into all these details? Even if there are, then, some unpleasant things incident to marriage and the begetting of children, set over against them the advantages, and you will find these to be at once more numerous and more compelling.,4. For, in addition to all the other blessings that naturally inhere in this state of life, the prizes offered by the laws should induce each other to obey me; for a very small part of these inspires many to undergo even death. And is it not disgraceful that for rewards which lead others to sacrifice even their lives you should be unwilling either to marry wives or to rear children? 57.13.5. Not a few men, also, were wearing a great deal of purple clothing, though this had formerly been forbidden; yet he neither rebuked nor fined any of them, but when a rain came up during a certain festival, he himself put on a dark woollen cloak. After that none of them longer dared assume any different kind of garb. 57.24.6. There were other events, also, at this time worthy of a place in history. The people of Cyzicus were once more deprived of their freedom, because they had imprisoned some Romans and because they had not completed the shrine to Augustus which they had begun to build. 58.2. 1. At this time also Livia passed away at the age of eighty-six. Tiberius neither paid her any visits during her illness nor did he himself lay out her body; in fact, he made no arrangements at all in her honour except for the public funeral and images and some other matters of no importance. As for her being deified, he forbade that absolutely.,2. The senate, however, did not content itself with voting merely the measures that he had commanded, but ordered mourning for her during the whole year on the part of the women, although it approved the course of Tiberius in not abandoning the conduct of the public business even at this time.,3. They furthermore voted an arch in her honour â a distinction conferred upon no other woman â because she had saved the lives of not a few of them, had reared the children of many, and had helped many to pay their daughters' dowries, in consequence of all which some were calling her Mother of her Country. She was buried in the (Opens in another window)')" onMouseOut="nd();" mausoleum of Augustus.,3a. Among the many excellent utterances of hers that are reported are the following. Once, when some naked men met her and were to be put to death in consequence, she saved their lives by saying that to chaste women such men are no whit different from statues.,5. When someone asked her how and by what course of action she had obtained such a commanding influence over Augustus, she answered that it was by being scrupulously chaste herself, doing gladly whatever pleased him, not meddling with any of his affairs, and, in particular, by pretending neither to hear or nor to notice the favourites of his passion.,6. Such was the character of Livia. The arch voted to her, however, was not built, for the reason that Tiberius promised to construct it at his own expense; for, as he hesitated to annul the decree in so many words, he made it void in this way, by not allowing the work to be done at public expense nor yet attending to it himself.,7. Sejanus was rising to still greater heights. It was voted that his birthday should be publicly observed, and the multitude of statues that the senate and the equestrian order, the tribes and the foremost citizens set up, would have passed anyone's power to count.,8. Separate envoys were sent to him and to Tiberius by the senate, by the knights, and also by the people, who selected theirs from the tribunes and from the plebeian aediles. For both of them alike they offered prayers and sacrifices and they took oaths by their Fortunes. 59.2.2. To the people he paid over the forty-five millions bequeathed to them, and, in addition, the two hundred and forty sesterces apiece which they had failed to receive on the occasion of his receiving the toga virilis, together with interest amount to sixty sesterces. 59.5. 1. This was the kind of emperor into whose hands the Romans were then delivered. Hence the deeds of Tiberius, though they were felt to have been very harsh, were nevertheless as far superior to those of Gaius as the deeds of Augustus were to those of his successor.,2. For Tiberius always kept the power in his own hands and used others as agents for carrying out his wishes; whereas Gaius was ruled by the charioteers and gladiators, and was the slave of the actors and others connected with the stage. Indeed, he always kept Apelles, the most famous of the tragedians of that day, with him even in public.,3. Thus he by himself and they by themselves did without let or hindrance all that such persons would naturally dare to do when given power. Everything that pertained to their art he arranged and settled on the slightest pretext in the most lavish manner, and he compelled the praetors and the consuls to do the same, so that almost every day some performance of the kind was sure to be given.,4. At first he was but a spectator and listener at these and would take sides for or against various performers like one of the crowd; and one time, when he was vexed with those of opposing tastes, he did not go to the spectacle. But as time went on, he came to imitate, and to contend in many events,,5. driving chariots, fighting as a gladiator, giving exhibitions of pantomimic dancing, and acting in tragedy. So much for his regular behaviour. And once he sent an urgent summons at night to the leading men of the senate, as if for some important deliberation, and then danced before them. 59.18.4. Thus, Calvisius Sabinus, one of the foremost men in the senate, who had just returned from governing Pannonia, was indicted together with his wife Cornelia. The charge against her was that she had made the rounds of the sentries and watched the soldiers at drill. These two did not stand trial but despatched themselves before the time fixed. 59.26.6. because he had bridged so great an expanse of sea; he also impersonated Hercules, Bacchus, Apollo, and all the other divinities, not merely males but also females, often taking the rôle of Juno, Diana, or Venus. Indeed, to match the change of name he would assume all the rest of the attributes that belonged to the various gods, so that he might seem really to resemble them. 59.26.7. Now he would be seen as a woman, holding a wine-bowl and (Opens in another window)')" onMouseOut="nd();" thyrsus, and again he would appear as a man equipped with a club and lion's skin or perhaps a helmet and shield. He would be seen at one time with a smooth chin and later with a full beard. Sometimes he wielded a trident and again he brandished a thunderbolt. Now he would impersonate a maiden equipped for hunting or for war, and a little later would play the married woman. 59.26.8. Thus by varying the style of his dress, and by the use of accessories and wigs, he achieved accuracy inasmuch diverse parts; and he was eager to appear to be anything rather than a human being and an emperor. Once a Gaul, seeing him uttering oracles from a lofty platform in the guise of Jupiter, was moved to laughter, 59.26.9. whereupon Gaius summoned him and inquired, "What do I seem to you to be?" And the other answered (I give his exact words):"A big humbug." Yet the man met with no harm, for he was only a shoemaker. Thus it is, apparently, that persons of such rank as Gaius can bear the frankness of the common herd more easily than that of those who hold high position. 59.26.10. The attire, now, that I have described was what he would assume whenever he pretended to be a god; and suitable supplications, prayers, and sacrifices would then be offered to him. At other times he usually appeared in public in silk or in triumphal dress. 59.28.1. Gaius ordered that a sacred precinct should be set apart for his worship at Miletus in the province of Asia. The reason he gave for choosing this city was that Diana had pre-empted Ephesus, Augustus Pergamum and Tiberius Smyrna; but the truth of the matter was that he desired to appropriate to his own use the large and exceedingly beautiful temple which the Milesians were building to Apollo. 60.6.9. His own name also he carved on the stage (not because he had built it, but because he had dedicated it), but on no other building. Furthermore, he did not wear the triumphal dress throughout the entire festival, though permission to do so had been voted, but appeared in it merely when offering the sacrifice; the rest of the festival he superintended clad in the purple-bordered toga. 60.17. 1. When Claudius now became consul again, for the third time, he abolished many days of thanksgiving and many holidays. For the greater part of the year was being given up to them, with no small detriment to the public business.,2. Besides thus curtailing the holidays, he retrenched in all other ways that he could. What had been given away by Gaius without any justice or reason he demanded back from the recipients; but he gave back to the highway commissioners the amount of the fines they had paid in the reign of Gaius at the instigation of Corbulo.,3. Moreover, he gave notice to the governors chosen by lot, since they were slow even now about leaving the city, that they must begin their journey before the middle of April. He reduced the Lycians to servitude because they had revolted and slain some Romans, and he incorporated them in the prefecture of Pamphylia.,4. During the investigation of this affair, which was conducted in the senate, he put a question in Latin to one of the envoys who had originally been a Lycian, but had been made a Roman citizen; and when the man failed to understand what was said, he took away his citizenship, saying that it was not proper for a man to be a Roman who had no knowledge of the Romans' language.,5. A great many other persons unworthy of citizenship were also deprived of it, whereas he granted citizenship to others quite indiscriminately, sometimes to individuals and sometimes to whole groups. For inasmuch as Romans had the advantage over foreigners in practically all respects, many sought the franchise by personal application to the emperor, and many bought it from Messalina and the imperial freedmen.,6. For this reason, though the privilege was at first sold only for large sums, it later became so cheapened by the facility with which it could be obtained that it came to be a common saying, that a man could become a citizen by giving the right person some bits of broken glass.,7. For his course in the matter, therefore, Claudius brought ridicule upon himself; but he was praised for his conduct in another direction. It seems that information was being laid against many of the new citizens, in some instances to the effect that they were not adopting Claudius' name, and in others that they were not leaving him anything at their death â it being incumbent, they said, upon those who obtained citizenship from him to do both these things. Claudius now forbade that any one should be called to account on these grounds.,8. Messalina and his freedmen kept offering for sale and peddling out not merely the franchise and military commands, procuratorships, and governorships, but also everything in general, to such an extent that there was a scarcity of all wares; and as a result Claudius was compelled to muster the populace in the Campus Martius, and there from a raised platform to fix the prices of the various articles.,9. Claudius also gave a gladiatorial contest at the camp, on which occasion he wore a military cloak. His son's birthday was observed by the praetors on their own initiative with a spectacle and dinners. This was also done on later occasions, at least year such of them as chose to do so. 60.17.1. When Claudius now became consul again, for the third time, he abolished many days of thanksgiving and many holidays. For the greater part of the year was being given up to them, with no small detriment to the public business. 61.4.5. Next, he came to despise the good advice, since he was always hearing from his associates: "And do you submit to them?" "Do you fear them?" "Do you not know that you are Caesar, and that you have authority over them rather than they over you?" and he was resolved not to acknowledge that his mother was superior to him or to submit to Seneca and Burrus as wiser. 67.4.4. He changed the name of October to Domitianus because he had been born in that month. Among the charioteers he instituted two more factions, calling one the Golden and the other the Purple. To the spectators he used to make many presents by means of the little balls; and once he gave them a banquet while they remained in their seats and at night provided for them wine that flowed freely in many different places. 68.2.3. He abolished many sacrifices, many horse-races, and some other spectacles, in an attempt to reduce expenditures as far as possible. In the senate he took oath that he would not slay any of the senators, and he kept his pledge in spite of plots against himself. Moreover, he did nothing without the advice of the foremost men. 77.7.2. for if the one attached himself to a certain faction, the other would be sure to choose the opposite side. And at last they were pitted against each other in some kind of contest with teams of ponies and drove with such fierce rivalry that Antoninus fell out of his two-wheeled chariot and broke his leg. 78.1.2. Even in Rome itself he put out of the way a man who was renowned for no other reason than his profession, which made him very conspicuous. I refer to Euprepes the charioteer. He killed him because he supported the opposite faction to the one he himself favoured. So Euprepes was put to death in his old age, after having been crowned in a vast number of horse-races; for he had won seven hundred and eighty-two crowns, a record equalled by no one else. |
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| 83. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 2.6.99-2.6.100 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 188 |
84. Babylonian Talmud, Niddah, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kraemer (2010) 68| 31a. מאי קרא (תהלים עא, ו) ממעי אמי אתה גוזי מאי משמע דהאי גוזי לישנא דאשתבועי הוא דכתיב (ירמיהו ז, כט) גזי נזרך והשליכי,ואמר רבי אלעזר למה ולד דומה במעי אמו לאגוז מונח בספל של מים אדם נותן אצבעו עליו שוקע לכאן ולכאן,תנו רבנן שלשה חדשים הראשונים ולד דר במדור התחתון אמצעיים ולד דר במדור האמצעי אחרונים ולד דר במדור העליון וכיון שהגיע זמנו לצאת מתהפך ויוצא וזהו חבלי אשה,והיינו דתנן חבלי של נקבה מרובין משל זכר,ואמר רבי אלעזר מאי קרא (תהלים קלט, טו) אשר עשיתי בסתר רקמתי בתחתיות ארץ דרתי לא נאמר אלא רקמתי,מאי שנא חבלי נקבה מרובין משל זכר זה בא כדרך תשמישו וזה בא כדרך תשמישו זו הופכת פניה וזה אין הופך פניו,תנו רבנן שלשה חדשים הראשונים תשמיש קשה לאשה וגם קשה לולד אמצעיים קשה לאשה ויפה לולד אחרונים יפה לאשה ויפה לולד שמתוך כך נמצא הולד מלובן ומזורז,תנא המשמש מטתו ליום תשעים כאילו שופך דמים מנא ידע אלא אמר אביי משמש והולך (תהלים קטז, ו) ושומר פתאים ה',תנו רבנן שלשה שותפין יש באדם הקב"ה ואביו ואמו אביו מזריע הלובן שממנו עצמות וגידים וצפרנים ומוח שבראשו ולובן שבעין אמו מזרעת אודם שממנו עור ובשר ושערות ושחור שבעין והקב"ה נותן בו רוח ונשמה וקלסתר פנים וראיית העין ושמיעת האוזן ודבור פה והלוך רגלים ובינה והשכל,וכיון שהגיע זמנו להפטר מן העולם הקב"ה נוטל חלקו וחלק אביו ואמו מניח לפניהם אמר רב פפא היינו דאמרי אינשי פוץ מלחא ושדי בשרא לכלבא,דרש רב חיננא בר פפא מאי דכתיב (איוב ט, י) עושה גדולות עד אין חקר ונפלאות עד אין מספר בא וראה שלא כמדת הקב"ה מדת בשר ודם מדת בשר ודם נותן חפץ בחמת צרורה ופיה למעלה ספק משתמר ספק אין משתמר ואילו הקב"ה צר העובר במעי אשה פתוחה ופיה למטה ומשתמר,דבר אחר אדם נותן חפציו לכף מאזנים כל זמן שמכביד יורד למטה ואילו הקב"ה כל זמן שמכביד הולד עולה למעלה,דרש רבי יוסי הגלילי מאי דכתיב {תהילים קל״ט:י״ד } אודך (ה') על כי נוראות נפליתי נפלאים מעשיך ונפשי יודעת מאד בא וראה שלא כמדת הקב"ה מדת בשר ודם מדת בשר ודם אדם נותן זרעונים בערוגה כל אחת ואחת עולה במינו ואילו הקב"ה צר העובר במעי אשה וכולם עולין למין אחד,דבר אחר צבע נותן סמנין ליורה כולן עולין לצבע אחד ואילו הקב"ה צר העובר במעי אשה כל אחת ואחת עולה למינו,דרש רב יוסף מאי דכתיב (ישעיהו יב, א) אודך ה' כי אנפת בי ישוב אפך ותנחמני במה הכתוב מדבר,בשני בני אדם שיצאו לסחורה ישב לו קוץ לאחד מהן התחיל מחרף ומגדף לימים שמע שטבעה ספינתו של חבירו בים התחיל מודה ומשבח לכך נאמר ישוב אפך ותנחמני,והיינו דאמר רבי אלעזר מאי דכתיב (תהלים עב, יח) עושה נפלאות (גדולות) לבדו וברוך שם כבודו לעולם אפילו בעל הנס אינו מכיר בנסו,דריש רבי חנינא בר פפא מאי דכתיב (תהלים קלט, ג) ארחי ורבעי זרית וכל דרכי הסכנת מלמד שלא נוצר אדם מן כל הטפה אלא מן הברור שבה תנא דבי רבי ישמעאל משל לאדם שזורה בבית הגרנות נוטל את האוכל ומניח את הפסולת,כדרבי אבהו דרבי אבהו רמי כתיב (שמואל ב כב, מ) ותזרני חיל וכתיב (תהלים יח, לג) האל המאזרני חיל אמר דוד לפני הקב"ה רבש"ע זיריתני וזרזתני,דרש רבי אבהו מאי דכתיב (במדבר כג, י) מי מנה עפר יעקב ומספר את רובע ישראל מלמד שהקב"ה יושב וסופר את רביעיותיהם של ישראל מתי תבא טיפה שהצדיק נוצר הימנה,ועל דבר זה נסמית עינו של בלעם הרשע אמר מי שהוא טהור וקדוש ומשרתיו טהורים וקדושים יציץ בדבר זה מיד נסמית עינו דכתיב (במדבר כד, ג) נאם הגבר שתום העין,והיינו דאמר רבי יוחנן מאי דכתיב (בראשית ל, טז) וישכב עמה בלילה הוא מלמד שהקב"ה סייע באותו מעשה שנאמר (בראשית מט, יד) יששכר חמור גרם חמור גרם לו ליששכר,אמר רבי יצחק אמר רבי אמי אשה מזרעת תחילה יולדת זכר איש מזריע תחילה יולדת נקבה שנאמר (ויקרא יג, כט) אשה כי תזריע וילדה זכר,תנו רבנן בראשונה היו אומרים אשה מזרעת תחילה יולדת זכר איש מזריע תחלה יולדת נקבה ולא פירשו חכמים את הדבר עד שבא רבי צדוק ופירשו (בראשית מו, טו) אלה בני לאה אשר ילדה ליעקב בפדן ארם ואת דינה בתו תלה הזכרים בנקבות ונקבות בזכרים,(דברי הימים א ח, מ) ויהיו בני אולם אנשים גבורי חיל דורכי קשת ומרבים בנים ובני בנים וכי בידו של אדם להרבות בנים ובני בנים אלא מתוך | 31a. b What is the verse /b from which it is derived that a fetus is administered an oath on the day of its birth? “Upon You I have relied from birth; b You are He Who took me out [ i gozi /i ] of my mother’s womb” /b (Psalms 71:6). b From where may /b it b be inferred that this /b word: b “ i Gozi /i ,” is a term of administering an oath? As it is written: “Cut off [ i gozi /i ] your hair and cast it away” /b (Jeremiah 7:29), which is interpreted as a reference to the vow of a nazirite, who must cut off his hair at the end of his term of naziriteship., b And Rabbi Elazar says: To what is a fetus in its mother’s womb comparable? /b It is comparable b to a nut placed in a basin /b full b of water, /b floating on top of the water. If b a person puts his finger on top of /b the nut, b it sinks /b either b in this direction or in that direction. /b ,§ b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : During b the first three months /b of pregcy, the b fetus resides in the lower compartment /b of the womb; in the b middle /b three months, the b fetus resides in the middle compartment; /b and during the b last /b three months of pregcy the b fetus resides in the upper compartment. And once its time to emerge arrives, it turns upside down and emerges; and this is /b what causes b labor pains. /b ,With regard to the assertion that labor pains are caused by the fetus turning upside down, the Gemara notes: b And this is /b the explanation for b that which we learned /b in a i baraita /i : b The labor pains experienced by /b a woman who gives birth to b a female are greater than /b those b experienced by /b a woman who gives birth to b a male. /b The Gemara will explain this below., b And Rabbi Elazar says: What is the verse /b from which it is derived that a fetus initially resides in the lower part of the womb? b “When I was made in secret, and I was woven together in the lowest parts of the earth” /b (Psalms 139:15). Since it b is not stated: I resided /b in the lowest parts of the earth, b but rather: “I was woven together /b in the lowest parts of the earth,” this teaches that during the initial stage of a fetus’s development, when it is woven together, its location is in the lower compartment of the womb.,The Gemara asks: b What is different /b about b the labor pains experienced by /b a woman who gives birth to b a female, /b that they b are greater than those experienced by /b a woman who gives birth to b a male? /b The Gemara answers: b This /b one, a male fetus, b emerges in the manner in which it engages in intercourse. /b Just as a male engages in intercourse facing downward, so too, it is born while facing down. b And that /b one, a female fetus, b emerges in the manner in which it engages in intercourse, /b i.e., facing upward. Consequently, b that /b one, a female fetus, b turns its face around /b before it is born, b but this /b one, a male fetus, b does not turn its face around /b before it is born.,§ b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : During b the first three months /b of pregcy, b sexual intercourse is difficult /b and harmful b for the woman and is also difficult for the offspring. /b During the b middle /b three months, intercourse is b difficult for the woman but is beneficial for the offspring. /b During the b last /b three months, sexual intercourse is b beneficial for the woman and beneficial for the offspring; as a result of it the offspring is found to be strong and fair skinned. /b ,The Sages b taught /b in a i baraita /i : With regard to b one who engages in intercourse /b with his wife b on the ninetieth day /b of her pregcy, b it is as though he spills /b her b blood. /b The Gemara asks: b How does one know /b that it is the ninetieth day of her pregcy? b Rather, Abaye says: One should go ahead and engage in intercourse /b with his wife even if it might be the ninetieth day, b and /b rely on God to prevent any ensuing harm, as the verse states: b “The Lord preserves the simple” /b (Psalms 116:6).,§ b The Sages taught: There are three partners in /b the creation of b a person: The Holy One, Blessed be He, and his father, and his mother. His father emits the white seed, from which /b the following body parts are formed: The b bones, /b the b sinews, /b the b nails, /b the b brain that is in its head, and /b the b white of the eye. His mother emits red seed, from which /b are formed the b skin, /b the b flesh, /b the b hair, and /b the b black of the eye. And the Holy One, Blessed be He, inserts into him a spirit, a soul, /b his b countece [ i ukelaster /i ], eyesight, hearing of the ear, /b the capability of b speech /b of b the mouth, /b the capability of b walking /b with b the legs, understanding, and wisdom. /b , b And when /b a person’s b time to depart from the world arrives, the Holy One, Blessed be He, retrieves His part, and He leaves the part of /b the person’s b father and mother before them. Rav Pappa said: This /b is in accordance with the adage b that people say: Remove the salt /b from a piece of meat, b and /b you may then b toss the meat to a dog, /b as it has become worthless.,§ b Rav Ḥina bar Pappa taught: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written: “Who does great deeds beyond comprehension, wondrous deeds without number” /b (Job 9:10)? b Come and see that the attribute of flesh and blood is unlike the attribute of the Holy One, Blessed be He. The attribute of flesh and blood /b is that if one b puts an article in a flask, /b even if the flask is b tied and its opening /b faces b upward, it is uncertain whether /b the item b is preserved /b from getting lost, b and it is uncertain whether it is not preserved /b from being lost. b But the Holy One, Blessed be He, forms the fetus in a woman’s open womb, and its opening /b faces b downward, and /b yet the fetus b is preserved. /b , b Another matter /b that demonstrates the difference between the attributes of God and the attributes of people is that when b a person places his articles on a scale /b to be measured, b the heavier /b the item b is, /b the more b it descends. But /b when b the Holy One, Blessed be He, /b forms a fetus, b the heavier the offspring gets, /b the more b it ascends upward /b in the womb., b Rabbi Yosei HaGelili taught: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written: “I will give thanks to You, for I am fearfully and wonderfully made; wonderful are Your works, and that my soul knows very well” /b (Psalms 139:14)? b Come and see that the attribute of flesh and blood is unlike the attribute of the Holy One, Blessed be He. The attribute of flesh and blood /b is that when b a person plants seeds /b of different species b in /b one b garden bed, each and every one /b of the seeds b emerges /b as a grown plant b according to its species. But the Holy One, Blessed be He, forms the fetus in a woman’s womb, and all of /b the seeds, i.e., those of both the father and the mother, b emerge /b when the offspring is formed b as one /b sex., b Alternatively, /b when b a dyer puts herbs in a cauldron [ i leyora /i ], they all emerge as one color /b of dye, b whereas the Holy One, Blessed be He, forms the fetus in a woman’s womb, /b and b each and every one /b of the seeds b emerges as its own type. /b In other words, the seed of the father form distinct elements, such as the white of the eye, and the seed of the mother forms other elements, such as the black of the eye, as explained above., b Rav Yosef taught: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written: /b “And on that day you shall say: b I will give thanks to You, Lord, for You were angry with me; Your anger is turned away, and You comfort me” /b (Isaiah 12:1)? b With regard to what /b matter b is the verse speaking? /b ,It is referring, for example, b to two people who left /b their homes to go b on a business /b trip. b A thorn penetrated /b the body b of one of them, /b and he was consequently unable to go with his colleague. b He started blaspheming and cursing /b in frustration. b After a period of time, he heard that the ship of the other /b person b had sunk in the sea, /b and realized that the thorn had saved him from death. He then b started thanking /b God b and praising /b Him for his delivery due to the slight pain caused to him by the thorn. This is the meaning of the statement: I will give thanks to You, Lord, for You were angry with me. b Therefore, it is stated /b at the end of the verse: b “Your anger is turned away, and You comfort me.” /b , b And this /b statement b is /b identical to b that which Rabbi Elazar said: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written: /b “Blessed be the Lord God, the God of Israel, b Who does wondrous things alone; and blessed be His glorious name forever” /b (Psalms 72:18–19)? What does it mean that God “does wondrous things alone”? It means that b even the one for whom the miracle was performed does not recognize the miracle /b that was performed for b him. /b , b Rabbi Ḥanina bar Pappa taught: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written: “You measure [ i zerita /i ] my going about [ i orḥi /i ] and my lying down [ i riv’i /i ], and are acquainted with all my ways” /b (Psalms 139:3)? This verse b teaches that a person is not created from the entire drop /b of semen, b but from its clear /b part. i Zerita /i can mean to winnow, while i orḥi /i and i riv’i /i can both be explained as references to sexual intercourse. Therefore the verse is interpreted homiletically as saying that God separates the procreative part of the semen from the rest. b The school of Rabbi Yishmael taught a parable: /b This matter is comparable b to a person who winnows /b grain b in the granary; he takes the food and leaves the waste. /b ,This is b in accordance with /b a statement b of Rabbi Abbahu, as Rabbi Abbahu raises a contradiction: It is written /b in one of King David’s psalms: b “For You have girded me [ i vatazreni /i ] with strength for battle” /b (II Samuel 22:40), without the letter i alef /i in i vatazreni /i ; b and it is written /b in another psalm: b “Who girds me [ i hame’azreni /i ] with strength” /b (Psalms 18:33), with an i alef /i in i hame’azreini /i . What is the difference between these two expressions? b David said before the Holy One, Blessed be He: Master of the Universe, You selected me [ i zeiritani /i ], /b i.e., You separated between the procreative part and the rest of the semen in order to create me, b and You have girded me [ i zeraztani /i ] with strength. /b , b Rabbi Abbahu taught: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written /b in Balaam’s blessing: b “Who has counted the dust of Jacob, or numbered the stock [ i rova /i ] of Israel” /b (Numbers 23:10)? The verse b teaches that the Holy One, Blessed be He, sits and counts the times that the Jewish people engage in intercourse [ i revi’iyyoteihem /i ], /b anticipating the time b when the drop from which the righteous person will be created will arrive. /b , b And /b it was b due to this matter /b that b the eye of wicked Balaam went blind. He said: Should /b God, b who is pure and holy, and whose ministers are pure and holy, peek at this matter? Immediately his eye was blinded /b as a divine punishment, b as it is written: “The saying of the man whose eye is shut” /b (Numbers 24:3)., b And this /b statement b is /b the same as that b which Rabbi Yoḥa said: What /b is the meaning of that b which is written, /b with regard to Leah’s conceiving Issachar: b “And he lay with her that night” /b (Genesis 30:16)? The verse b teaches that the Holy One, Blessed be He, contributed to that act. /b The manner in which God contributed to this act is derived from another verse, b as it is stated: “Issachar is a large-boned [ i garem /i ] donkey” /b (Genesis 49:14). This teaches that God directed Jacob’s b donkey /b toward Leah’s tent so that he would engage in intercourse with her, thereby b causing [ i garam /i ] /b Leah’s conceiving b Issachar. /b ,§ b Rabbi Yitzḥak says /b that b Rabbi Ami says: /b The sex of a fetus is determined at the moment of conception. If the b woman emits seed first, she gives birth to a male, /b and if the b man emits seed first, she gives birth to a female, as it is stated: “If a woman bears seed and gives birth to a male” /b (Leviticus 12:2)., b The Sages taught: At first, /b people b would say /b that if the b woman emits seed first she gives birth to a male, /b and if the b man emits seed first, she gives birth to a female. But the Sages did not explain /b from which verse this b matter /b is derived, b until Rabbi Tzadok came and explained /b that b it /b is derived from the following verse: b “These are the sons of Leah, whom she bore to Jacob in Paddan Aram, with his daughter Dinah” /b (Genesis 46:15). From the fact that the verse b attributes the males to the females, /b as the males are called: The sons of Leah, b and /b it attributes b the females to the males, /b in that Dinah is called: His daughter, it is derived that if the woman emits seed first she gives birth to a male, whereas if the man emits seed first, she bears a female.,This statement is also derived from the following verse: b “And the sons of Ulam were mighty men of valor, archers, and had many sons and sons’ sons” /b (I Chronicles 8:40). b Is it in a person’s power to have many sons and sons’ sons? Rather, because /b |
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| 88. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 12.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 116 |
| 89. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Commodus, 12.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 116 |
| 90. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Diadumenus, 3.2-3.3 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •emperors, caligula Found in books: Goldman (2013) 51 |
| 91. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Verus, 3.1, 4.8-4.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) •emperors, caligula Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 65; Goldman (2013) 91 |
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| 105. Anon., Chronicon Paschale, 1.474 Tagged with subjects: •caligula, roman emperor Found in books: Rizzi (2010) 89 |
| 106. Suetonius, Divus Vespasianius, 7.2-7.3 Tagged with subjects: •caligula (emperor) Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al (2020) 107 |
| 107. Papyri, P.Lond., 6.1912 Tagged with subjects: •emperors and egypt, caligula (gaius) Found in books: Manolaraki (2012) 39 |
| 108. Papyri, P.Oxy., 12.1453 Tagged with subjects: •caligula (emperor) Found in books: Edelmann-Singer et al (2020) 107 |
| 109. Suetonius, Hist., 1.48, 2.87, 3.33, 3.40 Tagged with subjects: •caligula (emperor) Found in books: Phang (2001) 247, 293, 369 |
| 110. Strabo, Geography, 4.5.2.200 Tagged with subjects: •emperors, caligula Found in books: Goldman (2013) 128 |
| 111. Epigraphy, Igr, 3.1056 Tagged with subjects: •caligula (emperor) Found in books: Phang (2001) 248 |
| 112. Theodosian Code, Theodosian Code, 9.7.1 Tagged with subjects: •caligula (emperor) Found in books: Phang (2001) 247 |
| 113. Epigraphy, Dagron / Feissel 1987, 17, 16 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner (2013) 181 |
| 114. Epigraphy, Cfa, 40, 13 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 191 |
| 115. Pseudo-Seneca, Octauia, 128-130, 309-376, 127 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 217 |
| 116. Epigraphy, Seg, 18.578, 52.741, 53.587 Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor •caligula (emperor) Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 193; Csapo (2022) 31 |
| 117. Epigraphy, Ogis, 2.629 Tagged with subjects: •caligula (emperor) •caligula, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 193; Phang (2001) 248 |
| 118. Epigraphy, Irt, 232, 301 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 198 |
| 119. Epigraphy, Ils, 190, 205-206, 241, 420, 425, 7500, 8781, 5193 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011) 133 |
| 120. Epigraphy, Igr Iv, 464 Tagged with subjects: •caligula (emperor), Found in books: Huttner (2013) 181 |
| 121. Epigraphy, Cil, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011) 133 |
| 122. Epigraphy, Ae, 1972.174 Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 45 |
| 123. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 2.7.1, 5.3.3, 7.8.1, 9.1.5 Tagged with subjects: •caligula (emperor) •caligula, emperor •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 45; Phang (2001) 247; Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 234 |
| 124. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 1.11.5, 2.1.1-2.1.2, 2.40.2 Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 34; Jenkyns (2013) 80 |
| 125. Pseudo-Quintilian, Minor Declamations, 340.13 Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 65 |
| 126. Anon., Scholia To Pindar, Olympian Odes, None Tagged with subjects: •caligula (emperor) Found in books: Csapo (2022) 31 |
| 127. Epigraphy, Lex Irnitana, None Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor Found in books: Rüpke (2011) 133 |
| 128. Anon., Tabulae Pompeianae Sulpiciorum, 1, 10, 100-109, 11, 110-119, 12, 120-127, 13-19, 2, 20-29, 3, 30-39, 4, 40-49, 5, 50-59, 6, 60-69, 7, 70-79, 8, 80-89, 9, 90-92, 94-99, 93 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 673 |
| 129. Epigraphy, Die Inschriften Von Pergamon, 497 Tagged with subjects: •caligula (emperor), Found in books: Huttner (2013) 181 |
| 130. Fronto, Ad Verum, 2.1 Tagged with subjects: •caligula (emperor) Found in books: Phang (2001) 293 |
| 131. Fronto, Letters, 2.1 Tagged with subjects: •caligula (emperor) Found in books: Phang (2001) 293 |
| 132. Suetonius, Ben., 6.30.6 Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 8 |
| 133. Eutrop., Fragments, Frhist., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 203 |
| 134. Epigraphy, Gliankara, None Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 182 |
| 135. Epigraphy, Fira, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 198 |
| 136. Epigraphy, Ciip, 1135 Tagged with subjects: •caligula (emperor) Found in books: Csapo (2022) 124 |
| 137. Epigraphy, I. Thespiae, 358 Tagged with subjects: •caligula (emperor) Found in books: Csapo (2022) 124, 125, 146 |
| 138. Duris, Elegia De Maecenate, 1.21, 1.25-1.26 Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 45 |
| 139. Cicero, In Verrem Act. Ii, 5.13.31, 5.33.86 Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 45 |
| 140. Epigraphy, Igrr, 3.137 Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 193 |
| 141. Epigraphy, T. Pomp, 1, 10, 100-109, 11, 110-119, 12, 120-129, 13, 130-139, 14, 140-149, 15, 150-153, 16-19, 2, 20-25, 27-29, 3, 30-39, 4, 40-49, 5, 50-59, 6, 60-69, 7, 70-79, 8, 80-89, 9, 90-99, 26 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 673 |
| 142. Gellius Aulus, N.A., 6.12 Tagged with subjects: •caligula (roman emperor) Found in books: Edmondson (2008) 36, 45 |
| 143. Epigraphy, Inscriptiones Italiae, 257 Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor Found in books: Rüpke (2011) 142 |
| 144. [Aristotle], Physiognomica, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Goldman (2013) 103 |
| 146. Anon., Consolatio Ad Liuiam, 209-210, 442, 466, 63-64, 66-72, 86-90, 65 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 242 |
| 147. Sha, M. Ant., 3 Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 244 |
| 148. Sha, Geta, 7 Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor Found in books: Poulsen and Jönsson (2021) 244 |
| 150. Augustus, Syll.3, 798 Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor Found in books: Marek (2019) 329 |
| 151. Anon., Appendix Vergiliana. Copa, 16 Tagged with subjects: •caligula, emperor (gaius caesar) Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 19 |
