|5. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.79, 1.403-1.406, 1.408-1.415, 1.417-1.418, 1.422, 2.1-2.19, 2.21-2.29, 2.31-2.39, 2.41-2.49, 2.51-2.69, 2.71-2.79, 2.81-2.89, 2.91-2.99, 2.101-2.109, 2.111, 2.117, 2.123, 2.168, 2.268, 2.270, 2.284-2.296, 2.332, 2.457-2.469, 2.471-2.479, 2.560, 7.45, 7.159 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesarea • Caesarea Maritima • Caesarea Philippi • Caesarea, as economic development project • Caesarea, headquarters for Roman administration in Palestine • Caesarea, minimal taxes of, under Herod • nymphaeum, odeum, in Caesarea • pagan, pagans, Caesarea
Found in books: Augoustakis et al (2021) 48; Bloch (2022) 185; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132; Feldman (2006) 686; Goodman (2006) 97, 148, 198, 222; Hahn Emmel and Gotter (2008) 280, 283; Keddie (2019) 50; Levine (2005) 68, 126; Taylor (2012) 60, 63; Udoh (2006) 172, 186, 193; van Maaren (2022) 118, 169, 170, 172, 173, 174
1.79. “παπαί, νῦν ἐμοὶ καλόν, ἔφη, τὸ θανεῖν, ὅτε μου προτέθνηκεν ἡ ἀλήθεια καί τι τῶν ὑπ' ἐμοῦ προρρηθέντων διέψευσται: ζῇ γὰρ ̓Αντίγονος οὑτοσὶ σήμερον ὀφείλων ἀνῃρῆσθαι. χωρίον δὲ αὐτῷ πρὸς σφαγὴν Στράτωνος πύργος εἵμαρτο: καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἀπὸ ἑξακοσίων ἐντεῦθεν σταδίων ἐστίν, ὧραι δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ἤδη τέσσαρες:" '
1.403. ̓Αλλὰ γὰρ οὐκ οἴκοις μόνον αὐτῶν τὴν μνήμην καὶ τὰς ἐπικλήσεις περιέγραψεν, διέβη δὲ εἰς ὅλας πόλεις αὐτῷ τὸ φιλότιμον. ἐν μέν γε τῇ Σαμαρείτιδι πόλιν καλλίστῳ περιβόλῳ τειχισάμενος ἐπὶ σταδίους εἴκοσι καὶ καταγαγὼν ἑξακισχιλίους εἰς αὐτὴν οἰκήτορας, γῆν δὲ τούτοις προσνείμας λιπαρωτάτην καὶ ἐν μέσῳ τῷ κτίσματι ναόν τε ἐνιδρυσάμενος μέγιστον καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν τέμενος ἀποδείξας τῷ Καίσαρι τριῶν ἡμισταδίων, τὸ ἄστυ Σεβαστὴν ἐκάλεσεν: ἐξαίρετον δὲ τοῖς ἐν αὐτῷ παρέσχεν εὐνομίαν. 1.404. ̓Επὶ τούτοις δωρησαμένου τοῦ Καίσαρος αὐτὸν ἑτέρας προσθέσει χώρας, ὁ δὲ κἀνταῦθα ναὸν αὐτῷ λευκῆς μαρμάρου καθιδρύσατο παρὰ τὰς ̓Ιορδάνου πηγάς: καλεῖται δὲ Πάνειον ὁ τόπος:' "1.405. ἔνθα κορυφὴ μέν τις ὄρους εἰς ἄπειρον ὕψος ἀνατείνεται, παρὰ δὲ τὴν ὑπόρειον λαγόνα συνηρεφὲς ἄντρον ὑπανοίγει, δι' οὗ βαραθρώδης κρημνὸς εἰς ἀμέτρητον ἀπορρῶγα βαθύνεται πλήθει τε ὕδατος ἀσαλεύτου καὶ τοῖς καθιμῶσίν τι πρὸς ἔρευναν γῆς οὐδὲν μῆκος ἐξαρκεῖ." "1.406. τοῦ δὲ ἄντρου κατὰ τὰς ἔξωθεν ῥίζας ἀνατέλλουσιν αἱ πηγαί: καὶ γένεσις μέν, ὡς ἔνιοι δοκοῦσιν, ἔνθεν ̓Ιορδάνου, τὸ δ' ἀκριβὲς ἐν τοῖς ἑξῆς δηλώσομεν." '
1.408. Κατιδὼν δὲ κἀν τοῖς παραλίοις πόλιν ἤδη μὲν κάμνουσαν, Στράτωνος ἐκαλεῖτο πύργος, διὰ δὲ εὐφυίαν τοῦ χωρίου δέξασθαι δυναμένην τὸ φιλότιμον αὐτοῦ, πᾶσαν ἀνέκτισεν λευκῷ λίθῳ καὶ λαμπροτάτοις ἐκόσμησεν βασιλείοις, ἐν ᾗ μάλιστα τὸ φύσει μεγαλόνουν ἐπεδείξατο.' "1.409. μεταξὺ γὰρ Δώρων καὶ ̓Ιόππης, ὧν ἡ πόλις μέση κεῖται, πᾶσαν εἶναι συμβέβηκεν τὴν παράλιον ἀλίμενον, ὡς πάντα τὸν τὴν Φοινίκην ἐπ' Αἰγύπτου παραπλέοντα σαλεύειν ἐν πελάγει διὰ τὴν ἐκ λιβὸς ἀπειλήν, ᾧ καὶ μετρίως ἐπαυρίζοντι τηλικοῦτον ἐπεγείρεται κῦμα πρὸς ταῖς πέτραις, ὥστε τὴν ὑποστροφὴν τοῦ κύματος ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐξαγριοῦν τὴν θάλασσαν." "1.411. Καθάπαν δ' ἔχων ἀντιπράσσοντα τὸν τόπον ἐφιλονείκησεν πρὸς τὴν δυσχέρειαν, ὡς τὴν μὲν ὀχυρότητα τῆς δομήσεως δυσάλωτον εἶναι τῇ θαλάσσῃ, τὸ δὲ κάλλος ὡς ἐπὶ μηδενὶ δυσκόλῳ κεκοσμῆσθαι: συμμετρησάμενος γὰρ ὅσον εἰρήκαμεν τῷ λιμένι μέγεθος καθίει λίθους ἐπ' ὀργυιὰς εἴκοσιν εἰς τὸ πέλαγος, ὧν ἦσαν οἱ πλεῖστοι μῆκος ποδῶν πεντήκοντα, βάθος ἐννέα, εὖρος δέκα, τινὲς δὲ καὶ μείζους." '1.412. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀνεπληρώθη τὸ ὕφαλον, οὕτως ἤδη τὸ ὑπερέχον τοῦ πελάγους τεῖχος ἐπὶ διακοσίους πόδας ηὐρύνετο: ὧν οἱ μὲν ἑκατὸν προδεδόμηντο πρὸς τὴν ἀνακοπὴν τοῦ κύματος, προκυμία γοῦν ἐκλήθη, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ὑπόκειται τῷ περιθέοντι λιθίνῳ τείχει. τοῦτο δὲ πύργοις τε διείληπται μεγίστοις, ὧν ὁ προύχων καὶ περικαλλέστατος ἀπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος προγόνου Δρούσιον κέκληται,' "1.413. ψαλίδες τε πυκναὶ πρὸς καταγωγὴν τῶν ἐνορμιζομένων καὶ τὸ πρὸ αὐτῶν πᾶν κύκλῳ νάγμα τοῖς ἀποβαίνουσιν πλατὺς περίπατος. ὁ δ' εἴσπλους βόρειος, αἰθριώτατος γὰρ ἀνέμων τῷ τόπῳ βορέας: καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ στόματος κολοσσοὶ τρεῖς ἑκατέρωθεν ὑπεστηριγμένοι κίοσιν, ὧν τοὺς μὲν ἐκ λαιᾶς χειρὸς εἰσπλεόντων πύργος ναστὸς ἀνέχει, τοὺς δὲ ἐκ δεξιοῦ δύο ὀρθοὶ λίθοι συνεζευγμένοι τοῦ κατὰ θάτερον χεῖλος πύργου μείζονες." "1.414. προσεχεῖς δ' οἰκίαι τῷ λιμένι λευκοῦ καὶ αὗται λίθου, καὶ κατατείνοντες ἐπ' αὐτὸν οἱ στενωποὶ τοῦ ἄστεος πρὸς ἓν διάστημα μεμετρημένοι. καὶ τοῦ στόματος ἀντικρὺ ναὸς Καίσαρος ἐπὶ γηλόφου κάλλει καὶ μεγέθει διάφορος: ἐν δ' αὐτῷ κολοσσὸς Καίσαρος οὐκ ἀποδέων τοῦ ̓Ολυμπίασιν Διός, ᾧ καὶ προσείκασται, ̔Ρώμης δὲ ἴσος ̔́Ηρᾳ τῇ κατ' ̓́Αργος. ἀνέθηκεν δὲ τῇ μὲν ἐπαρχίᾳ τὴν πόλιν, τοῖς ταύτῃ δὲ πλοϊζομένοις τὸν λιμένα, Καίσαρι δὲ τὴν τιμὴν τοῦ κτίσματος: Καισάρειαν γοῦν ὠνόμασεν αὐτήν." "1.415. Τά γε μὴν λοιπὰ τῶν ἔργων, ἀμφιθέατρον καὶ θέατρον καὶ ἀγοράς, ἄξια τῆς προσηγορίας ἐνιδρύσατο. καὶ πενταετηρικοὺς ἀγῶνας καταστησάμενος ὁμοίως ἐκάλεσεν ἀπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος, πρῶτος αὐτὸς ἆθλα μέγιστα προθεὶς ἐπὶ τῆς ἑκατοστῆς ἐνενηκοστῆς δευτέρας ὀλυμπιάδος, ἐν οἷς οὐ μόνον οἱ νικῶντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ οἱ μετ' αὐτοὺς καὶ οἱ τρίτοι τοῦ βασιλικοῦ πλούτου μετελάμβανον." '
1.417. Φιλοπάτωρ γε μήν, εἰ καί τις ἕτερος: καὶ γὰρ τῷ πατρὶ μνημεῖον κατέθηκεν πόλιν, ἣν ἐν τῷ καλλίστῳ τῆς βασιλείας πεδίῳ κτίσας ποταμοῖς τε καὶ δένδρεσιν πλουσίαν ὠνόμασεν ̓Αντιπατρίδα, καὶ τὸ ὑπὲρ ̔Ιεριχοῦντος φρούριον ὀχυρότητι καὶ κάλλει διάφορον τειχίσας ἀνέθηκεν τῇ μητρὶ προσειπὼν Κύπρον. 1.418. Φασαήλῳ δὲ τἀδελφῷ τὸν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ὁμώνυμον πύργον, οὗ τό τε σχῆμα καὶ τὴν ἐν τῷ μεγέθει πολυτέλειαν διὰ τῶν ἑξῆς δηλώσομεν. καὶ πόλιν ἄλλην κτίσας κατὰ τὸν ἀπὸ ̔Ιεριχοῦς ἰόντων αὐλῶνα πρὸς βορέαν Φασαηλίδα ὠνόμασεν.' "
1.422. Τοσαῦτα συγκτίσας πλείσταις καὶ τῶν ἔξω πόλεων τὸ μεγαλόψυχον ἐπεδείξατο. Τριπόλει μὲν γὰρ καὶ Δαμασκῷ καὶ Πτολεμαί̈δι γυμνάσια, Βύβλῳ δὲ τεῖχος, ἐξέδρας τε καὶ στοὰς καὶ ναοὺς καὶ ἀγορὰς Βηρυτῷ κατασκευάσας καὶ Τύρῳ, Σιδῶνί γε μὴν καὶ Δαμασκῷ θέατρα, Λαοδικεῦσι δὲ τοῖς παραλίοις ὑδάτων εἰσαγωγήν, ̓Ασκαλωνίταις δὲ βαλανεῖα καὶ κρήνας πολυτελεῖς, πρὸς δὲ περίστυλα θαυμαστὰ τήν τε ἐργασίαν καὶ τὸ μέγεθος: εἰσὶ δ' οἷς ἄλση καὶ λειμῶνας ἀνέθηκεν." '
2.1. ̓Αρχελάῳ δὲ νέων ἦρξε θορύβων ἡ τῆς ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμην ἀποδημίας ἀνάγκη. πενθήσας γὰρ ἡμέρας ἑπτὰ τὸν πατέρα καὶ τὴν ἐπιτάφιον ἑστίασιν πολυτελῆ τῷ πλήθει παρασχών: ἔθος δὲ τοῦτο παρὰ ̓Ιουδαίοις πολλοῖς πενίας αἴτιον διὰ τὸ πλῆθος ἑστιᾶν οὐκ ἄνευ ἀνάγκης: εἰ γὰρ παραλείποι τις, οὐχ ὅσιος: μεταλαμβάνει μὲν ἐσθῆτα λευκήν, πρόεισι δὲ εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, ἔνθα ποικίλαις αὐτὸν εὐφημίαις ὁ λαὸς ἐκδέχεται.
2.1. καὶ δὴ τῆς τῶν ἀζύμων ἐνστάσης ἑορτῆς, ἣ πάσχα παρὰ ̓Ιουδαίοις καλεῖται πολύ τι θυμάτων πλῆθος ἐκδεχομένη, κάτεισι μὲν ἐκ τῆς χώρας λαὸς ἄπειρος ἐπὶ τὴν θρησκείαν, οἱ δὲ τοὺς σοφιστὰς πενθοῦντες ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ συνειστήκεσαν τροφὴν τῇ στάσει ποριζόμενοι.' "
2.1. μετὰ δὲ τὸν οἶκον ἐπιδιένειμεν αὐτοῖς τὴν ἑαυτῷ καταλειφθεῖσαν ὑφ' ̔Ηρώδου δωρεὰν οὖσαν χιλίων ταλάντων, εὐτελῆ τινα τῶν κειμηλίων εἰς τὴν τοῦ κατοιχομένου τιμὴν ἐξελόμενος." "2.2. Κἀν τούτῳ πάλιν ̓Αντίπας ἀμφισβητῶν περὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἐπέξεισιν ἀξιῶν τῆς ἐπιδιαθήκης κυριωτέραν εἶναι τὴν διαθήκην, ἐν ᾗ βασιλεὺς αὐτὸς ἐγέγραπτο. συλλήψεσθαι δ' αὐτῷ προϋπέσχετο Σαλώμη καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν σὺν ̓Αρχελάῳ πλεόντων συγγενῶν." '2.2. κἀκεῖνος τὸ πλῆθος ἀφ' ὑψηλοῦ βήματος καὶ χρυσοῦ θρόνου δεξιωσάμενος τῆς τε σπουδῆς, ἣν ἐνεδείξαντο περὶ τὴν κηδείαν τοῦ πατρός, εὐχαριστεῖ καὶ τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν θεραπείας ὡς πρὸς βέβαιον ἤδη βασιλέα: φείδεσθαί γε μὴν οὐ μόνον ἔφη τῆς ἐξουσίας ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ὀνομάτων, ἕως ἂν αὐτῷ Καῖσαρ ἐπικυρώσῃ τὴν διαδοχήν, ὁ καὶ κατὰ τὰς διαθήκας τῶν ὅλων δεσπότης:" "2.2. πρὸς δὲ μηδεμίαν πεῖραν ἐνδιδόντων ὡς ἑώρα καὶ τὴν χώραν κινδυνεύουσαν ἄσπορον μεῖναι, κατὰ γὰρ ὥραν σπόρου πεντήκοντα ἡμέρας ἀργὰ προσδιέτριβεν αὐτῷ τὰ πλήθη, τελευταῖον ἀθροίσας αὐτοὺς καὶ “παρακινδυνευτέον ἐμοὶ μᾶλλον, 2.3. καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα τοῦ λόγου παντὸς ἐναπηρείσατο τῷ πλήθει τῶν περὶ τὸν ναὸν φονευθέντων, οὓς ἐληλυθέναι μὲν ἐφ' ἑορτήν, παρὰ δὲ ταῖς ἰδίαις θυσίαις ὠμῶς ἀπεσφάχθαι: καὶ τοσοῦτον ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ σεσωρεῦσθαι νεκρῶν πλῆθος, ὅσον οὐδ' ἂν ἀλλόφυλος ἐσώρευσεν πόλεμος ἐπελθὼν ἀκήρυκτος." '2.3. οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐν ̔Ιεριχοῦντι τῆς στρατιᾶς τὸ διάδημα περιαπτούσης αὐτῷ δεδέχθαι: τοῦ μέντοι προθύμου καὶ τῆς εὐνοίας ὥσπερ τοῖς στρατιώταις οὕτω καὶ τῷ δήμῳ πλήρεις ἀποδώσειν τὰς ἀμοιβάς, ὁπόταν ὑπὸ τῶν κρατούντων βασιλεὺς ἀποδειχθῇ βέβαιος: σπουδάσειν γὰρ ἐν πᾶσιν πρὸς αὐτοὺς φανῆναι τοῦ πατρὸς ἀμείνων.' "2.3. τούτοις καταπλαγὲν τὸ πλῆθος, ἅμα καὶ τῶν περὶ Καπίτωνα ἱππέων εἰς μέσον φερομένων, διεσκεδάσθη πρὶν ἀσπάσασθαι τὸν Φλῶρον ἢ τοῖς στρατιώταις φανερὸν ποιῆσαι τὸ πειθήνιον. ἀναχωρήσαντες δὲ εἰς τὰς οἰκίας μετὰ δέους καὶ ταπεινότητος ἐνυκτέρευσαν.' "2.4. ̓Επὶ τούτοις ἡδόμενον τὸ πλῆθος εὐθέως ἀπεπειρᾶτο τῆς διανοίας αὐτοῦ μεγάλοις αἰτήμασιν: οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐβόων ἐπικουφίζειν τὰς εἰσφοράς, οἱ δὲ ἀναιρεῖν τὰ τέλη, τινὲς δὲ ἀπολύειν τοὺς δεσμώτας. ἐπένευσε δ' ἑτοίμως ἅπασι θεραπεύων τὸ πλῆθος." '2.4. εἰσελθέτω δ' οἶκτος ὑμᾶς εἰ καὶ μὴ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν, ἀλλὰ τῆς γε μητροπόλεως ταύτης καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν περιβόλων. φείσασθε τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ τὸν ναὸν ἑαυτοῖς μετὰ τῶν ἁγίων τηρήσατε: ἀφέξονται γὰρ οὐκέτι ̔Ρωμαῖοι τούτων κρατήσαντες, ὧν φεισάμενοι πρότερον ἠχαρίστηνται." '2.4. ἣν προϊδόμενος ὁ Οὔαρος, ἀνέβη γὰρ μετὰ τὸν ̓Αρχελάου πλοῦν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα τοὺς παρακινοῦντας καθέξων, ἐπειδὴ πρόδηλον ἦν τὸ πλῆθος οὐκ ἠρεμῆσον, ἓν τῶν τριῶν ἀπὸ Συρίας ταγμάτων, ὅπερ ἄγων ἧκεν, ἐν τῇ πόλει καταλείπει.' "2.5. ἀναλαβὼν δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς ̓Αντιοχείας τὸ μὲν δωδέκατον τάγμα πλῆρες, ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν λοιπῶν ἀνὰ δισχιλίους ἐπιλέκτους, πεζῶν τε ἓξ σπείρας καὶ τέσσαρας ἴλας ἱππέων, πρὸς αἷς τὰς παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων συμμαχίας, ̓Αντιόχου μὲν δισχιλίους ἱππεῖς καὶ πεζοὺς τρισχιλίους τοξότας πάντας, ̓Αγρίππα δὲ πεζοὺς μὲν τοὺς ἴσους ἱππεῖς δὲ δισχιλίων ἐλάττους,' "2.5. ἔπειτα θύσας ἐν εὐωχίᾳ μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἦν. ἔνθα δὴ περὶ δείλην ἀθροισθέντες οὐκ ὀλίγοι τῶν νεωτερίζειν προῃρημένων ἤρξαντο ἰδίου πένθους, ὅτε τὸ κοινὸν ἐπὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ πέπαυτο, κατολοφυρόμενοι τοὺς κολασθέντας ὑπὸ ̔Ηρώδου διὰ τὸν ἐκκοπέντα χρυσοῦν ἀετὸν τῆς πύλης τοῦ ναοῦ.' "2.5. ὅσοι δὲ καθερπύσαντες ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ᾖξαν εἰς τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίους εὐμεταχείριστοι διὰ τὴν ἔκπληξιν ἦσαν. καὶ τῶν μὲν ἀπολωλότων, τῶν δ' ὑπὸ τοῦ δέους σκεδασθέντων ἐρήμῳ τῷ τοῦ θεοῦ θησαυρῷ προσπεσόντες οἱ στρατιῶται περὶ τετρακόσια τάλαντα διήρπασαν, ὧν ὅσα μὴ διεκλάπη Σαβῖνος ἤθροισεν." '2.6. Τότε καὶ ποιμήν τις ἀντιποιηθῆναι βασιλείας ἐτόλμησεν: ̓Αθρογγαῖος ἐκαλεῖτο, προυξένει δ' αὐτῷ τὴν ἐλπίδα σώματος ἰσχὺς καὶ ψυχὴ θανάτου καταφρονοῦσα, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἀδελφοὶ τέσσαρες ὅμοιοι." '2.6. ἦν δὲ τὸ πένθος οὐχ ὑπεσταλμένον, ἀλλ' οἰμωγαὶ διαπρύσιοι καὶ θρῆνος ἐγκέλευστος κοπετοί τε περιηχοῦντες ὅλην τὴν πόλιν ὡς ἂν ἐπ' ἀνδράσιν, οὓς ἔφασκον ὑπὲρ τῶν πατρίων νόμων καὶ τοῦ ναοῦ πυρὶ παραπολέσθαι." "2.6. οἱ μὲν οὖν φίλοι καὶ σωματοφύλακες τοῦ ̓Ιωσήπου καταπλαγέντες τὴν ὁρμὴν τοῦ πλήθους ἔφυγον πλὴν τεσσάρων πάντες, αὐτὸς δὲ κοιμώμενος ἤδη προσφερομένου τοῦ πυρὸς διανίσταται,' "2.7. ἔνθεν εἰς Σαπφὼ πρόεισιν κώμην ἑτέραν ἐρυμνήν, ἣν ὁμοίως διήρπασαν τάς τε προσόρους πάσας ὅσαις ἐπετύγχανον. πυρὸς δὲ καὶ φόνου πεπλήρωτο πάντα καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἁρπαγὰς τῶν ̓Αράβων οὐδὲν ἀντεῖχεν. 2.7. τιμωρεῖν δ' αὐτοῖς ἀνεβόων ἐκ τῶν ὑφ' ̔Ηρώδου τετιμημένων χρῆναι καὶ πρῶτον τὸν ὑπ' ἐκείνου κατασταθέντα παύειν ἀρχιερέα: προσήκειν γὰρ αὐτοῖς εὐσεβέστερον αἱρεῖσθαι καὶ καθαρώτερον." '2.8. ̓Αρχελάῳ δ' ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης πάλιν ἄλλη συνίσταται δίκη πρὸς ̓Ιουδαίους, οἳ πρὸ τῆς ἀποστάσεως ἐπιτρέψαντος Οὐάρου πρέσβεις ἐξεληλύθεσαν περὶ τῆς τοῦ ἔθνους αὐτονομίας: ἦσαν δὲ πεντήκοντα μὲν οἱ παρόντες, συμπαρίσταντο δὲ αὐτοῖς τῶν ἐπὶ ̔Ρώμης ̓Ιουδαίων ὑπὲρ ὀκτακισχιλίους." "2.8. Πρὸς ἃ παρωξύνετο μὲν ̓Αρχέλαος, ἐπεῖχε δὲ τὴν ἄμυναν ὑπὸ τῆς περὶ τὴν ἔξοδον ἐπείξεως, δεδοικὼς μή ποτε τὸ πλῆθος ἐκπολεμώσας κατασχεθείη τῷ κινήματι. διὸ πειθοῖ μᾶλλον ἢ βίᾳ καταστέλλειν ἐπειρᾶτο τοὺς νεωτερίζοντας καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν ὑποπέμψας παύσασθαι παρεκάλει.' "2.9. τοὺς μέντοι περιλειφθέντας ἐκ τοσούτων κακῶν εἰκότως ἐπεστράφθαι ποτὲ ἤδη πρὸς τὰς συμφορὰς καὶ πολέμου νόμῳ τὰς πληγὰς ἐθέλειν κατὰ πρόσωπον δέχεσθαι, δεῖσθαι δὲ ̔Ρωμαίων ἐλεῆσαι τά τε τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας λείψανα καὶ μὴ τὸ περισσὸν αὐτῆς ὑπορρῖψαι τοῖς ὠμῶς σπαράττουσιν,' "2.9. τοῦτον εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν παρελθόντα πρὶν φθέγξασθαί τι λίθοις ἀπήλαυνον οἱ στασιασταὶ καὶ τοὺς μετ' αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ σωφρονισμῷ προσιόντας, ἐνίει δὲ πολλοὺς ὁ ̓Αρχέλαος, καὶ πάντα πρὸς ὀργὴν ἀπεκρίναντο δῆλοί τε ἦσαν οὐκ ἠρεμήσοντες εἰ πλήθους ἐπιλάβοιντο." '
2.11. γελάσας δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ τούτοις τὸν μὲν ψευδαλέξανδρον δι' εὐεξίαν σώματος ἐγκατέταξεν τοῖς ἐρέταις, τὸν ἀναπείσαντα δὲ ἐκέλευσεν ἀναιρεθῆναι: Μηλίοις δ' ἤρκεσεν ἐπιτίμιον τῆς ἀνοίας τὰ ἀναλώματα." "
2.11. πρὸς ὃ δείσας ̓Αρχέλαος πρὶν δι' ὅλου τοῦ πλήθους διαδραμεῖν τὴν νόσον ὑποπέμπει μετὰ σπείρας χιλίαρχον προστάξας βίᾳ τοὺς ἐξάρχοντας τῆς στάσεως κατασχεῖν. πρὸς οὓς τὸ πλῆθος ἅπαν παροξύνεται καὶ τοὺς μὲν πολλοὺς τῆς σπείρας βάλλοντες λίθοις διέφθειρον, ὁ δὲ χιλίαρχος ἐκφεύγει τραυματίας μόλις." "
2.12. ἔπειθ' οἱ μὲν ὡς μηδενὸς δεινοῦ γεγονότος ἐτρέποντο πρὸς θυσίαν: οὐ μὴν ̓Αρχελάῳ δίχα φόνου καθεκτὸν ἔτι τὸ πλῆθος ἐφαίνετο, τὴν δὲ στρατιὰν ἐπαφίησιν αὐτοῖς ὅλην, τοὺς μὲν πεζοὺς διὰ τῆς πόλεως ἀθρόους, τοὺς δὲ ἱππεῖς ἀνὰ τὸ πεδίον:" "
2.12. οὗτοι τὰς μὲν ἡδονὰς ὡς κακίαν ἀποστρέφονται, τὴν δὲ ἐγκράτειαν καὶ τὸ μὴ τοῖς πάθεσιν ὑποπίπτειν ἀρετὴν ὑπολαμβάνουσιν. καὶ γάμου μὲν παρ' αὐτοῖς ὑπεροψία, τοὺς δ' ἀλλοτρίους παῖδας ἐκλαμβάνοντες ἁπαλοὺς ἔτι πρὸς τὰ μαθήματα συγγενεῖς ἡγοῦνται καὶ τοῖς ἤθεσιν αὐτῶν ἐντυποῦσι," "
2.13. καὶ καθισάντων μεθ' ἡσυχίας ὁ μὲν σιτοποιὸς ἐν τάξει παρατίθησι τοὺς ἄρτους, ὁ δὲ μάγειρος ἓν ἀγγεῖον ἐξ ἑνὸς ἐδέσματος ἑκάστῳ παρατίθησιν." '
2.13. οἳ θύουσιν ἑκάστοις ἐξαίφνης προσπεσόντες διαφθείρουσι μὲν περὶ τρισχιλίους, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν πλῆθος εἰς τὰ πλησίον ὄρη διεσκέδασαν. εἵποντο δὲ ̓Αρχελάου κήρυκες κελεύοντες ἕκαστον ἀναχωρεῖν ἐπ' οἴκου, καὶ πάντες ᾤχοντο τὴν ἑορτὴν ἀπολιπόντες." "
2.14. Αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῆς μητρὸς καὶ τῶν φίλων Ποπλᾶ καὶ Πτολεμαίου καὶ Νικολάου κατῄει πρὸς θάλασσαν καταλιπὼν ἐπίτροπόν τε τῶν βασιλείων καὶ κηδεμόνα τῶν οἰκείων Φίλιππον.' "
2.14. τὸ πιστὸν ἀεὶ πᾶσιν παρέξειν, μάλιστα δὲ τοῖς κρατοῦσιν: οὐ γὰρ δίχα θεοῦ περιγενέσθαι τινὶ τὸ ἄρχειν: κἂν αὐτὸς ἄρχῃ, μηδέποτε ἐξυβρίσειν εἰς τὴν ἐξουσίαν μηδ' ἐσθῆτί τινι ἢ πλείονι κόσμῳ τοὺς ὑποτεταγμένους ὑπερλαμπρύνεσθαι." "
2.15. Διῄρηνται δὲ κατὰ χρόνον τῆς ἀσκήσεως εἰς μοίρας τέσσαρας, καὶ τοσοῦτον οἱ μεταγενέστεροι τῶν προγενεστέρων ἐλαττοῦνται, ὥστ' εἰ ψαύσειαν αὐτῶν, ἐκείνους ἀπολούεσθαι καθάπερ ἀλλοφύλῳ συμφυρέντας." "
2.15. συνεξῄει δ' ἅμα τοῖς τέκνοις Σαλώμη καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφιδοῖ τε καὶ γαμβροί, τῷ μὲν δοκεῖν συναγωνιούμενοι περὶ τῆς διαδοχῆς ̓Αρχελάῳ, τὸ δ' ἀληθὲς κατηγορήσοντες περὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν παρανομηθέντων." "
2.16. ̓́Εστιν δὲ καὶ ἕτερον ̓Εσσηνῶν τάγμα, δίαιταν μὲν καὶ ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα τοῖς ἄλλοις ὁμοφρονοῦν, διεστὼς δὲ τῇ κατὰ γάμον δόξῃ: μέγιστον γὰρ ἀποκόπτειν οἴονται τοῦ βίου μέρος, τὴν διαδοχήν, τοὺς μὴ γαμοῦντας, μᾶλλον δέ, εἰ πάντες τὸ αὐτὸ φρονήσειαν, ἐκλιπεῖν ἂν τὸ γένος τάχιστα.' "
2.16. Συναντᾷ δ' αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὴν Καισάρειαν Σαβῖνος ὁ τῆς Συρίας ἐπίτροπος εἰς ̓Ιουδαίαν ἀνιὼν ἐπὶ φυλακῇ τῶν ̔Ηρώδου χρημάτων. τοῦτον ἐπέσχεν προσωτέρω χωρεῖν ἐπελθὼν Οὔαρος, ὃν διὰ Πτολεμαίου πολλὰ δεηθεὶς ̓Αρχέλαος μετεπέμψατο." '
2.17. τότε μὲν οὖν Σαβῖνος Οὐάρῳ χαριζόμενος οὔτ' ἐπὶ τὰς ἄκρας ἔσπευσεν οὔτε τὰ ταμιεῖα τῶν πατρῴων χρημάτων ἀπέκλεισεν ̓Αρχελάῳ, μέχρι δὲ τῆς Καίσαρος διαγνώσεως ἠρεμήσειν ὑπέσχετο καὶ διέτριβεν ἐπὶ τῆς Καισαρείας." "
2.17. τοῦτο μεθ' ἡμέραν μεγίστην ταραχὴν ἤγειρεν ̓Ιουδαίοις: οἵ τε γὰρ ἐγγὺς πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν ἐξεπλάγησαν ὡς πεπατημένων αὐτοῖς τῶν νόμων, οὐδὲν γὰρ ἀξιοῦσιν ἐν τῇ πόλει δείκηλον τίθεσθαι, καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἀγανάκτησιν τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἄθρους ὁ ἐκ τῆς χώρας λαὸς συνέρρευσεν." '
2.18. τοῦτό τις τῶν οἰκετῶν αὐτοῦ διαγγέλλει τῷ Τιβερίῳ, καὶ ὃς ἀγανακτήσας εἵργνυσιν τὸν ̓Αγρίππαν καὶ μετ' αἰκίας εἶχεν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ μῆνας ἓξ ἐν δεσμωτηρίῳ, μέχρις αὐτὸς ἐτελεύτησεν ἡγεμονεύσας ἔτη δύο πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσι καὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ἐπὶ μησὶν ἕξ." '
2.18. ὡς δὲ τῶν ἐμποδιζόντων ὁ μὲν εἰς ̓Αντιόχειαν ἀπῆρεν, ̓Αρχέλαος δὲ εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἀνήχθη, διὰ τάχους ἐπὶ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ὁρμήσας παραλαμβάνει τὰ βασίλεια καὶ μεταπεμπόμενος τούς τε φρουράρχους καὶ διοικητὰς ἐπειρᾶτο διερευνᾶν τοὺς τῶν χρημάτων ἀναλογισμοὺς τάς τε ἄκρας παραλαμβάνειν.' "
2.19. κυκλοτερὴς μὲν γάρ ἐστιν καὶ κοῖλος, ἀναδίδωσιν δὲ τὴν ὑελίνην ψάμμον, ἣν ὅταν ἐκκενώσῃ πολλὰ πλοῖα προσσχόντα, πάλιν ἀντιπληροῦται τὸ χωρίον, κατασυρόντων μὲν ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες τότε τῶν ἀνέμων εἰς αὐτὸ τὴν ἔξωθεν ἀργὴν ψάμμον, τοῦ δὲ μετάλλου πᾶσαν εὐθέως μεταβάλλοντος εἰς ὕελον.
2.19. οὐ μὴν οἱ φύλακες τῶν ̓Αρχελάου κατημέλουν ἐντολῶν, ἔμενον δὲ φρουροῦντες ἕκαστα καὶ τὴν φρουρὰν ἀνατιθέντες Καίσαρι μᾶλλον ἢ ̓Αρχελάῳ.
2.21. δεῖν μέντοι προαποδειχθῆναι τῷ πολέμῳ χωρίον ἔξω τῆς πόλεως: οὐ γὰρ ὅσιον διὰ τὴν αὐτῶν κακοβουλίαν ὁμοφύλῳ φόνῳ μιαίνεσθαι τὰ τεμένη τῆς πατρίδος. ὁ μὲν οὖν ἀκούσας ταῦτα τοῖς βουλευταῖς ἀπήγγειλεν.
2.21. ἐπήγετο δὲ τὴν μητέρα καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν Νικολάου Πτολεμαῖον ῥοπὴν εἶναι δοκοῦντα διὰ τὴν παρὰ ̔Ηρώδῃ πίστιν: γεγόνει γὰρ δὴ τῶν φίλων ἐκείνου τιμιώτατος: πλεῖστον μέντοι πεποίθει διὰ δεινότητα λόγων Εἰρηναίῳ τῷ ῥήτορι, διὸ καὶ τοὺς νουθετοῦντας εἴκειν ̓Αρχελάῳ κατὰ τὸ πρεσβεῖον καὶ τὰς ἐπιδιαθήκας διεκρούσατο. 2.22. καταλείπει δὲ τρεῖς μὲν θυγατέρας ἐκ Κύπρου γεγενημένας, Βερνίκην καὶ Μαριάμμην καὶ Δρουσίλλαν, υἱὸν δὲ ἐκ τῆς αὐτῆς ̓Αγρίππαν. οὗ παντάπασιν ὄντος νηπίου πάλιν τὰς βασιλείας Κλαύδιος ἐπαρχίαν ποιήσας ἐπίτροπον πέμπει Κούσπιον Φᾶδον, ἔπειτα Τιβέριον ̓Αλέξανδρον, οἳ μηδὲν παρακινοῦντες τῶν ἐπιχωρίων ἐθῶν ἐν εἰρήνῃ τὸ ἔθνος διεφύλαξαν.' "2.22. μεθίστατο δὲ ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ πάντων πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡ σπουδὴ τῶν συγγενῶν, οἷς διὰ μίσους ἦν ̓Αρχέλαος, καὶ προηγουμένως ἕκαστος αὐτονομίας ἐπεθύμει στρατηγῷ ̔Ρωμαίων διοικουμένης, εἰ δὲ τοῦτο διαμαρτάνοι, βασιλεύειν ̓Αντίπαν ἤθελεν. 2.23. ̓Ιουδαῖοι δὲ ὡς ὅλης αὐτοῖς τῆς χώρας καταφλεγείσης συνεχύθησαν, καὶ καθάπερ ὀργάνῳ τινὶ τῇ δεισιδαιμονίᾳ συνελκόμενοι πρὸς ἓν κήρυγμα πάντες εἰς Καισάρειαν ἐπὶ Κουμανὸν συνέδραμον ἱκετεύοντες τὸν οὕτως εἰς τὸν θεὸν καὶ τὸν νόμον αὐτῶν ἐξυβρίσαντα μὴ περιιδεῖν ἀτιμώρητον. 2.23. Συνήργει δ' αὐτοῖς εἰς τοῦτο καὶ Σαβῖνος δι' ἐπιστολῶν κατηγορήσας μὲν ̓Αρχελάου παρὰ Καίσαρι, πολλὰ δ' ἐπαινέσας ̓Αντίπαν." '2.24. παρόντες δὲ καὶ οἱ γνώριμοι τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ̓Ιωνάθης υἱὸς ̓Ανάνου κατάρξαι μὲν ἔλεγον τῆς ταραχῆς Σαμαρέας διὰ τὸν φόνον, αἴτιον δὲ τῶν ἀποβεβηκότων Κουμανὸν γεγονέναι μὴ θελήσαντα τοὺς αὐθέντας τοῦ σφαγέντος ἐπεξελθεῖν.' "2.24. συντάξαντες δὲ τὰ ἐγκλήματα οἱ περὶ Σαλώμην ἐνεχείρισαν Καίσαρι, καὶ μετὰ τούτους ̓Αρχέλαος τά τε κεφάλαια τῶν ἑαυτοῦ δικαίων γράψας καὶ τὸν δακτύλιον τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοὺς λόγους εἰσπέμπει διὰ Πτολεμαίου. 2.25. ̔́Οσα μὲν οὖν Νέρων δι' ὑπερβολὴν εὐδαιμονίας τε καὶ πλούτου παραφρονήσας ἐξύβρισεν εἰς τὴν τύχην, ἢ τίνα τρόπον τόν τε ἀδελφὸν καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὴν μητέρα διεξῆλθεν, ἀφ' ὧν ἐπὶ τοὺς εὐγενεστάτους μετήνεγκεν τὴν ὠμότητα," "2.25. προσκεψάμενος δὲ ὁ Καῖσαρ τὰ παρ' ἀμφοῖν κατ' ἰδίαν τό τε μέγεθος τῆς βασιλείας καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῆς προσόδου, πρὸς οἷς τὸν ἀριθμὸν τῆς ̔Ηρώδου γενεᾶς, προαναγνοὺς δὲ καὶ τὰ παρὰ Οὐάρου καὶ Σαβίνου περὶ τούτων ἐπεσταλμένα, συνέδριον μὲν ἀθροίζει τῶν ἐν τέλει ̔Ρωμαίων, ἐν ᾧ καὶ τὸν ἐξ ̓Αγρίππα καὶ ̓Ιουλίας τῆς θυγατρὸς θετὸν παῖδα Γάιον πρώτως ἐκάθισεν, ἀποδίδωσι δὲ λόγον αὐτοῖς." "2.26. ̓́Ενθα καταστὰς ὁ Σαλώμης υἱὸς ̓Αντίπατρος, ἦν δὲ τῶν ἐναντιουμένων ̓Αρχελάῳ δεινότατος εἰπεῖν, κατηγόρει φάσκων τοῖς μὲν λόγοις ἀμφισβητεῖν ἄρτι βασιλείας ̓Αρχέλαον, τοῖς δ' ἔργοις πάλαι γεγονέναι βασιλέα, κατειρωνεύεσθαι δὲ νῦν τῶν Καίσαρος ἀκοῶν," '2.26. ἐπὶ τούτοις Φῆλιξ, ἐδόκει γὰρ ἀποστάσεως εἶναι καταβολή, πέμψας ἱππεῖς καὶ πεζοὺς ὁπλίτας πολὺ πλῆθος διέφθειρεν.' "2.27. νικῶντας δέ ποτε τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους προελθὼν εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ὁ Φῆλιξ μετ' ἀπειλῆς ἐκέλευσεν ἀναχωρεῖν. τῶν δὲ μὴ πειθομένων ἐπιπέμψας τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀναιρεῖ συχνούς, ὧν διαρπαγῆναι συνέβη καὶ τὰς οὐσίας. μενούσης δὲ τῆς στάσεως ἐπιλέξας ἑκατέρωθεν τοὺς γνωρίμους ἔπεμψεν πρέσβεις ἐπὶ Νέρωνα διαλεξομένους περὶ τῶν δικαίων." '2.27. ὃν δικαστὴν τῆς διαδοχῆς οὐ περιέμεινεν, εἴ γε μετὰ τὴν ̔Ηρώδου τελευτὴν ἐγκαθέτους μὲν ὑποπέμψας τοὺς περιθήσοντας αὐτῷ τὸ διάδημα, προκαθίσας δ' ἐπὶ τοῦ θρόνου καὶ χρηματίσας βασιλεὺς τάξεις τε τῆς στρατιᾶς ἀμείψας καὶ προκοπὰς χαρισάμενος," "2.28. Μέχρι μὲν οὖν ἐν Συρίᾳ Κέστιος Γάλλος ἦν διέπων τὴν ἐπαρχίαν, οὐδὲ πρεσβεύσασθαί τις πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐτόλμησεν κατὰ τοῦ Φλώρου: παραγενόμενον δὲ εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα τῆς τῶν ἀζύμων ἑορτῆς ἐνεστώσης περιστὰς ὁ δῆμος οὐκ ἐλάττους τριακοσίων μυριάδων ἱκέτευον ἐλεῆσαι τὰς τοῦ ἔθνους συμφορὰς καὶ τὸν λυμεῶνα τῆς χώρας Φλῶρον ἐκεκράγεσαν:' "2.28. ἔτι δὲ τῷ δήμῳ πάντα κατανεύσας ὅσων ὡς παρὰ βασιλέως τυχεῖν ἠξίουν καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ μεγίσταις αἰτίαις παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς δεδεμένους λύσας, νῦν ἥκει παρὰ τοῦ δεσπότου σκιὰν αἰτησόμενος βασιλείας, ἧς ἥρπασεν ἑαυτῷ τὸ σῶμα, καὶ ποιῶν οὐ τῶν πραγμάτων ἀλλὰ τῶν ὀνομάτων κύριον Καίσαρα. 2.29. προσωνείδιζεν δ' ὡς καὶ τὸ πένθος κατειρωνεύσατο τοῦ πατρός, μεθ' ἡμέραν μὲν ἐπισχηματίζων τὸ πρόσωπον εἰς λύπην, νύκτωρ δὲ μέχρις κώμων μεθυσκόμενος, ἐν ᾧ καὶ τὴν ταραχὴν τοῦ πλήθους ἐκ τῆς ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀγανακτήσεως ἔλεγεν γεγονέναι." '2.29. τὸ μὲν οὖν εὐσταθὲς καὶ πρᾷον ἐπὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ἀναφεύγειν ᾤετο χρῆναι, τὸ στασιῶδες δὲ καὶ ἐν νεότητι φλεγμαῖνον ἐξεκαίετο πρὸς μάχην. παρεσκευασμένοι δὲ εἱστήκεσαν οἱ τῶν Καισαρέων στασιασταί, τὸν γὰρ ἐπιθύσοντα προπεπόμφεσαν ἐκ συντάγματος, καὶ ταχέως ἐγένετο συμβολή.' "
2.31. ταύτην μέντοι τὴν ὠμότητα προσκεψάμενον αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸν πατέρα μηδ' ἐλπίδος αὐτόν ποτε ἀξιῶσαι βασιλικῆς ἢ ὅτε χεῖρον τὴν ψυχὴν κάμνων τοῦ σώματος ἀκρατὴς ἦν ὑγιαίνοντος λογισμοῦ καὶ οὐδ' ὃν ἔγραφεν ἐν ταῖς ἐπιδιαθήκαις ᾔδει διάδοχον, καὶ ταῦτα μηδὲν τὸν ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις μέμψασθαι δυνάμενος, ἃς ἔγραψεν ὑγιαίνων μὲν τὸ σῶμα, καθαρὰν δὲ τὴν ψυχὴν ἔχων πάθους παντός." '
2.31. τὴν ἀδελφὴν δὲ αὐτοῦ Βερνίκην παροῦσαν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις καὶ τὴν παρανομίαν τῶν στρατιωτῶν θεωμένην δεινὸν εἰσῄει πάθος, καὶ πολλάκις τούς τε ἱππάρχους ἑαυτῆς καὶ σωματοφύλακας πέμπουσα πρὸς Φλῶρον ἐδέετο παύσασθαι τοῦ φόνου.' "2.32. εἰ μέντοι καὶ κυριωτέραν τὴν τοῦ κάμνοντος κρίσιν τιθείη τις, ἀποκεχειροτονῆσθαι βασιλείας ̓Αρχέλαον ὑφ' ἑαυτοῦ τοῖς εἰς αὐτὴν παρανομηθεῖσιν: ποταπὸν γὰρ ἂν γενέσθαι λαβόντα τὴν ἀρχὴν παρὰ Καίσαρος τὸν πρὶν λαβεῖν τοσούτους ἀνῃρηκότα;" "2.32. οἱ δ' ἀρχιερεῖς εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν τὴν πληθὺν συναγαγόντες ὑπαντᾶν τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίοις παρεκάλουν καὶ πρὸ ἀνηκέστου πάθους τὰς σπείρας δεξιοῦσθαι. τούτοις τὸ στασιῶδες ἠπείθει, καὶ διὰ τοὺς ἀπολωλότας τὸ πλῆθος ἔρρεπεν πρὸς τοὺς θρασυτέρους." "2.33. Οἱ δὲ στασιασταὶ δείσαντες μὴ πάλιν ἐπελθὼν ὁ Φλῶρος κρατήσῃ τοῦ ἱεροῦ διὰ τῆς ̓Αντωνίας, ἀναβάντες εὐθέως τὰς συνεχεῖς στοὰς τοῦ ἱεροῦ πρὸς τὴν ̓Αντωνίαν διέκοψαν. 2.33. Πολλὰ τοιαῦτα διεξελθὼν ̓Αντίπατρος καὶ τοὺς πλείστους τῶν συγγενῶν παραστησάμενος ἐφ' ἑκάστῳ τῶν κατηγορημένων μάρτυρας καταπαύει τὸν λόγον." '2.34. ἀνίσταται δὲ Νικόλαος ὑπὲρ ̓Αρχελάου, καὶ τὸν μὲν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ φόνον ἀναγκαῖον ἀπέφηνεν: πολεμίους γὰρ γεγονέναι τοὺς ἀνῃρημένους οὐ τῆς βασιλείας μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ δικάζοντος αὐτὴν Καίσαρος.' "2.34. ἔπειτα δι' ̓Αγρίππα πείθουσι τὸν Νεαπολιτανὸν σὺν ἑνὶ θεράποντι περιελθεῖν μέχρι τοῦ Σιλωᾶ τὴν πόλιν, ἵνα γνῷ ̓Ιουδαίους τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ̔Ρωμαίοις ἅπασιν εἴκοντας, μόνῳ δ' ἀπεχθανομένους Φλώρῳ δι' ὑπερβολὴν τῆς εἰς αὐτοὺς ὠμότητος. ὁ δὲ ὡς διοδεύσας πεῖραν ἱκανὴν ἔλαβεν τῆς πραότητος αὐτῶν, εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν ἀναβαίνει." "2.35. σκοπεῖτε δὲ καὶ καθ' ἕκαστον τούτων ὡς ἔστιν μικρὰ τοῦ πολεμεῖν ἡ ὑπόθεσις, καὶ πρῶτά γε τὰ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων ἐγκλήματα: θεραπεύειν γάρ, οὐκ ἐρεθίζειν χρὴ τὰς ἐξουσίας:" "2.35. τῶν δ' ἄλλων ἐγκλημάτων συμβούλους ἀπεδείκνυεν αὐτοὺς τοὺς κατηγόρους γεγονέναι. τήν γε μὴν ἐπιδιαθήκην ἠξίου διὰ τοῦτο μάλιστα εἶναι κυρίαν, ὅτι βεβαιωτὴν ἐν αὐτῇ Καίσαρα καθίστατο τοῦ διαδόχου:" "2.36. καὶ Μακεδόνες ἔτι φανταζόμενοι Φίλιππον καὶ τὴν σὺν ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ παρασπείρουσαν αὐτοῖς τὴν τῆς οἰκουμένης ἡγεμονίαν ὁρῶντες, φέρουσιν τὴν τοσαύτην μεταβολὴν καὶ πρὸς οὓς μεταβέβηκεν ἡ τύχη προσκυνοῦσιν. 2.36. ὁ γὰρ σωφρονῶν ὥστε τῷ δεσπότῃ τῶν ὅλων παραχωρεῖν τῆς ἐξουσίας οὐ δή που περὶ κληρονόμου κρίσιν ἐσφάλλετο, σωφρονῶν δ' ᾑρεῖτο καὶ τὸν καθιστάμενον ὁ γινώσκων τὸν καθιστάντα." '2.37. Διεξελθόντος δὲ πάντα καὶ Νικολάου παρελθὼν ̓Αρχέλαος προπίπτει τῶν Καίσαρος γονάτων ἡσυχῆ. κἀκεῖνος αὐτὸν μάλα φιλοφρόνως ἀναστήσας ἐνέφηνεν μὲν ὡς ἄξιος εἴη τῆς πατρῴας διαδοχῆς, οὐ μήν τι βέβαιον ἀπεφήνατο.' "2.37. οἱ δὲ τοσαυτάκις πρὸς ἐλευθερίαν ἀναχαιτίσαντες Δαλμάται καὶ πρὸς τὸ μόνον ἀεὶ χειρωθέντες τότε συλλεξάμενοι τὴν ἰσχὺν πάλιν ἀποστῆναι, νῦν οὐχ ὑφ' ἑνὶ τάγματι ̔Ρωμαίων ἡσυχίαν ἄγουσιν;" "2.38. διαλύσας δὲ τοὺς συνέδρους ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέρας καθ' ἑαυτὸν περὶ ὧν διήκουσεν ἐσκέπτετο, εἴτε χρὴ τῶν ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις καταστῆσαί τινα διάδοχον, εἴτε καὶ πάσῃ τῇ γενεᾷ διανεῖμαι τὴν ἀρχήν: ἐδόκει γὰρ ἐπικουρίας τὸ πλῆθος τῶν προσώπων χρῄζειν." "2.38. πάντων δὴ σχεδὸν τῶν ὑφ' ἡλίῳ τὰ ̔Ρωμαίων ὅπλα προσκυνούντων ὑμεῖς μόνοι πολεμήσετε μηδὲ τὸ Καρχηδονίων τέλος σκοποῦντες, οἳ τὸν μέγαν αὐχοῦντες ̓Αννίβαν καὶ τὴν ἀπὸ Φοινίκων εὐγένειαν ὑπὸ τὴν Σκιπίωνος δεξιὰν ἔπεσον;" "2.39. Πρὶν δὲ ὁρίσαι τι περὶ τούτων Καίσαρα τελευτᾷ μὲν ἡ ̓Αρχελάου μήτηρ Μαλθακὴ νοσήσασα, παρὰ Οὐάρου δ' ἐκομίσθησαν ἐκ Συρίας ἐπιστολαὶ περὶ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίων ἀποστάσεως," '2.39. λοιπὸν οὖν ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ συμμαχίαν καταφευκτέον. ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτο παρὰ ̔Ρωμαίοις τέτακται: δίχα γὰρ θεοῦ συστῆναι τηλικαύτην ἡγεμονίαν ἀδύνατον.
2.41. καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς ̓Αντιόχειαν, ἐπελθὼν δὲ ὁ Σαβῖνος ἀφορμὴν αὐτοῖς παρέσχεν νεωτεροποιίας: τούς τε γὰρ φρουροὺς παραδιδόναι τὰς ἄκρας ἐβιάζετο καὶ πικρῶς τὰ βασιλικὰ χρήματα διηρεύνα, πεποιθὼς οὐ μόνον τοῖς ὑπὸ Οὐάρου καταλειφθεῖσι στρατιώταις, ἀλλὰ καὶ πλήθει δούλων ἰδίων, οὓς ἅπαντας ὁπλίσας ὑπηρέταις ἐχρῆτο τῆς πλεονεξίας.' "
2.41. καὶ πολλὰ τῶν τε ἀρχιερέων καὶ τῶν γνωρίμων παρακαλούντων μὴ παραλιπεῖν τὸ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἔθος οὐκ ἐνέδοσαν, πολὺ μὲν καὶ τῷ σφετέρῳ πλήθει πεποιθότες, καὶ γὰρ τὸ ἀκμαιότατον τῶν νεωτεριζόντων συνήργει, μάλιστα δ' ἀφορῶντες εἰς τὸν ̓Ελεάζαρον στρατηγοῦντα." "2.42. Φλώρῳ μὲν οὖν δεινὸν εὐαγγέλιον ἦν, καὶ προῃρημένος ἐξάπτειν τὸν πόλεμον οὐδὲν ἀπεκρίνατο τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς: 2.42. ἐνστάσης δὲ τῆς πεντηκοστῆς, οὕτω καλοῦσίν τινα ἑορτὴν ̓Ιουδαῖοι παρ' ἑπτὰ γινομένην ἑβδομάδας καὶ τὸν ἀριθμὸν τῶν ἡμερῶν προσηγορίαν ἔχουσαν, οὐχ ἡ συνήθης θρησκεία συνήγαγεν τὸν δῆμον, ἀλλ' ἡ ἀγανάκτησις." '2.43. Τῇ δ' ἑξῆς, πεντεκαιδεκάτη δ' ἦν Λώου μηνός, ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ τὴν ̓Αντωνίαν καὶ τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ φρουροὺς δυσὶν ἡμέραις πολιορκήσαντες αὐτούς τε εἷλον καὶ κατέσφαξαν καὶ τὸ φρούριον ἐνέπρησαν." '2.43. συνέδραμεν γοῦν πλῆθος ἄπειρον ἔκ τε τῆς Γαλιλαίας καὶ ἐκ τῆς ̓Ιδουμαίας ̔Ιεριχοῦντός τε καὶ τῆς ὑπὲρ ̓Ιορδάνην Περαίας, ὑπερεῖχεν δὲ πλήθει καὶ προθυμίαις ἀνδρῶν ὁ γνήσιος ἐξ αὐτῆς ̓Ιουδαίας λαός.' "2.44. διανείμαντες δὲ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς εἰς τρία μέρη τριχῆ στρατοπεδεύονται, πρός τε τῷ βορείῳ τοῦ ἱεροῦ κλίματι καὶ πρὸς τῷ μεσημβρινῷ κατὰ τὸν ἱππόδρομον, ἡ δὲ τρίτη μοῖρα πρὸς τοῖς βασιλείοις κατὰ δύσιν. περικαθεζόμενοι δὲ πανταχόθεν τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίους ἐπολιόρκουν. 2.44. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Μανάημον εἰσπεσόντες ὅθεν οἱ στρατιῶται διέφυγον ὅσους τε αὐτῶν κατελάμβανον μὴ φθάσαντας ἐκδραμεῖν διέφθειραν, καὶ τὰς ἀποσκευὰς διαρπάσαντες ἐνέπρησαν τὸ στρατόπεδον. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἕκτῃ Γορπιαίου μηνὸς ἐπράχθη. 2.45. ̔Ο δὲ Σαβῖνος πρός τε τὸ πλῆθος αὐτῶν ὑποδείσας καὶ τὰ φρονήματα συνεχεῖς μὲν ἀγγέλους ἔπεμπεν πρὸς Οὔαρον ἐπαμύνειν ἐν τάχει δεόμενος ὡς εἰ βραδύνοι κατακοπησομένου τοῦ τάγματος:' "2.45. ἀμέλει πολλὰ τοῦ δήμου τοῖς στρατιώταις ἀνεῖναι τὴν πολιορκίαν παρακαλοῦντος, οἱ δὲ προσέκειντο χαλεπώτερον, μέχρι μηκέτι ἀντέχοντες οἱ περὶ τὸν Μετίλιον, οὗτος γὰρ ἦν τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων ἔπαρχος, διαπέμπονται πρὸς τοὺς περὶ τὸν ̓Ελεάζαρον ἐξαιτούμενοι μόνας τὰς ψυχὰς ὑποσπόνδους, τὰ δ' ὅπλα καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν κτῆσιν παραδώσειν λέγοντες." "2.46. ἀντέσχον δὲ οὔτε Σεβαστὴ ταῖς ὁρμαῖς αὐτῶν οὔτε ̓Ασκάλων, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ ταύταις πυρποληθείσαις ̓Ανθηδόνα καὶ Γάζαν κατέσκαπτον. πολλαὶ δὲ καθ' ἑκάστην τούτων τῶν πόλεων ἀνηρπάζοντο κῶμαι, καὶ τῶν ἁλισκομένων ἀνδρῶν φόνος ἦν ἄπειρος." '2.46. αὐτὸς δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν ὑψηλότατον τοῦ φρουρίου πύργον ἀναβάς, ὃς ἐκαλεῖτο Φασάηλος ἐπώνυμον ἔχων ἀδελφὸν ̔Ηρώδου διαφθαρέντα ὑπὸ Πάρθων, ἐντεῦθεν κατέσειεν τοῖς ἐν τῷ τάγματι στρατιώταις ἐπιχειρεῖν τοῖς πολεμίοις: δι' ἔκπληξιν γὰρ οὐδ' εἰς τοὺς σφετέρους καταβαίνειν ἐθάρρει." "2.47. παραπεισθέντες δὲ οἱ στρατιῶται προπηδῶσιν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ μάχην καρτερὰν τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις συνάπτουσιν, ἐν ᾗ μέχρι μὲν οὐδεὶς καθύπερθεν ἐπήμυνεν περιῆσαν ἐμπειρίᾳ πολέμου τῶν ἀπείρων: 2.47. προϊὼν γοῦν ὁσημέραι πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνῄρει τῶν πρὸς τῇ Σκυθοπόλει ̓Ιουδαίων, τρεπόμενος δὲ πολλάκις αὐτοὺς ἅπαντας μόνος ἦν ῥοπὴ τῆς παρατάξεως. 2.48. Γερασηνοί τε οὔτε εἰς τοὺς ἐμμείναντας ἐπλημμέλησαν καὶ τοὺς ἐξελθεῖν ἐθελήσαντας προέπεμψαν μέχρι τῶν ὅρων.' "2.48. ἐπεὶ δὲ πολλοὶ ̓Ιουδαίων ἀναβάντες ἐπὶ τὰς στοὰς κατὰ κεφαλῆς αὐτῶν ἠφίεσαν τὰ βέλη, συνετρίβοντο πολλοὶ καὶ οὔτε τοὺς ἄνωθεν βάλλοντας ἀμύνεσθαι ῥᾴδιον ἦν οὔτε τοὺς συστάδην μαχομένους ὑπομένειν. 2.49. Καταπονούμενοι μὲν πρὸς ἀμφοτέρων ὑποπιμπρᾶσιν τὰς στοάς, ἔργα θαυμάσια μεγέθους τε καὶ πολυτελείας ἕνεκεν: οἱ δ' ἐπ' αὐτῶν ἐξαίφνης ὑπὸ τῆς φλογὸς περισχεθέντες πολλοὶ μὲν ἐν αὐτῇ διεφθάρησαν, πολλοὶ δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων πηδῶντες εἰς αὐτούς, τινὲς δ' εἰς τοὐπίσω κατὰ τοῦ τείχους ἐκρημνίζοντο, ἔνιοι δ' ὑπ' ἀμηχανίας τοῖς ἰδίοις ξίφεσιν τὸ πῦρ ἔφθανον:" "2.49. τότε δ' ὡς καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐτετάρακτο, μᾶλλον ἐξήφθη τὰ παρ' ἐκείνοις. καὶ δὴ τῶν ̓Αλεξανδρέων ἐκκλησιαζόντων περὶ ἧς ἔμελλον ἐκπέμπειν πρεσβείας ἐπὶ Νέρωνα συνερρύησαν μὲν εἰς τὸ ἀμφιθέατρον ἅμα τοῖς ̔́Ελλησιν συχνοὶ ̓Ιουδαίων," '
2.51. ̓Ιουδαίους δὲ ἥ τε τῶν ἔργων καὶ ἀνδρῶν φθορὰ πολὺ πλείους καὶ μαχιμωτέρους ἐπισυνέστησεν ̔Ρωμαίοις καὶ περισχόντες τὰ βασίλεια πάντας ἠπείλουν διαφθείρειν, εἰ μὴ θᾶττον ἀπίοιεν: ὑπισχνοῦντο γὰρ ἄδειαν τῷ Σαβίνῳ βουλομένῳ μετὰ τοῦ τάγματος ἐξιέναι.
2.51. Εἰς δὲ τὴν Γαλιλαίαν ἀπέστειλεν Καισέννιον Γάλλον ἡγεμόνα τοῦ δωδεκάτου τάγματος παραδοὺς δύναμιν ὅσην ἀρκέσειν πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος ὑπελάμβανεν.' "2.52. γενναιότατοι δ' αὐτῶν ἔδοξαν οἱ Μονοβάζου τοῦ τῆς ̓Αδιαβηνῆς βασιλέως συγγενεῖς, Μονόβαζός τε καὶ Κενεδαῖος, μεθ' οὓς ὁ Περαί̈της Νίγερ καὶ Σίλας ὁ Βαβυλώνιος αὐτομολήσας εἰς τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἀπ' ̓Αγρίππα τοῦ βασιλέως:" "2.52. συνελάμβανον δ' αὐτοῖς οἱ πλείους τῶν βασιλικῶν αὐτομολήσαντες. τὸ μέντοι πολεμικώτατον μέρος, Σεβαστηνοὶ τρισχίλιοι ̔Ροῦφός τε καὶ Γρᾶτος ἐπὶ τούτοις, ὁ μὲν τοὺς πεζοὺς τῶν βασιλικῶν ὑπ' αὐτὸν ἔχων, ̔Ροῦφος δὲ τοὺς ἱππεῖς, ὢν ἑκάτερος καὶ χωρὶς ὑπηκόου δυνάμεως δι' ἀλκὴν καὶ σύνεσιν πολέμου ῥοπή, προσέθεντο ̔Ρωμαίοις." "2.53. ̓Ιουδαῖοι μὲν οὖν ἐνέκειντο τῇ πολιορκίᾳ τῶν τειχῶν ἅμα πειρώμενοι τοῦ φρουρίου καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὸν Σαβῖνον ἐμβοῶντες ἀπιέναι μηδ' ἐμποδὼν αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι διὰ χρόνου πολλοῦ κομιζομένοις τὴν πάτριον αὐτονομίαν." '2.53. Κέστιος δὲ παρελθὼν ὑποπίμπρησιν τήν τε Βεθεζὰν προσαγορευομένην καὶ τὴν Καινόπολιν καὶ τὸ καλούμενον Δοκῶν ἀγοράν, ἔπειτα πρὸς τὴν ἄνω πόλιν ἐλθὼν ἀντικρὺ τῆς βασιλικῆς αὐλῆς ἐστρατοπεδεύετο.' "2.54. ̔Ο γοῦν Κέστιος οὔτε τὴν τῶν πολιορκουμένων ἀπόγνωσιν οὔτε τοῦ δήμου τὸ φρόνημα συνιδὼν ἐξαίφνης ἀνεκάλεσεν τοὺς στρατιώτας καὶ καταγνοὺς ἐπ' οὐδεμιᾷ πληγῇ τῶν ἐλπίδων παραλογώτατα ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως ἀνέζευξεν." '2.54. Σαβίνῳ δ' ἀγαπητὸν μὲν ἦν ὑπεξελθεῖν, ἠπίστει δὲ ταῖς ὑποσχέσεσιν καὶ τὸ πρᾷον αὐτῶν δέλεαρ εἰς ἐνέδραν ὑπώπτευεν: ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὴν ἀπὸ Οὐάρου βοήθειαν ἐλπίζων διέτριβεν τὴν πολιορκίαν." "2.55. ̓Εν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν χώραν πολλαχόθεν ἐταράσσετο, καὶ συχνοὺς βασιλειᾶν ὁ καιρὸς ἀνέπειθεν. κατὰ μέν γε τὴν ̓Ιδουμαίαν δισχίλιοι τῶν ὑπὸ ̔Ηρώδῃ πάλαι στρατευσαμένων συστάντες ἔνοπλοι διεμάχοντο τοῖς βασιλικοῖς, οἷς ̓Αχίαβος ἀνεψιὸς βασιλέως ἀπὸ τῶν ἐρυμνοτάτων χωρίων ἐπολέμει ὑποφεύγων τὴν ἐν τοῖς πεδίοις συμπλοκήν: 2.55. ὀλίγου δὲ δεῖν πᾶσαν ἀνήρπασαν τὴν ἅμα Κεστίῳ δύναμιν, εἰ μὴ νὺξ ἐπέλαβεν, ἐν ᾗ ̔Ρωμαῖοι μὲν εἰς τὴν Βεθώραν κατέφυγον, ̓Ιουδαῖοι δὲ πάντα τὰ κύκλῳ περισχόντες ἐφρούρουν αὐτῶν τὴν ἔξοδον.' "2.56. ἐν δὲ Σεπφώρει τῆς Γαλιλαίας ̓Ιούδας υἱὸς ̓Εζεκία τοῦ κατατρέχοντός ποτε τὴν χώραν ἀρχιλῃστοῦ καὶ χειρωθέντος ὑφ' ̔Ηρώδου βασιλέως συστήσας πλῆθος οὐκ ὀλίγον ἀναρρήγνυσιν τὰς βασιλικὰς ὁπλοθήκας καὶ τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν ὁπλίσας τοῖς τὴν δυναστείαν ζηλοῦσιν ἐπεχείρει." '2.56. καὶ καθὸ μὲν εἶχον αὐτοὺς ἐν τῷ γυμνασίῳ συνηθροισμένους πάλαι διὰ τὰς ὑποψίας τοῦτο πραγματευσάμενοι, ῥᾴστην τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν ἐδόκουν: ἐδεδοίκεισαν δὲ τὰς ἑαυτῶν γυναῖκας ἁπάσας πλὴν ὀλίγων ὑπηγμένας τῇ ̓Ιουδαϊκῇ θρησκείᾳ:' "2.57. Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Περαίαν Σίμων τις τῶν βασιλικῶν δούλων εὐμορφίᾳ σώματος καὶ μεγέθει πεποιθὼς περιτίθησιν μὲν ἑαυτῷ διάδημα, περιιὼν δὲ μεθ' ὧν συνήθροισεν λῃστῶν τά τε ἐν ̔Ιεριχοῖ βασίλεια καταπίμπρησιν καὶ πολλὰς ἑτέρας τῶν πολυτελῶν ἐπαύλεις, ἁρπαγὰς ῥᾳδίως ἐκ τοῦ πυρὸς αὑτῷ ποριζόμενος." "2.57. συνιδὼν δὲ ὅτι τοὺς μὲν δυνατοὺς οἰκειώσεται μεταδιδοὺς τῆς ἐξουσίας αὐτοῖς, τὸ δὲ πᾶν πλῆθος εἰ δι' ἐπιχωρίων καὶ συνήθων τὰ πολλὰ προστάσσοι, τῶν μὲν γηραιῶν ἑβδομήκοντα τοὺς σωφρονεστάτους ἐπιλέξας ἐκ τοῦ ἔθνους κατέστησεν ἄρχοντας ὅλης τῆς Γαλιλαίας," '2.58. κἂν ἔφθη πᾶσαν οἴκησιν εὐπρεπῆ καταφλέξας, εἰ μὴ Γρᾶτος ὁ τῶν βασιλικῶν πεζῶν ἡγεμὼν τούς τε Τραχωνίτας τοξότας καὶ τὸ μαχιμώτατον τῶν Σεβαστηνῶν ἀναλαβὼν ὑπαντιάζει τὸν ἄνδρα.' "2.58. ὅσα τε εἰς παράστασιν ψυχῆς ἢ καρτερίαν συνετέλει σώματος ἀφηγεῖτο: μάλιστα δ' αὐτοὺς ἤσκει πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον παρ' ἕκαστα τὴν ̔Ρωμαίων εὐταξίαν διηγούμενος, καὶ ὡς πολεμήσουσιν πρὸς ἄνδρας, οἳ δι' ἀλκὴν σώματος καὶ ψυχῆς παράστημα πάσης ὀλίγου δεῖν τῆς οἰκουμένης κρατοῦσιν." "2.59. ̓́Ηδη δ' αὐτὸν στρατηγιῶντα καὶ μειζόνων ἐφιέμενον ἔνδεια χρημάτων κατεῖχεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸν ̓Ιώσηπον ὁρῶν αὐτοῦ σφόδρα χαίροντα τῷ δραστηρίῳ πείθει πρῶτον μὲν αὐτῷ πιστεῦσαι τὸ τεῖχος ἀνοικοδομῆσαι τῆς πατρίδος, ἐν ᾧ πολλὰ παρὰ τῶν πλουσίων ἐκέρδανεν:" '2.59. τῶν μὲν οὖν Περαίων συχνοὶ διεφθάρησαν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ, τὸν Σίμωνα δ' αὐτὸν ἀναφεύγοντα δι' ὀρθίου φάραγγος ὁ Γρᾶτος ὑποτέμνεται καὶ φεύγοντος ἐκ πλαγίου τὸν αὐχένα πλήξας ἀπέρραξε. κατεφλέγη δὲ καὶ τὰ πλησίον ̓Ιορδάνου βασίλεια κατὰ βηθαραμινενθα συστάντων ἑτέρων τινῶν ἐκ τῆς Περαίας." "2.61. ̓́Ενθα δὴ τὸ μὲν ἄλλο πλῆθος τῶν ἠπατημένων ἀνεχώρει καίτοι διωργισμένον, δισχίλιοι δ' ἐπ' αὐτὸν ὥρμησαν ἔνοπλοι, καὶ φθάσαντος εἰς τὸ δωμάτιον παρελθεῖν ἀπειλοῦντες ἐφεστήκεσαν." "2.61. τούτων ἑκάστῳ λόχον ὑποζεύξας ἔνοπλον ὥσπερ στρατηγοῖς ἐχρῆτο καὶ σατράπαις ἐπὶ τὰς καταδρομάς, αὐτὸς δὲ καθάπερ βασιλεὺς τῶν σεμνοτέρων ἥπτετο πραγμάτων.' "2.62. Οἱ στρατιῶται δ' αὐτοῦ ταχέως ἁρπάσαντες τὰ ὅπλα κατὰ τῶν ἐπιβούλων ἐχώρουν. ἔνθα δείσας ὁ ̓Ιώσηπος, μὴ πολέμου κινηθέντος ἐμφυλίου δι' ὀλίγων φθόνον παραναλώσῃ τὴν πόλιν, πέμπει τοῖς σφετέροις ἄγγελον μόνης προνοεῖν τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἀσφαλείας, μήτε δὲ κτείνειν τινὰ μήτ' ἀπελέγχειν τῶν αἰτίων." "2.62. τότε μὲν οὖν ἑαυτῷ περιτίθησιν διάδημα, διέμεινεν δ' ὕστερον οὐκ ὀλίγον χρόνον τὴν χώραν κατατρέχων σὺν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς: καὶ τὸ κτείνειν αὐτοῖς προηγούμενον ἦν ̔Ρωμαίους τε καὶ τοὺς βασιλικούς, διέφευγεν δὲ οὐδὲ ̓Ιουδαίων εἴ τις εἰς χεῖρας ἔλθοι φέρων κέρδος." "2.63. ἐτόλμησαν δέ ποτε ̔Ρωμαίων λόχον ἄθρουν περισχεῖν κατ' ̓Αμμαοῦντα: σῖτα δ' οὗτοι καὶ ὅπλα διεκόμιζον τῷ τάγματι. τὸν μὲν οὖν ἑκατοντάρχην αὐτῶν ̓́Αρειον καὶ τεσσαράκοντα τοὺς γενναιοτάτους κατηκόντισαν, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ κινδυνεύοντες ταὐτὸ παθεῖν Γράτου σὺν τοῖς Σεβαστηνοῖς ἐπιβοηθήσαντος ἐξέφυγον." '2.63. ταχέως δὲ καὶ ταύτας προσηγάγετο δίχα τῶν ὅπλων καὶ χειρωσάμενος στρατηγήμασιν τοὺς τέσσαρας ἡγεμόνας τῶν τε ὁπλιτῶν τοὺς δυνατωτάτους ἀνέπεμψεν εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα.' "2.64. ἔπειτα καινοτέρας σκήψεις ἐπινοῶν ἄλλους ἐπ' ἄλλοις ὡς ἐπὶ συνθήκαις προυκαλεῖτο." '2.64. πολλὰ τοιαῦτα τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους καὶ τοὺς ἀλλοφύλους παρ' ὅλον τὸν πόλεμον ἐργασάμενοι μετὰ χρόνον οἱ μὲν τρεῖς ἐχειρώθησαν, ὑπ' ̓Αρχελάου μὲν ὁ πρεσβύτατος, οἱ δ' ἑξῆς δύο Γράτῳ καὶ Πτολεμαίῳ περιπεσόντες: ὁ δὲ τέταρτος ̓Αρχελάῳ προσεχώρησεν κατὰ δεξιάν." "2.65. θειασμοί τε τοῖς εἰρήνην ἀγαπῶσιν δύσφημοι, τοῖς δὲ τὸν πόλεμον ἐξάψασιν ἐσχεδιάζοντο πρὸς ἡδονήν, καὶ τὸ κατάστημα τῆς πόλεως πρὶν ἐπελθεῖν ̔Ρωμαίους ἦν οἷον ἀπολουμένης. 2.65. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τὸ τέλος ὕστερον αὐτοὺς ἐξεδέχετο, τότε δὲ λῃστρικοῦ πολέμου τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν πᾶσαν ἐνεπίμπλασαν. 2.66. Οὐάρῳ δὲ δεξαμένῳ τὰ παρὰ Σαβίνου καὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων γράμματα δεῖσαί τε περὶ τοῦ τάγματος ὅλου παρέστη καὶ σπεύδειν ἐπὶ τὴν βοήθειαν. 2.67. ἀναλαβὼν δὴ τὰ λοιπὰ δύο τάγματα καὶ τὰς σὺν αὐτοῖς τέσσαρας ἴλας ἱππέων ἐπὶ Πτολεμαί̈δος ᾔει, προστάξας ἐκεῖ καὶ τοὺς παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων καὶ δυναστῶν ἐπικούρους συνελθεῖν: προσέλαβεν δὲ καὶ παρὰ Βηρυτίων διερχόμενος τὴν πόλιν χιλίους καὶ πεντακοσίους ὁπλίτας.' "2.68. ἐπεὶ δ' εἰς τὴν Πτολεμαί̈δα τό τε ἄλλο συμμαχικὸν πλῆθος αὐτῷ παρῆν καὶ κατὰ τὸ πρὸς ̔Ηρώδην ἔχθος ̓Αρέτας ὁ ̓́Αραψ οὐκ ὀλίγην ἄγων δύναμιν ἱππικήν τε καὶ πεζικήν, μέρος τῆς στρατιᾶς εὐθέως ἔπεμπεν εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν γειτνιῶσαν τῇ Πτολεμαί̈δι καὶ Γάιον ἡγεμόνα τῶν αὐτοῦ φίλων, ὃς τούς τε ὑπαντιάσαντας τρέπεται καὶ Σέπφωριν πόλιν ἑλὼν αὐτὴν μὲν ἐμπίπρησι, τοὺς δ' ἐνοικοῦντας ἀνδραποδίζεται." '2.69. μετὰ δὲ τῆς ὅλης δυνάμεως αὐτὸς Οὔαρος εἰς Σαμάρειαν ἐλάσας τῆς μὲν πόλεως ἀπέσχετο μηδὲν ἐν τοῖς τῶν ἄλλων θορύβοις παρακεκινηκυῖαν εὑρών, αὐλίζεται δὲ περί τινα κώμην ̓Αροῦν καλουμένην: κτῆμα δὲ ἦν Πτολεμαίου καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ὑπὸ τῶν ̓Αράβων διηρπάσθη μηνιόντων καὶ τοῖς ̔Ηρώδου φίλοις.' "
2.71. κατεφλέγη δὲ καὶ ̓Αμμαοῦς φυγόντων τῶν οἰκητόρων, Οὐάρου δι' ὀργὴν τῶν περὶ ̓́Αρειον ἀποσφαγέντων κελεύσαντος." '2.72. ̓Ενθένδε εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα προελθὼν ὀφθείς τε μόνον μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως τὰ στρατόπεδα τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων διεσκέδασεν. καὶ οἱ μὲν ᾤχοντο φυγόντες ἀνὰ τὴν χώραν: 2.73. δεξάμενοι δὲ αὐτὸν οἱ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἀπεσκευάζοντο τὰς αἰτίας τῆς ἀποστάσεως, αὐτοὶ μὲν οὐδὲν παρακινῆσαι λέγοντες, διὰ δὲ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἀναγκαίως δεξάμενοι τὸ πλῆθος συμπολιορκηθῆναι μᾶλλον ̔Ρωμαίοις ἢ συμπολεμῆσαι τοῖς ἀποστᾶσιν.' "2.74. προϋπηντήκεισαν δὲ αὐτῷ ̓Ιώσηπος ὁ ἀνεψιὸς ̓Αρχελάου καὶ σὺν Γράτῳ ̔Ροῦφος, ἄγοντες ἅμα τῷ βασιλικῷ στρατῷ καὶ τοὺς Σεβαστηνούς, οἵ τε ἀπὸ τοῦ ̔Ρωμαϊκοῦ τάγματος τὸν συνήθη τρόπον κεκοσμημένοι: Σαβῖνος μὲν γὰρ οὐδ' εἰς ὄψιν ὑπομείνας ἐλθεῖν Οὐάρῳ προεξῆλθεν τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ θάλασσαν." '2.75. Οὔαρος δὲ κατὰ μοῖραν τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐπὶ τοὺς αἰτίους τοῦ κινήματος ἔπεμψεν περὶ τὴν χώραν, καὶ πολλῶν ἀγομένων τοὺς μὲν ἧττον θορυβώδεις φανέντας ἐφρούρει, τοὺς δὲ αἰτιωτάτους ἀνεσταύρωσεν περὶ δισχιλίους.' "2.76. ̓Ηγγέλθη δ' αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν ̓Ιδουμαίαν ἔτι συμμένειν μυρίους ὁπλίτας. ὁ δὲ τοὺς μὲν ̓́Αραβας εὑρὼν οὐ συμμάχων ἦθος ἔχοντας, ἀλλ' ἰδίῳ πάθει στρατευομένους καὶ πέρα τῆς ἑαυτοῦ προαιρέσεως τὴν χώραν κακοῦντας ἔχθει τῷ πρὸς ̔Ηρώδην ἀποπέμπεται, μετὰ δὲ τῶν ἰδίων ταγμάτων ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀφεστῶτας ἠπείγετο." '2.77. κἀκεῖνοι πρὶν εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν ̓Αχιάβου συμβουλεύσαντος σφᾶς αὐτοὺς παρέδοσαν, Οὔαρος δὲ τῷ πλήθει μὲν ἠφίει τὰς αἰτίας, τοὺς δὲ ἡγεμόνας ἐξετασθησομένους ἔπεμπεν ἐπὶ Καίσαρα.' "2.78. Καῖσαρ δὲ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις συνέγνω, τινὰς δὲ τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως συγγενῶν, ἦσαν γὰρ ἐν αὐτοῖς ἔνιοι προσήκοντες ̔Ηρώδῃ κατὰ γένος, κολάσαι προσέταξεν, ὅτι κατ' οἰκείου βασιλέως ἐστρατεύσαντο." '2.79. Οὔαρος μὲν οὖν τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον καταστησάμενος τὰ ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις καὶ φρουρὰν καταλιπὼν τὸ καὶ πρότερον τάγμα εἰς ̓Αντιόχειαν ἐπάνεισιν.' "
2.81. ἀθροίσαντος δὲ Καίσαρος συνέδριον τῶν ἐν τέλει ̔Ρωμαίων καὶ τῶν φίλων ἐν τῷ κατὰ τὸ Παλάτιον ̓Απόλλωνος ἱερῷ, κτίσμα δ' ἦν ἴδιον αὐτοῦ θαυμασίῳ πολυτελείᾳ κεκοσμημένον, μετὰ μὲν τῶν πρεσβευτῶν τὸ ̓Ιουδαϊκὸν πλῆθος ἔστη," "2.82. σὺν δὲ τοῖς φίλοις ἄντικρυς ̓Αρχέλαος, τῶν δὲ τούτου συγγενῶν οἱ φίλοι παρ' οὐδετέροις, συμπαρίστασθαι μὲν ̓Αρχελάῳ διὰ μῖσος καὶ φθόνον οὐχ ὑπομένοντες, ὀφθῆναι δὲ μετὰ τῶν κατηγόρων ὑπὸ Καίσαρος αἰδούμενοι." "2.83. τούτοις παρῆν καὶ Φίλιππος ἀδελφὸς ̓Αρχελάου, προπεμφθεὶς κατ' εὔνοιαν ὑπὸ Οὐάρου δυοῖν ἕνεκα, ̓Αρχελάῳ τε συναγωνίσασθαι, κἂν διανέμῃ τὸν ̔Ηρώδου Καῖσαρ οἶκον πᾶσι τοῖς ἐγγόνοις, κλήρου τινὸς ἀξιωθῆναι." "2.84. ̓Επιτραπὲν δὲ λέγειν τοῖς κατηγόροις τὰς ̔Ηρώδου παρανομίας πρῶτον διεξῄεσαν, οὐ βασιλέα λέγοντες ἀλλὰ τῶν πώποτε τυραννησάντων ὠμότατον ἐνηνοχέναι τύραννον: πλείστων γοῦν ἀνῃρημένων ὑπ' αὐτοῦ τοιαῦτα πεπονθέναι τοὺς καταλειφθέντας, ὥστε μακαρίζεσθαι τοὺς ἀπολωλότας:" '2.85. βεβασανικέναι γὰρ οὐ μόνον τὰ σώματα τῶν ὑποτεταγμένων ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς πόλεις: τὰς μὲν γὰρ ἰδίας λελωβῆσθαι, τὰς δὲ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων κεκοσμηκέναι καὶ τὸ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας αἷμα κεχαρίσθαι τοῖς ἔξωθεν δήμοις. 2.86. ἀντὶ δὲ τῆς παλαιᾶς εὐδαιμονίας καὶ τῶν πατρίων νόμων πενίας τὸ ἔθνος καὶ παρανομίας ἐσχάτης πεπληρωκέναι, καθόλου δὲ πλείους ὑπομεμενηκέναι τὰς ἐξ ̔Ηρώδου συμφορὰς ἐν ὀλίγοις ἔτεσιν ̓Ιουδαίους ὧν ἐν παντὶ τῷ χρόνῳ μετὰ τὴν ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος ἀναχώρησιν ἔπαθον οἱ πρόγονοι Ξέρξου βασιλεύοντος ἀπαναστάντες. 2.87. εἰς τοσοῦτον μέντοι μετριότητος καὶ τοῦ δυστυχεῖν ἔθους προελθεῖν, ὥστε ὑπομεῖναι τῆς πικρᾶς δουλείας καὶ διαδοχὴν αὐθαίρετον: 2.88. ̓Αρχέλαον γοῦν τὸν τηλικούτου τυράννου παῖδα μετὰ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτὴν βασιλέα τε προσειπεῖν ἑτοίμως καὶ συμπενθῆσαι τὸν ̔Ηρώδου θάνατον αὐτῷ καὶ συνεύξασθαι περὶ τῆς διαδοχῆς.' "2.89. τὸν δ' ὥσπερ ἀγωνιάσαντα, μὴ νόθος υἱὸς εἶναι δόξειεν ̔Ηρώδου, προοιμιάσασθαι τὴν βασιλείαν τρισχιλίων πολιτῶν φόνῳ, καὶ τοσαῦτα μὲν παρεστακέναι θύματα περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς τῷ θεῷ, τοσούτοις δ' ἐμπεπληκέναι νεκροῖς τὸ ἱερὸν ἐν ἑορτῇ." "
2.91. συνάψαντας δὲ τῇ Συρίᾳ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν διοικεῖν ἐπ' ἰδίοις ἡγεμόσιν: ἐπιδείξεσθαι γάρ, ὡς οἱ νῦν στασιώδεις διαβαλλόμενοι καὶ πολεμικοὶ φέρειν οἴδασιν μετρίους ἡγεμόνας." '2.92. ̓Ιουδαῖοι μὲν οὖν ἐκ τῆς κατηγορίας κατέληξαν εἰς τοιαύτην ἀξίωσιν, ἀναστὰς δὲ Νικόλαος ἀπελύσατο μὲν τὰς εἰς τοὺς βασιλεῖς αἰτίας, κατηγόρει δὲ τοῦ ἔθνους τό τε δύσαρκτον καὶ τὸ δυσπειθὲς φύσει πρὸς τοὺς βασιλεῖς. συνδιέβαλλε δὲ καὶ τοὺς ̓Αρχελάου συγγενεῖς, ὅσοι πρὸς τοὺς κατηγόρους ἀφεστήκεσαν.' "2.93. Τότε μὲν οὖν Καῖσαρ ἀκούσας ἑκατέρων διέλυσε τὸ συνέδριον, μετὰ δ' ἡμέρας ὀλίγας τὸ μὲν ἥμισυ τῆς βασιλείας ̓Αρχελάῳ δίδωσιν ἐθνάρχην προσειπών, ὑποσχόμενος δὲ καὶ βασιλέα ποιήσειν," '2.94. εἰ ἄξιον ἑαυτὸν παράσχοι, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ἥμισυ διελὼν εἰς δύο τετραρχίας δυσὶν ἑτέροις παισὶν ̔Ηρώδου δίδωσιν, τὴν μὲν Φιλίππῳ, τὴν δὲ ̓Αντίπᾳ τῷ πρὸς ̓Αρχέλαον ἀμφισβητοῦντι περὶ τῆς βασιλείας. 2.95. ἐγένετο δὲ ὑπὸ τούτῳ μὲν ἥ τε Περαία καὶ Γαλιλαία, πρόσοδος διακόσια τάλαντα, Βατανέα δὲ καὶ Τράχων Αὐρανῖτίς τε καὶ μέρη τινὰ τοῦ Ζήνωνος οἴκου τὰ περὶ ἰννάνω, πρόσοδον ἔχοντα ταλάντων ἑκατόν, ὑπὸ Φιλίππῳ τέτακτο.' "2.96. τῆς ̓Αρχελάου δ' ἐθναρχίας ̓Ιδουμαία τε καὶ ̓Ιουδαία πᾶσα καὶ Σαμαρεῖτις ἦν κεκουφισμένη τετάρτῳ μέρει τῶν φόρων εἰς τιμὴν τοῦ μὴ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἀποστῆναι." "2.97. πόλεις δ' ὑπηκόους παρέλαβεν Στράτωνος πύργον καὶ Σεβαστὴν καὶ ̓Ιόππην καὶ ̔Ιεροσόλυμα: τὰς γὰρ ̔Ελληνίδας Γάζαν καὶ Γάδαρα καὶ ̔́Ιππον ἀποτεμόμενος τῆς βασιλείας προσέθηκεν Συρίᾳ. πρόσοδος ἦν τῆς ̓Αρχελάῳ δοθείσης χώρας τετρακοσίων ταλάντων." "2.98. Σαλώμη δὲ πρὸς οἷς ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις κατέλιπεν ̓Ιαμνείας τε καὶ ̓Αζώτου καὶ Φασαηλίδος ἀποδείκνυται δεσπότις, χαρίζεται δ' αὐτῇ Καῖσαρ καὶ τὰ ἐν ̓Ασκάλωνι βασίλεια: συνήγετο δ' ἐκ πάντων ἑξήκοντα προσόδου τάλαντα: τὸν δὲ οἶκον αὐτῆς ὑπὸ τὴν ̓Αρχελάου τοπαρχίαν ἔταξεν." "2.99. τῆς δ' ἄλλης ̔Ηρώδου γενεᾶς ἕκαστος τὸ καταλειφθὲν ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις ἐκομίζετο. δυσὶ δ' αὐτοῦ θυγατράσι παρθένοις Καῖσαρ ἔξωθεν χαρίζεται πεντήκοντα μυριάδας ἀργυρίου καὶ συνῴκισεν αὐτὰς τοῖς Φερώρα παισίν." "
2.101. Κἀν τούτῳ νεανίας τις ̓Ιουδαῖος μὲν τὸ γένος, τραφεὶς δὲ ἐν Σιδῶνι παρά τῳ τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων ἀπελευθέρῳ, δι' ὁμοιότητα μορφῆς ψευδόμενος ἑαυτὸν ̓Αλέξανδρον τὸν ἀναιρεθέντα ὑφ' ̔Ηρώδου κατ' ἐλπίδα τοῦ λήσειν ἧκεν εἰς ̔Ρώμην." "
2.102. συνεργὸς δ' ἦν τις ὁμόφυλος αὐτῷ πάντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν βασιλείαν ἐπιστάμενος, ὑφ' οὗ διδαχθεὶς ἔλεγεν, ὡς οἱ πεμφθέντες ἐπὶ τὴν ἀναίρεσιν αὐτοῦ τε καὶ ̓Αριστοβούλου δι' οἶκτον ἐκκλέψειαν αὐτοὺς ὁμοίων ὑποβολῇ σωμάτων." "
2.103. τούτοις γοῦν τοὺς ἐν Κρήτῃ ̓Ιουδαίους ἐξαπατήσας καὶ λαμπρῶς ἐφοδιασθεὶς διέπλευσεν εἰς Μῆλον: ἔνθα συναγείρας πολλῷ πλέον δι' ὑπερβολὴν ἀξιοπιστίας ἀνέπεισεν καὶ τοὺς ἰδιοξένους εἰς ̔Ρώμην αὐτῷ συνεκπλεῦσαι." "
2.104. καταχθεὶς δὲ εἰς Δικαιάρχειαν δῶρά τε παμπληθῆ παρὰ τῶν ἐκεῖ ̓Ιουδαίων λαμβάνει καὶ καθάπερ βασιλεὺς ὑπὸ τῶν πατρῴων προεπέμφθη φίλων. προεληλύθει δ' εἰς τοσοῦτον πίστεως τὸ τῆς μορφῆς ὅμοιον, ὥστε τοὺς ἑωρακότας ̓Αλέξανδρον καὶ σαφῶς ἐπισταμένους διόμνυσθαι τοῦτον εἶναι." "
2.105. τό γε μὴν ̓Ιουδαϊκὸν ἐν τῇ ̔Ρώμῃ ἅπαν ἐξεχύθη πρὸς τὴν θέαν αὐτοῦ, καὶ πλῆθος ἄπειρον ἦν περὶ τοὺς στενωπούς, δι' ὧν ἐκομίζετο: καὶ γὰρ προῆλθον εἰς τοσοῦτον φρενοβλαβείας οἱ Μήλιοι, ὥστε φορείῳ τε αὐτὸν κομίζειν καὶ θεραπείαν βασιλικὴν ἰδίοις παρασχεῖν ἀναλώμασιν." "
2.106. Καῖσαρ δὲ γινώσκων ἀκριβῶς τοὺς ̓Αλεξάνδρου χαρακτῆρας, κατηγόρητο γὰρ ὑφ' ̔Ηρώδου παρ' αὐτῷ, συνεώρα μὲν καὶ πρὶν ἰδεῖν τὸν ἄνθρωπον τὴν τῆς ὁμοιότητος ἀπάτην, διδοὺς δέ τι καὶ πίστεως ταῖς ἱλαρωτέραις ἐλπίσιν Κέλαδόν τινα πέμπει τῶν σαφῶς ἐπισταμένων ̓Αλέξανδρον, κελεύσας ἀγαγεῖν αὐτῷ τὸν νεανίσκον." '
2.107. ὁ δὲ ὡς εἶδεν, ἐτεκμήρατο μὲν τάχιστα καὶ τὰς διαφορὰς τοῦ προσώπου τό τε ὅλον σῶμα σκληρότερόν τε καὶ δουλοφανὲς καταμαθὼν ἐνόησεν πᾶν τὸ σύνταγμα,' "
2.108. πάνυ δὲ αὐτὸν παρώξυνεν ἡ τόλμα τῶν παρ' αὐτοῦ λεγομένων: τοῖς γὰρ πυνθανομένοις περὶ ̓Αριστοβούλου σώζεσθαι μὲν κἀκεῖνον ἔλεγεν, ἀπολελεῖφθαι δὲ ἐπίτηδες ἐν Κύπρῳ τὰς ἐπιβουλὰς φυλασσόμενον: ἧττον γὰρ ἐπιχειρεῖσθαι διεζευγμένους." "
2.109. ἀπολαβόμενος οὖν αὐτὸν κατ' ἰδίαν “μισθόν, ἔφη, παρὰ Καίσαρος ἔχεις τὸ ζῆν τοῦ μηνῦσαι τὸν ἀναπείσαντά σε πλανᾶσθαι τηλικαῦτα.” κἀκεῖνος αὐτῷ δηλώσειν εἰπὼν ἕπεται πρὸς Καίσαρα καὶ τὸν ̓Ιουδαῖον ἐνδείκνυται καταχρησάμενον αὐτοῦ τῇ ὁμοιότητι πρὸς ἐργασίαν: τοσαῦτα γὰρ εἰληφέναι δῶρα καθ' ἑκάστην πόλιν ὅσα ζῶν ̓Αλέξανδρος οὐκ ἔλαβεν." "
2.111. Παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν ἐθναρχίαν ̓Αρχέλαος καὶ κατὰ μνήμην τῶν πάλαι διαφορῶν οὐ μόνον ̓Ιουδαίοις ἀλλὰ καὶ Σαμαρεῦσι χρησάμενος ὠμῶς, πρεσβευσαμένων ἑκατέρων κατ' αὐτοῦ πρὸς Καίσαρα ἔτει τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐνάτῳ φυγαδεύεται μὲν αὐτὸς εἰς Βίενναν πόλιν τῆς Γαλλίας, ἡ οὐσία δ' αὐτοῦ τοῖς Καίσαρος θησαυροῖς ἐγκατατάσσεται." '
2.117. Τῆς δὲ ̓Αρχελάου χώρας εἰς ἐπαρχίαν περιγραφείσης ἐπίτροπος τῆς ἱππικῆς παρὰ ̔Ρωμαίοις τάξεως Κωπώνιος πέμπεται μέχρι τοῦ κτείνειν λαβὼν παρὰ Καίσαρος ἐξουσίαν.' "
2.123. κηλῖδα δ' ὑπολαμβάνουσι τὸ ἔλαιον, κἂν ἀλειφθῇ τις ἄκων, σμήχεται τὸ σῶμα: τὸ γὰρ αὐχμεῖν ἐν καλῷ τίθενται λευχειμονεῖν τε διαπαντός. χειροτονητοὶ δ' οἱ τῶν κοινῶν ἐπιμεληταὶ καὶ ἀδιαίρετοι πρὸς ἁπάντων εἰς τὰς χρείας ἕκαστοι." "
2.168. μεταβάσης δὲ εἰς Τιβέριον τὸν ̓Ιουλίας υἱὸν τῆς ̔Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίας μετὰ τὴν Αὐγούστου τελευτήν, ἀφηγησαμένου τῶν πραγμάτων ἔτεσιν ἑπτὰ καὶ πεντήκοντα πρὸς δὲ μησὶν ἓξ καὶ ἡμέραις δύο, διαμείναντες ἐν ταῖς τετραρχίαις ὅ τε ̔Ηρώδης καὶ ὁ Φίλιππος, ὁ μὲν πρὸς ταῖς τοῦ ̓Ιορδάνου πηγαῖς ἐν Πανεάδι πόλιν κτίζει Καισάρειαν κἀν τῇ κάτω Γαυλανιτικῇ ̓Ιουλιάδα, ̔Ηρώδης δ' ἐν μὲν τῇ Γαλιλαίᾳ Τιβεριάδα, ἐν δὲ τῇ Περαίᾳ φερώνυμον ̓Ιουλίας." "
2.268. προεῖχον δ' οἱ μὲν πλούτῳ καὶ σωμάτων ἀλκῇ, τὸ δὲ ̔Ελληνικὸν τῇ παρὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀμύνῃ: τὸ γὰρ πλέον ̔Ρωμαίοις τῆς ἐκεῖ δυνάμεως ἐκ Συρίας ἦν κατειλεγμένον καὶ καθάπερ συγγενεῖς ἦσαν πρὸς τὰς βοηθείας ἕτοιμοι." '
2.284. ̓Εν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ οἱ Καισαρέων ̔́Ελληνες νικήσαντες παρὰ Νέρωνι τῆς πόλεως ἄρχειν τὰ τῆς κρίσεως ἐκόμισαν γράμματα, καὶ προσελάμβανεν τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁ πόλεμος δωδεκάτῳ μὲν ἔτει τῆς Νέρωνος ἡγεμονίας, ἑπτακαιδεκάτῳ δὲ τῆς ̓Αγρίππα βασιλείας, ̓Αρτεμισίου μηνός. 2.285. πρὸς δὲ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν ἐξ αὐτοῦ συμφορῶν οὐκ ἀξίαν ἔσχεν πρόφασιν: οἱ γὰρ ἐν Καισαρείᾳ ̓Ιουδαῖοι, συναγωγὴν ἔχοντες παρὰ χωρίον, οὗ δεσπότης ἦν τις ̔́Ελλην Καισαρεύς, πολλάκις μὲν κτήσασθαι τὸν τόπον ἐσπούδασαν τιμὴν πολλαπλασίονα τῆς ἀξίας διδόντες:' "2.286. ὡς δ' ὑπερορῶν τὰς δεήσεις πρὸς ἐπήρειαν ἔτι καὶ παρῳκοδόμει τὸ χωρίον ἐκεῖνος ἐργαστήρια κατασκευαζόμενος στενήν τε καὶ παντάπασιν βιαίαν πάροδον ἀπέλειπεν αὐτοῖς, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οἱ θερμότεροι τῶν νέων προπηδῶντες οἰκοδομεῖν ἐκώλυον." '2.287. ὡς δὲ τούτους εἶργεν τῆς βίας Φλῶρος, ἀμηχανοῦντες οἱ δυνατοὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων, σὺν οἷς ̓Ιωάννης ὁ τελώνης. πείθουσι τὸν Φλῶρον ἀργυρίου ταλάντοις ὀκτὼ διακωλῦσαι τὸ ἔργον. 2.288. ὁ δὲ πρὸς μόνον τὸ λαβεῖν ὑποσχόμενος πάντα συμπράξειν, λαβὼν ἔξεισιν τῆς Καισαρείας εἰς Σεβαστὴν καὶ καταλείπει τὴν στάσιν αὐτεξούσιον, ὥσπερ ἄδειαν πεπρακὼς ̓Ιουδαίοις τοῦ μάχεσθαι.' "2.289. Τῆς δ' ἐπιούσης ἡμέρας ἑβδομάδος οὔσης τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων εἰς τὴν συναγωγὴν συναθροισθέντων στασιαστής τις Καισαρεὺς γάστραν καταστρέψας καὶ παρὰ τὴν εἴσοδον αὐτῶν θέμενος ἐπέθυεν ὄρνεις. τοῦτο τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους ἀνηκέστως παρώξυνεν ὡς ὑβρισμένων μὲν αὐτοῖς τῶν νόμων, μεμιασμένου δὲ τοῦ χωρίου." "2.291. προσελθὼν δὲ ̓Ιούκουνδος ὁ διακωλύειν τεταγμένος ἱππάρχης τήν τε γάστραν αἴρει καὶ καταπαύειν ἐπειρᾶτο τὴν στάσιν. ἡττωμένου δ' αὐτοῦ τῆς τῶν Καισαρέων βίας ̓Ιουδαῖοι τοὺς νόμους ἁρπάσαντες ἀνεχώρησαν εἰς Νάρβατα: χώρα τις αὐτῶν οὕτω καλεῖται σταδίους ἑξήκοντα διέχουσα τῆς Καισαρείας:" '2.292. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν ̓Ιωάννην δυνατοὶ δώδεκα πρὸς Φλῶρον ἐλθόντες εἰς Σεβαστὴν ἀπωδύροντο περὶ τῶν πεπραγμένων καὶ βοηθεῖν ἱκέτευον, αἰδημόνως ὑπομιμνήσκοντες τῶν ὀκτὼ ταλάντων. ὁ δὲ καὶ συλλαβὼν ἔδησεν τοὺς ἄνδρας αἰτιώμενος ὑπὲρ τοῦ τοὺς νόμους ἐξενεγκεῖν τῆς Καισαρείας. 2.293. Πρὸς τοῦτο τῶν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἀγανάκτησις ἦν, ἔτι μέντοι τοὺς θυμοὺς κατεῖχον. ὁ δὲ Φλῶρος ὥσπερ ἠργολαβηκὼς ἐκριπίζειν τὸν πόλεμον, πέμψας εἰς τὸν ἱερὸν θησαυρὸν ἐξαιρεῖ δεκαεπτὰ τάλαντα σκηψάμενος εἰς τὰς Καίσαρος χρείας.' "2.294. σύγχυσις δ' εὐθέως εἶχεν τὸν δῆμον, καὶ συνδραμόντες εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν βοαῖς διαπρυσίοις τὸ Καίσαρος ἀνεκάλουν ὄνομα καὶ τῆς Φλώρου τυραννίδος ἐλευθεροῦν σφᾶς ἱκέτευον." "2.295. ἔνιοι δὲ τῶν στασιαστῶν λοιδορίας αἰσχίστους εἰς τὸν Φλῶρον ἐκεκράγεσαν καὶ κανοῦν περιφέροντες ἀπῄτουν αὐτῷ κέρματα καθάπερ ἀκλήρῳ καὶ ταλαιπώρῳ. τούτοις οὐκ ἀνετράπη τὴν φιλαργυρίαν, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ τὸ μᾶλλον χρηματίσασθαι παρωργίσθη." "2.296. δέον γοῦν εἰς Καισάρειαν ἐλθόντα σβέσαι τὸ τοῦ πολέμου πῦρ ἐκεῖθεν ἀρχόμενον καὶ τῆς ταραχῆς ἀνελεῖν τὰς αἰτίας, ἐφ' ᾧ καὶ μισθὸν ἔλαβεν, ὁ δὲ μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἱππικῆς τε καὶ πεζικῆς ἐπὶ ̔Ιεροσολύμων ὥρμησεν, ἵνα τοῖς ̔Ρωμαίων ὅπλοις * ἐργάσηται καὶ τῷ δέει καὶ ταῖς ἀπειλαῖς περιδύσῃ τὴν πόλιν." "
2.332. τῶν δὲ πάντα περὶ ἀσφαλείας καὶ τοῦ μηδὲν νεωτερίσειν ὑποσχομένων, εἰ μίαν αὐτοῖς καταλείποι σπεῖραν, μὴ μέντοι τὴν μαχεσαμένην: πρὸς γὰρ ταύτην ἀπεχθῶς δι' ἃ πέπονθεν ἔχειν τὸ πλῆθος: ἀλλάξας τὴν σπεῖραν, ὡς ἠξίουν, μετὰ τῆς λοιπῆς δυνάμεως ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς Καισάρειαν." "
2.457. Τῆς δ' αὐτῆς ἡμέρας καὶ ὥρας ὥσπερ ἐκ δαιμονίου προνοίας ἀνῄρουν Καισαρεῖς τοὺς παρ' ἑαυτοῖς ̓Ιουδαίους, ὡς ὑπὸ μίαν ὥραν ἀποσφαγῆναι μὲν ὑπὲρ δισμυρίους, κενωθῆναι δὲ πᾶσαν ̓Ιουδαίων τὴν Καισάρειαν: καὶ γὰρ τοὺς διαφεύγοντας ὁ Φλῶρος συλλαβὼν κατῆγεν δεσμώτας εἰς τὰ νεώρια." '2.458. πρὸς δὲ τὴν ἐκ τῆς Καισαρείας πληγὴν ὅλον τὸ ἔθνος ἐξαγριοῦται, καὶ διαμερισθέντες τάς τε κώμας τῶν Σύρων καὶ τὰς προσεχούσας ἐπόρθουν πόλεις, Φιλαδέλφειάν τε καὶ ̓Εσεβωνῖτιν καὶ Γέρασα καὶ Πέλλαν καὶ Σκυθόπολιν.' "2.459. ἔπειτα Γαδάροις καὶ ̔́Ιππῳ καὶ τῇ Γαυλανίτιδι προσπεσόντες τὰ μὲν καταστρεψάμενοι, τὰ δ' ὑποπρήσαντες ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ Κάδασα τὴν Τυρίων καὶ Πτολεμαί̈δα Γάβαν τε καὶ Καισάρειαν." "2.461. Οὐ μὴν οἱ Σύροι τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἔλαττον πλῆθος ἀνῄρουν, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτοὶ τοὺς ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν λαμβανομένους ἀπέσφαττον οὐ μόνον κατὰ μῖσος, ὡς πρότερον, ἀλλ' ἤδη καὶ τὸν ἐφ' ἑαυτοῖς κίνδυνον φθάνοντες." '2.462. δεινὴ δὲ ὅλην τὴν Συρίαν ἐπεῖχεν ταραχή, καὶ πᾶσα πόλις εἰς δύο διῄρητο στρατόπεδα, σωτηρία δὲ τοῖς ἑτέροις ἦν τὸ τοὺς ἑτέρους φθάσαι.' "2.463. καὶ τὰς μὲν ἡμέρας ἐν αἵματι διῆγον, τὰς δὲ νύκτας δέει χαλεπωτέρας: καὶ γὰρ ἀπεσκευάσθαι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους δοκοῦντες ἕκαστοι τοὺς ἰουδαί̈ζοντας εἶχον ἐν ὑποψίᾳ, καὶ τὸ παρ' ἑκάστοις ἀμφίβολον οὔτε ἀνελεῖν τις προχείρως ὑπέμενεν καὶ μεμιγμένον ὡς βεβαίως ἀλλόφυλον ἐφοβεῖτο." '2.464. προεκαλεῖτο δὲ ἐπὶ τὰς σφαγὰς τῶν διαφόρων καὶ τοὺς πάλαι πρᾳοτάτους πάνυ δοκοῦντας ἡ πλεονεξία: τὰς γὰρ οὐσίας τῶν ἀναιρεθέντων ἀδεῶς διήρπαζον καὶ καθάπερ ἐκ παρατάξεως τὰ σκῦλα τῶν ἀνῃρημένων εἰς τοὺς σφετέρους οἴκους μετέφερον, ἔνδοξός τε ἦν ὁ πλεῖστα κερδάνας ὡς κατισχύσας πλειόνων.' "2.465. ἦν δὲ ἰδεῖν τὰς πόλεις μεστὰς ἀτάφων σωμάτων καὶ νεκροὺς ἅμα νηπίοις γέροντας ἐρριμμένους γύναιά τε μηδὲ τῆς ἐπ' αἰδοῖ σκέπης μετειληφότα, καὶ πᾶσαν μὲν τὴν ἐπαρχίαν μεστὴν ἀδιηγήτων συμφορῶν, μείζονα δὲ τῶν ἑκάστοτε τολμωμένων τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀπειλουμένοις ἀνάτασιν." "2.466. Μέχρι μὲν δὴ τούτων ̓Ιουδαίοις πρὸς τὸ ἀλλόφυλον ἦσαν προσβολαί, κατατρέχοντες δὲ εἰς Σκυθόπολιν τοὺς παρ' ἐκείνοις ̓Ιουδαίους ἐπείρασαν πολεμίους: ταξάμενοι γὰρ μετὰ τῶν Σκυθοπολιτῶν καὶ τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἀσφαλείας ἐν δευτέρῳ θέμενοι τὴν συγγένειαν ὁμόσε τοῖς ὁμοφύλοις ἐχώρουν. ὑπωπτεύθη δ' αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ λίαν πρόθυμον:" '2.467. οἱ γοῦν Σκυθοπολῖται δείσαντες μὴ νύκτωρ ἐπιχειρήσωσι τῇ πόλει καὶ μετὰ μεγάλης αὐτῶν συμφορᾶς τοῖς οἰκείοις ἀπολογήσωνται περὶ τῆς ἀποστάσεως, ἐκέλευον αὐτούς, εἰ βούλονται τὴν ὁμόνοιαν βεβαιῶσαι καὶ τὸ πρὸς τοὺς ἀλλοεθνεῖς πιστὸν ἐπιδείξασθαι, μεταβαίνειν ἅμα ταῖς γενεαῖς εἰς τὸ ἄλσος. 2.468. τῶν δὲ ποιησάντων τὸ προσταχθὲν χωρὶς ὑποψίας. δύο μὲν ἡμέρας ἠρέμησαν οἱ Σκυθοπολῖται τὴν πίστιν αὐτῶν δελεάζοντες, τῇ δὲ τρίτῃ νυκτὶ παρατηρήσαντες τοὺς μὲν ἀφυλάκτους οὓς δὲ κοιμωμένους ἅπαντας ἀπέσφαξαν ὄντας τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὑπὲρ μυρίους καὶ τρισχιλίους, τὰς δὲ κτήσεις διήρπασαν ἁπάντων.' "2.469. ̓́Αξιον δ' ἀφηγήσασθαι καὶ τὸ Σίμωνος πάθος, ὃς υἱὸς μὲν ἦν Σαούλου τινὸς τῶν οὐκ ἀσήμων, ῥώμῃ δὲ σώματος καὶ τόλμῃ διαφέρων ἐπὶ κακῷ τῶν ὁμοφύλων ἀμφοτέροις κατεχρήσατο:" "
2.471. περιέρχεται δ' αὐτὸν ἀξία ποινὴ τοῦ συγγενικοῦ φόνου: ἐπεὶ γὰρ περισχόντες οἱ Σκυθοπολῖται κατηκόντιζον αὐτοὺς ἀνὰ τὸ ἄλσος, σπασάμενος τὸ ξίφος ἐπ' οὐδένα μὲν ὥρμησεν τῶν πολεμίων, καὶ γὰρ ἑώρα τὸ πλῆθος ἀνήνυτον, ἀναβοήσας δὲ μάλα ἐκπαθῶς “ἄξιά γε ὧν ἔδρασα πάσχω," "2.472. Σκυθοπολῖται, καθ' ὑμῶν, οἳ τοσούτῳ φόνῳ συγγενῶν τὴν πρὸς αὐτοὺς εὔνοιαν ἐπιστωσάμεθα. τοιγαροῦν οἷς ἄπιστον μὲν εὐλόγως εὕρηται τὸ ἀλλόφυλον, ἠσέβηται δὲ εἰς ἔσχατα τὸ οἰκεῖον, θνήσκωμεν ὡς ἐναγεῖς χερσὶν ἰδίαις: οὐ γὰρ πρέπον ἐν ταῖς τῶν πολεμίων." "2.473. τὸ αὐτὸ δ' ἂν εἴη μοι καὶ ποινὴ τοῦ μιάσματος ἀξία καὶ πρὸς ἀνδρείαν ἔπαινος, ἵνα μηδεὶς τῶν ἐχθρῶν τὴν ἐμὴν αὐχήσῃ σφαγὴν μηδ' ἐπαλαζονεύσηται πεσόντι.”" "2.474. ταῦτα εἰπὼν ἐλεοῦσιν ἅμα καὶ τεθυμωμένοις ὄμμασιν περισκέπτεται τὴν ἑαυτοῦ γενεάν: ἦν δ' αὐτῷ καὶ γυνὴ καὶ τέκνα καὶ γηραιοὶ γονεῖς." "2.475. ὁ δὲ πρῶτον μὲν τὸν πατέρα τῆς πολιᾶς ἐπισπασάμενος διελαύνει τῷ ξίφει, μεθ' ὃν οὐκ ἄκουσαν τὴν μητέρα κἀπὶ τούτοις τήν τε γυναῖκα καὶ τὰ τέκνα, μόνον οὐχ ὑπαπαντῶντος ἑκάστου τῷ ξίφει καὶ σπεύδοντος φθάσαι τοὺς πολεμίους." "2.476. ὁ δὲ διελθὼν πᾶσαν τὴν γενεὰν καὶ περίοπτος ἐπιστὰς τοῖς σώμασιν τήν τε δεξιὰν ἀνατείνας, ὡς μηδένα λαθεῖν, ὅλον εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ σφαγὴν ἐβάπτισεν τὸ ξίφος, ἄξιος μὲν ἐλέους νεανίας δι' ἀλκὴν σώματος καὶ ψυχῆς παράστημα, τῆς δὲ πρὸς ἀλλοφύλους πίστεως ἕνεκεν ἀκολούθοις πάθεσι χρησάμενος." "2.477. Πρὸς δὲ τὴν ἐν Σκυθοπόλει φθορὰν αἱ λοιπαὶ πόλεις ἐπανίσταντο τοῖς καθ' ἑαυτὴν ̓Ιουδαίοις ἑκάστη, καὶ πεντακοσίους μὲν ἐπὶ δισχιλίοις ̓Ασκαλωνῖται, Πτολεμαεῖς δὲ δισχιλίους ἀνεῖλον ἔδησάν τ' οὐκ ὀλίγους." "2.478. καὶ Τύριοι συχνοὺς μὲν διεχειρίσαντο, πλείστους δ' αὐτῶν δεσμώτας ἐφρούρουν, ̔Ιππηνοί τε καὶ Γαδαρεῖς ὁμοίως τοὺς μὲν θρασυτέρους ἀπεσκευάσαντο, τοὺς δὲ φοβεροὺς διὰ φυλακῆς εἶχον, αἵ τε λοιπαὶ πόλεις τῆς Συρίας, ὅπως ἑκάστη πρὸς τὸ ̓Ιουδαϊκὸν ἢ μίσους ἢ δέους εἶχον." '2.479. μόνοι δὲ ̓Αντιοχεῖς καὶ Σιδώνιοι καὶ ̓Απαμεῖς ἐφείσαντο τῶν μετοικούντων καὶ οὔτε ἀνελεῖν τινας ̓Ιουδαίων ὑπέμειναν οὔτε δῆσαι, τάχα μὲν καὶ διὰ τὸ σφέτερον πλῆθος ὑπερορῶντες αὐτῶν πρὸς τὰ κινήματα, τὸ πλέον δὲ ἔμοιγε δοκεῖν οἴκτῳ πρὸς οὓς οὐδὲν ἑώρων νεωτερίζοντας.
7.45. Οὐεσπασιανὸς δὲ τὸ πρᾶγμα ὑποπτεύσας ἀναζητεῖ τὴν ἀλήθειαν καὶ γνοὺς ἄδικον τὴν αἰτίαν τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἐπενηνεγμένην τοὺς μὲν ἀφίησι τῶν ἐγκλημάτων Τίτου σπουδάσαντος, δίκην δ' ἐπέθηκεν ̓Ιωνάθῃ τὴν προσήκουσαν: ζῶν γὰρ κατεκαύθη πρότερον αἰκισθείς." '
7.45. τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ τρόπον καὶ τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα βασιλέων αὐτοῖς προσφερομένων εἴς τε πλῆθος ἐπέδωκαν καὶ τῇ κατασκευῇ καὶ τῇ πολυτελείᾳ τῶν ἀναθημάτων τὸ ἱερὸν ἐξελάμπρυναν, ἀεί τε προσαγόμενοι ταῖς θρησκείαις πολὺ πλῆθος ̔Ελλήνων, κἀκείνους τρόπῳ τινὶ μοῖραν αὐτῶν πεποίηντο.' "
7.159. τῇ γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ πλούτου χορηγίᾳ δαιμονίῳ χρησάμενος ἔτι καὶ τοῖς ἔκπαλαι κατωρθωμένοις γραφῆς τε καὶ πλαστικῆς ἔργοις αὐτὸ κατεκόσμησεν:' ". None
|1.79. “O strange!” said he, “it is good for me to die now, since truth is dead before me, and somewhat that I have foretold hath proved false; for this Antigonus is this day alive, who ought to have died this day; and the place where he ought to be slain, according to that fatal decree, was Strato’s Tower, which is at the distance of six hundred furlongs from this place; and yet four hours of this day are over already; which point of time renders the prediction impossible to be fulfilled.” |
1.403. 2. Yet did he not preserve their memory by particular buildings only, with their names given them, but his generosity went as far as entire cities; for when he had built a most beautiful wall round a country in Samaria, twenty furlongs long, and had brought six thousand inhabitants into it, and had allotted to it a most fruitful piece of land, and in the midst of this city, thus built, had erected a very large temple to Caesar, and had laid round about it a portion of sacred land of three furlongs and a half, he called the city Sebaste, from Sebastus, or Augustus, and settled the affairs of the city after a most regular manner. 1.404. 3. And when Caesar had further bestowed upon him another additional country, he built there also a temple of white marble, hard by the fountains of Jordan: the place is called Panium, 1.405. where is a top of a mountain that is raised to an immense height, and at its side, beneath, or at its bottom, a dark cave opens itself; within which there is a horrible precipice, that descends abruptly to a vast depth; it contains a mighty quantity of water, which is immovable; and when anybody lets down anything to measure the depth of the earth beneath the water, no length of cord is sufficient to reach it. 1.406. Now the fountains of Jordan rise at the roots of this cavity outwardly; and, as some think, this is the utmost origin of Jordan: but we shall speak of that matter more accurately in our following history.
1.408. 5. And when he observed that there was a city by the seaside that was much decayed (its name was Strato’s Tower) but that the place, by the happiness of its situation, was capable of great improvements from his liberality, he rebuilt it all with white stone, and adorned it with several most splendid palaces, wherein he especially demonstrated his magimity; 1.409. for the case was this, that all the seashore between Dora and Joppa, in the middle, between which this city is situated, had no good haven, insomuch that every one that sailed from Phoenicia for Egypt was obliged to lie in the stormy sea, by reason of the south winds that threatened them; which wind, if it blew but a little fresh, such vast waves are raised, and dash upon the rocks, that upon their retreat the sea is in a great ferment for a long way. 1.411. 6. Now, although the place where he built was greatly opposite to his purposes, yet did he so fully struggle with that difficulty, that the firmness of his building could not easily be conquered by the sea; and the beauty and ornament of the works were such, as though he had not had any difficulty in the operation; for when he had measured out as large a space as we have before mentioned, he let down stones into twentyfathom water, the greatest part of which were fifty feet in length, and nine in depth, and ten in breadth, and some still larger. 1.412. But when the haven was filled up to that depth, he enlarged that wall which was thus already extant above the sea, till it was two hundred feet wide; one hundred of which had buildings before it, in order to break the force of the waves, whence it was called Procumatia, or the first breaker of the waves; but the rest of the space was under a stone wall that ran round it. On this wall were very large towers, the principal and most beautiful of which was called Drusium, from Drusus, who was son-in-law to Caesar. 1.413. 7. There were also a great number of arches, where the mariners dwelt; and all the places before them round about was a large valley, or walk, for a quay or landing-place to those that came on shore; but the entrance was on the north, because the north wind was there the most gentle of all the winds. At the mouth of the haven were on each side three great Colossi, supported by pillars, where those Colossi that are on your left hand as you sail into the port are supported by a solid tower; but those on the right hand are supported by two upright stones joined together, which stones were larger than that tower which was on the other side of the entrance. 1.414. Now there were continual edifices joined to the haven, which were also themselves of white stone; and to this haven did the narrow streets of the city lead, and were built at equal distances one from another. And over against the mouth of the haven, upon an elevation, there was a temple for Caesar, which was excellent both in beauty and largeness; and therein was a Colossus of Caesar, not less than that of Jupiter Olympius, which it was made to resemble. The other Colossus of Rome was equal to that of Juno at Argos. So he dedicated the city to the province, and the haven to the sailors there; but the honor of the building he ascribed to Caesar, and named it Caesarea accordingly. 1.415. 8. He also built the other edifices, the amphitheater, and theater, and marketplace, in a manner agreeable to that denomination; and appointed games every fifth year, and called them, in like manner, Caesar’s Games; and he first himself proposed the largest prizes upon the hundred ninety-second olympiad; in which not only the victors themselves, but those that came next to them, and even those that came in the third place, were partakers of his royal bounty.
1.417. 9. Herod was also a lover of his father, if any other person ever was so; for he made a monument for his father, even that city which he built in the finest plain that was in his kingdom, and which had rivers and trees in abundance, and named it Antipatris. He also built a wall about a citadel that lay above Jericho, and was a very strong and very fine building, and dedicated it to his mother, and called it Cypros. 1.418. Moreover, he dedicated a tower that was at Jerusalem, and called it by the name of his brother Phasaelus, whose structure, largeness, and magnificence we shall describe hereafter. He also built another city in the valley that leads northward from Jericho, and named it Phasaelis.
1.422. 11. And when he had built so much, he showed the greatness of his soul to no small number of foreign cities. He built palaces for exercise at Tripoli, and Damascus, and Ptolemais; he built a wall about Byblus, as also large rooms, and cloisters, and temples, and marketplaces at Berytus and Tyre, with theaters at Sidon and Damascus. He also built aqueducts for those Laodiceans who lived by the seaside; and for those of Ascalon he built baths and costly fountains, as also cloisters round a court, that were admirable both for their workmanship and largeness. Moreover, he dedicated groves and meadows to some people;
2.1. 1. Now the necessity which Archelaus was under of taking a journey to Rome was the occasion of new disturbances; for when he had mourned for his father seven days, and had given a very expensive funeral feast to the multitude (which custom is the occasion of poverty to many of the Jews, because they are forced to feast the multitude; for if anyone omits it, he is not esteemed a holy person), he put on a white garment, and went up to the temple,
2.1. And, indeed, at the feast of unleavened bread, which was now at hand, and is by the Jews called the Passover, and used to be celebrated with a great number of sacrifices, an innumerable multitude of the people came out of the country to worship; some of these stood in the temple bewailing the Rabbins that had been put to death, and procured their sustece by begging, in order to support their sedition.
2.1. but after this family distribution, he gave between them what had been bequeathed to him by Herod, which was a thousand talents, reserving to himself only some inconsiderable presents, in honor of the deceased. 2.2. 3. In the meantime, Antipas went also to Rome, to strive for the kingdom, and to insist that the former testament, wherein he was named to be king, was valid before the latter testament. Salome had also promised to assist him, as had many of Archelaus’s kindred, who sailed along with Archelaus himself also. 2.2. But as they could be no way prevailed upon, and he saw that the country was in danger of lying without tillage (for it was about seedtime that the multitude continued for fifty days together idle); so he at last got them together, 2.2. where the people accosted him with various acclamations. He also spoke kindly to the multitude from an elevated seat and a throne of gold, and returned them thanks for the zeal they had shown about his father’s funeral, and the submission they had made to him, as if he were already settled in the kingdom; but he told them withal, that he would not at present take upon him either the authority of a king, or the names thereto belonging, until Caesar, who is made lord of this whole affair by the testament, confirm the succession; 2.3. And indeed the purport of his whole discourse was to aggravate Archelaus’s crime in slaying such a multitude about the temple, which multitude came to the festival, but were barbarously slain in the midst of their own sacrifices; and he said there was such a vast number of dead bodies heaped together in the temple, as even a foreign war, that should come upon them suddenly, before it was denounced, could not have heaped together. 2.3. With this message was the multitude amazed; and upon the coming of Capito’s horsemen into the midst of them, they were dispersed before they could salute Florus, or manifest their submissive behavior to him. Accordingly, they retired to their own houses, and spent that night in fear and confusion of face. 2.3. for that when the soldiers would have set the diadem on his head at Jericho, he would not accept of it; but that he would make abundant requitals, not to the soldiers only, but to the people, for their alacrity and goodwill to him, when the superior lords the Romans should have given him a complete title to the kingdom; for that it should be his study to appear in all things better than his father. 2.4. 2. Upon this the multitude were pleased, and presently made a trial of what he intended, by asking great things of him; for some made a clamor that he would ease them in their taxes; others, that he would take off the duties upon commodities; and some, that he would loose those that were in prison; in all which cases he answered readily to their satisfaction, in order to get the goodwill of the multitude; after which he offered the proper sacrifices, and feasted with his friends. 2.4. Have pity, therefore, if not on your children and wives, yet upon this your metropolis, and its sacred walls; spare the temple, and preserve the holy house, with its holy furniture, for yourselves; for if the Romans get you under their power, they will no longer abstain from them, when their former abstinence shall have been so ungratefully requited. 2.4. This was foreseen by Varus, who accordingly, after Archelaus was sailed, went up to Jerusalem to restrain the promoters of the sedition, since it was manifest that the nation would not be at rest; so he left one of those legions which he brought with him out of Syria in the city, 2.5. And here it was that a great many of those that desired innovations came in crowds towards the evening, and began then to mourn on their own account, when the public mourning for the king was over. These lamented those that were put to death by Herod, because they had cut down the golden eagle that had been over the gate of the temple. 2.5. but so many of them as crept out from the walls, and came upon the Romans, were easily mastered by them, by reason of the astonishment they were under; until at last some of the Jews being destroyed, and others dispersed by the terror they were in, the soldiers fell upon the treasure of God, which was now deserted, and plundered about four hundred talents, of which sum Sabinus got together all that was not carried away by the soldiers. 2.5. o he took out of Antioch the twelfth legion entire, and out of each of the rest he selected two thousand, with six cohorts of footmen, and four troops of horsemen, besides those auxiliaries which were sent by the kings; of which Antiochus sent two thousand horsemen, and three thousand footmen, with as many archers; and Agrippa sent the same number of footmen, and one thousand of horsemen; 2.6. 3. At this time it was that a certain shepherd ventured to set himself up for a king; he was called Athrongeus. It was his strength of body that made him expect such a dignity, as well as his soul, which despised death; and besides these qualifications, he had four brethren like himself. 2.6. Nor was this mourning of a private nature, but the lamentations were very great, the mourning solemn, and the weeping such as was loudly heard all over the city, as being for those men who had perished for the laws of their country, and for the temple. 2.6. Then it was that Josephus’s friends, and the guards of his body, were so affrighted at this violent assault of the multitude, that they all fled away but four; and as he was asleep, they awakened him, as the people were going to set fire to the house. 2.7. He thence marched on to the village Sampho, another fortified place, which they plundered, as they had done the other. As they carried off all the money they lighted upon belonging to the public revenues, all was now full of fire and bloodshed, and nothing could resist the plunders of the Arabians. 2.7. They cried out that a punishment ought to be inflicted for these men upon those that were honored by Herod; and that, in the first place, the man whom he had made high priest should be deprived; and that it was fit to choose a person of greater piety and purity than he was. 2.8. 1. But now came another accusation from the Jews against Archelaus at Rome, which he was to answer to. It was made by those ambassadors who, before the revolt, had come, by Varus’s permission, to plead for the liberty of their country; those that came were fifty in number, but there were more than eight thousand of the Jews at Rome who supported them. 2.8. 3. At these clamors Archelaus was provoked, but restrained himself from taking vengeance on the authors, on account of the haste he was in of going to Rome, as fearing lest, upon his making war on the multitude, such an action might detain him at home. Accordingly, he made trial to quiet the innovators by persuasion, rather than by force, and sent his general in a private way to them, and by him exhorted them to be quiet. 2.9. But the seditious threw stones at him, and drove him away, as he came into the temple, and before he could say anything to them. The like treatment they showed to others, who came to them after him, many of which were sent by Archelaus, in order to reduce them to sobriety, and these answered still on all occasions after a passionate manner; and it openly appeared that they would not be quiet, if their numbers were but considerable. 2.9. that, however, those that were left after so many miseries, had just reason to consider now at last the calamities they had undergone, and to oppose themselves, like soldiers in war, to receive those stripes upon their faces but not upon their backs, as hitherto. Whereupon they prayed that the Romans would have compassion upon the poor remains of Judea, and not expose what was left of them to such as barbarously tore them to pieces,
2.11. At this Archelaus was affrighted, and privately sent a tribune, with his cohort of soldiers, upon them, before the disease should spread over the whole multitude, and gave orders that they should constrain those that began the tumult, by force, to be quiet. At these the whole multitude were irritated, and threw stones at many of the soldiers, and killed them; but the tribune fled away wounded, and had much ado to escape so.
2.11. Caesar laughed at the contrivance, and put this spurious Alexander among his rowers, on account of the strength of his body, but ordered him that persuaded him to be put to death. But for the people of Melos, they had been sufficiently punished for their folly, by the expenses they had been at on his account.
2.12. After which they betook themselves to their sacrifices, as if they had done no mischief; nor did it appear to Archelaus that the multitude could be restrained without bloodshed; so he sent his whole army upon them, the footmen in great multitudes, by the way of the city, and the horsemen by the way of the plain,
2.12. These Essenes reject pleasures as an evil, but esteem continence, and the conquest over our passions, to be virtue. They neglect wedlock, but choose out other persons’ children, while they are pliable, and fit for learning, and esteem them to be of their kindred, and form them according to their own manners.
2.13. and quietly set themselves down; upon which the baker lays them loaves in order; the cook also brings a single plate of one sort of food, and sets it before every one of them;
2.13. who, falling upon them on the sudden, as they were offering their sacrifices, destroyed about three thousand of them; but the rest of the multitude were dispersed upon the adjoining mountains: these were followed by Archelaus’s heralds, who commanded every one to retire to their own homes, whither they all went, and left the festival.
2.14. 1. Archelaus went down now to the seaside, with his mother and his friends, Poplas, and Ptolemy, and Nicolaus, and left behind him Philip, to be his steward in the palace, and to take care of his domestic affairs.
2.14. that he will ever show fidelity to all men, and especially to those in authority, because no one obtains the government without God’s assistance; and that if he be in authority, he will at no time whatever abuse his authority, nor endeavor to outshine his subjects either in his garments, or any other finery;
2.15. 10. Now after the time of their preparatory trial is over, they are parted into four classes; and so far are the juniors inferior to the seniors, that if the seniors should be touched by the juniors, they must wash themselves, as if they had intermixed themselves with the company of a foreigner.
2.15. Salome went also along with him with her sons, as did also the king’s brethren and sons-in-law. These, in appearance, went to give him all the assistance they were able, in order to secure his succession, but in reality to accuse him for his breach of the laws by what he had done at the temple.
2.16. 2. But as they were come to Caesarea, Sabinus, the procurator of Syria, met them; he was going up to Judea, to secure Herod’s effects; but Varus, president of Syria, who was come thither, restrained him from going any farther. This Varus Archelaus had sent for, by the earnest entreaty of Ptolemy.
2.16. 13. Moreover, there is another order of Essenes, who agree with the rest as to their way of living, and customs, and laws, but differ from them in the point of marriage, as thinking that by not marrying they cut off the principal part of human life, which is the prospect of succession; nay, rather, that if all men should be of the same opinion, the whole race of mankind would fail.
2.17. At this time, indeed, Sabinus, to gratify Varus, neither went to the citadels, nor did he shut up the treasuries where his father’s money was laid up, but promised that he would lie still, until Caesar should have taken cognizance of the affair. So he abode at Caesarea;
2.17. This excited a very great tumult among the Jews when it was day; for those that were near them were astonished at the sight of them, as indications that their laws were trodden underfoot: for those laws do not permit any sort of image to be brought into the city. Nay, besides the indignation which the citizens had themselves at this procedure, a vast number of people came running out of the country.
2.18. This was told to Tiberius by one of Agrippa’s domestics, who thereupon was very angry, and ordered Agrippa to be bound, and had him very ill-treated in the prison for six months, until Tiberius died, after he had reigned twenty-two years, six months, and three days.
2.18. but as soon as those that were his hinderance were gone, when Varus was gone to Antioch, and Archelaus was sailed to Rome, he immediately went on to Jerusalem, and seized upon the palace. And when he had called for the governors of the citadels, and the stewards of the king’s private affairs, he tried to sift out the accounts of the money, and to take possession of the citadels.
2.19. But the governors of those citadels were not unmindful of the commands laid upon them by Archelaus, and continued to guard them, and said the custody of them rather belonged to Caesar than to Archelaus.
2.19. for the place is round and hollow, and affords such sand as glass is made of; which place, when it hath been emptied by the many ships there loaded, it is filled again by the winds, which bring into it, as it were on purpose, that sand which lay remote, and was no more than bare common sand, while this mine presently turns it into glassy sand.
2.21. He also carried along with him his mother, and Ptolemy, the brother of Nicolaus, who seemed one of great weight, on account of the great trust Herod put in him, he having been one of his most honored friends. However, Antipas depended chiefly upon Ireneus, the orator; upon whose authority he had rejected such as advised him to yield to Archelaus, because he was his elder brother, and because the second testament gave the kingdom to him.
2.21. that, however, if it must come to that, it was proper to choose a place without the city for the war, because it was not agreeable to piety to pollute the temples of their own city with the blood of their own countrymen, and this only on occasion of their imprudent conduct. And when Agrippa had heard this message, he delivered it to the senators. 2.22. He left behind him three daughters, born to him by Cypros, Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusilla, and a son born of the same mother, whose name was Agrippa: he was left a very young child, so that Claudius made the country a Roman province, and sent Cuspius Fadus to be its procurator, and after him Tiberius Alexander, who, making no alterations of the ancient laws, kept the nation in tranquility. 2.22. The inclinations also of all Archelaus’s kindred, who hated him, were removed to Antipas, when they came to Rome; although in the first place every one rather desired to live under their own laws without a king, and to be under a Roman governor; but if they should fail in that point, these desired that Antipas might be their king. 2.23. 4. Sabinus did also afford these his assistance to the same purpose, by letters he sent, wherein he accused Archelaus before Caesar, and highly commended Antipas. 2.23. Hereupon the Jews were in great disorder, as if their whole country were in a flame, and assembled themselves so many of them by their zeal for their religion, as by an engine, and ran together with united clamor to Caesarea, to Cumanus, and made supplication to him that he would not overlook this man, who had offered such an affront to God, and to his law; but punish him for what he had done. 2.24. Salome also, and those with her, put the crimes which they accused Archelaus of in order, and put them into Caesar’s hands; and after they had done that, Archelaus wrote down the reasons of his claim, and, by Ptolemy, sent in his father’s ring, and his father’s accounts. 2.24. the great men also of the Jews, and Jonathan the son of Aus the high priest, came thither, and said that the Samaritans were the beginners of the disturbance, on account of that murder they had committed; and that Cumanus had given occasion to what had happened, by his unwillingness to punish the original authors of that murder. 2.25. 1. Now as to the many things in which Nero acted like a madman, out of the extravagant degree of the felicity and riches which he enjoyed, and by that means used his good fortune to the injury of others; and after what manner he slew his brother, and wife, and mother, from whom his barbarity spread itself to others that were most nearly related to him; 2.25. And when Caesar had maturely weighed by himself what both had to allege for themselves, as also had considered of the great burden of the kingdom, and largeness of the revenues, and withal the number of the children Herod had left behind him, and had moreover read the letters he had received from Varus and Sabinus on this occasion, he assembled the principal persons among the Romans together (in which assembly Caius, the son of Agrippa, and his daughter Julias, but by himself adopted for his own son, sat in the first seat) and gave the pleaders leave to speak. 2.26. 5. Then stood up Salome’s son, Antipater (who of all Archelaus’s antagonists was the shrewdest pleader), and accused him in the following speech: That Archelaus did in words contend for the kingdom, but that in deeds he had long exercised royal authority, and so did but insult Caesar in desiring to be now heard on that account, since he had not staid for his determination about the succession, 2.26. But Felix thought this procedure was to be the beginning of a revolt; so he sent some horsemen and footmen both armed, who destroyed a great number of them. 2.27. And as Felix came once into the marketplace, and commanded the Jews, when they had beaten the Syrians, to go their ways, and threatened them if they would not, and they would not obey him, he sent his soldiers out upon them, and slew a great many of them, upon which it fell out that what they had was plundered. And as the sedition still continued, he chose out the most eminent men on both sides as ambassadors to Nero, to argue about their several privileges. 2.27. and since he had suborned certain persons, after Herod’s death, to move for putting the diadem upon his head; since he had set himself down in the throne, and given answers as a king, and altered the disposition of the army, and granted to some higher dignities; 2.28. 3. And truly, while Cestius Gallus was president of the province of Syria, nobody durst do so much as send an embassage to him against Florus; but when he was come to Jerusalem, upon the approach of the feast of unleavened bread, the people came about him not fewer in number than three millions: these besought him to commiserate the calamities of their nation, and cried out upon Florus as the bane of their country. 2.28. that he had also complied in all things with the people in the requests they had made to him as to their king, and had also dismissed those that had been put into bonds by his father for most important reasons. Now, after all this, he desires the shadow of that royal authority, whose substance he had already seized to himself, and so hath made Caesar lord, not of things, but of words. 2.29. He also reproached him further, that his mourning for his father was only pretended, while he put on a sad countece in the daytime, but drank to great excess in the night; from which behavior, he said, the late disturbance among the multitude came, while they had an indignation thereat. 2.29. Whereupon the sober and moderate part of the Jews thought it proper to have recourse to their governors again, while the seditious part, and such as were in the fervor of their youth, were vehemently inflamed to fight. The seditious also among the Gentiles of Caesarea stood ready for the same purpose; for they had, by agreement, sent the man to sacrifice beforehand as ready to support him so that it soon came to blows.
2.31. And he added, that it was the foresight his father had of that his barbarity, which made him never give him any hopes of the kingdom, but when his mind was more infirm than his body, and he was not able to reason soundly, and did not well know what was the character of that son, whom in his second testament he made his successor; and this was done by him at a time when he had no complaints to make of him whom he had named before, when he was sound in body, and when his mind was free from all passion.
2.31. but as his sister Bernice was come to Jerusalem, and saw the wicked practices of the soldiers, she was sorely affected at it, and frequently sent the masters of her horse and her guards to Florus, and begged of him to leave off these slaughters; 2.32. Now the high priests assembled the multitude in the temple, and desired them to go and meet the Romans, and to salute the cohorts very civilly, before their miserable case should become incurable. Now the seditious part would not comply with these persuasions; but the consideration of those that had been destroyed made them incline to those that were the boldest for action. 2.32. That, however, if anyone should suppose Herod’s judgment, when he was sick, was superior to that at another time, yet had Archelaus forfeited his kingdom by his own behavior, and those his actions, which were contrary to the law, and to its disadvantage. Or what sort of a king will this man be, when he hath obtained the government from Caesar, who hath slain so many before he hath obtained it! 2.33. 6. But for the seditious, they were afraid lest Florus should come again, and get possession of the temple, through Antonia; so they got immediately upon those cloisters of the temple that joined to Antonia, and cut them down. 2.33. 6. When Antipater had spoken largely to this purpose, and had produced a great number of Archelaus’s kindred as witnesses, to prove every part of the accusation, he ended his discourse. 2.34. Then stood up Nicolaus to plead for Archelaus. He alleged that the slaughter in the temple could not be avoided; that those that were slain were become enemies not to Archelaus’s kingdom only, but to Caesar, who was to determine about him. 2.34. They then persuaded Neopolitanus, by the means of Agrippa, that he would walk round the city, with one only servant, as far as Siloam, that he might inform himself that the Jews submitted to all the rest of the Romans, and were only displeased at Florus, by reason of his exceeding barbarity to them. So he walked round, and had sufficient experience of the good temper the people were in, and then went up to the temple, 2.35. Consider now the several cases that may be supposed, how little occasion there is for your going to war. Your first occasion is the accusations you have to make against your procurators; now here you ought to be submissive to those in authority, and not give them any provocation; 2.35. He also demonstrated that Archelaus’s accusers had advised him to perpetrate other things of which he might have been accused. But he insisted that the latter testament should, for this reason, above all others, be esteemed valid, because Herod had therein appointed Caesar to be the person who should confirm the succession; 2.36. These Macedonians, also, who still fancy what great men their Philip and Alexander were, and see that the latter had promised them the empire over the world, these bear so great a change, and pay their obedience to those whom fortune hath advanced in their stead. 2.36. for he who showed such prudence as to recede from his own power, and yield it up to the lord of the world, cannot be supposed mistaken in his judgment about him that was to be his heir; and he that so well knew whom to choose for arbitrator of the succession could not be unacquainted with him whom he chose for his successor. 2.37. 7. When Nicolaus had gone through all he had to say, Archelaus came, and fell down before Caesar’s knees, without any noise;—upon which he raised him up, after a very obliging manner, and declared that truly he was worthy to succeed his father. However, he still made no firm determination in his case; 2.37. Dalmatians, who have made such frequent insurrections in order to regain their liberty, and who could never before be so thoroughly subdued, but that they always gathered their forces together again, and revolted, yet are they now very quiet under one Roman legion. 2.38. Now, when almost all people under the sun submit to the Roman arms, will you be the only people that make war against them? and this without regarding the fate of the Carthaginians, who, in the midst of their brags of the great Hannibal, and the nobility of their Phoenician original, fell by the hand of Scipio. 2.38. but when he had dismissed those assessors that had been with him that day, he deliberated by himself about the allegations which he had heard, whether it were fit to constitute any of those named in the testaments for Herod’s successor, or whether the government should be parted among all his posterity, and this because of the number of those that seemed to stand in need of support therefrom. 2.39. 1. Now before Caesar had determined anything about these affairs, Malthace, Archelaus’s mother, fell sick and died. Letters also were brought out of Syria from Varus, about a revolt of the Jews. 2.39. What remains, therefore, is this, that you have recourse to Divine assistance; but this is already on the side of the Romans; for it is impossible that so vast an empire should be settled without God’s providence.
2.41. and went himself to Antioch. But Sabinus came, after he was gone, and gave them an occasion of making innovations; for he compelled the keepers of the citadels to deliver them up to him, and made a bitter search after the king’s money, as depending not only on the soldiers which were left by Varus, but on the multitude of his own servants, all which he armed and used as the instruments of his covetousness.
2.41. and when many of the high priests and principal men besought them not to omit the sacrifice, which it was customary for them to offer for their princes, they would not be prevailed upon. These relied much upon their multitude, for the most flourishing part of the innovators assisted them; but they had the chief regard to Eleazar, the governor of the temple. 2.42. Now this terrible message was good news to Florus; and because his design was to have a war kindled, he gave the ambassadors no answer at all. 2.42. Now when that feast, which was observed after seven weeks, and which the Jews called Pentecost (i.e. the 50th day) was at hand, its name being taken from the number of the days after the passover, the people got together, but not on account of the accustomed Divine worship, but of the indignation they had at the present state of affairs. 2.43. 7. But on the next day, which was the fifteenth of the month Lous, Ab, they made an assault upon Antonia, and besieged the garrison which was in it two days, and then took the garrison, and slew them, and set the citadel on fire; 2.43. Wherefore an immense multitude ran together, out of Galilee, and Idumea, and Jericho, and Perea, that was beyond Jordan; but the people that naturally belonged to Judea itself were above the rest, both in number, and in the alacrity of the men. 2.44. But Manahem and his party fell upon the place whence the soldiers were fled, and slew as many of them as they could catch, before they got up to the towers, and plundered what they left behind them, and set fire to their camp. This was executed on the sixth day of the month Gorpieus Elul. 2.44. So they distributed themselves into three parts, and pitched their camps in three places; one at the north side of the temple, another at the south side, by the Hippodrome, and the third part were at the palace on the west. So they lay round about the Romans on every side, and besieged them. 2.45. 2. Now Sabinus was affrighted, both at their multitude, and at their courage, and sent messengers to Varus continually, and besought him to come to his succor quickly; for that if he delayed, his legion would be cut to pieces. 2.45. It is true, that when the people earnestly desired that they would leave off besieging the soldiers, they were the more earnest in pressing it forward, and this till Metilius, who was the Roman general, sent to Eleazar, and desired that they would give them security to spare their lives only; but agreed to deliver up their arms, and what else they had with them. 2.46. As for Sabinus himself, he got up to the highest tower of the fortress, which was called Phasaelus; it is of the same name with Herod’s brother, who was destroyed by the Parthians; and then he made signs to the soldiers of that legion to attack the enemy; for his astonishment was so great, that he durst not go down to his own men. 2.46. nor was either Sabaste (Samaria) or Askelon able to oppose the violence with which they were attacked; and when they had burnt these to the ground; they entirely demolished Anthedon and Gaza; many also of the villages that were about every one of those cities were plundered, and an immense slaughter was made of the men who were caught in them. 2.47. Hereupon the soldiers were prevailed upon, and leaped out into the temple, and fought a terrible battle with the Jews; in which, while there were none over their heads to distress them, they were too hard for them, by their skill, and the others’ want of skill, in war; 2.47. for he came every day and slew a great many of the Jews of Scythopolis, and he frequently put them to flight, and became himself alone the cause of his army’s conquering. 2.48. As for the Gerasens, they did no harm to those that abode with them; and for those who had a mind to go away, they conducted them as far as their borders reached. 2.48. but when once many of the Jews had gotten up to the top of the cloisters, and threw their darts downwards, upon the heads of the Romans, there were a great many of them destroyed. Nor was it easy to avenge themselves upon those that threw their weapons from on high, nor was it more easy for them to sustain those who came to fight them hand to hand. 2.49. 3. Since therefore the Romans were sorely afflicted by both these circumstances, they set fire to the cloisters, which were works to be admired, both on account of their magnitude and costliness. Whereupon those that were above them were presently encompassed with the flame, and many of them perished therein; as many of them also were destroyed by the enemy, who came suddenly upon them; some of them also threw themselves down from the walls backward, and some there were who, from the desperate condition they were in, prevented the fire, by killing themselves with their own swords; 2.49. but at this time especially, when there were tumults in other places also, the disorders among them were put into a greater flame; for when the Alexandrians had once a public assembly, to deliberate about an embassage they were sending to Nero, a great number of Jews came flocking to the theater;
2.51. 4. However, this destruction of the works about the temple, and of the men, occasioned a much greater number, and those of a more warlike sort, to get together, to oppose the Romans. These encompassed the palace round, and threatened to destroy all that were in it, unless they went their ways quickly; for they promised that Sabinus should come to no harm, if he would go out with his legion.
2.51. 11. But Cestius sent Gallus, the commander of the twelfth legion, into Galilee, and delivered to him as many of his forces as he supposed sufficient to subdue that nation. 2.52. There were also a great many of the king’s party who deserted the Romans, and assisted the Jews; yet did the most warlike body of them all, who were three thousand of the men of Sebaste, go over to the Romans. Rufus also, and Gratus, their captains, did the same (Gratus having the foot of the king’s party under him, and Rufus the horse) each of whom, even without the forces under them, were of great weight, on account of their strength and wisdom, which turn the scales in war. 2.52. of whom the most valiant were the kinsmen of Monobazus, king of Adiabene, and their names were Monobazus and Kenedeus; and next to them were Niger of Perea, and Silas of Babylon, who had deserted from king Agrippa to the Jews; for he had formerly served in his army. 2.53. But when Cestius was come into the city, he set the part called Bezetha, which is also called Cenopolis, or the new city, on fire; as he did also to the timber market; after which he came into the upper city, and pitched his camp over against the royal palace; 2.53. Now the Jews persevered in the siege, and tried to break downthe walls of the fortress, and cried out to Sabinus and his party, that they should go their ways, and not prove a hinderance to them, now they hoped, after a long time, to recover that ancient liberty which their forefathers had enjoyed. 2.54. 7. It then happened that Cestius was not conscious either how the besieged despaired of success, nor how courageous the people were for him; and so he recalled his soldiers from the place, and by despairing of any expectation of taking it, without having received any disgrace, he retired from the city, without any reason in the world. 2.54. Sabinus indeed was well contented to get out of the danger he was in, but he distrusted the assurances the Jews gave him, and suspected such gentle treatment was but a bait laid as a snare for them: this consideration, together with the hopes he had of succor from Varus, made him bear the siege still longer. 2.55. 1. At this time there were great disturbances in the country, and that in many places; and the opportunity that now offered itself induced a great many to set up for kings. And indeed in Idumea two thousand of Herod’s veteran soldiers got together, and armedthemselves, and fought against those of the king’s party; against whom Achiabus, the king’s first cousin, fought, and that out of some of the places that were the most strongly fortified; but so as to avoid a direct conflict with them in the plains. 2.55. Indeed, things were come to such a pass, that the Jews had almost taken Cestius’s entire army prisoners, had not the night come on, when the Romans fled to Bethoron, and the Jews seized upon all the places round about them, and watched for their coming out in the morning. 2.56. In Sepphoris also, a city of Galilee, there was one Judas (the son of that arch-robber Hezekias, who formerly overran the country, and had been subdued by king Herod); this man got no small multitude together, and broke open the place where the royal armor was laid up, and armed those about him, and attacked those that were so earnest to gain the dominion. 2.56. and as they had them already cooped up together in the place of public exercises, which they had done out of the suspicion they had of them, they thought they should meet with no difficulty in the attempt; yet did they distrust their own wives, which were almost all of them addicted to the Jewish religion; 2.57. 2. In Perea also, Simon, one of the servants to the king, relying upon the handsome appearance and tallness of his body, put a diadem upon his own head also; he also went about with a company of robbers that he had gotten together, and burnt down the royal palace that was at Jericho, and many other costly edifices besides, and procured himself very easily spoils by rapine, as snatching them out of the fire. 2.57. And being conscious to himself that if he communicated part of his power to the great men, he should make them his fast friends; and that he should gain the same favor from the multitude, if he executed his commands by persons of their own country, and with whom they were well acquainted; he chose out seventy of the most prudent men, and those elders in age, and appointed them to be rulers of all Galilee, 2.58. And he had soon burnt down all the fine edifices, if Gratus, the captain of the foot of the king’s party, had not taken the Trachonite archers, and the most warlike of Sebaste, and met the man. 2.58. He also continually instructed them in what concerned the courage of the soul, and the hardiness of the body; and, above all, he exercised them for war, by declaring to them distinctly the good order of the Romans, and that they were to fight with men who, both by the strength of their bodies and courage of their souls, had conquered in a manner the whole habitable earth. 2.59. 2. However, John’s want of money had hitherto restrained him in his ambition after command, and in his attempts to advance himself. But when he saw that Josephus was highly pleased with the activity of his temper, he persuaded him, in the first place, to intrust him with the repairing of the walls of his native city, Gischala, in which work he got a great deal of money from the rich citizens. 2.59. His footmen were slain in the battle in abundance; Gratus also cut to pieces Simon himself, as he was flying along a strait valley, when he gave him an oblique stroke upon his neck, as he ran away, and broke it. The royal palaces that were near Jordan at Betharamptha were also burnt down by some other of the seditious that came out of Perea. 2.61. 5. Hereupon the rest of the multitude that had been deluded retired; but yet so that they went away angry, and two thousand of them made an assault upon him in their armor; and as he was already gone to his own house, they stood without and threatened him. 2.61. He put a troop of armed men under each of these his brethren, and made use of them as his generals and commanders, when he made his incursions, while he did himself act like a king, and meddled only with the more important affairs; 2.62. 7. But now the soldiers he had with him took up their arms immediately, and marched against the plotters; but Josephus was afraid lest a civil war should be raised by the envy of a few men, and bring the city to ruin; so he sent some of his party to tell them, that they should do no more than provide for their own safety; that they should not kill any body, nor accuse any for the occasion they had afforded of disorder. 2.62. and at this time he put a diadem about his head, and continued after that to overrun the country for no little time with his brethren, and became their leader in killing both the Romans and those of the king’s party; nor did any Jew escape him, if any gain could accrue to him thereby. 2.63. He once ventured to encompass a whole troop of Romans at Emmaus, who were carrying corn and weapons to their legion; his men therefore shot their arrows and darts, and thereby slew their centurion Arius, and forty of the stoutest of his men, while the rest of them, who were in danger of the same fate, upon the coming of Gratus, with those of Sebaste, to their assistance, escaped. 2.63. Yet did he recover these cities without war; and when he had routed those four commanders by stratagems, and had taken the most potent of their warriors, he sent them to Jerusalem; 2.64. After which, under one new pretense or another, he called forth others, one after another, to make the leagues between them. 2.64. And when these men had thus served both their own countrymen and foreigners, and that through this whole war, three of them were, after some time, subdued; the eldest by Archelaus, the two next by falling into the hands of Gratus and Ptolemus; but the fourth delivered himself up to Archelaus, upon his giving him his right hand for his security. 2.65. However, this their end was not till afterward, while at present they filled all Judea with a piratic war. 2.65. There were also such omens observed as were understood to be forerunners of evils by such as loved peace, but were by those that kindled the war interpreted so as to suit their own inclinations; and the very state of the city, even before the Romans came against it, was that of a place doomed to destruction. 2.66. 1. Upon Varus’s reception of the letters that were written by Sabinus and the captains, he could not avoid being afraid for the whole legion he had left there. So he made haste to their relief, 2.67. and took with him the other two legions, with the four troops of horsemen to them belonging, and marched to Ptolemais,—having given orders for the auxiliaries that were sent by the kings and governors of cities to meet him there. Moreover, he received from the people of Berytus, as he passed through their city, fifteen hundred armed men. 2.68. Now as soon as the other body of auxiliaries were come to Ptolemais, as well as Aretas the Arabian (who, out of the hatred he bore to Herod, brought a great army of horse and foot), Varus sent a part of his army presently to Galilee, which lay near to Ptolemais, and Caius, one of his friends, for their captain. This Caius put those that met him to flight, and took the city Sepphoris, and burnt it, and made slaves of its inhabitants; 2.69. but as for Varus himself, he marched to Samaria with his whole army, where he did not meddle with the city itself, because he found that it had made no commotion during these troubles, but pitched his camp about a certain village which was called Arus. It belonged to Ptolemy, and on that account was plundered by the Arabians, who were very angry even at Herod’s friends also.
2.71. Emmaus was also burnt, upon the flight of its inhabitants, and this at the command of Varus, out of his rage at the slaughter of those that were about Arius. 2.72. 2. Thence he marched on to Jerusalem, and as soon as he was but seen by the Jews, he made their camps disperse themselves; 2.73. they also went away, and fled up and down the country. But the citizens received him, and cleared themselves of having any hand in this revolt, and said that they had raised no commotions, but had only been forced to admit the multitude, because of the festival, and that they were rather besieged together with the Romans, than assisted those that had revolted. 2.74. There had before this met him Joseph, the first cousin of Archelaus, and Gratus, together with Rufus, who led those of Sebaste, as well as the king’s army: there also met him those of the Roman legion, armed after their accustomed manner; for as to Sabinus, he durst not come into Varus’s sight, but was gone out of the city before this, to the seaside. 2.75. But Varus sent a part of his army into the country, against those that had been the authors of this commotion, and as they caught great numbers of them, those that appeared to have been the least concerned in these tumults he put into custody, but such as were the most guilty he crucified; these were in number about two thousand. 2.76. 3. He was also informed that there continued in Idumea ten thousand men still in arms; but when he found that the Arabians did not act like auxiliaries, but managed the war according to their own passions, and did mischief to the country otherwise than he intended, and this out of their hatred to Herod, he sent them away, but made haste, with his own legions, to march against those that had revolted; 2.77. but these, by the advice of Achiabus, delivered themselves up to him before it came to a battle. Then did Varus forgive the multitude their offenses, but sent their captains to Caesar to be examined by him. 2.78. Now Caesar forgave the rest, but gave orders that certain of the king’s relations (for some of those that were among them were Herod’s kinsmen) should be put to death, because they had engaged in a war against a king of their own family. 2.79. When therefore Varus had settled matters at Jerusalem after this manner, and had left the former legion there as a garrison, he returned to Antioch.
2.81. And when Caesar had assembled a council of the principal Romans in Apollo’s temple, that was in the palace (this was what he had himself built and adorned, at a vast expense), the multitude of the Jews stood with the ambassadors, and on the other side stood Archelaus, with his friends; 2.82. but as for the kindred of Archelaus, they stood on neither side; for to stand on Archelaus’s side, their hatred to him, and envy at him, would not give them leave, while yet they were afraid to be seen by Caesar with his accusers. 2.83. Besides these, there were present Archelaus’ brother Philip, being sent thither beforehand, out of kindness by Varus, for two reasons: the one was this, that he might be assisting to Archelaus; and the other was this, that in case Caesar should make a distribution of what Herod possessed among his posterity, he might obtain some share of it. 2.84. 2. And now, upon the permission that was given the accusers to speak, they, in the first place, went over Herod’s breaches of their law, and said that he was not a king, but the most barbarous of all tyrants, and that they had found him to be such by the sufferings they underwent from him; that when a very great number had been slain by him, those that were left had endured such miseries, that they called those that were dead happy men; 2.85. that he had not only tortured the bodies of his subjects, but entire cities, and had done much harm to the cities of his own country, while he adorned those that belonged to foreigners; and he shed the blood of Jews, in order to do kindnesses to those people who were out of their bounds; 2.86. that he had filled the nation full of poverty, and of the greatest iniquity, instead of that happiness and those laws which they had anciently enjoyed; that, in short, the Jews had borne more calamities from Herod, in a few years, than had their forefathers during all that interval of time that had passed since they had come out of Babylon, and returned home, in the reign of Xerxes: 2.87. that, however, the nation was come to so low a condition, by being inured to hardships, that they submitted to his successor of their own accord, though he brought them into bitter slavery; 2.88. that accordingly they readily called Archelaus, though he was the son of so great a tyrant, king, after the decease of his father, and joined with him in mourning for the death of Herod, and in wishing him good success in that his succession; 2.89. while yet this Archelaus, lest he should be in danger of not being thought the genuine son of Herod, began his reign with the murder of three thousand citizens; as if he had a mind to offer so many bloody sacrifices to God for his government, and to fill the temple with the like number of dead bodies at that festival:
2.91. and that they would join their country to Syria, and administer the government by their own commanders, whereby it would soon be demonstrated that those who are now under the calumny of seditious persons, and lovers of war, know how to bear governors that are set over them, if they be but tolerable ones. 2.92. So the Jews concluded their accusation with this request. Then rose up Nicolaus, and confuted the accusations which were brought against the kings, and himself accused the Jewish nation, as hard to be ruled, and as naturally disobedient to kings. He also reproached all those kinsmen of Archelaus who had left him, and were gone over to his accusers. 2.93. 3. So Caesar, after he had heard both sides, dissolved the assembly for that time; but a few days afterward, he gave the one half of Herod’s kingdom to Archelaus, by the name of Ethnarch, and promised to make him king also afterward, if he rendered himself worthy of that dignity. 2.94. But as to the other half, he divided it into two tetrarchies, and gave them to two other sons of Herod, the one of them to Philip, and the other to that Antipas who contested the kingdom with Archelaus. 2.95. Under this last was Perea and Galilee, with a revenue of two hundred talents; but Batanea, and Trachonitis, and Auranitis, and certain parts of Zeno’s house about Jamnia, with a revenue of a hundred talents, were made subject to Philip; 2.96. while Idumea, and all Judea, and Samaria were parts of the ethnarchy of Archelaus, although Samaria was eased of one quarter of its taxes, out of regard to their not having revolted with the rest of the nation. 2.97. He also made subject to him the following cities, viz. Strato’s Tower, and Sebaste, and Joppa, and Jerusalem; but as to the Grecian cities, Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, he cut them off from the kingdom, and added them to Syria. Now the revenue of the country that was given to Archelaus was four hundred talents. 2.98. Salome also, besides what the king had left her in his testaments, was now made mistress of Jamnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis. Caesar did moreover bestow upon her the royal palace of Ascalon; by all which she got together a revenue of sixty talents; but he put her house under the ethnarchy of Archelaus. 2.99. And for the rest of Herod’s offspring, they received what was bequeathed to them in his testaments; but, besides that, Caesar granted to Herod’s two virgin daughters five hundred thousand drachmae of silver, and gave them in marriage to the sons of Pheroras:
2.101. 1. In the meantime, there was a man, who was by birth a Jew, but brought up at Sidon with one of the Roman freedmen, who falsely pretended, on account of the resemblance of their counteces, that he was that Alexander who was slain by Herod. This man came to Rome, in hopes of not being detected.
2.102. He had one who was his assistant, of his own nation, and who knew all the affairs of the kingdom, and instructed him to say how those that were sent to kill him and Aristobulus had pity upon them, and stole them away, by putting bodies that were like theirs in their places.
2.103. This man deceived the Jews that were at Crete, and got a great deal of money of them for traveling in splendor; and thence sailed to Melos, where he was thought so certainly genuine, that he got a great deal more money, and prevailed with those that had treated him to sail along with him to Rome.
2.104. So he landed at Dicearchia, Puteoli, and got very large presents from the Jews who dwelt there, and was conducted by his father’s friends as if he were a king; nay, the resemblance in his countece procured him so much credit, that those who had seen Alexander, and had known him very well, would take their oaths that he was the very same person.
2.105. Accordingly, the whole body of the Jews that were at Rome ran out in crowds to see him, and an innumerable multitude there was which stood in the narrow places through which he was carried; for those of Melos were so far distracted, that they carried him in a sedan, and maintained a royal attendance for him at their own proper charges.
2.106. 2. But Caesar, who knew perfectly well the lineaments of Alexander’s face, because he had been accused by Herod before him, discerned the fallacy in his countece, even before he saw the man. However, he suffered the agreeable fame that went of him to have some weight with him, and sent Celadus, one who well knew Alexander, and ordered him to bring the young man to him.
2.107. But when Caesar saw him, he immediately discerned a difference in his countece; and when he had discovered that his whole body was of a more robust texture, and like that of a slave, he understood the whole was a contrivance.
2.108. But the impudence of what he said greatly provoked him to be angry at him; for when he was asked about Aristobulus, he said that he was also preserved alive, and was left on purpose in Cyprus, for fear of treachery, because it would be harder for plotters to get them both into their power while they were separate.
2.109. Then did Caesar take him by himself privately, and said to him,—“I will give thee thy life, if thou wilt discover who it was that persuaded thee to forge such stories.” So he said that he would discover him, and followed Caesar, and pointed to that Jew who abused the resemblance of his face to get money; for that he had received more presents in every city than ever Alexander did when he was alive.
2.111. 3. And now Archelaus took possession of his ethnarchy, and used not the Jews only, but the Samaritans also, barbarously; and this out of his resentment of their old quarrels with him. Whereupon they both of them sent ambassadors against him to Caesar; and in the ninth year of his government he was banished to Vienna, a city of Gaul, and his effects were put into Caesar’s treasury.
2.117. 1. And now Archelaus’s part of Judea was reduced into a province, and Coponius, one of the equestrian order among the Romans, was sent as a procurator, having the power of life and death put into his hands by Caesar.
2.123. They think that oil is a defilement; and if anyone of them be anointed without his own approbation, it is wiped off his body; for they think to be sweaty is a good thing, as they do also to be clothed in white garments. They also have stewards appointed to take care of their common affairs, who every one of them have no separate business for any, but what is for the use of them all.
2.168. But when the Roman empire was translated to Tiberius, the son of Julia, upon the death of Augustus, who had reigned fifty-seven years, six months, and two days, both Herod and Philip continued in their tetrarchies; and the latter of them built the city Caesarea, at the fountains of Jordan, and in the region of Paneas; as also the city Julias, in the lower Gaulonitis. Herod also built the city Tiberias in Galilee, and in Perea beyond Jordan another that was also called Julias.
2.268. Now these Jews exceeded the others in riches and strength of body; but the Grecian part had the advantage of assistance from the soldiery; for the greatest part of the Roman garrison was raised out of Syria; and being thus related to the Syrian part, they were ready to assist it.
2.284. 4. Now at this time it happened that the Grecians at Caesarea had been too hard for the Jews, and had obtained of Nero the government of the city, and had brought the judicial determination: at the same time began the war, in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero, and the seventeenth of the reign of Agrippa, in the month of Artemisius Jyar. 2.285. Now the occasion of this war was by no means proportionable to those heavy calamities which it brought upon us. For the Jews that dwelt at Caesarea had a synagogue near the place, whose owner was a certain Cesarean Greek: the Jews had endeavored frequently to have purchased the possession of the place, and had offered many times its value for its price; 2.286. but as the owner overlooked their offers, so did he raise other buildings upon the place, in way of affront to them, and made workingshops of them, and left them but a narrow passage, and such as was very troublesome for them to go along to their synagogue. Whereupon the warmer part of the Jewish youth went hastily to the workmen, and forbade them to build there; 2.287. but as Florus would not permit them to use force, the great men of the Jews, with John the publican, being in the utmost distress what to do, persuaded Florus, with the offer of eight talents, to hinder the work. 2.288. He then, being intent upon nothing but getting money, promised he would do for them all they desired of him, and then went away from Caesarea to Sebaste, and left the sedition to take its full course, as if he had sold a license to the Jews to fight it out. 2.289. 5. Now on the next day, which was the seventh day of the week, when the Jews were crowding apace to their synagogue, a certain man of Caesarea, of a seditious temper, got an earthen vessel, and set it with the bottom upward, at the entrance of that synagogue, and sacrificed birds. This thing provoked the Jews to an incurable degree, because their laws were affronted, and the place was polluted. 2.291. Hereupon Jucundus, the master of the horse, who was ordered to prevent the fight, came thither, and took away the earthen vessel, and endeavored to put a stop to the sedition; but when he was overcome by the violence of the people of Caesarea, the Jews caught up their books of the law, and retired to Narbata, which was a place to them belonging, distant from Caesarea sixty furlongs. 2.292. But John, and twelve of the principal men with him, went to Florus, to Sebaste, and made a lamentable complaint of their case, and besought him to help them; and with all possible decency, put him in mind of the eight talents they had given him; but he had the men seized upon and put in prison, and accused them for carrying the books of the law out of Caesarea. 2.293. 6. Moreover, as to the citizens of Jerusalem, although they took this matter very ill, yet did they restrain their passion; but Florus acted herein as if he had been hired, and blew up the war into a flame, and sent some to take seventeen talents out of the sacred treasure, and pretended that Caesar wanted them. 2.294. At this the people were in confusion immediately, and ran together to the temple, with prodigious clamors, and called upon Caesar by name, and besought him to free them from the tyranny of Florus. 2.295. Some also of the seditious cried out upon Florus, and cast the greatest reproaches upon him, and carried a basket about, and begged some spills of money for him, as for one that was destitute of possessions, and in a miserable condition. Yet was not he made ashamed hereby of his love of money, but was more enraged, and provoked to get still more; 2.296. and instead of coming to Caesarea, as he ought to have done, and quenching the flame of war, which was beginning thence, and so taking away the occasion of any disturbances, on which account it was that he had received a reward of eight talents, he marched hastily with an army of horsemen and footmen against Jerusalem, that he might gain his will by the arms of the Romans, and might, by his terror, and by his threatenings, bring the city into subjection.
2.332. Hereupon they promised that they would make no innovations, in case he would leave them one band; but not that which had fought with the Jews, because the multitude bore ill will against that band on account of what they had suffered from it; so he changed the band as they desired, and, with the rest of his forces, returned to Caesarea.
2.457. 1. Now the people of Caesarea had slain the Jews that were among them on the very same day and hour when the soldiers were slain, which one would think must have come to pass by the direction of Providence; insomuch that in one hour’s time above twenty thousand Jews were killed, and all Caesarea was emptied of its Jewish inhabitants; for Florus caught such as ran away, and sent them in bonds to the galleys. 2.458. Upon which stroke that the Jews received at Caesarea, the whole nation was greatly enraged; so they divided themselves into several parties, and laid waste the villages of the Syrians, and their neighboring cities, Philadelphia, and Sebonitis, and Gerasa, and Pella, and Scythopolis, 2.459. and after them Gadara, and Hippos; and falling upon Gaulonitis, some cities they destroyed there, and some they set on fire, and then they went to Kedasa, belonging to the Tyrians, and to Ptolemais, and to Gaba, and to Caesarea; 2.461. 2. However, the Syrians were even with the Jews in the multitude of the men whom they slew; for they killed those whom they caught in their cities, and that not only out of the hatred they bare them, as formerly, but to prevent the danger under which they were from them; 2.462. o that the disorders in all Syria were terrible, and every city was divided into two armies, encamped one against another, and the preservation of the one party was in the destruction of the other; 2.463. o the daytime was spent in shedding of blood, and the night in fear,—which was of the two the more terrible; for when the Syrians thought they had ruined the Jews, they had the Judaizers in suspicion also; and as each side did not care to slay those whom they only suspected on the other, so did they greatly fear them when they were mingled with the other, as if they were certainly foreigners. 2.464. Moreover, greediness of gain was a provocation to kill the opposite party, even to such as had of old appeared very mild and gentle towards them; for they without fear plundered the effects of the slain, and carried off the spoils of those whom they slew to their own houses, as if they had been gained in a set battle; and he was esteemed a man of honor who got the greatest share, as having prevailed over the greatest number of his enemies. 2.465. It was then common to see cities filled with dead bodies, still lying unburied, and those of old men, mixed with infants, all dead, and scattered about together; women also lay amongst them, without any covering for their nakedness: you might then see the whole province full of inexpressible calamities, while the dread of still more barbarous practices which were threatened was everywhere greater than what had been already perpetrated. 2.466. 3. And thus far the conflict had been between Jews and foreigners; but when they made excursions to Scythopolis, they found Jews that acted as enemies; for as they stood in battle-array with those of Scythopolis, and preferred their own safety before their relation to us, they fought against their own countrymen; 2.467. nay, their alacrity was so very great, that those of Scythopolis suspected them. These were afraid, therefore, lest they should make an assault upon the city in the nighttime, and, to their great misfortune, should thereby make an apology for themselves to their own people for their revolt from them. So they commanded them, that in case they would confirm their agreement and demonstrate their fidelity to them, who were of a different nation, they should go out of the city, with their families, to a neighboring grove; 2.468. and when they had done as they were commanded, without suspecting anything, the people of Scythopolis lay still for the interval of two days, to tempt them to be secure; but on the third night they watched their opportunity, and cut all their throats, some of them as they lay unguarded, and some as they lay asleep. The number that was slain was above thirteen thousand, and then they plundered them of all that they had. 2.469. 4. It will deserve our relation what befell Simon; he was the son of one Saul, a man of reputation among the Jews. This man was distinguished from the rest by the strength of his body, and the boldness of his conduct, although he abused them both to the mischieving of his countrymen;
2.471. But a just punishment overtook him for the murders he had committed upon those of the same nation with him; for when the people of Scythopolis threw their darts at them in the grove, he drew his sword, but did not attack any of the enemy; for he saw that he could do nothing against such a multitude; but he cried out after a very moving manner and said,— 2.472. “O you people of Scythopolis, I deservedly suffer for what I have done with relation to you, when I gave you such security of my fidelity to you, by slaying so many of those that were related to me. Wherefore we very justly experience the perfidiousness of foreigners, while we acted after a most wicked manner against our own nation. I will therefore die, polluted wretch as I am, by mine own hands; for it is not fit I should die by the hand of our enemies; 2.473. and let the same action be to me both a punishment for my great crimes, and a testimony of my courage to my commendation, that so no one of our enemies may have it to brag of, that he it was that slew me, and no one may insult upon me as I fall.” 2.474. Now when he had said this, he looked round about him upon his family with eyes of commiseration, and of rage (that family consisted of a wife and children, and his aged parents); 2.475. o, in the first place, he caught his father by his gray hairs, and ran his sword through him, and after him he did the same to his mother, who willingly received it; and after them he did the like to his wife and children, every one almost offering themselves to his sword, as desirous to prevent being slain by their enemies; 2.476. o when he had gone over all his family, he stood upon their bodies to be seen by all, and stretching out his right hand, that his action might be observed by all, he sheathed his entire sword into his own bowels. This young man was to be pitied, on account of the strength of his body and the courage of his soul; but since he had assured foreigners of his fidelity against his own countrymen, he suffered deservedly. 2.477. 5. Besides this murder at Scythopolis, the other cities rose up against the Jews that were among them; those of Askelon slew two thousand five hundred, and those of Ptolemais two thousand, and put not a few into bonds; 2.478. those of Tyre also put a great number to death, but kept a greater number in prison; moreover, those of Hippos, and those of Gadara, did the like while they put to death the boldest of the Jews, but kept those of whom they wereafraid in custody; as did the rest of the cities of Syria, according as they every one either hated them or were afraid of them; 2.479. only the Antiochians, the Sidonians, and Apamians spared those that dwelt with them, andthey would not endure either to kill any of the Jews, or to put them in bonds. And perhaps they spared them, because their own number was so great that they despised their attempts. But I think that the greatest part of this favor was owing to their commiseration of those whom they saw to make no innovations.
7.45. and as the succeeding kings treated them after the same manner, they both multiplied to a great number, and adorned their temple gloriously by fine ornaments, and with great magnificence, in the use of what had been given them. They also made proselytes of a great many of the Greeks perpetually, and thereby, after a sort, brought them to be a portion of their own body.
7.45. yet did Vespasian suspect the matter, and made an inquiry how far it was true. And when he understood that the accusation laid against the Jews was an unjust one, he cleared them of the crimes charged upon them, and this on account of Titus’s concern about the matter, and brought a deserved punishment upon Jonathan; for he was first tormented, and then burnt alive.
7.159. for he having now by Providence a vast quantity of wealth, besides what he had formerly gained in his other exploits, he had this temple adorned with pictures and statues;' '. None