1. Hesiod, Works And Days, 650-651 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 73; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 73
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650 οὐ γάρ πώ ποτε νηί γʼ ἐπέπλων εὐρέα πόντον,'651 εἰ μὴ ἐς Εὔβοιαν ἐξ Αὐλίδος, ᾗ ποτʼ Ἀχαιοὶ ' None | sup>
650 of your sharp-toothed dog; do not scant his meat'651 In case The One Who Sleeps by Day should dare ' None |
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2. Homer, Iliad, 12.382 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Gallus (caesar) • Julius Caesar
Found in books: Gale (2000), Virgil on the Nature of Things: The Georgics, Lucretius and the Didactic Tradition, 35; Masterson (2016), Man to Man: Desire, Homosociality, and Authority in Late-Roman Manhood. 53
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12.382 χείρεσσʼ ἀμφοτέρῃς ἔχοι ἀνὴρ οὐδὲ μάλʼ ἡβῶν,'' None | sup>
12.382 for he smote him with a huge jagged rock, that lay the topmost of all within the wall by the battlements. Not easily with both hands could a man, such as mortals now are, hold it, were he never so young and strong, but Aias lifted it on high and hurled it, and he shattered the four-horned helmet, and crushed together '' None |
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3. None, None, nan (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, Gaius Julius, as Aeneas • Caesar, Julius, as anti-Odyssean
Found in books: Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 208; Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 211
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4. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 1072-1177, 1189-1190, 1202-1213 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, Julius • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, Gaius • Plutarch’s Lives, Life of Caesar
Found in books: Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 80; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 263; Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 71; Mowat (2021), Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic, 45
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1072 ὀτοτοτοῖ πόποι δᾶ.'1073 Ὦπολλον Ὦπολλον. Χορός 1074 τί ταῦτʼ ἀνωτότυξας ἀμφὶ Λοξίου; 1075 οὐ γὰρ τοιοῦτος ὥστε θρηνητοῦ τυχεῖν. Κασάνδρα 1076 ὀτοτοτοῖ πόποι δᾶ. 1078 ἡ δʼ αὖτε δυσφημοῦσα τὸν θεὸν καλεῖ 1079 οὐδὲν προσήκοντʼ ἐν γόοις παραστατεῖν. Κασάνδρα 1080 Ἄπολλον Ἄπολλον 1081 ἀγυιᾶτʼ, ἀπόλλων ἐμός. 1082 ἀπώλεσας γὰρ οὐ μόλις τὸ δεύτερον. Χορός 1083 χρήσειν ἔοικεν ἀμφὶ τῶν αὑτῆς κακῶν. 1084 μένει τὸ θεῖον δουλίᾳ περ ἐν φρενί. Κασάνδρα 1087 ἆ ποῖ ποτʼ ἤγαγές με; πρὸς ποίαν στέγην; Χορός 1088 πρὸς τὴν Ἀτρειδῶν· εἰ σὺ μὴ τόδʼ ἐννοεῖς, 1089 ἐγὼ λέγω σοι· καὶ τάδʼ οὐκ ἐρεῖς ψύθη. Κασάνδρα 1090 μισόθεον μὲν οὖν, πολλὰ συνίστορα 1091 αὐτόφονα κακὰ καρατόμα, 1092 ἀνδροσφαγεῖον καὶ πεδορραντήριον. Χορός 1093 ἔοικεν εὔρις ἡ ξένη κυνὸς δίκην 1094 εἶναι, ματεύει δʼ ὧν ἀνευρήσει φόνον. Κασάνδρα 1095 μαρτυρίοισι γὰρ τοῖσδʼ ἐπιπείθομαι· 1096 κλαιόμενα τάδε βρέφη σφαγάς, 1097 ὀπτάς τε σάρκας πρὸς πατρὸς βεβρωμένας. Χορός 1098 τὸ μὲν κλέος σοῦ μαντικὸν πεπυσμένοι 1099 ἦμεν· προφήτας δʼ οὔτινας ματεύομεν. Κασάνδρα 1100 ἰὼ πόποι, τί ποτε μήδεται; 1101 τί τόδε νέον ἄχος μέγα 1102 μέγʼ ἐν δόμοισι τοῖσδε μήδεται κακὸν 1103 ἄφερτον φίλοισιν, δυσίατον; ἀλκὰ δʼ 1104 ἑκὰς ἀποστατεῖ. Χορός 1105 τούτων ἄιδρίς εἰμι τῶν μαντευμάτων. 1106 ἐκεῖνα δʼ ἔγνων· πᾶσα γὰρ πόλις βοᾷ. Κασάνδρα 1107 ἰὼ τάλαινα, τόδε γὰρ τελεῖς, 1108 τὸν ὁμοδέμνιον πόσιν 1109 λουτροῖσι φαιδρύνασα—πῶς φράσω τέλος; 1110 τάχος γὰρ τόδʼ ἔσται· προτείνει δὲ χεὶρ ἐκ 1111 χερὸς ὀρέγματα. Χορός 1112 οὔπω ξυνῆκα· νῦν γὰρ ἐξ αἰνιγμάτων 1113 ἐπαργέμοισι θεσφάτοις ἀμηχανῶ. Κασάνδρα 1114 ἒ ἔ, παπαῖ παπαῖ, τί τόδε φαίνεται; 1115 ἦ δίκτυόν τί γʼ Ἅιδου; 1116 ἀλλʼ ἄρκυς ἡ ξύνευνος, ἡ ξυναιτία 1117 φόνου. στάσις δʼ ἀκόρετος γένει 1118 κατολολυξάτω θύματος λευσίμου. Χορός 1119 ποίαν Ἐρινὺν τήνδε δώμασιν κέλῃ 1120 ἐπορθιάζειν; οὔ με φαιδρύνει λόγος. 1121 ἐπὶ δὲ καρδίαν ἔδραμε κροκοβαφὴς 1122 σταγών, ἅτε καιρία πτώσιμος 1123 ξυνανύτει βίου δύντος αὐγαῖς· 1124 ταχεῖα δʼ ἄτα πέλει. Κασάνδρα 1125 ἆ ἆ, ἰδοὺ ἰδού· ἄπεχε τῆς βοὸς 1126 τὸν ταῦρον· ἐν πέπλοισι 1127 μελαγκέρῳ λαβοῦσα μηχανήματι 1128 τύπτει· πίτνει δʼ ἐν ἐνύδρῳ τεύχει. 1129 δολοφόνου λέβητος τύχαν σοι λέγω. Χορός 1130 οὐ κομπάσαιμʼ ἂν θεσφάτων γνώμων ἄκρος 1131 εἶναι, κακῷ δέ τῳ προσεικάζω τάδε. 1132 ἀπὸ δὲ θεσφάτων τίς ἀγαθὰ φάτις 1133 βροτοῖς τέλλεται; κακῶν γὰρ διαὶ 1134 πολυεπεῖς τέχναι θεσπιῳδὸν 1135 φόβον φέρουσιν μαθεῖν. Κασάνδρα 1136 ἰὼ ἰὼ ταλαίνας κακόποτμοι τύχαι· 1137 τὸ γὰρ ἐμὸν θροῶ πάθος ἐπεγχύδαν. 1138 ποῖ δή με δεῦρο τὴν τάλαιναν ἤγαγες; 1139 οὐδέν ποτʼ εἰ μὴ ξυνθανουμένην. τί γάρ; Χορός 1140 φρενομανής τις εἶ θεοφόρητος, ἀμ- 1141 φὶ δʼ αὑτᾶς θροεῖς 1142 νόμον ἄνομον, οἷά τις ξουθὰ 1143 ἀκόρετος βοᾶς, φεῦ, ταλαίναις φρεσίν 1144 Ἴτυν Ἴτυν στένουσʼ ἀμφιθαλῆ κακοῖς 1145 ἀηδὼν βίον. Κασάνδρα 1146 ἰὼ ἰὼ λιγείας μόρον ἀηδόνος· 1147 περέβαλον γάρ οἱ πτεροφόρον δέμας 1148 θεοὶ γλυκύν τʼ αἰῶνα κλαυμάτων ἄτερ· 1149 ἐμοὶ δὲ μίμνει σχισμὸς ἀμφήκει δορί. Χορός 1150 πόθεν ἐπισσύτους θεοφόρους τʼ ἔχεις 1151 ματαίους δύας, 1152 τὰ δʼ ἐπίφοβα δυσφάτῳ κλαγγᾷ 1153 μελοτυπεῖς ὁμοῦ τʼ ὀρθίοις ἐν νόμοις; 1154 πόθεν ὅρους ἔχεις θεσπεσίας ὁδοῦ 1155 κακορρήμονας; Κασάνδρα 1156 ἰὼ γάμοι γάμοι Πάριδος ὀλέθριοι φίλων. 1157 ἰὼ Σκαμάνδρου πάτριον ποτόν. 1158 τότε μὲν ἀμφὶ σὰς ἀϊόνας τάλαινʼ 1159 ἠνυτόμαν τροφαῖς· 1160 νῦν δʼ ἀμφὶ Κωκυτόν τε κἀχερουσίους 1161 ὄχθας ἔοικα θεσπιῳδήσειν τάχα. Χορός 1162 τί τόδε τορὸν ἄγαν ἔπος ἐφημίσω; 1163 νεόγονος ἂν ἀΐων μάθοι. 1164 πέπληγμαι δʼ ὑπαὶ δάκει φοινίῳ 1165 δυσαλγεῖ τύχᾳ μινυρὰ κακὰ θρεομένας, 1166 θραύματʼ ἐμοὶ κλύειν. Κασάνδρα 1167 ἰὼ πόνοι πόνοι πόλεος ὀλομένας τὸ πᾶν. 1168 ἰὼ πρόπυργοι θυσίαι πατρὸς 1169 πολυκανεῖς βοτῶν ποιονόμων· ἄκος δʼ 1170 οὐδὲν ἐπήρκεσαν 1171 τὸ μὴ πόλιν μὲν ὥσπερ οὖν ἔχει παθεῖν. 1172 ἐγὼ δὲ θερμόνους τάχʼ ἐν πέδῳ βαλῶ. Χορός 1173 ἑπόμενα προτέροισι τάδʼ ἐφημίσω. 1174 καί τίς σε κακοφρονῶν τίθη- 1175 σι δαίμων ὑπερβαρὴς ἐμπίτνων 1176 μελίζειν πάθη γοερὰ θανατοφόρα. 1177 τέρμα δʼ ἀμηχανῶ. Κασάνδρα
1189 βρότειον αἷμα κῶμος ἐν δόμοις μένει, 1190 δύσπεμπτος ἔξω, συγγόνων Ἐρινύων.
1202 μάντις μʼ Ἀπόλλων τῷδʼ ἐπέστησεν τέλει. Χορός 1203 προτοῦ μὲν αἰδὼς ἦν ἐμοὶ λέγειν τάδε. Χορός 1204 μῶν καὶ θεός περ ἱμέρῳ πεπληγμένος; Κασάνδρα 1205 ἁβρύνεται γὰρ πᾶς τις εὖ πράσσων πλέον. Κασάνδρα 1206 ἀλλʼ ἦν παλαιστὴς κάρτʼ ἐμοὶ πνέων χάριν. Χορός 1207 ἦ καὶ τέκνων εἰς ἔργον ἤλθετον νόμῳ; Κασάνδρα 1208 ξυναινέσασα Λοξίαν ἐψευσάμην. Χορός 1209 ἤδη τέχναισιν ἐνθέοις ᾑρημένη; Κασάνδρα 1210 ἤδη πολίταις πάντʼ ἐθέσπιζον πάθη. Χορός 1211 πῶς δῆτʼ ἄνατος ἦσθα Λοξίου κότῳ; Κασάνδρα 1212 ἔπειθον οὐδένʼ οὐδέν, ὡς τάδʼ ἤμπλακον. Χορός 1213 ἡμῖν γε μὲν δὴ πιστὰ θεσπίζειν δοκεῖς. Κασάνδρα ' None | sup>
1072 Otototoi, Gods, Earth, — '1073 Apollon, Apollon! CHOROS. 1074 Why didst thou 1075 Since he is none such as to suit a mourner. KASSANDRA. 1076 Otototoi, Gods, Earth, — 1078 Ill-boding here again the god invokes she 1079 — Nowise empowered in woes to stand by helpful. KASSANDRA. 1080 Apollon, Apollon, 1081 Guard of the ways, my destroyer! 1082 For thou hast quite, this second time, destroyed me. CHOROS. 1083 To prophesy she seems of her own evils: 1084 Remains the god-gift to the slave-soul present. KASSANDRA. 1087 Ha, whither hast thou led me? to what roof now? CHOROS. 1088 To the Atreidai’s roof: if this thou know’st not, 1089 I tell it thee, nor this wilt thou call falsehood. KASSANDRA. 1090 God-hated, then! of many a crime it knew — 1090 How! How! 1091 Self-slaying evils, halters too: 1092 Man’s-shambles, blood-besprinkler of the ground! CHOROS. 1093 She seems to be good-nosed, the stranger: dog-like, 1094 She snuffs indeed the victims she will find there. KASSANDRA. 1095 By the witnesses here I am certain now! 1096 These children bewailing their slaughters — flesh dressed in the fire 1097 And devoured by their sire! CHOROS. 1098 Ay, we have heard of thy soothsaying glory, 1099 Doubtless: but prophets none are we in scent of! KASSANDRA. 1100 Ah, gods, what ever does she meditate? 1100 What this new anguish great? 1101 Great in the house here she meditates ill 1102 Such as friends cannot bear, cannot cure it: and still 1103 off stands all Resistance 1104 Afar in the distance! CHOROS. 1105 of these I witless am — these prophesyings. 1106 But those I knew: for the whole city bruits them. KASSANDRA. 1107 Ah, unhappy one, this thou consummatest? 1107 Thy husband, thy bed’s common guest, 1108 In the bath having brightened. .. How shall I declare 1109 Consummation? It soon will be there: 1110 For hand after hand she outstretches, 1111 At life as she reaches! CHOROS. 1112 Nor yet I’ve gone with thee! for — after riddles — 1113 Now, in blind oracles, I feel resourceless. KASSANDRA. 1114 Eh, eh, papai, papai, 1114 What this, I espy? 1115 Some net of Haides undoubtedly 1116 In his bed, who takes part in the murder there! 1116 Is she who has share 1116 Nay, rather, the snare 1117 But may a revolt — 1117 On the Race, raise a shout 1117 Unceasing assault — 1118 A victim — by stoning — 1118 For murder atoning! CHOROS. 1118 Sacrificial, about 1119 What this Erinus which i’ the house thou callest 1120 To raise her cry? Not me thy word enlightens! 1121 To my heart has run 1122 A drop of the crocus-dye: 1122 Which makes for those 1123 A common close 1123 On earth by the spear that lie, 1123 With life’s descending sun. 1124 Swift is the curse begun! KASSANDRA. 1125 How! How! 1125 Keep the bull from the cow! 1125 See — see quick! 1126 In the vesture she catching him, strikes him now 1127 With the black-horned trick, 1128 And he falls in the watery vase! 1129 of the craft-killing cauldron I tell thee the case! CHOROS. 1130 I would not boast to be a topping critic 1131 of oracles: but to some sort of evil 1132 I liken these. From oracles, what good speech 1133 To mortals, beside, is sent? 1134 It comes of their evils: these arts word-abounding that sing the event 1135 Bring the fear’t is their office to teach. KASSANDRA. 1136 Ah me, ah me — 1136 of me unhappy, evil-destined fortunes! 1137 As, mine with his, all into one I throw. 1137 For I bewail my proper woe 1138 Why hast thou hither me unhappy brought? 1139 What else was sought? CHOROS. 1139 — Unless that I should die with him — for nought! 1140 Thou art some mind-mazed creature, god-possessed: 1141 And all about thyself dost wail 1142 A lay — no lay! 1142 Like some brown nightingale 1143 Insatiable of noise, who — well-away! — 1144 From her unhappy breast 1144 Keeps moaning Itus, Itus, and his life 1145 With evils, flourishing on each side, rife. KASSANDRA. 1146 Ah me, ah me, 1146 The fate o’ the nightingale, the clear resounder! 1147 For a body wing-borne have the gods cast round her, 1148 And sweet existence, from misfortunes free: 1149 But for myself remains a sundering 1149 With spear, the two-edged thing! CHOROS. 1150 And spasms in vain? 1150 Whence hast thou this on-rushing god-involving pain 1151 For, things that terrify, 1151 With changing unintelligible cry 1152 Thou strikest up in tune, yet all the while 1153 After that Orthian style! 1154 Whence hast thou limits to the oracular road, 1155 That evils bode? KASSANDRA. 1156 Ah me, the nuptials, the nuptials of Paris, the deadly to friends! 1157 Ah me, of Skamandros the draught 1158 Paternal! There once, to these ends, 1159 On thy banks was I brought, 1160 The unhappy! And now, by Kokutos and Acheron’s shore 1161 I shall soon be, it seems, these my oracles singing once more! CHOROS. 1162 Why this word, plain too much, 1163 Hast thou uttered? A babe might learn of such! 1164 I am struck with a bloody bite — here under — 1165 At the fate woe-wreaking 1166 of thee shrill shrieking: 1166 To me who hear — a wonder! KASSANDRA. 1167 Ah me, the toils — the toils of the city 1167 The wholly destroyed: ah, pity, 1168 In the ramparts’ aid — 1168 of the sacrificings my father made 1169 Much slaughter of grass-fed flocks — that afforded no cure 1170 That the city should not, as it does now, the burthen endure! 1171 But I, with the soul on fire, 1172 Soon to the earth shall cast me and expire. CHOROS. 1173 To things, on the former consequent, 1174 Again hast thou given vent: 1175 And ’t is some evil-meaning fiend doth move thee, 1175 Heavily falling from above thee, 1176 Calamitous, death-bringing! 1176 To melodize thy sorrows — else, in singing, 1177 And of all this the end 1177 I am without resource to apprehend KASSANDRA.
1189 Man’s blood — the Komos keeps within the household 1190 — Hard to be sent outside — of sister Furies:
1202 Prophet Apollon put me in this office. CHOROS. 1203 What, even though a god, with longing smitten? KASSANDRA. 1204 At first, indeed, shame was to me to say this. CHOROS. 1205 For, more relaxed grows everyone who fares well. KASSANDRA. 1206 But he was athlete to me — huge grace breathing! CHOROS. 1207 Well, to the work of children, went ye law’s way? KASSANDRA. 1208 Having consented, I played false to Loxias. CHOROS. 1209 Already when the wits inspired possessed of? KASSANDRA. 1210 Already townsmen all their woes I foretold. CHOROS. 1211 How wast thou then unhurt by Loxias’ anger? KASSANDRA. 1212 I no one aught persuaded, when I sinned thus. CHOROS. 1213 To us, at least, now sooth to say thou seemest. KASSANDRA. ' None |
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5. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.23.6 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, C. Iulius, historical ambitions • Julius Caesar, C.
Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 288; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 107, 200
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1.23.6 τὴν μὲν γὰρ ἀληθεστάτην πρόφασιν, ἀφανεστάτην δὲ λόγῳ, τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἡγοῦμαι μεγάλους γιγνομένους καὶ φόβον παρέχοντας τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἀναγκάσαι ἐς τὸ πολεμεῖν: αἱ δ’ ἐς τὸ φανερὸν λεγόμεναι αἰτίαι αἵδ’ ἦσαν ἑκατέρων, ἀφ’ ὧν λύσαντες τὰς σπονδὰς ἐς τὸν πόλεμον κατέστησαν.'' None | sup>
1.23.6 The real cause I consider to be the one which was formally most kept out of sight. The growth of the power of Athens, and the alarm which this inspired in Lacedaemon, made war inevitable. Still it is well to give the grounds alleged by either side, which led to the dissolution of the treaty and the breaking out of the war. '' None |
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6. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesares (Julian) • Hermes, Julian’s The Caesars as a Hermes’ myth • Julius Caesar
Found in books: Masterson (2016), Man to Man: Desire, Homosociality, and Authority in Late-Roman Manhood. 47; Ruiz and Puertas (2021), Emperors and Emperorship in Late Antiquity: Images and Narratives, 95
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7. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, • Lucius Caesar
Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019), Monstrosity and Philosophy: Radical Otherness in Greek and Latin Culture, 209; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 103
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8. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar • Julius Caesar, C.
Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 212; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 50
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9. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, C. Julius, as author • Caesar, Octavian, and Maecenas • Caesar, Octavian, as reader • Maecenas and Caesar • Maecenas and Caesar,, as reader of the poem
Found in books: Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 66; Perkell (1989), The Poet's Truth: A Study of the Poet in Virgil's Georgics, 30
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10. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Julius) • Caesar, Julius • Iulius Caesar, C., dictator
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 293; Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 58; Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 211; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 293
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11. Cicero, On Divination, 1.1, 1.8, 1.11-1.12, 1.17-1.22, 1.51-1.52, 1.56, 1.58-1.59, 1.68, 1.101, 1.119, 2.20, 2.35-2.37, 2.46, 2.48, 2.52-2.53, 2.65, 2.70, 2.79, 2.89, 2.148 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar) • Caesar C. Julius • Caesar, • Caesar, C. Julius, role in civil wars • Caesar, Julius • Caesars comet • Civil War, between Caesar and Pompey • Germanicus Caesar, and Alexander • Iulius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and Cicero • Julius Caesar, C., and haruspicy • Julius Caesar, Gaius • Julius Caesar, L • Tiberius Caesar • prodigy, Caesar and
Found in books: Bowen and Rochberg (2020), Hellenistic Astronomy: The Science in its contexts, 308; Del Lucchese (2019), Monstrosity and Philosophy: Radical Otherness in Greek and Latin Culture, 221; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 185; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 91; Gale (2000), Virgil on the Nature of Things: The Georgics, Lucretius and the Didactic Tradition, 120; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 70, 77, 85, 86; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 134, 291; Luck (2006), Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts, 310; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 38, 40; Mowat (2021), Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic, 44, 45, 151, 157; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 6, 212; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 39; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 28; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 19, 24, 26, 31, 32, 33, 53, 55, 108, 111, 237
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1.1 Vetus opinio est iam usque ab heroicis ducta temporibus, eaque et populi Romani et omnium gentium firmata consensu, versari quandam inter homines divinationem, quam Graeci mantikh/n appellant, id est praesensionem et scientiam rerum futurarum. Magnifica quaedam res et salutaris, si modo est ulla, quaque proxime ad deorum vim natura mortalis possit accedere. Itaque ut alia nos melius multa quam Graeci, sic huic praestantissimae rei nomen nostri a divis, Graeci, ut Plato interpretatur, a furore duxerunt.
1.8 Quibus de rebus et alias saepe et paulo accuratius nuper, cum essem cum Q. fratre in Tusculano, disputatum est. Nam cum ambulandi causa in Lyceum venissemus (id enim superiori gymnasio nomen est), Perlegi, ille inquit, tuum paulo ante tertium de natura deorum, in quo disputatio Cottae quamquam labefactavit sententiam meam, non funditus tamen sustulit. Optime vero, inquam; etenim ipse Cotta sic disputat, ut Stoicorum magis argumenta confutet quam hominum deleat religionem. Tum Quintus: Dicitur quidem istuc, inquit, a Cotta, et vero saepius, credo, ne communia iura migrare videatur; sed studio contra Stoicos disserendi deos mihi videtur funditus tollere.
1.11 Ego vero, inquam, philosophiae, Quinte, semper vaco; hoc autem tempore, cum sit nihil aliud, quod lubenter agere possim, multo magis aveo audire, de divinatione quid sentias. Nihil, inquit, equidem novi, nec quod praeter ceteros ipse sentiam; nam cum antiquissimam sententiam, tum omnium populorum et gentium consensu conprobatam sequor. Duo sunt enim dividi genera, quorum alterum artis est, alterum naturae.
1.12 Quae est autem gens aut quae civitas, quae non aut extispicum aut monstra aut fulgora interpretantium aut augurum aut astrologorum aut sortium (ea enim fere artis sunt) aut somniorum aut vaticinationum (haec enim duo naturalia putantur) praedictione moveatur? Quarum quidem rerum eventa magis arbitror quam causas quaeri oportere. Est enim vis et natura quaedam, quae tum observatis longo tempore significationibus, tum aliquo instinctu inflatuque divino futura praenuntiat. Quare omittat urguere Carneades, quod faciebat etiam Panaetius requirens, Iuppiterne cornicem a laeva, corvum ab dextera canere iussisset. Observata sunt haec tempore inmenso et in significatione eventis animadversa et notata. Nihil est autem, quod non longinquitas temporum excipiente memoria prodendisque monumentis efficere atque adsequi possit.
1.17 Sed quo potius utar aut auctore aut teste quam te? cuius edidici etiam versus, et lubenter quidem, quos in secundo de consulatu Urania Musa pronuntiat: Principio aetherio flammatus Iuppiter igni Vertitur et totum conlustrat lumine mundum Menteque divina caelum terrasque petessit, Quae penitus sensus hominum vitasque retentat Aetheris aeterni saepta atque inclusa cavernis. Et, si stellarum motus cursusque vagantis Nosse velis, quae sint signorum in sede locatae, Quae verbo et falsis Graiorum vocibus erant, Re vera certo lapsu spatioque feruntur, Omnia iam cernes divina mente notata.
1.18 Nam primum astrorum volucris te consule motus Concursusque gravis stellarum ardore micantis Tu quoque, cum tumulos Albano in monte nivalis Lustrasti et laeto mactasti lacte Latinas, Vidisti et claro tremulos ardore cometas, Multaque misceri nocturna strage putasti, Quod ferme dirum in tempus cecidere Latinae, Cum claram speciem concreto lumine luna Abdidit et subito stellanti nocte perempta est. Quid vero Phoebi fax, tristis nuntia belli, Quae magnum ad columen flammato ardore volabat, Praecipitis caeli partis obitusque petessens? Aut cum terribili perculsus fulmine civis Luce sereti vitalia lumina liquit? Aut cum se gravido tremefecit corpore tellus? Iam vero variae nocturno tempore visae Terribiles formae bellum motusque monebant, Multaque per terras vates oracla furenti Pectore fundebant tristis minitantia casus,
1.19 Atque ea, quae lapsu tandem cecidere vetusto, Haec fore perpetuis signis clarisque frequentans Ipse deum genitor caelo terrisque canebat. Nunc ea, Torquato quae quondam et consule Cotta Lydius ediderat Tyrrhenae gentis haruspex, Omnia fixa tuus glomerans determinat annus. Nam pater altitos stellanti nixus Olympo Ipse suos quondam tumulos ac templa petivit Et Capitolinis iniecit sedibus ignis. Tum species ex aere vetus venerataque Nattae Concidit, elapsaeque vetusto numine leges, Et divom simulacra peremit fulminis ardor. 1.21 Haec tardata diu species multumque morata Consule te tandem celsa est in sede locata, Atque una fixi ac signati temporis hora Iuppiter excelsa clarabat sceptra columna, Et clades patriae flamma ferroque parata Vocibus Allobrogum patribus populoque patebat. Rite igitur veteres, quorum monumenta tenetis, Qui populos urbisque modo ac virtute regebant, Rite etiam vestri, quorum pietasque fidesque Praestitit et longe vicit sapientia cunctos, Praecipue coluere vigenti numine divos. Haec adeo penitus cura videre sagaci, Otia qui studiis laeti tenuere decoris, 1.22 Inque Academia umbrifera nitidoque Lyceo Fuderunt claras fecundi pectoris artis. E quibus ereptum primo iam a flore iuventae Te patria in media virtutum mole locavit. Tu tamen anxiferas curas requiete relaxans, Quod patriae vacat, id studiis nobisque sacrasti. Tu igitur animum poteris inducere contra ea, quae a me disputantur de divinatione, dicere, qui et gesseris ea, quae gessisti, et ea, quae pronuntiavi, accuratissume scripseris?
1.51 At vero P. Decius ille Q. F., qui primus e Deciis consul fuit, cum esset tribunus militum M. Valerio A. Cornelio consulibus a Samnitibusque premeretur noster exercitus, cum pericula proeliorum iniret audacius monereturque, ut cautior esset, dixit, quod extat in annalibus, se sibi in somnis visum esse, cum in mediis hostibus versaretur, occidere cum maxuma gloria. Et tum quidem incolumis exercitum obsidione liberavit; post triennium autem, cum consul esset, devovit se et in aciem Latinorum inrupit armatus. Quo eius facto superati sunt et deleti Latini. Cuius mors ita gloriosa fuit, ut eandem concupisceret filius. 1.52 Sed veniamus nunc, si placet, ad somnia philosophorum. Est apud Platonem Socrates, cum esset in custodia publica, dicens Critoni, suo familiari, sibi post tertium diem esse moriendum; vidisse se in somnis pulchritudine eximia feminam, quae se nomine appellans diceret Homericum quendam eius modi versum: Tertia te Phthiae tempestas laeta locabit. Quod, ut est dictum, sic scribitur contigisse. Xenophon Socraticus (qui vir et quantus!) in ea militia, qua cum Cyro minore perfunctus est, sua scribit somnia, quorum eventus mirabiles exstiterunt.
1.56 C. vero Gracchus multis dixit, ut scriptum apud eundem Coelium est, sibi in somnis quaesturam pete re dubita nti Ti. fratrem visum esse dicere, quam vellet cunctaretur, tamen eodem sibi leto, quo ipse interisset, esse pereundum. Hoc, ante quam tribunus plebi C. Gracchus factus esset, et se audisse scribit Coelius et dixisse eum multis. Quo somnio quid inveniri potest certius? Quid? illa duo somnia, quae creberrume commemorantur a Stoicis, quis tandem potest contemnere? unum de Simonide: Qui cum ignotum quendam proiectum mortuum vidisset eumque humavisset haberetque in animo navem conscendere, moneri visus est, ne id faceret, ab eo, quem sepultura adfecerat; si navigavisset, eum naufragio esse periturum; itaque Simonidem redisse, perisse ceteros, qui tum navigassent. Alterum ita traditum clarum admodum somnium:
1.58 Quid hoc somnio dici potest divinius? Sed quid aut plura aut vetera quaerimus? Saepe tibi meum narravi, saepe ex te audivi tuum somnium: me, cum Asiae pro cos. praeessem, vidisse in quiete, cum tu equo advectus ad quandam magni fluminis ripam provectus subito atque delapsus in flumen nusquam apparuisses, me contremuisse timore perterritum; tum te repente laetum exstitisse eodemque equo adversam ascendisse ripam, nosque inter nos esse conplexos. Facilis coniectura huius somnii, mihique a peritis in Asia praedictum est fore eos eventus rerum, qui acciderunt. Venio nunc ad tuum. 1.59 Audivi equidem ex te ipso, sed mihi saepius noster Sallustius narravit, cum in illa fuga nobis gloriosa, patriae calamitosa in villa quadam campi Atinatis maneres magnamque partem noctis vigilasses, ad lucem denique arte et graviter dormire te coepisse; itaque, quamquam iter instaret, tamen silentium fieri iussisse se neque esse passum te excitari; cum autem experrectus esses hora secunda fere, te sibi somnium narravisse: visum tibi esse, cum in locis solis maestus errares, C. Marium cum fascibus laureatis quaerere ex te, quid tristis esses, cumque tu te patria vi pulsum esse dixisses, prehendisse eum dextram tuam et bono animo te iussisse esse lictorique proxumo tradidisse, ut te in monumentum suum deduceret, et dixisse in eo tibi salutem fore. Tum et se exclamasse Sallustius narrat reditum tibi celerem et gloriosum paratum, et te ipsum visum somnio delectari. Nam illud mihi ipsi celeriter nuntiatum est, ut audivisses in monumento Marii de tuo reditu magnificentissumum illud senatus consultum esse factum referente optumo et clarissumo viro consule, idque frequentissimo theatro incredibili clamore et plausu comprobatum, dixisse te nihil illo Atinati somnio fieri posse divinius.
1.68 At ex te ipso non commenticiam rem, sed factam eiusdem generis audivi: C. Coponium ad te venisse Dyrrhachium, cum praetorio imperio classi Rhodiae praeesset, cumprime hominem prudentem atque doctum, eumque dixisse remigem quendam e quinqueremi Rhodiorum vaticinatum madefactum iri minus xxx diebus Graeciam sanguine, rapinas Dyrrhachii et conscensionem in naves cum fuga fugientibusque miserabilem respectum incendiorum fore, sed Rhodiorum classi propinquum reditum ac domum itionem dari; tum neque te ipsum non esse commotum Marcumque Varronem et M. Catonem, qui tum ibi erant, doctos homines, vehementer esse perterritos; paucis sane post diebus ex Pharsalia fuga venisse Labienum; qui cum interitum exercitus nuntiavisset, reliqua vaticinationis brevi esse confecta.
1.101 Saepe etiam et in proeliis Fauni auditi et in rebus turbidis veridicae voces ex occulto missae esse dicuntur; cuius generis duo sint ex multis exempla, sed maxuma: Nam non multo ante urbem captam exaudita vox est a luco Vestae, qui a Palatii radice in novam viam devexus est, ut muri et portae reficerentur; futurum esse, nisi provisum esset, ut Roma caperetur. Quod neglectum tum, cum caveri poterat, post acceptam illam maximam cladem expiatum est; ara enim Aio Loquenti, quam saeptam videmus, exadversus eum locum consecrata est. Atque etiam scriptum a multis est, cum terrae motus factus esset, ut sue plena procuratio fieret, vocem ab aede Iunonis ex arce extitisse; quocirca Iunonem illam appellatam Monetam. Haec igitur et a dis significata et a nostris maioribus iudicata contemnimus?
1.119 Quod ne dubitare possimus, maximo est argumento, quod paulo ante interitum Caesaris contigit. Qui cum immolaret illo die, quo primum in sella aurea sedit et cum purpurea veste processit, in extis bovis opimi cor non fuit. Num igitur censes ullum animal, quod sanguinem habeat, sine corde esse posse? †Qua ille rei novitate perculsus, cum Spurinna diceret timendum esse, ne et consilium et vita deficeret; earum enim rerum utramque a corde proficisci. Postero die caput in iecore non fuit. Quae quidem illi portendebantur a dis immortalibus, ut videret interitum, non ut caveret. Cum igitur eae partes in extis non reperiuntur, sine quibus victuma illa vivere nequisset, intellegendum est in ipso immolationis tempore eas partes, quae absint, interisse.
2.35 sed tamen eo concesso qui evenit, ut is, qui impetrire velit, convenientem hostiam rebus suis immolet? Hoc erat, quod ego non rebar posse dissolvi. At quam festive dissolvitur! pudet me non tui quidem, cuius etiam memoriam admiror, sed Chrysippi, Antipatri, Posidonii, qui idem istuc quidem dicunt, quod est dictum a te, ad hostiam deligendam ducem esse vim quandam sentientem atque divinam, quae toto confusa mundo sit. Illud vero multo etiam melius, quod et a te usurpatum est et dicitur ab illis: cum immolare quispiam velit, tum fieri extorum mutationem, ut aut absit aliquid aut supersit; 2.36 deorum enim numini parere omnia. Haec iam, mihi crede, ne aniculae quidem existimant. An censes, eundem vitulum si alius delegerit, sine capite iecur inventurum; si alius, cum capite? Haec decessio capitis aut accessio subitone fieri potest, ut se exta ad immolatoris fortunam accommodent? non perspicitis aleam quandam esse in hostiis deligendis, praesertim cum res ipsa doceat? Cum enim tristissuma exta sine capite fuerunt, quibus nihil videtur esse dirius, proxuma hostia litatur saepe pulcherrime. Ubi igitur illae minae superiorum extorum? aut quae tam subito facta est deorum tanta placatio? Sed adfers in tauri opimi extis immolante Caesare cor non fuisse; id quia non potuerit accidere, ut sine corde victuma illa viveret, iudicandum esse tum interisse cor, cum immolaretur. 2.37 Qui fit, ut alterum intellegas, sine corde non potuisse bovem vivere, alterum non videas, cor subito non potuisse nescio quo avolare? Ego enim possum vel nescire, quae vis sit cordis ad vivendum, vel suspicari contractum aliquo morbo bovis exile et exiguum et vietum cor et dissimile cordis fuisse; tu vero quid habes, quare putes, si paulo ante cor fuerit in tauro opimo, subito id in ipsa immolatione interisse? an quod aspexit vestitu purpureo excordem Caesarem, ipse corde privatus est? Urbem philosophiae, mihi crede, proditis, dum castella defenditis; nam, dum haruspicinam veram esse vultis, physiologiam totam pervertitis. Caput est in iecore, cor in extis; iam abscedet, simul ac molam et vinum insperseris; deus id eripiet, vis aliqua conficiet aut exedet. Non ergo omnium ortus atque obitus natura conficiet, et erit aliquid, quod aut ex nihilo oriatur aut in nihilum subito occidat. Quis hoc physicus dixit umquam? haruspices dicunt; his igitur quam physicis credendum potius existumas?
2.46 Mirabile autem illud, quod eo ipso tempore, quo fieret indicium coniurationis in senatu, signum Iovis biennio post, quam erat locatum, in Capitolio conlocabatur.—Tu igitur animum induces (sic enim mecum agebas) causam istam et contra facta tua et contra scripta defendere?—Frater es; eo vereor. Verum quid tibi hic tandem nocet? resne, quae talis est, an ego, qui verum explicari volo? Itaque nihil contra dico, a te rationem totius haruspicinae peto. Sed te mirificam in latebram coniecisti; quod enim intellegeres fore ut premerere, cum ex te causas unius cuiusque divinationis exquirerem, multa verba fecisti te, cum res videres, rationem causamque non quaerere; quid fieret, non cur fieret, ad rem pertinere. Quasi ego aut fieri concederem aut esset philosophi causam,
2.48 Non equidem plane despero ista esse vera, sed nescio et discere a te volo. Nam cum mihi quaedam casu viderentur sic evenire, ut praedicta essent a divitibus, dixisti multa de casu, ut Venerium iaci posse casu quattuor talis iactis, sed quadringentis centum Venerios non posse casu consistere. Primum nescio, cur non possint, sed non pugno; abundas enim similibus. Habes et respersionem pigmentorum et rostrum suis et alia permulta. Idem Carneadem fingere dicis de capite Panisci; quasi non potuerit id evenire casu et non in omni marmore necesse sit inesse vel Praxitelia capita! Illa enim ipsa efficiuntur detractione, neque quicquam illuc adfertur a Praxitele; sed cum multa sunt detracta et ad liniamenta oris perventum est, tum intellegas illud, quod iam expolitum sit, intus fuisse.
2.52 Quota enim quaeque res evenit praedicta ab istis? aut, si evenit quippiam, quid adferri potest, cur non casu id evenerit? Rex Prusias, cum Hannibali apud eum exsulanti depugnari placeret, negabat se audere, quod exta prohiberent. Ain tu? inquit, carunculae vitulinae mavis quam imperatori veteri credere? Quid? ipse Caesar cum a summo haruspice moneretur, ne in Africam ante brumam transmitteret, nonne transmisit? quod ni fecisset, uno in loco omnes adversariorum copiae convenissent. Quid ego haruspicum responsa commemorem (possum equidem innumerabilia), quae aut nullos habuerint exitus aut contrarios? 2.53 Hoc civili bello, di inmortales! quam multa luserunt! quae nobis in Graeciam Roma responsa haruspicum missa sunt! quae dicta Pompeio! etenim ille admodum extis et ostentis movebatur. Non lubet commemorare, nec vero necesse est, tibi praesertim, qui interfuisti; vides tamen omnia fere contra, ac dicta sint, evenisse. Sed haec hactenus; nunc ad ostenta veniamus.
2.65 Cur autem de passerculis coniecturam facit, in quibus nullum erat monstrum, de dracone silet, qui, id quod fieri non potuit, lapideus dicitur factus? postremo quid simile habet passer annis? Nam de angue illo, qui Sullae apparuit immolanti, utrumque memini, et Sullam, cum in expeditionem educturus esset, immolavisse, et anguem ab ara extitisse, eoque die rem praeclare esse gestam non haruspicis consilio, sed imperatoris.
2.79 Aves eventus significant aut adversos aut secundos; virtutis auspiciis video esse usum Deiotarum, quae vetat spectare fortunam, dum praestetur fides. Aves vero si prosperos eventus ostenderunt, certe fefellerunt. Fugit e proelio cum Pompeio; grave tempus! Discessit ab eo; luctuosa res! Caesarem eodem tempore hostem et hospitem vidit; quid hoc tristius? Is cum ei Trocmorum tetrarchian eripuisset et adseculae suo Pergameno nescio cui dedisset eidemque detraxisset Armeniam a senatu datam, cumque ab eo magnificentissumo hospitio acceptus esset, spoliatum reliquit et hospitem et regem. Sed labor longius; ad propositum revertar. Si eventa quaerimus, quae exquiruntur avibus, nullo modo prospera Deiotaro; sin officia, a virtute ipsius, non ab auspiciis petita sunt.
2.89 Sed ut ratione utamur omissis testibus, sic isti disputant, qui haec Chaldaeorum natalicia praedicta defendunt: Vim quandam esse aiunt signifero in orbe, qui Graece zwdiako/s dicitur, talem, ut eius orbis una quaeque pars alia alio modo moveat inmutetque caelum, perinde ut quaeque stellae in his finitumisque partibus sint quoque tempore, eamque vim varie moveri ab iis sideribus, quae vocantur errantia; cum autem in eam ipsam partem orbis venerint, in qua sit ortus eius, qui nascatur, aut in eam, quae coniunctum aliquid habeat aut consentiens, ea triangula illi et quadrata nomit. Etenim cum †tempore anni tempestatumque caeli conversiones commutationesque tantae fiant accessu stellarum et recessu, cumque ea vi solis efficiantur, quae videmus, non veri simile solum, sed etiam verum esse censent perinde, utcumque temperatus sit ae+r, ita pueros orientis animari atque formari, ex eoque ingenia, mores, animum, corpus, actionem vitae, casus cuiusque eventusque fingi.
2.148 Explodatur igitur haec quoque somniorum divinatio pariter cum ceteris. Nam, ut vere loquamur, superstitio fusa per gentis oppressit omnium fere animos atque hominum inbecillitatem occupavit. Quod et in iis libris dictum est, qui sunt de natura deorum, et hac disputatione id maxume egimus. Multum enim et nobismet ipsis et nostris profuturi videbamur, si eam funditus sustulissemus. Nec vero (id enim diligenter intellegi volo) superstitione tollenda religio tollitur. Nam et maiorum instituta tueri sacris caerimoniisque retinendis sapientis est, et esse praestantem aliquam aeternamque naturam, et eam suspiciendam admirandamque hominum generi pulchritudo mundi ordoque rerum caelestium cogit confiteri.' ' None | sup>
1.1 And what do you say of the following story which we find in our annals? During the Veientian War, when Lake Albanus had overflowed its banks, a certain nobleman of Veii deserted to us and said that, according to the prophecies of the Veientian books, their city could not be taken while the lake was at flood, and that if its waters were permitted to overflow and take their own course to the sea the result would be disastrous to the Roman people; on the other hand, if the waters were drained off in such a way that they did not reach the sea the result would be to our advantage. In consequence of this announcement our forefathers dug that marvellous canal to drain off the waters from the Alban lake. Later when the Veientians had grown weary of war and had sent ambassadors to the Senate to treat for peace, one of them is reported to have said that the deserter had not dared to tell the whole of the prophecy contained in the Veientian books, for those books, he said, also foretold the early capture of Rome by the Gauls. And this, as we know, did occur six years after the fall of Veii. 45
1.1 Book I1 There is an ancient belief, handed down to us even from mythical times and firmly established by the general agreement of the Roman people and of all nations, that divination of some kind exists among men; this the Greeks call μαντική — that is, the foresight and knowledge of future events. A really splendid and helpful thing it is — if only such a faculty exists — since by its means men may approach very near to the power of gods. And, just as we Romans have done many other things better than the Greeks, so have we excelled them in giving to this most extraordinary gift a name, which we have derived from divi, a word meaning gods, whereas, according to Platos interpretation, they have derived it from furor, a word meaning frenzy.
1.1 Why, my dear Quintus, said I, you are defending the very citadel of the Stoics in asserting the interdependence of these two propositions: if there is divination there are gods, and, if there are gods there is divination. But neither is granted as readily as you think. For it is possible that nature gives signs of future events without the intervention of a god, and it may be that there are gods without their having conferred any power of divination upon men.To this he replied, I, at any rate, find sufficient proof to satisfy me of the existence of the gods and of their concern in human affairs in my conviction that there are some kinds of divination which are clear and manifest. With your permission I will set forth my views on this subject, provided you are at leisure and have nothing else which you think should be preferred to such a discussion.
1.8 It often happens, too, that the soul is violently stirred by the sight of some object, or by the deep tone of a voice, or by singing. Frequently anxiety or fear will have that effect, as it did in the case of Hesione, whoDid rave like one by Bacchic rites made madAnd mid the tombs her Teucer called aloud.37 And poetic inspiration also proves that there is a divine power within the human soul. Democritus says that no one can be a great poet without being in a state of frenzy, and Plato says the same thing. Let Plato call it frenzy if he will, provided he praises it as it was praised in his Phaedrus. And what about your own speeches in law suits. Can the delivery of you lawyers be impassioned, weighty, and fluent unless your soul is deeply stirred? Upon my word, many a time have I seen in you such passion of look and gesture that I thought some power was rendering you unconscious of what you did; and, if I may cite a less striking example, I have seen the same in your friend Aesopus.
1.8 This subject has been discussed by me frequently on other occasions, but with somewhat more than ordinary care when my brother Quintus and I were together recently at my Tusculan villa. For the sake of a stroll we had gone to the Lyceum which is the name of my upper gymnasium, when Quintus remarked:I have just finished a careful reading of the third book of your treatise, On the Nature of the Gods, containing Cottas discussion, which, though it has shaken my views of religion, has not overthrown them entirely.Very good, said I; for Cottas argument is intended rather to refute the arguments of the Stoics than to destroy mans faith in religion.Quintus then replied: Cotta says the very same thing, and says it repeatedly, in order, as I think, not to appear to violate the commonly accepted canons of belief; yet it seems to me that, in his zeal to confute the Stoics, he utterly demolishes the gods.
1.11 Really, my dear Quintus, said I, I always have time for philosophy. Moreover, since there is nothing else at this time that I can do with pleasure, I am all the more eager to hear what you think about divination.There is, I assure you, said he, nothing new or original in my views; for those which I adopt are not only very old, but they are endorsed by the consent of all peoples and nations. There are two kinds of divination: the first is dependent on art, the other on nature.
1.11 The second division of divination, as I said before, is the natural; and it, according to exact teaching of physics, must be ascribed to divine Nature, from which, as the wisest philosophers maintain, our souls have been drawn and poured forth. And since the universe is wholly filled with the Eternal Intelligence and the Divine Mind, it must be that human souls are influenced by their contact with divine souls. But when men are awake their souls, as a rule, are subject to the demands of everyday life and are withdrawn from divine association because they are hampered by the chains of the flesh.
1.12 Now — to mention those almost entirely dependent on art — what nation or what state disregards the prophecies of soothsayers, or of interpreters of prodigies and lightnings, or of augurs, or of astrologers, or of oracles, or — to mention the two kinds which are classed as natural means of divination — the forewarnings of dreams, or of frenzy? of these methods of divining it behoves us, I think, to examine the results rather than the causes. For there is a certain natural power, which now, through long-continued observation of signs and now, through some divine excitement and inspiration, makes prophetic announcement of the future. 7 Therefore let Carneades cease to press the question, which Panaetius also used to urge, whether Jove had ordered the crow to croak on the left side and the raven on the right. Such signs as these have been observed for an unlimited time, and the results have been checked and recorded. Moreover, there is nothing which length of time cannot accomplish and attain when aided by memory to receive and records to preserve.
1.12 The Divine Will accomplishes like results in the case of birds, and causes those known as alites, which give omens by their flight, to fly hither and thither and disappear now here and now there, and causes those known as oscines, which give omens by their cries, to sing now on the left and now on the right. For if every animal moves its body forward, sideways, or backward at will, it bends, twists, extends, and contracts its members as it pleases, and performs these various motions almost mechanically; how much easier it is for such results to be accomplished by a god, whose divine will all things obey!
1.17 But what authority or what witness can I better employ than yourself? I have even learned by heart and with great pleasure the following lines uttered by the Muse, Urania, in the second book of your poem entitled, My Consulship:First of all, Jupiter, glowing with fire from regions celestial,Turns, and the whole of creation is filled with the light of his glory;And, though the vaults of aether eternal begird and confine him,Yet he, with spirit divine, ever searching the earth and the heavens,Sounds to their innermost depths the thoughts and the actions of mortals.When one has learned the motions and variant paths of the planets,Stars that abide in the seat of the signs, in the Zodiacs girdle,(Spoken of falsely as vagrants or rovers in Greek nomenclature,Whereas in truth their distance is fixed and their speed is determined,)Then will he know that all are controlled by an Infinite Wisdom.
1.18 You, being consul, at once did observe the swift constellations,Noting the glare of luminous stars in direful conjunction:Then you beheld the tremulous sheen of the Northern aurora,When, on ascending the mountainous heights of snowy Albanus,You offered joyful libations of milk at the Feast of the Latins;Ominous surely the time wherein fell that Feast of the Latins;Many a warning was given, it seemed, of slaughter nocturnal;Then, of a sudden, the moon at her full was blotted from heaven —Hidden her features resplendent, though night was bejewelled with planets;Then did that dolorous herald of War, the torch of Apollo,Mount all aflame to the dome of the sky, where the sun has its setting;Then did a Roman depart from these radiant abodes of the living,Stricken by terrible lightning from heavens serene and unclouded.Then through the fruit-laden body of earth ran the shock of an earthquake;Spectres at night were observed, appalling and changeful of figure,Giving their warning that war was at hand, and internal commotion;Over all lands there outpoured, from the frenzied bosoms of prophets,Dreadful predictions, gloomy forecasts of impending disaster.
1.19 And the misfortunes which happened at last and were long in their passing —These were foretold by the Father of Gods, in earth and in heaven,Through unmistakable signs that he gave and often repeated.12 Now, of those prophecies made when Torquatus and Cotta were consuls, —Made by a Lydian diviner, by one of Etruscan extraction —All, in the round of your crowded twelve months, were brought to fulfilment.For high-thundering Jove, as he stood on starry Olympus,Hurled forth his blows at the temples and monuments raised in his honour,And on the Capitols site he unloosed the bolts of his lightning.Then fell the brazen image of Natta, ancient and honoured:Vanished the tablets of laws long ago divinely enacted;Wholly destroyed were the statues of gods by the heat of the lightning. 1.21 Long was the statue delayed and much was it hindered in making.Finally, you being consul, it stood in its lofty position.Just at the moment of time, which the gods had set and predicted,When on column exalted the sceptre of Jove was illumined,Did Allobrogian voices proclaim to Senate and peopleWhat destruction by dagger and torch was prepared for our country.13 Rightly, therefore, the ancients whose monuments you have in keeping,Romans whose rule over peoples and cities was just and courageous,Rightly your kindred, foremost in honour and pious devotion,Far surpassing the rest of their fellows in shrewdness and wisdom,Held it a duty supreme to honour the Infinite Godhead.Such were the truths they beheld who painfully searching for wisdomGladly devoted their leisure to study of all that was noble, 1.22 Who, in Academys shade and Lyceums dazzling effulgence,Uttered the brilliant reflections of minds abounding in culture.Torn from these studies, in youths early dawn, your country recalled you,Giving you place in the thick of the struggle for public preferment;Yet, in seeking surcease from the worries and cares that oppress you,Time, that the State leaves free, you devote to us and to learning.In view, therefore, of your acts, and in view too of your own verses which I have quoted and which were composed with the utmost care, could you be persuaded to controvert the position which I maintain in regard to divination?
1.51 And yet let me cite another: the famous Publius Decius, son of Quintus, and the first of that family to become consul, was military tribune in the consulship of Marcus Valerius and Aulus Cornelius while our army was being hard pressed by the Samnites. When, because of his rushing too boldly into the dangers of battle, he was advised to be more cautious, he replied, according to the annals, I dreamed that by dying in the midst of the enemy I should win immortal fame. And though he was unharmed at that time and extricated the army from its difficulties, yet three years later, when consul, he devoted himself to death and rushed full-armed against the battle-line of the Latins. By this act of his the Latins were overcome and destroyed; and so glorious was his death that his son sought the same fate. 1.52 But let us come now, if you please, to the dreams of philosophers.25 We read in Plato that Socrates, while in prison, said in a conversation with his friend Crito: I am to die in three days; for in a dream I saw a woman of rare beauty, who called me by name and quoted this verse from Homer:Gladly on Phthias shore the third days dawn shall behold thee.And history informs us that his death occurred as he had foretold. That disciple of Socrates, Xenophon — and what a man he was! — records the dreams he had during his campaign with Cyrus the Younger, and their remarkable fulfilment. Shall we say that Xenophon is either a liar or a madman?
1.56 According to this same Coelius, Gaius Gracchus told many persons that his brother Tiberius came to him in a dream when he was a candidate for the quaestorship and said: However much you may try to defer your fate, nevertheless you must die the same death that I did. This happened before Gaius was tribune of the people, and Coelius writes that he himself heard it from Gaius who had repeated it to many others. Can you find anything better authenticated than this dream?27 And who, pray, can make light of the two following dreams which are so often recounted by Stoic writers? The first one is about Simonides, who once saw the dead body of some unknown man lying exposed and buried it. Later, when he had it in mind to go on board a ship he was warned in a vision by the person to whom he had given burial not to do so and that if he did he would perish in a shipwreck. Therefore he turned back and all the others who sailed were lost.
1.58 But why go on seeking illustrations from ancient history? I had a dream which I have often related to you, and you one which you have often told to me. When I was governor of Asia I dreamed that I saw you on horseback riding toward the bank of some large river, when you suddenly plunged forward, fell into the stream, and wholly disappeared from sight. I was greatly alarmed and trembled with fear. But in a moment you reappeared mounted on the same horse, and with a cheerful countece ascended the opposite bank where we met and embraced each other. The meaning of the dream was readily explained to me by experts in Asia who from it predicted those events which subsequent occurred. 1.59 I come now to your dream. I heard it, of course, from you, but more frequently from our Sallustius. In the course of your banishment, which was glorious for us but disastrous to the State, you stopped for the night at a certain country-house in the plain of Atina. After lying awake most of the night, finally, about daybreak, you fell into a very profound sleep. And though your journey was pressing, yet Sallustius gave instructions to maintain quiet and would not permit you to be disturbed. But you awoke about the second hour and related your dream to him. In it you seemed to be wandering sadly about in solitary places when Gaius Marius, with his fasces wreathed in laurel, asked you why you were sad, and you replied that you had been driven from your country by violence. He then bade you be of good cheer, took you by the right hand, and delivered you to the nearest lictor to be conducted to his memorial temple, saying that there you should find safety. Sallustius thereupon, as he relates, cried out, a speedy and a glorious return awaits you. He further states that you too seemed delighted at the dream. Immediately thereafter it was reported to me that as soon as you heard that it was in Marius temple that the glorious decree of the Senate for your recall had been enacted on motion of the consul, a most worthy and most eminent man, and that the decree had been greeted by unprecedented shouts of approval in a densely crowded theatre, you said that no stronger proof could be given of a divinely inspired dream than this. 29
1.68 I seem to be relying for illustrations on myths drawn from tragic poets. But you yourself are my authority for an instance of the same nature, and yet it is not fiction but a real occurrence. Gaius Coponius, a man of unusual capacity and learning, came to you at Dyrrachium while he, as praetor, was in command of the Rhodian fleet, and told you of a prediction made by a certain oarsman from one of the Rhodian quinqueremes. The prediction was that in less than thirty days Greece would be bathed in blood; Dyrrachium would be pillaged; its defenders would flee to their ships and, as they fled, would see behind them the unhappy spectacle of a great conflagration; but the Rhodian fleet would have a quick passage home. This story gave you some concern, and it caused very great alarm to those cultured men, Marcus Varro and Marcus Cato, who were at Dyrrachium at the time. In fact, a few days later Labienus reached Dyrrachium in flight from Pharsalus, with the news of the loss of the army. The rest of the prophecy was soon fulfilled.
1.101 Again, we are told that fauns have often been heard in battle and that during turbulent times truly prophetic messages have been sent from mysterious places. Out of many instances of this class I shall give only two, but they are very striking. Not long before the capture of the city by the Gauls, a voice, issuing from Vestas sacred grove, which slopes from the foot of the Palatine Hill to New Road, was heard to say, the walls and gates must be repaired; unless this is done the city will be taken. Neglect of this warning, while it was possible to heed it, was atoned for after the supreme disaster had occurred; for, adjoining the grove, an altar, which is now to be seen enclosed with a hedge, was dedicated to Aius the Speaker. The other illustration has been reported by many writers. At the time of the earthquake a voice came from Junos temple on the citadel commanding that an expiatory sacrifice be made of a pregt sow. From this fact the goddess was called Juno the Adviser. Are we, then, lightly to regard these warnings which the gods have sent and our forefathers adjudged to be trustworthy?
1.119 Conclusive proof of this fact, sufficient to put it beyond the possibility of doubt, is afforded by incidents which happened just before Caesars death. While he was offering sacrifices on the day when he sat for the first time on a golden throne and first appeared in public in a purple robe, no heart was found in the vitals of the votive ox. Now do you think it possible for any animal that has blood to exist without a heart? Caesar was unmoved by this occurrence, even though Spurinna warned him to beware lest thought and life should fail him — both of which, he said, proceeded from the heart. On the following day there was no head to the liver of the sacrifice. These portents were sent by the immortal gods to Caesar that he might foresee his death, not that he might prevent it. Therefore, when those organs, without which the victim could not have lived, are found wanting in the vitals, we should understand that the absent organs disappeared at the very moment of immolation. 53
2.35 yet, suppose the concession is made, how is it brought about that the man in search of favourable signs will find a sacrifice suitable to his purpose? I thought the question insoluble. But what a fine solution is offered! I am not ashamed of you — I am actually astonished at your memory; but I am ashamed of Chrysippus, Antipater, and Posidonius who say exactly what you said: The choice of the sacrificial victim is directed by the sentient and divine power which pervades the entire universe.But even more absurd is that other pronouncement of theirs which you adopted: At the moment of sacrifice a change in the entrails takes place; something is added or something taken away; for all things are obedient to the Divine Will. 2.36 Upon my word, no old woman is credulous enough now to believe such stuff! Do you believe that the same bullock, if chosen by one man, will have a liver without a head, and if chosen by another will have a liver with a head? And is it possible that this sudden going or coming of the livers head occurs so that the entrails may adapt themselves to the situation of the person who offers the sacrifice? Do you Stoics fail to see in choosing the victim it is almost like a throw of the dice, especially as facts prove it? For when the entrails of the first victim have been without a head, which is the most fatal of all signs, it often happens that the sacrifice of the next victim is altogether favourable. Pray what became of the warnings of the first set of entrails? And how was the favour of the gods so completely and so suddenly gained?16 But, you say, Once, when Caesar was offering a sacrifice, there was no heart in the entrails of the sacrificial bull; and, and, since it would have been impossible for the victim to live without a heart, the heart must have disappeared at the moment of immolation. 2.37 How does it happen that you understand the one fact, that the bull could not have lived without a heart and do not realize the other, that the heart could not suddenly have vanished I know not where? As for me, possibly I do not know what vital function the heart performs; if I do I suspect that the bulls heart, as the result of a disease, became much wasted and shrunken and lost its resemblance to a heart. But, assuming that only a little while before the heart was in the sacrificial bull, why do you think it suddenly disappeared at the very moment of immolation? Dont you think, rather, that the bull lost his heart when he saw that Caesar in his purple robe had lost his head?Upon my word you Stoics surrender the very city of philosophy while defending its outworks! For, by your insistence on the truth of soothsaying, you utterly overthrow physiology. There is a head to the liver and a heart in the entrails, presto! they will vanish the very second you have sprinkled them with meal and wine! Aye, some god will snatch them away! Some invisible power will destroy them or eat them up! Then the creation and destruction of all things are not due to nature, and there are some things which spring from nothing or suddenly become nothing. Was any such statement ever made by any natural philosopher? It is made, you say, by soothsayers. Then do you think that soothsayers are worthier of belief than natural philosophers? 17
2.46 Besides, you quote me as authority for the remarkable fact that, at the very time when proof of the conspiracy was being presented to the Senate, the statue of Jupiter, which had been contracted for two years before, was being erected on the Capitol.Will you then — for thus you pleaded with me — will you then persuade yourself to take sides against me in this discussion, in the face of your own writings and of your own practice? You are my brother and on that account I shrink from recrimination. But what, pray, is causing you distress in this matter? Is it the nature of the subject? Or is it my insistence on finding out the truth? And so I waive your charge of my inconsistency — I am asking you for an explanation of the entire subject of soothsaying. But you betook yourself to a strange place of refuge. You knew that you would be in straits when I asked your reason for each kind of divination, and, hence, you had much to say to this effect: Since I see what divination does I do not ask the reason or the cause why it does it. The question is, what does it do? not, why does it do it? As if I would grant either that divination accomplished anything, or that it was permissible for a philosopher not to ask why anything happened!
2.48 I am not a hopeless sceptic on the subject of such warnings really being sent by the gods; however, I do not know that they are and I want to learn the actual facts from you. Again, when certain other events occurred as they had been foretold by diviners and I attributed the coincidence to chance, you talked a long time about chance. You said, for example, For the Venus-throw to result from one cast of the four dice might be due to chance; but if a hundred Venus-throws resulted from one hundred casts this could not be due to chance. In the first place I do not know why it could not; but I do not contest the point, for you are full of the same sort of examples — like that about the scattering of the paints and that one about the hogs snout, and you had very many other examples besides. You also mentioned that myth from Carneades about the head of Pan — as if the likeness could not have been the result of chance! and as if every block of marble did not necessarily have within it heads worthy of Praxiteles! For his masterpieces were made by chipping away the marble, not by adding anything to it; and when, after much chipping, the lineaments of a face were reached, one then realized that the work now polished and complete had always been inside the block.
2.52 For how many things predicted by them really come true? If any do come true, then what reason can be advanced why the agreement of the event with the prophecy was not due to chance? While Hannibal was in exile at the court of King Prusias he advised the king to go to war, but the king replied, I do not dare, because the entrails forbid. And do you, said Hannibal, put more reliance in piece of ox‑meat than you do in a veteran commander? Again, when Caesar himself was warned by a most eminent soothsayer not to cross over to Africa before the winter solstice, did he not cross? If he had not done so all the forces opposed to him would have effected a junction. Why need I give instances — and, in fact, I could give countless ones — where the prophecies of soothsayers either were without result or the issue was directly the reverse of the prophecy? 2.53 Ye gods, how many times were they mistaken in the late civil war! What oracular messages the soothsayers sent from Rome to our Pompeian party then in Greece! What assurances they gave to Pompey! For he placed great reliance in divination by means of entrails and portents. I have no wish to call these instances to mind, and indeed it is unnecessary — especially to you, since you had personal knowledge of them. Still, you are aware that the result was nearly always contrary to the prophecy. But enough on this point: let us now come to portents. 25
2.65 But, pray, by what principle of augury does he deduce years rather than months or days from the number of sparrows? Again, why does he base his prophecy on little sparrows which are not abnormal sights and ignore the alleged fact — which is impossible — that the dragon was turned to stone? Finally, what is there about a sparrow to suggest years? In connexion with your story of the snake which appeared to Sulla when he was offering sacrifices, I recall two facts: first, that when Sulla offered sacrifices, as he was about to begin his march against the enemy, a snake came out from under the altar; and, second, that the glorious victory won by him that day was due not to the soothsayers art, but to the skill of the general. 31
2.79 Birds indicate that results will be unfavourable or favourable. In my view of the case Deiotarus employed the auspices of virtue, and virtue bids us not to look to fortune until the claims of honour are discharged. However, if the birds indicated that the issue would be favourable to Deiotarus they certainly deceived him. He fled from the battle with Pompey — a serious situation! He separated from Pompey — an occasion of sorrow! He beheld Caesar at once his enemy and his guest — what could have been more distressing than that? Caesar wrested from him the tetrarchy over the Trocmi and conferred it upon some obscure sycophant of his own from Pergamus; deprived him of Armenia, a gift from the Senate; accepted a most lavish hospitality at the hands of his royal host and left him utterly despoiled. But I wander too far: I must return to the point at issue. If we examine this matter from the standpoint of the results — and that was the question submitted to the determination of the birds — the issue was in no sense favourable to Deiotarus; but if we examine it from the standpoint of duty, he sought information on that score not from the auspices, but from his own conscience. 38
2.89 But let us dismiss our witnesses and employ reasoning. Those men who defend the natal-day prophecies of the Chaldeans, argue in this way: In the starry belt which the Greeks call the Zodiac there is a certain force of such a nature that every part of that belt affects and changes the heavens in a different way, according to the stars that are in this or in an adjoining locality at a given time. This force is variously affected by those stars which are called planets or wandering stars. But when they have come into that sign of the Zodiac under which someone is born, or into a sign having some connexion with or accord with the natal sign, they form what is called a triangle or square. Now since, through the procession and retrogression of the stars, the great variety and change of the seasons and of temperature take place, and since the power of the sun produces such results as are before our eyes, they believe that it is not merely probable, but certain, that just as the temperature of the air is regulated by this celestial force, so also children at their birth are influenced in soul and body and by this force their minds, manners, disposition, physical condition, career in life and destinies are determined. 43
2.148 Then let dreams, as a means of divination, be rejected along with the rest. Speaking frankly, superstition, which is widespread among the nations, has taken advantage of human weakness to cast its spell over the mind of almost every man. This same view was stated in my treatise On the Nature of the Gods; and to prove the correctness of that view has been the chief aim of the present discussion. For I thought that I should be rendering a great service both to myself and to my countrymen if I could tear this superstition up by the roots. But I want it distinctly understood that the destruction of superstition does not mean the destruction of religion. For I consider it the part of wisdom to preserve the institutions of our forefathers by retaining their sacred rites and ceremonies. Furthermore, the celestial order and the beauty of the universe compel me to confess that there is some excellent and eternal Being, who deserves the respect and homage of men.' ' None |
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12. Cicero, De Finibus, 2.23 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Corinth, Caesar’s colony at • Julius Caesar, C. • Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus
Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 125; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 65
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2.23 \xa0"What then is the point of saying \'I\xa0should have no fault to find with them if they kept their desires within bounds\'? That is tantamount to saying \'I\xa0should not blame the profligate if they were not profligate.\' He might as well say he would not blame the dishonest either, if they were upright men. Here is our rigid moralist maintaining that sensuality is not in itself blameworthy! And I\xa0profess, Torquatus, on the hypothesis that pleasure is the Chief Good he is perfectly justified in thinking so. I\xa0should be sorry to picture to myself, as you are so fond of doing, debauchees who are sick at table, have to be carried home from dinner-parties, and next day gorge themselves again before they have recovered from the effects of the night before; men who, as the saying goes, have never seen either sunset or sunrise; men who run through their inheritance and sink into penury. None of us supposes that profligates of that description live pleasantly. No, but men of taste and refinement, with first-rate chefs and confectioners, fish, birds, game and the like of the choicest; careful of their digestion; with Wine in flask Decanted from a newâ\x80\x91broach\'d cask,\xa0.\xa0.\xa0. as Lucilius has it, Wine of tang bereft, All harshness in the strainer left; with the accompaniment of dramatic performances and their usual sequel, the pleasures apart from which Epicurus, as he loudly proclaims, does not what Good is; give them also beautiful boys to wait upon them, with drapery, silver, Corinthian bronzes, and the scene of the feast, the banqueting-room, all in keeping; take profligates of this sort; that these live well or enjoy happiness I\xa0will never allow. <'' None |
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13. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 2.23, 2.52, 2.92, 2.102, 2.116, 5.52 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar C. Julius • Caesar, C. Iulius, historical ambitions • Caesar, Julius • Cicero, assessment of Julius Caesar • Corinth, Caesar’s colony at • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C. • Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 62; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 141; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 276; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 291; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 29; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 125; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 65
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2.23 quid ergo attinet dicere: 'Nihil haberem, quod reprehenderem, si finitas cupiditates haberent'? hoc est dicere: Non reprehenderem asotos, si non essent asoti. isto modo ne improbos quidem, si essent boni viri. hic homo severus luxuriam ipsam per se reprehendendam non putat, et hercule, Torquate, ut verum loquamur, si summum bonum voluptas est, rectissime non putat. Noli noli Se. nolui N nolim rell. codd. enim mihi fingere asotos, ut soletis, qui in mensam vomant, et qui de conviviis auferantur crudique postridie se rursus ingurgitent, qui solem, ut aiunt, nec occidentem umquam viderint nec orientem, qui consumptis patrimoniis egeant. nemo nostrum istius generis asotos iucunde putat vivere. mundos, elegantis, optimis cocis, pistoribus, piscatu, aucupio, venatione, his omnibus exquisitis, vitantes cruditatem, quibus vinum quibus vinum et q. s. cf. Lucilii carm. rell. rec. Marx. I p. 78, II p. 366 sq. defusum e pleno sit chrysizon, chrysizon Marx.; hirsizon A hrysizon vel heysizon B hrysizon E hyrsi|hon R hyrsizon N hrysiron V ut ait Lucilius, cui nihildum situlus et nihildum situlus et (situlus = situla, sitella) Se. nihil (nichil BE) dum sit vis et ABE nichil dum sit viset R nichil dempsit (e vid. corr. ex u, psit in ras. ) vis (post s ras.) et (in ras.) N nichil dempsit vis et V sacculus sacculus ABE saculos V sarculos R, N (a ex corr. m. alt., r superscr. ab alt. m. ) abstulerit, adhibentis ludos et quae sequuntur, illa, quibus detractis clamat Epicurus se nescire quid sit bonum; adsint etiam formosi pueri, qui ministrent, respondeat his vestis, argentum, Corinthium, locus ipse, aedificium—hos ergo ergo BER ego ANV asotos bene quidem vivere aut aut at BE beate numquam dixerim." "
2.52 'Oculorum', inquit Plato, Plato in Phaedro p. 250 D est in nobis sensus acerrimus, quibus sapientiam non cernimus. quam illa ardentis amores excitaret sui! sui si videretur Cur V, (si videretur a man. poster. in marg. add. ) N Cur tandem? an quod ita callida est, ut optime possit architectari voluptates? an quod classidas ut... voluptates Non. p. 70 Cur iustitia laudatur? aut unde est hoc contritum vetustate proverbium: 'quicum in tenebris'? hoc dictum in una re latissime patet, ut in omnibus factis re, non teste moveamur." "
2.92 Verum esto; consequatur summas voluptates non modo parvo, sed per me nihilo, si potest; sit voluptas non minor in nasturcio illo, quo vesci Persas esse solitos scribit Xenophon, quam in Syracusanis mensis, quae a Platone graviter vituperantur; sit, inquam, tam facilis, quam vultis, comparatio voluptatis, quid de dolore dicemus? cuius tanta tormenta sunt, ut in iis iis Mdu. his AER hys B hijs NV beata vita, si modo dolor summum malum est, esse non possit. ipse enim Metrodorus, paene alter alter A 2 BEN aliter A 1 R alr (= aliter) quam V Epicurus, beatum esse describit his fere verbis: cum corpus bene constitutum sit et sit exploratum ita futurum. an id exploratum cuiquam potest esse, quo modo se hoc se hoc A 2 E (h'), se haec A 1 se hic B se hee R se se hec N sese V habiturum sit corpus, non dico ad annum, sed ad vesperum? vesperam R vespm V dolor ergo, go (= ergo) ARNV igitur BE id est summum malum, metuetur semper, etiamsi non aderit; iam enim adesse poterit. qui potest igitur habitare in beata vita summi mali metus?" 2.102 haec ego non possum dicere non esse hominis quamvis et belli et humani, sapientis vero nullo modo, physici praesertim, quem se ille esse vult, putare putare edd. putari ullum esse cuiusquam diem natalem. quid? idemne potest esse dies saepius, qui semel fuit? certe non potest. an eiusdem modi? ne id quidem, nisi multa annorum intercesserint milia, ut omnium siderum eodem, unde profecta sint, sunt R fiat ad unum tempus reversio. nullus est igitur cuiusquam dies natalis. At habetur! Et ego id scilicet nesciebam! Sed ut sit, etiamne post mortem coletur? idque testamento cavebit is, qui nobis quasi oraculum ediderit nihil post mortem ad nos pertinere? ad nos pertinere post mortem A haec non erant eius, qui innumerabilis mundos infinitasque regiones, quarum nulla esset ora, nulla extremitas, mente peragravisset. num quid tale Democritus? ut alios omittam, hunc appello, quem ille unum secutus est.
2.116 Lege laudationes, Torquate, non eorum, qui sunt ab Homero laudati, non Cyri, non Agesilai, non Aristidi aut Themistocli, non Philippi aut aut ( post Philippi) om. R Alexandri, lege nostrorum hominum, lege vestrae familiae; neminem videbis ita laudatum, ut artifex callidus comparandarum voluptatum voluptatum dett. utilitatum diceretur. non elogia elogia edd. eulogia monimentorum id significant, velut hoc ad portam: Hunc unum Hunc unum Ern. uno cum ABER uno cu j (j ex corr. m. alt.; voluisse videtur scriba uno cui) N ymo cum V plurimae consentiunt gentes populi primarium fuisse virum.
5.52 quid, cum fictas fabulas, e quibus utilitas nulla elici elici dett. dici BERN duci V potest, cum voluptate legimus? quid, cum volumus nomina eorum, qui quid gesserint, gesserunt R nota nobis esse, parentes, patriam, multa praeterea minime necessaria? quid, quod homines infima infirma BE fortuna, nulla spe rerum gerendarum, opifices denique delectantur delectentur RNV historia? maximeque que om. R eos videre possumus res gestas audire et legere velle, qui a spe gerendi absunt confecti senectute. quocirca intellegi necesse est in ipsis rebus, quae discuntur et cognoscuntur, invitamenta invita—menta ( lineola et ta poste- rius ab alt. m. scr., ta in ras. ) N invita mente BE invita|et mente R in vita mentem V inesse, quibus ad discendum cognoscendumque moveamur.'" None | sup>
2.23 \xa0"What then is the point of saying \'I\xa0should have no fault to find with them if they kept their desires within bounds\'? That is tantamount to saying \'I\xa0should not blame the profligate if they were not profligate.\' He might as well say he would not blame the dishonest either, if they were upright men. Here is our rigid moralist maintaining that sensuality is not in itself blameworthy! And I\xa0profess, Torquatus, on the hypothesis that pleasure is the Chief Good he is perfectly justified in thinking so. I\xa0should be sorry to picture to myself, as you are so fond of doing, debauchees who are sick at table, have to be carried home from dinner-parties, and next day gorge themselves again before they have recovered from the effects of the night before; men who, as the saying goes, have never seen either sunset or sunrise; men who run through their inheritance and sink into penury. None of us supposes that profligates of that description live pleasantly. No, but men of taste and refinement, with first-rate chefs and confectioners, fish, birds, game and the like of the choicest; careful of their digestion; with Wine in flask Decanted from a newâ\x80\x91broach\'d cask,\xa0.\xa0.\xa0. as Lucilius has it, Wine of tang bereft, All harshness in the strainer left; with the accompaniment of dramatic performances and their usual sequel, the pleasures apart from which Epicurus, as he loudly proclaims, does not what Good is; give them also beautiful boys to wait upon them, with drapery, silver, Corinthian bronzes, and the scene of the feast, the banqueting-room, all in keeping; take profligates of this sort; that these live well or enjoy happiness I\xa0will never allow. <' "
2.52 \xa0The sense of sight, says Plato, is the keenest sense we possess, yet our eyes cannot behold Wisdom; could we see her, what passionate love would she awaken! And why is this so? Is it because of her supreme ability and cunning in the art of contriving pleasures? Why is Justice commended? What gave rise to the old familiar saying, 'A\xa0man with whom you might play odd and even in the dark'? This proverb strictly applies to the particular case of honesty, but it has this general application, that in all our conduct we should be influenced by the character of the action, not by the presence or absence of a witness. <" "
2.92 \xa0However, let us grant his point: let him get the highest pleasures cheap, or for all I\xa0care for nothing, if he can; allow that there is as much pleasure to be found in the cress salad which according to Xenophon formed the staple diet of the Persians, as in the Syracusan banquets which Plato takes to task so severely; grant, I\xa0say, that pleasure is as easy to get as your school makes out; â\x80\x94 but what are we to say of pain? Pain can inflict such tortures as to render happiness absolutely impossible, that is, if it be true that pain is the Chief Evil. Metrodorus himself, who was almost a second Epicurus, describes happiness (I\xa0give almost his actual words) as 'sound health, and an assurance of its continuance.' Can anyone have an assurance of what his health will be, I\xa0don't say a\xa0year hence, but this evening? It follows that we can never be free from the apprehension of pain, which is the chief Evil, even when it is absent, for at any moment it may be upon us. How then can life be happy when haunted by fear of the greatest Evil? <" "
2.102 \xa0That these are the words of as amiable and kindly a man as you like, I\xa0cannot deny; but what business has a philosopher, and especially a natural philosopher, which Epicurus claims to be, to think that any day can be anybody's birthday? Why, can the identical day that has once occurred recur again and again? Assuredly it is impossible. Or can a similar day recur? This too is impossible, except after an interval of many thousands of years, when all the heavenly bodies simultaneously achieve their return to the point from which they started. It follows that there is no such thing as anybody's birthday. 'But a certain day is so regarded.' Much obliged, I\xa0am sure, for the information! But even granting birthdays, is a person's birthday to be observed when he is dead? And to provide for this by will â\x80\x94 is this appropriate for a man who told us in oracular tones that nothing can affect us after death? Such a provision ill became one whose 'intellect had roamed' over unnumbered worlds and realms of infinite space, without shores or circumference. Did Democritus do anything of the kind? (To omit others, I\xa0cite the case of the philosopher who was Epicurus's only master.) <" 2.116 \xa0"Read the panegyrics, Torquatus, not of the heroes praised by Homer, not of Cyrus or Agesilaus, Aristides or Themistocles, Philip or Alexander; but read those delivered upon our own great men, read those of your own family. You will not find anyone extolled for his skill and cunning in procuring pleasures. This is not what is conveyed by epitaphs, like that one near the city gate: Here lyeth one whom many lands agree Rome\'s first and greatest citizen to be. <
5.52 \xa0What of our eagerness to learn the names of people who have done something notable, their parentage, birthplace, and many quite unimportant details beside? What of the delight that is taken in history by men of the humblest station, who have no expectation of participating in public life, even mere artisans? Also we may notice that the persons most eager to hear and read of public affairs are those who are debarred by the infirmities of age from any prospect of taking part in them. Hence we are forced to infer that the objects of study and knowledge contain in themselves the allurements that entice us to study and to learning. <'' None |
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14. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 2.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar • Julius Caesar
Found in books: Bremmer (2008), Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East, 220; Gale (2000), Virgil on the Nature of Things: The Georgics, Lucretius and the Didactic Tradition, 120
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2.6 Nor is this unaccountable or accidental; it is the result, firstly, of the fact that the gods often manifest their power in bodily presence. For instance in the Latin War, at the critical battle of Lake Regillus between the dictator Aulus Postumius and Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum, Castor and Pollux were seen fighting on horseback in our ranks. And in more modern history likewise these sons of Tyndareus brought the news of the defeat of Perses. What happened was that Publius Vatinius, the grandfather of our young contemporary, was returning to Rome by night from Reate, of which he was governor, when he was informed by two young warriors on white horses that King Perses had that very day been taken prisoner. When Vatinius carried the news to the Senate, at first he was flung into gaol on the charge of spreading an unfounded report on a matter of national concern; but afterwards a dispatch arrived from Paulus, and the date was found to tally, so the Senate bestowed upon Vatinius both a grant of land and exemption from military service. It is also recorded in history that when the Locrians won their great victory over the people of Crotona at the important battle of the River Sagra, news of the engagement was reported at the Olympic Games on the very same day. often has the sound of the voices of the Fauns, often has the apparition of a divine form compelled anyone that is not either feeble-minded or impious to admit the real presence of the gods. '' None |
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15. Cicero, On Duties, 1.28, 1.54, 1.57, 1.64-1.65, 1.68-1.69, 1.92, 1.151, 2.6, 2.12, 2.26-2.27, 2.36, 2.56-2.64, 2.73, 2.78, 2.84, 2.116, 3.19, 3.22, 3.26, 3.32, 3.42, 3.82, 3.90, 5.52 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar C. Julius • Caesar, • Caesar, C. Iulius • Caesar, C. Iulius, historical ambitions • Caesar, C. Julius, as author • Caesar, Julius • Caesar, Julius (Iulius Caesar, C.) • Caesar, Julius, and Pompey • Caesar,, On Friendship (De amicitia) • Cicero, assessment of Julius Caesar • Julia (daughter of Caesar) • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar (C. Iulius Caesar) • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., as diseased limb • Julius Caesar, C., as parens patriae • Julius Caesar, C., as parricide and tyrant • Julius Caesar, C., assassination of • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of • Julius Caesar, C., victory in civil war as salus • Julius Caesar, assassination • Julius Caesar, honours to • Junius Brutus, M. (Brutus), on Caesar as malignant growth • Pompey, and Caesar • Temple of Salus, statue of Caesar in • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), attacks on Caesar as parricide • families, and Caesar • pater patriae, Caesar as • salus, and Caesar
Found in books: Atkins (2021), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy 67, 193, 281, 286; Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 62; Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 23; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 171; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 141; Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 22; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 144; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 23, 45; Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 87; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 276; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 291, 318, 319, 320, 328; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 29; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 66, 222, 223; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 37; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 42; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 292; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 101, 114, 115
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1.28 Praetermittendae autem defensionis deserendique officii plures solent esse causae; nam aut inimicitias aut laborem aut sumptus suscipere nolunt aut etiam neglegentia, pigritia, inertia aut suis studiis quibusdam occupationibusve sic impediuntur, ut eos, quos tutari debeant, desertos esse patiantur. Itaque videndum est, ne non satis sit id, quod apud Platonem est in philosophos dictum, quod in veri investigatione versentur quodque ea, quae plerique vehementer expetant, de quibus inter se digladiari soleant, contemt et pro nihilo putent, propterea iustos esse. Nam alterum iustitiae genus assequuntur, ut inferenda ne cui noceant iniuria, in alterum incidunt; discendi enim studio impediti, quos tueri debent, deserunt. Itaque eos ne ad rem publicam quidem accessuros putat nisi coactos. Aequius autem erat id voluntate fieri; namhoc ipsum ita iustum est, quod recte fit, si est voluntarium.
1.54 Nam cum sit hoc natura commune animantium, ut habeant libidinem procreandi, prima societas in ipso coniugio est, proxima in liberis, deinde una domus, communia omnia; id autem est principium urbis et quasi seminarium rei publicae. Sequuntur fratrum coniunctiones, post consobrinorum sobrinorumque, qui cum una domo iam capi non possint, in alias domos tamquam in colonias exeunt. Sequuntur conubia et affinitates, ex quibus etiam plures propinqui; quae propagatio et suboles origo est rerum publicarum. Sanguinis autem coniunctio et benivolentia devincit homines et caritate;
1.57 Sed cum omnia ratione animoque lustraris, omnium societatum nulla est gravior, nulla carior quam ea, quae cum re publica est uni cuique nostrum. Cari sunt parentes, cari liberi, propinqui, familiars, sed omnes omnium caritates patria una complexa est, pro qua quis bonus dubitet mortem oppetere, si ei sit profuturus? Quo est detestabilior istorum immanitas, qui lacerarunt omni scelere patriam et in ea funditus delenda occupati et sunt et fuerunt.
1.64 Sed illud odiosum est, quod in hac elatione et magnitudine animi facillime pertinacia et nimia cupiditas principatus innascitur. Ut enim apud Platonem est, omnem morem Lacedaemoniorum inflammatum esse cupiditate vincendi, sic, ut quisque animi magnitudine maxime excellet, ita maxime vult princeps omnium vel potius solus esse. Difficile autem est, cum praestare omnibus concupieris, servare aequitatem, quae est iustitiae maxime propria. Ex quo fit, ut neque disceptatione vinci se nec ullo publico ac legitimo iure patiantur, exsistuntque in re publica plerumque largitores et factiosi, ut opes quam maximas consequantur et sint vi potius superiores quam iustitia pares. Sed quo difficilius, hoc praeclarius; nullum enim est tempus, quod iustitia vacare debeat. 1.65 Fortes igitur et magimi sunt habendi, non qui faciunt, sed qui propulsant iniuriam. Vera autem et sapiens animi magnitudo honestum illud, quod maxime natura sequitur, in factis positum, non in gloria iudicat principemque se esse mavult quam videri; etenim qui ex errore imperitae multitudinis pendet, hic in magnis viris non est habendus. Facillime autem ad res iniustas impellitur, ut quisque altissimo animo est, gloriae cupiditate; qui locus est sane lubricus, quod vix invenitur, qui laboribus susceptis periculisque aditis non quasi mercedem rerum gestarum desideret gloriam.
1.68 Non est autem consentaneum, qui metu non frangatur, eum frangi cupiditate nec, qui invictum se a labore praestiterit, vinci a voluptate. Quam ob rem et haec vitanda et pecuniae figienda cupiditas; nihil enim est tam angusti animi tamque parvi quam amare divitias, nihil honestius magnificentiusque quam pecuniam contemnere, si non habeas, si habeas, ad beneficentiam liberalitatemque conferre. Cavenda etiam est gloriae cupiditas, ut supra dixi; eripit enim libertatem, pro qua magimis viris omnis debet esse contentio. Nee vero imperia expetenda ac potius aut non accipienda interdum aut deponenda non numquam. 1.69 Vacandum autem omni est animi perturbatione, cum cupiditate et metu, tum etiam aegritudine et voluptate nimia et iracundia, ut tranquillitas animi et securitas adsit, quae affert cum constantiam, tum etiam dignitatem. Multi autem et sunt et fuerunt, qui eam, quam dico, tranquillitatem expetentes a negotiis publicis se removerint ad otiumque perfugerint; in his et nobilissimi philosophi longeque principes et quidam homines severi et graves nec populi nec principum mores ferre potuerunt, vixeruntque non nulli in agris delectati re sua familiari.
1.92 Illud autem sic est iudicandum, maximas geri res et maximi animi ab iis, qui res publicas regant, quod earum administratio latissime pateat ad plurimosque pertineat; esse autem magni animi et fuisse multos etiam in vita otiosa, qui aut investigarent aut conarentur magna quaedam seseque suarum rerum finibus continerent aut interiecti inter philosophos et eos, qui rem publicam administrarent, delectarentur re sua familiari non eam quidem omni ratione exaggerantes neque excludentes ab eius usu suos potiusque et amicis impertientes et rei publicae, si quando usus esset. Quae primum bene parta sit nullo neque turpi quaestu neque odioso, deinde augeatur ratione, diligentia, parsimonia, tum quam plurimis, modo dignis, se utilem praebeat nec libidini potius luxuriaeque quam liberalitati et beneficentiae pareat. Haec praescripta servantem licet magnifice, graviter animoseque vivere atque etiam simpliciter, fideliter, ° vere hominum amice.
1.151 Quibus autem artibus aut prudentia maior inest aut non mediocris utilitas quaeritur, ut medicina, ut architectura, ut doctrina rerum honestarum, eae sunt iis, quorum ordini conveniunt, honestae. Mercatura autem, si tenuis est. sordida putanda est; sin magna et copiosa, multa undique apportans multisque sine vanitate impertiens, non est admodum vituperanda, atque etiam, si satiata quaestu vel contenta potius, ut saepe ex alto in portum, ex ipso portu se in agros possessionesque contulit, videtur iure optimo posse laudari. Omnium autem rerum, ex quibus aliquid acquiritur, nihil est agri cultura melius, nihil uberius, nihil dulcius, nihil homine libero dignius; de qua quoniam in Catone Maiore satis multa diximus, illim assumes, quae ad hunc locum pertinebunt.
2.6 Nam sive oblectatio quaeritur animi requiesque curarum, quae conferri cum eorum studiis potest, qui semper aliquid anquirunt, quod spectet et valeat ad bene beateque vivendum? sive ratio constantiae virtutisque ducitur, aut haec ars est aut nulla omnino, per quam eas assequamur. Nullam dicere maximarum rerum artem esse, cum minimarum sine arte nulla sit, hominum est parum considerate loquentium atque in maximis rebus errantium. Si autem est aliqua disciplina virtutis, ubi ea quaeretur, cum ab hoc discendi genere discesseris? Sed haec, cum ad philosophiam cohortamur, accuratius disputari solent, quod alio quodam libro fecimus; hoc autem tempore tantum nobis declarandum fuit, cur orbati rei publicae muneribus ad hoc nos studium potissimum contulissemus.
2.26 Testis est Phalaris, cuius est praeter ceteros nobilitata crudelitas, qui non ex insidiis interiit, ut is, quem modo dixi, Alexander, non a paucis, ut hic noster, sed in quem universa Agrigentinorum multitudo impetum fecit. Quid? Macedones nonne Demetrium reliquerunt universique se ad Pyrrhum contulerunt? Quid? Lacedaemonios iniuste imperantes nonne repente omnes fere socii deseruerunt spectatoresque se otiosos praebuerunt Leuctricae calamitatis? Externa libentius in tali re quam domestica recordor. Verum tamen, quam diu imperium populi Romani beneficiis tenebatur, non iniuriis, bella aut pro sociis aut de imperio gerebantur, exitus erant bellorum aut mites aut necessarii, regum, populorum, nationum portus erat et refugium senatus, 2.27 nostri autem magistratus imperatoresque ex hac una re maximam laudem capere studebant, si provincias, si socios aequitate et fide defendissent; itaque illud patrocinium orbis terrae verius quam imperium poterat nominari. Sensim hanc consuetudinem et disciplinam iam antea minuebamus, post vero Sullae victoriam penitus amisimus; desitum est enim videri quicquam in socios iniquum, cum exstitisset in cives tanta crudelitas. Ergo in illo secuta est honestam causam non honesta victoria; est enim ausus dicere, hasta posita cum bona in foro venderet et bonorum virorum et locupletium et certe civium, praedam se suam vendere. Secutus est, qui in causa impia, victoria etiam foediore non singulorum civium bona publicaret, sed universas provincias regionesque uno calamitatis iure comprehenderet.
2.36 Erat igitur ex iis tribus, quae ad gloriam pertinerent, hoc tertium, ut cum admiratione hominum honore ab iis digni iudicaremur. Admirantur igitur communiter illi quidem omnia, quae magna et praeter opinionem suam animadverterunt, separatim autem, in singulis si perspiciunt necopinata quaedam bona. Itaque eos viros suspiciunt maximisque efferunt laudibus, in quibus existimant se excellentes quasdam et singulares perspicere virtutes, despiciunt autem eos et contemnunt, in quibus nihil virtutis, nihil animi, nihil nervorum putant. Non enim omnes eos contemnunt, de quibus male existimant. Nam quos improbos, maledicos, fraudulentos putant et ad faciendam iniuriam instructos, eos haud contemnunt quidem, sed de iis male existimant. Quam ob rem, ut ante dixi, contemnuntur ii, qui nec sibi nec alteri, ut dicitur, in quibus nullus labor, nulla industria, nulla cura est.
2.56 liberales autem, qui suis facultatibus aut captos a praedonibus redimunt aut aes alienum suscipiunt amicorum aut in filiarum collocatione adiuvant aut opitulantur in re vel quaerenda vel augenda. Itaque miror, quid in mentem venerit Theophrasto in eo libro, quem de divitiis scripsit; in quo multa praeclare, illud absurde: est enim multus in laudanda magnificentia et apparatione popularium munerum taliumque sumptuum facultatem fructum divitiarum putat. Mihi autem ille fructus liberalitatis, cuius pauca exempla posui, multo et maior videtur et certior. Quanto Aristoteles gravius et verius nos reprehendit! qui has pecuniarum effusiones non admiremur, quae fiunt ad multitudinem deliniendam. Ait enim, qui ab hoste obsidentur, si emere aquae sextarium cogerentur mina, hoc primo incredibile nobis videri, omnesque mirari, sed cum attenderint, veniam necessitati dare, in his immanibus iacturis infinitisque sumptibus nihil nos magnopere mirari, cum praesertim neque necessitati subveniatur nec dignitas augeatur ipsaque illa delectatio multitudinis ad breve exiguumque tempus capiatur, eaque a levissimo quoque, in quo tamen ipso una cum satietate memoria quoque moriatur voluptatis. 2.57 Bene etiam colligit, haec pueris et mulierculis et servis et servorum simillimis liberis esse grata, gravi vero homini et ea, quae fiunt, iudicio certo ponderanti probari posse nullo modo. Quamquam intellego in nostra civitate inveterasse iam bonis temporibus, ut splendor aedilitatum ab optimis viris postuletur. Itaque et P. Crassus cum cognomine dives, tum copiis functus est aedilicio maximo munere, et paulo post L. Crassus cum omnium hominum moderatissimo Q. Mucio magnificentissima aedilitate functus est, deinde C. Claudius App. f., multi post, Luculli, Hortensius, Silanus; omnes autem P. Lentulus me consule vicit superiores; hunc est Scaurus imitatus; magnificentissima vero nostri Pompei munera secundo consulatu; in quibus omnibus quid mihi placeat, vides. 2.58 Vitanda tamen suspicio est avaritiae. Mamerco, homini divitissimo, praetermissio aedilitatis consulatus repulsam attulit. Quare et, si postulatur a populo, bonis viris si non desiderantibus, at tamen approbantibus faciundum est, modo pro facultatibus, nos ipsi ut fecimus, et, si quando aliqua res maior atque utilior populari largitione acquiritur, ut Oresti nuper prandia in semitis decumae nomine magno honori fuerunt. Ne M. quidem Seio vitio datum est, quod in caritate asse modium populo dedit; magna enim se et inveterata invidia nec turpi iactura, quando erat aedilis, nec maxima liberavit. Sed honori summo nuper nostro Miloni fuit, qui gladiatoribus emptis rei publicae causa, quae salute nostra continebatur, omnes P. Clodi conatus furoresque compressit. Causa igitur largitionis est, si aut necesse est aut utile. 2.59 In his autem ipsis mediocritatis regula optima est. L. quidem Philippus Q. f., magno vir ingenio in primisque clarus, gloriari solebat se sine ullo munere adeptum esse omnia, quae haberentur amplissima. Dicebat idem Cotta, Curio. Nobis quoque licet in hoc quodam modo gloriari; nam pro amplitudine honorum, quos cunctis suffragiis adepti sumus nostro quidem anno, quod contigit eorum nemini, quos modo nominavi, sane exiguus sumptus aedilitatis fuit.
2.60 Atque etiam illae impensae meliores, muri, navalia, portus, aquarum ductus omniaque, quae ad usum rei publicae pertinent. Quamquam, quod praesens tamquam in manum datur, iucundius est; tamen haec in posterum gratiora. Theatra, porticus, nova templa verecundius reprehendo propter Pompeium, sed doctissimi non probant, ut et hic ipse Panaetius, quem nultum in his libris secutus sum, non interpretatus, et Phalereus Demetrius, qui Periclem, principem Graeciae, vituperat, quod tantam pecuniam in praeclara illa propylaea coniecerit. Sed de hoc genere toto in iis libris, quos de re publica scripsi, diligenter est disputatum. Tota igitur ratio talium largitionum genere vitiosa est, temporibus necessaria, et tum ipsum et ad facultates accommodanda et mediocritate moderanda est.
2.61 In illo autem altero genere largiendi, quod a liberalitate proficiscitur, non uno modo in disparibus causis affecti esse debemus. Alia causa est eius, qui calamitate premitur, et eius, qui res meliores quaerit nullis suis rebus adversis.
2.62 Propensior benignitas esse debebit in calamitosos, nisi forte erunt digni calamitate. In iis tamen, qui se adiuvari volent, non ne affligantur, sed ut altiorem gradum ascendant, restricti omnino esse nullo modo debemus, sed in deligendis idoneis iudicium et diligentiam adhibere. Nam praeclare Ennius: Bene fácta male locáta male facta árbitror.
2.63 Quod autem tributum est bono viro et grato, in eo cum ex ipso fructus est, tum etiam ex ceteris. Temeritate enim remota gratissima est liberalitas, eoque eam studiosius plerique laudant, quod summi cuiusque bonitas commune perfugium est omnium. Danda igitur opera est, ut iis beneficiis quam plurimos afficiamus, quorum memoria liberis posterisque prodatur, ut iis ingratis esse non liceat. Omnes enim immemorem beneficii oderunt eamque iniuriam in deterrenda liberalitate sibi etiam fieri eumque, qui faciat, communem hostem tenuiorum putant. Atque haec benignitas etiam rei publicae est utilis, redimi e servitute captos, locupletari tenuiores; quod quidem volgo solitum fieri ab ordine nostro in oratione Crassi scriptum copiose videmus. Hanc ergo consuetudinem benignitatis largitioni munerum longe antepono; haec est gravium hominum atque magnorum, illa quasi assentatorum populi multitudinis levitatem voluptate quasi titillantium.
2.64 Conveniet autem cum in dando munificum esse, tum in exigendo non acerbum in omnique re contrahenda, vendundo emendo, conducendo locando, vicinitatibus et confiniis, aequum, facilem, multa multis de suo iure cedentem, a litibus vero, quantum liceat et nescio an paulo plus etiam, quam liceat, abhorrentem. Est enim non modo liberale paulum non numquam de suo iure decedere, sed interdum etiam fructuosum. Habenda autem ratio est rei familiaris, quam quidem dilabi sinere flagitiosum est, sed ita, ut illiberalitatis avaritiaeque absit suspicio; posse enim liberalitate uti non spoliantem se patrimonio nimirum est pecuniae fructus maximus. Recte etiam a Theophrasto est laudata hospitalitas; est enim, ut mihi quidem videtur, valde decorum patere domus hominum illustrium hospitibus illustribus, idque etiam rei publicae est ornamento, homines externos hoc liberalitatis genere in urbe nostra non egere. Est autem etiam vehementer utile iis, qui honeste posse multum volunt, per hospites apud externos populos valere opibus et gratia. Theophrastus quidem scribit Cimonem Athenis etiam in suos curiales Laciadas hospitalem fuisse; ita enim instituisse et vilicis imperavisse, ut omnia praeberentur, quicumque Laciades in villam suam devertisset.
2.73 In primis autem videndum erit ei, qui rem publicam administrabit, ut suum quisque teneat neque de bonis privatorum publice deminutio fiat. Perniciose enim Philippus, in tribunatu cum legem agrariam ferret, quam tamen antiquari facile passus est et in eo vehementer se moderatum praebuit—sed cum in agendo multa populariter, tum illud male, non esse in civitate duo milia hominum, qui rem baberent. Capitalis oratio est, ad aequationem bonorum pertinens; qua peste quae potest esse maior? Hanc enim ob causam maxime, ut sua tenerentur, res publicae civitatesque constitutae sunt. Nam, etsi duce natura congregabantur hominess, tamen spe custodiae rerum suarum urbium praesidia quaerebant.
2.78 Qui vero se populares volunt ob eamque causam aut agrariam rem temptant, ut possessores pellantur suis sedibus, aut pecunias creditas debitoribus condodas putant, labefactant fundamenta rei publicae, concordiam primum, quae esse non potest, cum aliis adimuntur, aliis condotur pecuniae, deinde aequitatem, quae tollitur omnis, si habere suum cuique non licet. Id enim est proprium, ut supra dixi, civitatis atque urbis, ut sit libera et non sollicita suae rei cuiusque custodia.
2.84 Tabulae vero novae quid habent argumenti, nisi ut emas mea pecunia fundum, eum tu habeas, ego non habeam pecuniam? Quam ob rem ne sit aes alienum, quod rei publicae noceat, providendum est, quod multis rationibus caveri potest, non, si fuerit, ut locupletes suum perdant, debitores lucrentur alienum; nec enim ulla res vehementius rem publicam continet quam fides, quae esse nulla potest, nisi erit necessaria solutio rerum creditarum. Numquam vehementius actum est quam me consule, ne solveretur; armis et castris temptata res est ab omni genere hominum et ordine; quibus ita restiti, ut hoc totum malum de re publica tolleretur. Numquam nec maius aes alienum fuit nec melius nec facilius dissolutum est; fraudandi enim spe sublata solvendi necessitas consecuta est. At vero hic nunc victor, tum quidem victus, quae cogitarat, ea perfecit, cum eius iam nihil interesset. Tanta in eo peccandi libido fuit, ut hoc ipsum eum delectaret, peccare, etiamsi causa non esset.
3.19 Saepe enim tempore fit, ut, quod turpe plerumque haberi soleat, inveniatur non esse turpe; exempli causa ponatur aliquid, quod pateat latius: Quod potest maius esse scelus quam non modo hominem, sed etiam familiarem hominem occidere? Num igitur se astrinxit scelere, si qui tyrannum occidit quamvis familiarem? Populo quidem Romano non videtur, qui ex omnibus praeclaris factis illud pulcherrimum existimat. Vicit ergo utilitas honestatem? Immo vero honestas utilitatem secuta est. Itaque, ut sine ullo errore diiudicare possimus, si quando cum illo, quod honestum intellegimus, pugnare id videbitur, quod appellamus utile, formula quaedam constituenda est; quam si sequemur in comparatione rerum, ab officio numquam recedemus.
3.22 Ut, si unum quodque membrum sensum hunc haberet, ut posse putaret se valere, si proximi membri valetudinem ad se traduxisset, debilitari et interire totum corpus necesse esset, sic, si unus quisque nostrum ad se rapiat commoda aliorum detrahatque, quod cuique possit, emolumenti sui gratia, societas hominum et communitas evertatur necesse est. Nam sibi ut quisque malit, quod ad usum vitae pertineat, quam alteri acquirere, concessum est non repugte natura, illud natura non patitur, ut aliorum spoliis nostras facultates, copias, opes augeamus.
3.26 Deinde, qui alterum violat, ut ipse aliquid commodi consequatur, aut nihil existimat se facere contra naturam aut magis fugiendam censet mortem, paupertatem, dolorem, amissionem etiam liberorum, propinquorum, amicorum quam facere cuiquam iniuriam. Si nihil existimat contra naturam fieri hominibus violandis, quid cum eo disseras, qui omnino hominem ex homine tollat? sin fugiendum id quidem censet, sed multo illa peiora, mortem, paupertatem, dolorem, errat in eo, quod ullum aut corporis aut fortunae vitium vitiis animi gravius existimat. Ergo unum debet esse omnibus propositum, ut eadem sit utilitas unius cuiusque et universorum; quam si ad se quisque rapiet, dissolvetur omnis humana consortio.
3.32 Nam quod ad Phalarim attinet, perfacile iudicium est. Nulla est enim societas nobis cum tyrannis, et potius summa distractio est, neque est contra naturam spoliare eum, si possis, quem est honestum necare, atque hoc omne genus pestiferum atque impium ex hominum communitate extermidum est. Etenim, ut membra quaedam amputantur, si et ipsa sanguine et tamquam spiritu carere coeperunt et nocent reliquis partibus corporis, sic ista in figura hominis feritas et immanitas beluae a communi tamquam humanitatis corpore segreganda est. Huius generis quaestiones sunt omnes eae, in quibus ex tempore officium exquiritur.
3.42 Nec tamen nostrae nobis utilitates omittendae sunt aliisque tradendae, cum iis ipsi egeamus, sed suae cuique utilitati, quod sine alterius iniuria fiat, serviendum est. Scite Chrysippus, ut multa: Qui stadium, inquit, currit, eniti et contendere debet, quam maxime possit, ut vincat, supplantare eum, quicum certet, aut manu depellere nullo modo debet; sic in vita sibi quemque petere, quod pertineat ad usum, non iniquum est, alteri deripere ius non est.
3.82 Est ergo ulla res tanti aut commodum ullum tam expetendum, ut viri boni et splendorem et nomen amittas? Quid est, quod afferre tantum utilitas ista, quae dicitur, possit, quantum auferre, si boni viri nomen eripuerit, fidem iustitiamque detraxerit? Quid enim interest, utrum ex homine se convertat quis in beluam an hominis figura immanitatem gerat beluae? Quid? qui omnia recta et honesta neglegunt, dum modo potentiam consequantur, nonne idem faciunt, quod is, qui etiam socerum habere voluit eum, cuius ipse audacia potens esset? Utile ei videbatur plurimum posse alterius invidia; id quam iniustum in patriam et quam turpe esset, non videbat. Ipse autem socer in ore semper Graecos versus de Phoenissis habebat, quos dicam, ut potero, incondite fortasse, sed tamen, ut res possit intellegi: Nam sí violandum est Iús, regdi grátia Violándum est; aliis rébus pietatém colas. Capitalis Eteocles vel potius Euripides, qui id unum, quod omnum sceleratissimum fuerit, exceperit!
3.90 Quid? si una tabula sit, duo naufragi, eique sapientes, sibine uter que rapiat, an alter cedat alteri? Cedat vero, sed ei, cuius magis intersit vel sua vel rei publicae causa vivere. Quid, si haec paria in utroque? Nullum erit certamen, sed quasi sorte aut micando victus alteri cedet alter. Quid? si pater fana expilet, cuniculos agat ad aerarium, indicetne id magistratibus filius? Nefas id quidem est, quin etiam defendat patrem, si arguatur. Non igitur patria praestat omnibus officiis? Immo vero, sed ipsi patriae conducit pios habere cives in parentes. Quid? si tyrannidem occupare, si patriam prodere conabitur pater, silebitne filius? Immo vero obsecrabit patrem, ne id faciat. Si nihil proficiet, accusabit, minabitur etiam, ad extremum, si ad perniciem patriae res spectabit, patriae salutem anteponet saluti patris.' ' None | sup>
1.28 \xa0The motives for failure to prevent injury and so for slighting duty are likely to be various: people either are reluctant to incur enmity or trouble or expense; or through indifference, indolence, or incompetence, or through some preoccupation or self-interest they are so absorbed that they suffer those to be neglected whom it is their duty to protect. And so there is reason to fear that what Plato declares of the philosophers may be inadequate, when he says that they are just because they are busied with the pursuit of truth and because they despise and count as naught that which most men eagerly seek and for which they are prone to do battle against each other to the death. For they secure one sort of justice, to be sure, in that they do no positive wrong to anyone, but they fall into the opposite injustice; for hampered by their pursuit of learning they leave to their fate those whom they ought to defend. And so, Plato thinks, they will not even assume their civic duties except under compulsion. But in fact it were better that they should assume them of their own accord; for an action intrinsically right is just only on condition that it is voluntary. <' "
1.54 \xa0For since the reproductive instinct is by Nature's gift the common possession of all living creatures, the first bond of union is that between husband and wife; the next, that between parents and children; then we find one home, with everything in common. And this is the foundation of civil government, the nursery, as it were, of the state. Then follow the bonds between brothers and sisters, and next those of first and then of second cousins; and when they can no longer be sheltered under one roof, they go out into other homes, as into colonies. Then follow between these in turn, marriages and connections by marriage, and from these again a new stock of relations; and from this propagation and after-growth states have their beginnings. The bonds of common blood hold men fast through good-will and affection; <" 1.57 \xa0But when with a rational spirit you have surveyed the whole field, there is no social relation among them all more close, none more close, none more dear than that which links each one of us with our country. Parents are dear; dear are children, relatives, friends; one native land embraces all our loves; and who that is true would hesitate to give his life for her, if by his death he could render her a service? So much the more execrable are those monsters who have torn their fatherland to pieces with every form of outrage and who are and have been engaged in compassing her utter destruction. <
1.64 \xa0But the mischief is that from this exaltation and greatness of spirit spring all too readily self-will and excessive lust for power. For just as Plato tells us that the whole national character of the Spartans was on fire with passion for victory, so, in the same way, the more notable a man is for his greatness of spirit, the more ambitious he is to be the foremost citizen, or, I\xa0should say rather, to be sole ruler. But when one begins to aspire to pre-eminence, it is difficult to preserve that spirit of fairness which is absolutely essential to justice. The result is that such men do not allow themselves to be constrained either by argument or by any public and lawful authority; but they only too often prove to be bribers and agitators in public life, seeking to obtain supreme power and to be superiors through force rather than equals through justice. But the greater the difficulty, the greater the glory; for no occasion arises that can excuse a man for being guilty of injustice. <' "1.65 \xa0So then, not those who do injury but those who prevent it are to be considered brave and courageous. Moreover, true and philosophic greatness of spirit regards the moral goodness to which Nature most aspires as consisting in deeds, not in fame, and prefers to be first in reality rather than in name. And we must approve this view; for he who depends upon the caprice of the ignorant rabble cannot be numbered among the great. Then, too, the higher a man's ambition, the more easily he is tempted to acts of injustice by his desire for fame. We are now, to be sure, on very slippery ground; for scarcely can the man be found who has passed through trials and encountered dangers and does not then wish for glory as a reward for his achievements. <" 1.68 \xa0Moreover, it would be inconsistent for the man who is not overcome by fear to be overcome by desire, or for the man who has shown himself invincible to toil to be conquered by pleasure. We must, therefore, not only avoid the latter, but also beware of ambition for wealth; for there is nothing so characteristic of narrowness and littleness of soul as the love of riches; and there is nothing more honourable and noble than to be indifferent to money, if one does not possess it, and to devote it to beneficence and liberality, if one does possess it. As I\xa0said before, we must also beware of ambition for glory; for it robs us of liberty, and in defence of liberty a high-souled man should stake everything. And one ought not to seek military authority; nay, rather it ought sometimes to be declined, sometimes to be resigned. < 1.69 \xa0Again, we must keep ourselves free from every disturbing emotion, not only from desire and fear, but also from excessive pain and pleasure, and from anger, so that we may enjoy that calm of soul and freedom from care which bring both moral stability and dignity of character. But there have been many and still are many who, while pursuing that calm of soul of which I\xa0speak, have withdrawn from civic duty and taken refuge in retirement. Among such have been found the most famous and by far the foremost philosophers and certain other earnest, thoughtful men who could not endure the conduct of either the people or their leaders; some of them, too, lived in the country and found their pleasure in the management of their private estates. <
1.92 \xa0To revert to the original question â\x80\x94 we must decide that the most important activities, those most indicative of a great spirit, are performed by the men who direct the affairs of nations; for such public activities have the widest scope and touch the lives of the most people. But even in the life of retirement there are and there have been many high-souled men who have been engaged in important inquiries or embarked on most important enterprises and yet kept themselves within the limits of their own affairs; or, taking a middle course between philosophers on the one hand and statesmen on the other, they were content with managing their own property â\x80\x94 not increasing it by any and every means nor debarring their kindred from the enjoyment of it, but rather, if ever there were need, sharing it with their friends and with the state. Only let it, in the first place, be honestly acquired, by the use of no dishonest or fraudulent means; let it, in the second place, increase by wisdom, industry, and thrift; and, finally, let it be made available for the use of as many as possible (if only they are worthy) and be at the service of generosity and beneficence rather than of sensuality and excess. By observing these rules, one may live in magnificence, dignity, and independence, and yet in honour, truth and charity toward all. <
1.151 \xa0But the professions in which either a higher degree of intelligence is required or from which no small benefit to society is derived â\x80\x94 medicine and architecture, for example, and teaching â\x80\x94 these are proper for those whose social position they become. Trade, if it is on a small scale, is to be considered vulgar; but if wholesale and on a large scale, importing large quantities from all parts of the world and distributing to many without misrepresentation, it is not to be greatly disparaged. Nay, it even seems to deserve the highest respect, if those who are engaged in it, satiated, or rather, I\xa0should say, satisfied with the fortunes they have made, make their way from the port to a country estate, as they have often made it from the sea into port. But of all the occupations by which gain is secured, none is better than agriculture, none more profitable, none more delightful, none more becoming to a freeman. But since I\xa0have discussed this quite fully in my Cato Major, you will find there the material that applies to this point.
2.6 \xa0For if we are looking for mental enjoyment and relaxation, what pleasure can be compared with the pursuits of those who are always studying out something that will tend toward and effectively promote a good and happy life? Or, if regard is had for strength of character and virtue, then this is the method by which we can attain to those qualities, or there is none at all. And to say that there is no "method" for securing the highest blessings, when none even of the least important concerns is without its method, is the language of people who talk without due reflection and blunder in matters of the utmost importance. Furthermore, if there is really a way to learn virtue, where shall one look for it, when one has turned aside from this field of learning? Now, when I\xa0am advocating the study of philosophy, I\xa0usually discuss this subject at greater length, as I\xa0have done in another of my books. For the present I\xa0meant only to explain why, deprived of the tasks of public service, I\xa0have devoted myself to this particular pursuit. <
2.26 \xa0And indeed no power is strong enough to be lasting if it labours under the weight of fear. Witness Phalaris, whose cruelty is notorious beyond that of all others. He was slain, not treacherously (like that Alexander whom I\xa0named but now), not by a\xa0few conspirators (like that tyrant of ours), but the whole population of Agrigentum rose against him with one accord. Again, did not the Macedonians abandon Demetrius and march over as one man to Pyrrhus? And again, when the Spartans exercised their supremacy tyrannically, did not practically all the allies desert them and view their disaster at Leuctra, as idle spectators? I\xa0prefer in this connection to draw my illustrations from foreign history rather than from our own. Let me add, however, that as long as the empire of the Roman People maintained itself by acts of service, not of oppression, wars were waged in the interest of our allies or to safeguard our supremacy; the end of our wars was marked by acts of clemency or by only a necessary degree of severity; the senate was a haven of refuge for kings, tribes, and nations; < 2.27 \xa0and the highest ambition of our magistrates and generals was to defend our provinces and allies with justice and honour. <
2.36 \xa0The third, then, of the three conditions I\xa0name as essential to glory is that we be accounted worthy of the esteem and admiration of our fellow-men. While people admire in general everything that is great or better than they expect, they admire in particular the good qualities that they find unexpectedly in individuals. And so they reverence and extol with the highest praises those men in whom they see certain pre-eminent and extraordinary talents; and they look down with contempt upon those who they think have no ability, no spirit, no energy. For they do not despise all those of whom they think ill. For some men they consider unscrupulous, slanderous, fraudulent, and dangerous; they do not despise them, it may be; but they do think ill of them. And therefore, as I\xa0said before, those are despised who are "of no use to themselves or their neighbours," as the saying is, who are idle, lazy, and indifferent. <' "
2.56 \xa0The generous, on the other hand, are those who employ their own means to ransom captives from brigands, or who assume their friends' debts or help in providing dowries for their daughters, or assist them in acquiring property or increasing what they have. <" '2.57 \xa0His conclusion, too, is excellent: "This sort of amusement pleases children, silly women, slaves, and the servile free; but a serious-minded man who weighs such matters with sound judgment cannot possibly approve of them." And yet I\xa0realize that in our country, even in the good old times, it had become a settled custom to expect magnificent entertainments from the very best men in their year of aedileship. So both Publius Crassus, who was not merely surnamed "The Rich" but was rich in fact, gave splendid games in his aedileship; and a little later Lucius Crassus (with Quintus Mucius, the most unpretentious man in the world, as his colleague) gave most magnificent entertainments in his aedileship. Then came Gaius Claudius, the son of Appius, and, after him, many others â\x80\x94 the Luculli, Hortensius, and Silanus. Publius Lentulus, however, in the year of my consulship, eclipsed all that had gone before him, and Scaurus emulated him. And my friend Pompey\'s exhibitions in his second consulship were the most magnificent of all. And so you see what I\xa0think about all this sort of thing. < 2.58 \xa0Still we should avoid any suspicion of penuriousness. Mamercus was a very wealthy man, and his refusal of the aedileship was the cause of his defeat for the consulship. If, therefore, such entertainment is demanded by the people, men of right judgment must at least consent to furnish it, even if they do not like the idea. But in so doing they should keep within their means, as I\xa0myself did. They should likewise afford such entertainment, if gifts of money to the people are to be the means of securing on some occasion some more important or more useful object. Thus Orestes recently won great honour by his public dinners given in the streets, on the pretext of their being a tithe-offering. Neither did anybody find fault with Marcus Seius for supplying grain to the people at an as the peck at a time when the market-price was prohibitive; for he thus succeeded in disarming the bitter and deep-seated prejudice of the people against him at an outlay neither very great nor discreditable to him in view of the fact that he was aedile at the time. But the highest honour recently fell to my friend Milo, who bought a band of gladiators for the sake of the country, whose preservation then depended upon my recall from exile, and with them put down the desperate schemes, the reign of terror, of Publius Clodius. The justification for gifts of money, therefore, is either necessity or expediency. < 2.59 \xa0And, in making them even in such cases, the rule of the golden mean is best. To be sure, Lucius Philippus, the son of Quintus, a man of great ability and unusual renown, used to make it his boast that without giving any entertainments he had risen to all the positions looked upon as the highest within the gift of the state. Cotta could say the same, and Curio. I, too, may make this boast my own â\x80\x94 to a certain extent; for in comparison with the eminence of the offices to which I\xa0was uimously elected at the earliest legal age â\x80\x94 and this was not the good fortune of any one of those just mentioned â\x80\x94 the outlay in my aedileship was very inconsiderable. <
2.60 \xa0Again, the expenditure of money is better justified when it is made for walls, docks, harbours, aqueducts, and all those works which are of service to the community. There is, to be sure, more of present satisfaction in what is handed out, like cash down; nevertheless public improvements win us greater gratitude with posterity. Out of respect for Pompey\'s memory I\xa0am rather diffident about expressing any criticism of theatres, colonnades, and new temples; and yet the greatest philosophers do not approve of them â\x80\x94 our Panaetius himself, for example, whom I\xa0am following, not slavishly translating, in these books; so, too, Demetrius of Phalerum, who denounces Pericles, the foremost man of Greece, for throwing away so much money on the magnificent, far-famed Propylaea. But this whole theme is discussed at length in my books on "The Republic." To conclude, the whole system of public bounties in such extravagant amount is intrinsically wrong; but it may under certain circumstances be necessary to make them; even then they must be proportioned to our ability and regulated by the golden mean. <
2.61 \xa0Now, as touching that second division of gifts of money, those which are prompted by a spirit of generosity, we ought to look at different cases differently. The case of the man who is overwhelmed by misfortune is different from that of the one who is seeking to better his condition, though he suffers from no actual distress. <
2.62 \xa0It will be the duty of charity to incline more to the unfortunate, unless, perchance, they deserve their misfortune. But of course we ought by no means to withhold our assistance altogether from those who wish for aid, not to save them from utter ruin but to enable them to reach a higher degree of fortune. But, in selecting worthy cases, we ought to use judgment and discretion. For, as Ennius says so admirably, "Good deeds misplaced, methinks, are evil deeds." <' "
2.63 \xa0Furthermore, the favour conferred upon a man who is good and grateful finds its reward, in such a case, not only in his own good-will but in that of others. For, when generosity is not indiscriminate giving, it wins most gratitude and people praise it with more enthusiasm, because goodness of heart in a man of high station becomes the common refuge of everybody. Pains must, therefore, be taken to benefit as many as possible with such kindnesses that the memory of them shall be handed down to children and to children's children, so that they too may not be ungrateful. For all men detest ingratitude and look upon the sin of it as a wrong committed against themselves also, because it discourages generosity; and they regard the ingrate as the common foe of all the poor. Ransoming prisoners from servitude and relieving the poor is a form of charity that is a service to the state as well as to the individual. And we find in one of Crassus's orations the full proof given that such beneficence used to be the common practice of our order. This form of charity, then, I\xa0much prefer to the lavish expenditure of money for public exhibitions. The former is suited to men of worth and dignity, the latter to those shallow flatterers, if I\xa0may call them so, who tickle with idle pleasure, so to speak, the fickle fancy of the rabble. <" "
2.64 \xa0It will, moreover, befit a gentleman to be at the same time liberal in giving and not inconsiderate in exacting his dues, but in every business relation â\x80\x94 in buying or selling, in hiring or letting, in relations arising out of adjoining houses and lands â\x80\x94 to be fair, reasonable, often freely yielding much of his own right, and keeping out of litigation as far as his interests will permit and perhaps even a little farther. For it is not only generous occasionally to abate a little of one's rightful claims, but it is sometimes even advantageous. We should, however, have a care for our personal property, for it is discreditable to let it run through our fingers; but we must guard it in such a way that there shall be no suspicion of meanness or avarice. For the greatest privilege of wealth is, beyond all peradventure, the opportunity it affords for doing good, without sacrificing one's fortune. Hospitality also is a theme of Theophrastus's praise, and rightly so. For, as it seems to me at least, it is most proper that the homes of distinguished men should be open to distinguished guests. And it is to the credit of our country also that men from abroad do not fail to find hospitable entertainment of this kind in our city. It is, moreover, a very great advantage, too, for those who wish to obtain a powerful political influence by honourable means to be able through their social relations with their guests to enjoy popularity and to exert influence abroad. For an instance of extraordinary hospitality, Theophrastus writes that at Athens Cimon was hospitable even to the Laciads, the people of his own deme; for he instructed his bailiffs to that end and gave them orders that every attention should be shown to any Laciad who should ever call at his country home. <" 2.73 \xa0The man in an administrative office, however, must make it his first care that everyone shall have what belongs to him and that private citizens suffer no invasion of their property rights by act of the state. It was a ruinous policy that Philippus proposed when in his tribuneship he introduced his agrarian bill. However, when his law was rejected, he took his defeat with good grace and displayed extraordinary moderation. But in his public speeches on the measure he often played the demagogue, and that time viciously, when he said that "there were not in the state two thousand people who owned any property." That speech deserves unqualified condemnation, for it favoured an equal distribution of property; and what more ruinous policy than that could be conceived? For the chief purpose in the establishment of constitutional state and municipal governments was that individual property rights might be secured. For, although it was by Nature\'s guidance that men were drawn together into communities, it was in the hope of safeguarding their possessions that they sought the protection of cities. <
2.78 \xa0But they who pose as friends of the people, and who for that reason either attempt to have agrarian laws passed, in order that the occupants may be driven out of their homes, or propose that money loaned should be remitted to the borrowers, are undermining the foundations of the commonwealth: first of all, they are destroying harmony, which cannot exist when money is taken away from one party and bestowed upon another; and second, they do away with equity, which is utterly subverted, if the rights of property are not respected. For, as I\xa0said above, it is the peculiar function of the state and the city to guarantee to every man the free and undisturbed control of his own particular property. <' "
2.84 \xa0And what is the meaning of an abolition of debts, except that you buy a farm with my money; that you have the farm, and I\xa0have not my money? We must, therefore, take measures that there shall be no indebtedness of a nature to endanger the public safety. It is a menace that can be averted in many ways; but should a serious debt be incurred, we are not to allow the rich to lose their property, while the debtors profit by what is their neighbour's. For there is nothing that upholds a government more powerfully than its credit; and it can have no credit, unless the payment of debts is enforced by law. Never were measures for the repudiation of debts more strenuously agitated than in my consulship. Men of every sort and rank attempted with arms and armies to force the project through. But I\xa0opposed them with such energy that this plague was wholly eradicated from the body politic. Indebtedness was never greater; debts were never liquidated more easily or more fully; for the hope of defrauding the creditor was cut off and payment was enforced by law. But the present victor, though vanquished then, still carried out his old design, when it was no longer of any personal advantage to him. So great was his passion for wrongdoing that the very doing of wrong was a joy to him for its own sake even when there was no motive for it. <" 3.19 \xa0For it often happens, owing to exceptional circumstances, that what is accustomed under ordinary circumstances to be considered morally wrong is found not to be morally wrong. For the sake of illustration, let us assume some particular case that admits of wider application â\x80\x94 what more atrocious crime can there be than to kill a fellow-man, and especially an intimate friend? But if anyone kills a tyrant â\x80\x94 be he never so intimate a friend â\x80\x94 he has not laden his soul with guilt, has he? The Roman People, at all events, are not of that opinion; for of all glorious deeds they hold such an one to be the most noble. Has expediency, then, prevailed over moral rectitude? Not at all; moral rectitude has gone hand in hand with expediency. Some general rule, therefore, should be laid down to enable us to decide without error, whenever what we call the expedient seems to clash with what we feel to be morally right; and, if we follow that rule in comparing courses of conduct, we shall never swerve from the path of duty. <' "
3.22 \xa0Suppose, by way of comparison, that each one of our bodily members should conceive this idea and imagine that it could be strong and well if it should draw off to itself the health and strength of its neighbouring member, the whole body would necessarily be enfeebled and die; so, if each one of us should seize upon the property of his neighbours and take from each whatever he could appropriate to his own use, the bonds of human society must inevitably be annihilated. For, without any conflict with Nature's laws, it is granted that everybody may prefer to secure for himself rather than for his neighbour what is essential for the conduct of life; but Nature's laws do forbid us to increase our means, wealth, and resources by despoiling others. <" 3.26 \xa0Finally, if a man wrongs his neighbour to gain some advantage for himself he must either imagine that he is not acting in defiance of Nature or he must believe that death, poverty, pain, or even the loss of children, kinsmen, or friends, is more to be shunned than an act of injustice against another. If he thinks he is not violating the laws of Nature, when he wrongs his fellow-men, how is one to argue with the individual who takes away from man all that makes him man? But if he believes that, while such a course should be avoided, the other alternatives are much worse â\x80\x94 namely, death, poverty, pain â\x80\x94 he is mistaken in thinking that any ills affecting either his person or his property are more serious than those affecting his soul. This, then, ought to be the chief end of all men, to make the interest of each individual and of the whole body politic identical. For, if the individual appropriates to selfish ends what should be devoted to the common good, all human fellowship will be destroyed. <
3.32 \xa0As for the case of Phalaris, a decision is quite simple: we have no ties of fellowship with a tyrant, but rather the bitterest feud; and it is not opposed to Nature to rob, if one can, a man whom it is morally right to kill; â\x80\x94 nay, all that pestilent and abominable race should be exterminated from human society. And this may be done by proper measures; for, as certain members are amputated, if they show signs themselves of being bloodless and virtually lifeless and thus jeopardize the health of the other parts of the body, so those fierce and savage monsters in human form should be cut off from what may be called the common body of humanity. of this sort are all those problems in which we have to determine what moral duty is, as it varies with varying circumstances. <
3.42 \xa0And yet we are not required to sacrifice our own interest and surrender to others what we need for ourselves, but each one should consider his own interests, as far as he may without injury to his neighbour\'s. "When a man enters the foot-race," says Chrysippus with his usual aptness, "it is his duty to put forth all his strength and strive with all his might to win; but he ought never with his foot to trip, or with his hand to foul a competitor. Thus in the stadium of life, it is not unfair for anyone to seek to obtain what is needful for his own advantage, but he has no right to wrest it from his neighbour." <
3.82 \xa0Is there, then, any object of such value or any advantage so worth the winning that, to gain it, one should sacrifice the name of a "good man" and the lustre of his reputation? What is there that your soâ\x80\x91called expediency can bring to you that will compensate for what it can take away, if it steals from you the name of a "good man" and causes you to lose your sense of honour and justice? For what difference does it make whether a man is actually transformed into a beast or whether, keeping the outward appearance of a man, he has the savage nature of a beast within? Again, when people disregard everything that is morally right and true, if only they may secure power thereby, are they not pursuing the same course as he who wished to have as a father-inâ\x80\x91law the man by whose effrontery he might gain power for himself? He thought it advantageous to secure supreme power while the odium of it fell upon another; and he failed to see how unjust to his country this was, and how wrong morally. But the father-inâ\x80\x91law himself used to have continually upon his lips the Greek verses from the Phoenissae, which I\xa0will reproduce as well as I\xa0can â\x80\x94 awkwardly, it may be, but still so that the meaning can be understood: "If wrong may e\'er be right, for a throne\'s sake Were wrong most right:â\x80\x94 be God in all else feared!" Our tyrant deserved his death for having made an exception of the one thing that was the blackest crime of all. <
3.90 \xa0"Again; suppose there were two to be saved from the sinking ship â\x80\x94 both of them wise men â\x80\x94 and only one small plank, should both seize it to save themselves? Or should one give place to the other?""Why, of course, one should give place to the other, but that other must be the one whose life is more valuable either for his own sake or for that of his country.""But what if these considerations are of equal weight in both?""Then there will be no contest, but one will give place to the other, as if the point were decided by lot or at a game of odd and even.""Again, suppose a father were robbing temples or making underground passages to the treasury, should a son inform the officers of it?""Nay; that were a crime; rather should he defend his father, in case he were indicted.""Well, then, are not the claims of country paramount to all other duties""Aye, verily; but it is to our country\'s interest to have citizens who are loyal to their parents.""But once more â\x80\x94 if the father attempts to make himself king, or to betray his country, shall the son hold his peace?""Nay, verily; he will plead with his father not to do so. If that accomplishes nothing, he will take him to task; he will even threaten; and in the end, if things point to the destruction of the state, he will sacrifice his father to the safety of his country." <' ' None |
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16. Polybius, Histories, 2.7.5, 2.17.9-2.17.12, 2.19.4, 2.32.8, 6.53, 9.9.9-9.9.10 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar • Caesar, Gaius Julius • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., his funeral • Julius Caesar, honours to • Julius Caesar, monumental architecture • ethnography, Caesar and
Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 63; Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 142; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 49; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 269; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 269; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 49; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 106; Woolf (2011). Tales of the Barbarians: Ethnography and Empire in the Roman West. 22
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2.7.5 πρῶτον γὰρ τίς οὐκ ἂν τὴν κοινὴν περὶ Γαλατῶν φήμην ὑπιδόμενος εὐλαβηθείη τούτοις ἐγχειρίσαι πόλιν εὐδαίμονα καὶ πολλὰς ἀφορμὰς ἔχουσαν εἰς παρασπόνδησιν;
2.17.9 ᾤκουν δὲ κατὰ κώμας ἀτειχίστους, τῆς λοιπῆς κατασκευῆς ἄμοιροι καθεστῶτες. 2.17.10 διὰ γὰρ τὸ στιβαδοκοιτεῖν καὶ κρεαφαγεῖν, ἔτι δὲ μηδὲν ἄλλο πλὴν τὰ πολεμικὰ καὶ τὰ κατὰ γεωργίαν· ἀσκεῖν ἁπλοῦς εἶχον τοὺς βίους, οὔτʼ ἐπιστήμης ἄλλης οὔτε τέχνης παρʼ αὐτοῖς τὸ παράπαν γινωσκομένης. 2.17.11 ὕπαρξίς γε μὴν ἑκάστοις ἦν θρέμματα καὶ χρυσὸς διὰ τὸ μόνα ταῦτα κατὰ τὰς περιστάσεις ῥᾳδίως δύνασθαι πανταχῇ περιαγαγεῖν καὶ μεθιστάναι κατὰ τὰς αὑτῶν προαιρέσεις. 2.17.12 περὶ δὲ τὰς ἑταιρείας μεγίστην σπουδὴν ἐποιοῦντο διὰ τὸ καὶ φοβερώτατον καὶ δυνατώτατον εἶναι παρʼ αὐτοῖς τοῦτον ὃς ἂν πλείστους ἔχειν δοκῇ τοὺς θεραπεύοντας καὶ συμπεριφερομένους αὐτῷ.
2.19.4 τοῦτο δὲ σύνηθές ἐστι Γαλάταις πράττειν, ἐπειδὰν σφετερίσωνταί τι τῶν πέλας, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὰς ἀλόγους οἰνοφλυγίας καὶ πλησμονάς.
2.32.8 τὰ δὲ συλλογισάμενοι τήν τε Γαλατικὴν ἀθεσίαν καὶ διότι πρὸς ὁμοφύλους τῶν προσλαμβανομένων μέλλουσι ποιεῖσθαι τὸν κίνδυνον, εὐλαβοῦντο τοιούτοις ἀνδράσιν τοιούτου καιροῦ καὶ πράγματος κοινωνεῖν.' 9.9.9 ταῦτα μὲν οὖν οὐχ οὕτως τοῦ Ῥωμαίων ἢ Καρχηδονίων ἐγκωμίου χάριν εἴρηταί μοι — τούτους μὲν γὰρ ἤδη πολλάκις ἐπεσημηνάμην — τὸ δὲ πλεῖον τῶν ἡγουμένων παρʼ ἀμφοτέροις καὶ τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα μελλόντων χειρίζειν παρʼ ἑκάστοις τὰς κοινὰς πράξεις, 9.9.10 ἵνα τῶν μὲν ἀναμιμνησκόμενοι, τὰ δʼ ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν λαμβάνοντες ζηλωταὶ γίνωνται παράβολον ἔχειν τι καὶ κινδυνῶδες, τοὐναντίον ἀσφαλῆ μὲν τὴν τόλμαν, θαυμασίαν δὲ τὴν ἐπίνοιαν, ἀείμνηστον δὲ καὶ καλὴν ἔχει τὴν προαίρεσιν καὶ κατορθωθέντα καὶ διαψευσθέντα παραπλησίως, ἐὰν μόνον σὺν νῷ γένηται τὰ πραττόμενα. Ἄτελλα,'' None | sup>
2.7.5 \xa0To begin with would not anyone who is aware of the general reputation of the Gauls, think twice before entrusting to them a wealthy city, the betrayal of which was easy and profitable? <
2.17.9 \xa0They lived in unwalled villages, without any superfluous furniture; < 2.17.10 \xa0for as they slept on beds of leaves and fed on meat and were exclusively occupied with war and agriculture, their lives were very simple, and they had no knowledge whatever of any art or science. < 2.17.11 \xa0Their possessions consisted of cattle and gold, because these were the only things they could carry about with them everywhere according to circumstances and shift where they chose. < 2.17.12 \xa0They treated comradeship as of the greatest importance, those among them being the most feared and most powerful who were thought to have the largest number of attendants and associates. <' "
2.19.4 \xa0This is quite a common event among the Gauls, when they have appropriated their neighbour's property, chiefly owing to their inordinate drinking and surfeiting. <" 2.32.8 \xa0but on the other hand, taking into consideration Gaulish fickleness and the fact that they were going to fight against those of the same nation as these allies, they were wary of asking such men to participate in an action of such vital importance. <
6.53 1. \xa0Whenever any illustrious man dies, he is carried at his funeral into the forum to the soâ\x80\x91called rostra, sometimes conspicuous in an upright posture and more rarely reclined.,2. \xa0Here with all the people standing round, a grown-up son, if he has left one who happens to be present, or if not some other relative mounts the rostra and discourses on the virtues and successful achievements of the dead.,3. \xa0As a consequence the multitude and not only those who had a part in these achievements, but those also who had none, when the facts are recalled to their minds and brought before their eyes, are moved to such sympathy that the loss seems to be not confined to the mourners, but a public one affecting the whole people.,4. \xa0Next after the interment and the performance of the usual ceremonies, they place the image of the departed in the most conspicuous position in the house, enclosed in a wooden shrine.,5. \xa0This image is a mask reproducing with remarkable fidelity both the features and complexion of the deceased.,6. \xa0On the occasion of public sacrifices they display these images, and decorate them with much care, and when any distinguished member of the family dies they take them to the funeral, putting them on men who seem to them to bear the closest resemblance to the original in stature and carriage.,7. \xa0These representatives wear togas, with a purple border if the deceased was a consul or praetor, whole purple if he was a censor, and embroidered with gold if he had celebrated a triumph or achieved anything similar.,8. \xa0They all ride in chariots preceded by the fasces, axes, and other insignia by which the different magistrates are wont to be accompanied according to the respective dignity of the offices of state held by each during his life;,9. \xa0and when they arrive at the rostra they all seat themselves in a row on ivory chairs. There could not easily be a more ennobling spectacle for a young man who aspires to fame and virtue.,10. \xa0For who would not be inspired by the sight of the images of men renowned for their excellence, all together and as if alive and breathing? What spectacle could be more glorious than this?
9.9.9 \xa0It is not for the purpose of extolling the Romans or the Carthaginians that I\xa0have offered these remarks â\x80\x94 I\xa0have often had occasion to bestow praise on both peoples â\x80\x94 but rather for the sake of the leaders of both these states, and of all, no matter where, who shall be charged with the conduct of public affairs, <' "9.9.10 \xa0so that by memory or actual sight of such actions as these, they be moved to emulation, and not shrink from undertaking designs, which may seem indeed to be fraught with risk and peril, but on the contrary are courageous without being hazardous, are admirable in their conception, and their excellence, whether the result be success or failure alike, will deserve to live in men's memories for ever, always provided that all that is done is the result of sound reasoning.\xa0.\xa0.\xa0. Tarentum <"' None |
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17. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 4.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Jewish state, and Caesar • Josephus, on Jewish state, grants to, by Caesar • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Judea immunity from military service, billeting, and requisitioned transport • Julius Caesar, and Jews, decrees of C. concerning Jewish state • Julius Caesar, favors of • favors, of Caesar
Found in books: Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 40; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 84
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4.8 promising the king at an interview three hundred and sixty talents of silver and, from another source of revenue, eighty talents.'"" None |
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18. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Civil War, between Caesar and Pompey • Iulius Caesar, C., lictors, restores alternation of
Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 77; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 66
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19. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, C. Julius, activities as dictator • Caesar, C. Julius, calendar of • Caesar, C. Julius, proponent of analogia • Caesar, C. Julius, role in civil wars • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., image on the Capitoline • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar
Found in books: Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 15, 47, 58, 77, 175; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 54; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 58, 153
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20. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar • Caesar, C. Julius, assassination of
Found in books: Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 213; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 124
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21. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar • Caesar, C. Iulius, historical ambitions • Julius Caesar
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 15; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 272, 274, 290; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 116, 118
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22. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar • Caesar, Julius
Found in books: Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 315; Mayor (2017), Religion and Memory in Tacitus’ Annals, 59
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23. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Caesar, C • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., as parens patriae • Julius Caesar, C., assassination of • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of • Julius Caesar, C., his funeral • Julius Caesar, C., image on the Capitoline • Julius Caesar, C., imagined as saving the res publica • Julius Caesar, honours to • Julius Caesar, house of • Junius Brutus, M. (Brutus), assassination of Caesar • Rome, Temple of Quirinus, Caesar’s statue in • dictatorship, of Caesar • pater patriae, Caesar as
Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 36, 184; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 75; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 89, 153, 291; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 40; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 81, 91, 108
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24. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar) • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and haruspicy • prodigy, Caesar and
Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 77; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 112
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25. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Augustus, C. Iulius Caesar Octavianus • Caesar • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar) • Caesar (Julius) • Caesar, C. Iulius • Caesar, Julius • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, and Cato • Julius Caesar, assassination
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269; Bezzel and Pfeiffer (2021), Prophecy and Hellenism, 36; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 211; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 77; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 37; Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 369; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 105; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269
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26. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • C. Iulius Caesar • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), catasterism of • Caesars comet • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar Strabo Vopiscus, C. • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of • Julius Caesar, C., image in Temple of Venus Genetrix • Scaliger, Julius Caesar • dictatorship, of Caesar
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 15, 53; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 156; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 108, 109; Rohland (2022), Carpe Diem: The Poetics of Presence in Greek and Latin Literature, 118; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 18; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 95
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27. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), catasterism of • Caesar, • Caesar, C. Julius, activities as dictator • Caesar, C. Julius, as author • Caesar, C. Julius, planned renovation of the Saepta • Caesar, Julius • Caesar, Julius (Iulius Caesar, C.) • Caesars comet • Cicero, M. Tullius, support of Caesar’s renovation of Saepta • Julius Caesar, Deification, divinity • closeness to the gods, of Julius Caesar and Romulus
Found in books: Atkins (2021), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy 89; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 139, 140; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 156, 164; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 291; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 67, 178; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 287
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28. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • C. Iulius Caesar • Caesar • Caesar (Gaius Iulius Caesar) • Caesar C. Julius • Caesar, • Caesar, C. Iulius • Caesar, Gaius Julius, dictator • Caesar, Julius • Caesar, Julius, character in Lucan • Cicero, assessment of Julius Caesar • Cornelius Dolabella, P., destroys column and altar to Caesar • Gaius and Lucius Caesar • Germanicus Iulius Caesar • Iulius Caesar, C., and Cicero in civil war • Jewish state, and Caesar • Josephus, on Jewish state, grants to, by Caesar • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar (C. Iulius Caesar) • Julius Caesar Octavianus, C. (Octavian, later Augustus) • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and Quirinus • Julius Caesar, C., and Romulus • Julius Caesar, C., as parens patriae • Julius Caesar, C., as parricide and tyrant • Julius Caesar, C., aspires to kingship • Julius Caesar, C., assassination of • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of • Julius Caesar, C., his sella curulis • Julius Caesar, C., mortality of • Julius Caesar, C., public collection in Temple of Venus Genetrix • Julius Caesar, C., refuses crown • Julius Caesar, C., tomb inside the pomerium • Julius Caesar, C., victory in civil war as salus • Julius Caesar, Deification, divinity • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Judea immunity from military service, billeting, and requisitioned transport • Julius Caesar, and Jews, decrees of C. concerning Jewish state • Julius Caesar, favors of • M. Tullius Cicero,and Caesar • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar, its collection • Rome, Temple of Quirinus, and Caesar • Temple of Salus, statue of Caesar in • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), attacks on Caesar as parricide • Tullius Cicero, M., and Caesar • accuses Caesar’s killers of parricide • accuses Caesar’s killers of parricide, letter to Octavian and Hirtius • accuses Caesar’s killers of parricide, on Caesar as parens patriae • clementia, under Caesar • favors, of Caesar • felicitas, Caesars/Lepidus shrine to • pater patriae, Caesar as • pater patriae, Caesar as, on column • salus, and Caesar • statues, Caesar
Found in books: Atkins (2021), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy 21, 90; Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 42; Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 253, 254; Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 59; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 66, 142, 143; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 135; Gorain (2019), Language in the Confessions of Augustine, 22, 172, 173; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 17; Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 14; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 343; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 110; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 69; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 110; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 291; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 258; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 18, 19, 114; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 241, 246; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 39, 233; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 127; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 41, 60; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 77; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 98, 101, 110, 115; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 109
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29. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aemilius Lepidus, M., names Caesar dictator • Antony, Mark, and Julius Caesar • C. Iulius Caesar • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar) • Caesar (Gaius Iulius Caesar) • Caesar C. Julius • Caesar, • Caesar, C. Iulius • Caesar, C. Iulius, historical ambitions • Caesar, Gaius Julius • Caesar, Julius • Civil War, between Caesar and Pompey • Cornelius Dolabella, P., destroys column and altar to Caesar • Germanicus Iulius Caesar • Iulius Caesar, C., and Cicero in civil war • Iulius Caesar, C., augural law, ignored by • Iulius Caesar, C., dictator in • Iulius Caesar, C., dictatorships authorized/modified by comitial legislation • Iulius Caesar, L. • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar (C. Iulius Caesar) • Julius Caesar Octavianus, C. (Octavian, later Augustus) • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and haruspicy • Julius Caesar, C., as head of state • Julius Caesar, C., as parens patriae • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of • Julius Caesar, C., recall of Marcellus • Julius Caesar, and Cicero • Julius Caesar, assassination • Julius Caesar, honours to • Julius Caesar, references Alexander the Great • M. Tullius Cicero,and Caesar • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar • Tullius Cicero, M., and Caesar • accuses Caesar’s killers of parricide • accuses Caesar’s killers of parricide, letter to Octavian and Hirtius • accuses Caesar’s killers of parricide, on Caesar as parens patriae • augurium, and Caesar as dictator, extended term of • clementia, under Caesar • dictatorship, of Caesar • pater patriae, Caesar as • pater patriae, Caesar as, on coin • pater patriae, Caesar as, on column • prodigy, Caesar and • salus, and Caesar
Found in books: Atkins (2021), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy 281; Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 15; Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 249; Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 146; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 218; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 142; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 206; Gorain (2019), Language in the Confessions of Augustine, 22; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 69; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 17; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 46, 146, 173, 244; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 291; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 69, 70, 142; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 11; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 246; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 241; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 58; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 50, 108, 175; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 59; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 88, 89, 94, 109, 110
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30. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar • Caligula, Emperor (Gaius Caesar) • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of • Julius Caesar, C., imagined as saving the res publica • dictatorship, of Caesar • salus, and Caesar
Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 47; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 188; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 110; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 110; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 43; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 81, 89, 94
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31. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Iulius Caesar, C., praetor, suspended as • Julius Caesar, C.
Found in books: Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 142, 143; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 72; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 60
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32. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • C. Iulius Caesar, birthday • Caesar, C. Iulius, historical ambitions • Caesar, Gaius Julius • Jewish state, and Caesar • Josephus, on Jewish state, grants to, by Caesar • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Judea immunity from military service, billeting, and requisitioned transport • Julius Caesar, and Jews, decrees of C. concerning Jewish state • Julius Caesar, favors of • favors, of Caesar
Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 93; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 91; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 273; Rohland (2022), Carpe Diem: The Poetics of Presence in Greek and Latin Literature, 98; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 124; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 77
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33. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Caesar, C • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., imagined as saving the res publica • Julius Caesar, festival honoring Julia
Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 253; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 91; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 35; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 81
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34. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • C. Iulius Caesar, reform • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar) • Julius Caesar, C., image in Jupiter Capitolinus’ temple • Julius Caesar, assassination • Julius Caesar, monumental architecture
Found in books: Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 69; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 47; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 108; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 112
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35. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aemilius Lepidus, M., names Caesar dictator • Antonius, M., magister equitum and Caesar’s deputy • C. Iulius Caesar, dictatorship • C. Iulius Caesar, reform • Caesar • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar) • Caesar (Julius) • Caesar, C. Iulius • Caesar, C. Julius, activities as dictator • Caesar, C. Julius, assassination of • Caesar, Julius • Caesar, Roman people and • Caesars comet • Cicero, assessment of Julius Caesar • Dio, L. Cassius, on Caesar’s dictatorships • Iulius Caesar, C., at Alexandria • Iulius Caesar, C., augural law, ignored by • Iulius Caesar, C., despot, a • Iulius Caesar, C., dictator in • Iulius Caesar, C., dictator with extended term • Iulius Caesar, C., dictator, wants praetor to name • Iulius Caesar, C., dictatorships authorized/modified by comitial legislation • Iulius Caesar, L. • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and Trojan ancestry • Julius Caesar, C., his aedileship • Julius Caesar, C., image on the Capitoline • Julius Caesar, C., private tastes • Julius Caesar, Gaius • Julius Caesar, and Brutus • Julius Caesar, assassination • Julius Caesar, honours to • M. Tullius Cicero,and Caesar • Romans, and Caesar • Servilius Isauricus, P., names Caesar dictator • Trojans, and Caesar • augurium, and Caesar as dictator, extended term of • clementia, under Caesar • felicitas, Caesars/Lepidus shrine to • statues, Caesar
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 269; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 81; Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 253; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 54, 55, 56, 59, 60, 61, 62, 64, 141, 143; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 138, 183; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 92; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 23, 50, 124, 184; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 337, 343; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 132, 135, 136, 137, 141, 142; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 313; Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 347, 369; Mayor (2017), Religion and Memory in Tacitus’ Annals, 59; Mowat (2021), Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic, 141; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 113; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 168; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 70, 80, 153, 163; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 121, 122; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 2, 53, 273, 275; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 65; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 269
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36. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, Julius, ending Republican institutions • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar Strabo Vopsicus • Julius Caesar, C., and Quirinus
Found in books: Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 132, 135; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 44, 52; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 39
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37. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Jewish state, and Caesar • Josephus, on Jewish state, grants to, by Caesar • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, and Jews, decrees of C. concerning Jewish state • Julius Caesar, favors of • favors, of Caesar
Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 40; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 91, 96
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38. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Gauls, Julius Caesar on • Julius Caesar, on the Gauls • Julius Caesar, on the Suebi • ethnography, Caesar and
Found in books: Gruen (2011), Rethinking the Other in Antiquity, 147; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 413
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39. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, of Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C • dictatorships of Sulla and Julius Caesar
Found in books: Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 107; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 11
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40. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C., assassination of • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of • Julius Caesar, C., victory in civil war as salus • Julius Caesar, apotheosis • dictatorship, of Caesar
Found in books: Fielding (2017), Transformations of Ovid in Late Antiquity. 117; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 45, 59; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 90, 102
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41. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), master of rivers • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), catasterism of • Caesar, Gaius Julius • Caesars comet • Cicero, of Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar (C. Iulius Caesar) • M. Tullius Cicero,and Caesar • Marcellus, Julius Caesar’s enemy defended by Cicero • Octavian (Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus) • Sallust, pseudo-Sallust, Letters to Caesar • clementia, under Caesar
Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 248, 249; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 212, 214, 215; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 156; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 143, 144; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 319; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 60; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 13, 14, 15, 16
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42. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Augustus, C. Iulius Caesar Octavianus • Caesar, C. Iulius • Caesar, Julius (Iulius Caesar, C.) • Tiberius, Iulius Caesar Augustus
Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 45, 46, 65, 106; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 72
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43. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Caesar, C., and Trojan ancestry • Julius Caesar, and Cicero • Trojans, and Caesar
Found in books: Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 34; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 163
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44. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., as parens patriae • Julius Caesar, C., as parricide and tyrant • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of • Julius Caesar, C., his triumph • Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero), attacks on Caesar as parricide • pater patriae, Caesar as
Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 93; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 91; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 35; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 155; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 115
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45. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), emulator of Alexander • Caesar, C. Julius • Caesar, Gaius Julius • Caesar, Julius • Julius Caesar
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 30; Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 190; Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 89; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 291; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 207; Nasrallah (2019), Archaeology and the Letters of Paul, 148
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46. Catullus, Poems, 39.4-39.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Augustus, C. Iulius Caesar Octavianus • Caesar • Caesar, Julius • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of • Julius Caesar, assassination • Julius Caesar, funeral of • dictatorship, of Caesar
Found in books: Gazzarri and Weiner (2023), Searching for the Cinaedus in Ancient Rome. 260; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 88; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 64; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 92; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 113
| sup>
39.4 He grins. When pious son at funeral pile 39.5 Mourns, or lone mother sobs for sole lost son,' ' None |
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47. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 2.7.2, 2.9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 138; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 138
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2.7.2 \xa0Consequently, since the city lay on a plain along the Euphrates, the mound was visible for a distance of many stades, like an acropolis; and this mound stands, they say, even to this day, though Ninus was razed to the ground by the Medes when they destroyed the empire of the Assyrians. Semiramis, whose nature made her eager for great exploits and ambitious to surpass the fame of her predecessor on the throne, set her mind upon founding a city in Babylonia, and after securing the architects of all the world and skilled artisans and making all the other necessary preparations, she gathered together from her entire kingdom two million men to complete the work.
2.9 1. \xa0After this Semiramis picked out the lowest spot in Babylonia and built a square reservoir, which was three hundred stades long on each side; it was constructed of baked brick and bitumen, and had a depth of thirty-five feet.,2. \xa0Then, diverting the river into it, she built an underground passage-way from one palace to the other; and making it of burned brick, she coated the vaulted chambers on both sides with hot bitumen until she had made the thickness of this coating four cubits. The side walls of the passage-way were twenty bricks thick and twelve feet high, exclusive of the barrel-vault, and the width of the passage-way was fifteen feet.,3. \xa0And after this construction had been finished in only seven days she let the river back again into its old channel, and so, since the stream flowed above the passage-way, Semiramis was able to go across from one palace to the other without passing over the river. At each end of the passage-way she also set bronze gates which stood until the time of the Persian rule.,4. \xa0After this she built in the centre of the city a temple of Zeus whom, as we have said, the Babylonians call Belus. Now since with regard to this temple the historians are at variance, and since time has caused the structure to fall into ruins, it is impossible to give the exact facts concerning it. But all agree that it was exceedingly high, and that in it the Chaldaeans made their observations of the stars, whose risings and settings could be accurately observed by reason of the height of the structure.,5. \xa0Now the entire building was ingeniously constructed at great expense of bitumen and brick, and at the top of the ascent Semiramis set up three statues of hammered gold, of Zeus, Hera, and Rhea. of these statues that of Zeus represented him erect and striding forward, and, being forty feet high, weighed a\xa0thousand Babylonian talents; that of Rhea showed her seated on a golden throne and was of the same weight as that of Zeus; and at her knees stood two lions, while near by were huge serpents of silver, each one weighing thirty talents.,6. \xa0The statue of Hera was also standing, weighing eight hundred talents, and in her right hand she held a snake by the head and in her left a sceptre studded with precious stones.,7. \xa0A\xa0table for all three statues, made of hammered gold, stood before them, forty feet long, fifteen wide, and weighing five hundred talents. Upon it rested two drinking-cups, weighing thirty talents.,8. \xa0And there were censers as well, also two in number but weighing each three hundred talents, and also three gold mixing bowls, of which the one belonging to Zeus weighed twelve hundred Babylonian talents and the other two six hundred each.,9. \xa0But all these were later carried off as spoil by the kings of the Persians, while as for the palaces and the other buildings, time has either entirely effaced them or left them in ruins; and in fact of Babylon itself but a small part is inhabited at this time, and most of the area within its walls is given over to agriculture.'' None |
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48. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.89.2 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 217; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 217
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1.89.2 \xa0and remembers those who joined with them in their settlement, the Pelasgians who were Argives by descent and came into Italy from Thessaly; and recalls, moreover, the arrival of Evander and the Arcadians, who settled round the Palatine hill, after the Aborigines had granted the place to them; and also the Peloponnesians, who, coming along with Hercules, settled upon the Saturnian hill; and, last of all, those who left the Troad and were intermixed with the earlier settlers. For one will find no nation that is more ancient or more Greek than these. <'' None |
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49. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.77, 1.87, 1.131, 1.203, 1.213-1.214, 1.217-1.228 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Augustus/Octavian, relation with Caesar • Britain, and Julius Caesar • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), foiled by Acoreus • Egypt, and Julius Caesar • Gaius Caesar • Germanicus Caesar, enters Egypt without imperial permission • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., affair with King Nicomedes of Bithynia • Julius Caesar, C., and Cleopatra • Julius Caesar, C., descended from Venus • Julius Caesar, C., public collection in Temple of Venus Genetrix • Julius Caesar, and Cicero • Lucius Caesar • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar, its collection • Trojans, and Caesar • dactyliotheca, and Caesar • divine support, of Caesar Augustus
Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 101; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 34; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 312; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 36, 205; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 34; Pandey (2018), The Poetics of Power in Augustan Rome, 173, 179; Putnam et al. (2023), The Poetic World of Statius' Silvae, 264; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 229
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1.77 Nec fuge linigerae Memphitica templa iuvencae:
1.87 Hunc Venus e templis, quae sunt confinia, ridet:
1.131 Romule, militibus scisti dare commoda solus:
1.213 Ergo erit illa dies, qua tu, pulcherrime rerum, 1.214 rend=
1.217 Spectabunt laeti iuvenes mixtaeque puellae, 1.219 Atque aliqua ex illis cum regum nomina quaeret, 1.221 Omnia responde, nec tantum siqua rogabit; 1.223 Hic est Euphrates, praecinctus harundine frontem: 1.225 Hos facito Armenios; haec est Danaëia Persis: 1.227 Ille vel ille, duces; et erunt quae nomina dicas, 1.228 rend=' ' None | sup>
1.77 The cruel father urging his commands.' "
1.87 E'en there the cause of love is often tried;" "
1.131 The martial crew, like soldiers, ready press'd," 1.213 Celestial seeds shoot out before their day, 1.214 Prevent their years, and brook no dull delay.
1.217 Bacchus a boy, yet like a hero fought,' "1.218 And early spoils from conquer'd India brought." "1.219 Thus you your father's troops shall lead to fight," "1.220 And thus shall vanquish in your father's right." '1.221 These rudiments you to your lineage owe; 1.222 Born to increase your titles as you grow. 1.223 Brethren you had, revenge your brethren slain; 1.224 You have a father, and his rights maintain.' "1.225 Arm'd by your country's parent and your own," '1.226 Redeem your country and restore his throne. 1.227 Your enemies assert an impious cause; 1.228 You fight both for divine and human laws.' ' None |
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50. Ovid, Fasti, 1.19-1.20, 1.591, 1.641-1.644, 2.138, 2.144, 2.487, 2.496, 2.684, 3.155-3.160, 3.415, 3.417, 3.421-3.422, 3.428, 3.697-3.708, 4.383-4.384, 4.949-4.954, 5.238, 5.279, 5.551-5.596, 6.436, 6.637-6.638 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Augustus, Augustan, Caesar • Augustus, C. Iulius Caesar Octavianus • Augustus, Caesar (Augustus) • Augustus, Caesar (Iulius) • Augustus/Octavian, relation with Caesar • Caesar • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), catasterism of • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), divinity won through earthly achievements and / or divine agency • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), praised for superiority of son (Augustus) • Caesar, Julius • Caesars comet • Gaius Caesar • Germanicus Caesar • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and Trojan ancestry • Julius Caesar, C., and the Gallic war • Julius Caesar, C., his aedileship • Julius Caesar, C., his sword • Julius Caesar, Concordia Nova • Julius Caesar, Deification, divinity • Julius Caesar, and Brutus • Julius Caesar, assassination • Julius Caesar, new Romulus • Julius Caesar, religiosity of • Lucius Caesar • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar • Rome, Temple of Mars Ultor, and Julius Caesar • Trojans, and Caesar • calendar, Caesar’s reform ('45 BCE) • relationship with Caesar’s forum, and the summi viri • relationship with Caesar’s forum, caryatids in
Found in books: Bierl (2017), Time and Space in Ancient Myth, Religion and Culture, 302, 303, 304, 305, 311; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 17, 23, 39, 40, 41, 42, 73, 74, 109, 118, 122, 123, 127, 136, 140, 156, 190, 191, 199, 206, 208; Farrell (2021), Juno's Aeneid: A Battle for Heroic Identity, 239; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 154, 155, 167, 168, 169, 171; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 29, 50; Johnson (2008), Ovid before Exile: Art and Punishment in the Metamorphoses, 51; Pandey (2018), The Poetics of Power in Augustan Rome, 72, 121; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 64, 65; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 80, 111, 117, 163, 193, 251, 256, 270; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 126; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 80
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1.19 pagina iudicium docti subitura movetur 1.20 principis, ut Clario missa legenda deo.
1.591 perlege dispositas generosa per atria ceras:
1.641 Furius antiquam populi superator Etrusci 1.642 voverat et voti solverat ille fidem, 1.643 causa, quod a patribus sumptis secesserat armis 1.644 volgus, et ipsa suas Roma timebat opes.
2.144 caelestem fecit te pater, ille patrem.
2.684 Romanae spatium est urbis et orbis idem. 24. G REGIF — N
3.155 sed tamen errabant etiam nunc tempora, donec 3.156 Caesaris in multis haec quoque cura fuit. 3.157 non haec ille deus tantaeque propaginis auctor 3.158 credidit officiis esse minora suis, 3.159 promissumque sibi voluit praenoscere caelum 3.160 nec deus ignotas hospes inire domos,
3.421 ignibus aeternis aeterni numina praesunt 3.422 Caesaris: imperii pignora iuncta vides,
3.428 vivite inextincti, flammaque duxque, precor. 7. B NON — F
3.697 praeteriturus eram gladios in principe fixos, 3.698 cum sic a castis Vesta locuta focis: 3.699 ‘ne dubita meminisse: meus fuit ille sacerdos, 3.700 sacrilegae telis me petiere manus. 3.701 ipsa virum rapui simulacraque nuda reliqui: 3.702 quae cecidit ferro, Caesaris umbra fuit.’ 3.703 ille quidem caelo positus Iovis atria vidit 3.704 et tenet in magno templa dicata foro. 3.705 at quicumque nefas ausi, prohibente deorum 3.706 numine, polluerant pontificale caput, 3.707 morte iacent merita, testes estote Philippi, 3.708 et quorum sparsis ossibus albet humus,
4.383 hanc ego militia sedem, tu pace parasti, 4.384 inter bis quinos usus honore viros.’
4.949 aufer Vesta diem! cognati Vesta recepta est 4.950 limine: sic iusti constituere patres. 4.951 Phoebus habet partem, Vestae pars altera cessit; 4.952 quod superest illis, tertius ipse tenet, 4.953 state Palatinae laurus, praetextaque quercu
5.279 ‘cetera luxuriae nondum instrumenta vigebant,
5.551 Ultor ad ipse suos caelo descendit honores 5.552 templaque in Augusto conspicienda foro. 5.553 et deus est ingens et opus: debebat in urbe 5.554 non aliter nati Mars habitare sui. 5.555 digna Giganteis haec sunt delubra tropaeis: 5.556 hinc fera Gradivum bella movere decet, 5.557 seu quis ab Eoo nos impius orbe lacesset, 5.558 seu quis ab occiduo sole domandus erit. 5.559 prospicit armipotens operis fastigia summi 5.560 et probat invictos summa tenere deos. 5.561 prospicit in foribus diversae tela figurae 5.562 armaque terrarum milite victa suo. 5.563 hinc videt Aenean oneratum pondere caro 5.564 et tot Iuleae nobilitatis avos: 5.565 hinc videt Iliaden humeris ducis arma ferentem, 5.566 claraque dispositis acta subesse viris, 5.567 spectat et Augusto praetextum nomine templum, 5.568 et visum lecto Caesare maius opus. 5.569 voverat hoc iuvenis tunc, cum pia sustulit arma: 5.570 a tantis Princeps incipiendus erat. 5.571 ille manus tendens, hinc stanti milite iusto, 5.572 hinc coniuratis, talia dicta dedit: 5.573 ‘si mihi bellandi pater est Vestaeque sacerdos 5.574 auctor, et ulcisci numen utrumque paro: 5.575 Mars, ades et satia scelerato sanguine ferrum, 5.576 stetque favor causa pro meliore tuus. 5.577 templa feres et, me victore, vocaberis Ultor.’ 5.578 voverat et fuso laetus ab hoste redit, 5.579 nec satis est meruisse semel cognomina Marti: 5.580 persequitur Parthi signa retenta manu. 5.581 gens fuit et campis et equis et tuta sagittis 5.582 et circumfusis invia fluminibus, 5.583 addiderant animos Crassorum funera genti, 5.584 cum periit miles signaque duxque simul. 5.585 signa, decus belli, Parthus Romana tenebat, 5.586 Romanaeque aquilae signifer hostis erat. 5.587 isque pudor mansisset adhuc, nisi fortibus armis 5.588 Caesaris Ausoniae protegerentur opes. 5.589 ille notas veteres et longi dedecus aevi 5.590 sustulit: agnorunt signa recepta suos. 5.591 quid tibi nunc solitae mitti post terga sagittae, 5.592 quid loca, quid rapidi profuit usus equi, 5.593 Parthe? refers aquilas, victos quoque porrigis arcus: 5.594 pignora iam nostri nulla pudoris habes. 5.595 rite deo templumque datum nomenque bis ulto, 5.596 et meritus voti debita solvit honor,
6.436 Vesta, quod assiduo lumine cuncta videt,
6.637 Te quoque magnifica, Concordia, dedicat aede 6.638 Livia, quam caro praestitit ipsa viro.' ' None | sup>
1.19 My page trembles, judged by a learned prince, 1.20 As if it were being read by Clarian Apollo.
1.591 Such titles were never bestowed on men before.
1.641 Vowed your ancient temple and kept his vow. 1.642 His reason was that the commoners had armed themselves, 1.643 Seceding from the nobles, and Rome feared their power. 1.644 This latest reason was a better one: revered Leader, Germany
2.144 Your father deified you: he deified his father.
2.684 The extent of the City of Rome and the world is one.
3.155 But the calendar was still erratic down to the time 3.156 When Caesar took it, and many other things, in hand. 3.157 That god, the founder of a mighty house, did not 3.158 Regard the matter as beneath his attention, 3.159 And wished to have prescience of those heaven 3.160 Promised him, not be an unknown god entering a strange house.
3.421 You may see the pledges of empire conjoined. 3.422 Gods of ancient Troy, worthiest prize for that Aenea
3.428 The Nones of March are free of meetings, because it’s thought
3.697 Our leader, when Vesta spoke from her pure hearth: 3.698 Don’t hesitate to recall them: he was my priest, 3.699 And those sacrilegious hands sought me with their blades. 3.700 I snatched him away, and left a naked semblance: 3.701 What died by the steel, was Caesar’s shadow.’ 3.702 Raised to the heavens he found Jupiter’s halls, 3.703 And his is the temple in the mighty Forum. 3.704 But all the daring criminals who in defiance 3.705 of the gods, defiled the high priest’s head, 3.706 Have fallen in merited death. Philippi is witness, 3.707 And those whose scattered bones whiten its earth. 3.708 This work, this duty, was Augustus’ first task,
4.383 I won this seat in war, and you in peace 4.384 Because of your role among the Decemvirs.’
4.949 At her kinsman’s threshold: so the Senators justly decreed. 4.950 Phoebus takes part of the space there: a further part remain 4.951 For Vesta, and the third part that’s left, Caesar occupies. 4.952 Long live the laurels of the Palatine: long live that house 4.953 Decked with branches of oak: one place holds three eternal gods.
5.279 ‘Goddess’, I replied: ‘What’s the origin of the games?’
5.551 Am I wrong, or did weapons clash? I’m not: they clashed, 5.552 Mars comes, giving the sign for war as he comes. 5.553 The Avenger himself descends from the sky 5.554 To view his shrine and honours in Augustus’ forum. 5.555 The god and the work are mighty: Mar 5.556 Could not be housed otherwise in his son’s city. 5.557 The shrine is worthy of trophies won from Giants: 5.558 From it the Marching God initiates fell war, 5.559 When impious men attack us from the East, 5.560 Or those from the setting sun must be conquered. 5.561 The God of Arms sees the summits of the work, 5.562 And approves of unbeaten gods holding the heights. 5.563 He sees the various weapons studding the doors, 5.564 Weapons from lands conquered by his armies. 5.565 Here he views Aeneas bowed by his dear burden, 5.566 And many an ancestor of the great Julian line: 5.567 There he views Romulus carrying Acron’s weapon 5.568 And famous heroes’ deeds below their ranked statues. 5.569 And he sees Augustus’ name on the front of the shrine, 5.570 And reading ‘Caesar’ there, the work seems greater still. 5.571 He had vowed it as a youth, when dutifully taking arms: 5.572 With such deeds a Prince begins his reign. 5.573 Loyal troops standing here, conspirators over there, 5.574 He stretched his hand out, and spoke these words: 5.575 ‘If the death of my ‘father’ Julius, priest of Vesta, 5.576 Gives due cause for this war, if I avenge for both, 5.577 Come, Mars, and stain the sword with evil blood, 5.578 And lend your favour to the better side. You’ll gain 5.579 A temple, and be called the Avenger, if I win.’ 5.580 So he vowed, and returned rejoicing from the rout. 5.581 Nor is he satisfied to have earned Mars that name, 5.582 But seeks the standards lost to Parthian hands, 5.583 That race protected by deserts, horses, arrows, 5.584 Inaccessible, behind their encircling rivers. 5.585 The nation’s pride had been roused by the death 5.586 of the Crassi, when army, leader, standards all were lost. 5.587 The Parthians kept the Roman standards, ornament 5.588 of war, and an enemy bore the Roman eagle. 5.589 That shame would have remained, if Italy’s power 5.590 Had not been defended by Caesar’s strong weapons. 5.591 He ended the old reproach, a generation of disgrace: 5.592 The standards were regained, and knew their own. 5.593 What use now the arrows fired from behind your backs, 5.594 Your deserts and your swift horses, you Parthians? 5.595 You carry the eagles home: offer your unstrung bows: 5.596 Now you no longer own the emblems of our shame.
6.436 Vesta guards it: who sees all things by her unfailing light.
6.637 His father showed his paternity by touching the child’ 6.638 Head with fire, and a cap of flames glowed on his hair.' ' None |
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51. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 1.4, 8.752, 9.266, 14.581, 14.588, 14.600, 14.805-14.816, 14.818-14.828, 15.745-15.774, 15.776-15.799, 15.801-15.810, 15.812-15.827, 15.829-15.835, 15.837-15.854, 15.856-15.866, 15.868-15.879 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Augustus Caesar • Augustus, C. Iulius Caesar Octavianus • Augustus/Octavian, relation with Caesar • C. Iulius Caesar • Caesar • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), emulator of Alexander • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), master of rivers • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), catasterism of • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), divinity won through earthly achievements and / or divine agency • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), praised for superiority of son (Augustus) • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), stellar imagery of • Caesar (Julius) • Caesar, Julius • Caesar, Julius, Commentarii De Bello Civili • Caesar, Julius, anger of • Caesar, Julius, at the Massilian grove • Caesars comet • Caesars comet, as a star and / or a comet • Cicero, of Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, Deification, divinity • Julius Caesar, apotheosis • Julius Caesar, religiosity of • Lucius Caesar • anger, of Caesar • dictatorships of Sulla and Julius Caesar • ira/irasci, of Caesar
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 293; Bierl (2017), Time and Space in Ancient Myth, Religion and Culture, 305; Braund and Most (2004), Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen, 249; Duffalo (2006), The Ghosts of the Past: Latin Literature, the Dead, and Rome's Transition to a Principate. 124; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 90, 132, 140, 245; Fabre-Serris et al. (2021), Identities, Ethnicities and Gender in Antiquity, 197; Fielding (2017), Transformations of Ovid in Late Antiquity. 118, 119; Fletcher (2023), The Ass of the Gods: Apuleius' Golden Ass, the Onos Attributed to Lucian, and Graeco-Roman Metamorphosis Literature, 24; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 159, 160, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 169, 171, 172; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 29; Johnson (2008), Ovid before Exile: Art and Punishment in the Metamorphoses, 96; Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 26, 28, 74, 77, 80, 81; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 263, 264; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 60, 208, 214; Pandey (2018), The Poetics of Power in Augustan Rome, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 174; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 62; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 126; Skempis and Ziogas (2014), Geography, Topography, Landscape: Configurations of Space in Greek and Roman Epic 330; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 293; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 10, 184, 185
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1.4 ad mea perpetuum deducite tempora carmen.
14.805 Occiderat Tatius, populisque aequata duobus, 14.806 Romule, iura dabas, posita cum casside Mavors 14.807 talibus adfatur divumque hominumque parentem: 14.808 “Tempus adest, genitor, quoniam fundamine magno 14.809 res Romana valet et praeside pendet ab uno, 14.811 solvere et ablatum terris imponere caelo. 14.812 Tu mihi concilio quondam praesente deorum 14.813 (nam memoro memorique animo pia verba notavi) 14.814 “unus erit, quem tu tolles in caerula caeli” 14.815 dixisti: rata sit verborum summa tuorum!” 14.816 Adnuit omnipotens et nubibus aera caecis
14.818 quae sibi promissae sensit rata signa rapinae 14.819 innixusque hastae pressos temone cruento 14.820 impavidus conscendit equos Gradivus et ictu 14.821 verberis increpuit pronusque per aera lapsus 14.822 constitit in summo nemorosi colle Palati 14.823 reddentemque suo non regia iura Quiriti 14.825 dilapsum tenues, ceu lata plumbea funda 14.826 missa solet medio glans intabescere caelo. 14.827 Pulchra subit facies et pulvinaribus altis 14.828 dignior, est qualis trabeati forma Quirini.
15.745 Hic tamen accessit delubris advena nostris: 15.746 Caesar in urbe sua deus est; quem Marte togaque 15.747 praecipuum non bella magis finita triumphis 15.748 resque domi gestae properataque gloria rerum 15.749 in sidus vertere novum stellamque comantem, 15.751 ullum maius opus, quam quod pater exstitit huius: 15.752 scilicet aequoreos plus est domuisse Britannos 15.753 perque papyriferi septemflua flumina Nili 15.754 victrices egisse rates Numidasque rebelles 15.755 Cinyphiumque Iubam Mithridateisque tumentem 15.756 nominibus Pontum populo adiecisse Quirini 15.757 et multos meruisse, aliquos egisse triumphos, 15.758 quam tantum genuisse virum? Quo praeside rerum 15.759 humano generi, superi, favistis abunde! 15.760 Ne foret hic igitur mortali semine cretus, 15.761 ille deus faciendus erat. Quod ut aurea vidit 15.762 Aeneae genetrix, vidit quoque triste parari 15.763 pontifici letum et coniurata arma moveri, 15.764 palluit et cunctis, ut cuique erat obvia, divis 15.765 “adspice” dicebat, “quanta mihi mole parentur 15.766 insidiae quantaque caput cum fraude petatur, 15.767 quod de Dardanio solum mihi restat Iulo. 15.768 Solane semper ero iustis exercita curis, 15.769 quam modo Tydidae Calydonia vulneret hasta, 15.770 nunc male defensae confundant moenia Troiae, 15.771 quae videam natum longis erroribus actum 15.772 iactarique freto sedesque intrare silentum 15.773 bellaque cum Turno gerere, aut, si vera fatemur, 15.774 cum Iunone magis? Quid nunc antiqua recordor
15.776 non sinit: en acui sceleratos cernitis enses? 15.777 Quos prohibete, precor, facinusque repellite, neve 15.778 caede sacerdotis flammas exstinguite Vestae!” 15.779 Talia nequiquam toto Venus anxia caelo 15.780 verba iacit superosque movet, qui rumpere quamquam 15.781 ferrea non possunt veterum decreta sororum, 15.782 signa tamen luctus dant haud incerta futuri. 15.783 Arma ferunt inter nigras crepitantia nubes 15.784 terribilesque tubas auditaque cornua caelo 15.785 praemonuisse nefas; solis quoque tristis imago 15.786 lurida sollicitis praebebat lumina terris. 15.788 saepe inter nimbos guttae cecidere cruentae. 15.789 Caerulus et vultum ferrugine Lucifer atra 15.790 sparsus erat, sparsi Lunares sanguine currus. 15.791 Tristia mille locis Stygius dedit omina bubo, 15.792 mille locis lacrimavit ebur, cantusque feruntur 15.793 auditi sanctis et verba mitia lucis. 15.794 Victima nulla litat magnosque instare tumultus 15.795 fibra monet, caesumque caput reperitur in extis. 15.796 Inque foro circumque domos et templa deorum 15.797 nocturnos ululasse canes umbrasque silentum 15.798 erravisse ferunt motamque tremoribus urbem. 15.799 Non tamen insidias venturaque vincere fata
15.801 in templum gladii; neque enim locus ullus in urbe 15.802 ad facinus diramque placet nisi curia, caedem. 15.803 Tum vero Cytherea manu percussit utraque 15.804 pectus et Aeneaden molitur condere nube, 15.805 qua prius infesto Paris est ereptus Atridae 15.806 et Diomedeos Aeneas fugerat enses. 15.807 Talibus hanc genitor: “Sola insuperabile fatum, 15.808 nata, movere paras? Intres licet ipsa sororum 15.809 tecta trium: cernes illic molimine vasto 15.810 ex aere et solido rerum tabularia ferro,
15.812 nec metuunt ullas tuta atque aeterna ruinas. 15.813 Invenies illic incisa adamante perenni 15.814 fata tui generis: legi ipse animoque notavi 15.815 et referam, ne sis etiamnum ignara futuri. 15.816 Hic sua complevit, pro quo, Cytherea, laboras, 15.817 tempora, perfectis, quos terrae debuit, annis. 15.818 Ut deus accedat caelo templisque colatur, 15.819 tu facies natusque suus, qui nominis heres 15.820 impositum feret unus onus caesique parentis 15.821 nos in bella suos fortissimus ultor habebit. 15.822 Illius auspiciis obsessae moenia pacem 15.823 victa petent Mutinae, Pharsalia sentiet illum. 15.824 Emathiique iterum madefient caede Philippi, 15.825 et magnum Siculis nomen superabitur undis, 15.826 Romanique ducis coniunx Aegyptia taedae 15.827 non bene fisa cadet, frustraque erit illa minata,
15.829 Quid tibi barbariem, gentesque ab utroque iacentes 15.830 oceano numerem? Quodcumque habitabile tellus 15.831 sustinet, huius erit: pontus quoque serviet illi! 15.832 Pace data terris animum ad civilia vertet 15.833 iura suum legesque feret iustissimus auctor 15.834 exemploque suo mores reget inque futuri 15.835 temporis aetatem venturorumque nepotum
15.837 ferre simul nomenque suum curasque iubebit, 15.838 nec nisi cum senior Pylios aequaverit annos, 15.839 aetherias sedes cognataque sidera tanget. 15.840 Hanc animam interea caeso de corpore raptam 15.841 fac iubar, ut semper Capitolia nostra forumque 15.842 divus ab excelsa prospectet Iulius aede.” 15.843 Vix ea fatus erat, media cum sede senatus 15.844 constitit alma Venus, nulli cernenda, suique 15.845 Caesaris eripuit membris neque in aera solvi 15.846 passa recentem animam caelestibus intulit astris. 15.847 Dumque tulit, lumen capere atque ignescere sensit 15.848 emisitque sinu: luna volat altius illa, 15.849 flammiferumque trahens spatioso limite crinem 15.851 esse suis maiora et vinci gaudet ab illo. 15.852 Hic sua praeferri quamquam vetat acta paternis, 15.853 libera fama tamen nullisque obnoxia iussis 15.854 invitum praefert unaque in parte repugnat:
15.856 Aegea sic Theseus, sic Pelea vicit Achilles; 15.857 denique, ut exemplis ipsos aequantibus utar, 15.858 sic et Saturnus minor est Iove: Iuppiter arces 15.859 temperat aetherias et mundi regna triformis, 15.860 terra sub Augusto est; pater est et rector uterque. 15.861 Di, precor, Aeneae comites, quibus ensis et ignis 15.862 cesserunt, dique Indigetes genitorque Quirine 15.863 urbis et invicti genitor Gradive Quirini, 15.864 Vestaque Caesareos inter sacrata penates, 15.865 et cum Caesarea tu, Phoebe domestice, Vesta, 15.866 quique tenes altus Tarpeias Iuppiter arces,
15.868 tarda sit illa dies et nostro serior aevo, 15.869 qua caput Augustum, quem temperat, orbe relicto 15.870 accedat caelo faveatque precantibus absens! 15.871 Iamque opus exegi, quod nec Iovis ira nec ignis 15.872 nec poterit ferrum nec edax abolere vetustas. 15.874 ius habet, incerti spatium mihi finiat aevi: 15.875 parte tamen meliore mei super alta perennis 15.876 astra ferar, nomenque erit indelebile nostrum, 15.877 quaque patet domitis Romana potentia terris, 15.878 ore legar populi, perque omnia saecula fama, 15.879 siquid habent veri vatum praesagia, vivam.' ' None | sup>
1.4 and all things you have changed! Oh lead my song
14.805 Never forgetful of the myriad risk 14.806 they have endured among the boisterous waves, 14.807 they often give a helping hand to ship 14.808 tossed in the power of storms—unless, of course, 14.809 the ship might carry men of Grecian race. 14.811 catastrophe, their hatred was so great 14.812 of all Pelasgians, that they looked with joy' "14.813 upon the fragments of Ulysses' ship;" '14.814 and were delighted when they saw the ship 14.815 of King Alcinous growing hard upon 14.816 the breakers, as its wood was turned to stone.
14.818 received life strangely in the forms of nymph 14.819 would cause the chieftain of the Rutuli 14.820 to feel such awe that he would end their strife. 14.821 But he continued fighting, and each side 14.822 had its own gods, and each had courage too, 14.823 which often can be as potent as the gods. 14.825 forgot the scepter of a father-in-law, 14.826 and even forgot the pure Lavinia: 14.827 their one thought was to conquer, and they waged 14.828 war to prevent the shame of a defeat.
15.745 and, failing, feigned that I had wished to do 15.746 what she herself had wished. Perverting truth— 15.747 either through fear of some discovery 15.748 or else through spite at her deserved repulse— 15.749 he charged me with attempting the foul crime. 15.751 my father banished me and, while I wa 15.752 departing, laid on me a mortal curse. 15.753 Towards Pittheus and Troezen I fled aghast, 15.754 guiding the swift chariot near the shore 15.755 of the Corinthian Gulf, when all at once 15.756 the sea rose up and seemed to arch itself 15.757 and lift high as a white topped mountain height, 15.758 make bellowings, and open at the crest. 15.759 Then through the parting waves a horned bull 15.760 emerged with head and breast into the wind, 15.761 pouting white foam from his nostrils and his mouth. 15.762 “The hearts of my attendants quailed with fear, 15.763 yet I unfrightened thought but of my exile. 15.764 Then my fierce horses turned their necks to face 15.765 the waters, and with ears erect they quaked 15.766 before the monster shape, they dashed in flight 15.767 along the rock strewn ground below the cliff. 15.768 I struggled, but with unavailing hand, 15.769 to use the reins now covered with white foam; 15.770 and throwing myself back, pulled on the thong 15.771 with weight and strength. Such effort might have checked 15.772 the madness of my steeds, had not a wheel, 15.773 triking the hub on a projecting stump, 15.774 been shattered and hurled in fragments from the axle.
15.776 and with the reins entwined about my legs. 15.777 My palpitating entrails could be seen 15.778 dragged on, my sinews fastened on a stump. 15.779 My torn legs followed, but a part 15.780 remained behind me, caught by various snags. 15.781 The breaking bones gave out a crackling noise, 15.782 my tortured spirit soon had fled away, 15.783 no part of the torn body could be known— 15.784 all that was left was only one crushed wound— 15.785 how can, how dare you, nymph, compare your ill 15.786 to my disaster? 15.788 deprived of light: and I have bathed my flesh, 15.789 o tortured, in the waves of Phlegethon. 15.790 Life could not have been given again to me,' "15.791 but through the remedies Apollo's son" '15.792 applied to me. After my life returned— 15.793 by potent herbs and the Paeonian aid, 15.794 despite the will of Pluto—Cynthia then 15.795 threw heavy clouds around that I might not 15.796 be seen and cause men envy by new life: 15.797 and that she might be sure my life was safe 15.798 he made me seem an old man; and she changed 15.799 me so that I could not be recognized.
15.801 would give me Crete or Delos for my home. 15.802 Delos and Crete abandoned, she then brought 15.803 me here, and at the same time ordered me 15.804 to lay aside my former name—one which 15.805 when mentioned would remind me of my steeds. 15.806 She said to me, ‘You were Hippolytus, 15.807 but now instead you shall be Virbius.’ 15.808 And from that time I have inhabited 15.809 this grove; and, as one of the lesser gods, 15.810 I live concealed and numbered in her train.”
15.812 of sad Egeria, and she laid herself' "15.813 down at a mountain's foot, dissolved in tears," '15.814 till moved by pity for her faithful sorrow, 15.815 Diana changed her body to a spring, 15.816 her limbs into a clear continual stream. 15.817 This wonderful event surprised the nymphs, 15.818 and filled Hippolytus with wonder, just 15.819 as great as when the Etrurian ploughman saw 15.820 a fate-revealing clod move of its own 15.821 accord among the fields, while not a hand 15.822 was touching it, till finally it took 15.823 a human form, without the quality 15.824 of clodded earth, and opened its new mouth 15.825 and spoke, revealing future destinies. 15.826 The natives called him Tages. He was the first 15.827 who taught Etrurians to foretell events.
15.829 when he observed the spear, which once had grown 15.830 high on the Palatine , put out new leave 15.831 and stand with roots—not with the iron point 15.832 which he had driven in. Not as a spear 15.833 it then stood there, but as a rooted tree 15.834 with limber twigs for many to admire 15.835 while resting under that surprising shade.
15.837 in the clear stream (he truly saw them there). 15.838 Believing he had seen a falsity, 15.839 he often touched his forehead with his hand 15.840 and, so returning, touched the thing he saw. 15.841 Assured at last that he could trust his eyes, 15.842 he stood entranced, as if he had returned 15.843 victorious from the conquest of his foes: 15.844 and, raising eyes and hands toward heaven, he cried, 15.845 “You gods above! Whatever is foretold 15.846 by this great prodigy, if it means good, 15.847 then let it be auspicious to my land 15.848 and to the inhabitants of Quirinus,— 15.849 if ill, let that misfortune fall on me.” 15.851 of grassy thick green turf, with fragrant fires, 15.852 presenting wine in bowls. And he took note 15.853 of panting entrails from new-slaughtered sheep, 15.854 to learn the meaning of the event for him.
15.856 he found the evidence of great events, 15.857 as yet obscure, and, when he raised keen eye 15.858 up from the entrails to the horns of Cippus, 15.859 “O king, all hail!” he cried, “For in future time 15.860 this country and the Latin towers will live 15.861 in homage to you, Cippus, and your horns. 15.862 But you must promptly put aside delay; 15.863 hasten to enter the wide open gates— 15.864 the fates command you. Once received within 15.865 the city, you shall be its chosen king 15.866 and safely shall enjoy a lasting reign.”' "
15.868 eyes from the city's walls and said, “O far," '15.869 O far away, the righteous gods should drive 15.870 uch omens from me! Better it would be 15.871 that I should pass my life in exile than 15.872 be seen a king throned in the capitol.” 15.874 the people and the grave and honored Senate. 15.875 But first he veiled his horns with laurel, which 15.876 betokens peace. Then, standing on a mound 15.877 raised by the valiant troops, he made a prayer 15.878 after the ancient mode, and then he said, 15.879 “There is one here who will be king, if you' ' None |
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52. Philo of Alexandria, Against Flaccus, 34 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar • Caesar, Julius
Found in books: Geljon and Runia (2013), Philo of Alexandria: On Cultivation: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 131; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 3
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34 And they, having had the cue given them, spent all their days reviling the king in the public schools, and stringing together all sorts of gibes to turn him into ridicule. And at times they employed poets who compose farces, and managers of puppet shows, displaying their natural aptitude for every kind of disgraceful employment, though they were very slow at learning anything that was creditable, but very acute, and quick, and ready at learning anything of an opposite nature. '' None |
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53. Philo of Alexandria, On The Embassy To Gaius, 155-157, 311-316 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar • Caesar, Julius • Jewish state, and Caesar • Josephus, on Jewish state, grants to, by Caesar • Julius Caesar, and Jews, decrees of C. concerning Jewish state • Julius Caesar, favors of • Julius Caesar, his policy towards the Jews • Leviticus, Gaius Caesar • favors, of Caesar
Found in books: Eckhardt (2019), Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities, 120, 122; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 448; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 106; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 2; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 91, 94
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155 How then did he look upon the great division of Rome which is on the other side of the river Tiber, which he was well aware was occupied and inhabited by the Jews? And they were mostly Roman citizens, having been emancipated; for, having been brought as captives into Italy, they were manumitted by those who had bought them for slaves, without ever having been compelled to alter any of their hereditary or national observances. '156 Therefore, he knew that they had synagogues, and that they were in the habit of visiting them, and most especially on the sacred sabbath days, when they publicly cultivate their national philosophy. He knew also that they were in the habit of contributing sacred sums of money from their first fruits and sending them to Jerusalem by the hands of those who were to conduct the sacrifices. 157 But he never removed them from Rome, nor did he ever deprive them of their rights as Roman citizens, because he had a regard for Judaea, nor did he never meditate any new steps of innovation or rigour with respect to their synagogues, nor did he forbid their assembling for the interpretation of the law, nor did he make any opposition to their offerings of first fruits; but he behaved with such piety towards our countrymen, and with respect to all our customs, that he, I may almost say, with all his house, adorned our temple with many costly and magnificent offerings, commanding that continued sacrifices of whole burnt offerings should be offered up for ever and ever every day from his own revenues, as a first fruit of his own to the most high God, which sacrifices are performed to this very day, and will be performed for ever, as a proof and specimen of a truly imperial disposition.
311 "And though I might be able to establish this fact, and demonstrate to you the feelings of Augustus, your great grandfather, by an abundance of proofs, I will be content with two; for, in the first place, he sent commandments to all the governors of the different provinces throughout Asia, because he heard that the sacred first fruits were neglected, enjoining them to permit the Jews alone to assemble together in the synagogues, 312 for that these assemblies were not revels, which from drunkenness and intoxication proceeded to violence, so as to disturb the peaceful condition of the country, but were rather schools of temperance and justice, as the men who met in them were studiers of virtue, and contributed the first fruits every year, sending commissioners to convey the holy things to the temple in Jerusalem. 313 "And, in the next place, he commanded that no one should hinder the Jews, either on their way to the synagogues, or when bringing their contributions, or when proceeding in obedience to their national laws to Jerusalem, for these things were expressly enjoined, if not in so many words, at all events in effect; 314 and I subjoin one letter, in order to bring conviction to you who are our mater, what Gaius Norbanus Flaccus wrote, in which he details what had been written to him by Caesar, and the superscription of the letter is as follows: 315 - CAIUS NORBANUS FLACCUS, PROCONSUL, TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE EPHESIANS, GREETING."\'Caesar has written word to me, that the Jews, wherever they are, are accustomed to assemble together, in compliance with a peculiar ancient custom of their nation, to contribute money which they send to Jerusalem; and he does not choose that they should have any hindrance offered to them, to prevent them from doing this; therefore I have written to you, that you may know that I command that they shall be allowed to do these things.\ '316 "Is not this a most convincing proof, O emperor, of the intention of Caesar respecting the honours paid to our temple which he had adopted, not considering it right that because of some general rule, with respect to meetings, the assemblies of the Jews, in one place should be put down, which they held for the sake of offering the first fruits, and for other pious objects? ' None |
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54. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 6.5.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Augustus, C. Iulius Caesar Octavianus • Julius Caesar • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar
Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 58; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 58; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 49
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6.5.2 2. Those, however, who have to lay up stores that are the produce of the country, should have stalls and shops in their vestibules: under their houses they should have vaults (cryptæ), granaries (horrea), store rooms (apothecæ), and other apartments, suited rather to preserve such produce, than to exhibit a magnificent appearance.'' None |
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55. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, C. Iulius • Caesar, Julius
Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 26; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 102
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56. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar • Caesar, C. Iulius • Caesar, Julius • Julius Caesar, • Julius Caesar, C. • Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus • Otho, M. Salvius Caesar Augustus
Found in books: Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 131; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 320; Nisula (2012), Augustine and the Functions of Concupiscence, 22; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 45, 46, 89, 212; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 182, 184
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57. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, C. Julius, as a ‘Roman’ Hannibal • Julius Caesar
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 161; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 56
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58. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C., his funeral
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 25; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 106
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59. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antony, Mark, and Julius Caesar • Augustus Caesar • Augustus, Caesar (Augustus) • Augustus/Octavian, relation with Caesar • C. Iulius Caesar, birthday • Gaius Caesar • Gaius and Lucius Caesar • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and Alexander the Great • Julius Caesar, C., and Cleopatra • Julius Caesar, C., and Trojan ancestry • Julius Caesar, C., public collection in Temple of Venus Genetrix • Julius Caesar, C., tomb inside the pomerium • Julius Caesar, Deification, divinity • Julius Caesar, Pontifex maximus • Julius Caesar, honours to • Julius Caesar, house of • Julius Caesar, monumental architecture • Lucius Caesar • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar, its collection • Trojans, and Caesar • relationship with Caesar’s forum, and the Erechtheum • relationship with Caesar’s forum, caryatids in
Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 33, 51, 77, 195, 199; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 22, 48, 49, 95, 97, 183; Levine Allison and Crossan (2006), The Historical Jesus in Context, 74, 75; Pandey (2018), The Poetics of Power in Augustan Rome, 173, 179; Penniman (2017), Raised on Christian Milk: Food and the Formation of the Soul in Early Christianity, 224; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 161, 235, 254, 292; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 126; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 124; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 101
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60. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • (Great) Library of Alexandria, destruction by Julius Caesar • Aemilius Lepidus, M., names Caesar dictator • Antipater father of Herod, and Caesar, Antipater exempted from taxes by Caesar • Antipater father of Herod, and Caesar, Antipater granted Roman citizenship by Caesar and named procurator • Antonius, M., magister equitum and Caesar’s deputy • Appian, on Caesars tax reform in Asia • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), master of rivers • Caesar, C. Iulius • Caesar, C. Iulius, historical ambitions • Caesar, C. Julius, role in civil wars • Caesar, Julius, Commentarii De Bello Civili • Caesar, Julius, ending Republican institutions • Iulius Caesar, C. • Iulius Caesar, C., at Alexandria • Iulius Caesar, C., dictator in • Iulius Caesar, C., lictors, excessive number of • Jewish state, and Caesar • Josephus, on Jewish state, grants to, by Caesar • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, Alexandrian campaign of • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and haruspicy • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar asking for percentage of annual produce from Judea • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar exempting Antipater from taxation • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar favorable to Judea • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Judea immunity from military service, billeting, and requisitioned transport • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Roman citizenship to Antipater and naming him procurator • Julius Caesar, and Jews, decrees of C. concerning Jewish state • Julius Caesar, and Jews, publicani removed from Judea by • Julius Caesar, favors of • Julius Caesar, letter of, to Sidonians • Julius Caesar, titles of • favors, of Caesar • narratives, Caesar • prodigy, Caesar and • publicani (tax companies), abolished from Judea by Julius Caesar • statues, Caesar
Found in books: Clark (2007), Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome, 192; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 168; Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 133, 138; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 278, 284, 287, 288; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 133; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 59, 60; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 6, 153; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 61; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 37, 38, 39; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 113; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 13, 40, 76; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 41, 49, 56, 76, 80
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61. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • C. Iulius Caesar • Caesar • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), master of rivers • Caesar (Julius) • Caesar, C. Iulius • Caesar, C. Iulius, historical ambitions • Caesar, Gaius Julius • Caesar, Julius • Caesar, author of Bellum Gallicum • Caesar, withdraws from Gaul • Caesarian vocabulary, C. Iulius Caesar • De bello Gallico (Caesar) • Gauls, Julius Caesar on • Iulius Caesar, C., dictator • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C • Julius Caesar, C., and the Gallic war • Julius Caesar, generally respectful on the Gauls • Julius Caesar, on the Belgae • Julius Caesar, on the Gauls • Julius Caesar, on the Nervii • Julius Caesar, religiosity of
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 40; Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 350; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 163; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 476; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 415; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 248; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 274, 277, 281, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288; Mackey (2022), Belief and Cult: Rethinking Roman Religion, 381, 382; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 60; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 61; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 91, 92, 107, 149, 262, 270; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 39; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 13; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 193, 203; Skempis and Ziogas (2014), Geography, Topography, Landscape: Configurations of Space in Greek and Roman Epic 381, 382; Woolf (2011). Tales of the Barbarians: Ethnography and Empire in the Roman West. 53, 54, 87, 88
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62. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), catasterism of • Caesars comet • Julius Caesar, Deification, divinity
Found in books: Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 104; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 164
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63. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Brutus (M. Junius Brutus, assassin of Julius Caesar) • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), emulator of Alexander • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar), catasterism of • Caesar (Julius) • Caesar, C. Iulius • Caesar, Julius • Caesar, unspecified • Caesars comet • Cleopatra VII, hostess to Caesar • Germanicus Caesar, enters Egypt without imperial permission • Julius Caesar, C.
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 263, 293; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 98; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 167; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 342; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 209, 211; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 195; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 43; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 263, 293; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 161
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64. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antonius, M., magister equitum and Caesar’s deputy • Augustus, Caesar (Augustus) • C. Iulius Caesar • C. Iulius Caesar, dictatorship • C. Iulius Caesar, reform • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), emulator of Alexander • Caesar (Julius) • Caesar, Gaius Julius • Caesar, Julius • Cicero, of Julius Caesar • Gaius and Lucius Caesar • Iulius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and Trojan ancestry • Julius Caesar, C., and haruspicy • Julius Caesar, C., assassination of • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of • Julius Caesar, C., mortality of • Julius Caesar, C., victory in civil war as salus • Julius Caesar, Deification, divinity • Julius Caesar, monumental architecture • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar • Rome, Temple of Quirinus, Caesar’s statue in • Temple of Salus, statue of Caesar in • Trojans, and Caesar • dictatorships of Sulla and Julius Caesar • honorific titles, Julius Caesar as pater patriae • salus, and Caesar
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 310; Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 40; Bay (2022), Biblical Heroes and Classical Culture in Christian Late Antiquity: The Historiography, Exemplarity, and Anti-Judaism of Pseudo-Hegesippus, 235; Braund and Most (2004), Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen, 235; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 93; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 186, 189; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 36, 131, 136, 137, 138, 140, 208; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 48; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 115, 128; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 207; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 271; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 111, 163, 291; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 114, 115; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 109; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 127; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 310; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 98, 101; Woolf (2011). Tales of the Barbarians: Ethnography and Empire in the Roman West. 39; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 10
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65. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, C. Iulius • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., as parens patriae • Julius Caesar, C., assassination of • Julius Caesar, C., dictatorship of • Junius Brutus, M. (Brutus), assassination of Caesar • pater patriae, Caesar as
Found in books: Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 93; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 342; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 42; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 108
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66. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Britain, and Julius Caesar • Egypt, and Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., affair with King Nicomedes of Bithynia • Julius Caesar, C., and Cleopatra • Julius Caesar, C., descended from Venus • Julius Caesar, C., public collection in Temple of Venus Genetrix • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar, its collection • Trojans, and Caesar • dactyliotheca, and Caesar
Found in books: Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 254; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 229
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67. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar (Julius)
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 293; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 293
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68. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesar, Julius • Caligula, Emperor (Gaius Caesar)
Found in books: Bierl (2017), Time and Space in Ancient Myth, Religion and Culture, 257; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 188
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69. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Augustus, Caesar (Iulius) • Caesar • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), emulator of Alexander • Caesar (Julius) • Cleopatra VII, hostess to Caesar • Iulius Caesar, C • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, • Julius Caesar, C., display of bloody robes of • Julius Caesar, and Cicero
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 293; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 73, 74; Fabre-Serris et al. (2021), Identities, Ethnicities and Gender in Antiquity, 109; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 84; Johnson (2008), Ovid before Exile: Art and Punishment in the Metamorphoses, 58; Luck (2006), Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts, 373; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 209; Mayor (2017), Religion and Memory in Tacitus’ Annals, 114; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 114; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 293; Walters (2020), Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome, 66; Welch (2015), Tarpeia: Workings of a Roman Myth. 120, 199
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70. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 38.43 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Caesars, Roman • Caligula, Emperor (Gaius Caesar) • Julius Caesar • Rome, Forum of Julius Caesar
Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 218; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 243; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 58; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 76, 102, 103
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38.43 \xa0Furthermore, that which is the aim of all human action, pleasure, becomes greater than tongue can tell. For to achieve, on the one hand, the elimination of the things which cause you pain â\x80\x94 envy and rivalry and the strife which is their outcome, your plotting against one another, your gloating over the misfortunes of your neighbours, your vexation at their good fortune â\x80\x94 and, on the other hand, the introduction into your cities of their opposites â\x80\x94 sharing in things which are good, unity of heart and mind, rejoicing of both peoples in the same things â\x80\x94 does not all this resemble a public festival? <' ' None |
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71. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 14.30, 14.74-14.75, 14.91, 14.98-14.99, 14.123-14.124, 14.127-14.137, 14.143-14.148, 14.164-14.166, 14.168-14.185, 14.188, 14.190-14.210, 14.213-14.229, 14.231-14.264, 14.266, 14.268-14.269, 14.271-14.277, 14.279-14.280, 14.284, 14.295-14.299, 14.304-14.309, 14.311-14.316, 16.45, 16.160, 16.162-16.165, 18.159-18.160, 18.203, 18.252, 19.276-19.277, 20.200-20.202 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antipater father of Herod, and Caesar • Antipater father of Herod, and Caesar, Antipater exempted from taxes by Caesar • Antipater father of Herod, and Caesar, Antipater granted Roman citizenship by Caesar and named procurator • Antipater father of Herod, and Caesar, Antipaters support for Caesar in Egypt • Antipater father of Herod, and Caesar, Antipaters support of Caesar against Pompeians • Appian, on Caesars tax reform in Asia • Caesar • Caesar Augustus • Caesar, • Caesar, Gaius Julius, dictator • Caesar, Julius • Cilicia/Cilicians, under Caesar’s murderers and Mark Antony • Diaspora, Caesars grants and • Dolabella (P. Cornelius), grants made to Jews by Caesar confirmed by • Esdraelon, plain of (Valley of Jezreel) as great plain, , as returned to Jews by Caesar • Hyrcanus II, and Caesar, H. confirmed by C. as high priest and ethnarch • Hyrcanus II, and Caesar, H. not made king by C. • Hyrcanus II, and Caesar, H. supporting C. against Pompeians • Hyrcanus II, and Caesar, attempting to reconfirm grants by C. • Hyrcanus II, and Caesar, concessions of C. to • Hyrcanus II, and Caesar, relationship of H. to C. • Hyrcanus II, supporting Caesar in Egypt • Jewish state, and Caesar • Jewish state, and Caesar, exemptions of • Jewish state, and Caesar, grants to, by Caesar • Jewish state, not granted immunity from tribute by Caesar, • Joppa, Caesars territorial grant of • Josephus, on Jewish state, decrees of Caesar concerning • Josephus, on Jewish state, grants to, by Caesar • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, Alexandrian campaign of • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, Gaius • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar and Hyrcanus II • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar asking for percentage of annual produce from Judea • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar confirming Hyrcanus as high priest and ethnarch • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar exempting Antipater from taxation • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar favorable to Judea • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Jews legal right to live according to customs • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Judea immunity from military service, billeting, and requisitioned transport • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Roman citizenship to Antipater and naming him procurator • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar imposing tribute on Hyrcanus II • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar recognizing John Hyrcanus II as ethnarch and protector of Jews • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar referring to Hyrcanus and sons as allies and friends • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar requiring Jews to pay tithes to Hyrcanus and sons • Julius Caesar, and Jews, certain exactions from Jews banned by C. • Julius Caesar, and Jews, decrees of C. concerning Jewish state • Julius Caesar, and Jews, publicani removed from Judea by • Julius Caesar, and Jews, reorganization of Jewish state by C. • Julius Caesar, demands of • Julius Caesar, favors of • Julius Caesar, his policy towards the Jews • Julius Caesar, letter of, to Sidonians • Julius Caesar, titles of • Leviticus, Gaius Caesar • Sextus Caesar (governor of Syria) • Sextus Caesar (governor of Syria), appointed Herod governor of Coele-Syria and Samaria • Sextus Caesar (governor of Syria), assassinated by Caecilius Bassus • Sextus Caesar (governor of Syria), intervening on behalf of Herod • Syria, Julius Caesar in • Xanthos/Xanthians, Caesar’s murderers and Mark Antony • angareia (requisitioned transport), Jews exempted from by Caesar • favors, of Caesar • made king by Caesar • privileges, of Caesar to Mitylene • publicani (tax companies), abolished from Judea by Julius Caesar • senatus consulta, confirming Caesars grants to Jewish state ( • senatus consulta, confirming grants made by Caesar to Jewish envoys (April
Found in books: Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 89, 271; Dignas (2002), Economy of the Sacred in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor, 119; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 107, 119, 120, 135, 136; Eckhardt (2019), Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities, 93, 103, 120, 121, 122, 127, 129; Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 278; Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 73; Isaac (2004), The invention of racism in classical antiquity, 448; Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 28, 87, 116, 117, 118, 119, 133, 182; Levine (2005), The Ancient Synagogue, The First Thousand Years, 106; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 303; Neusner Green and Avery-Peck (2022), Judaism from Moses to Muhammad: An Interpretation: Turning Points and Focal Points, 151; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 148; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 265, 266, 267; Spielman (2020), Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World. 49, 50; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 2, 3; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 16, 28, 29, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, 73, 74, 76, 79, 80, 81, 82, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 94, 95, 97, 99, 100, 109, 110, 130, 131, 132, 133, 135, 136, 149, 150, 172, 267, 269; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 170, 171, 180
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14.74 καὶ τὰ μὲν ̔Ιεροσόλυμα ὑποτελῆ φόρου ̔Ρωμαίοις ἐποίησεν, ἃς δὲ πρότερον οἱ ἔνοικοι πόλεις ἐχειρώσαντο τῆς κοίλης Συρίας ἀφελόμενος ὑπὸ τῷ σφετέρῳ στρατηγῷ ἔταξεν καὶ τὸ σύμπαν ἔθνος ἐπὶ μέγα πρότερον αἰρόμενον ἐντὸς τῶν ἰδίων ὅρων συνέστειλεν. 14.75 καὶ Γάδαρα μὲν μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν καταστραφεῖσαν ἀνέκτισεν Δημητρίῳ χαριζόμενος τῷ Γαδαρεῖ ἀπελευθέρῳ αὐτοῦ: τὰς δὲ λοιπὰς ̔́Ιππον καὶ Σκυθόπολιν καὶ Πέλλαν καὶ Δῖον καὶ Σαμάρειαν ἔτι τε Μάρισαν καὶ ̓́Αζωτον καὶ ̓Ιάμνειαν καὶ ̓Αρέθουσαν τοῖς οἰκήτορσιν ἀπέδωκεν.' "
14.91 πέντε δὲ συνέδρια καταστήσας εἰς ἴσας μοίρας διένειμε τὸ ἔθνος, καὶ ἐπολιτεύοντο οἱ μὲν ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις οἱ δὲ ἐν Γαδάροις οἱ δὲ ἐν ̓Αμαθοῦντι, τέταρτοι δ' ἦσαν ἐν ̔Ιεριχοῦντι, καὶ τὸ πέμπτον ἐν Σαπφώροις τῆς Γαλιλαίας. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀπηλλαγμένοι δυναστείας ἐν ἀριστοκρατίᾳ διῆγον." 14.98 Γαβινίῳ δὲ ἐπὶ Πάρθους στρατεύοντι καὶ τὸν Εὐφράτην ἤδη πεπεραιωμένῳ μετέδοξεν εἰς τὴν Αἴγυπτον ὑποστρέψαντι καταστῆσαι Πτολεμαῖον εἰς αὐτήν. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται.' "14.99 Γαβινίῳ μέντοι κατὰ τὴν στρατείαν ἣν ἐφ' ̔Υρκανὸν ἐστείλατο ̓Αντίπατρος ὑπηρέτησεν σῖτον καὶ ὅπλα καὶ χρήματα, καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ Πηλούσιον τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων οὗτος αὐτῷ προσηγάγετο καὶ συμμάχους ἐποίησεν φύλακας ὄντας τῶν εἰς τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἐμβολῶν." "14.124 ̓Αριστόβουλος δ' οὐκ ὤνατο τῶν ἐλπίδων, ἐφ' αἷς ἔτυχε τῆς παρὰ Καίσαρος ἐξουσίας, ἀλλ' αὐτὸν φθάσαντες οἱ τὰ Πομπηίου φρονοῦντες φαρμάκῳ διαφθείρουσιν, θάπτουσι δ' αὐτὸν οἱ τὰ Καίσαρος θεραπεύοντες πράγματα, καὶ ὁ νεκρὸς ἔκειτο ἐν μέλιτι κεκηδευμένος ἐπὶ χρόνον πολὺν ἕως ̓Αντώνιος αὐτὸν ὕστερον ἀποπέμψας εἰς τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐν ταῖς βασιλικαῖς θήκαις ἐποίησεν τεθῆναι." "
14.127 Μετὰ δὲ τὸν Πομπηίου θάνατον καὶ τὴν νίκην τὴν ἐπ' αὐτῷ Καίσαρι πολεμοῦντι κατ' Αἴγυπτον πολλὰ χρήσιμον αὑτὸν παρέσχεν ̓Αντίπατρος ὁ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐπιμελητὴς ἐξ ἐντολῆς ̔Υρκανοῦ." '14.128 Μιθριδάτῃ τε γὰρ τῷ Περγαμηνῷ κομίζοντι ἐπικουρικὸν καὶ ἀδυνάτως ἔχοντι διὰ Πηλουσίου ποιήσασθαι τὴν πορείαν, περὶ δὲ ̓Ασκάλωνα διατρίβοντι, ἧκεν ̓Αντίπατρος ἄγων ̓Ιουδαίων ὁπλίτας τρισχιλίους ἐξ ̓Αραβίας τε συμμάχους ἐλθεῖν ἐπραγματεύσατο τοὺς ἐν τέλει:' "14.129 καὶ δι' αὐτὸν οἱ κατὰ τὴν Συρίαν ἅπαντες ἐπεκούρουν ἀπολείπεσθαι τῆς ὑπὲρ Καίσαρος προθυμίας οὐ θέλοντες, ̓Ιάμβλιχός τε ὁ δυνάστης καὶ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Σοαίμου Λίβανον ὄρος οἰκῶν αἵ τε πόλεις σχεδὸν ἅπασαι." '14.131 καὶ τὸ μὲν Πηλούσιον οὕτως εἶχεν. τοὺς δὲ περὶ ̓Αντίπατρον καὶ Μιθριδάτην ἀπιόντας πρὸς Καίσαρα διεκώλυον οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι οἱ τὴν ̓Ονίου χώραν λεγομένην κατοικοῦντες. πείθει δὲ καὶ τούτους τὰ αὐτῶν φρονῆσαι κατὰ τὸ ὁμόφυλον ̓Αντίπατρος καὶ μάλιστα ἐπιδείξας αὐτοῖς τὰς ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἐπιστολάς, ἐν αἷς αὐτοὺς φίλους εἶναι Καίσαρος παρεκάλει καὶ ξένια καὶ πάντα τὰ ἐπιτήδεια χορηγεῖν τῷ στρατῷ. 14.132 καὶ οἱ μὲν ὡς ἑώρων ̓Αντίπατρον καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα συνθέλοντας ὑπήκουον. τούτους δὲ προσθεμένους ἀκούσαντες οἱ περὶ Μέμφιν ἐκάλουν καὶ αὐτοὶ τὸν Μιθριδάτην πρὸς ἑαυτούς: κἀκεῖνος ἐλθὼν καὶ τούτους παραλαμβάνει.' "14.133 ̓Επεὶ δὲ τὸ καλούμενον Δέλτα ἤδη περιεληλύθει, συμβάλλει τοῖς πολεμίοις περὶ τὸ καλούμενον ̓Ιουδαίων στρατόπεδον. εἶχε δὲ τὸ μὲν δεξιὸν κέρας Μιθριδάτης, τὸ δ' εὐώνυμον ̓Αντίπατρος." "14.134 συμπεσόντων δὲ εἰς μάχην κλίνεται τὸ τοῦ Μιθριδάτου κέρας καὶ παθεῖν ἂν ἐκινδύνευσεν τὰ δεινότατα, εἰ μὴ παρὰ τὴν ᾐόνα τοῦ ποταμοῦ σὺν τοῖς οἰκείοις στρατιώταις ̓Αντίπατρος παραθέων νενικηκὼς ἤδη τοὺς πολεμίους τὸν μὲν ῥύεται, προτρέπει δ' εἰς φυγὴν τοὺς νενικηκότας Αἰγυπτίους." "14.135 αἱρεῖ δ' αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐπιμείνας τῇ διώξει, τόν τε Μιθριδάτην ἐκάλει πλεῖστον ἐν τῇ τροπῇ διασχόντα. ἔπεσον δὲ τῶν μὲν περὶ τοῦτον ὀκτακόσιοι, τῶν δ' ̓Αντιπάτρου πεντήκοντα." '14.136 Μιθριδάτης δὲ περὶ τούτων ἐπιστέλλει Καίσαρι τῆς τε νίκης αὐτοῖς ἅμα καὶ τῆς σωτηρίας αἴτιον τὸν ̓Αντίπατρον ἀποφαίνων, ὥστε τὸν Καίσαρα τότε μὲν ἐπαινεῖν αὐτόν, κεχρῆσθαι δὲ παρὰ πάντα τὸν πόλεμον εἰς τὰ κινδυνωδέστατα τῷ ̓Αντιπάτρῳ: καὶ δὴ καὶ τρωθῆναι συνέβη παρὰ τοὺς ἀγῶνας αὐτῷ. 14.137 Καταλύσας μέντοι Καῖσαρ μετὰ χρόνον τὸν πόλεμον καὶ εἰς Συρίαν ἀποπλεύσας ἐτίμησεν μεγάλως, ̔Υρκανῷ μὲν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην βεβαιώσας, ̓Αντιπάτρῳ δὲ πολιτείαν ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ δοὺς καὶ ἀτέλειαν πανταχοῦ. 14.145 “Λεύκιος Οὐαλέριος Λευκίου υἱὸς στρατηγὸς συνεβουλεύσατο τῇ συγκλήτῳ εἴδοις Δεκεμβρίαις ἐν τῷ τῆς ̔Ομονοίας ναῷ. γραφομένῳ τῷ δόγματι παρῆσαν Λούκιος Κωπώνιος Λευκίου υἱὸς Κολλίνα καὶ Παπείριος Κυρίνα. 14.146 περὶ ὧν ̓Αλέξανδρος ̓Ιάσονος καὶ Νουμήνιος ̓Αντιόχου καὶ ̓Αλέξανδρος Δωροθέου ̓Ιουδαίων πρεσβευταί, ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ καὶ σύμμαχοι διελέχθησαν ἀνανεούμενοι τὰς προϋπηργμένας πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους χάριτας καὶ τὴν φιλίαν,' "14.147 καὶ ἀσπίδα χρυσῆν σύμβολον τῆς συμμαχίας γενομένην ἀνήνεγκαν ἀπὸ χρυσῶν μυριάδων πέντε, καὶ γράμματ' αὐτοῖς ἠξίωσαν δοθῆναι πρός τε τὰς αὐτονομουμένας πόλεις καὶ πρὸς βασιλεῖς ὑπὲρ τοῦ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν καὶ τοὺς λιμένας ἀδείας τυγχάνειν καὶ μηδὲν ἀδικεῖσθαι," "14.148 ἔδοξεν συνθέσθαι φιλίαν καὶ χάριτας πρὸς αὐτούς, καὶ ὅσων ἐδεήθησαν τυχεῖν ταῦτ' αὐτοῖς παρασχεῖν καὶ τὴν κομισθεῖσαν ἀσπίδα προσδέξασθαι.” ταῦτα ἐγένετο ἐπὶ ̔Υρκανοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ ἐθνάρχου ἔτους ἐνάτου μηνὸς Πανέμου." "
14.164 καὶ γὰρ φιλίαν ὁ ̓Αντίπατρος ἦν πεποιημένος πρὸς τοὺς ̔Ρωμαίων αὐτοκράτορας καὶ χρήματα πείσας πέμψαι τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν αὐτὸς λαβὼν νοσφίζεται τὴν δωρεάν: ὡς ἰδίαν γὰρ ἀλλ' οὐχ ὡς ̔Υρκανοῦ διδόντος ἔπεμψεν." "14.165 ταῦθ' ̔Υρκανὸς ἀκούων οὐκ ἐφρόντιζεν, ἐν δέει δὲ ἦσαν οἱ πρῶτοι τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ὁρῶντες τὸν ̔Ηρώδην βίαιον καὶ τολμηρὸν καὶ τυραννίδος γλιχόμενον: καὶ προσελθόντες ̔Υρκανῷ φανερῶς ἤδη κατηγόρουν ̓Αντιπάτρου, καί “μέχρι πότε, ἔφασαν, ἐπὶ τοῖς πραττομένοις ἡσυχάσεις; ἦ οὐχ ὁρᾷς ̓Αντίπατρον μὲν καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀρχὴν διεζωσμένους, σαυτὸν μέντοι τῆς βασιλείας ὄνομα μόνον ἀκούοντα;" '14.166 ἀλλὰ μὴ λανθανέτω σε ταῦτα μηδὲ ἀκίνδυνος εἶναι νόμιζε ῥαθυμῶν περί τε σαυτῷ καὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ: οὐ γὰρ ἐπίτροποί σοι τῶν πραγμάτων ̓Αντίπατρος καὶ οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ νῦν εἰσιν, μηδὲ ἀπάτα σαυτὸν τοῦτο οἰόμενος, ἀλλὰ δεσπόται φανερῶς ἀνωμολόγηνται:' "
14.168 ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ ἀκούσας ταῦτα πείθεται: προσεξῆψαν δὲ αὐτοῦ τὴν ὀργὴν καὶ αἱ μητέρες τῶν ὑπὸ ̔Ηρώδου πεφονευμένων: αὗται γὰρ καθ' ἑκάστην ἡμέραν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ παρακαλοῦσαι τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὸν δῆμον, ἵνα δίκην ̔Ηρώδης ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ τῶν πεπραγμένων ὑπόσχῃ, διετέλουν." "14.169 κινηθεὶς οὖν ὑπὸ τούτων ̔Υρκανὸς ̔Ηρώδην ἐκάλει δικασόμενον ὑπὲρ ὧν διεβάλλετο. ὁ δὲ ἧκεν τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτῷ παραινέσαντος μὴ ὡς ἰδιώτῃ μετὰ δ' ἀσφαλείας εἰσελθεῖν καὶ φυλακῆς τῆς περὶ τὸ σῶμα, τά τε κατὰ τὴν Γαλιλαίαν ὡς ἐνόμισεν αὐτῷ συμφέρειν ἀσφαλίσασθαι. τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἁρμοσάμενος καὶ μετὰ στίφους ἀποχρῶντος αὐτῷ πρὸς τὴν ὁδόν, ὡς μήτε ἐπίφοβος ̔Υρκανῷ δόξειε μετὰ μείζονος παραγενόμενος τάγματος μήτε γυμνὸς καὶ ἀφύλακτος, ᾔει πρὸς τὴν δίκην." "14.171 καταστὰς δὲ ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ μετὰ τοῦ σὺν αὐτῷ τάγματος ̔Ηρώδης κατέπληξεν ἅπαντας καὶ κατηγορεῖν ἐθάρρει τὸ λοιπὸν οὐδεὶς τῶν πρὶν ἀφικέσθαι διαβαλλόντων, ἀλλ' ἦν ἡσυχία καὶ τοῦ τί χρὴ ποιεῖν ἀπορία." "14.172 διακειμένων δ' οὕτως εἷς τις Σαμαίας ὄνομα, δίκαιος ἀνὴρ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τοῦ δεδιέναι κρείττων, ἀναστὰς εἶπεν: “ἄνδρες σύνεδροι καὶ βασιλεῦ, εἰς δίκην μὲν οὔτ' αὐτὸς οἶδά τινα τῶν πώποτε εἰς ὑμᾶς κεκλημένων οὕτω παραστάντα οὔτε ὑμᾶς ἔχειν εἰπεῖν ὑπολαμβάνω, ἀλλὰ πᾶς ὁστισδηποτοῦν ἀφῖκται εἰς τὸ συνέδριον τοῦτο κριθησόμενος ταπεινὸς παρίσταται καὶ σχήματι δεδοικότος καὶ ἔλεον θηρωμένου παρ' ὑμῶν, κόμην τ' ἐπιθρέψας καὶ ἐσθῆτα μέλαιναν ἐνδεδυμένος." "14.173 ὁ δὲ βέλτιστος ̔Ηρώδης φόνου δίκην φεύγων καὶ ἐπ' αἰτίᾳ τοιαύτῃ κεκλημένος ἕστηκε τὴν πορφύραν περικείμενος καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν κεκοσμημένος τῇ συνθέσει τῆς κόμης καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν ἔχων ὁπλίτας, ἵνα ἂν κατακρίνωμεν αὐτοῦ κατὰ τὸν νόμον, κτείνῃ μὲν ἡμᾶς, αὐτὸν δὲ σώσῃ βιασάμενος τὸ δίκαιον." "14.174 ἀλλ' ̔Ηρώδην μὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις οὐκ ἂν μεμψαίμην, εἰ τὸ αὐτοῦ συμφέρον ποιεῖται περὶ πλείονος ἢ τὸ νόμιμον, ὑμᾶς δὲ καὶ τὸν βασιλέα τοσαύτην ἄδειαν αὐτῷ παρασχόντας. ἴστε μέντοι τὸν θεὸν μέγαν, καὶ οὗτος, ὃν νῦν δι' ̔Υρκανὸν ἀπολῦσαι βούλεσθε, κολάσει ὑμᾶς τε καὶ αὐτὸν τὸν βασιλέα.”" "14.175 διήμαρτεν δ' οὐδὲν τῶν εἰρημένων. ὁ γὰρ ̔Ηρώδης τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβὼν πάντας ἀπέκτεινεν τοὺς ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ καὶ ̔Υρκανὸν αὐτὸν χωρὶς τοῦ Σαμαίου:" '14.176 σφόδρα γὰρ αὐτὸν διὰ τὴν δικαιοσύνην ἐτίμησεν καὶ ὅτι τῆς πόλεως μετὰ ταῦτα πολιορκουμένης ὑπό τε ̔Ηρώδου καὶ Σοσσίου παρῄνεσεν τῷ δήμῳ δέξασθαι τὸν ̔Ηρώδην εἰπὼν διὰ τὰς ἁμαρτίας οὐ δύνασθαι διαφυγεῖν αὐτόν. καὶ περὶ μὲν τούτων κατὰ χώραν ἐροῦμεν. 14.177 ̔Υρκανὸς δὲ ὁρῶν ὡρμημένους πρὸς τὴν ἀναίρεσιν τὴν ̔Ηρώδου τοὺς ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ τὴν δίκην εἰς ἄλλην ἡμέραν ἀνεβάλετο, καὶ πέμψας κρύφα πρὸς ̔Ηρώδην συνεβούλευσεν αὐτῷ φυγεῖν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως: οὕτω γὰρ τὸν κίνδυνον διαφεύξεσθαι.' "14.178 καὶ ὁ μὲν ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς Δαμασκὸν ὡς φεύγων τὸν βασιλέα, καὶ παραγενόμενος πρὸς Σέξτον Καίσαρα καὶ τὰ κατ' αὐτὸν ἀσφαλισάμενος οὕτως εἶχεν, ὡς εἰ καλοῖτο πάλιν εἰς τὸ συνέδριον ἐπὶ δίκην οὐχ ὑπακουσόμενος." "14.179 ἠγανάκτουν δὲ οἱ ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ καὶ τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν ἐπειρῶντο διδάσκειν, ὅτι ταῦτα πάντα εἴη κατ' αὐτοῦ. τὸν δ' οὐκ ἐλάνθανε μέν, πράττειν δ' οὐδὲν εἶχεν ὑπὸ ἀνανδρίας καὶ ἀνοίας." "14.181 διεκώλυσαν δ' αὐτὸν προσβαλεῖν τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ὑπαντήσαντες ὅ τε πατὴρ ̓Αντίπατρος καὶ ὁ ἀδελφός, καὶ τὴν ὁρμὴν αὐτοῦ καταπαύσαντες καὶ παρακαλέσαντες ἔργῳ μὲν ἐγχειρεῖν μηδενί, καταπληξάμενον δὲ ἀπειλῇ μόνον μὴ χωρῆσαι περαιτέρω κατὰ τοῦ παρασχόντος αὐτῷ εἰς τοῦτο παρελθεῖν τὸ ἀξίωμα." '14.182 ἠξίουν τε περὶ τοῦ κληθέντα ἐπὶ δίκην ἐλθεῖν ἀγανακτοῦντα μεμνῆσθαι καὶ τῆς ἀφέσεως καὶ χάριν αὐτῆς εἰδέναι καὶ μὴ πρὸς μὲν τὸ σκυθρωπότερον ἀπαντᾶν, περὶ δὲ τῆς σωτηρίας ἀχαριστεῖν:' "14.183 λογίζεσθαι δ' ὡς, εἰ καὶ πολέμου ῥοπὰς βραβεύει τὸ θεῖον, πλέον ἐστὶ τῆς στρατείας τὸ ἄδικον, διὸ καὶ τὴν νίκην μὴ πάντῃ προσδοκᾶν μέλλοντα πολεμεῖν βασιλεῖ καὶ συντρόφῳ, καὶ πολλὰ μὲν εὐεργετήσαντι, μηδὲν δὲ χαλεπὸν αὐτὸν εἰργασμένῳ, περὶ δὲ ὧν ἐγκαλεῖ διὰ πονηροὺς συμβούλους ἀλλὰ μὴ δι' αὐτὸν ὑπόνοιαν αὐτῷ καὶ σκιὰν δυσκόλου τινὸς παρεσχημένῳ." '14.184 πείθεται τούτοις ̔Ηρώδης ὑπολαβὼν εἰς τὰς ἐλπίδας ἀποχρῆν αὐτῷ τὸ καὶ τὴν ἰσχὺν ἐπιδείξασθαι τῷ ἔθνει μόνον. καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν οὕτως εἶχεν.' "14.185 Καῖσαρ δ' ἐλθὼν εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἕτοιμος ἦν πλεῖν ἐπ' ̓Αφρικῆς πολεμήσων Σκιπίωνι καὶ Κάτωνι, πέμψας δ' ̔Υρκανὸς πρὸς αὐτὸν παρεκάλει βεβαιώσασθαι τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν." 14.188 πρὸς δὲ τὰ ὑπὸ ̔Ρωμαίων δόγματα οὐκ ἔστιν ἀντειπεῖν: ἔν τε γὰρ δημοσίοις ἀνάκειται τόποις τῶν πόλεων καὶ ἔτι νῦν ἐν τῷ Καπετωλίῳ χαλκαῖς στήλαις ἐγγέγραπται, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ Καῖσαρ ̓Ιούλιος τοῖς ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ ̓Ιουδαίοις ποιήσας χαλκῆν στήλην ἐδήλωσεν, ὅτι ̓Αλεξανδρέων πολῖταί εἰσιν, ἐκ τούτων ποιήσομαι καὶ τὴν ἀπόδειξιν.' "14.191 τῆς γενομένης ἀναγραφῆς ἐν τῇ δέλτῳ πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν υἱὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου ἀρχιερέα καὶ ἐθνάρχην ̓Ιουδαίων πέπομφα ὑμῖν τὸ ἀντίγραφον, ἵν' ἐν τοῖς δημοσίοις ὑμῶν ἀνακέηται γράμμασιν. βούλομαι δὲ καὶ ἑλληνιστὶ καὶ ῥωμαϊστὶ ἐν δέλτῳ χαλκῇ τοῦτο ἀνατεθῆναι." '14.192 ἔστιν δὴ τοῦτο: ̓Ιούλιος Καῖσαρ αὐτοκράτωρ τὸ δεύτερον καὶ ἀρχιερεὺς μετὰ συμβουλίου γνώμης ἐπέκρινα. ἐπεὶ ̔Υρκανὸς ̓Αλεξάνδρου ̓Ιουδαῖος καὶ νῦν καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις ἔν τε εἰρήνῃ καὶ πολέμῳ πίστιν τε καὶ σπουδὴν περὶ τὰ ἡμέτερα πράγματα ἐπεδείξατο, ὡς αὐτῷ πολλοὶ μεμαρτυρήκασιν αὐτοκράτορες,' "14.193 καὶ ἐν τῷ ἔγγιστα ἐν ̓Αλεξανδρείᾳ πολέμῳ μετὰ χιλίων πεντακοσίων στρατιωτῶν ἧκεν σύμμαχος καὶ πρὸς Μιθριδάτην ἀποσταλεὶς ὑπ' ἐμοῦ πάντας ἀνδρείᾳ τοὺς ἐν τάξει ὑπερέβαλεν," "14.194 διὰ ταύτας τὰς αἰτίας ̔Υρκανὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ ἐθνάρχας ̓Ιουδαίων εἶναι ἀρχιερωσύνην τε ̓Ιουδαίων διὰ παντὸς ἔχειν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἔθη, εἶναί τε αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ συμμάχους ἡμῖν ἔτι τε καὶ ἐν τοῖς κατ' ἄνδρα φίλοις ἀριθμεῖσθαι," "14.195 ὅσα τε κατὰ τοὺς ἰδίους αὐτῶν νόμους ἐστὶν ἀρχιερατικὰ φιλάνθρωπα, ταῦτα κελεύω κατέχειν αὐτὸν καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ: ἄν τε μεταξὺ γένηταί τις ζήτησις περὶ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίων ἀγωγῆς, ἀρέσκει μοι κρίσιν γίνεσθαι παρ' αὐτοῖς. παραχειμασίαν δὲ ἢ χρήματα πράσσεσθαι οὐ δοκιμάζω." '14.196 Γαί̈ου Καίσαρος αὐτοκράτορος ὑπάτου δεδομένα συγκεχωρημένα προσκεκριμένα ἐστὶν οὕτως ἔχοντα. ὅπως τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ τοῦ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνους ἄρχῃ, καὶ τοὺς δεδομένους τόπους καρπίζωνται, καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς αὐτὸς καὶ ἐθνάρχης τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων προϊστῆται τῶν ἀδικουμένων. 14.197 πέμψαι δὲ πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν τὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν ἀρχιερέα τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς περὶ φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας διαλεξομένους: ἀνατεθῆναι δὲ καὶ χαλκῆν δέλτον ταῦτα περιέχουσαν ἔν τε τῷ Καπετωλίῳ καὶ Σιδῶνι καὶ Τύρῳ καὶ ἐν ̓Ασκάλωνι καὶ ἐν τοῖς ναοῖς ἐγκεχαραγμένην γράμμασιν ̔Ρωμαϊκοῖς καὶ ̔Ελληνικοῖς. 14.198 ὅπως τε τὸ δόγμα τοῦτο πᾶσι τοῖς κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ταμίαις καὶ τοῖς τούτων ἡγουμένοις * εἴς τε τοὺς φίλους ἀνενέγκωσιν καὶ ξένια τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς παρασχεῖν καὶ τὰ διατάγματα διαπέμψαι πανταχοῦ. 14.199 Γάιος Καῖσαρ αὐτοκράτωρ δικτάτωρ ὕπατος τιμῆς καὶ ἀρετῆς καὶ φιλανθρωπίας ἕνεκεν συνεχώρησεν ἐπὶ συμφέροντι καὶ τῇ συγκλήτῳ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων ̔Υρκανὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν καὶ τέκνα αὐτοῦ ἀρχιερεῖς τε καὶ ἱερεῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμων καὶ τοῦ ἔθνους εἶναι ἐπὶ τοῖς δικαίοις, οἷς καὶ οἱ πρόγονοι αὐτῶν τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην διακατέσχον. 14.201 ὅπως τε ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐν τῷ δευτέρῳ τῆς μισθώσεως ἔτει τῆς προσόδου κόρον ὑπεξέλωνται καὶ μήτε ἐργολαβῶσί τινες μήτε φόρους τοὺς αὐτοὺς τελῶσιν.' "14.202 Γάιος Καῖσαρ αὐτοκράτωρ τὸ δεύτερον ἔστησεν κατ' ἐνιαυτὸν ὅπως τελῶσιν ὑπὲρ τῆς ̔Ιεροσολυμιτῶν πόλεως ̓Ιόππης ὑπεξαιρουμένης χωρὶς τοῦ ἑβδόμου ἔτους, ὃν σαββατικὸν ἐνιαυτὸν προσαγορεύουσιν, ἐπεὶ ἐν αὐτῷ μήτε τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν δένδρων καρπὸν λαμβάνουσιν μήτε σπείρουσιν." '14.203 καὶ ἵνα ἐν Σιδῶνι τῷ δευτέρῳ ἔτει τὸν φόρον ἀποδιδῶσιν τὸ τέταρτον τῶν σπειρομένων, πρὸς τούτοις ἔτι καὶ ̔Υρκανῷ καὶ τοῖς τέκνοις αὐτοῦ τὰς δεκάτας τελῶσιν, ἃς ἐτέλουν καὶ τοῖς προγόνοις αὐτῶν.' "14.204 καὶ ὅπως μηδεὶς μήτε ἄρχων μήτε ἀντάρχων μήτε στρατηγὸς ἢ πρεσβευτὴς ἐν τοῖς ὅροις τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἀνιστὰς συμμαχίαν καὶ στρατιώτας ἐξῇ τούτῳ χρήματα εἰσπράττεσθαι ἢ εἰς παραχειμασίαν ἢ ἄλλῳ τινὶ ὀνόματι, ἀλλ' εἶναι πανταχόθεν ἀνεπηρεάστους." "14.205 ὅσα τε μετὰ ταῦτα ἔσχον ἢ ἐπρίαντο καὶ διακατέσχον καὶ ἐνεμήθησαν, ταῦτα πάντα αὐτοὺς ἔχειν. ̓Ιόππην τε πόλιν, ἣν ἀπ' ἀρχῆς ἔσχον οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι ποιούμενοι τὴν πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους φιλίαν αὐτῶν εἶναι, καθὼς καὶ τὸ πρῶτον, ἡμῖν ἀρέσκει," "14.206 φόρους τε ὑπὲρ ταύτης τῆς πόλεως ̔Υρκανὸν ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸν καὶ παῖδας αὐτοῦ παρὰ τῶν τὴν γῆν νεμομένων χώρας λιμένος ἐξαγωγίου κατ' ἐνιαυτὸν Σιδῶνι μοδίους δισμυρίους χοε ὑπεξαιρουμένου τοῦ ἑβδόμου ἔτους, ὃν σαββατικὸν καλοῦσιν, καθ' ὃν οὔτε ἀροῦσιν οὔτε τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν δένδρων καρπὸν λαμβάνουσιν." '14.207 τάς τε κώμας τὰς ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ πεδίῳ, ἃς ̔Υρκανὸς καὶ οἱ πρόγονοι πρότερον αὐτοῦ διακατέσχον, ἀρέσκει τῇ συγκλήτῳ ταῦτα ̔Υρκανὸν καὶ ̓Ιουδαίους ἔχειν ἐπὶ τοῖς δικαίοις οἷς καὶ πρότερον εἶχον.' "14.208 μένειν δὲ καὶ τὰ ἀπ' ἀρχῆς δίκαια, ὅσα πρὸς ἀλλήλους ̓Ιουδαίοις καὶ τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσιν καὶ ἱερεῦσιν ἦν τά τε φιλάνθρωπα ὅσα τε τοῦ δήμου ψηφισαμένου καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου ἔσχον. ἐπὶ τούτοις τε τοῖς δικαίοις χρῆσθαι αὐτοῖς ἐξεῖναι ἐν Λύδδοις." '14.209 τούς τε τόπους καὶ χώραν καὶ ἐποίκια, ὅσα βασιλεῦσι Συρίας καὶ Φοινίκης συμμάχοις οὖσι ̔Ρωμαίων κατὰ δωρεὰν ὑπῆρχε καρποῦσθαι, ταῦτα δοκιμάζει ἡ σύγκλητος ̔Υρκανὸν τὸν ἐθνάρχην καὶ ̓Ιουδαίους ἔχειν.
14.213 ̓Ιούλιος Γάιος ὑιοσο στρατηγὸς ὕπατος ̔Ρωμαίων Παριανῶν ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. ἐνέτυχόν μοι οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι ἐν Δήλῳ καί τινες τῶν παροίκων ̓Ιουδαίων παρόντων καὶ τῶν ὑμετέρων πρέσβεων καὶ ἐνεφάνισαν, ὡς ὑμεῖς ψηφίσματι κωλύετε αὐτοὺς τοῖς πατρίοις ἔθεσι καὶ ἱεροῖς χρῆσθαι.' "14.214 ἐμοὶ τοίνυν οὐκ ἀρέσκει κατὰ τῶν ἡμετέρων φίλων καὶ συμμάχων τοιαῦτα γίνεσθαι ψηφίσματα καὶ κωλύεσθαι αὐτοὺς ζῆν κατὰ τὰ αὐτῶν ἔθη καὶ χρήματα εἰς σύνδειπνα καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ εἰσφέρειν, τοῦτο ποιεῖν αὐτῶν μηδ' ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ κεκωλυμένων." '14.215 καὶ γὰρ Γάιος Καῖσαρ ὁ ἡμέτερος στρατηγὸς καὶ ὕπατος ἐν τῷ διατάγματι κωλύων θιάσους συνάγεσθαι κατὰ πόλιν μόνους τούτους οὐκ ἐκώλυσεν οὔτε χρήματα συνεισφέρειν οὔτε σύνδειπνα ποιεῖν. 14.216 ὁμοίως δὲ κἀγὼ τοὺς ἄλλους θιάσους κωλύων τούτοις μόνοις ἐπιτρέπω κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα συνάγεσθαί τε καὶ ἑστιᾶσθαι. καὶ ὑμᾶς οὖν καλῶς ἔχει, εἴ τι κατὰ τῶν ἡμετέρων φίλων καὶ συμμάχων ψήφισμα ἐποιήσατε, τοῦτο ἀκυρῶσαι διὰ τὴν περὶ ἡμᾶς αὐτῶν ἀρετὴν καὶ εὔνοιαν.' "14.217 Μετὰ δὲ τὸν Γαί̈ου θάνατον Μᾶρκος ̓Αντώνιος καὶ Πόπλιος Δολαβέλλας ὕπατοι ὄντες τήν τε σύγκλητον συνήγαγον καὶ τοὺς παρ' ̔Υρκανοῦ πρέσβεις παραγαγόντες διελέχθησαν περὶ ὧν ἠξίουν καὶ φιλίαν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐποίησαν, καὶ πάντα συγχωρεῖν αὐτοῖς ἡ σύγκλητος ἐψηφίσατο ὅσων τυγχάνειν ἐβούλοντο." '14.218 παρατέθειμαι δὲ καὶ τὸ δόγμα, ὅπως τὴν ἀπόδειξιν τῶν λεγομένων ἐγγύθεν ἔχωσιν οἱ ἀναγινώσκοντες τὴν πραγματείαν. ἦν δὲ τοιοῦτον: 14.219 Δόγμα συγκλήτου ἐκ τοῦ ταμιείου ἀντιγεγραμμένον ἐκ τῶν δέλτων τῶν δημοσίων τῶν ταμιευτικῶν Κοί̈ντω ̔Ρουτιλίω Κοί̈ντω Κορνηλίω ταμίαις κατὰ πόλιν, δέλτῳ δευτέρᾳ καὶ ἐκ τῶν πρώτων πρώτῃ. πρὸ τριῶν εἰδῶν ̓Απριλλίων ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῆς ̔Ομονοίας. γραφομένῳ παρῆσαν Λούκιος Καλπούρνιος Μενηνία Πείσων, 14.221 Πούπλιος Σέρριος * Πόπλιος Δολοβέλλας Μᾶρκος ̓Αντώνιος ὕπατοι λόγους ἐποιήσαντο περὶ ὧν δόγματι συγκλήτου Γάιος Καῖσαρ ὑπὲρ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔκρινεν καὶ εἰς τὸ ταμιεῖον οὐκ ἔφθασεν ἀνενεχθῆναι, περὶ τούτων ἀρέσκει ἡμῖν γενέσθαι, ὡς καὶ Ποπλίῳ Δολαβέλλᾳ καὶ Μάρκῳ ̓Αντωνίῳ τοῖς ὑπάτοις ἔδοξεν, ἀνενεγκεῖν τε ταῦτα εἰς δέλτους καὶ πρὸς τοὺς κατὰ πόλιν ταμίας, ὅπως φροντίσωσιν καὶ αὐτοὶ εἰς δέλτους ἀναθεῖναι διπτύχους. 14.222 ἐγένετο πρὸ πέντε εἰδῶν Φεβρουαρίων ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῆς ̔Ομονοίας. οἱ δὲ πρεσβεύοντες παρὰ ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἦσαν οὗτοι: Λυσίμαχος Παυσανίου ̓Αλέξανδρος Θεοδώρου Πάτροκλος Χαιρέου ̓Ιωάννης ̓Ονείου. 14.223 ̓́Επεμψεν δὲ τούτων ̔Υρκανὸς τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἕνα καὶ πρὸς Δολαβέλλαν τὸν τῆς ̓Ασίας τότε ἡγεμόνα, παρακαλῶν ἀπολῦσαι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους τῆς στρατείας καὶ τὰ πάτρια τηρεῖν ἔθη καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα ζῆν ἐπιτρέπειν: 14.224 οὗ τυχεῖν αὐτῷ ῥᾳδίως ἐγένετο: λαβὼν γὰρ ὁ Δολοβέλλας τὰ παρὰ τοῦ ̔Υρκανοῦ γράμματα, μηδὲ βουλευσάμενος ἐπιστέλλει τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ̓Ασίαν ἅπασιν γράψας τῇ ̓Εφεσίων πόλει πρωτευούσῃ τῆς ̓Ασίας περὶ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων. ἡ δὲ ἐπιστολὴ τοῦτον περιεῖχεν τὸν τρόπον: 14.225 ̓Επὶ πρυτάνεως ̓Αρτέμωνος μηνὸς Ληναιῶνος προτέρᾳ. Δολοβέλλας αὐτοκράτωρ ̓Εφεσίων ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. 14.226 ̓Αλέξανδρος Θεοδώρου πρεσβευτὴς ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ ἐθνάρχου τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων ἐνεφάνισέν μοι περὶ τοῦ μὴ δύνασθαι στρατεύεσθαι τοὺς πολίτας αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸ μήτε ὅπλα βαστάζειν δύνασθαι μήτε ὁδοιπορεῖν ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις τῶν σαββάτων, μήτε τροφῶν τῶν πατρίων καὶ συνήθων κατὰ τούτους εὐπορεῖν. 14.227 ἐγώ τε οὖν αὐτοῖς, καθὼς καὶ οἱ πρὸ ἐμοῦ ἡγεμόνες, δίδωμι τὴν ἀστρατείαν καὶ συγχωρῶ χρῆσθαι τοῖς πατρίοις ἐθισμοῖς ἱερῶν ἕνεκα καὶ ἁγίοις συναγομένοις, καθὼς αὐτοῖς νόμιμον, καὶ τῶν πρὸς τὰς θυσίας ἀφαιρεμάτων, ὑμᾶς τε βούλομαι ταῦτα γράψαι κατὰ πόλεις. 14.228 Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὁ Δολαβέλλας ̔Υρκανοῦ πρεσβευσαμένου πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐχαρίσατο τοῖς ἡμετέροις. Λεύκιος δὲ Λέντλος ὕπατος εἶπεν: πολίτας ̔Ρωμαίων ̓Ιουδαίους ἱερὰ ̓Ιουδαϊκὰ ἔχοντας καὶ ποιοῦντας ἐν ̓Εφέσῳ πρὸ τοῦ βήματος δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα στρατείας ἀπέλυσα πρὸ δώδεκα καλανδῶν ̓Οκτωβρίων Λευκίω Λέντλω Γαί̈ω Μαρκέλλω ὑπάτοις. 14.229 παρῆσαν Τίτος ̓́Αμπιος Τίτου υἱὸς Βάλβος ̔Ορατία πρεσβευτής, Τίτος Τόνγιος Τίτου υἱὸς Κροστομίνα, Κόιντος Καίσιος Κοί̈ντου, Τίτος Πομπήιος Τίτου Λογγῖνος, Γάιος Σερουίλιος Γαί̈ου υἱὸς Τηρητίνα Βράκκος χιλίαρχος, Πόπλιος Κλούσιος Ποπλίου ̓Ετωρία Γάλλος, Γάιος Σέντιος Γαί̈ου * υἱὸς Σαβατίνα.' "
14.231 Ψήφισμα Δηλίων. ἐπ' ἄρχοντος Βοιωτοῦ μηνὸς Θαργηλιῶνος εἰκοστῇ χρηματισμὸς στρατηγῶν. Μᾶρκος Πείσων πρεσβευτὴς ἐνδημῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει ἡμῶν ὁ καὶ τεταγμένος ἐπὶ τῆς στρατολογίας προσκαλεσάμενος ἡμᾶς καὶ ἱκανοὺς τῶν πολιτῶν προσέταξεν," '14.232 ἵνα εἴ τινές εἰσιν ̓Ιουδαῖοι πολῖται ̔Ρωμαίων τούτοις μηδεὶς ἐνοχλῇ περὶ στρατείας, διὰ τὸ τὸν ὕπατον Λούκιον Κορνήλιον Λέντλον δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα ἀπολελυκέναι τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους τῆς στρατείας. διὸ πείθεσθαι ἡμᾶς δεῖ τῷ στρατηγῷ. ὅμοια δὲ τούτοις καὶ Σαρδιανοὶ περὶ ἡμῶν ἐψηφίσαντο. 14.233 Γάιος Φάννιος Γαί̈ου υἱὸς στρατηγὸς ὕπατος Κῴων ἄρχουσι χαίρειν. βούλομαι ὑμᾶς εἰδέναι, ὅτι πρέσβεις ̓Ιουδαίων μοι προσῆλθον ἀξιοῦντες λαβεῖν τὰ συγκλήτου δόγματα τὰ περὶ αὐτῶν γεγονότα. ὑποτέτακται δὲ τὰ δεδογμένα. ὑμᾶς οὖν θέλω φροντίσαι καὶ προνοῆσαι τῶν ἀνθρώπων κατὰ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα, ὅπως διὰ τῆς ὑμετέρας χώρας εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἀσφαλῶς ἀνακομισθῶσιν. 14.234 Λεύκιος Λέντλος ὕπατος λέγει: πολίτας ̔Ρωμαίων ̓Ιουδαίους, οἵτινές μοι ἱερὰ ἔχειν καὶ ποιεῖν ̓Ιουδαϊκὰ ἐν ̓Εφέσῳ ἐδόκουν, δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα ἀπέλυσα. τοῦτο ἐγένετο πρὸ δώδεκα καλανδῶν Κουιντιλίων.' "14.235 Λούκιος ̓Αντώνιος Μάρκου υἱὸς ἀντιταμίας καὶ ἀντιστράτηγος Σαρδιανῶν ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. ̓Ιουδαῖοι πολῖται ἡμέτεροι προσελθόντες μοι ἐπέδειξαν αὐτοὺς σύνοδον ἔχειν ἰδίαν κατὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους ἀπ' ἀρχῆς καὶ τόπον ἴδιον, ἐν ᾧ τά τε πράγματα καὶ τὰς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀντιλογίας κρίνουσιν, τοῦτό τε αἰτησαμένοις ἵν' ἐξῇ ποιεῖν αὐτοῖς τηρῆσαι καὶ ἐπιτρέψαι ἔκρινα." '14.236 Μᾶρκος Πόπλιος σπιρίου υἱὸς καὶ Μᾶρκος Μάρκου Ποπλίου υἱὸς Λουκίου λέγουσιν. Λέντλῳ τἀνθυπάτῳ προσελθόντες ἐδιδάξαμεν αὐτὸν περὶ ὧν Δοσίθεος Κλεοπατρίδου ̓Αλεξανδρεὺς λόγους ἐποιήσατο, 14.237 ὅπως πολίτας ̔Ρωμαίων ̓Ιουδαίους ἱερὰ ̓Ιουδαϊκὰ ποιεῖν εἰωθότας, ἂν αὐτῷ φανῇ, δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα ἀπολύσῃ: καὶ ἀπέλυσε πρὸ δώδεκα καλανδῶν Κουιντιλίων Λευκίω Λέντλω Γαί̈ω Μαρκέλλω ὑπάτοις. 14.238 παρῆσαν Τίτος ̓́Αμπιος Τίτου υἱὸς Βάλβος ̔Ορατία πρεσβευτής, Τίτος Τόνγιος Κροστομίνα, Κόιντος Καίσιος Κοί̈ντου, Τίτος Πήιος Τίτου υἱὸς Κορνηλία Λογγῖνος, Γάιος Σερουίλιος Γαί̈ου Τηρητείνα Βρόκχος χιλίαρχος, Πόπλιος Κλούσιος Ποπλίου υἱὸς ̓Ετωρία Γάλλος, 14.239 Γάιος Τεύτιος Γαί̈ου Αἰμιλία χιλίαρχος, Σέξστος ̓Ατίλιος Σέξστου υἱὸς Αἰμιλία Σέσρανος, Γάιος Πομπήιος Γαί̈ου υἱὸς Σαβατίνα, Τίτος ̓́Αμπιος Τίτου Μένανδρος, Πόπλιος Σερουίλιος Ποπλίου υἱὸς Στράβων, Λεύκιος Πάκκιος Λευκίου Κολλίνα Καπίτων, Αὖλος Φούριος Αὔλου υἱὸς Τέρτιος, ̓́Αππιος Μηνᾶς.' "14.241 Λαοδικέων ἄρχοντες Γαί̈ῳ ̔Ραβελλίῳ Γαί̈ου υἱῷ ὑπάτῳ χαίρειν. Σώπατρος ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως πρεσβευτὴς ἀπέδωκεν ἡμῖν τὴν παρὰ σοῦ ἐπιστολήν, δι' ἧς ἐδήλου ἡμῖν παρὰ ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ̓Ιουδαίων ἀρχιερέως ἐληλυθότας τινὰς γράμματα κομίσαι περὶ τοῦ ἔθνους αὐτῶν γεγραμμένα," '14.242 ἵνα τά τε σάββατα αὐτοῖς ἐξῇ ἄγειν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ἱερὰ ἐπιτελεῖν κατὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους, ὅπως τε μηδεὶς αὐτοῖς ἐπιτάσσῃ διὰ τὸ φίλους αὐτοὺς ἡμετέρους εἶναι καὶ συμμάχους, ἀδικήσῃ τε μηδὲ εἷς αὐτοὺς ἐν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ ἐπαρχίᾳ, ὡς Τραλλιανῶν τε ἀντειπόντων κατὰ πρόσωπον μὴ ἀρέσκεσθαι τοῖς περὶ αὐτῶν δεδογμένοις ἐπέταξας ταῦτα οὕτως γίνεσθαι: παρακεκλῆσθαι δέ σε, ὥστε καὶ ἡμῖν γράψαι περὶ αὐτῶν. 14.243 ἡμεῖς οὖν κατακολουθοῦντες τοῖς ἐπεσταλμένοις ὑπὸ σοῦ τήν τε ἐπιστολὴν τὴν ἀποδοθεῖσαν ἐδεξάμεθα καὶ κατεχωρίσαμεν εἰς τὰ δημόσια ἡμῶν γράμματα καὶ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὧν ἐπέσταλκας προνοήσομεν, ὥστε μηδὲν μεμφθῆναι. 14.244 Πόπλιος Σερουίλιος Ποπλίου υἱὸς Γάλβας ἀνθύπατος Μιλησίων ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. 14.245 Πρύτανις ̔Ερμοῦ υἱὸς πολίτης ὑμέτερος προσελθών μοι ἐν Τράλλεσιν ἄγοντι τὴν ἀγόραιον ἐδήλου παρὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν γνώμην ̓Ιουδαίοις ὑμᾶς προσφέρεσθαι καὶ κωλύειν αὐτοὺς τά τε σάββατα ἄγειν καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ τὰ πάτρια τελεῖν καὶ τοὺς καρποὺς μεταχειρίζεσθαι, καθὼς ἔθος ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς, αὐτόν τε κατὰ τοὺς νόμους εὐθυνκέναι τὸ δίκαιον ψήφισμα. 14.246 βούλομαι οὖν ὑμᾶς εἰδέναι, ὅτι διακούσας ἐγὼ λόγων ἐξ ἀντικαταστάσεως γενομένων ἐπέκρινα μὴ κωλύεσθαι ̓Ιουδαίους τοῖς αὐτῶν ἔθεσι χρῆσθαι. 14.247 Ψήφισμα Περγαμηνῶν. ἐπὶ πρυτάνεως Κρατίππου μηνὸς Δαισίου πρώτῃ γνώμη στρατηγῶν. ἐπεὶ ̔Ρωμαῖοι κατακολουθοῦντες τῇ τῶν προγόνων ἀγωγῇ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς κοινῆς ἁπάντων ἀνθρώπων ἀσφαλείας κινδύνους ἀναδέχονται καὶ φιλοτιμοῦνται τοὺς συμμάχους καὶ φίλους ἐν εὐδαιμονίᾳ καὶ βεβαίᾳ καταστῆσαι εἰρήνῃ, 14.248 πέμψαντος πρὸς αὐτοὺς τοῦ ἔθνους τοῦ ̓Ιουδαίων καὶ ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως αὐτῶν πρέσβεις Στράτωνα Θεοδότου ̓Απολλώνιον ̓Αλεξάνδρου Αἰνείαν ̓Αντιπάτρου ̓Αριστόβουλον ̓Αμύντου Σωσίπατρον Φιλίππου ἄνδρας καλοὺς καὶ ἀγαθούς,' "14.249 καὶ περὶ τῶν κατὰ μέρη ἐμφανισάντων ἐδογμάτισεν ἡ σύγκλητος περὶ ὧν ἐποιήσαντο τοὺς λόγους, ὅπως μηδὲν ἀδικῇ ̓Αντίοχος ὁ βασιλεὺς ̓Αντιόχου υἱὸς ̓Ιουδαίους συμμάχους ̔Ρωμαίων, ὅπως τε φρούρια καὶ λιμένας καὶ χώραν καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο ἀφείλετο αὐτῶν ἀποδοθῇ καὶ ἐξῇ αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῶν λιμένων μηδ' ἐξαγαγεῖν," '14.251 τῆς βουλῆς ἡμῶν Λούκιος Πέττιος ἀνὴρ καλὸς καὶ ἀγαθὸς προσέταξεν, ἵνα φροντίσωμεν ταῦτα οὕτως γενέσθαι, καθὼς ἡ σύγκλητος ἐδογμάτισεν, προνοῆσαί τε τῆς ἀσφαλοῦς εἰς οἶκον τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἀνακομιδῆς.' "14.252 ἀπεδεξάμεθα δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν βουλὴν καὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν τὸν Θεόδωρον, ἀπολαβόντες δὲ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν παρ' αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα, καὶ ποιησαμένου μετὰ πολλῆς σπουδῆς τοὺς λόγους καὶ τὴν ̔Υρκανοῦ ἐμφανίσαντος ἀρετὴν καὶ μεγαλοψυχίαν," "14.253 καὶ ὅτι κοινῇ πάντας εὐεργετεῖ καὶ κατ' ἰδίαν τοὺς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀφικομένους, τά τε γράμματα εἰς τὰ δημόσια ἡμῶν ἀπεθέμεθα καὶ αὐτοὶ πάντα ποιεῖν ὑπὲρ ̓Ιουδαίων σύμμαχοι ὄντες ̔Ρωμαίων κατὰ τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα ἐψηφισάμεθα." '14.254 ἐδεήθη δὲ καὶ Θεόδωρος τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἡμῖν ἀποδοὺς τῶν ἡμετέρων στρατηγῶν, ἵνα πέμψωσι πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν τὸ ἀντίγραφον τοῦ ψηφίσματος καὶ πρέσβεις δηλώσοντας τὴν τοῦ ἡμετέρου δήμου σπουδὴν καὶ παρακαλέσοντας συντηρεῖν τε καὶ αὔξειν αὐτὸν τὴν πρὸς ἡμᾶς φιλίαν καὶ ἀγαθοῦ τινος αἴτιον γίνεσθαι, 14.255 ὡς ἀμοιβάς τε τὰς προσηκούσας ἀποληψόμενον μεμνημένον τε ὡς καὶ ἐν τοῖς κατὰ ̓́Αβραμον καιροῖς, ὃς ἦν πάντων ̔Εβραίων πατήρ, οἱ πρόγονοι ἡμῶν ἦσαν αὐτοῖς φίλοι, καθὼς καὶ ἐν τοῖς δημοσίοις εὑρίσκομεν γράμμασιν. 14.256 Ψήφισμα ̔Αλικαρνασέων. ἐπὶ ἱερέως Μέμνονος τοῦ ̓Αριστείδου, κατὰ δὲ ποίησιν Εὐωνύμου, ̓Ανθεστηριῶνος * ἔδοξε τῷ δήμῳ εἰσηγησαμένου Μάρκου ̓Αλεξάνδρου. 14.257 ἐπεὶ τὸ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβές τε καὶ ὅσιον ἐν ἅπαντι καιρῷ διὰ σπουδῆς ἔχομεν κατακολουθοῦντες τῷ δήμῳ τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων πάντων ἀνθρώπων ὄντι εὐεργέτῃ καὶ οἷς περὶ τῆς ̓Ιουδαίων φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ἔγραψεν, ὅπως συντελῶνται αὐτοῖς αἱ εἰς τὸν θεὸν ἱεροποιίαι καὶ ἑορταὶ αἱ εἰθισμέναι καὶ σύνοδοι, 14.258 δεδόχθαι καὶ ἡμῖν ̓Ιουδαίων τοὺς βουλομένους ἄνδρας τε καὶ γυναῖκας τά τε σάββατα ἄγειν καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ συντελεῖν κατὰ τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίων νόμους καὶ τὰς προσευχὰς ποιεῖσθαι πρὸς τῇ θαλάττῃ κατὰ τὸ πάτριον ἔθος. ἂν δέ τις κωλύσῃ ἢ ἄρχων ἢ ἰδιώτης, τῷδε τῷ ζημιώματι ὑπεύθυνος ἔστω καὶ ὀφειλέτω τῇ πόλει.' "14.259 Ψήφισμα Σαρδιανῶν. ἔδοξε τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ στρατηγῶν εἰσηγησαμένων. ἐπεὶ οἱ κατοικοῦντες ἡμῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει ἀπ' ἀρχῆς ̓Ιουδαῖοι πολῖται πολλὰ καὶ μεγάλα φιλάνθρωπα ἐσχηκότες διὰ παντὸς παρὰ τοῦ δήμου καὶ νῦν εἰσελθόντες ἐπὶ τὴν βουλὴν καὶ τὸν δῆμον παρεκάλεσαν," "14.261 δεδόχθαι τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ συγκεχωρῆσθαι αὐτοῖς συνερχομένοις ἐν ταῖς ἀποδεδειγμέναις ἡμέραις πράσσειν τὰ κατὰ τοὺς αὐτῶν νόμους, ἀφορισθῆναι δ' αὐτοῖς καὶ τόπον ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν εἰς οἰκοδομίαν καὶ οἴκησιν αὐτῶν, ὃν ἂν ὑπολάβωσιν πρὸς τοῦτ' ἐπιτήδειον εἶναι, ὅπως τε τοῖς τῆς πόλεως ἀγορανόμοις ἐπιμελὲς ᾖ καὶ τὰ ἐκείνοις πρὸς τροφὴν ἐπιτήδεια ποιεῖν εἰσάγεσθαι." '14.262 Ψήφισμα ̓Εφεσίων. ἐπὶ πρυτάνεως Μηνοφίλου μηνὸς ̓Αρτεμισίου τῇ προτέρᾳ ἔδοξε τῷ δήμῳ, Νικάνωρ Εὐφήμου εἶπεν εἰσηγησαμένων τῶν στρατηγῶν. 14.263 ἐπεὶ ἐντυχόντων τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει ̓Ιουδαίων Μάρκῳ ̓Ιουλίῳ Ποντίου υἱῷ Βρούτῳ ἀνθυπάτῳ, ὅπως ἄγωσι τὰ σάββατα καὶ πάντα ποιῶσιν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια αὐτῶν ἔθη μηδενὸς αὐτοῖς ἐμποδὼν γινομένου,' "14.264 ὁ στρατηγὸς συνεχώρησεν, δεδόχθαι τῷ δήμῳ, τοῦ πράγματος ̔Ρωμαίοις ἀνήκοντος, μηδένα κωλύεσθαι παρατηρεῖν τὴν τῶν σαββάτων ἡμέραν μηδὲ πράττεσθαι ἐπιτίμιον, ἐπιτετράφθαι δ' αὐτοῖς πάντα ποιεῖν κατὰ τοὺς ἰδίους αὐτῶν νόμους." 14.266 ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἐναργῆ καὶ βλεπόμενα τεκμήρια παρεχόμεθα τῆς πρὸς ̔Ρωμαίους ἡμῖν φιλίας γενομένης ἐπιδεικνύντες αὐτὰ χαλκαῖς στήλαις καὶ δέλτοις ἐν τῷ Καπετωλίῳ μέχρι νῦν διαμένοντα καὶ διαμενοῦντα, τὴν μὲν πάντων παράθεσιν ὡς περιττήν τε ἅμα καὶ ἀτερπῆ παρῃτησάμην,' "
14.268 Συνέβη δ' ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ταραχθῆναι τὰ κατὰ τὴν Συρίαν ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης: Βάσσος Καικίλιος εἷς τῶν τὰ Πομπηίου φρονούντων ἐπιβουλὴν συνθεὶς ἐπὶ Σέξστον Καίσαρα κτείνει μὲν ἐκεῖνον, αὐτὸς δὲ τὸ στράτευμα αὐτοῦ παραλαβὼν ἐκράτει τῶν πραγμάτων, πόλεμός τε μέγας περὶ τὴν ̓Απάμειαν συνέστη τῶν Καίσαρος στρατηγῶν ἐπ' αὐτὸν ἐλθόντων μετά τε ἱππέων καὶ πεζῆς δυνάμεως." '14.269 τούτοις δὲ καὶ ̓Αντίπατρος συμμαχίαν ἔπεμψεν μετὰ τῶν τέκνων κατὰ μνήμην ὧν εὐεργετήθησαν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τιμωρεῖν αὐτῷ καὶ δίκην παρὰ τοῦ πεφονευκότος εἰσπράξασθαι δίκαιον ἡγούμενος.' "
14.271 Τοῦ δ' ἐπὶ τῷ Καίσαρος θανάτῳ πολέμου συνερρωγότος καὶ τῶν ἐν τέλει πάντων ἐπὶ στρατιᾶς συλλογὴν ἄλλου ἄλλῃ διεσπαρμένων, ἀφικνεῖται Κάσσιος εἰς Συρίαν παραληψόμενος τὰ περὶ τὴν ̓Απάμειαν στρατόπεδα:" '14.272 καὶ λύσας τὴν πολιορκίαν ἀμφοτέρους προσάγεται τόν τε Βάσσον καὶ τὸν Μοῦρκον τάς τε πόλεις ἐπερχόμενος ὅπλα τε καὶ στρατιώτας συνήθροιζεν καὶ φόρους αὐταῖς μεγάλους ἐπετίθει: μάλιστα δὲ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐκάκωσεν ἑπτακόσια τάλαντα ἀργυρίου πραττόμενος.' "14.273 ̓Αντίπατρος δ' ὁρῶν ἐν μεγάλῳ φόβῳ καὶ ταραχῇ τὰ πράγματα μερίζει τὴν τῶν χρημάτων εἴσπραξιν καὶ ἑκατέρῳ τῶν υἱῶν συνάγειν δίδωσιν τὰ μὲν Μαλίχῳ κακοήθως πρὸς αὐτὸν διακειμένῳ, τὰ δὲ ἄλλοις προσέταξεν εἰσπράττεσθαι." "14.274 καὶ πρῶτος ̔Ηρώδης ἀπὸ τῆς Γαλιλαίας εἰσπραξάμενος ὅσα ἦν αὐτῷ προστεταγμένα φίλος ἦν εἰς τὰ μάλιστα Κασσίῳ: σῶφρον γὰρ ἔδοξεν αὐτῷ ̔Ρωμαίους ἤδη θεραπεύειν καὶ τὴν παρ' αὐτῶν κατασκευάζειν εὔνοιαν ἐκ τῶν ἀλλοτρίων πόνων." "14.275 ἐπιπράσκοντο δ' αὔτανδροι οἱ τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων ἐπιμεληταί, καὶ τέσσαρας πόλεις ἐξηνδραπόδισε τότε Κάσσιος, ὧν ἦσαν αἱ δυνατώταται Γόφνα τε καὶ ̓Αμμαοῦς, πρὸς ταύταις δὲ Λύδδα καὶ Θάμνα." "14.276 ἐπεξῆλθε δ' ἂν ὑπ' ὀργῆς Κάσσιος ὥστε καὶ Μάλιχον ἀνελεῖν, ὥρμητο γὰρ ἐπ' αὐτόν, εἰ μὴ ̔Υρκανὸς δι' ̓Αντιπάτρου ἑκατὸν τάλαντα ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων αὐτῷ πέμψας ἐπέσχε τῆς ὁρμῆς." 14.279 καὶ συνέβησαν Μούρκου κατὰ Συρίαν στρατηγοῦντος, ὃς αἰσθόμενος νεωτεροποιοῦντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν τὸν Μάλιχον ἦλθε μὲν ὡς παρὰ μικρὸν αὐτὸν ἀνελεῖν, ̓Αντιπάτρου δὲ παρακαλέσαντος περιέσωσεν.
14.284 τήν τε οὖν ἀπολογίαν τὴν Μαλίχου προσδέχεται καὶ πιστεύειν ὑποκρίνεται μηδὲν αὐτὸν περὶ τὸν ̓Αντιπάτρου θάνατον κακουργῆσαι, τάφον τε ἐκόσμει τῷ πατρί. καὶ παραγενόμενος ̔Ηρώδης εἰς Σαμάρειαν καὶ καταλαβὼν αὐτὴν κεκακωμένην ἀνεκτᾶτο καὶ τὰ νείκη διέλυε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις.' "
14.295 ̔Ηρώδης δὲ παρὰ Φάβιον ἐπορεύετο ἐν Δαμασκῷ στρατηγοῦντα, καὶ βουλόμενος προσδραμεῖν πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὑπὸ νόσου κωλύεται, ἕως οὗ Φασάηλος δι' αὐτοῦ κρείττων ̓́Ελικος γενόμενος κατακλείει μὲν αὐτὸν εἰς πύργον, εἶτα δὲ ὑπόσπονδον ἀφίησιν, τόν τε ̔Υρκανὸν ἐμέμφετο πολλὰ μὲν εὖ παθόντα ὑπ' αὐτῶν συμπράττοντα δὲ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς." '14.296 ὁ γὰρ ἀδελφὸς Μαλίχου τότε ἀποστήσας οὐκ ὀλίγα χωρία ἐφρούρει καὶ Μάσαδαν τὸ πάντων ἐρυμνότατον. ἐπὶ μὲν οὖν τοῦτον ῥαί̈σας ̔Ηρώδης ἐκ τῆς νόσου παραγίνεται καὶ ἀφελόμενος αὐτοῦ πάντα ὅσα εἶχεν χωρία ὑπόσπονδον ἀπέλυσεν.' "14.297 ̓Αντίγονον δὲ τὸν ̓Αριστοβούλου στρατιὰν ἀθροίσαντα καὶ Φάβιον τεθεραπευκότα χρήμασιν κατῆγεν Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Μενναίου διὰ τὸ κήδευμα. συνεμάχει δ' αὐτῷ καὶ Μαρίων, ὃν Τυρίων καταλελοίπει τύραννον Κάσσιος: τυραννίσι γὰρ διαλαβὼν τὴν Συρίαν οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ ἐφρούρησεν." '14.298 ὁ δὲ Μαρίων καὶ εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν ὅμορον οὖσαν ἐνέβαλεν καὶ τρία καταλαβὼν ἐρύματα διὰ φρουρᾶς εἶχεν. ἐλθὼν δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦτον ̔Ηρώδης ἅπαντα μὲν αὐτὸν ἀφείλετο, τοὺς δὲ Τυρίων φρουροὺς φιλανθρώπως ἀπέλυσεν ἔστιν οἷς καὶ δωρεὰς δοὺς διὰ τὸ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν εὔνουν. 14.299 ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος ὑπήντησεν ̓Αντιγόνῳ καὶ μάχην αὐτῷ συνάψας νικᾷ καὶ ὅσον οὔπω τῶν ἄκρων ἐπιβάντα τῆς ̓Ιουδαίας ἐξέωσεν. εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα δὲ παραγενόμενον στεφάνοις ἀνέδουν ̔Υρκανός τε καὶ ὁ δῆμος.' "
14.304 ἐπεὶ δ' εἰς ̓́Εφεσον ἧκεν ̓Αντώνιος, ἔπεμψεν ̔Υρκανὸς ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ τὸ ἔθνος τὸ ἡμέτερον πρεσβείαν πρὸς αὐτὸν στέφανόν τε κομίζουσαν χρυσοῦν καὶ παρακαλοῦσαν τοὺς αἰχμαλωτισθέντας ὑπὸ Κασσίου ̓Ιουδαίους οὐ νόμῳ πολέμου γράψαντα τοῖς κατὰ τὰς ἐπαρχίας ἐλευθέρους ἀπολῦσαι καὶ τὴν χώραν, ἣν ἐν τοῖς Κασσίου καιροῖς ἀφῃρέθησαν, ἀποδοῦναι." 14.305 ταῦτα κρίνας ̓Αντώνιος ἀξιοῦν δίκαια τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους παραχρῆμα ἔγραψεν ̔Υρκανῷ καὶ τοῖς ̓Ιουδαίοις, ἐπέστειλεν δὲ καὶ τοῖς Τυρίοις καὶ διάταγμα ἔπεμπε περιέχον ταῦτα.
14.306 Μᾶρκος ̓Αντώνιος αὐτοκράτωρ ̔Υρκανῷ ἀρχιερεῖ καὶ ἐθνάρχῃ καὶ τῷ ̓Ιουδαίων ἔθνει χαίρειν. εἰ ἔρρωσθε, εὖ ἂν ἔχοι, ἔρρωμαι δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς μετὰ τοῦ στρατεύματος.
14.307 Λυσίμαχος Παυσανίου καὶ ̓Ιώσηπος Μενναίου καὶ ̓Αλέξανδρος Θεοδώρου πρεσβευταὶ ἐν ̓Εφέσῳ μοι συντυχόντες τήν τε ἔμπροσθεν ἐν ̔Ρώμῃ τελεσθεῖσαν αὐτοῖς πρεσβείαν ἀνενεώσαντο καὶ τὴν νῦν ὑπὲρ σοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἔθνους σπουδαίως διέθεντο, ἣν ἔχεις εὔνοιαν πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἐμφανίσαντες.
14.308 πεπεισμένος οὖν καὶ ἐκ τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ ἐκ τῶν λόγων, ὅτι οἰκειότατα ἔχετε πρὸς ἡμᾶς, καὶ τὸ ἀραρὸς ὑμῶν ἦθος καὶ θεοσεβὲς κατανοήσας,' "
14.309 ἴδιον ἥγημαι * καταδραμόντων δὲ τὴν ̓Ασίαν ἅπασαν τῶν ἐναντιωθέντων ἡμῖν τε καὶ τῷ δήμῳ τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων καὶ μήτε πόλεων μήτε ἡρῴων ἀποσχομένων μήτε ὅρκους οὓς ἐποιήσαντο φυλαξάντων, ἡμεῖς ὡς οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἰδίου μόνον ἀγῶνος, ἀλλ' ὡς ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων κοινοῦ, τοὺς αἰτίους καὶ τῶν εἰς ἀνθρώπους παρανομιῶν καὶ τῶν εἰς θεοὺς ἁμαρτημάτων ἠμυνάμεθα, δι' ἃ καὶ τὸν ἥλιον ἀπεστράφθαι δοκοῦμεν, ὃς καὶ αὐτὸς ἀηδῶς ἐπεῖδεν τὸ ἐπὶ Καίσαρι μύσος." "
14.311 καὶ Βροῦτος συμφυγὼν εἰς Φιλίππους καὶ συγκλεισθεὶς ὑφ' ἡμῶν ἐκοινώνησεν Κασσίῳ τῆς ἀπωλείας. τούτων κεκολασμένων εἰρήνης τὸ λοιπὸν ἀπολαύσειν ἐλπίζομεν καὶ ἀναπεπαῦσθαι τὴν ̓Ασίαν ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου." '14.312 κοινὴν οὖν ποιούμεθα καὶ τοῖς συμμάχοις τὴν ὑπὸ θεοῦ δοθεῖσαν ἡμῖν εἰρήνην: ὥσπερ οὖν ἐκ νόσου μεγάλης τὸ τῆς ̓Ασίας σῶμα νῦν διὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν νίκην ἀναφέρειν. ἔχων τοίνυν καὶ σὲ διὰ μνήμης καὶ τὸ ἔθνος αὔξειν φροντίσω τῶν ὑμῖν συμφερόντων.' "14.313 ἐξέθηκα δὲ καὶ γράμματα κατὰ πόλεις, ὅπως εἴ τινες ἐλεύθεροι ἢ δοῦλοι ὑπὸ δόρυ ἐπράθησαν ὑπὸ Γαί̈ου Κασσίου ἢ τῶν ὑπ' αὐτῷ τεταγμένων ἀπολυθῶσιν οὗτοι, τοῖς τε ὑπ' ἐμοῦ δοθεῖσιν καὶ Δολαβέλλα φιλανθρώποις χρῆσθαι ὑμᾶς βούλομαι. Τυρίους τε κωλύω βιαίους εἶναι περὶ ὑμᾶς καὶ ὅσα κατέχουσιν ̓Ιουδαίων ταῦτα ἀποκαταστῆσαι κελεύω. τὸν δὲ στέφανον ὃν ἔπεμψας ἐδεξάμην." '14.314 Μᾶρκος ̓Αντώνιος αὐτοκράτωρ Τυρίων ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. ἐμφανισάντων μοι ἐν ̓Εφέσῳ ̔Υρκανοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ ἐθνάρχου πρεσβευτῶν καὶ χώραν αὐτῶν ὑμᾶς κατέχειν λεγόντων, εἰς ἣν ἐνέβητε κατὰ τὴν τῶν ἐναντιουμένων ἡμῖν ἐπικράτειαν,' "14.315 ἐπεὶ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἡγεμονίας πόλεμον ἀνεδεξάμεθα καὶ τῶν εὐσεβῶν καὶ δικαίων ποιούμενοι πρόνοιαν ἠμυνάμεθα τοὺς μήτε χάριτος ἀπομνημονεύσαντας μήτε ὅρκους φυλάξαντας, βούλομαι καὶ τὴν ἀφ' ὑμῶν εἰρήνην τοῖς συμμάχοις ἡμῶν ὑπάρχειν καὶ ὅσα παρὰ τῶν ἡμετέρων ἐλάβετε ἀνταγωνιστῶν μὴ συγχωρεῖν, ἀλλὰ ταῦτα ἀποδοθῆναι τοῖς ἀφῃρημένοις." '14.316 οὔτε γὰρ ἐπαρχίας ἐκείνων οὐθεὶς οὔτε στρατόπεδα τῆς συγκλήτου δούσης ἔλαβεν, ἀλλὰ βίᾳ καθαρπάσαντες ἐχαρίσαντο βιαίως τοῖς πρὸς ἃ ἠδίκουν χρησίμοις αὐτοῖς γινομένοις.' "
16.45 τούτων ἡμᾶς ἀφαιροῦνται κατ' ἐπήρειαν, χρήματα μὲν ἃ τῷ θεῷ συμφέρομεν ἐπώνυμα διαφθείροντες καὶ φανερῶς ἱεροσυλοῦντες, τέλη δ' ἐπιτιθέντες κἀν ταῖς ἑορταῖς ἄγοντες ἐπὶ δικαστήρια καὶ πραγματείας ἄλλας, οὐ κατὰ χρείαν τῶν συναλλαγμάτων, ἀλλὰ κατ' ἐπήρειαν τῆς θρησκείας, ἣν συνίσασιν ἡμῖν, μῖσος οὐ δίκαιον οὐδ' αὐτεξούσιον αὐτοῖς πεπονθότες." 16.162 “Καῖσαρ Σεβαστὸς ἀρχιερεὺς δημαρχικῆς ἐξουσίας λέγει. ἐπειδὴ τὸ ἔθνος τὸ τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων εὐχάριστον εὑρέθη οὐ μόνον ἐν τῷ ἐνεστῶτι καιρῷ ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν τῷ προγεγενημένῳ καὶ μάλιστα ἐπὶ τοῦ ἐμοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος πρὸς τὸν δῆμον τὸν ̔Ρωμαίων ὅ τε ἀρχιερεὺς αὐτῶν ̔Υρκανός, 16.163 ἔδοξέ μοι καὶ τῷ ἐμῷ συμβουλίῳ μετὰ ὁρκωμοσίας γνώμῃ δήμου ̔Ρωμαίων τοὺς ̓Ιουδαίους χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις θεσμοῖς κατὰ τὸν πάτριον αὐτῶν νόμον, καθὼς ἐχρῶντο ἐπὶ ̔Υρκανοῦ ἀρχιερέως θεοῦ ὑψίστου, τά τε ἱερὰ * εἶναι ἐν ἀσυλίᾳ καὶ ἀναπέμπεσθαι εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ ἀποδίδοσθαι τοῖς ἀποδοχεῦσιν ̔Ιεροσολύμων, ἐγγύας τε μὴ ὁμολογεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐν σάββασιν ἢ τῇ πρὸ αὐτῆς παρασκευῇ ἀπὸ ὥρας ἐνάτης. 16.164 ἐὰν δέ τις φωραθῇ κλέπτων τὰς ἱερὰς βίβλους αὐτῶν ἢ τὰ ἱερὰ χρήματα ἔκ τε σαββατείου ἔκ τε ἀνδρῶνος, εἶναι αὐτὸν ἱερόσυλον καὶ τὸν βίον αὐτοῦ ἐνεχθῆναι εἰς τὸ δημόσιον τῶν ̔Ρωμαίων.' "16.165 τό τε ψήφισμα τὸ δοθέν μοι ὑπ' αὐτῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐμῆς εὐσεβείας ἧς ἔχω πρὸς πάντας ἀνθρώπους καὶ ὑπὲρ Γαί̈ου Μαρκίου Κηνσωρίνου καὶ τοῦτο τὸ διάταγμα κελεύω ἀνατεθῆναι ἐν ἐπισημοτάτῳ τόπῳ τῷ γενηθέντι μοι ὑπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ τῆς ̓Ασίας ἐν ̓Αγκύρῃ. ἐὰν δέ τις παραβῇ τι τῶν προειρημένων, δώσει δίκην οὐ μετρίαν. ἐστηλογραφήθη ἐν τῷ Καίσαρος ναῷ.”" "
18.159 καὶ τότε μὲν πείσεσθαι τοῖς κεκελευσμένοις προσποιητὸς ἦν, νυκτὸς δ' ἐπιγενομένης κόψας τὰ ἀπόγεια ᾤχετο ἐπ' ̓Αλεξανδρείας πλέων. ἔνθα ̓Αλεξάνδρου δεῖται τοῦ ἀλαβάρχου μυριάδας εἴκοσι δάνειον αὐτῷ δοῦναι. ὁ δ' ἐκείνῳ μὲν οὐκ ἂν ἔφη παρασχεῖν, Κύπρῳ δὲ οὐκ ἠρνεῖτο τήν τε φιλανδρίαν αὐτῆς καταπεπληγμένος καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν ἅπασαν ἀρετήν." "
18.203 εὑρίσκετο δ' αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῦ Μάκρωνος στρατιωτῶν τε μετρίων ἀνδρῶν οἳ παραφυλάξειαν αὐτὸν ἐν φροντίσιν καὶ ἑκατοντάρχου τοῦ ἐφεστηξομένου τε ἐκείνοις καὶ συνδέτου ἐσομένου, λουτρά τε καθ' ἡμέραν συγκεχωρῆσθαι καὶ ἀπελευθέρων καὶ φίλων εἰσόδους τήν τε ἄλλην ῥᾳστώνην, ἣ τῷ σώματι γένοιτ' ἄν." 18.252 τοῦ δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἕτερα εἰπεῖν διὰ τὸ ἀντιφθέγξασθαι τὴν ἀλήθειαν, εἰπόντος εἶναι τὰ ὅπλα, πιστὰ ἡγούμενος εἶναι τὰ ἐπὶ τῇ ἀποστάσει κατηγορούμενα, τὴν τετραρχίαν ἀφελόμενος αὐτὸν προσθήκην τῇ ̓Αγρίππου βασιλείᾳ ποιεῖται καὶ τὰ χρήματα ὁμοίως τῷ ̓Αγρίππᾳ δίδωσιν, αὐτὸν δὲ φυγῇ ἀιδίῳ ἐζημίωσεν ἀποδείξας οἰκητήριον αὐτοῦ Λούγδουνον πόλιν τῆς Γαλλίας.
19.276 ̓Αντίοχον δὲ ἣν εἶχεν βασιλείαν ἀφελόμενος Κιλικίας μέρει τινὶ καὶ Κομμαγηνῇ δωρεῖται. λύει δὲ καὶ ̓Αλέξανδρον τὸν ἀλαβάρχην φίλον ἀρχαῖον αὐτῷ γεγονότα καὶ ̓Αντωνίαν αὐτοῦ ἐπιτροπεύσαντα τὴν μητέρα ὀργῇ τῇ Γαί̈ου δεδεμένον, καὶ αὐτοῦ υἱὸς Βερενίκην τὴν ̓Αγρίππου γαμεῖ θυγατέρα. 19.277 καὶ ταύτην μέν, τελευτᾷ γὰρ Μᾶρκος ὁ τοῦ ̓Αλεξάνδρου υἱὸς παρθένον λαβών, ἀδελφῷ τῷ αὐτοῦ ̓Αγρίππας ̔Ηρώδῃ δίδωσιν Χαλκίδος αὐτῷ τὴν βασιλείαν εἶναι αἰτησάμενος παρὰ Κλαυδίου. 20.201 ὅσοι δὲ ἐδόκουν ἐπιεικέστατοι τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν εἶναι καὶ περὶ τοὺς νόμους ἀκριβεῖς βαρέως ἤνεγκαν ἐπὶ τούτῳ καὶ πέμπουσιν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα κρύφα παρακαλοῦντες αὐτὸν ἐπιστεῖλαι τῷ ̓Ανάνῳ μηκέτι τοιαῦτα πράσσειν: μηδὲ γὰρ τὸ πρῶτον ὀρθῶς αὐτὸν πεποιηκέναι.' "20.202 τινὲς δ' αὐτῶν καὶ τὸν ̓Αλβῖνον ὑπαντιάζουσιν ἀπὸ τῆς ̓Αλεξανδρείας ὁδοιποροῦντα καὶ διδάσκουσιν, ὡς οὐκ ἐξὸν ἦν ̓Ανάνῳ χωρὶς τῆς ἐκείνου γνώμης καθίσαι συνέδριον." ' None | sup>
14.74 and he made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans, and took away those cities of Celesyria which the inhabitants of Judea had subdued, and put them under the government of the Roman president, and confined the whole nation, which had elevated itself so high before, within its own bounds. 14.75 Moreover, he rebuilt Gadara, which had been demolished a little before, to gratify Demetrius of Gadara, who was his freedman, and restored the rest of the cities, Hippos, and Scythopolis, and Pella, and Dios, and Samaria, as also Marissa, and Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa, to their own inhabitants:
14.91 and when he had settled matters with her, he brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him. And when he had ordained five councils, he distributed the nation into the same number of parts. So these councils governed the people; the first was at Jerusalem, the second at Gadara, the third at Amathus, the fourth at Jericho, and the fifth at Sepphoris in Galilee. So the Jews were now freed from monarchic authority, and were governed by an aristocracy.
14.98 2. Now when Gabinius was making an expedition against the Parthians, and had already passed over Euphrates, he changed his mind, and resolved to return into Egypt, in order to restore Ptolemy to his kingdom. This hath also been related elsewhere. 14.99 However, Antipater supplied his army, which he sent against Archelaus, with corn, and weapons, and money. He also made those Jews who were above Pelusium his friends and confederates, and had been the guardians of the passes that led into Egypt. 14.124 But Aristobulus had no enjoyment of what he hoped for from the power that was given him by Caesar; for those of Pompey’s party prevented it, and destroyed him by poison; and those of Caesar’s party buried him. His dead body also lay, for a good while, embalmed in honey, till Antony afterward sent it to Judea, and caused him to be buried in the royal sepulcher.
14.127 1. Now after Pompey was dead, and after that victory Caesar had gained over him, Antipater, who managed the Jewish affairs, became very useful to Caesar when he made war against Egypt, and that by the order of Hyrcanus; 14.128 for when Mithridates of Pergamus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was not able to continue his march through Pelusium, but obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater came to him, conducting three thousand of the Jews, armed men. He had also taken care the principal men of the Arabians should come to his assistance; 14.129 and on his account it was that all the Syrians assisted him also, as not willing to appear behindhand in their alacrity for Caesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus, and almost all the cities. 14.131 But it happened that the Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the country called Onion, would not let Antipater and Mithridates, with their soldiers, pass to Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come over with their party, because he was of the same people with them, and that chiefly by showing them the epistles of Hyrcanus the high priest, wherein he exhorted them to cultivate friendship with Caesar, and to supply his army with money, and all sorts of provisions which they wanted; 14.132 and accordingly, when they saw Antipater and the high priest of the same sentiments, they did as they were desired. And when the Jews about Memphis heard that these Jews were come over to Caesar, they also invited Mithridates to come to them; so he came and received them also into his army. 14.133 2. And when Mithridates had gone over all Delta, as the place is called, he came to a pitched battle with the enemy, near the place called the Jewish Camp. Now Mithridates had the right wing, and Antipater the left; 14.134 and when it came to a fight, that wing where Mithridates was gave way, and was likely to suffer extremely, unless Antipater had come running to him with his own soldiers along the shore, when he had already beaten the enemy that opposed him; so he delivered Mithridates, and put those Egyptians who had been too hard for him to flight. 14.135 He also took their camp, and continued in the pursuit of them. He also recalled Mithridates, who had been worsted, and was retired a great way off; of whose soldiers eight hundred fell, but of Antipater’s fifty. 14.136 So Mithridates sent an account of this battle to Caesar, and openly declared that Antipater was the author of this victory, and of his own preservation, insomuch that Caesar commended Antipater then, and made use of him all the rest of that war in the most hazardous undertakings; he happened also to be wounded in one of those engagements. 14.137 3. However, when Caesar, after some time, had finished that war, and was sailed away for Syria, he honored Antipater greatly, and confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood; and bestowed on Antipater the privilege of a citizen of Rome, and a freedom from taxes every where; 14.145 “Lucius Valerius, the son of Lucius the praetor, referred this to the senate, upon the Ides of December, in the temple of Concord. There were present at the writing of this decree Lucius Coponius, the son of Lucius of the Colline tribe, and Papirius of the Quirine tribe, 14.146 concerning the affairs which Alexander, the son of Jason, and Numenius, the son of Antiochus, and Alexander, the son of Dositheus, ambassadors of the Jews, good and worthy men, proposed, who came to renew that league of goodwill and friendship with the Romans which was in being before. 14.147 They also brought a shield of gold, as a mark of confederacy, valued at fifty thousand pieces of gold; and desired that letters might be given them, directed both to the free cities and to the kings, that their country and their havens might be at peace, and that no one among them might receive any injury. 14.148 It therefore pleased the senate to make a league of friendship and good-will with them, and to bestow on them whatsoever they stood in need of, and to accept of the shield which was brought by them. This was done in the ninth year of Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch, in the month Panemus.”
14.164 for indeed Antipater had contracted a friendship with the Roman emperors; and when he had prevailed with Hyrcanus to send them money, he took it to himself, and purloined the present intended, and sent it as if it were his own, and not Hyrcanus’s gift to them. 14.165 Hyrcanus heard of this his management, but took no care about it; nay, he rather was very glad of it. But the chief men of the Jews were therefore in fear, because they saw that Herod was a violent and bold man, and very desirous of acting tyrannically; so they came to Hyrcanus, and now accused Antipater openly, and said to him, “How long wilt thou be quiet under such actions as are now done? Or dost thou not see that Antipater and his sons have already seized upon the government, and that it is only the name of a king which is given thee? 14.166 But do not thou suffer these things to be hidden from thee, nor do thou think to escape danger by being so careless of thyself and of thy kingdom; for Antipater and his sons are not now stewards of thine affairs: do not thou deceive thyself with such a notion; they are evidently absolute lords;
14.168 4. Upon Hyrcanus hearing this, he complied with them. The mothers also of those that had been slain by Herod raised his indignation; for those women continued every day in the temple, persuading the king and the people that Herod might undergo a trial before the Sanhedrim for what he had done. 14.169 Hyrcanus was so moved by these complaints, that he summoned Herod to come to his trial for what was charged upon him. Accordingly he came; but his father had persuaded him to come not like a private man, but with a guard, for the security of his person; and that when he had settled the affairs of Galilee in the best manner he could for his own advantage, he should come to his trial, but still with a body of men sufficient for his security on his journey, yet so that he should not come with so great a force as might look like terrifying Hyrcanus, but still such a one as might not expose him naked and unguarded to his enemies. 14.171 But when Herod stood before the Sanhedrim, with his body of men about him, he affrighted them all, and no one of his former accusers durst after that bring any charge against him, but there was a deep silence, and nobody knew what was to be done. 14.172 When affairs stood thus, one whose name was Sameas, a righteous man he was, and for that reason above all fear, rose up, and said, “O you that are assessors with me, and O thou that art our king, I neither have ever myself known such a case, nor do I suppose that any one of you can name its parallel, that one who is called to take his trial by us ever stood in such a manner before us; but every one, whosoever he be, that comes to be tried by this Sanhedrim, presents himself in a submissive manner, and like one that is in fear of himself, and that endeavors to move us to compassion, with his hair dishevelled, and in a black and mourning garment: 14.173 but this admirable man Herod, who is accused of murder, and called to answer so heavy an accusation, stands here clothed in purple, and with the hair of his head finely trimmed, and with his armed men about him, that if we shall condemn him by our law, he may slay us, and by overbearing justice may himself escape death. 14.174 Yet do not I make this complaint against Herod himself; he is to be sure more concerned for himself than for the laws; but my complaint is against yourselves, and your king, who gave him a license so to do. However, take you notice, that God is great, and that this very man, whom you are going to absolve and dismiss, for the sake of Hyrcanus, will one day punish both you and your king himself also.” 14.175 Nor did Sameas mistake in any part of this prediction; for when Herod had received the kingdom, he slew all the members of this Sanhedrim, and Hyrcanus himself also, excepting Sameas, 14.176 for he had a great honor for him on account of his righteousness, and because, when the city was afterward besieged by Herod and Sosius, he persuaded the people to admit Herod into it; and told them that for their sins they would not be able to escape his hands:—which things will be related by us in their proper places. 14.177 5. But when Hyrcanus saw that the members of the Sanhedrim were ready to pronounce the sentence of death upon Herod, he put off the trial to another day, and sent privately to Herod, and advised him to fly out of the city, for that by this means he might escape. 14.178 So he retired to Damascus, as though he fled from the king; and when he had been with Sextus Caesar, and had put his own affairs in a sure posture, he resolved to do thus; that in case he were again summoned before the Sanhedrim to take his trial, he would not obey that summons. 14.179 Hereupon the members of the Sanhedrim had great indignation at this posture of affairs, and endeavored to persuade Hyrcanus that all these things were against him; which state of matters he was not ignorant of; but his temper was so unmanly, and so foolish, that he was able to do nothing at all. 14.181 but his father Antipater, and his brother Phasaelus, met him, and hindered him from assaulting Jerusalem. They also pacified his vehement temper, and persuaded him to do no overt action, but only to affright them with threatenings, and to proceed no further against one who had given him the dignity he had: 14.182 they also desired him not only to be angry that he was summoned, and obliged to come to his trial, but to remember withal how he was dismissed without condemnation, and how he ought to give Hyrcanus thanks for the same; and that he was not to regard only what was disagreeable to him, and be unthankful for his deliverance. 14.183 So they desired him to consider, that since it is God that turns the scales of war, there is great uncertainty in the issue of battles, and that therefore he ought of to expect the victory when he should fight with his king, and him that had supported him, and bestowed many benefits upon him, and had done nothing of itself very severe to him; for that his accusation, which was derived from evil counselors, and not from himself, had rather the suspicion of some severity, than any thing really severe in it. 14.184 Herod was persuaded by these arguments, and believed that it was sufficient for his future hopes to have made a show of his strength before the nation, and done no more to it—and in this state were the affairs of Judea at this time. 14.185 1. Now when Caesar was come to Rome, he was ready to sail into Africa to fight against Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus sent ambassadors to him, and by them desired that he would ratify that league of friendship and mutual alliance which was between them,
14.188 while there is no contradiction to be made against the decrees of the Romans, for they are laid up in the public places of the cities, and are extant still in the capitol, and engraven upon pillars of brass; nay, besides this, Julius Caesar made a pillar of brass for the Jews at Alexandria, and declared publicly that they were citizens of Alexandria. 14.191 I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. 14.192 It is as follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time, and high priest, have made this decree, with the approbation of the senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and this both now and in former times, both in peace and in war, as many of our generals have borne witness, 14.193 and came to our assistance in the last Alexandrian war, with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed himself superior in valor to all the rest of that army;— 14.194 for these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our particular friends. 14.195 I also ordain that he and his children retain whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or whatsoever favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter there arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will that he determine the same. And I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find us winter quarters, or that any money should be required of them.” 14.196 3. “The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured; 14.197 and that ambassadors be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, that may discourse with him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; and that a table of brass, containing the premises, be openly proposed in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple, engraven in Roman and Greek letters: 14.198 that this decree may also be communicated to the quaestors and praetors of the several cities, and to the friends of the Jews; and that the ambassadors may have presents made them; and that these decrees be sent every where.” 14.199 4. “Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath granted, That out of regard to the honor, and virtue, and kindness of the man, and for the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be high priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by the same right, and according to the same laws, by which their progenitors have held the priesthood.” 14.201 and that the Jews be allowed to deduct out of their tribute, every second year the land is let in the Sabbatic period, a corus of that tribute; and that the tribute they pay be not let to farm, nor that they pay always the same tribute.” 14.202 6. “Caius Caesar, imperator the second time, hath ordained, That all the country of the Jews, excepting Joppa, do pay a tribute yearly for the city Jerusalem, excepting the seventh, which they call the sabbatical year, because thereon they neither receive the fruits of their trees, nor do they sow their land; 14.203 and that they pay their tribute in Sidon on the second year of that sabbatical period, the fourth part of what was sown: and besides this, they are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons which they paid to their forefathers. 14.204 And that no one, neither president, nor lieutet, nor ambassador, raise auxiliaries within the bounds of Judea; nor may soldiers exact money of them for winter quarters, or under any other pretense; but that they be free from all sorts of injuries; 14.205 and that whatsoever they shall hereafter have, and are in possession of, or have bought, they shall retain them all. It is also our pleasure that the city Joppa, which the Jews had originally, when they made a league of friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them, as it formerly did; 14.206 and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his sons, have as tribute of that city from those that occupy the land for the country, and for what they export every year to Sidon, twenty thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year, the seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic year, excepted, whereon they neither plough, nor receive the product of their trees. 14.207 It is also the pleasure of the senate, that as to the villages which are in the great plain, which Hyrcanus and his forefathers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the Jews have them with the same privileges with which they formerly had them also; 14.208 and that the same original ordices remain still in force which concern the Jews with regard to their high priests; and that they enjoy the same benefits which they have had formerly by the concession of the people, and of the senate; and let them enjoy the like privileges in Lydda. 14.209 It is the pleasure also of the senate that Hyrcanus the ethnarch, and the Jews, retain those places, countries, and villages which belonged to the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, the confederates of the Romans, and which they had bestowed on them as their free gifts.
14.213 8. “Julius Caius, praetor consul of Rome, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Parians, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Delos, and some other Jews that sojourn there, in the presence of your ambassadors, signified to us, that, by a decree of yours, you forbid them to make use of the customs of their forefathers, and their way of sacred worship. 14.214 Now it does not please me that such decrees should be made against our friends and confederates, whereby they are forbidden to live according to their own customs, or to bring in contributions for common suppers and holy festivals, while they are not forbidden so to do even at Rome itself; 14.215 for even Caius Caesar, our imperator and consul, in that decree wherein he forbade the Bacchanal rioters to meet in the city, did yet permit these Jews, and these only, both to bring in their contributions, and to make their common suppers. 14.216 Accordingly, when I forbid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these Jews to gather themselves together, according to the customs and laws of their forefathers, and to persist therein. It will be therefore good for you, that if you have made any decree against these our friends and confederates, to abrogate the same, by reason of their virtue and kind disposition towards us.” 14.217 9. Now after Caius was slain, when Marcus Antonius and Publius Dolabella were consuls, they both assembled the senate, and introduced Hyrcanus’s ambassadors into it, and discoursed of what they desired, and made a league of friendship with them. The senate also decreed to grant them all they desired. 14.218 I add the decree itself, that those who read the present work may have ready by them a demonstration of the truth of what we say. The decree was this: 14.219 10. “The decree of the senate, copied out of the treasury, from the public tables belonging to the quaestors, when Quintus Rutilius and Caius Cornelius were quaestors, and taken out of the second table of the first class, on the third day before the Ides of April, in the temple of Concord. 14.221 Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, the consuls, made this reference to the senate, that as to those things which, by the decree of the senate, Caius Caesar had adjudged about the Jews, and yet had not hitherto that decree been brought into the treasury, it is our will, as it is also the desire of Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, our consuls, to have these decrees put into the public tables, and brought to the city quaestors, that they may take care to have them put upon the double tables. 14.222 This was done before the fifth of the Ides of February, in the temple of Concord. Now the ambassadors from Hyrcanus the high priest were these: Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Alexander, the son of Theodorus, Patroclus, the son of Chereas, and Jonathan the son of Onias.” 14.223 11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers, and to permit them to live according to them. 14.224 And when Dolabella had received Hyrcanus’s letter, without any further deliberation, he sent an epistle to all the Asiatics, and particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the metropolis of Asia, about the Jews; a copy of which epistle here follows: 14.225 12. “When Artermon was prytanis, on the first day of the month Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate, and magistrates, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. 14.226 Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the Sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers;— 14.227 I do therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the former prefects have done, and permit them to use the customs of their forefathers, in assembling together for sacred and religious purposes, as their law requires, and for collecting oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my will is, that you write this to the several cities under your jurisdiction.” 14.228 13. And these were the concessions that Dolabella made to our nation when Hyrcanus sent an embassage to him. But Lucius the consul’s decree ran thus: “I have at my tribunal set these Jews, who are citizens of Rome, and follow the Jewish religious rites, and yet live at Ephesus, free from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under. This was done before the twelfth of the calends of October, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius Marcellus were consuls, 14.229 in the presence of Titus Appius Balgus, the son of Titus, and lieutet of the Horatian tribe; of Titus Tongins, the son of Titus, of the Crustumine tribe; of Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus; of Titus Pompeius Longinus, the son of Titus; of Catus Servilius, the son of Caius, of the Terentine tribe; of Bracchus the military tribune; of Publius Lucius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe; of Caius Sentius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe;
14.231 14. The decree of the Delians. “The answer of the praetors, when Beotus was archon, on the twentieth day of the month Thargeleon. While Marcus Piso the lieutet lived in our city, who was also appointed over the choice of the soldiers, he called us, and many other of the citizens, and gave order, 14.232 that if there be here any Jews who are Roman citizens, no one is to give them any disturbance about going into the army, because Cornelius Lentulus, the consul, freed the Jews from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under;—you are therefore obliged to submit to the praetor.” And the like decree was made by the Sardians about us also. 14.233 15. “Caius Phanius, the son of Caius, imperator and consul, to the magistrates of Cos, sendeth greeting. I would have you know that the ambassadors of the Jews have been with me, and desired they might have those decrees which the senate had made about them; which decrees are here subjoined. My will is, that you have a regard to and take care of these men, according to the senate’s decree, that they may be safely conveyed home through your country.” 14.234 16. The declaration of Lucius Lentulus the consul: “I have dismissed those Jews who are Roman citizens, and who appear to me to have their religious rites, and to observe the laws of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under. This act was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October.” 14.235 17. “Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus, vice-quaestor, and vice-praetor, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Those Jews that are our fellowcitizens of Rome came to me, and demonstrated that they had an assembly of their own, according to the laws of their forefathers, and this from the beginning, as also a place of their own, wherein they determined their suits and controversies with one another. Upon their petition therefore to me, that these might be lawful for them, I gave order that these their privileges be preserved, and they be permitted to do accordingly.” 14.236 18. The declaration of Marcus Publius, the son of Spurius, and of Marcus, the son of Marcus, and of Lucius, the son of Publius: “We went to the proconsul, and informed him of what Dositheus, the son of Cleopatrida of Alexandria, desired, that, if he thought good, 14.237 he would dismiss those Jews who were Roman citizens, and were wont to observe the rites of the Jewish religion, on account of the superstition they were under. Accordingly, he did dismiss them. This was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October.”14.238 and there were present Titus Appius Balbus, the son of Titus, lieutet of the Horatian tribe, Titus Tongius of the Crustumine tribe, Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus, Titus Pompeius, the son of Titus, Cornelius Longinus, Caius Servilius Bracchus, the son of Caius, a military tribune, of the Terentine tribe, Publius Clusius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe, Caius Teutius, the son of Caius, a milital tribune, of the EmilJan tribe, Sextus Atilius Serranus, the son of Sextus, of the Esquiline tribe, 14.239 Caius Pompeius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe, Titus Appius Meder, the son of Titus, Publius Servilius Strabo, the son of Publius, Lucius Paccius Capito, the son of Lucius, of the Colline tribe, Aulus Furius Tertius, the son of Aulus, and Appius Menus. 14.241 20. “The magistrates of the Laodiceans to Caius Rubilius, the son of Caius, the consul, sendeth greeting. Sopater, the ambassador of Hyrcanus the high priest, hath delivered us an epistle from thee, whereby he lets us know that certain ambassadors were come from Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and brought an epistle written concerning their nation, 14.242 wherein they desire that the Jews may be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and other sacred rites, according to the laws of their forefathers, and that they may be under no command, because they are our friends and confederates, and that nobody may injure them in our provinces. Now although the Trallians there present contradicted them, and were not pleased with these decrees, yet didst thou give order that they should be observed, and informedst us that thou hadst been desired to write this to us about them. 14.243 We therefore, in obedience to the injunctions we have received from thee, have received the epistle which thou sentest us, and have laid it up by itself among our public records. And as to the other things about which thou didst send to us, we will take care that no complaint be made against us.” 14.244 21. “Publius Servilius, the son of Publius, of the Galban tribe, the proconsul, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Milesians, sendeth greeting. 14.245 Prytanes, the son of Hermes, a citizen of yours, came to me when I was at Tralles, and held a court there, and informed me that you used the Jews in a way different from my opinion, and forbade them to celebrate their Sabbaths, and to perform the sacred rites received from their forefathers, and to manage the fruits of the land, according to their ancient custom; and that he had himself been the promulger of your decree, according as your laws require: 14.246 I would therefore have you know, that upon hearing the pleadings on both sides, I gave sentence that the Jews should not be prohibited to make use of their own customs.” 14.247 22. The decree of those of Pergamus. “When Cratippus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Desius, the decree of the praetors was this: Since the Romans, following the conduct of their ancestors, undertake dangers for the common safety of all mankind, and are ambitious to settle their confederates and friends in happiness, and in firm peace, 14.248 and since the nation of the Jews, and their high priest Hyrcanus, sent as ambassadors to them, Strato, the son of Theodatus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and Eneas, the son of Antipater, 14.249 and Aristobulus, the son of Amyntas, and Sosipater, the son of Philip, worthy and good men, who gave a particular account of their affairs, the senate thereupon made a decree about what they had desired of them, that Antiochus the king, the son of Antiochus, should do no injury to the Jews, the confederates of the Romans; and that the fortresses, and the havens, and the country, and whatsoever else he had taken from them, should be restored to them; and that it may be lawful for them to export their goods out of their own havens; 14.251 Now Lucius Pettius, one of our senators, a worthy and good man, gave order that we should take care that these things should be done according to the senate’s decree; and that we should take care also that their ambassadors might return home in safety. 14.252 Accordingly, we admitted Theodorus into our senate and assembly, and took the epistle out of his hands, as well as the decree of the senate. And as he discoursed with great zeal about the Jews, and described Hyrcanus’s virtue and generosity, 14.253 and how he was a benefactor to all men in common, and particularly to every body that comes to him, we laid up the epistle in our public records; and made a decree ourselves, that since we also are in confederacy with the Romans, we would do every thing we could for the Jews, according to the senate’s decree. 14.254 Theodorus also, who brought the epistle, desired of our praetors, that they would send Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, as also ambassadors to signify to him the affection of our people to him, and to exhort them to preserve and augment their friendship for us, and be ready to bestow other benefits upon us, 14.255 as justly expecting to receive proper requitals from us; and desiring them to remember that our ancestors were friendly to the Jews even in the days of Abraham, who was the father of all the Hebrews, as we have also found it set down in our public records.” 14.256 23. The decree of those of Halicarnassus. “When Memnon, the son of Orestidas by descent, but by adoption of Euonymus, was priest, on the —— day of the month Aristerion, the decree of the people, upon the representation of Marcus Alexander, was this: 14.257 Since we have ever a great regard to piety towards God, and to holiness; and since we aim to follow the people of the Romans, who are the benefactors of all men, and what they have written to us about a league of friendship and mutual assistance between the Jews and our city, and that their sacred offices and accustomed festivals and assemblies may be observed by them; 14.258 we have decreed, that as many men and women of the Jews as are willing so to do, may celebrate their Sabbaths, and perform their holy offices, according to the Jewish laws; and may make their proseuchae at the sea-side, according to the customs of their forefathers; and if any one, whether he be a magistrate or private person, hindereth them from so doing, he shall be liable to a fine, to be applied to the uses of the city.” 14.259 24. The decree of the Sardians. “This decree was made by the senate and people, upon the representation of the praetors: Whereas those Jews who are fellowcitizens, and live with us in this city, have ever had great benefits heaped upon them by the people, and have come now into the senate, 14.261 Now the senate and people have decreed to permit them to assemble together on the days formerly appointed, and to act according to their own laws; and that such a place be set apart for them by the praetors, for the building and inhabiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for that purpose; and that those that take care of the provision for the city, shall take care that such sorts of food as they esteem fit for their eating may be imported into the city.” 14.262 25. The decree of the Ephesians. “When Menophilus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Artemisius, this decree was made by the people: Nicanor, the son of Euphemus, pronounced it, upon the representation of the praetors. 14.263 Since the Jews that dwell in this city have petitioned Marcus Julius Pompeius, the son of Brutus, the proconsul, that they might be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and to act in all things according to the customs of their forefathers, without impediment from any body, the praetor hath granted their petition. 14.264 Accordingly, it was decreed by the senate and people, that in this affair that concerned the Romans, no one of them should be hindered from keeping the Sabbath day, nor be fined for so doing, but that they may be allowed to do all things according to their own laws.”
14.266 for since we have produced evident marks that may still be seen of the friendship we have had with the Romans, and demonstrated that those marks are engraven upon columns and tables of brass in the capitol, that axe still in being, and preserved to this day, we have omitted to set them all down, as needless and disagreeable;
14.268 1. Now it so fell out, that about this very time the affairs of Syria were in great disorder, and this on the occasion following: Cecilius Bassus, one of Pompey’s party, laid a treacherous design against Sextus Caesar, and slew him, and then took his army, and got the management of public affairs into his own hand; so there arose a great war about Apamia, while Caesar’s generals came against him with an army of horsemen and footmen; 14.269 to these Antipater also sent succors, and his sons with them, as calling to mind the kindnesses they had received from Caesar, and on that account he thought it but just to require punishment for him, and to take vengeance on the man that had murdered him.
14.271 2. As the war that arose upon the death of Caesar was now begun, and the principal men were all gone, some one way, and some another, to raise armies, Cassius came from Rome into Syria, in order to receive the army that lay in the camp at Apamia; 14.272 and having raised the siege, he brought over both Bassus and Marcus to his party. He then went over the cities, and got together weapons and soldiers, and laid great taxes upon those cities; and he chiefly oppressed Judea, and exacted of it seven hundred talents: 14.273 but Antipater, when he saw the state to be in so great consternation and disorder, he divided the collection of that sum, and appointed his two sons to gather it; and so that part of it was to be exacted by Malichus, who was ill-disposed to him, and part by others. 14.274 And because Herod did exact what is required of him from Galilee before others, he was in the greatest favor with Cassius; for he thought it a part of prudence to cultivate a friendship with the Romans, and to gain their goodwill at the expense of others; 14.275 whereas the curators of the other cities, with their citizens, were sold for slaves; and Cassius reduced four cities into a state of slavery, the two most potent of which were Gophna and Emmaus; and, besides these, Lydia and Thamna. 14.276 Nay, Cassius was so very angry at Malichus, that he had killed him, (for he assaulted him,) had not Hyrcanus, by the means of Antipater, sent him a hundred talents of his own, and thereby pacified his anger against him.
14.279 and made an agreement with him: this was when Marcus was president of Syria; who yet perceiving that this Malichus was making a disturbance in Judea, proceeded so far that he had almost killed him; but still, at the intercession of Antipater, he saved him.
14.284 o he accepted of Malichus’s defense for himself, and pretended to believe him that he had had no hand in the violent death of Antipater his father, but erected a fine monument for him. Herod also went to Samaria; and when he found them in great distress, he revived their spirits, and composed their differences.
14.295 but Herod went to Fabius, the prefect of Damascus, and was desirous to run to his brother’s assistance, but was hindered by a distemper that seized upon him, till Phasaelus by himself had been too hard for Felix, and had shut him up in the tower, and there, on certain conditions, dismissed him. Phasaelus also complained of Hyrcanus, that although he had received a great many benefits from them, yet did he support their enemies; 14.296 for Malichus’s brother had made many places to revolt, and kept garrisons in them, and particularly Masada, the strongest fortress of them all. In the mean time, Herod was recovered of his disease, and came and took from Felix all the places he had gotten; and, upon certain conditions, dismissed him also. 14.297 1. Now Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, brought back into Judea Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, who had already raised an army, and had, by money, made Fabius to be his friend, add this because he was of kin to him. Marion also gave him assistance. He had been left by Cassius to tyrannize over Tyre; for this Cassius was a man that seized on Syria, and then kept it under, in the way of a tyrant. 14.298 Marion also marched into Galilee, which lay in his neighborhood, and took three of his fortresses, and put garrisons into them to keep them. But when Herod came, he took all from him; but the Tyrian garrison he dismissed in a very civil manner; nay, to some of the soldiers he made presents out of the good-will he bare to that city. 14.299 When he had despatched these affairs, and was gone to meet Antigonus, he joined battle with him, and beat him, and drove him out of Judea presently, when he was just come into its borders. But when he was come to Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and the people put garlands about his head;
14.304 But still, when Antony was come to Ephesus, Hyrcanus the high priest, and our nation, sent an embassage to him, which carried a crown of gold with them, and desired that he would write to the governors of the provinces, to set those Jews free who had been carried captive by Cassius, and this without their having fought against him, and to restore them that country, which, in the days of Cassius, had been taken from them.
14.305 Antony thought the Jews’ desires were just, and wrote immediately to Hyrcanus, and to the Jews. He also sent, at the same time, a decree to the Tyrians; the contents of which were to the same purpose.
14.306 3. “Marcus Antonius, imperator, to Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, sendeth greeting. It you be in health, it is well; I am also in health, with the army.
14.307 Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, and Josephus, the son of Menneus, and Alexander, the son of Theodorus, your ambassadors, met me at Ephesus, and have renewed the embassage which they had formerly been upon at Rome, and have diligently acquitted themselves of the present embassage, which thou and thy nation have intrusted to them, and have fully declared the goodwill thou hast for us.
14.308 I am therefore satisfied, both by your actions and your words, that you are well-disposed to us; and I understand that your conduct of life is constant and religious: so I reckon upon you as our own.
14.309 But when those that were adversaries to you, and to the Roman people, abstained neither from cities nor temples, and did not observe the agreement they had confirmed by oath, it was not only on account of our contest with them, but on account of all mankind in common, that we have taken vengeance on those who have been the authors of great injustice towards men, and of great wickedness towards the gods; for the sake of which we suppose that it was that the sun turned away his light from us, as unwilling to view the horrid crime they were guilty of in the case of Caesar.
14.311 Now Brutus, when he had fled as far as Philippi, was shut up by us, and became a partaker of the same perdition with Cassius; and now these have received their punishment, we suppose that we may enjoy peace for the time to come, and that Asia may be at rest from war. 14.312 We therefore make that peace which God hath given us common to our confederates also, insomuch that the body of Asia is now recovered out of that distemper it was under by the means of our victory. I, therefore, bearing in mind both thee and your nation, shall take care of what may be for your advantage. 14.313 I have also sent epistles in writing to the several cities, that if any persons, whether free-men or bond-men, have been sold under the spear by Caius Cassius, or his subordinate officers, they may be set free. And I will that you kindly make use of the favors which I and Dolabella have granted you. I also forbid the Tyrians to use any violence with you; and for what places of the Jews they now possess, I order them to restore them. I have withal accepted of the crown which thou sentest me.” 14.314 4. “Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. The ambassadors of Hyrcanus, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me at Ephesus, and told me that you are in possession of part of their country, which you entered upon under the government of our adversaries. 14.315 Since, therefore, we have undertaken a war for the obtaining the government, and have taken care to do what was agreeable to piety and justice, and have brought to punishment those that had neither any remembrance of the kindnesses they had received, nor have kept their oaths, I will that you be at peace with those that are our confederates; as also, that what you have taken by the means of our adversaries shall not be reckoned your own, but be returned to those from whom you took them; 14.316 for none of them took their provinces or their armies by the gift of the senate, but they seized them by force, and bestowed them by violence upon such as became useful to them in their unjust proceedings.
16.45 Now our adversaries take these our privileges away in the way of injustice; they violently seize upon that money of ours which is owed to God, and called sacred money, and this openly, after a sacrilegious manner; and they impose tributes upon us, and bring us before tribunals on holy days, and then require other like debts of us, not because the contracts require it, and for their own advantage, but because they would put an affront on our religion, of which they are conscious as well as we, and have indulged themselves in an unjust, and to them involuntary, hatred;
16.162 2. “Caesar Augustus, high priest and tribune of the people, ordains thus: Since the nation of the Jews hath been found grateful to the Roman people, not only at this time, but in time past also, and chiefly Hyrcanus the high priest, under my father Caesar the emperor, 16.163 it seemed good to me and my counselors, according to the sentence and oath of the people of Rome, that the Jews have liberty to make use of their own customs, according to the law of their forefathers, as they made use of them under Hyrcanus the high priest of the Almighty God; and that their sacred money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and that it be committed to the care of the receivers at Jerusalem; and that they be not obliged to go before any judge on the Sabbath day, nor on the day of the preparation to it, after the ninth hour. 16.164 But if any one be caught stealing their holy books, or their sacred money, whether it be out of the synagogue or public school, he shall be deemed a sacrilegious person, and his goods shall be brought into the public treasury of the Romans. 16.165 And I give order that the testimonial which they have given me, on account of my regard to that piety which I exercise toward all mankind, and out of regard to Caius Marcus Censorinus, together with the present decree, be proposed in that most eminent place which hath been consecrated to me by the community of Asia at Ancyra. And if any one transgress any part of what is above decreed, he shall be severely punished.” This was inscribed upon a pillar in the temple of Caesar.
18.159 He then pretended that he would do as he bid him; but when night came on, he cut his cables, and went off, and sailed to Alexandria, where he desired Alexander the alabarch to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae; but he said he would not lend it to him, but would not refuse it to Cypros, as greatly astonished at her affection to her husband, and at the other instances of her virtue;
18.203 yet did she procure of Macro, that the soldiers that kept him should be of a gentle nature, and that the centurion who was over them and was to diet with him, should be of the same disposition, and that he might have leave to bathe himself every day, and that his freed-men and friends might come to him, and that other things that tended to ease him might be indulged him.
18.252 and when he confessed there was such armor there, for he could not deny the same, the truth of it being too notorious, Caius took that to be a sufficient proof of the accusation, that he intended to revolt. So he took away from him his tetrarchy, and gave it by way of addition to Agrippa’s kingdom; he also gave Herod’s money to Agrippa, and, by way of punishment, awarded him a perpetual banishment, and appointed Lyons, a city of Gaul, to be his place of habitation.
19.276 he also took away from Antiochus that kingdom which he was possessed of, but gave him a certain part of Cilicia and Commagena: he also set Alexander Lysimachus, the alabarch, at liberty, who had been his old friend, and steward to his mother Antonia, but had been imprisoned by Caius, whose son Marcus married Bernice, the daughter of Agrippa. 19.277 But when Marcus, Alexander’s son, was dead, who had married her when she was a virgin, Agrippa gave her in marriage to his brother Herod, and begged for him of Claudius the kingdom of Chalcis. 20.201 but as for those who seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and such as were the most uneasy at the breach of the laws, they disliked what was done; they also sent to the king Agrippa, desiring him to send to Aus that he should act so no more, for that what he had already done was not to be justified; 20.202 nay, some of them went also to meet Albinus, as he was upon his journey from Alexandria, and informed him that it was not lawful for Aus to assemble a sanhedrim without his consent.' ' None |
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72. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.19, 1.123-1.127, 1.153-1.154, 1.157, 1.166, 1.175, 1.180, 1.183-1.187, 1.199-1.200, 1.208-1.211, 1.218, 1.220-1.222, 1.236-1.239, 1.537, 2.182-2.183, 2.495 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Antipater father of Herod, and Caesar • Antipater father of Herod, and Caesar, Antipater exempted from taxes by Caesar • Antipater father of Herod, and Caesar, Antipater granted Roman citizenship by Caesar and named procurator • Antipater father of Herod, and Caesar, Antipaters support for Caesar in Egypt • Antipater father of Herod, and Caesar, Antipaters support of Caesar against Pompeians • Appian, on Caesars tax reform in Asia • Caesar • Caesar Augustus • Caesar, Julius • Diaspora, Caesars grants and • Dolabella (P. Cornelius), grants made to Jews by Caesar confirmed by • Esdraelon, plain of (Valley of Jezreel) as great plain, , as returned to Jews by Caesar • Hyrcanus II, and Caesar, H. confirmed by C. as high priest and ethnarch • Hyrcanus II, and Caesar, H. not made king by C. • Hyrcanus II, and Caesar, H. supporting C. against Pompeians • Hyrcanus II, and Caesar, concessions of C. to • Hyrcanus II, supporting Caesar in Egypt • Jewish state, and Caesar • Jewish state, and Caesar, grants to, by Caesar • Jewish state, not granted immunity from tribute by Caesar, • Joppa, Caesars territorial grant of • Josephus, on Jewish state, grants to, by Caesar • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, Alexandrian campaign of • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar asking for percentage of annual produce from Judea • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar confirming Hyrcanus as high priest and ethnarch • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar exempting Antipater from taxation • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar favorable to Judea • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Jews legal right to live according to customs • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Judea immunity from military service, billeting, and requisitioned transport • Julius Caesar, and Jews, Caesar granting Roman citizenship to Antipater and naming him procurator • Julius Caesar, and Jews, decrees of C. concerning Jewish state • Julius Caesar, and Jews, publicani removed from Judea by • Julius Caesar, demands of • Julius Caesar, favors of • Julius Caesar, letter of, to Sidonians • Julius Caesar, titles of • Sextus Caesar (governor of Syria), assassinated by Caecilius Bassus • Sextus Caesar (governor of Syria), intervening on behalf of Herod • Syria, Julius Caesar in • favors, of Caesar • made king by Caesar • publicani (tax companies), abolished from Judea by Julius Caesar • senatus consulta, confirming Caesars grants to Jewish state (
Found in books: Augoustakis et al. (2021), Fides in Flavian Literature, 47; Czajkowski et al. (2020), Vitruvian Man: Rome under Construction, 89; Eckhardt (2011), Jewish Identity and Politics Between the Maccabees and Bar Kokhba: Groups, Normativity, and Rituals. 119, 120, 135, 136; Eckhardt (2019), Benedict, Private Associations and Jewish Communities in the Hellenistic and Roman Cities, 93; Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 92; Keddie (2019), Class and Power in Roman Palestine: The Socioeconomic Setting of Judaism and Christian Origins, 116; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 2, 3; Udoh (2006), To Caesar What Is Caesar's: Tribute, Taxes, and Imperial Administration in Early Roman Palestine 63 B.C.E to 70 B.C.E, 29, 31, 34, 35, 37, 38, 41, 43, 56, 61, 63, 80, 100, 110, 130, 131, 133, 135, 136; van Maaren (2022), The Boundaries of Jewishness in the Southern Levant 200 BCE–132 CE, 170, 171, 176
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1.19 Καὶ τὸ Πηλούσιον μὲν ἑάλω, πρόσω δ' αὐτὸν ἰόντα εἶργον αὖθις οἱ τὴν ̓Ονίου προσαγορευομένην χώραν κατέχοντες: ἦσαν δὲ ̓Ιουδαῖοι Αἰγύπτιοι. τούτους ̓Αντίπατρος οὐ μόνον μὴ κωλύειν ἔπεισεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τῇ δυνάμει παρασχεῖν: ὅθεν οὐδὲ οἱ κατὰ Μέμφιν ἔτι εἰς χεῖρας ἦλθον, ἑκούσιοι δὲ προσέθεντο Μιθριδάτῃ." "
1.19 ὡς ̓Αντίοχος ὁ κληθεὶς ̓Επιφανὴς ἑλὼν κατὰ κράτος ̔Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ κατασχὼν ἔτεσι τρισὶ καὶ μησὶν ἓξ ὑπὸ τῶν ̓Ασαμωναίου παίδων ἐκβάλλεται τῆς χώρας, ἔπειθ' ὡς οἱ τούτων ἔγγονοι περὶ τῆς βασιλείας διαστασιάσαντες εἵλκυσαν εἰς τὰ πράγματα ̔Ρωμαίους καὶ Πομπήιον. καὶ ὡς ̔Ηρώδης ὁ ̓Αντιπάτρου κατέλυσε τὴν δυναστείαν αὐτῶν ἐπαγαγὼν Σόσσιον," "
1.123 Δέος δὲ τοῖς τε ἄλλοις τῶν ̓Αριστοβούλου διαφόρων ἐμπίπτει παρ' ἐλπίδα κρατήσαντος καὶ μάλιστα ̓Αντιπάτρῳ πάλαι διαμισουμένῳ. γένος δ' ἦν ̓Ιδουμαῖος προγόνων τε ἕνεκα καὶ πλούτου καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἰσχύος πρωτεύων τοῦ ἔθνους." "1.124 οὗτος ἅμα καὶ τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν ̓Αρέτᾳ προσφυγόντα τῷ βασιλεῖ τῆς ̓Αραβίας ἀνακτήσασθαι τὴν βασιλείαν ἔπειθεν καὶ τὸν ̓Αρέταν δέξασθαί τε τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν καὶ καταγαγεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχήν, πολλὰ μὲν τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον εἰς τὸ ἦθος διαβάλλων, πολλὰ δ' ἐπαινῶν τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν παρῄνει δέξασθαι, καὶ ὡς πρέπον εἴη τὸν οὕτω λαμπρᾶς προεστῶτα βασιλείας ὑπερέχειν χεῖρα τῷ ἀδικουμένῳ: ἀδικεῖσθαι δὲ τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν στερηθέντα τῆς κατὰ τὸ πρεσβεῖον αὐτῷ προσηκούσης ἀρχῆς." '1.125 προκατασκευάσας δὲ ἀμφοτέρους, νύκτωρ ἀναλαβὼν τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως ἀποδιδράσκει καὶ συντόνῳ φυγῇ χρώμενος εἰς τὴν καλουμένην Πέτραν διασώζεται: βασίλειον αὕτη τῆς ̓Αραβίας ἐστίν.' "1.126 ἔνθα τῷ ̓Αρέτᾳ τὸν ̔Υρκανὸν ἐγχειρίσας καὶ πολλὰ μὲν καθομιλήσας, πολλοῖς δὲ δώροις ὑπελθὼν δοῦναι δύναμιν αὐτῷ πείθει τὴν κατάξουσαν αὐτόν: ἦν δ' αὕτη πεζῶν τε καὶ ἱππέων πέντε μυριάδες, πρὸς ἣν οὐκ ἀντέσχεν ̓Αριστόβουλος, ἀλλ' ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ συμβολῇ λειφθεὶς εἰς ̔Ιεροσόλυμα συνελαύνεται." "1.127 κἂν ἔφθη κατὰ κράτος ληφθείς, εἰ μὴ Σκαῦρος ὁ ̔Ρωμαίων στρατηγὸς ἐπαναστὰς αὐτῶν τοῖς καιροῖς ἔλυσε τὴν πολιορκίαν: ὃς ἐπέμφθη μὲν εἰς Συρίαν ἀπὸ ̓Αρμενίας ὑπὸ Πομπηίου Μάγνου πολεμοῦντος πρὸς Τιγράνην, παραγενόμενος δὲ εἰς Δαμασκὸν ἑαλωκυῖαν προσφάτως ὑπὸ Μετέλλου καὶ Λολλίου καὶ τούτους μεταστήσας, ἐπειδὴ τὰ κατὰ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν ἐπύθετο, καθάπερ ἐφ' ἕρμαιον ἠπείχθη." "
1.153 οὔτε δὲ τούτων οὔτε ἄλλου τινὸς τῶν ἱερῶν κειμηλίων ἥψατο, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετὰ μίαν τῆς ἁλώσεως ἡμέραν καθᾶραι τὸ ἱερὸν τοῖς νεωκόροις προσέταξεν καὶ τὰς ἐξ ἔθους ἐπιτελεῖν θυσίας. αὖθις δ' ἀποδείξας ̔Υρκανὸν ἀρχιερέα τά τε ἄλλα προθυμότατον ἑαυτὸν ἐν τῇ πολιορκίᾳ παρασχόντα καὶ διότι τὸ κατὰ τὴν χώραν πλῆθος ἀπέστησεν ̓Αριστοβούλῳ συμπολεμεῖν ὡρμημένον, ἐκ τούτων, ὅπερ ἦν προσῆκον ἀγαθῷ στρατηγῷ, τὸν λαὸν εὐνοίᾳ πλέον ἢ δέει προσηγάγετο." "1.154 ἐν δὲ τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις ἐλήφθη καὶ ὁ ̓Αριστοβούλου πενθερός, ὁ δ' αὐτὸς ἦν καὶ θεῖος αὐτῷ. καὶ τοὺς αἰτιωτάτους μὲν τοῦ πολέμου πελέκει κολάζει, Φαῦστον δὲ καὶ τοὺς μετ' αὐτοῦ γενναίως ἀγωνισαμένους λαμπροῖς ἀριστείοις δωρησάμενος τῇ τε χώρᾳ καὶ τοῖς ̔Ιεροσολύμοις ἐπιτάσσει φόρον." 1.157 ἃς πάσας τοῖς γνησίοις ἀποδοὺς πολίταις κατέταξεν εἰς τὴν Συριακὴν ἐπαρχίαν. παραδοὺς δὲ ταύτην τε καὶ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν καὶ τὰ μέχρις Αἰγύπτου καὶ Εὐφράτου Σκαύρῳ διέπειν καὶ δύο τῶν ταγμάτων, αὐτὸς διὰ Κιλικίας εἰς ̔Ρώμην ἠπείγετο τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον ἄγων μετὰ τῆς γενεᾶς αἰχμάλωτον.' "
1.166 συνεπολίσθησαν γοῦν τούτου κελεύσαντος Σκυθόπολίς τε καὶ Σαμάρεια καὶ ̓Ανθηδὼν καὶ ̓Απολλωνία καὶ ̓Ιάμνεια καὶ ̔Ράφεια Μάρισά τε καὶ ̓Αδώρεος καὶ Γάβαλα καὶ ̓́Αζωτος καὶ ἄλλαι πολλαί, τῶν οἰκητόρων ἀσμένως ἐφ' ἑκάστην συνθεόντων." "
1.175 Γαβινίῳ δ' ἐπὶ Πάρθους ὡρμημένῳ στρατεύειν γίνεται Πτολεμαῖος ἐμπόδιον: ὃς ὑποστρέψας ἀπ' Εὐφράτου κατῆγεν εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἐπιτηδείοις εἰς ἅπαντα χρώμενος κατὰ τὴν στρατείαν ̔Υρκανῷ καὶ ̓Αντιπάτρῳ: καὶ γὰρ χρήματα καὶ ὅπλα καὶ σῖτον καὶ ἐπικούρους ̓Αντίπατρος προσῆγεν, καὶ τοὺς ταύτῃ ̓Ιουδαίους φρουροῦντας τὰς κατὰ τὸ Πηλούσιον ἐμβολὰς παρεῖναι Γαβίνιον ἔπεισεν." "
1.183 Καῖσαρ δὲ Πομπηίου καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου φυγόντων ὑπὲρ τὸν ̓Ιόνιον ̔Ρώμης καὶ τῶν ὅλων κρατήσας ἀνίησι μὲν τῶν δεσμῶν τὸν ̓Αριστόβουλον, παραδοὺς δ' αὐτῷ δύο τάγματα κατὰ τάχος ἔπεμψεν εἰς Συρίαν, ταύτην τε ῥᾳδίως ἐλπίσας καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν ̓Ιουδαίαν δι' αὐτοῦ προσάξεσθαι." "1.184 φθάνει δ' ὁ φθόνος καὶ τὴν ̓Αριστοβούλου προθυμίαν καὶ τὰς Καίσαρος ἐλπίδας: φαρμάκῳ γοῦν ἀναιρεθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν τὰ Πομπηίου φρονούντων μέχρι πολλοῦ μὲν οὐδὲ ταφῆς ἐν τῇ πατρῴᾳ χώρᾳ μετεῖχεν, ἔκειτο δὲ μέλιτι συντηρούμενος ὁ νεκρὸς αὐτοῦ, ἕως ὑπ' ̓Αντωνίου ̓Ιουδαίοις ἐπέμφθη τοῖς βασιλικοῖς μνημείοις ἐνταφησόμενος." "1.185 ̓Αναιρεῖται δὲ καὶ ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ ̓Αλέξανδρος πελέκει ὑπὸ Σκιπίωνος ἐν ̓Αντιοχείᾳ Πομπηίου τοῦτ' ἐπιστείλαντος καὶ γενομένης κατηγορίας πρὸ τοῦ βήματος ὧν ̔Ρωμαίους ἔβλαψεν. τοὺς δ' ἀδελφοὺς αὐτοῦ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Μενναίου παραλαβών, ὃς ἐκράτει τῆς ὑπὸ τῷ Λιβάνῳ Χαλκίδος, Φιλιππίωνα τὸν υἱὸν ἐπ' αὐτοὺς εἰς ̓Ασκάλωνα πέμπει." "1.186 κἀκεῖνος ἀποσπάσας τῆς ̓Αριστοβούλου γυναικὸς ̓Αντίγονον καὶ τὰς ἀδελφὰς αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸν πατέρα ἀνήγαγεν. ἁλοὺς δ' ἔρωτι γαμεῖ τὴν ἑτέραν καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς δι' αὐτὴν κτείνεται: γαμεῖ γὰρ Πτολεμαῖος τὴν ̓Αλεξάνδραν ἀνελὼν τὸν υἱὸν καὶ διὰ τὸν γάμον κηδεμονικώτερος αὐτὸς ἦν πρὸς τοὺς ἀδελφούς." "1.187 ̓Αντίπατρος δὲ μετὰ τὴν Πομπηίου τελευτὴν μεταβὰς ἐθεράπευεν Καίσαρα, κἀπειδὴ Μιθριδάτης ὁ Περγαμηνὸς μεθ' ἧς ἦγεν ἐπ' Αἴγυπτον δυνάμεως εἰργόμενος τῶν κατὰ τὸ Πηλούσιον ἐμβολῶν ἐν ̓Ασκάλωνι κατείχετο, τούς τε ̓́Αραβας ξένος ὢν ἔπεισεν ἐπικουρῆσαι καὶ αὐτὸς ἧκεν ἄγων ̓Ιουδαίων εἰς τρισχιλίους ὁπλίτας." "
1.199 Τούτων Καῖσαρ ἀκούσας ̔Υρκανὸν μὲν ἀξιώτερον τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης ἀπεφήνατο, ̓Αντιπάτρῳ δὲ δυναστείας αἵρεσιν ἔδωκεν. ὁ δ' ἐπὶ τῷ τιμήσαντι τὸ μέτρον τῆς τιμῆς θέμενος πάσης ἐπίτροπος ̓Ιουδαίας ἀποδείκνυται καὶ προσεπιτυγχάνει τὰ τείχη τῆς πατρίδος ἀνακτίσαι κατεστραμμένα." "
1.208 ̓Αμήχανον δ' ἐν εὐπραγίαις φθόνον διαφυγεῖν: ̔Υρκανὸς γοῦν ἤδη μὲν καὶ καθ' ἑαυτὸν ἡσυχῆ πρὸς τὸ κλέος τῶν νεανίσκων ἐδάκνετο, μάλιστα δὲ ἐλύπει τὰ ̔Ηρώδου κατορθώματα καὶ κήρυκες ἐπάλληλοι τῆς καθ' ἕκαστον εὐδοξίας προστρέχοντες πολλοὶ δὲ τῶν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις βασκάνων ἠρέθιζον, οἷς ἢ τὸ τῶν παίδων ἢ τὸ ̓Αντιπάτρου σωφρονικὸν προσίστατο," "1.209 λέγοντες ὡς ̓Αντιπάτρῳ καὶ τοῖς υἱοῖς αὐτοῦ παραχωρήσας τῶν πραγμάτων καθέζοιτο τοὔνομα μόνον βασιλέως ἔχων ἔρημον ἐξουσίας. καὶ μέχρι τοῦ πλανηθήσεται καθ' ἑαυτοῦ βασιλεῖς ἐπιτρέφων; οὐδὲ γὰρ εἰρωνεύεσθαι τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν αὐτοὺς ἔτι, φανεροὺς δὲ εἶναι δεσπότας παρωσαμένους ἐκεῖνον, εἴ γε μήτε ἐντολὰς δόντος μήτε ἐπιστείλαντος αὐτοῦ τοσούτους παρὰ τὸν τῶν ̓Ιουδαίων νόμον ἀνῄρηκεν ̔Ηρώδης: ὅν, εἰ μὴ βασιλεύς ἐστιν ἀλλ' ἔτι ἰδιώτης, δεῖν ἐπὶ δίκην ἥκειν ἀποδώσοντα λόγον αὐτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις, οἳ κτείνειν ἀκρίτους οὐκ ἐφιᾶσιν." '1.211 Σέξτος δὲ Καῖσαρ δείσας περὶ τῷ νεανίᾳ, μή τι παρὰ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἀποληφθεὶς πάθῃ, πέμπει πρὸς ̔Υρκανὸν τοὺς παραγγελοῦντας διαρρήδην ἀπολύειν ̔Ηρώδην τῆς φονικῆς δίκης. ὁ δὲ καὶ ἄλλως ὡρμημένος, ἠγάπα γὰρ ̔Ηρώδην, ἀποψηφίζεται.' "
1.218 συνίσταται δὲ ̔Ρωμαίοις κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ὁ μέγας πόλεμος Κασσίου καὶ Βρούτου κτεινάντων δόλῳ Καίσαρα κατασχόντα τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐπ' ἔτη τρία καὶ μῆνας ἑπτά. μεγίστου δ' ἐπὶ τῷ φόνῳ γενομένου κινήματος καὶ διαστασιασθέντων τῶν δυνατῶν ἕκαστος ἐλπίσιν οἰκείαις ἐχώρει πρὸς ὃ συμφέρειν ὑπελάμβανεν, καὶ δὴ καὶ Κάσσιος εἰς Συρίαν καταληψόμενος τὰς περὶ ̓Απάμειαν δυνάμεις." "1.221 πρῶτος δ' ἀπεμειλίξατο Κάσσιον ̔Ηρώδης τὴν ἑαυτοῦ μοῖραν ἐκ τῆς Γαλιλαίας κομίσας ἑκατὸν τάλαντα καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα φίλος ἦν. τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς εἰς βραδυτῆτα κακίσας αὐταῖς ἐθυμοῦτο ταῖς πόλεσιν." '1.222 Γόφνα γοῦν καὶ ̓Αμμαοῦν καὶ δύο ἑτέρας τῶν ταπεινοτέρων ἐξανδραποδισάμενος ἐχώρει μὲν ὡς καὶ Μάλιχον ἀναιρήσων, ὅτι μὴ σπεύσας εἰσέπραξεν, ἐπέσχεν δὲ τὴν τούτου καὶ τὴν τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων ἀπώλειαν ̓Αντίπατρος ταχέως ἑκατὸν ταλάντοις θεραπεύσας Κάσσιον.
1.236 Κασσίου δὲ ἀναχωρήσαντος ἐκ Συρίας πάλιν στάσις ἐν ̔Ιεροσολύμοις γίνεται ̔́Ελικος μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐπαναστάντος Φασαήλῳ καὶ κατὰ τὴν ὑπὲρ Μαλίχου τιμωρίαν ἀμύνεσθαι θέλοντος ̔Ηρώδην εἰς τὸν ἀδελφόν. ̔Ηρώδης δὲ ἔτυχεν μὲν ὢν παρὰ Φαβίῳ τῷ στρατηγῷ κατὰ Δαμασκόν, ὡρμημένος δὲ βοηθεῖν ὑπὸ νόσου κατείχετο.' "1.237 κἀν τούτῳ Φασάηλος καθ' ἑαυτὸν ̔́Ελικος περιγενόμενος ̔Υρκανὸν ὠνείδιζεν εἰς ἀχαριστίαν ὧν τε ̔́Ελικι συμπράξειεν, καὶ ὅτι περιορῴη τὸν ἀδελφὸν τὸν Μαλίχου τὰ φρούρια καταλαμβάνοντα: πολλὰ γὰρ δὴ κατείληπτο, καὶ τὸ πάντων ὀχυρώτατον Μασάδαν." "1.238 Οὐ μὴν αὐτῷ τι πρὸς τὴν ̔Ηρώδου βίαν ἤρκεσεν, ὃς ἀναρρωσθεὶς τά τε ἄλλα παραλαμβάνει κἀκεῖνον ἐκ τῆς Μασάδας ἱκέτην ἀφῆκεν. ἐξήλασεν δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῆς Γαλιλαίας Μαρίωνα τὸν Τυρίων τύραννον ἤδη τρία κατεσχηκότα τῶν ἐρυμάτων, τοὺς δὲ ληφθέντας Τυρίους ἔσωσεν μὲν πάντας, ἦσαν δ' οὓς καὶ δωρησάμενος ἀπέπεμψεν εὔνοιαν ἑαυτῷ παρὰ τῆς πόλεως καὶ τῷ τυράννῳ μῖσος παρασκευαζόμενος." "1.239 ὁ δὲ Μαρίων ἠξίωτο μὲν τῆς τυραννίδος ὑπὸ Κασσίου τυραννίσιν πᾶσαν διαλαβόντος τὴν Συρίαν, κατὰ δὲ τὸ πρὸς ̔Ηρώδην ἔχθος συγκατήγαγεν ̓Αντίγονον τὸν ̓Αριστοβούλου, καὶ τὸ πλέον διὰ Φάβιον, ὃν ̓Αντίγονος χρήμασιν προσποιησάμενος βοηθὸν εἶχεν τῆς καθόδου: χορηγὸς δ' ἦν ἁπάντων ὁ κηδεστὴς Πτολεμαῖος ̓Αντιγόνῳ." 1.537 ἀντιγράφει γοῦν κύριον μὲν αὐτὸν καθιστάς, εὖ μέντοι ποιήσειν λέγων, εἰ μετὰ κοινοῦ συνεδρίου τῶν τε ἰδίων συγγενῶν καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν ἐπαρχίαν ἡγεμόνων ἐξετάσειεν τὴν ἐπιβουλήν: κἂν μὲν ἐνέχωνται, κτείνειν, ἐὰν δὲ μόνον ὦσιν δρασμὸν βεβουλευμένοι, κολάζειν μετριώτερον.' "
2.182 ἐνῆγε δὲ μάλιστα τοῦτον εἰς ἐλπίδα βασιλείας ̔Ηρωδιὰς ἡ γυνὴ κατονειδίζουσα τὴν ἀργίαν καὶ φαμένη παρὰ τὸ μὴ βούλεσθαι πλεῖν ἐπὶ Καίσαρα στερίσκεσθαι μείζονος ἀρχῆς: ὅπου μὲν γὰρ ̓Αγρίππαν ἐξ ἰδιώτου βασιλέα πεποίηκεν, ἦπου γ' ἂν ἐκεῖνον διστάσειεν ἐκ τετράρχου; τούτοις ἀναπεισθεὶς ̔Ηρώδης ἧκεν πρὸς Γάιον," "2.183 ὑφ' οὗ τῆς πλεονεξίας ἐπιτιμᾶται φυγῇ εἰς Γαλλίαν: ἠκολούθησεν γὰρ αὐτῷ κατήγορος ̓Αγρίππας, ᾧ καὶ τὴν τετραρχίαν τὴν ἐκείνου προσέθηκεν Γάιος. καὶ ̔Ηρώδης μὲν ἐν Γαλλίᾳ συμφυγούσης αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς τελευτᾷ." "
2.495 οἱ δ' ὁρμήσαντες εἰς τὸ καλούμενον Δέλτα, συνῴκιστο γὰρ ἐκεῖ τὸ ̓Ιουδαϊκόν, ἐτέλουν τὰς ἐντολάς, οὐ μὴν ἀναιμωτί: συστραφέντες γὰρ οἱ ̓Ιουδαῖοι καὶ τοὺς ἄμεινον ὡπλισμένους ἑαυτῶν προταξάμενοι μέχρι πλείστου μὲν ἀντέσχον, ἅπαξ δ' ἐγκλίναντες ἀνέδην διεφθείροντο." " None | sup>
1.19 4. Thus was Pelusium taken. But still, as they were marching on, those Egyptian Jews that inhabited the country called the country of Onias stopped them. Then did Antipater not only persuade them not to stop them, but to afford provisions for their army; on which account even the people about Memphis would not fight against them, but of their own accord joined Mithridates.
1.19 7. For example, I shall relate how Antiochus, who was named Epiphanes, took Jerusalem by force, and held it three years and three months, and was then ejected out of the country by the sons of Asamoneus: after that, how their posterity quarreled about the government, and brought upon their settlement the Romans and Pompey; how Herod also, the son of Antipater, dissolved their government, and brought Socius upon them;
1.123 2. Now, those other people which were at variance with Aristobulus were afraid upon his unexpected obtaining the government; and especially this concerned Antipater whom Aristobulus hated of old. He was by birth an Idumean, and one of the principal of that nation, on account of his ancestors and riches, and other authority to him belonging: 1.124 he also persuaded Hyrcanus to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia, and to lay claim to the kingdom; as also he persuaded Aretas to receive Hyrcanus, and to bring him back to his kingdom: he also cast great reproaches upon Aristobulus, as to his morals, and gave great commendations to Hyrcanus, and exhorted Aretas to receive him, and told him how becoming a thing it would be for him, who ruled so great a kingdom, to afford his assistance to such as are injured; alleging that Hyrcanus was treated unjustly, by being deprived of that dominion which belonged to him by the prerogative of his birth. 1.125 And when he had predisposed them both to do what he would have them, he took Hyrcanus by night, and ran away from the city, and, continuing his flight with great swiftness, he escaped to the place called Petra, which is the royal seat of the king of Arabia, 1.126 where he put Hyrcanus into Aretas’s hand; and by discoursing much with him, and gaining upon him with many presents, he prevailed with him to give him an army that might restore him to his kingdom. This army consisted of fifty thousand footmen and horsemen, against which Aristobulus was not able to make resistance, but was deserted in his first onset, and was driven to Jerusalem; 1.127 he also had been taken at first by force, if Scaurus, the Roman general, had not come and seasonably interposed himself, and raised the siege. This Scaurus was sent into Syria from Armenia by Pompey the Great, when he fought against Tigranes; so Scaurus came to Damascus, which had been lately taken by Metellus and Lollius, and caused them to leave the place; and, upon his hearing how the affairs of Judea stood, he made haste thither as to a certain booty.
1.153 Yet did not he touch that money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror. 1.154 Now, among the captives, Aristobulus’s father-in-law was taken, who was also his uncle: so those that were the most guilty he punished with decollation; but rewarded Faustus, and those with him that had fought so bravely, with glorious presents, and laid a tribute upon the country, and upon Jerusalem itself.
1.157 All which he restored to their own citizens, and put them under the province of Syria; which province, together with Judea, and the countries as far as Egypt and Euphrates, he committed to Scaurus as their governor, and gave him two legions to support him; while he made all the haste he could himself to go through Cilicia, in his way to Rome, having Aristobulus and his children along with him as his captives.
1.166 Accordingly, upon his injunction, the following cities were restored;—Scythopolis, Samaria, Anthedon, Apollonia, Jamnia, Raphia, Marissa, Adoreus, Gamala, Ashdod, and many others; while a great number of men readily ran to each of them, and became their inhabitants.
1.175 7. But now as Gabinius was marching to the war against the Parthians, he was hindered by Ptolemy, whom, upon his return from Euphrates, he brought back into Egypt, making use of Hyrcanus and Antipater to provide everything that was necessary for this expedition; for Antipater furnished him with money, and weapons, and corn, and auxiliaries; he also prevailed with the Jews that were there, and guarded the avenues at Pelusium, to let them pass.
1.183 1. Now, upon the flight of Pompey and of the senate beyond the Ionian Sea, Caesar got Rome and the empire under his power, and released Aristobulus from his bonds. He also committed two legions to him, and sent him in haste into Syria, as hoping that by his means he should easily conquer that country, and the parts adjoining to Judea. 1.184 But envy prevented any effect of Aristobulus’s alacrity, and the hopes of Caesar; for he was taken off by poison given him by those of Pompey’s party; and, for a long while, he had not so much as a burial vouchsafed him in his own country; but his dead body lay above ground, preserved in honey, until it was sent to the Jews by Antony, in order to be buried in the royal sepulchres. 1.185 2. His son Alexander also was beheaded by Scipio at Antioch, and that by the command of Pompey, and upon an accusation laid against him before his tribunal, for the mischiefs he had done to the Romans. But Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who was then ruler of Chalcis, under Libanus, took his brethren to him by sending his son Philippio for them to Ascalon, 1.186 who took Antigonus, as well as his sisters, away from Aristobulus’s wife, and brought them to his father; and falling in love with the younger daughter, he married her, and was afterwards slain by his father on her account; for Ptolemy himself, after he had slain his son, married her, whose name was Alexandra; on the account of which marriage he took the greater care of her brother and sister. 1.187 3. Now, after Pompey was dead, Antipater changed sides, and cultivated a friendship with Caesar. And since Mithridates of Pergamus, with the forces he led against Egypt, was excluded from the avenues about Pelusium, and was forced to stay at Ascalon, he persuaded the Arabians, among whom he had lived, to assist him, and came himself to him, at the head of three thousand armed men.
1.199 3. When Caesar heard this, he declared Hyrcanus to be the most worthy of the high priesthood, and gave leave to Antipater to choose what authority he pleased; but he left the determination of such dignity to him that bestowed the dignity upon him; so he was constituted procurator of all Judea, and obtained leave, moreover, to rebuild those walls of his country that had been thrown down.
1.208 6. However, he found it impossible to escape envy in such his prosperity; for the glory of these young men affected even Hyrcanus himself already privately, though he said nothing of it to anybody; but what he principally was grieved at was the great actions of Herod, and that so many messengers came one before another, and informed him of the great reputation he got in all his undertakings. There were also many people in the royal palace itself who inflamed his envy at him; those, I mean, who were obstructed in their designs by the prudence either of the young men, or of Antipater. 1.209 These men said, that by committing the public affairs to the management of Antipater and of his sons, he sat down with nothing but the bare name of a king, without any of its authority; and they asked him how long he would so far mistake himself, as to breed up kings against his own interest; for that they did not now conceal their government of affairs any longer, but were plainly lords of the nation, and had thrust him out of his authority; that this was the case when Herod slew so many men without his giving him any command to do it, either by word of mouth, or by his letter, and this in contradiction to the law of the Jews; who therefore, in case he be not a king, but a private man, still ought to come to his trial, and answer it to him, and to the laws of his country, which do not permit anyone to be killed till he had been condemned in judgment. 1.211 However, Sextus Caesar was in fear for the young man, lest he should be taken by his enemies, and brought to punishment; so he sent some to denounce expressly to Hyrcanus that he should acquit Herod of the capital charge against him; who acquitted him accordingly, as being otherwise inclined also so to do, for he loved Herod.
1.218 1. There was at this time a mighty war raised among the Romans upon the sudden and treacherous slaughter of Caesar by Cassius and Brutus, after he had held the government for three years and seven months. Upon this murder there were very great agitations, and the great men were mightily at difference one with another, and everyone betook himself to that party where they had the greatest hopes of their own, of advancing themselves. Accordingly, Cassius came into Syria, in order to receive the forces that were at Apamia, 1.221 Now Herod, in the first place, mitigated the passion of Cassius, by bringing his share out of Galilee, which was a hundred talents, on which account he was in the highest favor with him; and when he reproached the rest for being tardy, he was angry at the cities themselves; 1.222 o he made slaves of Gophna and Emmaus, and two others of less note; nay, he proceeded as if he would kill Malichus, because he had not made greater haste in exacting his tribute; but Antipater prevented the ruin of this man, and of the other cities, and got into Cassius’s favor by bringing in a hundred talents immediately.
1.236 1. When Cassius was gone out of Syria, another sedition arose at Jerusalem, wherein Felix assaulted Phasaelus with an army, that he might revenge the death of Malichus upon Herod, by falling upon his brother. Now Herod happened then to be with Fabius, the governor of Damascus, and as he was going to his brother’s assistance, he was detained by sickness; 1.237 in the meantime, Phasaelus was by himself too hard for Felix, and reproached Hyrcanus on account of his ingratitude, both for what assistance he had afforded Malichus, and for overlooking Malichus’s brother, when he possessed himself of the fortresses; for he had gotten a great many of them already, and among them the strongest of them all, Masada. 1.238 2. However, nothing could be sufficient for him against the force of Herod, who, as soon as he was recovered, took the other fortresses again, and drove him out of Masada in the posture of a supplicant; he also drove away Marion, the tyrant of the Tyrians, out of Galilee, when he had already possessed himself of three fortified places; but as to those Tyrians whom he had caught, he preserved them all alive; nay, some of them he gave presents to, and so sent them away, and thereby procured goodwill to himself from the city, and hatred to the tyrant. 1.239 Marion had, indeed, obtained that tyrannical power of Cassius, who set tyrants over all Syria and out of hatred to Herod it was that he assisted Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, and principally on Fabius’s account, whom Antigonus had made his assistant by money, and had him accordingly on his side when he made his descent; but it was Ptolemy, the kinsman of Antigonus, that supplied all that he wanted.
1.537 o he wrote back to him, and appointed him to have the power over his sons; but said withal, that he would do well to make an examination into this matter of the plot against him in a public court, and to take for his assessors his own kindred, and the governors of the province. And if those sons be found guilty, to put them to death; but if they appear to have thought of no more than flying away from him, that he should moderate their punishment.
2.182 who was chiefly induced to hope for the royal authority by his wife Herodias, who reproached him for his sloth, and told him that it was only because he would not sail to Caesar that he was destitute of that great dignity; for since Caesar had made Agrippa a king, from a private person, much more would he advance him from a tetrarch to that dignity. 2.183 These arguments prevailed with Herod, so that he came to Caius, by whom he was punished for his ambition, by being banished into Spain; for Agrippa followed him, in order to accuse him; to whom also Caius gave his tetrarchy, by way of addition. So Herod died in Spain, whither his wife had followed him.
2.495 These soldiers rushed violently into that part of the city which was called Delta, where the Jewish people lived together, and did as they were bidden, though not without bloodshed on their own side also; for the Jews got together, and set those that were the best armed among them in the forefront, and made a resistance for a great while; but when once they gave back, they were destroyed unmercifully;' ' None |
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73. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.1-1.4, 1.19-1.21, 1.30-1.66, 1.103, 1.109-1.111, 1.129-1.147, 1.150-1.157, 1.160-1.161, 1.183, 1.185-1.212, 1.313, 1.324-1.362, 1.450-1.458, 1.639-1.640, 2.23-2.28, 2.35-2.36, 2.38-2.42, 2.47, 2.85, 2.322, 2.342, 2.360-2.364, 2.378-2.379, 3.26, 3.73, 3.119, 3.133, 3.136, 3.142, 3.160, 3.169, 3.286, 3.316, 3.342, 3.394, 3.399, 3.401, 3.436-3.439, 3.447-3.449, 4.474-4.520, 4.572-4.573, 4.575-4.579, 4.705, 5.86-5.224, 5.578, 5.597, 5.620, 5.632-5.633, 5.654-5.671, 5.677, 6.304, 6.449-6.450, 6.455, 6.810-6.811, 7.7-7.20, 7.24, 7.319, 7.387-7.459, 7.553, 7.593-7.596, 7.685-7.686, 7.768, 7.778, 7.789-7.802, 8.727-8.728, 8.739-8.740, 8.746-8.747, 8.767-8.770, 8.772, 8.835-8.837, 8.855-8.858, 9.3-9.18, 9.173, 9.175-9.179, 9.230-9.233, 9.954, 9.961-9.999, 9.1010-9.1108, 10.14-10.52, 10.58, 10.63, 10.66, 10.68-10.70, 10.75, 10.80, 10.109-10.333, 10.488 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • (Great) Library of Alexandria, destruction by Julius Caesar • Augustus, C. Iulius Caesar Octavianus • Bolton, Edmund, Nero Caesar, or Monarchie Depraved • C. Iulius Caesar • Caesar • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), as ‘wise man in Egypt’ • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), emulator of Alexander • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), foiled by Acoreus • Caesar (Caius Iulius Caesar), master of rivers • Caesar (G. Iulius Caesar) • Caesar (Julius) • Caesar, C. Iulius • Caesar, C. Julius • Caesar, C. Julius, Lucan • Caesar, Julius • Caesar, Julius (see Julius Caesar) • Caesar, Julius, Commentarii De Bello Civili • Caesar, Julius, and Pompey • Caesar, Julius, anger of • Caesar, Julius, as Hannibal revived • Caesar, Julius, as anti-Odyssean • Caesar, Julius, assassination of, in Lucan • Caesar, Julius, at the Massilian grove • Caesar, Julius, at the Rubicon • Caesar, Julius, character in Lucan • Caesar, Julius, ending Republican institutions • Caesar, Julius, favored by Fortuna • Caesar, Julius, his calendar • Caesar, Julius, mutinous soldiers of • Caesar, Julius, soldiers cared for by • Caesar, Julius, with head of Pompey • Caesar, Julius,crossing the Rubicon • Caesar, Pompey and • Caesar, god-sent monarchy of • Caesar, reflection on the mind of • Caligula, C. Iulius Caesar Augustus Germanicus • Civil War, between Caesar and Pompey • Cleopatra VII, hostess to Caesar • Creon, as Lucan’s Caesar • Germanicus Caesar, enters Egypt without imperial permission • Germanicus Iulius Caesar • Guest-friendship in Egypt, and Lucan’s Caesar • Hannibal, as Caesar • Julia (daughter of Caesar) • Julius Caesar • Julius Caesar, • Julius Caesar, C. • Julius Caesar, C., and haruspicy • Julius Caesar, Gaius • Julius Caesar, Gallic Commentaries • Julius Caesar, references Alexander the Great • Julius Caesar, religiosity of • Lucan, portrayal of Caesar • Lucan,A Continuation of Lucan’s Historicall Poem till the Death of Ivlivs Caesar • May, Thomas, A Continuation of Lucan’s Historicall Poem till the Death of Ivlivs Caesar • Mezentius, and Caesar • Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus • Plato, emulated by Caesar • Pompey, and Caesar • Scipio Africanus, and Caesar • Senate, as Caesar’s enemy • anger, of Caesar • community, Caesar’s devotion to • families, and Caesar • ira/irasci, of Caesar • one-man rule, and Caesar • prevents Caesar’s murder in Lucan • prodigy, Caesar and
Found in books: Agri (2022), Reading Fear in Flavian Epic: Emotion, Power, and Stoicism, 3, 4, 30, 38, 39, 91, 152, 153; Augoustakis (2014), Flavian Poetry and its Greek Past, 201, 255, 269, 292, 293, 310; Braund and Most (2004), Ancient Anger: Perspectives from Homer to Galen, 229, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 257; Chrysanthou (2018), Plutarch's 'Parallel Lives': Narrative Technique and Moral Judgement. 77, 137; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 233, 287; Edmondson (2008), Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture, 211; Erker (2023), Ambiguity and Religion in Ovid’s Fasti: Religious Innovation and the Imperial Family, 83; Fabre-Serris et al. (2021), Identities, Ethnicities and Gender in Antiquity, 136, 138, 141, 144, 145, 146; Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 22, 23, 24, 26, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37; Goldschmidt (2019), Biofiction and the Reception of Latin Poetry, 99, 100, 106; Green (2014), Carthage in Virgil's Aeneid: Staging the Enemy under Augustus, 67, 69; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 244, 249; Joseph (2022), Thunder and Lament: Lucan on the Beginnings and Ends of Epic, 14, 15, 23, 26, 28, 41, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 132, 133, 134, 139, 141, 149, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 182, 184, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 217, 241, 242, 243, 255, 260; Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2018), Hope in Ancient Literature, History, and Art, 279; Keith and Myers (2023), Vergil and Elegy. 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 261, 262, 263; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 320, 321; Lester (2018), Prophetic Rivalry, Gender, and Economics: A Study in Revelation and Sibylline Oracles 4-5. 10, 114, 122, 124, 125; Luck (2006), Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts, 246, 341; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 46, 48, 50, 57, 59, 80, 81, 85, 94, 95, 103, 104, 105, 114, 194, 195, 205, 207, 208, 209, 211, 213, 214; Mcclellan (2019), Paulinus Noster: Self and Symbols in the Letters of Paulinus of Nola, 144, 269; Mowat (2021), Engendering the Future: Divination and the Construction of Gender in the Late Roman Republic, 154, 155; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 245; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206, 232, 244; Price, Finkelberg and Shahar (2021), Rome: An Empire of Many Nations: New Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Cultural Identity, 21; Radicke (2022), Roman Women’s Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development, 272; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 77, 102, 103, 104, 156; Roumpou (2023), Ritual and the Poetics of Closure in Flavian Literature. 101, 120, 129, 182, 187, 199; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 237; Schliesser et al. (2021), Alexandria: Hub of the Hellenistic World. 76; Van Nuffelen (2012), Orosius and the Rhetoric of History, 43; Verhagen (2022), Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca, 201, 255, 269, 292, 293, 310; Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 283, 284
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1.1 Wars worse than civil on Emathian plains, And crime let loose we sing; how Rome's high race Plunged in her vitals her victorious sword; Armies akin embattled, with the force of all the shaken earth bent on the fray; And burst asunder, to the common guilt, A kingdom's compact; eagle with eagle met, Standard to standard, spear opposed to spear. Whence, citizens, this rage, this boundless lust " "
1.19 To sate barbarians with the blood of Rome? Did not the shade of Crassus, wandering still, Cry for his vengeance? Could ye not have spoiled, To deck your trophies, haughty Babylon? Why wage campaigns that send no laurels home? What lands, what oceans might have been the prize of all the blood thus shed in civil strife! Where Titan rises, where night hides the stars, 'Neath southern noons all quivering with heat, Or where keen frost that never yields to spring " "1.20 In icy fetters binds the Scythian main: Long since barbarians by the Eastern sea And far Araxes' stream, and those who know (If any such there be) the birth of NileHad felt our yoke. Then, Rome, upon thyself With all the world beneath thee, if thou must, Wage this nefarious war, but not till then. Now view the houses with half-ruined walls Throughout Italian cities; stone from stone Has slipped and lies at length; within the home " "
1.30 No guard is found, and in the ancient streets so Scarce seen the passer by. The fields in vain, Rugged with brambles and unploughed for years, Ask for the hand of man; for man is not. Nor savage Pyrrhus nor the Punic horde E'er caused such havoc: to no foe was given To strike thus deep; but civil strife alone Dealt the fell wound and left the death behind. Yet if the fates could find no other way For Nero coming, nor the gods with ease " "1.40 Gain thrones in heaven; and if the Thunderer Prevailed not till the giant's war was done, Complaint is silent. For this boon supreme Welcome, ye gods, be wickedness and crime; Thronged with our dead be dire Pharsalia's fields, Be Punic ghosts avenged by Roman blood; Add to these ills the toils of Mutina; Perusia's dearth; on Munda's final field The shock of battle joined; let Leucas' Cape Shatter the routed navies; servile hands " "1.50 Unsheath the sword on fiery Etna's slopes: Still Rome is gainer by the civil war. Thou, Caesar, art her prize. When thou shalt choose, Thy watch relieved, to seek divine abodes, All heaven rejoicing; and shalt hold a throne, Or else elect to govern Phoebus' car And light a subject world that shall not dread To owe her brightness to a different Sun; All shall concede thy right: do what thou wilt, Select thy Godhead, and the central clime " "1.59 Unsheath the sword on fiery Etna's slopes: Still Rome is gainer by the civil war. Thou, Caesar, art her prize. When thou shalt choose, Thy watch relieved, to seek divine abodes, All heaven rejoicing; and shalt hold a throne, Or else elect to govern Phoebus' car And light a subject world that shall not dread To owe her brightness to a different Sun; All shall concede thy right: do what thou wilt, Select thy Godhead, and the central clime " '1.60 Whence thou shalt rule the world with power divine. And yet the Northern or the Southern Pole We pray thee, choose not; but in rays direct Vouchsafe thy radiance to thy city Rome. Press thou on either side, the universe Should lose its equipoise: take thou the midst, And weight the scales, and let that part of heaven Where Caesar sits, be evermore serene And smile upon us with unclouded blue. Then may all men lay down their arms, and peace
1.109 Made Rome their victim. Oh! Ambition blind, That stirred the leaders so to join their strength In peace that ended ill, their prize the world! For while the Sea on Earth and Earth on Air Lean for support: while Titan runs his course, And night with day divides an equal sphere, No king shall brook his fellow, nor shall power Endure a rival. Search no foreign lands: These walls are proof that in their infant days A hamlet, not the world, was prize enough ' "
1.110 To cause the shedding of a brother's blood. Concord, on discord based, brief time endured, Unwelcome to the rivals; and alone Crassus delayed the advent of the war. Like to the slender neck that separates The seas of Graecia: should it be engulfed Then would th' Ionian and Aegean mains Break each on other: thus when Crassus fell, Who held apart the chiefs, in piteous death, And stained Assyria's plains with Latian blood, " "
1.111 To cause the shedding of a brother's blood. Concord, on discord based, brief time endured, Unwelcome to the rivals; and alone Crassus delayed the advent of the war. Like to the slender neck that separates The seas of Graecia: should it be engulfed Then would th' Ionian and Aegean mains Break each on other: thus when Crassus fell, Who held apart the chiefs, in piteous death, And stained Assyria's plains with Latian blood, "
1.129 Defeat in Parthia loosed the war in Rome. More in that victory than ye thought was won, Ye sons of Arsaces; your conquered foes Took at your hands the rage of civil strife. The mighty realm that earth and sea contained, To which all peoples bowed, split by the sword, Could not find space for two. For Julia bore, Cut off by fate unpitying, the bond of that ill-omened marriage, and the pledge of blood united, to the shades below. ' "
1.130 Had'st thou but longer stayed, it had been thine To keep the husband and the sire apart, And, as the Sabine women did of old, Dash down the threatening swords and join the hands. With thee all trust was buried, and the chiefs Could give their courage vent, and rushed to war. Lest newer glories triumphs past obscure, Late conquered Gaul the bays from pirates won, This, Magnus, was thy fear; thy roll of fame, of glorious deeds accomplished for the state " "
1.140 Allows no equal; nor will Caesar's pride A prior rival in his triumphs brook; Which had the right 'twere impious to enquire; Each for his cause can vouch a judge supreme; The victor, heaven: the vanquished, Cato, thee. Nor were they like to like: the one in years Now verging towards decay, in times of peace Had unlearned war; but thirsting for applause Had given the people much, and proud of fame His former glory cared not to renew, " "
1.151 But joyed in plaudits of the theatre, His gift to Rome: his triumphs in the past, Himself the shadow of a mighty name. As when some oak, in fruitful field sublime, Adorned with venerable spoils, and gifts of bygone leaders, by its weight to earth With feeble roots still clings; its naked arms And hollow trunk, though leafless, give a shade; And though condemned beneath the tempest's shock To speedy fall, amid the sturdier trees " "
1.156 But joyed in plaudits of the theatre, His gift to Rome: his triumphs in the past, Himself the shadow of a mighty name. As when some oak, in fruitful field sublime, Adorned with venerable spoils, and gifts of bygone leaders, by its weight to earth With feeble roots still clings; its naked arms And hollow trunk, though leafless, give a shade; And though condemned beneath the tempest's shock To speedy fall, amid the sturdier trees "
1.160 In sacred grandeur rules the forest still. No such repute had Ceesar won, nor fame; But energy was his that could not rest — The only shame he knew was not to win. Keen and unvanquished, where revenge or hope Might call, resistless would he strike the blow With sword unpitying: every victory won Reaped to the full; the favour of the gods Pressed to the utmost; all that stayed his course Aimed at the summit of power, was thrust aside:
1.185 Their hold had taken, such as are the doom of potent nations: and when fortune poured Through Roman gates the booty of a world, The curse of luxury, chief bane of states, Fell on her sons. Farewell the ancient ways! Behold the pomp profuse, the houses decked With ornament; their hunger loathed the food of former days; men wore attire for dames Scarce fitly fashioned; poverty was scorned, Fruitful of warriors; and from all the world
1.189 Their hold had taken, such as are the doom of potent nations: and when fortune poured Through Roman gates the booty of a world, The curse of luxury, chief bane of states, Fell on her sons. Farewell the ancient ways! Behold the pomp profuse, the houses decked With ornament; their hunger loathed the food of former days; men wore attire for dames Scarce fitly fashioned; poverty was scorned, Fruitful of warriors; and from all the world ' "
1.190 Came that which ruins nations; while the fields Furrowed of yore by great Camillus' plough, Or by the mattock which a Curius held, Lost their once narrow bounds, and widening tracts By hinds unknown were tilled. No nation this To sheathe the sword, with tranquil peace content And with her liberties; but prone to ire; Crime holding light as though by want compelled: And great the glory in the minds of men, Ambition lawful even at point of sword, " "1.200 To rise above their country: might their law: Decrees are forced from Senate and from Plebs: Consul and Tribune break the laws alike: Bought are the fasces, and the people sell For gain their favour: bribery's fatal curse Corrupts the annual contests of the Field. Then covetous usury rose, and interest Was greedier ever as the seasons came; Faith tottered; thousands saw their gain in war. Caesar has crossed the Alps, his mighty soul " "1.209 To rise above their country: might their law: Decrees are forced from Senate and from Plebs: Consul and Tribune break the laws alike: Bought are the fasces, and the people sell For gain their favour: bribery's fatal curse Corrupts the annual contests of the Field. Then covetous usury rose, and interest Was greedier ever as the seasons came; Faith tottered; thousands saw their gain in war. Caesar has crossed the Alps, his mighty soul " '1.210 Great tumults pondering and the coming shock. Now on the marge of Rubicon, he saw, In face most sorrowful and ghostly guise, His trembling country\'s image; huge it seemed Through mists of night obscure; and hoary hair Streamed from the lofty front with turrets crowned: Torn were her locks and naked were her arms. Then thus, with broken sighs the Vision spake: "What seek ye, men of Rome? and whither hence Bear ye my standards? If by right ye come, 1.212 Great tumults pondering and the coming shock. Now on the marge of Rubicon, he saw, In face most sorrowful and ghostly guise, His trembling country\'s image; huge it seemed Through mists of night obscure; and hoary hair Streamed from the lofty front with turrets crowned: Torn were her locks and naked were her arms. Then thus, with broken sighs the Vision spake: "What seek ye, men of Rome? and whither hence Bear ye my standards? If by right ye come, ' "
1.324 But never such reward. Could Gallia hold Thine armies ten long years ere victory came, That little nook of earth? One paltry fight Or twain, fought out by thy resistless hand, And Rome for thee shall have subdued the world: 'Tis true no triumph now would bring thee home; No captive tribes would grace thy chariot wheels Winding in pomp around the ancient hill. Spite gnaws the factions; for thy conquests won Scarce shalt thou be unpunished. Yet 'tis fate " "1.329 But never such reward. Could Gallia hold Thine armies ten long years ere victory came, That little nook of earth? One paltry fight Or twain, fought out by thy resistless hand, And Rome for thee shall have subdued the world: 'Tis true no triumph now would bring thee home; No captive tribes would grace thy chariot wheels Winding in pomp around the ancient hill. Spite gnaws the factions; for thy conquests won Scarce shalt thou be unpunished. Yet 'tis fate " '1.330 Thou should\'st subdue thy kinsman: share the world With him thou canst not; rule thou canst, alone." As when at Elis\' festival a horseIn stable pent gnaws at his prison bars Impatient, and should clamour from without Strike on his ear, bounds furious at restraint, So then was Caesar, eager for the fight, Stirred by the words of Curio. To the ranks He bids his soldiers; with majestic mien And hand commanding silence as they come. 1.340 Comrades, he cried, "victorious returned, Who by my side for ten long years have faced, \'Mid Alpine winters and on Arctic shores, The thousand dangers of the battle-field — Is this our country\'s welcome, this her prize For death and wounds and Roman blood outpoured? Rome arms her choicest sons; the sturdy oaks Are felled to make a fleet; — what could she more If from the Alps fierce Hannibal were come With all his Punic host? By land and sea 1.349 Comrades, he cried, "victorious returned, Who by my side for ten long years have faced, \'Mid Alpine winters and on Arctic shores, The thousand dangers of the battle-field — Is this our country\'s welcome, this her prize For death and wounds and Roman blood outpoured? Rome arms her choicest sons; the sturdy oaks Are felled to make a fleet; — what could she more If from the Alps fierce Hannibal were come With all his Punic host? By land and sea ' "1.350 Caesar shall fly! Fly? Though in adverse war Our best had fallen, and the savage Gaul Were hard upon our track, we would not fly. And now, when fortune smiles and kindly gods Beckon us on to glory! — Let him come Fresh from his years of peace, with all his crowd of conscript burgesses, Marcellus' tongue And Cato's empty name! We will not fly. Shall Eastern hordes and greedy hirelings keep Their loved Pompeius ever at the helm? " "1.360 Shall chariots of triumph be for him Though youth and law forbad them? Shall he seize On Rome's chief honours ne'er to be resigned? And what of harvests blighted through the world And ghastly famine made to serve his ends? Who hath forgotten how Pompeius' bands Seized on the forum, and with glittering arms Made outraged justice tremble, while their swords Hemmed in the judgment-seat where Milo stood? And now when worn and old and ripe for rest, " "
1.450 The tents are vacant by Lake Leman's side; The camps upon the beetling crags of Vosges No longer hold the warlike Lingon down, Fierce in his painted arms; Isara is left, Who past his shallows gliding, flows at last Into the current of more famous Rhone, To reach the ocean in another name. The fair-haired people of Cevennes are free: Soft Aude rejoicing bears no Roman keel, Nor pleasant Var, since then Italia's bound; " "
1.639 Waving in downward whirl a blazing pine, A fiend patrols the town, like that which erst At Thebes urged on Agave, or which hurled Lycurgus' bolts, or that which as he came From Hades seen, at haughty Juno's word, Brought terror to the soul of Hercules. Trumpets like those that summon armies forth Were heard re-echoing in the silent night: And from the earth arising Sulla's ghost Sang gloomy oracles, and by Anio's wave " "1.640 All fled the homesteads, frighted by the shade of Marius waking from his broken tomb. In such dismay they summon, as of yore, The Tuscan sages to the nation's aid. Aruns, the eldest, leaving his abode In desolate Luca, came, well versed in all The lore of omens; knowing what may mean The flight of hovering bird, the pulse that beats In offered victims, and the levin bolt. All monsters first, by most unnatural birth " 2.23 The world should suffer, from the truth divine, A solemn fast was called, the courts were closed, All men in |
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