| 1. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.66 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 174 |
| 2. Propertius, Elegies, 4.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179 |
3. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 14.775-14.777 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179| 14.775. moenia conduntur, Tatiusque patresque Sabini 14.776. bella gerunt, arcisque via Tarpeia reclusa 14.777. dignam animam poena congestis exuit armis. | |
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4. Ovid, Fasti, 1.260-1.262, 4.225-4.344, 6.213-6.218, 6.569-6.572, 6.613-6.626 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 41, 171, 174, 176, 179| 1.260. protinus Oebalii rettulit arma Tati, 1.261. utque levis custos armillis capta Sabinos 1.262. ad summae tacitos duxerit arcis iter. 4.225. hunc sibi servari voluit, sua templa tueri, 4.226. et dixit semper fac puer esse velis. 4.227. ille fidem iussis dedit et si mentiar, inquit 4.228. ultima, qua fallam, sit Venus illa mihi. 4.229. fallit et in nympha Sagaritide desinit esse 4.230. quod fuit: hinc poenas exigit ira deae. 4.231. Naida volneribus succidit in arbore factis, 4.232. illa perit: fatum Naidos arbor erat. 4.233. hic furit et credens thalami procumbere tectum 4.234. effugit et cursu Dindyma summa petit 4.235. et modo tolle faces! remove modo verbera! clamat; 4.236. saepe Palaestinas iurat adesse deas. 4.237. ille etiam saxo corpus laniavit acuto, 4.238. longaque in immundo pulvere tracta coma est, 4.239. voxque fuit ‘merui! meritas do sanguine poenas. 4.240. a! pereant partes, quae nocuere mihi! 4.241. a! pereant’ dicebat adhuc, onus inguinis aufert, 4.242. nullaque sunt subito signa relicta viri. 4.243. venit in exemplum furor hic, mollesque ministri 4.244. caedunt iactatis vilia membra comis.’ 4.245. talibus Aoniae facunda voce Camenae 4.246. reddita quaesiti causa furoris erat. 4.247. ‘hoc quoque, dux operis, moneas, precor, unde petita 4.248. venerit, an nostra semper in urbe fuit?’ 4.249. ‘Dindymon et Cybelen et amoenam fontibus Iden 4.250. semper et Iliacas Mater amavit opes: 4.251. cum Troiam Aeneas Italos portaret in agros, 4.252. est dea sacriferas paene secuta rates, 4.253. sed nondum fatis Latio sua numina posci 4.254. senserat, adsuetis substiteratque locis. 4.255. post, ut Roma potens opibus iam saecula quinque 4.256. vidit et edomito sustulit orbe caput, 4.257. carminis Euboici fatalia verba sacerdos 4.258. inspicit; inspectum tale fuisse ferunt: 4.259. ‘mater abest: matrem iubeo, Romane, requiras. 4.260. cum veniet, casta est accipienda manu. 4.261. ‘obscurae sortis patres ambagibus errant, 4.262. quaeve parens absit, quove petenda loco. 4.263. consulitur Paean,’ divum que arcessite Matrem, 4.264. inquit in Idaeo est invenienda iugo. 4.265. mittuntur proceres. Phrygiae tunc sceptra tenebat 4.266. Attalus: Ausoniis rem negat ille viris, 4.267. mira canam, longo tremuit cum murmure tellus, 4.268. et sic est adytis diva locuta suis: 4.269. ipsa peti volui, nec sit mora, mitte volentem. 4.270. dignus Roma locus, quo deus omnis eat.’ 4.271. ille soni terrore pavens proficiscere, dixit 4.272. nostra eris: in Phrygios Roma refertur avos. 4.273. protinus innumerae caedunt pineta secures 4.274. illa, quibus fugiens Phryx pius usus erat: 4.275. mille manus coeunt, et picta coloribus ustis 4.276. caelestum Matrem concava puppis habet, 4.277. illa sui per aquas fertur tutissima nati 4.278. longaque Phrixeae stagna sororis adit 4.279. Rhoeteumque rapax Sigeaque litora transit 4.280. et Tenedum et veteres Eetionis opes. 4.281. Cyclades excipiunt, Lesbo post terga relicta, 4.282. quaeque Carysteis frangitur unda vadis. 4.283. transit et Icarium, lapsas ubi perdidit alas 4.284. Icarus et vastae nomina fecit aquae. 4.285. tum laeva Creten, dextra Pelopeidas undas 4.286. deserit et Veneris sacra Cythera petit, 4.287. hinc mare Trinacrium, candens ubi tinguere ferrum 4.288. Brontes et Steropes Acmonidesque solent, 4.289. aequoraque Afra legit Sardoaque regna sinistris 4.290. respicit a remis Ausoniamque tenet. 4.291. Ostia contigerat, qua se Tiberinus in altum 4.292. dividit et campo liberiore natat: 4.293. omnis eques mixtaque gravis cum plebe senatus 4.294. obvius ad Tusci fluminis ora venit. 4.295. procedunt pariter matres nataeque nurusque 4.296. quaeque colunt sanctos virginitate focos, 4.297. sedula fune viri contento brachia lassant: 4.298. vix subit adversas hospita navis aquas, 4.299. sicca diu fuerat tellus, sitis usserat herbas: 4.300. sedit limoso pressa carina vado. 4.301. quisquis adest operi, plus quam pro parte laborat, 4.302. adiuvat et fortis voce sote manus, 4.303. illa velut medio stabilis sedet insula ponto: 4.304. attoniti monstro stantque paventque viri. 4.305. Claudia Quinta genus Clauso referebat ab alto, 4.306. nec facies impar nobilitate fuit: 4.307. casta quidem, sed non et credita: rumor iniquus 4.308. laeserat, et falsi criminis acta rea est; 4.309. cultus et ornatis varie prodisse capillis 4.310. obfuit, ad rigidos promptaque lingua senes, 4.311. conscia mens recti famae mendacia risit, 4.312. sed nos in vitium credula turba sumus, 4.313. haec ubi castarum processit ab agmine matrum 4.314. et manibus puram fluminis hausit aquam, 4.315. ter caput inrorat, ter tollit in aethera palmas ( 4.316. quicumque aspiciunt, mente carere putant) 4.317. summissoque genu voltus in imagine divae 4.318. figit et hos edit crine iacente sonos: 4.319. ‘supplicis, alma, tuae, genetrix fecunda deorum, 4.320. accipe sub certa condicione preces. 4.321. casta negor. si tu damnas, meruisse fatebor; 4.322. morte luam poenas iudice victa dea. 4.323. sed si crimen abest, tu nostrae pignora vitae 4.324. re dabis et castas casta sequere manus.’ 4.325. dixit et exiguo funem conamine traxit ( 4.326. mira, sed et scaena testificata loquar): 4.327. mota dea est sequiturque ducem laudatque sequendo: 4.328. index laetitiae fertur ad astra sonus, 4.329. fluminis ad flexum veniunt (Tiberina priores 4.330. atria dixerunt), unde sinister abit. 4.331. nox aderat: querno religant in stipite funem 4.332. dantque levi somno corpora functa cibo. 4.333. lux aderat: querno solvunt a stipite funem; 4.334. ante tamen posito tura dedere foco, 4.335. ante coronarunt puppem et sine labe iuvencam 4.336. mactarunt operum coniugiique rudem, 4.337. est locus, in Tiberim qua lubricus influit Almo 4.338. et nomen magno perdit in amne minor: 4.339. illic purpurea canus cum veste sacerdos 4.340. Almonis dominam sacraque lavit aquis, 4.341. exululant comites, furiosaque tibia flatur, 4.342. et feriunt molles taurea terga manus. 4.343. Claudia praecedit laeto celeberrima voltu, 4.344. credita vix tandem teste pudica dea; 6.213. Quaerebam, Nonas Sanco Fidione referrem, 6.214. an tibi, Semo pater; tum mihi Sancus ait: 6.215. ‘cuicumque ex istis dederis, ego munus habebo: 6.216. nomina terna fero: sic voluere Cures.’ 6.217. hunc igitur veteres donarunt aede Sabini 6.218. inque Quirinali constituere iugo. 6.569. Lux eadem, Fortuna, tua est auctorque locusque; 6.570. sed superiniectis quis latet iste togis? 6.571. Servius est, hoc constat enim, sed causa latendi 6.572. discrepat et dubium me quoque mentis habet, 6.613. signum erat in solio residens sub imagine Tulli; 6.614. dicitur hoc oculis opposuisse manum, 6.615. et vox audita est ‘voltus abscondite nostros, 6.616. ne natae videant ora nefanda meae.’ 6.617. veste data tegitur, vetat hanc Fortuna moveri 6.618. et sic e templo est ipsa locuta suo: 6.619. ‘ore revelato qua primum luce patebit 6.620. Servius, haec positi prima pudoris erit.’ 6.621. parcite, matronae, vetitas attingere vestes: 6.622. sollemni satis est voce movere preces, 6.623. sitque caput semper Romano tectus amictu, 6.624. qui rex in nostra septimus urbe fuit. 6.625. arserat hoc templum, signo tamen ille pepercit 6.626. ignis: opem nato Mulciber ipse tulit, | 1.260. He at once retold the warlike acts of Oebalian Tatius, 1.261. And how the treacherous keeper, Tarpeia, bribed with bracelets, 1.262. Led the silent Sabines to the heights of the citadel. 4.225. She desired him to serve her, and protect her temple, 4.226. And said: “Wish, you might be a boy for ever.” 4.227. He promised to be true, and said: “If I’m lying 4.228. May the love I fail in be my last love.” 4.229. He did fail, and in meeting the nymph Sagaritis, 4.230. Abandoned what he was: the goddess, angered, avenged it. 4.231. She destroyed the Naiad, by wounding a tree, 4.232. Since the tree contained the Naiad’s fate. 4.233. Attis was maddened, and thinking his chamber’s roof 4.234. Was falling, fled for the summit of Mount Dindymus. 4.235. Now he cried: “Remove the torches”, now he cried: 4.236. “Take the whips away”: often swearing he saw the Furies. 4.237. He tore at his body too with a sharp stone, 4.238. And dragged his long hair in the filthy dust, 4.239. Shouting: “I deserved this! I pay the due penalty 4.240. In blood! Ah! Let the parts that harmed me, perish! 4.241. Let them perish!” cutting away the burden of his groin, 4.242. And suddenly bereft of every mark of manhood. 4.243. His madness set a precedent, and his unmanly servant 4.244. Toss their hair, and cut off their members as if worthless.’ 4.245. So the Aonian Muse, eloquently answering the question 4.246. I’d asked her, regarding the causes of their madness. 4.247. ‘Guide of my work, I beg you, teach me also, where She 4.248. Was brought from. Was she always resident in our City? 4.249. ‘The Mother Goddess always loved Dindymus, Cybele, 4.250. And Ida, with its pleasant streams, and the Trojan realm: 4.251. And when Aeneas brought Troy to Italian fields, the godde 4.252. Almost followed those ships that carried the sacred relics. 4.253. But she felt that fate didn’t require her powers in Latium, 4.254. So she stayed behind in her long-accustomed place. 4.255. Later, when Rome was more than five centuries old, 4.256. And had lifted its head above the conquered world, 4.257. The priest consulted the fateful words of Euboean prophecy: 4.258. They say that what he found there was as follows: 4.259. ‘The Mother’s absent: Roman, I command you: seek the Mother. 4.260. When she arrives, she must be received in chaste hands.’ 4.261. The dark oracle’s ambiguity set the senators puzzling 4.262. As to who that parent might be, and where to seek her. 4.263. Apollo was consulted, and replied: ‘Fetch the Mother 4.264. of all the Gods, who you’ll find there on Mount Ida.’ 4.265. Noblemen were sent. Attalus at that time held 4.266. The Phrygian sceptre: he refused the Italian lords. 4.267. Marvellous to tell, the earth shook with long murmurs, 4.268. And the goddess, from her shrine, spoke as follows: 4.269. ‘I myself wished them to seek me: don’t delay: send me, 4.270. Willingly. Rome is a worthy place for all divinities.’ 4.271. Quaking with fear at her words, Attalus, said: ‘Go, 4.272. You’ll still be ours: Rome claims Phrygian ancestry.’ 4.273. Immediately countless axes felled the pine-tree 4.274. Those trees pious Aeneas employed for his flight: 4.275. A thousand hands work, and the heavenly Mother 4.276. Soon has a hollow ship, painted in fiery colours. 4.277. She’s carried in perfect safety over her son’s waves, 4.278. And reaches the long strait named for Phrixus’ sister, 4.279. Passes fierce Rhoetum and the Sigean shore, 4.280. And Tenedos and Eetion’s ancient kingdom. 4.281. Leaving Lesbos behind she then steered for the Cyclades, 4.282. And the waves that break on Euboea’s Carystian shoals. 4.283. She passed the Icarian Sea, as well, where Icarus shed 4.284. His melting wings, giving his name to a vast tract of water. 4.285. Then leaving Crete to larboard, and the Pelopian wave 4.286. To starboard, she headed for Cythera, sacred to Venus. 4.287. From there to the Sicilian Sea, where Brontes, Sterope 4.288. And Aemonides forge their red-hot iron, 4.289. Then, skirting African waters, she saw the Sardinian 4.290. Realm behind to larboard, and reached our Italy. 4.291. She’d arrived at the mouth (ostia) where the Tiber divide 4.292. To meet the deep, and flows with a wider sweep: 4.293. All the Knights, grave Senators, and commoners, 4.294. Came to meet her at the mouth of the Tuscan river. 4.295. With them walked mothers, daughters, and brides, 4.296. And all those virgins who tend the sacred fires. 4.297. The men wearied their arms hauling hard on the ropes: 4.298. The foreign vessel barely made way against the stream. 4.299. For a long time there’d been a drought: the grass was dry 4.300. And scorched: the boat stuck fast in the muddy shallows. 4.301. Every man, hauling, laboured beyond his strength, 4.302. And encouraged their toiling hands with his cries. 4.303. Yet the ship lodged there, like an island fixed in mid-ocean: 4.304. And astonished at the portent, men stood and quaked. 4.305. Claudia Quinta traced her descent from noble Clausus, 4.306. And her beauty was in no way unequal to her nobility: 4.307. She was chaste, but not believed so: hostile rumour 4.308. Had wounded her, false charges were levelled at her: 4.309. Her elegance, promenading around in various hairstyles, 4.310. And her ready tongue, with stiff old men, counted against her. 4.311. Conscious of virtue, she laughed at the rumoured lies, 4.312. But we’re always ready to credit others with faults. 4.313. Now, when she’d stepped from the line of chaste women, 4.314. Taking pure river water in her hands, she wetted her head 4.315. Three times, three times lifted her palms to the sky, 4.316. (Everyone watching her thought she’d lost her mind) 4.317. Then, kneeling, fixed her eyes on the goddess’s statue, 4.318. And, with loosened hair, uttered these words: 4.319. “ Kind and fruitful Mother of the Gods, accept 4.320. A suppliant’s prayers, on this one condition: 4.321. They deny I’m chaste: let me be guilty if you condemn me: 4.322. Convicted by a goddess I’ll pay for it with my life. 4.323. But if I’m free of guilt, grant a pledge of my innocence 4.324. By your action: and, chaste, give way to my chaste hands.” 4.325. She spoke: then gave a slight pull at the rope, 4.326. (A wonder, but the sacred drama attests what I say): 4.327. The goddess stirred, followed, and, following, approved her: 4.328. Witness the sound of jubilation carried to the stars. 4.329. They came to a bend in the river (called of old 4.330. The Halls of Tiber): there the stream turns left, ascending. 4.331. Night fell: they tied the rope to an oak stump, 4.332. And, having eaten, settled to a tranquil sleep. 4.333. Dawn rose: they loosed the rope from the oak stump, 4.334. After first laying a fire and offering incense, 4.335. And crowned the stern, and sacrificed a heifer 4.336. Free of blemish, that had never known yoke or bull. 4.337. There’s a place where smooth-flowing Almo joins the Tiber, 4.338. And the lesser flow loses its name in the greater: 4.339. There, a white-headed priest in purple robe 4.340. Washed the Lady, and sacred relics, in Almo’s water. 4.341. The attendants howled, and the mad flutes blew, 4.342. And soft hands beat at the bull’s-hide drums. 4.343. Claudia walked in front with a joyful face, 4.344. Her chastity proven by the goddess’s testimony: 6.213. I asked whether I should assign the Nones to Sancus, 6.214. Or Fidius, or you Father Semo: Sancus answered me: 6.215. ‘Whichever you assign it to, the honour’s mine: 6.216. I bear all three names: so Cures willed it.’ 6.217. The Sabines of old granted him a shrine accordingly, 6.218. And established it on the Quirinal Hill. 6.569. Day, doubled the enemy’s strength. 6.570. Fortuna, the same day is yours, your temple 6.571. Founded by the same king, in the same place. 6.572. And whose is that statue hidden under draped robes? 6.613. Yet she still dared to visit her father’s temple, 6.614. His monument: what I tell is strange but true. 6.615. There was a statue enthroned, an image of Servius: 6.616. They say it put a hand to its eyes, 6.617. And a voice was heard: ‘Hide my face, 6.618. Lest it view my own wicked daughter.’ 6.619. It was veiled by cloth, Fortune refused to let the robe 6.620. Be removed, and she herself spoke from her temple: 6.621. ‘The day when Servius’ face is next revealed, 6.622. Will be a day when shame is cast aside.’ 6.623. Women, beware of touching the forbidden cloth, 6.624. (It’s sufficient to utter prayers in solemn tones) 6.625. And let him who was the City’s seventh king 6.626. Keep his head covered, forever, by this veil. |
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| 5. Livy, History, 1.11.6-1.11.9, 1.57, 24.47.15, 29.14.5-29.14.14, 40.29.2-40.29.14, 45.40 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 41, 171, 174, 176, 179 |
6. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 2.38, 4.27.7, 4.40.7, 4.62 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 41, 171, 179 | 2.38. 1. Tatius, the king of the Sabines, being informed of their preparations, broke camp in the night and led his army through the country, without doing any damage to the property in the fields, and before sunrise encamped on the plain that lies between the Quirinal and Capitoline hills. But observing all the posts to be securely guarded by the enemy and no strong position left for his army, he fell into great perplexity, not knowing what use to make of the enforced delay.,2. While he was thus at his wit's end, he met with an unexpected piece of good fortune, the strongest of the fortresses being delivered up to him in the following circumstances. It seems that, while the Sabines were passing by the foot of the Capitoline to view the place and see whether any part of the hill could be taken within by surprise of or by force, they were observed from above by a maiden whose name was Tarpeia, the daughter of a distinguished man who had been entrusted with the guarding of the place.,3. This maiden, as both Fabius and Cincius relate, conceived a desire for the bracelets which the men wore on their left arms and for their rings; for at that time the Sabines wore ornaments of gold and were no less luxurious in their habits than the Tyrrhenians. But according to the account given by Lucius Piso, the ex-censor, she was inspired by the desire of performing a noble deed, namely, to deprive the enemy of their defensive arms and thus deliver them up to her fellow citizens.,4. Which of these accounts is the truer may be conjectured by what happened afterwards. This girl, therefore, sending out one of her maids by a little gate which was not known to be open, desired the king of the Sabines to come and confer with her in private, as if she had an affair of necessity and importance to communicate to him. Tatius, in the hope of having the place betrayed to him, accepted the proposal and came to the place appointed; and the maiden, approaching within speaking distance, informed him that her father had gone out of the fortress during the night on some business, but that she had the keys of the gates, and if they came in the night, she would deliver up the place to them upon condition that they gave her as a reward for her treachery the things which all the Sabines wore on their left arms.,5. And when Tatius consented to this, she received his sworn pledge for the faithful performance of the agreement and gave him hers. Then having appointed, as the place to which the Sabines were to repair, the strongest part of the fortress, and the most unguarded hour of the night as the time for the enterprise, she returned without being observed by those inside. 4.27.7. Besides these achievements in both peace and war, he built two temples to Fortune, who seemed to have favoured him all his life, one in the market called the Cattle Market, the other on the banks of the Tiber to the Fortune which he named Fortuna Virilis, as she is called by the Romans even to this day. And being now advanced in years and not far from a natural death, he was treacherously slain by Tarquinius, his son-inâlaw, and by his own daughter. I shall also relate the manner in which this treacherous deed was carried out; but first I must go back and mention a few things that preceded it. 4.40.7. And it was made clear by another prodigy that this man was dear to the gods; in consequence of which that fabulous and incredible opinion I have already mentioned concerning his birth also came to be regarded by many as true. For in the temple of Fortune which he himself had built there stood a gilded wooden statue of Tullius, and when a conflagration occurred and everything else was destroyed, this statue alone remained uninjured by the flames. And even to this day, although the temple itself and all the objects in it, which were restored to their formed condition after the fire, are obviously the products of modern art, the statue, as aforetime, is of ancient workmanship; for it still remains an object of veneration by the Romans. Concerning Tullius these are all the facts that have been handed down to us. 4.62. 1. It is said that during the reign of Tarquinius another very wonderful piece of good luck also came to the Roman state, conferred upon it by the favour of some god or other divinity; and this good fortune was not of short duration, but throughout the whole existence of the country it has often saved it from great calamities.,2. A certain woman who was not a native of the country came to the tyrant wishing to sell him nine books filled with Sibylline oracles; but when Tarquinius refused to purchase the books at the price she asked, she went away and burned three of them. And not long afterwards, bringing the remaining six books, she offered to sell them for the same price. But when they thought her a fool and mocked at her for asking the same price for the smaller number of books that she had been unable to get for even the larger number, she again went away and burned half of those that were left; then, bringing the remaining books, she asked the same amount of money for these.,3. Tarquinius, wondering at the woman's purpose, sent for the augurs and acquainting them with the matter, asked them what he should do. These, knowing by certain signs that he had rejected a god-sent blessing, and declaring it to be a great misfortune that he had not purchased all the books, directed him to pay the woman all the money she asked and to get the oracles that were left.,4. The woman, after delivering the books and bidding him take great care of them, disappeared from among men. Tarquinius chose two men of distinction from among the citizens and appointing two public slaves to assist them, entrusted to them the guarding of the books; and when one of these men, named Marcus Atilius, seemed to have been faithless to his trust and was informed upon by one of the public slaves, he ordered him to be sewed up in a leather bag and thrown into the sea as a parricide.,5. Since the expulsion of the kings, the commonwealth, taking upon itself the guarding of these oracles, entrusts the care of them to persons of the greatest distinction, who hold this office for life, being exempt from military service and from all civil employments, and it assigns public slaves to assist them, in whose absence the others are not permitted to inspect the oracles. In short, there is no possession of the Romans, sacred or profane, which they guard so carefully as they do the Sibylline oracles. They consult them, by order of the senate, when the state is in the grip of party strife or some great misfortune has happened to them in war, or some important prodigies and apparitions have been seen which are difficult of interpretation, as has often happened. These oracles till the time of the Marsian War, as it was called, were kept underground in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus in a stone chest under the guard of ten men.,6. But when the temple was burned after the close of the one hundred and seventy-third Olympiad, either purposely, as some think, or by accident, these oracles together with all the offerings consecrated to the god were destroyed by the fire. Those which are now extant have been scraped together from many places, some from the cities of Italy, others from Erythrae in Asia (whither three envoys were sent by vote of the senate to copy them), and others were brought from other cities, transcribed by private persons. Some of these are found to be interpolations among the genuine Sibylline oracles, being recognized as such by means of the soâcalled acrostics. In all this I am following the account given by Terentius Varro in his work on religion. |
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| 7. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 7.20, 7.120, 8.194, 8.197, 13.88, 28.34, 34.22-34.23, 34.31-34.32, 34.64-34.65, 35.23, 35.26, 35.65, 35.88, 35.102-35.103, 35.155-35.157, 36.163 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 41, 99, 171, 174, 176, 179, 184 |
| 8. Martial, Epigrams, 6.13, 7.84 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 99 |
| 9. Martial, Epigrams, 6.13, 7.84 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 99 |
| 10. Plutarch, Lucullus, 39 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 99 |
11. Plutarch, Marius, 17.1-17.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179| 17.1. ταῦτʼ ἀκούων ὁ Μάριος ἥδετο, καὶ κατεπράυνεν αὐτούς ὡς οὐκ ἐκείνοις ἀπιστῶν, ἀλλʼ ἔκ τινων λογίων τὸν τῆς νίκης ἅμα καιρὸν καὶ τόπον ἐκδεχόμενος. καὶ γάρ τινα Σύραν γυναῖκα, Μάρθαν ὄνομα, μαντεύεσθαι λεγομένην ἐν φορείῳ κατακειμένην σεμνῶς περιήγετο, καὶ θυσίας ἔθυεν ἐκείνης κελευούσης. ἣν πρότερον μὲν ἀπήλασεν ἡ σύγκλητος ἐντυχεῖν ὑπὲρ τούτων βουλομένην καὶ τὰ μέλλοντα προθεσπίζουσαν, 17.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ πρὸς τὰς γυναῖκας εἰσιοῦσα διάπειραν ἐδίδου καὶ μάλιστα τῇ Μαρίου παρακαθίζουσα παρὰ τοὺς πόδας τῶν μονομάχων ἐπιτυχῶς προηγόρευε τὸν μέλλοντα νικᾶν, ἀναπεμφθεῖσα πρὸς Μάριον ὑπʼ· ἐκείνης ἐθαυμάζετο. καὶ τὰ πολλὰ μὲν ἐν φορείῳ παρεκομίζετο, πρὸς δὲ τὰς θυσίας κατῄει φοινικίδα διπλῆν ἐμπεπορπημένη καὶ λόγχην ἀναδεδεμένην ταινίαις καὶ στεφανώμασι φέρουσα. 17.3. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν τὸ δρᾶμα πολλοῖς ἀμφισβήτησιν παρεῖχεν, εἴτε πεπεισμένος ὡς ἀληθῶς εἴτε πλαττόμενος καὶ συνυποκρινόμενος ἐπιβείκνυται τὴν ἄνθρωπον. τὸ δὲ περὶ τοὺς γῦπας θαύματος ἄξιον Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ Μύνδιος ἱστόρηκε. δύο γὰρ ἐφαίνοντο πρὸ τῶν κατορθωμάτων ἀεὶ περὶ τὰς στρατιὰς καὶ παρηκολούθουν γνωριζόμενοι χαλκοῖς περιδεραίοις· ταὐτὰ δὲ οἱ στρατιῶται συλλαβόντες αὐτούς περιῆψαν, εἶτα ἀφῆκαν· ἐκ δὲ τούτου γνωρίζοντες ἠσπάζοντο αὐτούς οἱ στρατιῶται αὐτοὺς οἱ στρατιῶται with Reiske: τοὺς στρατιώτας , which Bekker and Ziegler bracket. καὶ φανέντων ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐξόδοις ἔχαιρον ὡς ἀγαθὸν τι πράξοντες. | 17.1. 17.2. 17.3. |
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| 12. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 171 |
13. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 22.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 171| 22.2. πυρὶ μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἔδοσαν τὸν νεκρὸν αὐτοῦ κωλύσαντος, ὡς λέγεται, δύο δὲ ποιησάμενοι λιθίνας σοροὺς ὑπὸ τὸ Ἰάνοκλον ἔθηκαν, τὴν μὲν ἑτέραν ἔχουσαν τὸ σῶμα, τὴν δὲ ἑτέραν τὰς ἱερὰς βίβλους ἃς ἐγράψατο μὲν αὐτός, ὥσπερ οἱ τῶν Ἑλλήνων νομοθέται τοὺς κύρβεις, ἐκδιδάξας δὲ τοὺς ἱερεῖς ἔτι ζῶν τὰ γεγραμμένα καὶ πάντων ἕξιν τε καὶ γνώμην ἐνεργασάμενος αὐτοῖς, ἐκέλευσε συνταφῆναι μετὰ τοῦ σώματος, ὡς οὐ καλῶς ἐν ἀψύχοις γράμμασι φρουρουμένων τῶν ἀπορρήτων. | 22.2. They did not burn his body, because, as it is said, he forbade it; but they made two stone coffins and buried them under the Janiculum. One of these held his body, and the other the sacred books which he had written out with his own hand, as the Greek lawgivers their tablets. But since, while he was still living, he had taught the priests the written contents of the books, and had inculcated in their hearts the scope and meaning of them all, he commanded that they should be buried with his body, convinced that such mysteries ought not to be entrusted to the care of lifeless documents. 22.2. They did not burn his body, because, as it is said, he forbade it; but they made two stone coffins and buried them under the Janiculum. One of these held his body, and the other the sacred books which he had written out with his own hand, as the Greek lawgivers their tablets. But since, while he was still living, he had taught the priests the written contents of the books, and had inculcated in their hearts the scope and meaning of them all, he commanded that they should be buried with his body, convinced that such mysteries ought not to be entrusted to the care of lifeless documents. |
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14. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 28.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 41, 109| 28.5. ἐν δʼ Ὀλυμπίᾳ, τοῦτο δὴ τὸ πολυθρύλητον ἐκεῖνόν ἀναφθέγξασθαί φασιν, ὡς τὸν Ὁμήρου Δία Φειδίας ἀποπλάσαιτο. | 28.5. And at Olympia, as they say, he made that utterance which is now in every mouth, that Pheidias had moulded the Zeus of Homer. |
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15. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 16.7-16.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 41| 16.7. ὁ δὲ θυμῷ μᾶλλον ἢ λογισμῷ πρῶτος ἐμβαλὼν τόν τε ἵππον ἀποβάλλει ξίφει πληγέντα διὰ τῶν πλευρῶν ἦν δὲ ἕτερος, οὐχ ὁ Βουκεφάλας, καὶ τοὺς πλείστους τῶν ἀποθανόντων καὶ τραυματισθέντων ἐκεῖ συνέβη κινδυνεῦσαι καὶ πεσεῖν,ʼ πρός ἀνθρώπους ἀπεγνωκότας καὶ μαχίμους συμπλεκομένους. λέγονται δὲ πεζοὶ μὲν δισμύριοι τῶν βαρβάρων, ἱππεῖς δὲ δισχίλιοι πεντακόσιοι πεσεῖν. τῶν δὲ περὶ τόν Ἀλέξανδρον Ἀριστόβουλός φησι τέσσαρας καὶ τριάκοντα νεκροὺς γενέσθαι τοὺς πάντας, ὧν ἐννέα πεζοὺς εἶναι. 16.8. τούτων μὲν οὖν ἐκέλευσεν εἰκόνας ἀνασταθῆναι χαλκᾶς, ἃς Λύσιππος εἰργάσατο. κοινούμενος δὲ τὴν νίκην τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἰδίᾳ μὲν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἔπεμψε τῶν αἰχμαλώτων τριακοσίας ἀσπίδας, κοινῇ δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις λαφύροις ἐκέλευσεν ἐπιγράψαι φιλοτιμοτάτην ἐπιγραφήν Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ Φιλίππου καὶ οἱ Ἕλληνες πλὴν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων τῶν τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικούντων ἐκπώματα δὲ καὶ πορφύρας, καὶ ὅσα τοιαῦτα τῶν Περσικῶν ἔλαβε, πάντα τῇ μητρὶ πλὴν ὀλίγων ἔπεμψεν. | 16.7. But he, influenced by anger more than by reason, charged foremost upon them and lost his horse, which was smitten through the ribs with a sword (it was not Bucephalas, but another); and most of the Macedonians who were slain or wounded fought or fell there, since they came to close quarters with men who knew how to fight and were desperate. of the Barbarians, we are told, twenty thousand footmen fell, and twenty-five hundred horsemen. Diodorus ( xvii. 21, 6 ) says that more than ten thousand Persian footmen fell, and not less than two thousand horsemen; while over twenty thousand were taken prisoners. But on Alexander’s side, Aristobulus says there were thirty-four dead in all, of whom nine were footmen. 16.8. of these, then, Alexander ordered statues to be set up in bronze, and Lysippus wrought them. According to Arrian ( Anab. i. 16, 4 ), about twenty-five of Alexander’s companions, a select corps, fell at the first onset, and it was of these that Alexander ordered statues to be made by Lysippus. Moreover, desiring to make the Greeks partners in his victory, he sent to the Athenians in particular three hundred of the captured shields, and upon the rest of the spoils in general he ordered a most ambitious inscription to be wrought: Alexander the son of Philip and all the Greeks except the Lacedaemonians from the Barbarians who dwell in Asia. But the drinking vessels and the purple robes and whatever things of this nature he took from the Persians, all these, except a few, he sent to his mother. |
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| 16. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 4.2-4.4, 13.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 176 |
| 17. Silius Italicus, Punica, 13.839-13.843 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179 |
| 18. Suetonius, Augustus, 73 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 174 |
| 19. Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 3.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 174 |
| 20. Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, 2.39 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 109 |
21. Tacitus, Annals, 1.73, 3.36 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 109| 1.73. Haud pigebit referre in Falanio et Rubrio, modicis equitibus Romanis, praetemptata crimina, ut quibus initiis, quanta Tiberii arte gravissimum exitium inrepserit, dein repressum sit, postremo arserit cunctaque corripuerit, noscatur. Falanio obiciebat accusator, quod inter cultores Augusti, qui per omnis domos in modum collegiorum habebantur, Cassium quendam mimum corpore infamem adscivisset, quodque venditis hortis statuam Augusti simul mancipasset. Rubrio crimini dabatur violatum periurio numen Augusti. quae ubi Tiberio notuere, scripsit consulibus non ideo decretum patri suo caelum, ut in perniciem civium is honor verteretur. Cassium histrionem solitum inter alios eiusdem artis interesse ludis, quos mater sua in memoriam Augusti sacrasset; nec contra religiones fieri quod effigies eius, ut alia numinum simulacra, venditionibus hortorum et domuum accedant. ius iurandum perinde aestimandum quam si Iovem fefellisset: deorum iniurias dis curae. 3.36. Exim promptum quod multorum intimis questibus tegebatur. incedebat enim deterrimo cuique licentia impune probra et invidiam in bonos excitandi arrepta imagine Caesaris; libertique etiam ac servi, patrono vel domino cum voces, cum manus intentarent, ultro metuebantur. igitur C. Cestius senator disseruit principes quidem instar deorum esse, sed neque a diis nisi iustas supplicum preces audiri neque quemquam in Capitolium aliave urbis templa perfugere ut eo subsidio ad flagitia utatur. abolitas leges et funditus versas, ubi in foro, in limine curiae ab Annia Rufilla, quam fraudis sub iudice damnavisset, probra sibi et minae intendantur, neque ipse audeat ius experiri ob effigiem imperatoris oppositam. haud dissimilia alii et quidam atrociora circumstrepebant, precabanturque Drusum daret ultionis exemplum, donec accitam convictamque attineri publica custodia iussit. | 1.73. It will not be unremunerative to recall the first, tentative charges brought in the case of Falanius and Rubrius, two Roman knights of modest position; if only to show from what beginnings, thanks to the art of Tiberius, the accursed thing crept in, and, after a temporary check, at last broke out, an all-devouring conflagration. Against Falanius the accuser alleged that he had admitted a certain Cassius, mime and catamite, among the "votaries of Augustus," who were maintained, after the fashion of fraternities, in all the great houses: also, that when selling his gardens, he had parted with a statue of Augustus as well. To Rubrius the crime imputed was violation of the deity of Augustus by perjury. When the facts came to the knowledge of Tiberius, he wrote to the consuls that place in heaven had not been decreed to his father in order that the honour might be turned to the destruction of his countrymen. Cassius, the actor, with others of his trade, had regularly taken part in the games which his own mother had consecrated to the memory of Augustus; nor was it an act of sacrilege, if the effigies of that sovereign, like other images of other gods, went with the property, whenever a house or garden was sold. As to the perjury, it was on the same footing as if the defendant had taken the name of Jupiter in vain: the gods must look to their own wrongs. 3.36. Now came the disclosure of a practice whispered in the private complaints of many. There was a growing tendency of the rabble to cast insult and odium on citizens of repute, and to evade the penalty by grasping some object portraying the Caesar. The freedmen and slaves, even, were genuinely feared by the patron or the owner against whom they lifted their voices or their hands. Hence a speech of the senator, Gaius Cestius:â "Princes, he admitted, were equivalent to deities; but godhead itself listened only to the just petitions of the suppliant, and no man fled to the Capitol or other sanctuary of the city to make it a refuge subserving his crimes. The laws had been abolished â overturned from the foundations â when Annia Rufilla, whom he had proved guilty of fraud in a court of justice, could insult and threaten him in the Forum, upon the threshold of the curia; while he himself dared not try the legal remedy because of the portrait of the sovereign with which she confronted him." Similar and, in some cases, more serious experiences, were described by a din of voices around him; and appeals to Drusus, to set the example of punishment, lasted till he gave orders for her to be summoned and imprisoned, after conviction, in the public cells. |
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22. Plutarch, Romulus, 17.2-17.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179| 17.2. ἐπὶ τούτοις βαρέως φέροντες οἱ λοιποὶ Σαβῖνοι Τάτιον ἀποδείξαντες στρατηγὸν ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην ἐστράτευσαν. ἦν δὲ δυσπρόσοδος ἡ πόλις, ἔχουσα πρόβλημα τὸ νῦν Καπιτώλιον, ἐν ᾧ φρουρὰ καθειστήκει καὶ Ταρπήιος ἡγεμὼν αὐτῆς, οὐχὶ Ταρπηία παρθένος, ὡς ἔνιοι λέγουσιν, εὐήθη τὸν Ῥωμύλον ἀποδεικνύοντες· ἀλλὰ θυγάτηρ ἡ Ταρπηία τοῦ ἄρχοντος οὖσα προὔδωκε τοῖς Σαβίνοις, ἐπιθυμήσασα τῶν χρυσῶν βραχιονιστήρων οὓς εἶδε περικειμένους, καὶ ᾔτησε μισθὸν τῆς προδοσίας ἃ φοροῖεν ἐν ταῖς ἀριστεραῖς χερσί. 17.3. συνθεμένου δὲ τοῦ Τατίου, νύκτωρ ἀνοίξασα πύλην μίαν, ἐδέξατο τοὺς Σαβίνους. οὐ μόνος οὖν ὡς ἔοικεν Ἀντίγονος ἔφη προδιδόντας μὲν φιλεῖν, προδεδωκότας δὲ μισεῖν, οὐδὲ Καῖσαρ, εἰπὼν ἐπὶ τοῦ Θρᾳκὸς Ῥοιμητάλκου, φιλεῖν μὲν προδοσίαν, προδότην δὲ μισεῖν, ἀλλὰ κοινόν τι τοῦτο πάθος ἐστὶ πρὸς τοὺς πονηροὺς τοῖς δεομένοις αὐτῶν, ὥσπερ ἰοῦ καὶ χολῆς ἐνίων θηρίων δέονται· τὴν γὰρ χρείαν ὅτε λαμβάνουσιν ἀγαπῶντες, ἐχθαίρουσι τὴν κακίαν ὅταν τύχωσι. 17.4. τοῦτο καὶ πρὸς τὴν Ταρπηίαν τότε παθὼν ὁ Τάτιος, ἐκέλευσε μεμνημένους τῶν ὁμολογιῶν τοὺς Σαβίνους μηδενὸς αὐτῇ φθονεῖν ὧν ἐν ταῖς ἀριστεραῖς ἔχουσι, καὶ πρῶτος ἅμα τὸν βραχιονιστῆρα τῆς χειρὸς περιελὼν καὶ τὸν θυρεὸν ἐπέρριψε. πάντων δὲ τὸ αὐτὸ ποιούντων, βαλλομένη τε τῷ χρυσῷ καὶ καταχωσθεῖσα τοῖς θυρεοῖς, ὑπὸ πλήθους καὶ βάρους ἀπέθανεν. 17.5. ἑάλω δὲ καὶ Ταρπήιος προδοσίας ὑπὸ Ῥωμύλου διωχθείς, ὡς Ἰόβας φησὶ Γάλβαν Σουλπίκιον ἱστορεῖν. τῶν δʼ ἄλλα περὶ Ταρπηίας λεγόντων ἀπίθανοι μέν εἰσιν οἱ Τατίου θυγατέρα τοῦ ἡγεμόνος τῶν Σαβίνων οὖσαν αὐτήν, Ῥωμύλῳ δὲ βίᾳ συνοικοῦσαν, ἱστοροῦντες ταῦτα ποιῆσαι καὶ παθεῖν ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός· ὧν καὶ Ἀντίγονός ἐστι. Σιμύλος δʼ ὁ ποιητὴς καὶ παντάπασι ληρεῖ, μὴ Σαβίνοις οἰόμενος, ἀλλὰ Κελτοῖς τὴν Ταρπηίαν προδοῦναι τὸ Καπιτώλιον, ἐρασθεῖσαν αὐτῶν τοῦ βασιλέως. λέγει δὲ ταῦτα· ἡ δʼ ἀγχοῦ Τάρπεια παραὶ Καπιτώλιον αἶπος ναίουσα Ῥώμης ἔπλετο τειχολέτις, Κελτῶν ἣ στέρξασα γαμήλια λέκτρα γενέσθαι σκηπτούχῳ, πατέρων οὐκ ἐφύλαξε δόμους. καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγα περὶ τῆς τελευτῆς· τὴν δʼ οὔτʼ ἄρʼ Βόιοί τε καὶ ἔθνεα μυρία Κελτῶν χηράμενοι ῥείθρων ἐντὸς ἔθεντο Πάδου, ὅπλα δʼ ἐπιπροβαλόντες ἀρειμανέων ἀπὸ χειρῶν κούρῃ ἐπὶ στυγερῇ κόσμον ἔθεντο φόνον. | 17.2. At this the rest of the Sabines were enraged, and after appointing Tatius their general, marched upon Rome. The city was difficult of access, having as its fortress the present Capitol, on which a guard had been stationed, with Tarpeius as its captain,— not Tarpeia, a maiden, as some say, thereby making Romulus a simpleton. But Tarpeia, a daughter of the commander, betrayed the citadel to the Sabines, having set her heart on the golden armlets which she saw them wearing, and she asked as payment for her treachery that which they wore on their left arms. 17.3. Tatius agreed to this, whereupon she opened one of the gates by night and let the Sabines in. Antigonus was not alone, then, in saying that he loved men who offered to betray, but hated those who had betrayed; nor yet Caesar, in saying of the Thracian Rhoemetalces, that he loved treachery but hated a traitor; but this is a very general feeling towards the base on the part of those who need their services, just as they need certain wild creatures for their venom and gall; for while they feel the need of them, they put up with them, but abhor their vileness when they have obtained from them what they want. 17.4. This, too, was the feeling which Tatius then had towards Tarpeia, when he ordered his Sabines, mindful of their agreement, not to begrudge the girl anything they wore on their left arms. And he was first to take from his arm not only his armlet, but at the same time his shield, and cast them upon her. All his men followed his example, and the girl was smitten by the gold and buried under the shields, and died from the number and weight of them. 17.5. And Tarpeius also was convicted of treason when prosecuted by Romulus, as, according to Juba, Sulpicius Galba relates. of those who write differently about Tarpeia, they are worthy of no belief at all who say that she was a daughter of Tatius, the leader of the Sabines, and was living with Romulus under compulsion, and acted and suffered as she did, at her father’s behest; of these, Antigonus is one. And Simylus the poet is altogether absurd in supposing that Tarpeia betrayed the Capitol, not to the Sabines, but to the Gauls, because she had fallen in love with their king. These are his words:— And Tarpeia, who dwelt hard by the Capitolian steep, Became the destroyer of the walls of Rome; She longed to be the wedded wife of the Gallic chieftain, And betrayed the homes of her fathers. And a little after, speaking of her death:— Her the Boni and the myriad tribes of Gauls Did not, exulting, cast amid the currents of the Po; But hurled the shields from their belligerent arms Upon the hateful maid, and made their ornament her doom. |
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23. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 12.52-12.53 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 109 | 12.52. Such a wondrous vision did you devise and fashion, one in very truth a Charmer of grief and anger, that from men All the remembrance of their ills could loose! So great the radiance and so great the charm with which your art has clothed it. Indeed it is not reasonable to suppose that even Hephaestus himself would criticize this work if he judged it by the pleasure and delight which it affords the eye of man." "But, on the other hand, was the shape you by your artistry produced appropriate to a god and was its form worthy of the divine nature, when you not only used a material which gives delight but also presented a human form of extraordinary beauty and size; and apart from its being a man's shape, made also all the other attributes as you have made them? that is the question which I invite you to consider now. And if you make a satisfactory defence on these matters before those present and convince them that you have discovered the proper and fitting shape and form for the foremost and greatest god, then you shall receive in addition a second reward, greater and more perfect than the one given by the Eleans. 12.53. For you see that the issue is no small one, nor the danger, for us. Since in times past, because we had no clear knowledge, we formed each his different idea, and each person, according to his capacity and nature, conceived a likeness for every divine manifestation and fashioned such likenesses in his dreams; and if we do perchance collect any small and insignificant likenesses made by the earlier artists, we do not trust them very much nor pay them very much attention. But you by the power of your art first conquered and united Hellas and then all others by means of this wondrous presentment, showing forth so marvellous and dazzling a conception, that none of those who have beheld it could any longer easily form a different one. |
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24. Tacitus, Histories, 4.61, 4.65, 5.22, 5.24 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179 | 4.61. Civilis, in accordance with a vow such as these barbarians frequently make, had dyed his hair red and let it grow long from the time he first took up arms against the Romans, but now that the massacre of the legions was finally accomplished, he cut it short; it was also said that he presented his little son with some captives to be targets for the child's arrows and darts. However, he did not bind himself or any Batavian by an oath of allegiance to Gaul, for he relied on the resources of the Germans, and he felt that, if it became necessary to dispute the empire with the Gauls, he would have the advantage of his reputation and his superior power. Munius Lupercus, commander of a legion, was sent, among other gifts, to Veleda. This maiden of the tribe of the Bructeri enjoyed extensive authority, according to the ancient German custom, which regards many women as endowed with prophetic powers and, as the superstition grows, attributes divinity to them. At this time Veleda's influence was at its height, since she had foretold the German success and the destruction of the legions. But Lupercus was killed on the road. A few of the centurions and tribunes of Gallic birth were reserved as hostages to assure the alliance. The winter quarters of the auxiliary infantry and cavalry and of the legions were pulled down and burned, with the sole exception of those at Mainz and Vindonissa. 4.65. The people of Cologne first took some time to consider the matter, and then, since fear for the future did not allow them to submit to the terms proposed and present circumstances made it impossible to reject them openly, they made the following reply: "The first opportunity of freedom we seized with more eagerness than caution that we might join ourselves with you and the other Germans who are of our own blood. But it is safer to build the walls of the town higher rather than to pull them down at the moment when the Roman armies are concentrating. All the foreigners of Italian or provincial origin within our lands have been destroyed by war or have fled each to his own home. The first settlers, established here long ago, have become allied with us by marriage, and to them as well as to their children this is their native city; nor can we think that you are so unjust as to wish us to kill our own parents, brothers, and children. We now suppress the duties and all charges that are burdens on trade: let there be free intercourse between us, but by day and without arms until by lapse of time we shall become accustomed to our new and unfamiliar rights. We will have as arbiters Civilis and Veleda, before whom all our agreements shall be ratified." With these proposals they first calmed the Tencteri and then sent a delegation to Civilis and Veleda with gifts which obtained from them everything that the people of Cologne desired; yet the embassy was not allowed to approach Veleda herself and address her directly: they were kept from seeing her to inspire them with more respect. She herself lived in a high tower; one of her relatives, chosen for the purpose, carried to her the questions and brought back her answers, as if he were the messenger of a god. 5.22. He had gone to Novaesium and Bonn to inspect the camps that were being built for the legions' winter quarters, and was now returning with the fleet, while his escort straggled and his sentries were careless. The Germans noticed this and planned an ambuscade; they selected a night black with clouds, and slipping down-stream got within the camp without opposition. Their onslaught was helped at first by cunning, for they cut the tent ropes and massacred the soldiers as they lay buried beneath their own shelters. Another force put the fleet into confusion, throwing grappling-irons on board and dragging the boats away; while they acted in silence at first to avoid attracting attention, after the slaughter had begun they endeavoured to increase the panic by their shouts. Roused by their wounds the Romans looked for their arms and ran up and down the streets of the camp; few were properly equipped, most with their garments wrapped around their arms and their swords drawn. Their general, half-asleep and almost naked, was saved only by the enemy's mistake; for the Germans dragged away his flagship, which was distinguished by a standard, thinking that he was there. But Cerialis had spent the night elsewhere, as many believe, on account of an intrigue with Claudia Sacrata, a Ubian woman. The sentries tried to use the scandalous behaviour of their general to shield their own fault, claiming that they had been ordered to keep quiet that his rest might not be disturbed; that was the reason that trumpet-call and the challenges had been omitted, and so they had dropped to sleep themselves. The enemy sailed off in broad daylight on the ships that they had captured; the flagship they took up the Lippe as a gift to Veleda. 5.24. That the legions could then have been crushed, and that the Germans wished to do so but were craftily dissuaded by him, were claims afterwards made by Civilis; and in fact his claim seems not far from the truth, since his surrender followed a few days later. For while Cerialis by secret messengers was holding out to the Batavians the prospect of peace and to Civilis of pardon, he was also advising Veleda and her relatives to change the fortunes of a war, which repeated disasters had shown to be adverse to them, by rendering a timely service to the Roman people: he reminded them that the Treviri had been cut to pieces, the Ubii had returned to their allegiance, and the Batavians had lost their native land; they had gained nothing from their friendship with Civilis but wounds, banishment, and grief. An exile and homeless he would be only a burden to any who harboured him, and they had already done wrong enough in crossing the Rhine so many times. If they transgressed further, the wrong and guilt would be theirs, but vengeance and the favour of heaven would belong to the Romans. |
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| 25. Tacitus, Dialogus De Oratoribus, 28.5-28.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 176 |
26. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 5.11.9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 109| 5.11.9. μέτρα δὲ τοῦ ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ Διὸς ἐς ὕψος τε καὶ εὖρος ἐπιστάμενος γεγραμμένα οὐκ ἐν ἐπαίνῳ θήσομαι τοὺς μετρήσαντας, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὰ εἰρημένα αὐτοῖς μέτρα πολύ τι ἀποδέοντά ἐστιν ἢ τοῖς ἰδοῦσι παρέστηκεν ἐς τὸ ἄγαλμα δόξα, ὅπου γε καὶ αὐτὸν τὸν θεὸν μάρτυρα ἐς τοῦ Φειδίου τὴν τέχνην γενέσθαι λέγουσιν. ὡς γὰρ δὴ ἐκτετελεσμένον ἤδη τὸ ἄγαλμα ἦν, ηὔξατο ὁ Φειδίας ἐπισημῆναι τὸν θεὸν εἰ τὸ ἔργον ἐστὶν αὐτῷ κατὰ γνώμην· αὐτίκα δʼ ἐς τοῦτο τοῦ ἐδάφους κατασκῆψαι κεραυνόν φασιν, ἔνθα ὑδρία καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἐπίθημα ἦν ἡ χαλκῆ. | 5.11.9. I know that the height and breadth of the Olympic Zeus have been measured and recorded; but I shall not praise those who made the measurements, for even their records fall far short of the impression made by a sight of the image. Nay, the god himself according to legend bore witness to the artistic skill of Pheidias. For when the image was quite finished Pheidias prayed the god to show by a sign whether the work was to his liking. Immediately, runs the legend, a thunderbolt fell on that part of the floor where down to the present day the bronze jar stood to cover the place. |
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| 27. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 174 |
| 28. Herodian, History of The Empire After Marcus, 1.11 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 176 |
29. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 58.7.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 41, 171 | 58.7.2. (for he was wont to include himself in such sacrifices), a rope was discovered coiled about the neck of the statue. Again, there was the behaviour of a statue of Fortune, which had belonged, they say, to Tullius, one of the former kings of Rome, but was at this time kept by Sejanus at his house and was a source of great pride to him: |
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| 30. Aelius Aristides, Sacred Tales, 3.47 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 109 |
| 31. Gellius, Attic Nights, 1.19 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179 |
32. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 1.6 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179 | 1.6. Now let us pass to divine testimonies; but I will previously bring forward one which resembles a divine testimony, both on account of its very great antiquity, and because he whom I shall name was taken from men and placed among the gods. According to Cicero, Caius Cotta the pontiff, while disputing against the Stoics concerning superstitions, and the variety of opinions which prevail respecting the gods, in order that he might, after the custom of the Academics, make everything uncertain, says that there were five Mercuries; and having enumerated four in order, says that the fifth was he by whom Argus was slain, and that on this account he fled into Egypt, and gave laws and letters to the Egyptians. The Egyptians call him Thoth; and from him the first month of their year, that is, September, received its name among them. He also built a town, which is even now called in Greek Hermopolis (the town of Mercury), and the inhabitants of Phen honour him with religious worship. And although he was a man, yet he was of great antiquity, and most fully imbued with every kind of learning, so that the knowledge of many subjects and arts acquired for him the name of Trismegistus. He wrote books, and those in great numbers, relating to the knowledge of divine things, in which be asserts the majesty of the supreme and only God, and makes mention of Him by the same names which we use - God and Father. And that no one might inquire His name, he said that He was without name, and that on account of His very unity He does not require the peculiarity of a name. These are his own words: God is one, but He who is one only does not need a name; for He who is self-existent is without a name. God, therefore, has no name, because He is alone; nor is there any need of a proper name, except in cases where a multitude of persons requires a distinguishing mark, so that you may designate each person by his own mark and appellation. But God, because He is always one, has no peculiar name. It remains for me to bring forward testimonies respecting the sacred responses and predictions, which are much more to be relied upon. For perhaps they against whom we are arguing may think that no credence is to be given to poets, as though they invented fictions, nor to philosophers, inasmuch as they were liable to err, being themselves but men. Marcus Varro, than whom no man of greater learning ever lived, even among the Greeks, much less among the Latins, in those books respecting divine subjects which he addressed to Caius C sar the chief pontiff, when he was speaking of the Quindecemviri, says that the Sibylline books were not the production of one Sibyl only, but that they were called by one name Sibylline, because all prophetesses were called by the ancients Sibyls, either from the name of one, the Delphian priestess, or from their proclaiming the counsels of the gods. For in the Æolic dialect they used to call the gods by the word Sioi, not Theoi; and for counsel they used the word bule, not boule;- and so the Sibyl received her name as though Siobule. But he says that the Sibyls were ten in number, and he enumerated them all under the writers, who wrote an account of each: that the first was from the Persians, and of her Nicanor made mention, who wrote the exploits of Alexander of Macedon;- the second of Libya, and of her Euripides makes mention in the prologue of the Lamia;- the third of Delphi, concerning whom Chrysippus speaks in that book which he composed concerning divination - the fourth a Cimmerian in Italy, whom N vius mentions in his books of the Punic war, and Piso in his annals - the fifth of Erythr a, whom Apollodorus of Erythr a affirms to have been his own countrywoman, and that she foretold to the Greeks when they were setting out for Ilium, both that Troy was doomed to destruction, and that Homer would write falsehoods;- the sixth of Samos, respecting whom Eratosthenes writes that he had found a written notice in the ancient annals of the Samians. The seventh was of Cum , by name Amalth a, who is termed by some Herophile, or Demophile, and they say that she brought nine books to the king Tarquinius Priscus, and asked for them three hundred philippics, and that the king refused so great a price, and derided the madness of the woman; that she, in the sight of the king, burnt three of the books, and demanded the same price for those which were left; that Tarquinias much more considered the woman to be mad; and that when she again, having burnt three other books, persisted in asking the same price, the king was moved, and bought the remaining books for the three hundred pieces of gold: and the number of these books was afterwards increased, after the rebuilding of the Capitol; because they were collected from all cities of Italy and Greece, and especially from those of Erythr a, and were brought to Rome, under the name of whatever Sibyl they were. Further, that the eighth was from the Hellespont, born in the Trojan territory, in the village of Marpessus, about the town of Gergithus; and Heraclides of Pontus writes that she lived in the times of Solon and Cyrus - the ninth of Phrygia, who gave oracles at Ancyra;- the tenth of Tibur, by name Albunea, who is worshipped at Tibur as a goddess, near the banks of the river Anio, in the depths of which her statue is said to have been found, holding in her hand a book. The senate transferred her oracles into the Capitol. The predictions of all these Sibyls are both brought forward and esteemed as such, except those of the Cum an Sibyl, whose books are concealed by the Romans; nor do they consider it lawful for them to be inspected by any one but the Quindecemviri. And there are separate books the production of each, but because these are inscribed with the name of the Sibyl they are believed to be the work of one; and they are confused, nor can the productions of each be distinguished and assigned to their own authors, except in the case of the Erythr an Sibyl, for she both inserted her own true name in her verse, and predicted that she would be called Erythr an, though she was born at Babylon. But we also shall speak of the Sibyl without any distinction, wherever we shall have occasion to use their testimonies. All these Sibyls, then, proclaim one God, and especially the Erythr an, who is regarded among the others as more celebrated and noble; since Fenestella, a most diligent writer, speaking of the Quindecemviri, says that, after the rebuilding of the Capitol, Caius Curio the consul proposed to the senate that ambassadors should be sent to Erythr to search out and bring to Rome the writings of the Sibyl; and that, accordingly, Publius Gabinius, Marcus Otacilius, and Lucius Valerius were sent, who conveyed to Rome about a thousand verses written out by private persons. We have shown before that Varro made the same statement. Now in these verses which the ambassadors brought to Rome, are these testimonies respecting the one God:- 1. One God, who is alone, most mighty, uncreated. This is the only supreme God, who made the heaven, and decked it with lights. 2. But there is one only God of pre-eminent power, who made the heaven, and sun, and stars, and moon, and fruitful earth, and waves of the water of the sea. And since He alone is the framer of the universe, and the artificer of all things of which it consists or which are contained in it, it testifies that He alone ought to be worshipped: - 3. Worship Him who is alone the ruler of the world, who alone was and is from age to age. Also another Sibyl, whoever she is, when she said that she conveyed the voice of God to men, thus spoke:- 4. I am the one only God, and there is no other God. I would now follow up the testimonies of the others, were it not that these are sufficient, and that I reserve others for more befitting opportunities. But since we are defending the cause of truth before those who err from the truth and serve false religions, what kind of proof ought we to bring forward against them, rather than to refute them by the testimonies of their own gods? |
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| 33. Plotinus, Enneads, 5.8.1 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 109 |
| 34. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 8.348 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179 |
| 35. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.8.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 171 |
36. Augustine, The City of God, 8.23 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 99, 109 | 8.23. The Egyptian Hermes, whom they call Trismegistus, had a different opinion concerning those demons. Apuleius, indeed, denies that they are gods; but when he says that they hold a middle place between the gods and men, so that they seem to be necessary for men as mediators between them and the gods, he does not distinguish between the worship due to them and the religious homage due to the supernal gods. This Egyptian, however, says that there are some gods made by the supreme God, and some made by men. Any one who hears this, as I have stated it, no doubt supposes that it has reference to images, because they are the works of the hands of men; but he asserts that visible and tangible images are, as it were, only the bodies of the gods, and that there dwell in them certain spirits, which have been invited to come into them, and which have power to inflict harm, or to fulfil the desires of those by whom divine honors and services are rendered to them. To unite, therefore, by a certain art, those invisible spirits to visible and material things, so as to make, as it were, animated bodies, dedicated and given up to those spirits who inhabit them - this, he says, is to make gods, adding that men have received this great and wonderful power. I will give the words of this Egyptian as they have been translated into our tongue: And, since we have undertaken to discourse concerning the relationship and fellowship between men and the gods, know, O Æsculapius, the power and strength of man. As the Lord and Father, or that which is highest, even God, is the maker of the celestial gods, so man is the maker of the gods who are in the temples, content to dwell near to men. And a little after he says, Thus humanity, always mindful of its nature and origin, perseveres in the imitation of divinity; and as the Lord and Father made eternal gods, that they should be like Himself, so humanity fashioned its own gods according to the likeness of its own countece. When this Æsculapius, to whom especially he was speaking, had answered him, and had said, Do you mean the statues, O Trismegistus? - Yes, the statues, replied he, however unbelieving you are, O Æsculapius - the statues, animated and full of sensation and spirit, and who do such great and wonderful things - the statues prescient of future things, and foretelling them by lot, by prophet, by dreams, and many other things, who bring diseases on men and cure them again, giving them joy or sorrow according to their merits. Do you not know, O Æsculapius, that Egypt is an image of heaven, or, more truly, a translation and descent of all things which are ordered and transacted there, that it is, in truth, if we may say so, to be the temple of the whole world? And yet, as it becomes the prudent man to know all things beforehand, you ought not to be ignorant of this, that there is a time coming when it shall appear that the Egyptians have all in vain, with pious mind, and with most scrupulous diligence, waited on the divinity, and when all their holy worship shall come to nought, and be found to be in vain. Hermes then follows out at great length the statements of this passage, in which he seems to predict the present time, in which the Christian religion is overthrowing all lying figments with a vehemence and liberty proportioned to its superior truth and holiness, in order that the grace of the true Saviour may deliver men from those gods which man has made, and subject them to that God by whom man was made. But when Hermes predicts these things, he speaks as one who is a friend to these same mockeries of demons, and does not clearly express the name of Christ. On the contrary, he deplores, as if it had already taken place, the future abolition of those things by the observance of which there was maintained in Egypt a resemblance of heaven, - he bears witness to Christianity by a kind of mournful prophecy. Now it was with reference to such that the apostle said, that knowing God, they glorified Him not as God, neither were thankful, but became vain in their imaginations, and their foolish heart was darkened; professing themselves to be wise, they became fools, and changed the glory of the incorruptible God into the likeness of the image of corruptible man, Romans 1:21 and so on, for the whole passage is too long to quote. For Hermes makes many such statements agreeable to the truth concerning the one true God who fashioned this world. And I know not how he has become so bewildered by that darkening of the heart as to stumble into the expression of a desire that men should always continue in subjection to those gods which he confesses to be made by men, and to bewail their future removal; as if there could be anything more wretched than mankind tyrannized over by the work of his own hands, since man, by worshipping the works of his own hands, may more easily cease to be man, than the works of his hands can, through his worship of them, become gods. For it can sooner happen that man, who has received an honorable position, may, through lack of understanding, become comparable to the beasts, than that the works of man may become preferable to the work of God, made in His own image, that is, to man himself. Wherefore deservedly is man left to fall away from Him who made Him, when he prefers to himself that which he himself has made. For these vain, deceitful, pernicious, sacrilegious things did the Egyptian Hermes sorrow, because he knew that the time was coming when they should be removed. But his sorrow was as impudently expressed as his knowledge was imprudently obtained; for it was not the Holy Spirit who revealed these things to him, as He had done to the holy prophets, who, foreseeing these things, said with exultation, If a man shall make gods, lo, they are no gods; Jeremiah 16:10 and in another place, And it shall come to pass in that day, says the Lord, that I will cut off the names of the idols out of the land, and they shall no more be remembered. Zechariah 13:2 But the holy Isaiah prophesies expressly concerning Egypt in reference to this matter, saying, And the idols of Egypt shall be moved at His presence, and their heart shall be overcome in them, Isaiah 19:1 and other things to the same effect. And with the prophet are to be classed those who rejoiced that that which they knew was to come had actually come - as Simeon, or Anna, who immediately recognized Jesus when He was born, or Elisabeth, who in the Spirit recognized Him when He was conceived, or Peter, who said by the revelation of the Father, You are Christ, the Son of the living God. Matthew 16:16 But to this Egyptian those spirits indicated the time of their own destruction, who also, when the Lord was present in the flesh, said with trembling, Have You come here to destroy us before the time? Matthew 8:29 meaning by destruction before the time, either that very destruction which they expected to come, but which they did not think would come so suddenly as it appeared to have done, or only that destruction which consisted in their being brought into contempt by being made known. And, indeed, this was a destruction before the time, that is, before the time of judgment, when they are to be punished with eternal damnation, together with all men who are implicated in their wickedness, as the true religion declares, which neither errs nor leads into error; for it is not like him who, blown here and there by every wind of doctrine, and mixing true things with things which are false, bewails as about to perish a religion, which he afterwards confesses to be error. |
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| 37. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.8.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 171 |
| 38. Procopius, De Bellis, 5.25.19 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179 |
| 39. Aurelius Victor, De Viris Illustribus, 2.5-2.6 Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 179 |
| 40. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 1.11.3-1.11.5 Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 41 |
| 41. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 171 |
| 42. Plutarch, Tiberius Gracchus, 1 Tagged with subjects: •caecilia, gaia Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 176 |
