1. Homer, Iliad, 6.208 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 230 | 6.208. / and his daughter was slain in wrath by Artemis of the golden reins. But Hippolochus begat me and of him do I declare that I am sprung; and he sent me to Troy and straitly charged me ever to be bravest and pre-eminent above all, and not bring shame upon the race of my fathers, |
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2. Hesiod, Works And Days, 345 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 338 | 345. On guest or suppliant or, by wrong beguiled, |
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| 3. Pindar, Fragments, 169.36 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 338 |
4. Aeschylus, Prometheus Bound, 135 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 338| 135. σύθην δʼ ἀπέδιλος ὄχῳ πτερωτῷ. Προμηθεύς | 135. unsandalled I have hastened in a winged car. Prometheus |
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5. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.22, 1.23.4-1.23.6, 1.97.2, 2.2.1, 2.75-2.77, 2.75.5, 3.82.4, 3.92.2, 4.12.1, 4.18, 4.20, 5.19.1, 5.20, 5.26.1, 6.17, 6.98.2, 7.69.2, 7.71 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius, historical ambitions •c. iulius caesar •caesarian vocabulary, c. iulius caesar Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 277, 278, 285, 288, 289, 290; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 104| 1.23.4. ἤρξαντο δὲ αὐτοῦ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Πελοποννήσιοι λύσαντες τὰς τριακοντούτεις σπονδὰς αἳ αὐτοῖς ἐγένοντο μετὰ Εὐβοίας ἅλωσιν. 1.23.5. διότι δ’ ἔλυσαν, τὰς αἰτίας προύγραψα πρῶτον καὶ τὰς διαφοράς, τοῦ μή τινα ζητῆσαί ποτε ἐξ ὅτου τοσοῦτος πόλεμος τοῖς Ἕλλησι κατέστη. 1.23.6. τὴν μὲν γὰρ ἀληθεστάτην πρόφασιν, ἀφανεστάτην δὲ λόγῳ, τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἡγοῦμαι μεγάλους γιγνομένους καὶ φόβον παρέχοντας τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἀναγκάσαι ἐς τὸ πολεμεῖν: αἱ δ’ ἐς τὸ φανερὸν λεγόμεναι αἰτίαι αἵδ’ ἦσαν ἑκατέρων, ἀφ’ ὧν λύσαντες τὰς σπονδὰς ἐς τὸν πόλεμον κατέστησαν. 1.97.2. ἔγραψα δὲ αὐτὰ καὶ τὴν ἐκβολὴν τοῦ λόγου ἐποιησάμην διὰ τόδε, ὅτι τοῖς πρὸ ἐμοῦ ἅπασιν ἐκλιπὲς τοῦτο ἦν τὸ χωρίον καὶ ἢ τὰ πρὸ τῶν Μηδικῶν Ἑλληνικὰ ξυνετίθεσαν ἢ αὐτὰ τὰ Μηδικά: τούτων δὲ ὅσπερ καὶ ἥψατο ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ ξυγγραφῇ Ἑλλάνικος, βραχέως τε καὶ τοῖς χρόνοις οὐκ ἀκριβῶς ἐπεμνήσθη. ἅμα δὲ καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀπόδειξιν ἔχει τῆς τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐν οἵῳ τρόπῳ κατέστη. 2.2.1. τέσσαρα μὲν γὰρ καὶ δέκα ἔτη ἐνέμειναν αἱ τριακοντούτεις σπονδαὶ αἳ ἐγένοντο μετ’ Εὐβοίας ἅλωσιν: τῷ δὲ πέμπτῳ καὶ δεκάτῳ ἔτει, ἐπὶ Χρυσίδος ἐν Ἄργει τότε πεντήκοντα δυοῖν δέοντα ἔτη ἱερωμένης καὶ Αἰνησίου ἐφόρου ἐν Σπάρτῃ καὶ Πυθοδώρου ἔτι δύο μῆνας ἄρχοντος Ἀθηναίοις, μετὰ τὴν ἐν Ποτειδαίᾳ μάχην μηνὶ ἕκτῳ καὶ ἅμα ἦρι ἀρχομένῳ Θηβαίων ἄνδρες ὀλίγῳ πλείους τριακοσίων ʽἡγοῦντο δὲ αὐτῶν βοιωταρχοῦντες Πυθάγγελός τε ὁ Φυλείδου καὶ Διέμπορος ὁ Ὀνητορίδοὐ ἐσῆλθον περὶ πρῶτον ὕπνον ξὺν ὅπλοις ἐς Πλάταιαν τῆς Βοιωτίας οὖσαν Ἀθηναίων ξυμμαχίδα. 2.75.5. ξύνδεσμος δ’ ἦν αὐτοῖς τὰ ξύλα, τοῦ μὴ ὑψηλὸν γιγνόμενον ἀσθενὲς εἶναι τὸ οἰκοδόμημα, καὶ προκαλύμματα εἶχε δέρσεις καὶ διφθέρας, ὥστε τοὺς ἐργαζομένους καὶ τὰ ξύλα μήτε πυρφόροις οἰστοῖς βάλλεσθαι ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ τε εἶναι. 3.82.4. καὶ τὴν εἰωθυῖαν ἀξίωσιν τῶν ὀνομάτων ἐς τὰ ἔργα ἀντήλλαξαν τῇ δικαιώσει. τόλμα μὲν γὰρ ἀλόγιστος ἀνδρεία φιλέταιρος ἐνομίσθη, μέλλησις δὲ προμηθὴς δειλία εὐπρεπής, τὸ δὲ σῶφρον τοῦ ἀνάνδρου πρόσχημα, καὶ τὸ πρὸς ἅπαν ξυνετὸν ἐπὶ πᾶν ἀργόν: τὸ δ’ ἐμπλήκτως ὀξὺ ἀνδρὸς μοίρᾳ προσετέθη, ἀσφαλείᾳ δὲ τὸ ἐπιβουλεύσασθαι ἀποτροπῆς πρόφασις εὔλογος. 3.92.2. Μηλιῆς οἱ ξύμπαντες εἰσὶ μὲν τρία μέρη, Παράλιοι Ἰριῆς Τραχίνιοι: τούτων δὲ οἱ Τραχίνιοι πολέμῳ ἐφθαρμένοι ὑπὸ Οἰταίων ὁμόρων ὄντων, τὸ πρῶτον μελλήσαντες Ἀθηναίοις προσθεῖναι σφᾶς αὐτούς, δείσαντες δὲ μὴ οὐ σφίσι πιστοὶ ὦσι, πέμπουσιν ἐς Λακεδαίμονα, ἑλόμενοι πρεσβευτὴν Τεισαμενόν. 4.12.1. καὶ ὁ μὲν τούς τε ἄλλους τοιαῦτα ἐπέσπερχε καὶ τὸν ἑαυτοῦ κυβερνήτην ἀναγκάσας ὀκεῖλαι τὴν ναῦν ἐχώρει ἐπὶ τὴν ἀποβάθραν: καὶ πειρώμενος ἀποβαίνειν ἀνεκόπη ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων, καὶ τραυματισθεὶς πολλὰ ἐλιποψύχησέ τε καὶ πεσόντος αὐτοῦ ἐς τὴν παρεξειρεσίαν ἡ ἀσπὶς περιερρύη ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν, καὶ ἐξενεχθείσης αὐτῆς ἐς τὴν γῆν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἀνελόμενοι ὕστερον πρὸς τὸ τροπαῖον ἐχρήσαντο ὃ ἔστησαν τῆς προσβολῆς ταύτης. 5.19.1. ‘ἄρχει δὲ τῶν σπονδῶν <ἐν μὲν Λακεδαίμονι> ἔφορος Πλειστόλας Ἀρτεμισίου μηνὸς τετάρτῃ φθίνοντος, ἐν δὲ Ἀθήναις ἄρχων Ἀλκαῖος Ἐλαφηβολιῶνος μηνὸς ἕκτῃ φθίνοντος. ὤμνυον δὲ οἵδε καὶ ἐσπένδοντο. 5.26.1. γέγραφε δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ὁ αὐτὸς Θουκυδίδης Ἀθηναῖος ἑξῆς, ὡς ἕκαστα ἐγένετο, κατὰ θέρη καὶ χειμῶνας, μέχρι οὗ τήν τε ἀρχὴν κατέπαυσαν τῶν Ἀθηναίων Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι, καὶ τὰ μακρὰ τείχη καὶ τὸν Πειραιᾶ κατέλαβον. ἔτη δὲ ἐς τοῦτο τὰ ξύμπαντα ἐγένετο τῷ πολέμῳ ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσι. 6.98.2. καὶ καταστήσαντες ἐν τῷ Λαβδάλῳ φυλακὴν ἐχώρουν πρὸς τὴν Συκῆν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἵναπερ καθεζόμενοι ἐτείχισαν τὸν κύκλον διὰ τάχους. καὶ ἔκπληξιν τοῖς Συρακοσίοις παρέσχον τῷ τάχει τῆς οἰκοδομίας: καὶ ἐπεξελθόντες μάχην διενοοῦντο ποιεῖσθαι καὶ μὴ περιορᾶν. 7.69.2. ὁ δὲ Νικίας ὑπὸ τῶν παρόντων ἐκπεπληγμένος καὶ ὁρῶν οἷος ὁ κίνδυνος καὶ ὡς ἐγγὺς ἤδη [ἦν], ἐπειδὴ καὶ ὅσον οὐκ ἔμελλον ἀνάγεσθαι, καὶ νομίσας, ὅπερ πάσχουσιν ἐν τοῖς μεγάλοις ἀγῶσι, πάντα τε ἔργῳ ἔτι σφίσιν ἐνδεᾶ εἶναι καὶ λόγῳ αὐτοῖς οὔπω ἱκανὰ εἰρῆσθαι, αὖθις τῶν τριηράρχων ἕνα ἕκαστον ἀνεκάλει, πατρόθεν τε ἐπονομάζων καὶ αὐτοὺς ὀνομαστὶ καὶ φυλήν, ἀξιῶν τό τε καθ’ ἑαυτόν, ᾧ ὑπῆρχε λαμπρότητός τι, μὴ προδιδόναι τινὰ καὶ τὰς πατρικὰς ἀρετάς, ὧν ἐπιφανεῖς ἦσαν οἱ πρόγονοι, μὴ ἀφανίζειν, πατρίδος τε τῆς ἐλευθερωτάτης ὑπομιμνῄσκων καὶ τῆς ἐν αὐτῇ ἀνεπιτάκτου πᾶσιν ἐς τὴν δίαιταν ἐξουσίας, ἄλλα τε λέγων ὅσα ἐν τῷ τοιούτῳ ἤδη τοῦ καιροῦ ὄντες ἄνθρωποι οὐ πρὸς τὸ δοκεῖν τινὶ ἀρχαιολογεῖν φυλαξάμενοι εἴποιεν ἄν, καὶ ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων παραπλήσια ἔς τε γυναῖκας καὶ παῖδας καὶ θεοὺς πατρῴους προφερόμενα, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ τῇ παρούσῃ ἐκπλήξει ὠφέλιμα νομίζοντες ἐπιβοῶνται. | 1.23.4. which was begun by the Athenians and Peloponnesians by the dissolution of the thirty years' truce made after the conquest of Euboea . 1.23.5. To the question why they broke the treaty, I answer by placing first an account of their grounds of complaint and points of difference, that no one may ever have to ask the immediate cause which plunged the Hellenes into a war of such magnitude. 1.23.6. The real cause I consider to be the one which was formally most kept out of sight. The growth of the power of Athens , and the alarm which this inspired in Lacedaemon , made war inevitable. Still it is well to give the grounds alleged by either side, which led to the dissolution of the treaty and the breaking out of the war. 1.97.2. My excuse for relating these events, and for venturing on this digression, is that this passage of history has been omitted by all my predecessors, who have confined themselves either to Hellenic history before the Median war, or to the Median war itself. Hellanicus, it is true, did touch on these events in his Athenian history; but he is somewhat concise and not accurate in his dates. Besides, the history of these events contains an explanation of the growth of the Athenian empire. 2.2.1. The thirty years' truce which was entered into after the conquest of Euboea lasted fourteen years. In the fifteenth, in the forty-eighth year of the priestess-ship of Chrysis at Argos , in the Ephorate of Aenesias at Sparta , in the last month but two of the Archonship of Pythodorus at Athens , and six months after the battle of Potidaea , just at the beginning of spring, a Theban force a little over three hundred strong, under the command of their Boeotarchs, Pythangelus, son of Phyleides, and Diemporus, son of Onetorides, about the first watch of the night, made an armed entry into Plataea , a town of Boeotia in alliance with Athens . 2.75.5. The timbers served to bind the building together, and to prevent its becoming weak as it advanced in height; it had also a covering of skins and hides, which protected the wood-work against the attacks of burning missiles and allowed the men to work in safety. 3.82.4. Words had to change their ordinary meaning and to take that which was now given them. Reckless audacity came to be considered the courage of a loyal ally; prudent hesitation, specious cowardice; moderation was held to be a cloak for unmanliness; ability to see all sides of a question inaptness to act on any. Frantic violence, became the attribute of manliness; cautious plotting, a justifiable means of self-defence. 3.92.2. The Malians form in all three tribes, the Paralians, the Hiereans, and the Trachinians. The last of these having suffered severely in a war with their neighbors the Oetaeans, at first intended to give themselves up to Athens ; but afterwards fearing not to find in her the security that they sought, sent to Lacedaemon , having chosen Tisamenus for their ambassador. 4.12.1. Not content with this exhortation, he forced his own steersman to run his ship ashore, and stepping on to the gangway, was endeavoring to land, when he was cut down by the Athenians, and after receiving many wounds fainted away. Falling into the bows, his shield slipped off his arm into the sea, and being thrown ashore was picked up by the Athenians, and afterwards used for the trophy which they set up for this attack. 5.19.1. The treaty begins from the Ephoralty of Pleistolas in Lacedaemon , on the 27th day of the month of Artemisium , and from the Archonship of Alcaeus at Athens , on the 25th day of the month of Elaphebolion. 5.26.1. The history of this period has been also written by the same Thucydides, an Athenian, in the chronological order of events by summers and winters, to the time when the Lacedaemonians and their allies put an end to the Athenian empire, and took the Long Walls and Piraeus . The war had then lasted for twenty-seven years in all. 6.98.2. After posting a garrison in Labdalum , they advanced to Syca, where they sate down and quickly built the Circle or centre of their wall of circumvallation. The Syracusans, appalled at the rapidity with which the work advanced, determined to go out against them and give battle and interrupt it; 7.69.2. Meanwhile Nicias, appalled by the position of affairs, realizing the greatness and the nearness of the danger now that they were on the point of putting out from shore, and thinking, as men are apt to think in great crises, that when all has been done they have still something left to do, and when all has been said that they have not yet said enough, again called on the captains one by one, addressing each by his father's name and by his own, and by that of his tribe, and adjured them not to belie their own personal renown, or to obscure the hereditary virtues for which their ancestors were illustrious; he reminded them of their country, the freest of the free, and of the unfettered discretion allowed in it to all to live as they pleased; and added other arguments such as men would use at such a crisis, and which, with little alteration, are made to serve on all occasions alike—appeals to wives, children, and national gods,—without caring whether they are thought common-place, but loudly invoking them in the belief that they will be of use in the consternation of the moment. |
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6. Herodotus, Histories, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 224 | 7.46. His uncle Artabanus perceived this, he who in the beginning had spoken his mind freely and advised Xerxes not to march against Hellas. Marking how Xerxes wept, he questioned him and said, “O king, what a distance there is between what you are doing now and a little while ago! After declaring yourself blessed you weep.” ,Xerxes said, “I was moved to compassion when I considered the shortness of all human life, since of all this multitude of men not one will be alive a hundred years from now.” ,Artabanus answered, “In one life we have deeper sorrows to bear than that. Short as our lives are, there is no human being either here or elsewhere so fortunate that it will not occur to him, often and not just once, to wish himself dead rather than alive. Misfortunes fall upon us and sicknesses trouble us, so that they make life, though short, seem long. ,Life is so miserable a thing that death has become the most desirable refuge for humans; the god is found to be envious in this, giving us only a taste of the sweetness of living.” |
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7. Plato, Apology of Socrates, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 176| 24b. ταῦτά ἐστιν. καὶ ἐάντε νῦν ἐάντε αὖθις ζητήσητε ταῦτα, οὕτως εὑρήσετε. | 24b. this now or hereafter, you will find that it is so.Now so far as the accusations are concerned which my first accusers made against me, this is a sufficient defence before you; but against Meletus, the good and patriotic, as he says, and the later ones, I will try to defend myself next. So once more, as if these were another set of accusers, let us take up in turn their sworn statement. It is about as follows: it states that Socrates is a wrongdoer because he corrupts the youth and does not believe in the gods the state believes in, but in other |
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8. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 5.4.11-5.4.15, 5.4.27-5.4.34, 6.4.1-6.4.6 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius, historical ambitions Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 287| 5.4.11. ἐπὶ τούτοις πιστὰ δόντες καὶ λαβόντες ᾤχοντο. καὶ ἧκον τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ἄγοντες τριακόσια πλοῖα μονόξυλα καὶ ἐν ἑκάστῳ τρεῖς ἄνδρας, ὧν οἱ μὲν δύο ἐκβάντες εἰς τάξιν ἔθεντο τὰ ὅπλα, ὁ δὲ εἷς ἔμενε. 5.4.12. καὶ οἱ μὲν λαβόντες τὰ πλοῖα ἀπέπλευσαν, οἱ δὲ μένοντες ἐξετάξαντο ὧδε. ἔστησαν ὥσπερ ἀνὰ ἑκατὸν μάλιστα οἷον χοροὶ ἀντιστοιχοῦντες ἀλλήλοις, ἔχοντες γέρρα πάντες λευκῶν βοῶν δασέα, ᾐκασμένα κιττοῦ πετάλῳ, ἐν δὲ τῇ δεξιᾷ παλτὸν ὡς ἕξπηχυ, ἔμπροσθεν μὲν λόγχην ἔχον, ὄπισθεν δὲ τοῦ ξύλου σφαιροειδές. 5.4.13. χιτωνίσκους δὲ ἐνεδεδύκεσαν ὑπὲρ γονάτων, πάχος ὡς λινοῦ στρωματοδέσμου, ἐπὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ δὲ κράνη σκύτινα οἷάπερ τὰ Παφλαγονικά, κρωβύλον ἔχοντα κατὰ μέσον, ἐγγύτατα τιαροειδῆ· εἶχον δὲ καὶ σαγάρεις σιδηρᾶς. 5.4.14. ἐντεῦθεν ἐξῆρχε μὲν αὐτῶν εἷς, οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι ἅπαντες ἐπορεύοντο ᾄδοντες ἐν ῥυθμῷ, καὶ διελθόντες διὰ τῶν τάξεων καὶ διὰ τῶν ὅπλων τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐπορεύοντο εὐθὺς πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπὶ χωρίον ὃ ἐδόκει ἐπιμαχώτατον εἶναι. 5.4.15. ᾠκεῖτο δὲ τοῦτο πρὸ τῆς πόλεως τῆς Μητροπόλεως καλουμένης αὐτοῖς καὶ ἐχούσης τὸ ἀκρότατον τῶν Μοσσυνοίκων. καὶ περὶ τούτου ὁ πόλεμος ἦν· οἱ γὰρ ἀεὶ τοῦτʼ ἔχοντες ἐδόκουν ἐγκρατεῖς εἶναι καὶ πάντων Μοσσυνοίκων, καὶ ἔφασαν τούτους οὐ δικαίως ἔχειν τοῦτο, ἀλλὰ κοινὸν ὂν καταλαβόντας πλεονεκτεῖν. 5.4.27. οἱ δὲ Ἕλληνες διαρπάζοντες τὰ χωρία ηὕρισκον θησαυροὺς ἐν ταῖς οἰκίαις ἄρτων νενημένων περυσινῶν, ὡς ἔφασαν οἱ Μοσσύνοικοι, τὸν δὲ νέον σῖτον ξὺν τῇ καλάμῃ ἀποκείμενον· ἦσαν δὲ ζειαὶ αἱ πλεῖσται. 5.4.28. καὶ δελφίνων τεμάχη ἐν ἀμφορεῦσιν ηὑρίσκετο τεταριχευμένα καὶ στέαρ ἐν τεύχεσι τῶν δελφίνων, ᾧ ἐχρῶντο οἱ Μοσσύνοικοι καθάπερ οἱ Ἕλληνες τῷ ἐλαίῳ· 5.4.29. κάρυα δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ἀνώγεων ἦν πολλὰ τὰ πλατέα οὐκ ἔχοντα διαφυὴν οὐδεμίαν. τούτων καὶ πλείστῳ σίτῳ ἐχρῶντο ἕψοντες καὶ ἄρτους ὀπτῶντες. οἶνος δὲ ηὑρίσκετο ὃς ἄκρατος μὲν ὀξὺς ἐφαίνετο εἶναι ὑπὸ τῆς αὐστηρότητος, κερασθεὶς δὲ εὐώδης τε καὶ ἡδύς. 5.4.30. οἱ μὲν δὴ Ἕλληνες ἀριστήσαντες ἐνταῦθα ἐπορεύοντο εἰς τὸ πρόσω, παραδόντες τὸ χωρίον τοῖς ξυμμαχήσασι τῶν Μοσσυνοίκων. ὁπόσα δὲ καὶ ἄλλα παρῇσαν χωρία τῶν ξὺν τοῖς πολεμίοις ὄντων, τὰ εὐπροσοδώτατα οἱ μὲν ἔλειπον, οἱ δὲ ἑκόντες προσεχώρουν. 5.4.31. τὰ δὲ πλεῖστα τοιάδε ἦν τῶν χωρίων. ἀπεῖχον αἱ πόλεις ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων στάδια ὀγδοήκοντα, αἱ δὲ πλέον αἱ δὲ μεῖον· ἀναβοώντων δὲ ἀλλήλων ξυνήκουον εἰς τὴν ἑτέραν ἐκ τῆς ἑτέρας πόλεως· οὕτως ὑψηλή τε καὶ κοίλη ἡ χώρα ἦν. 5.4.32. ἐπεὶ δὲ πορευόμενοι ἐν τοῖς φίλοις ἦσαν, ἐπεδείκνυσαν αὐτοῖς παῖδας τῶν εὐδαιμόνων σιτευτούς, τεθραμμένους καρύοις ἑφθοῖς, ἁπαλοὺς καὶ λευκοὺς σφόδρα καὶ οὐ πολλοῦ δέοντας ἴσους τὸ μῆκος καὶ τὸ πλάτος εἶναι, ποικίλους δὲ τὰ νῶτα καὶ τὰ ἔμπροσθεν πάντα, ἐστιγμένους ἀνθέμια. 5.4.33. ἐζήτουν δὲ καὶ ταῖς ἑταίραις ἃς ἦγον οἱ Ἕλληνες ἐμφανῶς ξυγγίγνεσθαι· νόμος γὰρ ἦν οὗτός σφισι. λευκοὶ δὲ πάντες οἱ ἄνδρες καὶ αἱ γυναῖκες. 5.4.34. τούτους ἔλεγον οἱ στρατευσάμενοι βαρβαρωτάτους διελθεῖν καὶ πλεῖστον τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν νόμων κεχωρισμένους. ἔν τε γὰρ ὄχλῳ ὄντες ἐποίουν ἅπερ ἂν ἄνθρωποι ἐν ἐρημίᾳ ποιήσειαν, μόνοι τε ὄντες ὅμοια ἔπραττον ἅπερ ἂν μετʼ ἄλλων ὄντες, διελέγοντό τε αὑτοῖς καὶ ἐγέλων ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῖς καὶ ὠρχοῦντο ἐφιστάμενοι ὅπου τύχοιεν, ὥσπερ ἄλλοις ἐπιδεικνύμενοι. 6.4.1. ταύτην μὲν οὖν τὴν ἡμέραν αὐτοῦ ηὐλίζοντο ἐπὶ τοῦ αἰγιαλοῦ πρὸς τῷ λιμένι. τὸ δὲ χωρίον τοῦτο ὃ καλεῖται Κάλπης λιμὴν ἔστι μὲν ἐν τῇ Θρᾴκῃ τῇ ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ· ἀρξαμένη δὲ ἡ Θρᾴκη αὕτη ἐστὶν ἀπὸ τοῦ στόματος τοῦ Πόντου μέχρι Ἡρακλείας ἐπὶ δεξιὰ εἰς τὸν Πόντον εἰσπλέοντι. 6.4.2. καὶ τριήρει μέν ἐστιν εἰς Ἡράκλειαν ἐκ Βυζαντίου κώπαις ἡμέρας μακρᾶς πλοῦς· ἐν δὲ τῷ μέσῳ ἄλλη μὲν πόλις οὐδεμία οὔτε φιλία οὔτε Ἑλληνίς, ἀλλὰ Θρᾷκες Βιθυνοί· καὶ οὓς ἂν λάβωσι τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐκπίπτοντας ἢ ἄλλως πως δεινὰ ὑβρίζειν λέγονται τοὺς Ἕλληνας. 6.4.3. ὁ δὲ Κάλπης λιμὴν ἐν μέσῳ μὲν κεῖται ἑκατέρωθεν πλεόντων ἐξ Ἡρακλείας καὶ Βυζαντίου, ἔστι δʼ ἐν τῇ θαλάττῃ προκείμενον χωρίον, τὸ μὲν εἰς τὴν θάλατταν καθῆκον αὐτοῦ πέτρα ἀπορρώξ, ὕψος ὅπῃ ἐλάχιστον οὐ μεῖον εἴκοσιν ὀργυιῶν, ὁ δὲ αὐχὴν ὁ εἰς τὴν γῆν ἀνήκων τοῦ χωρίου μάλιστα τεττάρων πλέθρων τὸ εὖρος· τὸ δʼ ἐντὸς τοῦ αὐχένος χωρίον ἱκανὸν μυρίοις ἀνθρώποις οἰκῆσαι. 6.4.4. λιμὴν δʼ ὑπʼ αὐτῇ τῇ πέτρᾳ τὸ πρὸς ἑσπέραν αἰγιαλὸν ἔχων. κρήνη δὲ ἡδέος ὕδατος καὶ ἄφθονος ῥέουσα ἐπʼ αὐτῇ τῇ θαλάττῃ ὑπὸ τῇ ἐπικρατείᾳ τοῦ χωρίου. ξύλα δὲ πολλὰ μὲν καὶ ἄλλα, πάνυ δὲ πολλὰ καὶ καλὰ ναυπηγήσιμα ἐπʼ αὐτῇ τῇ θαλάττῃ. 6.4.5. τὸ δὲ ὄρος εἰς μεσόγειαν μὲν ἀνήκει ὅσον ἐπὶ εἴκοσι σταδίους, καὶ τοῦτο γεῶδες καὶ ἄλιθον· τὸ δὲ παρὰ θάλατταν πλέον ἢ ἐπὶ εἴκοσι σταδίους δασὺ πολλοῖς καὶ παντοδαποῖς καὶ μεγάλοις ξύλοις. 6.4.6. ἡ δὲ ἄλλη χώρα καλὴ καὶ πολλή, καὶ κῶμαι ἐν αὐτῇ εἰσι πολλαὶ καὶ οἰκούμεναι· φέρει γὰρ ἡ γῆ καὶ κριθὰς καὶ πυροὺς καὶ ὄσπρια πάντα καὶ μελίνας καὶ σήσαμα καὶ σῦκα ἀρκοῦντα καὶ ἀμπέλους πολλὰς καὶ ἡδυοίνους καὶ τἆλλα πάντα πλὴν ἐλαῶν. | 5.4.11. Thence he marched three stages, fifteen parasangs, to the Euphrates river, the width of which was four stadia; and on the river was situated a large and prosperous city named Thapsacus . There he remained five days. And Cyrus summoned the generals of the Greeks and told them that the march was to be to Babylon , against the Great King; he directed them, accordingly, to explain this to the soldiers and try to persuade them to follow. 5.4.11. After confirming this agreement by giving and receiving pledges they departed. The next day they returned, bringing with them three hundred canoes, each made out of a single log and each containing three men, two of whom disembarked and fell into line under arms, while the third remained in the canoe. 5.4.12. So the generals called an assembly and made this announcement; and the soldiers were angry with the generals, and said that they had known about this for a long time, but had been keeping it from the troops; furthermore, they refused to go on unless they were given money, The troops are not now asking for additional pay, as at Tarsus ( Xen. Anab. 1.3.21 ), but for a special donation. See below. as were the men who made the journey with Cyrus before, See Xen. Anab. 1.1.2 . when he went to visit his father; they had received the donation, even though they marched, not to battle, but merely because Cyru s’ father summoned him. 5.4.12. Then the second group took their canoes and sailed back again, and those who stayed behind marshalled themselves in the following way. They took position in lines of about a hundred each, like choral dancers ranged opposite one another, all of them with wicker shields covered with white, shaggy ox-hide and like an ivy leaf in shape, and each man holding in his right hand a lance about six cubits long, with a spearhead at one end cp. Xen. Anab. 4.7.16 and note thereon. and a round ball at the butt end of the shaft. 5.4.13. All these things the generals reported back to Cyrus , and he promised that he would give every man five minas The Attic mina was equivalent (but see note on Xen. Anab. 1.1.9 ) to about 3 1 5s. or 5.4.13. They wore short tunics which did not reach their knees and were as thick as a linen bag for bedclothes, and upon their heads leathern helmets just such as the Paphlagonian helmets, with a tuft in the middle very like a tiara in shape; and they had also iron battle-axes. 5.4.14. After they had formed their lines one of them led off, and the rest after him, every man of them, fell into a rhythmic march and song, and passing through the battalions and through the quarters of the Greeks they went straight on against the enemy, toward a stronghold which seemed to be especially assailable. 5.4.15. It was situated in front of the city which is called by them Metropolis and contains the chief citadel of the Mossynoecians. In fact, it was for the possession of this citadel that the war was going on; for those who at any time held it were deemed to be masters of all the other Mossynoecians, and they said that the present occupants did not hold it by right, but that it was common property and they had seized it in order to gain a selfish advantage. 5.4.27. In plundering the strongholds the Greeks found in the houses ancestral stores, as the Mossynoecians described them, of heaped up loaves, while the new corn was laid away with the straw, the most of it being spelt. 5.4.28. They also found slices of dolphin salted away in jars, and in other vessels dolphin blubber, which the Mossynoecians used in the same way as the Greeks use olive oil; 5.4.29. and on the upper floors of the houses there were large quantities of flat nuts, without any divisions. i. e., such as walnuts have. Xenophon probably means chestnuts. Out of these nuts, by boiling them and baking them into loaves, they made the bread which they used most. The Greeks also found wine, which by reason of its harshness appeared to be sharp when taken unmixed, but mixed with water was fragrant and delicious. 5.4.30. When they had breakfasted there, the Greeks took up their onward march, after handing over the fortress to the Mossynoecians who had helped them in the fighting. As for the other strongholds which they passed by, belonging to those who sided with the enemy, the most accessible were in some cases abandoned by their occupants, in other cases surrendered voluntarily. 5.4.31. The greater part of these places were of the following description: The towns were eighty stadia distant from one another, some more, and some less; but the inhabitants could hear one another shouting from one town to the next, such heights and valleys there were in the country. 5.4.32. And when the Greeks, as they proceeded, were among the friendly Mossynoecians, they would exhibit to them fattened children of the wealthy inhabitants, who had been nourished on boiled nuts and were soft and white to an extraordinary degree, and pretty nearly equal in length and breadth, with their backs adorned with many colours and their fore parts all tattooed with flower patterns. 5.4.33. These Mossynoecians wanted also to have intercourse openly with the women who accompanied the Greeks, for that was their own fashion. And all of them were white, the men and the women alike. 5.4.34. They were set down by the Greeks who served through the expedition, as the most uncivilized people whose country they traversed, the furthest removed from Greek customs. For they habitually did in public the things that other people would do only in private, and when they were alone they would behave just as if they were in the company of others, talking to themselves, laughing at themselves, and dancing in whatever spot they chanced to be, as though they were giving an exhibition to others. 6.4.1. During that day they bivouacked where they were, upon the beach by the harbour. Now this place which is called Calpe Harbour is situated in Thrace -in-Asia; and this portion of Thrace begins at the mouth of the Euxine and extends as far as Heracleia, being on the right as one sails into the Euxine. 6.4.2. It is a long day’s journey for a trireme to row from Byzantium to Heracleia, and between the two places there is no other city, either friendly or Greek, only Bithynian Thracians; and they are said to abuse outrageously any Greeks they may find shipwrecked or may capture in any other way. 6.4.3. As for Calpe Harbour, it lies midway of the voyage between Heracleia and Byzantium and is a bit of land jutting out into the sea, the part of it which extends seaward being a precipitous mass of rock, not less than twenty fathoms high at its lowest point, and the isthmus which connects this head with the mainland being about four plethra in width; and the space to the seaward of the isthmus is large enough for ten thousand people to dwell in. 6.4.4. At the very foot of the rock there is a harbour whose beach faces toward the west, and an abundantly flowing spring of fresh water close to the shore of the sea and commanded by the headland. There is also a great deal of timber of various sorts, but an especially large amount of fine ship-timber, on the very shore of the sea. 6.4.5. The ridge extends back into the interior for about twenty stadia, and this stretch is deep-soiled and free from stones, while the land bordering the coast is thickly covered for a distance of more than twenty stadia with an abundance of heavy timber of all sorts. 6.4.6. The rest of the region is fair and extensive, and contains many inhabited villages; for the land produces barley, wheat, beans of all kinds, millet and sesame, a sufficient quantity of figs, an abundance of grapes which yield a good sweet wine, and in fact everything except olives. |
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| 9. Plato, Gorgias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 216 |
| 10. Plato, Phaedrus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 2 |
| 11. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 86 |
| 12. Theocritus, Idylls, 24.36 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 338 |
| 13. Aristotle, Poetics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 375 |
| 14. Plautus, Casina, 963 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 13 |
| 15. Ennius, Annales, 363 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 58 |
16. Cicero, On Divination, 1.85, 1.90, 1.119, 2.37 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c. •caesar, c. iulius •caesar, c. iulius, historical ambitions Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 185, 186; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 281| 1.85. Nec vero quicquam aliud adfertur, cur ea, quae dico, dividi genera nulla sint, nisi quod difficile dictu videtur, quae cuiusque divinationis ratio, quae causa sit. Quid enim habet haruspex, cur pulmo incisus etiam in bonis extis dirimat tempus et proferat diem? quid augur, cur a dextra corvus, a sinistra cornix faciat ratum? quid astrologus, cur stella Iovis aut Veneris coniuncta cum luna ad ortus puerorum salutaris sit, Saturni Martisve contraria? Cur autem deus dormientes nos moneat, vigilantes neglegat? Quid deinde causae est, cur Cassandra furens futura prospiciat, Priamus sapiens hoc idem facere non queat? 1.90. Eaque divinationum ratio ne in barbaris quidem gentibus neglecta est, siquidem et in Gallia Druidae sunt, e quibus ipse Divitiacum Haeduum, hospitem tuum laudatoremque, cognovi, qui et naturae rationem, quam fusiologi/an Graeci appellant, notam esse sibi profitebatur et partim auguriis, partim coniectura, quae essent futura, dicebat, et in Persis augurantur et divit magi, qui congregantur in fano commentandi causa atque inter se conloquendi, quod etiam idem vos quondam facere Nonis solebatis; 1.119. Quod ne dubitare possimus, maximo est argumento, quod paulo ante interitum Caesaris contigit. Qui cum immolaret illo die, quo primum in sella aurea sedit et cum purpurea veste processit, in extis bovis opimi cor non fuit. Num igitur censes ullum animal, quod sanguinem habeat, sine corde esse posse? †Qua ille rei novitate perculsus, cum Spurinna diceret timendum esse, ne et consilium et vita deficeret; earum enim rerum utramque a corde proficisci. Postero die caput in iecore non fuit. Quae quidem illi portendebantur a dis immortalibus, ut videret interitum, non ut caveret. Cum igitur eae partes in extis non reperiuntur, sine quibus victuma illa vivere nequisset, intellegendum est in ipso immolationis tempore eas partes, quae absint, interisse. 2.37. Qui fit, ut alterum intellegas, sine corde non potuisse bovem vivere, alterum non videas, cor subito non potuisse nescio quo avolare? Ego enim possum vel nescire, quae vis sit cordis ad vivendum, vel suspicari contractum aliquo morbo bovis exile et exiguum et vietum cor et dissimile cordis fuisse; tu vero quid habes, quare putes, si paulo ante cor fuerit in tauro opimo, subito id in ipsa immolatione interisse? an quod aspexit vestitu purpureo excordem Caesarem, ipse corde privatus est? Urbem philosophiae, mihi crede, proditis, dum castella defenditis; nam, dum haruspicinam veram esse vultis, physiologiam totam pervertitis. Caput est in iecore, cor in extis; iam abscedet, simul ac molam et vinum insperseris; deus id eripiet, vis aliqua conficiet aut exedet. Non ergo omnium ortus atque obitus natura conficiet, et erit aliquid, quod aut ex nihilo oriatur aut in nihilum subito occidat. Quis hoc physicus dixit umquam? haruspices dicunt; his igitur quam physicis credendum potius existumas? | 1.85. The truth is that no other argument of any sort is advanced to show the futility of the various kinds of divination which I have mentioned except the fact that it is difficult to give the cause or reason of every kind of divination. You ask, Why is it that the soothsayer, when he finds a cleft in the lung of the victim, even though the other vitals are sound, stops the execution of an undertaking and defers it to another day? Why does an augur think it a favourable omen when a raven flies to the right, or a crow to the left? Why does an astrologer consider that the moons conjunction with the planets Jupiter and Venus at the birth of children is a favourable omen, and its conjunction with Saturn or Mars unfavourable? Again, Why does God warn us when we are asleep and fail to do so when we are awake? Finally, Why is it that mad Cassandra foresees coming events and wise Priam cannot do the same? 1.90. Nor is the practice of divination disregarded even among uncivilized tribes, if indeed there are Druids in Gaul — and there are, for I knew one of them myself, Divitiacus, the Aeduan, your guest and eulogist. He claimed to have that knowledge of nature which the Greeks call physiologia, and he used to make predictions, sometimes by means of augury and sometimes by means of conjecture. Among the Persians the augurs and diviners are the magi, who assemble regularly in a sacred place for practice and consultation, just as formerly you augurs used to do on the Nones. 1.119. Conclusive proof of this fact, sufficient to put it beyond the possibility of doubt, is afforded by incidents which happened just before Caesars death. While he was offering sacrifices on the day when he sat for the first time on a golden throne and first appeared in public in a purple robe, no heart was found in the vitals of the votive ox. Now do you think it possible for any animal that has blood to exist without a heart? Caesar was unmoved by this occurrence, even though Spurinna warned him to beware lest thought and life should fail him — both of which, he said, proceeded from the heart. On the following day there was no head to the liver of the sacrifice. These portents were sent by the immortal gods to Caesar that he might foresee his death, not that he might prevent it. Therefore, when those organs, without which the victim could not have lived, are found wanting in the vitals, we should understand that the absent organs disappeared at the very moment of immolation. [53] 2.37. How does it happen that you understand the one fact, that the bull could not have lived without a heart and do not realize the other, that the heart could not suddenly have vanished I know not where? As for me, possibly I do not know what vital function the heart performs; if I do I suspect that the bulls heart, as the result of a disease, became much wasted and shrunken and lost its resemblance to a heart. But, assuming that only a little while before the heart was in the sacrificial bull, why do you think it suddenly disappeared at the very moment of immolation? Dont you think, rather, that the bull lost his heart when he saw that Caesar in his purple robe had lost his head?Upon my word you Stoics surrender the very city of philosophy while defending its outworks! For, by your insistence on the truth of soothsaying, you utterly overthrow physiology. There is a head to the liver and a heart in the entrails, presto! they will vanish the very second you have sprinkled them with meal and wine! Aye, some god will snatch them away! Some invisible power will destroy them or eat them up! Then the creation and destruction of all things are not due to nature, and there are some things which spring from nothing or suddenly become nothing. Was any such statement ever made by any natural philosopher? It is made, you say, by soothsayers. Then do you think that soothsayers are worthier of belief than natural philosophers? [17] |
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17. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 5.52 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius, historical ambitions Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 276| 5.52. quid, cum fictas fabulas, e quibus utilitas nulla elici elici dett. dici BERN duci V potest, cum voluptate legimus? quid, cum volumus nomina eorum, qui quid gesserint, gesserunt R nota nobis esse, parentes, patriam, multa praeterea minime necessaria? quid, quod homines infima infirma BE fortuna, nulla spe rerum gerendarum, opifices denique delectantur delectentur RNV historia? maximeque que om. R eos videre possumus res gestas audire et legere velle, qui a spe gerendi absunt confecti senectute. quocirca intellegi necesse est in ipsis rebus, quae discuntur et cognoscuntur, invitamenta invita—menta ( lineola et ta poste- rius ab alt. m. scr., ta in ras. ) N invita mente BE invita|et mente R in vita mentem V inesse, quibus ad discendum cognoscendumque moveamur. | 5.52. What of our eagerness to learn the names of people who have done something notable, their parentage, birthplace, and many quite unimportant details beside? What of the delight that is taken in history by men of the humblest station, who have no expectation of participating in public life, even mere artisans? Also we may notice that the persons most eager to hear and read of public affairs are those who are debarred by the infirmities of age from any prospect of taking part in them. Hence we are forced to infer that the objects of study and knowledge contain in themselves the allurements that entice us to study and to learning. |
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| 18. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 33.56 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 106; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 150 |
| 19. Cicero, Pro Quinctio, 79 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar, reform Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 118 |
| 20. Varro, On The Latin Language, 6.13, 6.30 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar, reform •iulius caesar, c., lictors, restores alternation of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 77; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 113 |
21. Cicero, On Invention, 1.10-1.11, 1.15, 1.20-1.21, 1.23-1.25, 2.14-2.51, 2.94-2.109 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 247, 248, 255, 259| 1.10. Omnis res, quae habet in se positam in dictione ac disceptatione aliquam controversiam, aut facti aut no- minis aut generis aut actionis continet quaestionem. eam igitur quaestionem, ex qua causa nascitur, consti- tutionem appellamus. constitutio est prima conflictio causarum ex depulsione intentionis profecta, hoc modo: fecisti: non feci aut iure feci. cum facti con- troversia est, quoniam coniecturis causa firmatur, con- stitutio coniecturalis appellatur. cum autem nominis, quia vis vocabuli definienda verbis est, constitutio de- finitiva nominatur. cum vero, qualis res sit, quaeritur, quia et de vi et de genere negotii controversia est, con- stitutio generalis vocatur. at cum causa ex eo pendet, quia non aut is agere videtur, quem oportet, aut non cum eo, quicum oportet, aut non apud quos, quo tem- pore, qua lege, quo crimine, qua poena oportet, transla- tiva dicitur constitutio, quia actio translationis et com- mutationis indigere videtur. atque harum aliquam in omne causae genus incidere necesse est; nam in quam rem non inciderit, in ea nihil esse poterit controversiae. quare eam ne causam quidem convenit putari. 1.11. Ac facti quidem controversia in omnia tempora potest tribui. nam quid factum sit, potest quaeri, hoc modo: occideritne Aiacem Ulixes; et quid fiat, hoc modo: bonone animo sint erga populum Romanum Fre- gellani; et quid futurum sit, hoc modo: si Carthaginem reliquerimus incolumem, num quid sit incommodi ad rem publicam perventurum. Nominis est controversia, cum de facto convenit et quaeritur, id quod factum est quo nomine appelletur. quo in genere necesse est ideo nominis esse controver- siam, quod de re ipsa non conveniat; non quod de facto non constet, sed quod id, quod factum sit, aliud alii videatur esse et idcirco alius alio nomine id appellet. quare in eiusmodi generibus definienda res erit verbis et breviter describenda, ut, si quis sacrum ex privato subripuerit, utrum fur an sacrilegus sit iudicandus; nam id cum quaeritur, necesse erit definire utrumque, quid sit fur, quid sacrilegus, et sua descriptione ostendere alio nomine illam rem, de qua agitur, appellare opor- tere atque adversarii dicunt. 1.15. cui diligentiae praeesse apud nos iure consulti existimantur. ac iuridicialis quidem ipsa et in duas tribuitur partes, absolutam et adsumptivam. absoluta est, quae ipsa in se continet iuris et iniuriae quae- stionem; adsumptiva, quae ipsa ex se nihil dat firmi ad recusationem, foris autem aliquid defensionis ad- sumit. eius partes sunt quattuor, concessio, remotio criminis, relatio criminis, conparatio. concessio est, cum reus non id, quod factum est, defendit, sed ut ignoscatur, postulat. haec in duas partes dividitur, purgationem et deprecationem. purgatio est, cum fac- tum conceditur, culpa removetur. haec partes habet tres, inprudentiam, casum, necessitatem. deprecatio est, cum et peccasse et consulto peccasse reus se con- fitetur et tamen, ut ignoscatur, postulat; quod genus perraro potest accidere. remotio criminis est, cum id crimen, quod infertur, ab se et ab sua culpa et potestate in alium reus removere conatur. id dupliciter fieri pot- erit, si aut causa aut factum in alium transferetur. causa transferetur, cum aliena dicitur vi et potestate fac- tum, factum autem, cum alius aut debuisse aut potuisse facere dicitur. relatio criminis est, cum ideo iure fac- tum dicitur, quod aliquis ante iniuria lacessierit. con- paratio est, cum aliud aliquid factum rectum aut utile contenditur, quod ut fieret, illud, quod arguitur, dicitur esse commissum. 1.20. Exordium est oratio animum auditoris idonee com- parans ad reliquam dictionem: quod eveniet, si eum benivolum, attentum, docilem confecerit. quare qui bene exordiri causam volet, eum necesse est genus suae causae diligenter ante cognoscere. Genera causarum quinque sunt: honestum, admirabile, humile, anceps, obscurum. honestum causae genus est, cui statim sine oratione nostra favet auditoris animus; admirabile, a quo est alienatus animus eorum, qui audituri sunt; humile, quod neglegitur ab auditore et non magno opere adtendendum videtur; anceps, in quo aut iudicatio dubia est aut causa et honestatis et turpitudinis parti- ceps, ut et benivolentiam pariat et offensionem; obscu- rum, in quo aut tardi auditores sunt aut difficilioribus ad cognoscendum negotiis causa est implicata. quare cum tam diversa sint genera causarum, exordiri quo- que dispari ratione in uno quoque genere necesse est. igitur exordium in duas partes dividitur, in principium et insinuationem. principium est oratio perspicue et protinus perficiens auditorem benivolum aut docilem aut attentum. insinuatio est oratio quadam dissimu- latione et circumitione obscure subiens auditoris animum. 1.21. In admirabili genere causae, si non omnino infesti auditores erunt, principio benivolentiam conparare li- cebit. sin erunt vehementer abalienati, confugere ne- cesse erit ad insinuationem. nam ab iratis si perspicue pax et benivolentia petitur, non modo ea non inve- nitur, sed augetur atque inflammatur odium. in humili autem genere causae contemptionis tollendae causa ne- cesse est attentum efficere auditorem. anceps genus causae si dubiam iudicationem habebit, ab ipsa iudi- catione exordiendum est. sin autem partem turpitu- dinis, partem honestatis habebit, benivolentiam captare oportebit, ut in genus honestum causa translata vi- deatur. cum autem erit honestum causae genus, vel praeteriri principium poterit vel, si commodum fuerit, aut a narratione incipiemus aut a lege aut ab aliqua firmissima ratione nostrae dictionis; sin uti prin- cipio placebit, benivolentiae partibus utendum est, ut id, quod est, augeatur. in obscuro causae genere per principium dociles auditores efficere oportebit. Nunc quoniam quas res exordio conficere oporteat dictum est, reliquum est, ut ostendatur, quibus quae- que rationibus res confici possit. 1.23. Attentos autem faciemus, si demonstrabimus ea, quae dicturi erimus, magna, nova, incredibilia esse, aut ad omnes aut ad eos, qui audient, aut ad aliquos inlustres ho- mines aut ad deos inmortales aut ad summam rem pu- blicam pertinere; et si pollicebimur nos brevi nostram causam demonstraturos atque exponemus iudica- tionem aut iudicationes, si plures erunt. Dociles audi- tores faciemus, si aperte et breviter summam causae exponemus, hoc est, in quo consistat controversia. nam et, cum docilem velis facere, simul attentum facias oportet. nam is est maxime docilis, qui attentissime est paratus audire. Nunc insinuationes quemadmodum tractari con- veniat, deinceps dicendum videtur. insinuatione igitur utendum est, cum admirabile genus causae est, hoc est, ut ante diximus, cum animus auditoris infestus est. id autem tribus ex causis fit maxime: si aut inest in ipsa causa quaedam turpitudo aut ab iis, qui ante dixerunt, iam quiddam auditori persuasum videtur aut eo tempore locus dicendi datur, cum iam illi, quos audire oportet, defessi sunt audiendo. nam ex hac quoque re non minus quam ex primis duabus in oratore nonnumquam animus auditoris offenditur. 1.24. Si causae turpitudo contrahit offensionem, aut pro eo homine, in quo offenditur, alium hominem, qui dili- gitur, interponi oportet; aut pro re, in qua offenditur, aliam rem, quae probatur; aut pro re hominem aut pro homine rem, ut ab eo, quod odit, ad id, quod diligit, auditoris animus traducatur; et dissimulare te id defensurum, quod existimeris; deinde, cum iam mi- tior factus erit auditor, ingredi pedetemptim in defen- sionem et dicere ea, quae indignentur adversarii, tibi quoque indigna videri; deinde, cum lenieris eum, qui audiet, demonstrare, nihil eorum ad te pertinere et ne- gare quicquam de adversariis esse dicturum, neque hoc neque illud, ut neque aperte laedas eos, qui diliguntur, et tamen id obscure faciens, quoad possis, alienes ab eis auditorum voluntatem; et aliquorum iudicium simili de re aut auctoritatem proferre imitatione dignam; deinde eandem aut consimilem aut maiorem aut minorem agi rem in praesenti demonstrare. 1.25. Sin oratio adversariorum fidem videbitur auditoribus fecisse—id quod ei, qui intellegit, quibus rebus fides fiat, facile erit cognitu— oportet aut de eo, quod adversarii firmissimum sibi pu- tarint et maxime ii, qui audient, probarint, primum te dicturum polliceri, aut ab adversarii dicto exordiri et ab eo potissimum, quod ille nuperrime dixerit, aut du- bitatione uti, quid primum dicas aut cui potissimum loco respondeas, cum admiratione. nam auditor cum eum, quem adversarii perturbatum putat oratione, vi- det animo firmissimo contra dicere paratum, plerum- que se potius temere assensisse quam illum sine causa confidere arbitratur. Sin auditoris studium defatigatio abalienavit a causa, te brevius, quam paratus fueris, esse dicturum commodum est polliceri; non imitaturum adversarium. sin res dabit, non inutile est ab aliqua re nova aut ridicula incipere aut ex tempore quae nata sit, quod genus strepitu, acclamatione; aut iam parata, quae vel apologum vel fabulam vel aliquam contineat inrisionem; aut si rei dignitas adimet iocandi facul- tatem, aliquid triste, novum, horribile statim non in- commodum est inicere. nam, ut cibi satietas et fasti- dium aut subamara aliqua re relevatur aut dulci miti- gatur, sic animus defessus audiendo aut admiratione integratur aut risu novatur. Ac separatim quidem, quae de principio et de insi- nuatione dicenda videbantur, haec fere sunt: nunc quiddam brevi communiter de utroque praecipiendum videtur. Exordium sententiarum et gravitatis plurimum debet habere et omnino omnia, quae pertinent ad dignitatem, in se continere, propterea quod id optime faciendum est, quod oratorem auditori maxime commendat; splendoris et festivitatis et concinnitudinis minimum, propterea quod ex his suspicio quaedam apparationis atque artificiosae diligentiae nascitur, quae maxime orationi fidem, oratori adimit auctoritatem. 2.14. Nunc ab coniecturali constitutione proficiscamur; cuius exemplum sit hoc expositum: in itinere qui- dam proficiscentem ad mercatum quendam et secum aliquantum nummorum ferentem est comitatus. cum hoc, ut fere fit, in via sermonem contulit; ex quo factum est, ut illud iter familiarius facere vellent. quare cum in eandem tabernam devertissent, simul ce- nare et in eodem loco somnum capere voluerunt. cenati discubuerunt ibidem. copo autem—nam ita dicitur post inventum, cum in alio maleficio deprehensus est —cum illum alterum, videlicet qui nummos haberet, animum advertisset, noctu postquam illos artius iam ut ex lassitudine dormire sensit, accessit et alterius eorum, qui sine nummis erat, gladium propter adposi- tum e vagina eduxit et illum alterum occidit, nummos abstulit, gladium cruentum in vaginam recondidit, ipse se in suum lectum recepit. ille autem, cuius gladio occisio erat facta, multo ante lucem surrexit, comitem illum suum inclamavit semel et saepius. 2.15. illum somno inpeditum non respondere existimavit; ipse gladium et cetera, quae secum adtulerat, sustulit, solus profectus est. copo non multum post conclamat hominem esse occisum et cum quibusdam devorsoribus illum, qui ante exierat, consequitur in itinere. hominem conpre- hendit, gladium eius e vagina educit, reperit cruentum. homo in urbem ab illis deducitur ac reus fit. in hac intentio est criminis: occidisti. depulsio: non occidi. ex quibus constitutio est id est quaestio eadem in coniecturali quae iudicatio: occideritne? 2.16. Nunc exponemus locos, quorum pars aliqua in omnem coniecturalem incidit controversiam. hoc au- tem et in horum locorum expositione et in ceterorum oportebit attendere, non omnes in omnem causam convenire. nam ut omne nomen ex aliquibus, non ex omnibus litteris scribitur, sic omnem in causam non omnis argumentorum copia, sed eorum necessario pars aliqua conveniet. omnis igitur ex causa, ex persona, ex facto ipso coniectura capienda est. 2.17. Causa tribuitur in inpulsionem et in ratiocinationem. inpulsio est, quae sine cogitatione per quandam affec- tionem animi facere aliquid hortatur, ut amor, iracun- dia, aegritudo, vinolentia et omnino omnia, in quibus animus ita videtur affectus fuisse, ut rem perspicere cum consilio et cura non potuerit et id, quod fecit, impetu quodam animi potius quam cogitatione fecerit. 2.18. ratiocinatio est autem diligens et considerata faciendi aliquid aut non faciendi excogitatio. ea dicitur inter- fuisse tum, cum aliquid faciendi aut non faciendi certa de causa vitasse aut secutus esse animus vide- bitur: si amicitiae quid causa factum dicetur, si ini- mici ulciscendi, si metus, si gloriae, si pecuniae, si denique, ut omnia generatim amplectamur, alicuius re- tinendi, augendi adipiscendive commodi aut contra re- iciundi, deminuendi devitandive incommodi causa. nam in horum genus alterutrum illa quoque incident, in quibus aut incommodi aliquid maioris adipiscendi com- modi causa aut maioris vitandi incommodi suscipitur aut aliquod commodum maioris adipiscendi commodi aut maioris vitandi incommodi praeteritur. 2.19. Hic locus sicut aliquod fundamentum est huius constitutionis. nam nihil factum esse cuiquam pro- batur, nisi aliquid, quare factum sit, ostenditur. ergo accusator, cum inpulsione aliquid factum esse dicet, illum impetum et quandam commotionem animi affectionemque verbis et sententiis amplificare debebit et ostendere, quanta vis sit amoris, quanta animi per- turbatio ex iracundia fiat aut ex aliqua causa earum, qua inpulsum aliquem id fecisse dicet. hic et exem- plorum commemoratione, qui simili inpulsu aliquid commiserint, et similitudinum conlatione et ipsius animi affectionis explicatione curandum est, ut non mirum videatur, si quod ad facinus tali pertur- 2.20. batione commotus animus accesserit. Cum autem non inpulsione, verum ratiocinatione aliquem commisisse quid dicet, quid commodi sit secutus aut quid incom- modi fugerit, demonstrabit et id augebit, quam maxime poterit, ut, quod eius fieri possit, idonea quam maxime causa ad peccandum hortata videatur. si gloriae causa, quantam gloriam consecuturam existimarit; item si do- minationis, si pecuniae, si amicitiae, si inimicitiarum, et omnino quicquid erit, quod causae fuisse dicet, id summe augere debebit. 2.21. et hoc eum magno opere consi- derare oportebit, non quid in veritate modo, verum etiam vehementius, quid in opinione eius, quem arguet, fuerit. nihil enim refert non fuisse aut non esse aliquid commodi aut incommodi, si ostendi potest ei visum esse, qui arguatur. nam opinio dupliciter fallit ho- mines, cum aut res alio modo est, ac putatur, aut non is eventus est, quem arbitrati sunt. res alio modo est tum, cum aut id, quod bonum est, malum putant, aut contra, quod malum est, bonum, aut, quod nec malum est nec bonum, malum aut bonum, aut, quod malum aut bonum est, nec malum nec bonum. 2.22. hoc intellectu si qui negabit esse ullam pecuniam fratris aut amici vita aut denique officio suo antiquiorem aut suaviorem, non hoc erit accusatori negandum. nam in eum culpa et summum odium transferetur, qui id, quod tam vere et pie dicetur, negabit. verum illud dicendum est, illi ita non esse visum; 2.23. quod sumi oportet ex iis, quae ad personam pertinent, de quo post dicendum est. even- tus autem tum fallit, cum aliter accidit, atque ii, qui arguuntur, arbitrati esse dicuntur: ut, si qui dicatur alium occidisse ac voluerit, quod aut similitudine aut suspicione aut demonstratione falsa deceptus sit; aut eum necasse, cuius testamento non sit heres, quod eo testamento se heredem arbitratus sit. non enim ex eventu cogitationem spectari oportere, sed qua cogi- tatione animus et spe ad maleficium profectus sit, con- siderare; quo animo quid quisque faciat, non quo casu utatur, ad rem pertinere. 2.24. Hoc autem loco caput illud erit accusatoris, si de- monstrare poterit alii nemini causam fuisse faciendi; secundarium, si tantam aut tam idoneam nemini. sin fuisse aliis quoque causa faciendi videbitur, aut po- testas defuisse aliis demonstranda est aut facultas aut voluntas. potestas, si aut nescisse aut non adfuisse aut conficere aliquid non potuisse dicentur. facultas, si ratio, adiutores, adiumenta ceteraque, quae ad rem pertinebunt, defuisse alicui demonstrabuntur. volun- tas, si animus a talibus factis vacuus et integer esse dicetur. postremo, quas ad defensionem rationes reo dabimus, iis accusator ad alios ex culpa eximendos abutetur. verum id brevi faciendum est et in unum multa sunt conducenda, ut ne alterius defendendi causa hunc accusare, sed huius accusandi causa defendere alterum videatur. 2.25. Atque accusatori quidem haec fere sunt in causa faciendi consideranda: defensor autem ex contrario primum inpulsionem aut nullam fuisse dicet aut, si fuisse concedet, extenuabit et parvulam quandam fuisse demonstrabit aut non ex ea solere huiusmodi facta nasci docebit. quo erit in loco demonstrandum, quae vis et natura sit eius affectionis, qua inpulsus aliquid reus commisisse dicetur; in quo et exempla et similitudines erunt proferundae et ipsa diligenter natura eius affectionis quam lenissime quietissima ab parte explicanda, ut et res ipsa a facto crudeli et tur- bulento ad quoddam mitius et tranquillius traducatur et oratio tamen ad animum eius, qui audiet, et ad animi quendam intumum sensum accommodetur. 2.26. ratiocina- tionis autem suspiciones infirmabit, si aut commodum nullum esse aut parvum aut aliis maius esse aut nihilo sibi maius quam aliis aut incommodum sibi maius quam commodum dicet, ut nequaquam fuerit illius commodi, quod expetitum dicatur, magnitudo aut cum eo incom- modo, quod acciderit, aut cum illo periculo, quod subea- tur, comparanda; 2.27. qui omnes loci similiter in incommodi quoque vitatione tractabuntur. sin accusator dixerit eum id esse secutum, quod ei visum sit commodum, aut id fugisse, quod putarit esse incommodum, quamquam in falsa fuerit opinione, demonstrandum erit defensori neminem tantae esse stultitiae, qui tali in re possit veritatem ignorare. quodsi hoc concedatur, illud non concessum iri: ne dubitasse quidem, quid eius iuris esset, et id, quod falsum fuerit, sine ulla dubitatione pro vero probasse; quia si dubitarit, summae fuisse amentiae dubia spe inpulsum certum in periculum se committere. 2.28. quemadmodum autem accusator, cum ab aliis culpam demovebit, defensoris locis utetur, sic iis locis, qui accusatori dati sunt, utetur reus, cum in alios ab se crimen volet transferre. Ex persona autem coniectura capietur, si eae res, quae personis adtributae sunt, diligenter considera- buntur, quas omnes in primo libro exposuimus. nam et de nomine nonnumquam aliquid suspicionis na- scitur—nomen autem cum dicimus, cognomen quoque intellegatur oportet; de hominis enim certo et proprio vocabulo agitur—, ut si dicamus idcirco aliquem Cal- dum vocari, quod temerario et repentino consilio sit; 2.29. aut si ea re hominibus Graecis inperitis verba dederit, quod Clodius aut Caecilius aut Mutius vocaretur. et de natura licet aliquantum ducere suspicionis. omnia enim haec, vir an mulier, huius an illius civitatis sit, quibus sit maioribus, quibus consanguineis, qua aetate, quo animo, quo corpore, quae naturae sunt ad- tributa, ad aliquam coniecturam faciendam pertinebunt. et ex victu multae trahuntur suspiciones, cum, quemad- modum et apud quos et a quibus educatus et eruditus sit, quaeritur, et quibuscum vivat, qua ratione vitae, 2.30. quo more domestico vivat. et ex fortuna saepe argu- mentatio nascitur, cum servus an liber, pecuniosus an pauper, nobilis an ignobilis, felix an infelix, privatus an in potestate sit aut fuerit aut futurus sit, conside- ratur; aut denique aliquid eorum quaeritur, quae for- tunae esse adtributa intelleguntur. habitus autem quon- iam in aliqua perfecta et constanti animi aut corporis absolutione consistit, quo in genere est virtus, scientia et quae contraria sunt, res ipsa causa posita docebit, ecquid hic quoque locus suspicionis ostendat. nam af- fectionis quidem ratio perspicuam solet prae se gerere coniecturam, ut amor, iracundia, molestia, propterea quod et ipsorum vis intellegitur et, quae res harum aliquam rem consequatur, facile est cognitu. 2.31. studium autem quod est adsidua et vehementer aliquam ad rem adplicata magna cum voluptate occupatio, facile ex eo ducetur argumentatio ea, quam res ipsa desidera- bit in causa. item ex consilio sumetur aliquid suspi- cionis; nam consilium est aliquid faciendi non facien- dive excogitata ratio. iam facta et casus et orationes, quae sunt omnia, ut in confirmationis praeceptis dic- tum est, in tria tempora distributa, facile erit videre, ecquid afferant ad confirmandam coniecturam suspi- cionis. 2.32. Ac personis quidem res hae sunt adtributae, ex qui- bus omnibus unum in locum coactis accusatoris erit inprobatione hominis uti. nam causa facti parum fir- mitudinis habet, nisi animus eius, qui insimulatur, in eam suspicionem adducitur, uti a tali culpa non videa- tur abhorruisse. ut enim animum alicuius inprobare nihil attinet, cum causa, quare peccaret, non intercessit, sic causam peccati intercedere leve est, si animus nulli minus honestae rationi affinis ostenditur. quare vitam eius, quem arguit, ex ante factis accusator inprobare debebit et ostendere, si quo in pari ante peccato con- victus sit; si id non poterit, si quam in similem ante suspicionem venerit, ac maxime, si fieri poterit, simili quo in genere eiusdemmodi causa aliqua commotum peccasse aut in aeque magna re aut in maiore aut in minore, ut si qui, quem pecunia dicat inductum fecisse, possit demonstrare aliqua in re eius aliquod factum avarum. 2.33. item in omni causa naturam aut victum aut studium aut fortunam aut aliquid eorum, quae personis adtributa sunt, ad eam causam, qua commotum pec- casse dicet, adiungere atque ex dispari quoque genere culparum, si ex pari sumendi facultas non erit, inpro- bare animum adversarii oportebit: si avaritia inductum arguas fecisse et avarum eum, quem accuses, demon- strare non possis, aliis adfinem vitiis esse doceas, et ex ea re non esse mirandum, qui in illa re turpis aut cupidus aut petulans fuerit, hac quoque in re eum deliquisse. quantum enim de honestate et auctoritate eius, qui arguitur, detractum est, tantundem de facul- 2.34. tate eius totius est defensionis deminutum. si nulli affinis poterit vitio reus ante admisso demonstrari, locus inducetur ille, per quem hortandi iudices erunt, ut veterem famam hominis nihil ad rem putent per- tinere. nam eum ante celasse, nunc manifesto teneri; quare non oportere hanc rem ex superiore vita spec- tari, sed superiorem vitam ex hac re inprobari, et aut potestatem ante peccandi non fuisse aut causam; aut, si haec dici non poterunt, dicendum erit illud extremum, non esse mirum, si nunc primum deliquerit: nam necesse esse eum, qui velit peccare, aliquando primum delinquere. sin vita ante acta ignorabitur, hoc loco praeterito et, cur praetereatur, demonstrato argu- mentis accusationem statim confirmare oportebit. 2.35. Defensor autem primum, si poterit, debebit vitam eius, qui insimulabitur, quam honestissimam demon- strare. id faciet, si ostendet aliqua eius nota et com- munia officia; quod genus in parentes, cognatos, ami- cos, affines, necessarios; etiam quae magis rara et eximia sunt, si ab eo cum magno aliquid labore aut periculo aut utraque re, cum necesse non esset, officii causa aut in rem publicam aut in parentes aut in aliquos eorum, qui modo expositi sunt, factum esse dicet; denique si nihil deliquisse, nulla cupiditate in- peditum ab officio recessisse. quod eo confirmatius erit, si, cum potestas inpune aliquid faciendi minus honeste fuisse dicetur, voluntas a faciendo demon- 2.36. strabitur afuisse. hoc autem ipsum genus erit eo firmius, si eo ipso in genere, quo arguetur, integer ante fuisse demonstrabitur: ut si, cum avaritiae causa fecisse arguatur, minime omni in vita pecuniae cupi- dus fuisse doceatur. hic illa magna cum gravitate inducetur indignatio, iuncta conquestioni, per quam miserum facinus esse et indignum demonstrabitur ; ut, cum animus in vita fuerit omni a vitiis remotissimus, eam causam putare, quae homines audaces in fraudem rapere soleat, castissimum quoque hominem ad pec- candum potuisse inpellere; aut: iniquum esse et op- timo cuique perniciosissimum non vitam honeste actam tali in tempore quam plurimum prodesse, sed subita ex criminatione, quae confingi quamvis false possit, non ex ante acta vita, quae neque ad tempus fingi neque ullo modo mutari possit, facere iudicium. 2.37. sin autem in ante acta vita aliquae turpitudines erunt: aut falso venisse in eam existimationem dicetur ex aliquorum invidia aut obtrectatione aut falsa opi- nione; aut inprudentiae, necessitudini, persuasioni, adulescentiae aut alicui non malitiosae animi af- fectioni attribuentur; aut dissimili in genere vitio- rum, ut animus non omnino integer, sed ab tali culpa remotus esse videatur. at si nullo modo vitae turpitudo aut infamia leniri poterit oratione, negare oportebit de vita eius et de moribus quaeri, sed de eo crimine, quo de arguatur; quare ante factis omissis illud, quod instet, id agi oportere. 2.38. Ex facto autem ipso suspiciones ducentur, si to- tius administratio negotii ex omnibus partibus per- temptabitur; atque eae suspiciones partim ex negotio separatim, partim communiter ex personis atque ex negotio proficiscentur. ex negotio duci poterunt, si eas res, quae negotiis adtributae sunt, diligenter con- siderabimus. ex iis igitur in hanc constitutionem convenire videntur genera earum omnia, partes gene- 2.39. rum pleraeque. Videre igitur primum oportebit, quae sint continentia cum ipso negotio, hoc est, quae ab re separari non possint. quo in loco satis erit dili- genter considerasse, quid sit ante rem factum, ex quo spes perficiundi nata et faciundi facultas quaesita vi- deatur; quid in ipsa re gerenda, quid postea conse- cutum sit. Deinde ipsius est negotii gestio pertrac- tanda. nam hoc genus earum rerum, quae negotio sunt adtributae, secundo in loco nobis est expositum. 2.40. hoc ergo in genere spectabitur locus, tempus, occasio, facultas; quorum unius cuiusque vis diligenter in con- firmationis praeceptis explicata est. quare, ne aut hic non admonuisse aut ne eadem iterum dixisse videamur, breviter iniciemus, quid quaque in parte considerari oporteat. in loco igitur opportunitas, in tempore longinquitas, in occasione commoditas ad faciendum idonea, in facultate copia et potestas earum rerum, propter quas aliquid facilius fit aut quibus sine omnino confici non potest, consideranda est. 2.41. De- inde videndum est, quid adiunctum sit negotio, hoc est, quid maius, quid minus, quid aeque magnum sit, quid simile; ex quibus coniectura quaedam ducitur, si, quemadmodum res maiores, minores, aeque magnae, similes agi soleant, diligenter considerabitur. quo in genere eventus quoque videndus erit, hoc est, quid ex quaque re soleat evenire, magno opere consi- derandum est, ut metus, laetitia, titubatio, audacia. 2.42. Quarta autem pars rebus erat ex iis, quas negotiis di- cebamus esse adtributas, consecutio. in ea quaeruntur ea, quae gestum negotium confestim aut intervallo con- sequuntur. in quo videbimus, ecqua consuetudo sit, ecqua lex, ecqua pactio, ecquod eius rei artificium aut usus aut exercitatio, hominum aut adprobatio aut offensio; ex quibus nonnumquam elicitur aliquid suspicionis. Sunt autem aliae suspiciones, quae communiter et ex negotiorum et ex personarum adtributionibus su- muntur. nam et ex fortuna et ex natura et ex victu, studio, factis, casu, orationibus, consilio et ex habitu animi aut corporis pleraque pertinent ad easdem res, quae rem credibilem aut incredibilem facere pos- 2.43. sunt et cum facti suspicione iunguntur. maxime enim quaerere oportet in hac constitutione, primum po- tueritne aliquid fieri; deinde ecquo ab alio potuerit; deinde facultas, de qua ante diximus; deinde utrum id facinus sit, quod paenitere fuerit necesse, quod spem celandi non haberet; deinde necessitudo, in qua necesse fuerit id aut fieri aut ita fieri, quaeritur. quorum pars ad consilium pertinet, quod personis adtributum est, ut in ea causa, quam exposuimus: ante rem, quod in itinere se tam familiariter adplicaverit, quod sermonis causam quaesierit, quod simul deverterit, deinde cena- rit. in re nox, somnus. post rem, quod solus exierit, quod illum tam familiarem tam aequo animo reli- 2.44. querit, quod cruentum gladium habuerit. rursum, utrum videatur diligenter ratio faciendi esse habita et excogitata, an ita temere, ut non veri simile sit quem- quam tam temere ad maleficium accessisse. in quo quaeritur, num quo alio modo commodius potuerit fieri vel a fortuna administrari. nam saepe, si pecuniae, adiumenta, adiutores desint, facultas fuisse faciundi non videtur. hoc modo si diligenter attendamus, apta inter se esse intellegimus haec, quae negotiis, et illa, quae personis sunt adtributa. Hic non facile est neque necessarium est distinguere, ut in superioribus partibus, quo pacto quicque accu- satorem et quomodo defensorem tractare oporteat. non est necessarium, propterea quod causa posita, quid in quamque conveniat, res ipsa docebit eos, qui non omnia hic se inventuros putabunt, 2.45. si modo quandam in commune mediocrem intellegentiam conferent; non facile autem, quod et infinitum est tot de rebus utram- que in partem singillatim de una quaque explicare et alias aliter haec in utramque partem causae solent convenire. quare considerare haec, quae exposuimus, oportebit. facilius autem ad inventionem animus in- cidet, si gesti negotii et suam et adversarii narrationem saepe et diligenter pertractabit et, quod quaeque pars suspicionis habebit, eliciens considerabit, quare, quo consilio, qua spe perficiundi quicque factum sit; hoc cur modo potius quam illo; cur ab hoc potius quam ab illo; cur nullo adiutore aut cur hoc; cur nemo sit conscius aut cur sit aut cur hic sit; cur hoc ante fac- tum sit; cur hoc ante factum non sit; cur hoc in ipso negotio, cur hoc post negotium, an factum de industria an rem ipsam consecutum sit; constetne oratio aut cum re aut ipsa secum; hoc huiusne rei sit signum an illius, an et huius et illius et utrius potius; quid fac- tum sit, quod non oportuerit, aut non factum, quod oportuerit. 2.46. cum animus hac intentione omnes totius negotii partes considerabit, tum illi ipsi in medium coacervati loci procedent, de quibus ante dictum est; et tum ex singulis, tum ex coniunctis argumenta certa nascentur, quorum argumentorum pars probabili, pars necessario in genere versabitur. accedunt autem saepe ad coniecturam quaestiones, testimonia, rumores, quae contra omnia uterque simili via praeceptorum torquere ad suae causae commodum debebit. nam et ex quae- stione suspiciones et ex testimonio et ex rumore aliquo pari ratione ut ex causa et ex persona et ex facto duci oportebit. 2.47. Quare nobis et ii videntur errare, qui hoc genus suspicionum artificii non putant indigere, et ii, qui aliter hoc de genere ac de omni coniectura praeci- piundum putant. omnis enim iisdem ex locis con- iectura sumenda est. nam et eius, qui in quaestione aliquid dixerit, et eius, qui in testimonio, et ipsius rumoris causa et veritas ex iisdem adtributionibus re- perietur. Omni autem in causa pars argumentorum est ad- iuncta ei causae solum, quae dicitur, et ex ipsa ita ducta, ut ab ea separatim in omnes eiusdem generis causas transferri non satis commode possit; pars au- tem est pervagatior et aut in omnes eiusdem generis aut in plerasque causas adcommodata. 2.48. haec ergo argumenta, quae transferri in multas causas possunt, locos communes nominamus. nam locus communis aut certae rei quandam continet amplificationem, ut si quis hoc velit ostendere, eum, qui parentem ne- carit, maximo supplicio esse dignum; quo loco nisi perorata et probata causa non est utendum; aut dubiae, quae ex contrario quoque habeat probabiles rationes argumentandi, ut suspicionibus credi oportere, et contra, suspicionibus credi non oportere. ac pars locorum communium per indignationem aut per con- questionem inducitur, de quibus ante dictum est, pars per aliquam probabilem utraque ex parte rationem. 2.49. distinguitur autem oratio atque inlustratur maxime raro inducendis locis communibus et aliquo loco iam certioribus illis auditoribus argumentis confirmato. nam et tum conceditur commune quiddam dicere, cum diligenter aliqui proprius causae locus tractatus est et auditoris animus aut renovatur ad ea, quae restant, aut omnibus iam dictis exsuscitatur. omnia autem ornamenta elocutionis, in quibus et suavitatis et gravitatis plurimum consistit, et omnia, quae in in- ventione rerum et sententiarum aliquid habent digni- 2.50. tatis, in communes locos conferuntur. quare non, ut causarum, sic oratorum quoque multorum communes loci sunt. nam nisi ab iis, qui multa in exercitatione magnam sibi verborum et sententiarum copiam con- paraverint, tractari non poterunt ornate et graviter, quemadmodum natura ipsorum desiderat. Atque hoc sit nobis dictum communiter de omni genere locorum communium; nunc exponemus, in coniecturalem constitutionem qui loci communes in- cidere soleant: suspicionibus credi oportere et non oportere; rumoribus credi oportere et non oportere; testibus credi oportere et non oportere; quaestionibus credi oportere et non oportere; vitam ante actam spectari oportere et non oportere; eiusdem esse, qui in illa re peccarit, et hoc quoque admisisse et non esse eiusdem; causam maxime spectari causam oportere et non oportere. atque hi quidem et si qui eiusmodi ex proprio argumento communes loci na- 2.51. scentur, in contrarias partes diducuntur. certus autem locus est accusatoris, per quem auget facti atrocitatem, et alter, per quem negat malorum misereri oportere: defensoris, per quem calumnia accusatorum cum in- dignatione ostenditur et per quem cum conquestione misericordia captatur. hi et ceteri loci omnes com- munes ex iisdem praeceptis sumuntur, quibus ceterae argumentationes; sed illae tenuius et subtilius et acu- tius tractantur, hi autem gravius et ornatius et cum verbis tum etiam sententiis excellentibus. in illis enim finis est, ut id, quod dicitur, verum esse videatur, in his, tametsi hoc quoque videri oportet, tamen finis est amplitudo. Nunc ad aliam constitutionem transeamus. 2.94. vendo hac ipsa ratione confirmat accusationem. in hac ab utroque ex omnibus partibus honestatis et ex om- nibus utilitatis partibus, exemplis, signis, ratiocido, quid cuiusque officii, iuris, potestatis sit, quaeri opor- tebit et fueritne ei, quo de agetur, id iuris, officii, potestatis attributum necne. Locos autem communes ex ipsa re, si quid indigna- tionis aut conquestionis habebit, sumi oportebit. Concessio est, per quam non factum ipsum pro- batur ab reo, sed ut ignoscatur, id petitur. cuius partes sunt duae: purgatio et deprecatio. Purgatio est, per quam eius, qui accusatur, non factum ipsum, sed vo- luntas defenditur. ea habet partes tres: inprudentiam, casum, necessitudinem. 2.95. Inprudentia est, cum scisse aliquid is, qui arguitur, negatur; ut apud quosdam lex erat: ne quis Dianae vitulum immolaret. nautae quidam, cum adversa tem- pestate in alto iactarentur, voverunt, si eo portu, quem conspiciebant, potiti essent, ei deo, qui ibi esset, se vitulum immolaturos. casu erat in eo portu fanum Dianae eius, cui vitulum immolare non licebat. in- prudentes legis, cum exissent, vitulum immolaverunt. accusantur. intentio est: vitulum immolastis ei deo, cui non licebat. depulsio est in concessione posita. ratio est: nescivi non licere. infirmatio est: tamen, quoniam fecisti, quod non licebat ex lege, supplicio dignus es. iudicatio est: cum id fecerit, quod non oportuerit, et id non oportere nescierit, sitne supplicio dignus? 2.96. Casus autem inferetur in concessionem, cum demon- stratur aliqua fortunae vis voluntati obstitisse, ut in hac: cum Lacedaemoniis lex esset, ut, hostias nisi ad sacrificium quoddam redemptor praebuisset, capital esset, hostias is, qui redemerat, cum sacrificii dies instaret, in urbem ex agro coepit agere. tum subito magnis commotis tempestatibus fluvius Eurotas, is qui praeter Lacedaemonem fluit, ita magnus et vehemens factus est, ut ea traduci victimae nullo modo possent. 2.97. redemptor suae voluntatis ostendendae causa hostias constituit omnes in litore, ut, qui trans flumen essent, videre possent. cum omnes studio eius subitam flu- minis magnitudinem scirent fuisse inpedimento, tamen quidam capitis arcesserunt. intentio est: hostiae, quas debuisti ad sacrificium, praesto non fuerunt. depulsio concessio. ratio: flumen enim subito accrevit et ea re traduci non potuerunt. infirmatio: tamen, quon- iam, quod lex iubet, factum non est, supplicio dignus es. iudicatio est: cum in ea re contra legem redemptor aliquid fecerit, qua in re studio eius subita fluminis obstiterit magnitudo, supplicio dignusne sit? 2.98. Necessitudo autem infertur, cum vi quadam reus id, quod fecerit, fecisse defenditur, hoc modo: lex est apud Rhodios, ut, si qua rostrata in portu navis depre- hensa sit, publicetur. cum magna in alto tempestas esset, vis ventorum invitis nautis in Rhodiorum por- tum navem coe+git. quaestor navem populi vocat, na- vis dominus negat oportere publicari. intentio est: rostrata navis in portu deprehensa est. depulsio con- cessio. ratio: vi et necessario sumus in portum coacti. infirmatio est: navem ex lege tamen populi esse oportet. iudicatio est: cum rostratam navem in portu deprehensam lex publicarit cumque haec navis invitis nautis vi tempestatis in portum coniecta sit, oporteatne eam publicari? 2.99. Horum trium generum idcirco in unum locum con- tulimus exempla, quod similis in ea praeceptio argu- mentorum traditur. nam in his omnibus primum, si quid res ipsa dabit facultatis, coniecturam induci ab accusatore oportebit, ut id, quod voluntate factum ne- gabitur, consulto factum suspicione aliqua demon- stretur; deinde inducere definitionem necessitudinis aut casus aut inprudentiae et exempla ad eam defini- tionem adiungere, in quibus inprudentia fuisse videatur aut casus aut necessitudo, et ab his id, quod reus in- ferat, separare, id est ostendere dissimile, quod le- vius, facilius non ignorabile, non fortuitum, non necessarium fuerit; postea demonstrare potuisse vitari: hac ratione provideri potuisse, si hoc aut illud fe- cisset, aut, nisi fecisset, praecaveri; et definitionibus ostendere non hanc inprudentiam aut casum aut ne- cessitudinem, sed inertiam, neglegentiam, fatuitatem nominari oportere. 2.100. ac si qua necessitudo turpitudi- nem videbitur habere, oportebit per locorum commu- nium inplicationem redarguentem demonstrare quid- vis perpeti, mori denique satius fuisse quam eius- modi necessitudini optemperare. atque tum ex iis locis, de quibus in negotiali parte dictum est, iuris et aequitatis naturam oportebit quaerere et quasi in absoluta iuridiciali per se hoc ipsum ab rebus omni- bus separatim considerare. atque hoc in loco, si fa- cultas erit, exemplis uti oportebit, quibus in simili excusatione non sit ignotum, et contentione, magis illis ignoscendum fuisse, et deliberationis partibus, turpe aut inutile esse concedi eam rem, quae ab ad- versario commissa sit: permagnum esse et magno fu- turum detrimento, si ea res ab iis, qui potestatem habent vindicandi, neglecta sit. 2.101. Defensor autem conversis omnibus his partibus pot- erit uti; maxime autem in voluntate defendenda com- morabitur et in ea re adaugenda, quae voluntati fuerit inpedimento; et se plus, quam fecerit, facere non po- tuisse; et in omnibus rebus voluntatem spectari opor- tere; et se convinci non posse, quod absit a culpa; suo nomine communem hominum infirmitatem posse dam- nari. deinde nihil esse indignius quam eum, qui culpa careat, supplicio non carere. Loci autem communes: accusatoris in confessionem, et quanta potestas peccandi relinquatur, si semel in- stitutum sit, ut non de facto, sed de facti causa quaera- 2.102. tur; defensoris conquestio est calamitatis eius, quae non culpa, sed vi maiore quadam acciderit, et de for- tunae potestate et hominum infirmitate et, uti suum animum, non eventum considerent. in quibus omnibus conquestionem suarum aerumnarum et crudelitatis ad- versariorum indignationem inesse oportebit. Ac neminem mirari conveniet, si aut in his aut in aliis exemplis scripti quoque controversiam adiunctam videbit. quo de genere post erit nobis separatim di- cendum, propterea quod quaedam genera causarum simpliciter ex sua vi considerantur, quaedam autem sibi aliud quoque aliquod controversiae genus assu- 2.103. munt. quare omnibus cognitis non erit difficile in unam quamque causam transferre, quod ex eo quoque genere conveniet; ut in his exemplis concessionis inest omnibus scripti controversia, ea quae ex scripto et sententia nominatur; sed, quia de concessione loque- bamur, in eam praecepta dedimus, alio autem loco de scripto et de sententia dicemus. Nunc in alteram concessionis partem consideratio- 2.104. nem iam intendemus. Deprecatio est, in qua non de- fensio facti, sed ignoscendi postulatio continetur. hoc genus vix in iudicio probari potest, ideo quod con- cesso peccato difficile est ab eo, qui peccatorum vindex esse debet, ut ignoscat, impetrare. quare parte eius generis, cum causam non in eo constitueris, uti licebit; ut si pro aliquo claro aut forti viro, cuius in rem publi- cam multa sunt beneficia, diceres, posses, cum videaris non uti deprecatione, uti tamen, ad hunc modum: quodsi, iudices, hic pro suis beneficiis, pro suo studio, quod in vos semper habuit, tali suo tempore multorum suorum recte factorum causa uni delicto ut ignosce- retis postularet, tamen dignum vestra mansuetudine, dignum virtute huius esset, iudices, a vobis hanc rem hoc postulante impetrari. deinde augere beneficia licebit et iudices per locum communem ad ignoscendi voluntatem ducere. 2.105. quare hoc genus quamquam in iudiciis non versatur nisi quadam ex parte, tamen, quia et pars haec ipsa inducenda nonnumquam est et in senatu aut in consilio saepe omni in genere tractanda, in id quoque praecepta ponemus. nam in senatu aut in consilio de Syphace diu deliberatum est, et de Q. Numitorio Pullo apud L. Opimium et eius consilium diu dictum est, et magis in hoc qui- dem ignoscendi quam cognoscendi postulatio valuit. nam semper animo bono se in populum Romanum fuisse non tam facile probabat, cum coniecturali con- stitutione uteretur, quam ut propter posterius bene- ficium sibi ignosceretur, cum deprecationis partes ad- iungeret. 2.106. Oportebit igitur eum, qui sibi ut ignoscatur, postu- labit, commemorare, si qua sua poterit beneficia et, si poterit, ostendere ea maiora esse quam haec, quae deliquerit, ut plus ab eo boni quam mali profectum esse videatur; deinde maiorum suorum beneficia, si qua exstabunt, proferre; deinde ostendere non odio neque crudelitate fecisse, quod fecerit, sed aut stultitia aut inpulsu alicuius aut aliqua honesta aut probabili causa; postea polliceri et confirmare se et hoc peccato doctum et beneficio eorum, qui sibi ignoverint, con- firmatum omni tempore a tali ratione afuturum; de- inde spem ostendere aliquo se in loco magno iis, 2.107. qui sibi concesserint, usui futurum; postea, si facultas erit, se aut consanguineum * aut iam a maioribus inprimis amicum esse demonstrabit et amplitudinem suae vo- luntatis, nobilitatem generis, eorum, qui se salvum velint, dignitatem ostendere, et cetera ea, quae per- sonis ad honestatem et amplitudinem sunt adtributa, cum conquestione, sine arrogantia, in se esse demon- strabit, ut honore potius aliquo quam ullo supplicio dignus esse videatur; deinde ceteros proferre, quibus maiora delicta concessa sint. ac multum proficiet, si se misericordem in potestate, propensum ad igno- scendum fuisse ostendet. atque ipsum illud pecca- tum erit extenuandum, ut quam minimum obfuisse videatur, et aut turpe aut inutile demonstrandum tali de homine supplicium sumere. 2.108. deinde locis commu- nibus misericordiam captare oportebit ex iis praecep- tis, quae in primo libro sunt exposita. Adversarius autem malefacta augebit: nihil impru- denter, sed omnia ex crudelitate et malitia facta dicet; ipsum inmisericordem, superbum fuisse; et, si poterit, ostendet semper inimicum fuisse et amicum fieri nullo modo posse. si beneficia proferet, aut aliqua de causa facta, non propter benivolentiam demonstrabit, aut postea odium esse acre susceptum, aut illa omnia maleficiis esse deleta, aut leviora beneficia quam male- ficia, aut, cum beneficiis honos habitus sit, pro male- 2.109. ficio poenam sumi oportere. deinde turpe esse aut inutile ignosci. deinde, de quo ut potestas esset saepe optarint, in eum * ob potestatem non uti summam esse stultitiam; cogitare oportere, quem animum in eum et quod odium habuerint. Locus autem communis erit indignatio maleficii et alter eorum misereri oportere, qui propter fortunam, non propter malitiam in miseriis sint. Quoniam ergo in generali constitutione tamdiu prop- ter eius partium multitudinem commoramur, ne forte varietate et dissimilitudine rerum diductus alicuius animus in quendam errorem deferatur, quid etiam no- bis ex eo genere restet et quare restet, admonendum videtur. Iuridicialem causam esse dicebamus, in qua aequi et iniqui natura et praemii aut poenae ratio quaere- retur. | |
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| 22. Cicero, De Lege Agraria, 2.93 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., and cicero in civil war •iulius caesar, c., praetor, suspended as Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 69, 76 |
23. Cicero, Brutus, 252-261, 42, 262 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 272, 274, 290| 262. tum Brutus: Orationes quidem eius mihi vehementer probantur. Compluris autem legi atque etiam commentarios (compluris autem legi) ...commentarii Stangl , quos idem scripsit rerum suarum. Valde quidem quos idem Stangl : quos Bake : quosdam L , inquam, probandos; nudi enim sunt, recti et venusti, omni ornatu orationis tamquam veste detracta detracto Lambinus . Sed dum voluit alios habere parata, unde sumerent qui vellent scribere historiam, ineptis gratum fortasse fecit, qui illa volent illa volent Suefon. : volunt illa L calamistris inurere: sanos quidem homines a scribendo deterruit; nihil est enim enim est BHM in historia pura et inlustri brevitate dulcius. Sed ad eos, si placet, qui vita excesserunt, revertamur. | |
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| 24. Cicero, Pro Marcello, 23 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •julius caesar (c. iulius caesar) Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 143, 144 |
25. Cicero, De Oratore, 2.53, 2.62-2.63, 3.214 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 108, 109, 246| 2.53. Hanc similitudinem scribendi multi secuti sunt, qui sine ullis ornamentis monumenta solum temporum, hominum, locorum gestarumque rerum reliquerunt; itaque qualis apud Graecos Pherecydes, Hellanicus, Acusilas fuit aliique permulti, talis noster Cato et Pictor et Piso, qui neque tenent, quibus rebus ornetur oratio—modo enim huc ista sunt importata—et, dum intellegatur quid dicant, unam dicendi laudem putant esse brevitatem. 2.62. Sed illuc redeo: videtisne, quantum munus sit oratoris historia? Haud scio an flumine orationis et varietate maximum; neque eam reperio usquam separatim instructam rhetorum praeceptis; sita sunt enim ante oculos. Nam quis nescit primam esse historiae legem, ne quid falsi dicere audeat? Deinde ne quid veri non audeat? Ne quae suspicio gratiae sit in scribendo? Ne quae simultatis? 2.63. Haec scilicet fundamenta nota sunt omnibus, ipsa autem exaedificatio posita est in rebus et verbis: rerum ratio ordinem temporum desiderat, regionum descriptionem; vult etiam, quoniam in rebus magnis memoriaque dignis consilia primum, deinde acta, postea eventus exspectentur, et de consiliis significari quid scriptor probet et in rebus gestis declarari non solum quid actum aut dictum sit, sed etiam quo modo, et cum de eventu dicatur, ut causae explicentur omnes vel casus vel sapientiae vel temeritatis hominumque ipsorum non solum res gestae, sed etiam, qui fama ac nomine excellant, de cuiusque vita atque natura; 3.214. Quid fuit in Graccho, quem tu melius, Catule, meministi, quod me puero tanto opere ferretur? "Quo me miser conferam? Quo vertam? In Capitoliumne? At fratris sanguine madet. An domum? Matremne ut miseram lamentantem videam et abiectam?" Quae sic ab illo esse acta constabat oculis, voce, gestu, inimici ut lacrimas tenere non possent. Haec ideo dico pluribus, quod genus hoc totum oratores, qui sunt veritatis ipsius actores, reliquerunt; imitatores autem veritatis, histriones, occupaverunt. | |
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| 26. Cicero, Pro Plancio, 98-99 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 73 |
27. Cicero, Pro Murena, 13, 61, 74-77 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 72| 77. quod habes nomenclatorem? in eo quidem fallis et decipis. nam, si nomine appellari abs te civis tuos honestum est, turpe est eos notiores esse servo tuo quam tibi. sin iam iam scripst : etiam codd. : etiam si Lambinus noris, tamen ne tamenne scripsi : tamen codd. per monitorem appellandi sunt cum cum scripst : curam (cur ante y2, Naugerius ) codd. petis, quasi quasi Zumpt : quam codd. incertus sis incertus sis scripsi : incertum sit Lag. 9: inceravit (narravit y2 ) mei : insusurravit Naugerius ) ? quid quod, cum quid quod cum Priscian ( K. ii. 592): aquid quod S : a (ad y2 ) quid cum xy2 : quid quom A p : a quid quom y : quid quomodo w admoneris, tamen, quasi tute noris, ita salutas? quid quid quidem (quid enim y2 ) xy : quod Lag. 9, postea quam es designatus, multo salutas neglegentius? haec omnia ad rationem civitatis si derigas, recta sunt; sin perpendere ad disciplinae praecepta velis, reperiantur pravissima. qua re nec plebi Romanae eripiendi fructus isti sunt ludorum, gladiatorum, conviviorum, quae omnia maiores nostri comparaverunt, nec candidatis ista benignitas adimenda est quae liberalitatem magis significat quam largitionem. | |
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| 28. Cicero, Pro Milone, 40 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 204 |
| 29. Cicero, Pro S. Roscio Amerino, 76 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 26 |
| 30. Cicero, Pro Ligario, 7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., and cicero in civil war Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 69, 70 |
| 31. Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 32 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •julius caesar (c. iulius caesar) Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 144 |
| 32. Cicero, Philippicae, 1.3, 2.21, 2.59-2.62, 2.71, 2.87-2.88, 2.91, 3.9, 5.9, 5.45-5.46, 11.24 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius •iulius caesar, c., at alexandria •iulius caesar, c., dictator in •iulius caesar, c., lictors, excessive number of •iulius caesar, c., despot, a •iulius caesar, c., dictator with extended term •iulius caesar, c., dictator, wants praetor to name •iulius caesar, c., dictatorships authorized/modified by comitial legislation •c. iulius caesar, dictatorship •c. iulius caesar, reform •iulius caesar, c., augural law, ignored by Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 337, 343; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 132, 133, 135, 136, 137, 141, 142; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 204; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 121, 122 |
| 33. Cicero, Orator, 2.62-2.64 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius, historical ambitions Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 290 |
| 34. Cicero, Oratio Pro Rege Deiotaro, 1-4, 26 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 288, 290, 314 |
| 35. Cicero, In Verrem, 2.1.67, 2.1.72, 2.2.129 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., praetor, suspended as •c. iulius caesar, reform Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 73; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 112 |
| 36. Cicero, In Vatinium, 8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 32 |
| 37. Cicero, In Pisonem, 49-50, 30 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 124 |
| 38. Cicero, In Catilinam, 3.14-3.15, 4.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 72 |
| 39. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 26.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 232 |
| 40. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 1.9.25, 2.16.2, 2.17.6, 4.4.3-4.4.4, 4.5-4.6, 4.7.4, 4.11-4.12, 5.12, 5.12.5, 5.12.8, 5.14-5.15, 7.2.4, 7.30.1, 8.4.1, 8.8.5, 10.12.3, 12.21, 12.25.3, 12.30.7, 14.7, 14.11.3, 15.1-15.2, 15.3.2, 15.4.2-15.4.10, 18.17 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 17; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 274, 279, 291, 335; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 49, 68, 69, 70, 73, 133, 138, 142, 289; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 246; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 241; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 70, 124, 150 |
| 41. Cicero, Letters, 1.5.4, 23.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator, wants praetor to name •c. iulius caesar, reform Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 171; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 122 |
| 42. Cicero, Letters, None (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 241 |
43. Cicero, Republic, 1.2, 2.55 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, julius (iulius caesar, c.) •iulius caesar, c., lictors, restores alternation of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 74; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 287| 1.2. Nec vero habere virtutem satis est quasi artem aliquam, nisi utare; etsi ars quidem, cum ea non utare, scientia tamen ipsa teneri potest, virtus in usu sui tota posita est; usus autem eius est maximus civitatis gubernatio et earum ipsarum rerum, quas isti in angulis persot, reapse, non oratione perfectio. Nihil enim dicitur a philosophis, quod quidem recte honesteque dicatur, quod non ab iis partum confirmatumque sit, a quibus civitatibus iura discripta sunt. Unde enim pietas aut a quibus religio? unde ius aut gentium aut hoc ipsum civile quod dicitur? unde iustitia, fides, aequitas? unde pudor, continentia, fuga turpitudinis, adpetentia laudis et honestatis? unde in laboribus et periculis fortitudo? Nempe ab iis, qui haec disciplinis informata alia moribus confirmarunt, sanxerunt autem alia legibus. 1.2. Non. p. 426M Sic, quoniam plura beneficia continet patria et est antiquior parens quam is, qui creavit, maior ei profecto quam parenti debetur gratia. 2.55. Itaque Publicola lege illa de provocatione perlata statim securis de fascibus demi iussit postridieque sibi collegam Sp. Lucretium subrogavit suosque ad eum, quod erat maior natu, lictores transire iussit instituitque primus, ut singulis consulibus alternis mensibus lictores praeirent, ne plura insignia essent inperii in libero populo quam in regno fuissent. Haud mediocris hic, ut ego quidem intellego, vir fuit, qui modica libertate populo data facilius tenuit auctoritatem principum. Neque ego haec nunc sine causa tam vetera vobis et tam obsoleta decanto, sed inlustribus in personis temporibusque exempla hominum rerumque definio, ad quae reliqua oratio derigatur mea. | |
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| 44. Cicero, On His Consulship, 8.19, 11.27, 12.30-14.34 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 283 |
| 45. Cicero, On Laws, 2.29, 2.59, 2.64 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 109 |
46. Cicero, On Duties, 1.54, 1.68, 1.92, 1.123, 2.56-2.64, 5.52 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •julius caesar (c. iulius caesar) •caesar, julius (iulius caesar, c.) •caesar, c. iulius •caesar, c. iulius, historical ambitions Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 144; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 276; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 37; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 292| 1.54. Nam cum sit hoc natura commune animantium, ut habeant libidinem procreandi, prima societas in ipso coniugio est, proxima in liberis, deinde una domus, communia omnia; id autem est principium urbis et quasi seminarium rei publicae. Sequuntur fratrum coniunctiones, post consobrinorum sobrinorumque, qui cum una domo iam capi non possint, in alias domos tamquam in colonias exeunt. Sequuntur conubia et affinitates, ex quibus etiam plures propinqui; quae propagatio et suboles origo est rerum publicarum. Sanguinis autem coniunctio et benivolentia devincit homines et caritate; 1.68. Non est autem consentaneum, qui metu non frangatur, eum frangi cupiditate nec, qui invictum se a labore praestiterit, vinci a voluptate. Quam ob rem et haec vitanda et pecuniae figienda cupiditas; nihil enim est tam angusti animi tamque parvi quam amare divitias, nihil honestius magnificentiusque quam pecuniam contemnere, si non habeas, si habeas, ad beneficentiam liberalitatemque conferre. Cavenda etiam est gloriae cupiditas, ut supra dixi; eripit enim libertatem, pro qua magimis viris omnis debet esse contentio. Nee vero imperia expetenda ac potius aut non accipienda interdum aut deponenda non numquam. 1.92. Illud autem sic est iudicandum, maximas geri res et maximi animi ab iis, qui res publicas regant, quod earum administratio latissime pateat ad plurimosque pertineat; esse autem magni animi et fuisse multos etiam in vita otiosa, qui aut investigarent aut conarentur magna quaedam seseque suarum rerum finibus continerent aut interiecti inter philosophos et eos, qui rem publicam administrarent, delectarentur re sua familiari non eam quidem omni ratione exaggerantes neque excludentes ab eius usu suos potiusque et amicis impertientes et rei publicae, si quando usus esset. Quae primum bene parta sit nullo neque turpi quaestu neque odioso, deinde augeatur ratione, diligentia, parsimonia, tum quam plurimis, modo dignis, se utilem praebeat nec libidini potius luxuriaeque quam liberalitati et beneficentiae pareat. Haec praescripta servantem licet magnifice, graviter animoseque vivere atque etiam simpliciter, fideliter, ° vere hominum amice. 1.123. Senibus autem labores corporis minuendi, exercitationes animi etiam augendae videntur; danda vero opera, ut et amicos et iuventutem et maxime rem publicam consilio et prudentia quam plurimum adiuvent. Nihil autem magis cavendum est senectuti, quam ne languori se desidiaeque dedat; luxuria vero cum omni aetati turpis, tum senectuti foedissima est; sin autem etiam libidinum intemperantia accessit, duplex malum est, quod et ipsa senectus dedecus concipit et facit adulescentium impudentioren intemperantiarn. 2.56. liberales autem, qui suis facultatibus aut captos a praedonibus redimunt aut aes alienum suscipiunt amicorum aut in filiarum collocatione adiuvant aut opitulantur in re vel quaerenda vel augenda. Itaque miror, quid in mentem venerit Theophrasto in eo libro, quem de divitiis scripsit; in quo multa praeclare, illud absurde: est enim multus in laudanda magnificentia et apparatione popularium munerum taliumque sumptuum facultatem fructum divitiarum putat. Mihi autem ille fructus liberalitatis, cuius pauca exempla posui, multo et maior videtur et certior. Quanto Aristoteles gravius et verius nos reprehendit! qui has pecuniarum effusiones non admiremur, quae fiunt ad multitudinem deliniendam. Ait enim, qui ab hoste obsidentur, si emere aquae sextarium cogerentur mina, hoc primo incredibile nobis videri, omnesque mirari, sed cum attenderint, veniam necessitati dare, in his immanibus iacturis infinitisque sumptibus nihil nos magnopere mirari, cum praesertim neque necessitati subveniatur nec dignitas augeatur ipsaque illa delectatio multitudinis ad breve exiguumque tempus capiatur, eaque a levissimo quoque, in quo tamen ipso una cum satietate memoria quoque moriatur voluptatis. 2.57. Bene etiam colligit, haec pueris et mulierculis et servis et servorum simillimis liberis esse grata, gravi vero homini et ea, quae fiunt, iudicio certo ponderanti probari posse nullo modo. Quamquam intellego in nostra civitate inveterasse iam bonis temporibus, ut splendor aedilitatum ab optimis viris postuletur. Itaque et P. Crassus cum cognomine dives, tum copiis functus est aedilicio maximo munere, et paulo post L. Crassus cum omnium hominum moderatissimo Q. Mucio magnificentissima aedilitate functus est, deinde C. Claudius App. f., multi post, Luculli, Hortensius, Silanus; omnes autem P. Lentulus me consule vicit superiores; hunc est Scaurus imitatus; magnificentissima vero nostri Pompei munera secundo consulatu; in quibus omnibus quid mihi placeat, vides. 2.58. Vitanda tamen suspicio est avaritiae. Mamerco, homini divitissimo, praetermissio aedilitatis consulatus repulsam attulit. Quare et, si postulatur a populo, bonis viris si non desiderantibus, at tamen approbantibus faciundum est, modo pro facultatibus, nos ipsi ut fecimus, et, si quando aliqua res maior atque utilior populari largitione acquiritur, ut Oresti nuper prandia in semitis decumae nomine magno honori fuerunt. Ne M. quidem Seio vitio datum est, quod in caritate asse modium populo dedit; magna enim se et inveterata invidia nec turpi iactura, quando erat aedilis, nec maxima liberavit. Sed honori summo nuper nostro Miloni fuit, qui gladiatoribus emptis rei publicae causa, quae salute nostra continebatur, omnes P. Clodi conatus furoresque compressit. Causa igitur largitionis est, si aut necesse est aut utile. 2.59. In his autem ipsis mediocritatis regula optima est. L. quidem Philippus Q. f., magno vir ingenio in primisque clarus, gloriari solebat se sine ullo munere adeptum esse omnia, quae haberentur amplissima. Dicebat idem Cotta, Curio. Nobis quoque licet in hoc quodam modo gloriari; nam pro amplitudine honorum, quos cunctis suffragiis adepti sumus nostro quidem anno, quod contigit eorum nemini, quos modo nominavi, sane exiguus sumptus aedilitatis fuit. 2.60. Atque etiam illae impensae meliores, muri, navalia, portus, aquarum ductus omniaque, quae ad usum rei publicae pertinent. Quamquam, quod praesens tamquam in manum datur, iucundius est; tamen haec in posterum gratiora. Theatra, porticus, nova templa verecundius reprehendo propter Pompeium, sed doctissimi non probant, ut et hic ipse Panaetius, quem nultum in his libris secutus sum, non interpretatus, et Phalereus Demetrius, qui Periclem, principem Graeciae, vituperat, quod tantam pecuniam in praeclara illa propylaea coniecerit. Sed de hoc genere toto in iis libris, quos de re publica scripsi, diligenter est disputatum. Tota igitur ratio talium largitionum genere vitiosa est, temporibus necessaria, et tum ipsum et ad facultates accommodanda et mediocritate moderanda est. 2.61. In illo autem altero genere largiendi, quod a liberalitate proficiscitur, non uno modo in disparibus causis affecti esse debemus. Alia causa est eius, qui calamitate premitur, et eius, qui res meliores quaerit nullis suis rebus adversis. 2.62. Propensior benignitas esse debebit in calamitosos, nisi forte erunt digni calamitate. In iis tamen, qui se adiuvari volent, non ne affligantur, sed ut altiorem gradum ascendant, restricti omnino esse nullo modo debemus, sed in deligendis idoneis iudicium et diligentiam adhibere. Nam praeclare Ennius: Bene fácta male locáta male facta árbitror. 2.63. Quod autem tributum est bono viro et grato, in eo cum ex ipso fructus est, tum etiam ex ceteris. Temeritate enim remota gratissima est liberalitas, eoque eam studiosius plerique laudant, quod summi cuiusque bonitas commune perfugium est omnium. Danda igitur opera est, ut iis beneficiis quam plurimos afficiamus, quorum memoria liberis posterisque prodatur, ut iis ingratis esse non liceat. Omnes enim immemorem beneficii oderunt eamque iniuriam in deterrenda liberalitate sibi etiam fieri eumque, qui faciat, communem hostem tenuiorum putant. Atque haec benignitas etiam rei publicae est utilis, redimi e servitute captos, locupletari tenuiores; quod quidem volgo solitum fieri ab ordine nostro in oratione Crassi scriptum copiose videmus. Hanc ergo consuetudinem benignitatis largitioni munerum longe antepono; haec est gravium hominum atque magnorum, illa quasi assentatorum populi multitudinis levitatem voluptate quasi titillantium. 2.64. Conveniet autem cum in dando munificum esse, tum in exigendo non acerbum in omnique re contrahenda, vendundo emendo, conducendo locando, vicinitatibus et confiniis, aequum, facilem, multa multis de suo iure cedentem, a litibus vero, quantum liceat et nescio an paulo plus etiam, quam liceat, abhorrentem. Est enim non modo liberale paulum non numquam de suo iure decedere, sed interdum etiam fructuosum. Habenda autem ratio est rei familiaris, quam quidem dilabi sinere flagitiosum est, sed ita, ut illiberalitatis avaritiaeque absit suspicio; posse enim liberalitate uti non spoliantem se patrimonio nimirum est pecuniae fructus maximus. Recte etiam a Theophrasto est laudata hospitalitas; est enim, ut mihi quidem videtur, valde decorum patere domus hominum illustrium hospitibus illustribus, idque etiam rei publicae est ornamento, homines externos hoc liberalitatis genere in urbe nostra non egere. Est autem etiam vehementer utile iis, qui honeste posse multum volunt, per hospites apud externos populos valere opibus et gratia. Theophrastus quidem scribit Cimonem Athenis etiam in suos curiales Laciadas hospitalem fuisse; ita enim instituisse et vilicis imperavisse, ut omnia praeberentur, quicumque Laciades in villam suam devertisset. | 1.54. For since the reproductive instinct is by Nature's gift the common possession of all living creatures, the first bond of union is that between husband and wife; the next, that between parents and children; then we find one home, with everything in common. And this is the foundation of civil government, the nursery, as it were, of the state. Then follow the bonds between brothers and sisters, and next those of first and then of second cousins; and when they can no longer be sheltered under one roof, they go out into other homes, as into colonies. Then follow between these in turn, marriages and connections by marriage, and from these again a new stock of relations; and from this propagation and after-growth states have their beginnings. The bonds of common blood hold men fast through good-will and affection; 1.68. Moreover, it would be inconsistent for the man who is not overcome by fear to be overcome by desire, or for the man who has shown himself invincible to toil to be conquered by pleasure. We must, therefore, not only avoid the latter, but also beware of ambition for wealth; for there is nothing so characteristic of narrowness and littleness of soul as the love of riches; and there is nothing more honourable and noble than to be indifferent to money, if one does not possess it, and to devote it to beneficence and liberality, if one does possess it. As I said before, we must also beware of ambition for glory; for it robs us of liberty, and in defence of liberty a high-souled man should stake everything. And one ought not to seek military authority; nay, rather it ought sometimes to be declined, sometimes to be resigned. 1.92. To revert to the original question â we must decide that the most important activities, those most indicative of a great spirit, are performed by the men who direct the affairs of nations; for such public activities have the widest scope and touch the lives of the most people. But even in the life of retirement there are and there have been many high-souled men who have been engaged in important inquiries or embarked on most important enterprises and yet kept themselves within the limits of their own affairs; or, taking a middle course between philosophers on the one hand and statesmen on the other, they were content with managing their own property â not increasing it by any and every means nor debarring their kindred from the enjoyment of it, but rather, if ever there were need, sharing it with their friends and with the state. Only let it, in the first place, be honestly acquired, by the use of no dishonest or fraudulent means; let it, in the second place, increase by wisdom, industry, and thrift; and, finally, let it be made available for the use of as many as possible (if only they are worthy) and be at the service of generosity and beneficence rather than of sensuality and excess. By observing these rules, one may live in magnificence, dignity, and independence, and yet in honour, truth and charity toward all. 1.123. The old, on the other hand, should, it seems, have their physical labours reduced; their mental activities should be actually increased. They should endeavour, too, by means of their counsel and practical wisdom to be of as much service as possible to their friends and to the young, and above all to the state. But there is nothing against which old age has to be more on its guard than against surrendering to feebleness and idleness, while luxury, a vice in any time of life, is in old age especially scandalous. But if excess in sensual indulgence is added to luxurious living, it is a twofold evil; for old age not only disgraces itself; it also serves to make the excesses of the young more shameless. 2.56. The generous, on the other hand, are those who employ their own means to ransom captives from brigands, or who assume their friends' debts or help in providing dowries for their daughters, or assist them in acquiring property or increasing what they have. 2.57. His conclusion, too, is excellent: "This sort of amusement pleases children, silly women, slaves, and the servile free; but a serious-minded man who weighs such matters with sound judgment cannot possibly approve of them." And yet I realize that in our country, even in the good old times, it had become a settled custom to expect magnificent entertainments from the very best men in their year of aedileship. So both Publius Crassus, who was not merely surnamed "The Rich" but was rich in fact, gave splendid games in his aedileship; and a little later Lucius Crassus (with Quintus Mucius, the most unpretentious man in the world, as his colleague) gave most magnificent entertainments in his aedileship. Then came Gaius Claudius, the son of Appius, and, after him, many others â the Luculli, Hortensius, and Silanus. Publius Lentulus, however, in the year of my consulship, eclipsed all that had gone before him, and Scaurus emulated him. And my friend Pompey's exhibitions in his second consulship were the most magnificent of all. And so you see what I think about all this sort of thing. 2.58. Still we should avoid any suspicion of penuriousness. Mamercus was a very wealthy man, and his refusal of the aedileship was the cause of his defeat for the consulship. If, therefore, such entertainment is demanded by the people, men of right judgment must at least consent to furnish it, even if they do not like the idea. But in so doing they should keep within their means, as I myself did. They should likewise afford such entertainment, if gifts of money to the people are to be the means of securing on some occasion some more important or more useful object. Thus Orestes recently won great honour by his public dinners given in the streets, on the pretext of their being a tithe-offering. Neither did anybody find fault with Marcus Seius for supplying grain to the people at an as the peck at a time when the market-price was prohibitive; for he thus succeeded in disarming the bitter and deep-seated prejudice of the people against him at an outlay neither very great nor discreditable to him in view of the fact that he was aedile at the time. But the highest honour recently fell to my friend Milo, who bought a band of gladiators for the sake of the country, whose preservation then depended upon my recall from exile, and with them put down the desperate schemes, the reign of terror, of Publius Clodius. The justification for gifts of money, therefore, is either necessity or expediency. 2.59. And, in making them even in such cases, the rule of the golden mean is best. To be sure, Lucius Philippus, the son of Quintus, a man of great ability and unusual renown, used to make it his boast that without giving any entertainments he had risen to all the positions looked upon as the highest within the gift of the state. Cotta could say the same, and Curio. I, too, may make this boast my own â to a certain extent; for in comparison with the eminence of the offices to which I was uimously elected at the earliest legal age â and this was not the good fortune of any one of those just mentioned â the outlay in my aedileship was very inconsiderable. 2.60. Again, the expenditure of money is better justified when it is made for walls, docks, harbours, aqueducts, and all those works which are of service to the community. There is, to be sure, more of present satisfaction in what is handed out, like cash down; nevertheless public improvements win us greater gratitude with posterity. Out of respect for Pompey's memory I am rather diffident about expressing any criticism of theatres, colonnades, and new temples; and yet the greatest philosophers do not approve of them â our Panaetius himself, for example, whom I am following, not slavishly translating, in these books; so, too, Demetrius of Phalerum, who denounces Pericles, the foremost man of Greece, for throwing away so much money on the magnificent, far-famed Propylaea. But this whole theme is discussed at length in my books on "The Republic." To conclude, the whole system of public bounties in such extravagant amount is intrinsically wrong; but it may under certain circumstances be necessary to make them; even then they must be proportioned to our ability and regulated by the golden mean. 2.61. Now, as touching that second division of gifts of money, those which are prompted by a spirit of generosity, we ought to look at different cases differently. The case of the man who is overwhelmed by misfortune is different from that of the one who is seeking to better his condition, though he suffers from no actual distress. 2.62. It will be the duty of charity to incline more to the unfortunate, unless, perchance, they deserve their misfortune. But of course we ought by no means to withhold our assistance altogether from those who wish for aid, not to save them from utter ruin but to enable them to reach a higher degree of fortune. But, in selecting worthy cases, we ought to use judgment and discretion. For, as Ennius says so admirably, "Good deeds misplaced, methinks, are evil deeds." 2.63. Furthermore, the favour conferred upon a man who is good and grateful finds its reward, in such a case, not only in his own good-will but in that of others. For, when generosity is not indiscriminate giving, it wins most gratitude and people praise it with more enthusiasm, because goodness of heart in a man of high station becomes the common refuge of everybody. Pains must, therefore, be taken to benefit as many as possible with such kindnesses that the memory of them shall be handed down to children and to children's children, so that they too may not be ungrateful. For all men detest ingratitude and look upon the sin of it as a wrong committed against themselves also, because it discourages generosity; and they regard the ingrate as the common foe of all the poor. Ransoming prisoners from servitude and relieving the poor is a form of charity that is a service to the state as well as to the individual. And we find in one of Crassus's orations the full proof given that such beneficence used to be the common practice of our order. This form of charity, then, I much prefer to the lavish expenditure of money for public exhibitions. The former is suited to men of worth and dignity, the latter to those shallow flatterers, if I may call them so, who tickle with idle pleasure, so to speak, the fickle fancy of the rabble. 2.64. It will, moreover, befit a gentleman to be at the same time liberal in giving and not inconsiderate in exacting his dues, but in every business relation â in buying or selling, in hiring or letting, in relations arising out of adjoining houses and lands â to be fair, reasonable, often freely yielding much of his own right, and keeping out of litigation as far as his interests will permit and perhaps even a little farther. For it is not only generous occasionally to abate a little of one's rightful claims, but it is sometimes even advantageous. We should, however, have a care for our personal property, for it is discreditable to let it run through our fingers; but we must guard it in such a way that there shall be no suspicion of meanness or avarice. For the greatest privilege of wealth is, beyond all peradventure, the opportunity it affords for doing good, without sacrificing one's fortune. Hospitality also is a theme of Theophrastus's praise, and rightly so. For, as it seems to me at least, it is most proper that the homes of distinguished men should be open to distinguished guests. And it is to the credit of our country also that men from abroad do not fail to find hospitable entertainment of this kind in our city. It is, moreover, a very great advantage, too, for those who wish to obtain a powerful political influence by honourable means to be able through their social relations with their guests to enjoy popularity and to exert influence abroad. For an instance of extraordinary hospitality, Theophrastus writes that at Athens Cimon was hospitable even to the Laciads, the people of his own deme; for he instructed his bailiffs to that end and gave them orders that every attention should be shown to any Laciad who should ever call at his country home. |
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47. Cicero, Pro Rabirio Perduellionis Reo, 24, 14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 246| 14. If, then, this had been a popular sort of proceeding, if it had had the least particle of equity or justice in it, would Caius Gracchus have passed it over? Forsooth, I suppose, the death of your uncle was a greater affliction to you, than the loss of his brother was to Caius Gracchus. And the death of that uncle whom you never saw is more painful to you, than the death of that brother, with whom he lived on the terms of the most cordial affection, was to him. And you avenge the death of your uncle just as he would have wished to avenge the death of his brother, if he had been inclined to act on your principles. And that great Labienus, your illustrious uncle, whoever he was, left quite as great a regret behind him in the bosoms of the Roman people, as Tiberius Gracchus left? Was your piety greater than that of Gracchus? or your courage? or your wisdom? or your wealth? or your influence? or your eloquence? And yet all those qualities, if he had had ever so little of them, would have been thought great in him in comparison of your qualifications. | |
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48. Polybius, Histories, 1.7-1.12, 1.37, 1.39.6, 1.52.6, 3.22, 3.87.9, 6.12.2, 20.9-20.10, 31.25.4-31.25.7, 32.13.6, 38.22 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator •iulius caesar, c. •iulius caesar, c., praefecti, governs city through •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 349, 351; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 81, 258; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 40, 89| 1.39.6. ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ποιούμενοι παραβόλως καὶ διὰ πόρου τὸν πλοῦν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην πάλιν περιέπεσον χειμῶνι τηλικούτῳ τὸ μέγεθος ὥστε πλείω τῶν ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα πλοίων ἀποβαλεῖν. οἱ δʼ ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ τούτων συμβάντων, 1.52.6. ὁ δʼ Ἰούνιος ἀφικόμενος εἰς τὴν Μεσσήνην καὶ προσλαβὼν τὰ συνηντηκότα τῶν πλοίων ἀπό τε τοῦ στρατοπέδου καὶ τῆς ἄλλης Σικελίας παρεκομίσθη κατὰ σπουδὴν εἰς τὰς Συρακούσας, ἔχων ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι σκάφη καὶ τὴν ἀγορὰν σχεδὸν ἐν ὀκτακοσίαις ναυσὶ φορτηγοῖς. 3.87.9. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἐν ἄλλοις ἀκριβεστέραν ποιησόμεθα τὴν διαστολήν. ἅμα δὲ τῷ δικτάτορι κατέστησαν ἱππάρχην Μάρκον Μινύκιον. οὗτος δὲ τέτακται μὲν ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτοκράτορα, γίνεται δʼ οἱονεὶ διάδοχος τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐν τοῖς ἐκείνου περισπασμοῖς. 6.12.2. οἵ τε γὰρ ἄρχοντες οἱ λοιποὶ πάντες ὑποτάττονται καὶ πειθαρχοῦσι τούτοις πλὴν τῶν δημάρχων, εἴς τε τὴν σύγκλητον οὗτοι τὰς πρεσβείας ἄγουσι. 31.25.4. οἱ μὲν γὰρ εἰς ἐρωμένους τῶν νέων, οἱ δʼ εἰς ἑταίρας ἐξεκέχυντο, πολλοὶ δʼ εἰς ἀκροάματα καὶ πότους καὶ τὴν ἐν τούτοις πολυτέλειαν, ταχέως ἡρπακότες ἐν τῷ Περσικῷ πολέμῳ τὴν τῶν Ἑλλήνων εἰς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος εὐχέρειαν. 31.25.5. καὶ τηλικαύτη τις ἐνεπεπτώκει περὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα τῶν ἔργων ἀκρασία τοῖς νέοις ὥστε πολλοὺς μὲν ἐρώμενον ἠγορακέναι ταλάντου, πολλοὺς δὲ ταρίχου Ποντικοῦ κεράμιον τριακοσίων δραχμῶν. 31.25.6. συνέβη δὲ τὴν παροῦσαν αἵρεσιν οἷον ἐκλάμψαι κατὰ τοὺς νῦν λεγομένους καιροὺς πρῶτον μὲν διὰ τὸ καταλυθείσης τῆς ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ βασιλείας δοκεῖν ἀδήριτον αὐτοῖς ὑπάρχειν τὴν περὶ τῶν ὅλων ἐξουσίαν, 31.25.7. ἔπειτα διὰ τὸ πολλὴν ἐπίφασιν γενέσθαι τῆς εὐδαιμονίας περί τε τοὺς κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους καὶ περὶ τὰ κοινά, τῶν ἐκ Μακεδονίας μετακομισθέντων εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην χορηγίων. 32.13.6. ἐξ οὗ Δημήτριον τὸν Φάριον ἐξέβαλον, τούς τε κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἀνθρώπους οὐκ ἐβούλοντο κατʼ οὐδένα τρόπον ἀποθηλύνεσθαι διὰ τὴν πολυχρόνιον εἰρήνην· | 3.22. 1. The first treaty between Rome and Carthage dates from the consulship of Lucius Junius Brutus and Marcus Horatius, the first Consuls after the expulsion of the kings, and the founders of the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus.,2. This is twenty-eight years before the crossing of Xerxes to Greece.,3. I give below as accurate a rendering as I can of this treaty, but the ancient Roman language differs so much from the modern that it can only be partially made out, and that after much application, by the most intelligent men.,4. The treaty is more or less as follows: "There is to be friendship between the Romans and their allies and the Carthaginians and their allies on these terms:,5. The Romans and their allies not to sail with long ships beyond the Fair Promontory,6. unless forced by storm or by enemies: it is forbidden to anyone carried beyond it by force to buy or carry away anything beyond what is required for the repair of his ship or for sacrifice,,7. and he must depart within five days.,8. Men coming to trade may conclude no business except in the presence of a herald or town-clerk,,9. and the price of whatever is sold in the presence of such shall be secured to the vendor by the state, if the sale take place in Libya or Sardinia.,10. If any Roman come to the Carthaginian province in Sicily, he shall enjoy equal rights with the others.,11. The Carthaginians shall do no wrong to the peoples of Ardea, Antium, Laurentium, Circeii, Terracina, or any other city of the Latins who are subject to Rome.,12. Touching the Latins who are not subjects, they shall keep their hands off their cities, and if they take any city shall deliver it up to the Romans undamaged.,13. They shall build no fort in the Latin territory. If they enter the land in arms, they shall not pass a night therein." 3.87.9. However, I will deal with this subject in greater detail later. At the same time they appointed Marcus Minucius Master of the Horse. The Master of the Horse is subordinate to the Dictator but becomes as it were his successor when the Dictator is otherwise occupied. 6.12.2. since all the other magistrates except the tribunes are under them and bound to obey them, and it is they who introduce embassies to the senate. 20.9. 1. After Heraclea had fallen into the hands of the Romans, Phaeneas, the strategus of the Aetolians, seeing Aetolia threatened with peril on all sides and realizing what was likely to happen to the other towns, decided to send an embassy to Manius Acilius Glabrio to beg for an armistice and peace.,2. Having resolved on this he dispatched Archedamus, Pantaleon, and Chalepus.,3. They had intended on meeting the Roman general to address him at length, but at the interview they were cut short and prevented from doing so.,4. For Glabrio told them that for the present he had no time as he was occupied by the disposal of the booty from Heraclea, but granting them a ten days' armistice, he said he would send back with them Lucius Valerius Flaccus, to whom he begged them to submit their request.,6. The armistice having been made, and Flaccus having met them at Hypata, there was considerable discussion of the situation.,7. The Aetolians, in making out their case, went back to the very beginning, reciting all their former deeds of kindness to the Romans,,8. but Flaccus cut the flood of their eloquence short by saying that this sort of pleading did not suit present circumstances. For as it was they who had broken off their originally kind relations, and as their present enmity was entirely their own fault, former deeds of kindness no longer counted as an asset.,9. Therefore he advised them to leave off trying to justify themselves and resort rather to deprecatory language, begging the consul to grant them pardon for their offences.,10. The Aetolians, after some further observations about the actual situation, decided to refer the whole matter to Glabrio,,11. committing themselves "to the faith" of the Romans, not knowing the exact meaning of the phrase, but deceived by the word "faith" as if they would thus obtain more complete pardon.,12. But with the Romans to commit oneself to the faith of a victor is equivalent to surrendering at discretion. 20.10. 1. However, having reached this decision they sent off Phaeneas and others to accompany Flaccus and convey it at once to Glabrio.,2. On meeting the general, after again pleading in justification of their conduct, they wound up by saying that the Aetolians had decided to commit themselves to the faith of the Romans.,3. Upon this Glabrio, taking them up, said, "So that is so, is it, ye men of Aetolia?",4. and when they assented, "Very well," he said, "then in the first place none of you must cross to Asia, either on his own account or by public decree;,5. next you must surrender Dicaearchus and Menestratus of Epirus" (the latter had recently come to their assistance at Naupactus) "and at the same time King Amydres and all the Athamanians who went off to join you together with him.",6. Phaeneas now interrupted him and said, "But what you demand, O General, is neither just nor Greek.",7. Glabrio, not so much incensed, as wishing to make them conscious of the real situation they were in and thoroughly intimidate them, said: "So you still give yourselves Grecian airs and speak of what is meet and proper after surrendering unconditionally? I will have you all put in chains if I think fit.",8. Saying this he ordered a chain to be brought and an iron collar to be put round the neck of each.,9. Phaeneas and the rest were thunderstruck, and all stood there speechless as if paralysed in body and mind by this extraordinary experience.,10. But Flaccus and some of the other military tribunes who were present entreated Glabrio not to treat the men with excessive harshness, in view of the fact that they were ambassadors.,11. Upon his consenting, Phaeneas began to speak. He said that he and the Apocleti would do what Glabrio ordered, but that the consent of the people was required if the orders were to be enforced.,12. Glabrio now said that he was right, upon which he called for a renewal of the armistice for ten days more. This request also was granted, and they parted on this understanding.,13. On reaching Hypata the envoys informed the Apocleti of what had taken place and what had been said, and it was only now, on hearing all, that the Aetolians became conscious of their mistake and of the constraint now brought to bear on them.,14. It was therefore decided to write to the towns and call an assembly of the nation to take the demands into consideration.,15. When the report of the Roman answer was spread abroad, the people became so savage, that no one even would attend the meeting to discuss matters.,16. As sheer impossibility thus prevented any discussion of the demands, and as at the same time Nicander arrived from Asia Minor at Phalara in the Melian gulf, from which he had set forth, and informed them of King Antiochus's cordial reception of him and his promises of future assistance, they neglected the matter more and more; so that no steps tending to the conclusion of peace were taken.,17. In consequence, after the termination of the armistice, the Aetolians remained as before in statu belli. 31.25.4. For some of them had abandoned themselves to amours with boys and others to the society of courtesans, and many to musical entertainments and banquets, and the extravagance they involve, having in the course of the war with Perseus been speedily infected by the Greek laxity in these respects. 31.25.5. So great in fact was the incontinence that had broken out among the young men in such matters, that many paid a talent for a male favourite and many three hundred drachmas for a jar of caviar. 31.25.6. It was just at the period we are treating of that this present tendency to extravagance declared itself, first of all because they thought that now after the fall of the Macedonian kingdom their universal dominion was undisputed, 31.25.7. and next because after the riches of Macedonia had been transported to Rome there was a great display of wealth both in public and in private. 32.13.6. since they expelled Demetrius of Pharos, and next they did not at all wish the Italians to become effeminate owing to the long peace, 38.22. 1. Scipio, when he looked upon the city as it was utterly perishing and in the last throes of its complete destruction, is said to have shed tears and wept openly for his enemies.,2. After being wrapped in thought for long, and realizing that all cities, nations, and authorities must, like men, meet their doom; that this happened to Ilium, once a prosperous city, to the empires of Assyria, Media, and Persia, the greatest of their time, and to Macedonia itself, the brilliance of which was so recent, either deliberately or the verses escaping him, he said: A day will come when sacred Troy shall perish, And Priam and his people shall be slain. ,3. And when Polybius speaking with freedom to him, for he was his teacher, asked him what he meant by the words, they say that without any attempt at concealment he named his own country, for which he feared when he reflected on the fate of all things human. Polybius actually heard him and recalls it in his history. |
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| 49. Moschus, Epitaph On Bion, 1.21 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 338 |
| 50. Scaevola Quintus Mucius, Digesta, 50.16.98 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar, dictatorship •c. iulius caesar, reform Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 119 |
| 51. Livy, Per., 112.4 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 232 |
52. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 2.20-2.39, 5.48 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 57| 2.20. ergo corpoream ad naturam pauca videmus 2.21. esse opus omnino: quae demant cumque dolorem, 2.22. delicias quoque uti multas substernere possint 2.23. gratius inter dum, neque natura ipsa requirit, 2.24. si non aurea sunt iuvenum simulacra per aedes 2.25. lampadas igniferas manibus retinentia dextris, 2.26. lumina nocturnis epulis ut suppeditentur, 2.27. nec domus argento fulget auroque renidet 2.28. nec citharae reboant laqueata aurataque templa, 2.29. cum tamen inter se prostrati in gramine molli 2.30. propter aquae rivum sub ramis arboris altae 2.31. non magnis opibus iucunde corpora curant, 2.32. praesertim cum tempestas adridet et anni 2.33. tempora conspergunt viridantis floribus herbas. 2.34. nec calidae citius decedunt corpore febres, 2.35. textilibus si in picturis ostroque rubenti 2.36. iacteris, quam si in plebeia veste cubandum est. 2.37. quapropter quoniam nihil nostro in corpore gazae 2.38. proficiunt neque nobilitas nec gloria regni, 2.39. quod super est, animo quoque nil prodesse putandum; 5.48. efficiunt clades! quid luxus desidiaeque? | |
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| 53. Horace, Odes, 2.1.1-2.1.9 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 342 |
| 54. Catullus, Poems, 16 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 64 |
| 55. Ovid, Tristia, 5.1.43-5.1.44 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 58, 64 |
| 56. Julius Caesar, De Bello Gallico, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 350, 351 |
| 57. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 1.1-1.8, 1.1.1, 1.5.2-1.5.4, 1.6.7, 1.11.4-1.11.27, 1.17, 1.19-1.20, 1.23.4, 1.38, 1.48-1.59, 1.61, 1.63-1.84, 1.86-1.87, 2.3.4, 2.21.3, 2.21.5, 2.31-2.32, 3.2.1, 3.3-3.5, 3.6.1, 3.18, 3.20-3.23, 3.82.4, 3.85.4, 3.87, 3.96.1-3.96.2, 3.99.5, 3.105.3-3.105.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 68 |
| 58. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 19-21 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 126 |
| 59. Demetrius, Style, 291, 288 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 251 |
60. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 1.149-1.150, 7.292, 9.266-9.267, 10.30, 10.60, 14.629, 15.796 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •c. iulius caesar •caesarian vocabulary, c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 105, 174, 184; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 62, 102| 1.149. Victa iacet pietas, et virgo caede madentis, 1.150. ultima caelestum terras Astraea reliquit. 7.292. membraque luxuriant. Aeson miratur et olim 9.266. Utque novus serpens posita cum pelle senecta 9.267. luxuriare solet squamaque nitere recenti, 10.30. per chaos hoc ingens vastique silentia regni, 10.60. Iamque iterum moriens non est de coniuge quicquam 14.629. qua modo luxuriem premit et spatiantia passim 15.796. Inque foro circumque domos et templa deorum | |
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61. Ovid, Fasti, 1.9-1.10, 1.156, 1.223-1.226, 1.689-1.690, 2.15-2.16, 2.21, 5.279, 6.172, 6.183-6.185, 6.637-6.644 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 58, 62, 64, 65; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 20, 40, 81| 1.9. invenies illic et festa domestica vobis: 1.10. saepe tibi pater est, saepe legendus avus; 1.156. ludit et in pratis luxuriatque pecus, 1.223. nos quoque templa iuvant, quamvis antiqua probemus, 1.224. aurea: maiestas convenit ista deo. 1.225. laudamus veteres, sed nostris utimur annis: 1.226. mos tamen est aeque dignus uterque coli.’ 1.689. et neque deficiat macie neque pinguior aequo 1.690. divitiis pereat luxuriosa suis. 2.15. at tua prosequimur studioso pectore, Caesar, 2.16. nomina, per titulos ingredimurque tuos. 2.21. pontifices ab rege petunt et flamine lanas, 5.279. ‘cetera luxuriae nondum instrumenta vigebant, 6.172. nec petit ascitas luxuriosa dapes, 6.183. arce quoque in summa Iunoni templa Monetae 6.184. ex voto memorant facta, Camille, tuo: 6.185. ante domus Manli fuerat, qui Gallica quondam 6.637. Te quoque magnifica, Concordia, dedicat aede 6.638. Livia, quam caro praestitit ipsa viro. 6.639. disce tamen, veniens aetas, ubi Livia nunc est 6.640. porticus, immensae tecta fuisse domus; 6.641. urbis opus domus una fuit, spatiumque tenebat, 6.642. quo brevius muris oppida multa tenent, 6.643. haec aequata solo est, nullo sub crimine regni, 6.644. sed quia luxuria visa nocere sua, | 1.9. And here you’ll find the festivals of your House, 1.10. And see your father’s and your grandfather’s name: 1.156. And the herds frisk and gambol in the fields. 1.223. We too delight in golden temples, however much 1.224. We approve the antique: such splendour suits a god. 1.225. We praise the past, but experience our own times: 1.226. Yet both are ways worthy of being cultivated.’ 1.689. And ruined by its own rich exuberance. 1.690. May the fields be free of darnel that harms the eyesight, 2.15. Still I promote your titles with a dutiful heart, 2.16. Caesar, and your progress towards glory. 2.21. The high priests ask the King and the Flamen 5.279. ‘Goddess’, I replied: ‘What’s the origin of the games?’ 6.172. No epicure to seek out alien dainties. 6.183. They also say that the shrine of Juno Moneta was founded 6.184. On the summit of the citadel, according to your vow, Camillus: 6.185. Before it was built, the house of Manlius had protected 6.637. His father showed his paternity by touching the child’ 6.638. Head with fire, and a cap of flames glowed on his hair. 6.639. And Livia, this day dedicated a magnificent shrine to you, 6.640. Concordia, that she offered to her dear husband. 6.641. Learn this, you age to come: where Livia’s Colonnade 6.642. Now stands, there was once a vast palace. 6.643. A site that was like a city: it occupied a space 6.644. Larger than that of many a walled town. |
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| 62. Livy, History, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 270, 271 |
| 63. Horace, Sermones, 2.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 149 |
64. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 4.40.5, 5.1, 5.19.3, 6.2.1-6.2.3 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar •iulius caesar, c., lictors, restores alternation of •iulius caesar, c., praetor, suspended as •iulius caesar, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 74, 75, 128; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 246 | 4.40.5. The death of Tullius having occasioned a great tumult and lamentation throughout the whole city, Tarquinius was afraid lest, if the body should be carried through the Forum, according to the custom of the Romans, adorned with the royal robes and the other marks of honour usual in royal funerals, some attack might be made against him by the populace before he had firmly established his authority; and accordingly he would not permit any of the usual ceremonies to be performed in his honour. But the wife of Tullius, who was daughter to Tarquinius, the former king, with a few of her friends carried the body out of the city at night as if it had been that of some ordinary person; and after uttering many lamentations over the fate both of herself and of her husband and heaping countless imprecations upon her son-inâlaw and her daughter, she buried the body in the ground. 5.1. 5.1. 1. The Roman monarchy, therefore, after having continued for the space of two hundred and forty-four years from the founding of Rome and having under the last king become a tyranny, was overthrown for the reasons stated and by the men named, at the beginning of the sixty-eighth Olympiad (the one in which Ischomachus of Croton won the foot-race), Isagoras being the annual archon at Athens.,2. An aristocracy being now established, while there still remained about four months to complete that year, Lucius Junius Brutus and Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus were the first consuls invested with the royal power; the Romans, as I have said, call them in their own language consules or "counsellors." These men, associating with themselves many others, now that the soldiers from the camp had come to the city after the truce they had made with the Ardeates, called an assembly of the people a few days after the expulsion of the tyrant, and having spoken at length upon the advantages of harmony, again caused them to pass another vote confirming everything which those in the city had previously voted when condemning the Tarquinii to perpetual banishment.,3. After this they performed rites of purification for the city and entered into a solemn covet; and they themselves, standing over the parts of the victims, first swore, and then prevailed upon the rest of the citizens likewise to swear, that they would never restore from exile King Tarquinius or his sons or their posterity, and that they would never again make anyone king of Rome or permit others who wished to do so; and this oath they took not only for themselves, but also for their children and their posterity.,4. However, since it appeared that the kings had been the authors of many great advantages to the commonwealth, they desired to preserve the name of that office for as long a time as the city should endure, and accordingly they ordered the pontiffs and augurs to choose from among them the older men the most suitable one for the office, who should have the superintendence of religious observances and of naught else, being exempt from all military and civil duties, and should be called the king of sacred rites. The first person appointed to this office was Manius Papirius, one of the patricians, who was a lover of peace and quiet. 5.19.3. And desiring to give the plebeians a definite pledge of their liberty, he took the axes from the rods and established it as a precedent for his successors in the consulship â a precedent which continued to be followed down to my day â that, when they were outside the city, they should use the axes, but inside the city they should be distinguished by the rods only. 6.2.1. They were succeeded in the consulship by Aulus Postumius and Titus Verginius, under whom the year's truce with the Latins expired; and great preparations for the war were made by both nations. On the Roman side the whole population entered upon the struggle voluntarily and with great enthusiasm; but the greater part of the Latins were lacking in enthusiasm and acted under compulsion, the powerful men in the cities having been almost all corrupted with bribes and promises by Tarquinius and Mamilius, while those among the common people who were not in favour of the war were excluded from a share in the public counsels; for permission to speak was no longer granted to all who desired it. 6.2.2. Indeed, many, resenting this treatment, were constrained to leave their cities and desert to the Romans; for the men who had got the cities in their power did not choose to stop them, but thought themselves much obliged to their adversaries for submitting to a voluntary banishment. These the Romans received, and such of them as came with their wives and children they employed in military services inside the walls, incorporating them in the centuries of citizens, and the rest they sent out to the fortresses near the city or distributed among their colonies, keeping them under guard, so that they should create no disturbance. 6.2.3. And since all men had come to the same conclusion, that the situation once more called for a single magistrate free to deal with all matters according to his own judgment and subject to no accounting for his actions, Aulus Postumius, the younger of the consuls, was appointed dictator by his colleague Verginius, and following the example of the former dictator, chose his own Master of the Horse, naming Titus Aebutius Elva. And having in a short time enlisted all the Romans who were of military age, he divided his army into four parts, one of which he himself commanded, while he gave another to his colleague Verginius, the third to Aebutius, the Master of the Horse, and left the command of the fourth to Aulus Sempronius, whom he appointed to guard the city. |
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65. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 1.5, 1.9, 1.14, 1.18, 2.3-2.12, 2.23-2.25, 2.34 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 247, 248, 255, 259; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 26 | 2.3. In a Conjectural cause the prosecutor's Statement of Facts should contain, intermingled and interspersed in it, material inciting suspicion of the defendant, so that no act, no word, no coming or going, in short nothing that he has done may be thought to lack a motive. The Statement of Facts of the defendant's counsel should contain a simple and clear statement, and should also weaken suspicion. The scheme of the Conjectural Issue includes six divisions: Probability, Comparison, Sign, Presumptive Proof, Subsequent Behaviour, and Confirmatory Proof. I shall explain the meaning of each of these terms. Through Probability one proves that the crime was profitable to the defendant, and that he has never abstained from this kind of foul practice. The subheads under Probability are Motive and Manner of Life. The Motive is what led the defendant to commit the crime, through the hope it gave him of winning advantages or avoiding disadvantages. The question is: Did he seek some benefit from the crime â honour, money, or power? Did he wish to satisfy some passion â love or a like overpowering desire? Or did he seek to avoid some disadvantage â enmities, ill repute, pain, or punishment? 2.4. Here the prosecutor, if the hope of gaining an advantage is in question, will disclose his opponent's passion; if the avoidance of a disadvantage is in question, he will enlarge upon his opponent's fear. The defendant's counsel, on the other hand, will, if possible, deny that there was a motive, or will at least vigorously belittle its importance; then he will say that it is unfair to bring under suspicion of wrongdoing every one to whom some profit has come from an act. 2.5. Next the defendant's Manner of Life will be examined in the light of his previous conduct. First the prosecutor will consider whether the accused has ever committed a similar offence. If he does not find any, he will seek to learn whether the accused has ever incurred the suspicion of any similar guilt; and it will devolve upon him to make every effort to relate the defendant's manner of life to the motive which he has just exposed. For example, if the prosecutor contends that the motive for the crime was money, let him show that the defendant has always been covetous; if the motive was public honour, ambitious; he will thus be able to link the flaw in the defendant's character with the motive for the crime. If he cannot find a flaw consistent with the motive, let him find one that is not. If he cannot show that the defendant is covetous, let him show that he is a treacherous seducer; in short, if he possibly can, let him brand the defendant with the stigma of some one fault, or indeed, of as many faults as possible. Then, he will say, it is no wonder that the man who in that other instance acted so basely should have acted so criminally in this instance too. If the adversary enjoys a high reputation for purity and integrity, the prosecutor will say that deeds, not reputation, ought to be considered; that the defendant has previously concealed his misdeeds, and he will make it plain that the defendant is not guiltless of misbehaviour. The defendant's counsel will first show his client's upright life, if he can; if he cannot, he will have recourse to thoughtlessness, folly, youth, force, or undue influence. On these matters . . . censure ought not to be imposed for conduct extraneous to the present charge. If the speaker is seriously handicapped by the man's baseness and notoriety, he will first take care to say that false rumours have been spread about an innocent man, and will use the commonplace that rumour ought not to be believed. If none of these pleas is practicable, let him use the last resource of defence; let him say that he is not discussing the man's morals before censors, but the charges of his opponents before jurors. 2.6. Comparison is used when the prosecutor shows that the act charged by him against his adversary has benefited no one but the defendant; or that no one but his adversary could have committed it; or that the adversary could not have committed it, or at least not so easily, by other means; or that, blinded by passion, his adversary failed to see any easier means. To meet this point the defendant's counsel ought to show that the crime benefited others as well, or that others as well could have done what is imputed to his client. By Signs one shows that the accused sought an opportunity favourable to success. Sign has six divisions: the Place, the Point of Time, the Duration of Time, the Occasion, the Hope of Success, the Hope of Escaping Detection. 2.7. The Place is examined as follows: Was it frequented or deserted, always a lonely place, or deserted then at the moment of the crime? A sacred place or profane, public or private? What sort of places are adjacent? Could the victim have been seen or heard? I should willingly describe in detail which of these points is serviceable to the defence, and which to the prosecution, were it not that any one would in a given cause find this easy to determine. For of Invention it is only the first principles which ought to originate in theory; all the rest will readily be supplied by practice. The Point of Time is examined as follows: In what season of the year, in what part of the day â whether at night or in the daytime â at what hour of the day or night, is the act alleged to have been committed, and why at such a time? The Duration of Time will be considered in the following fashion: Was it long enough to carry this act through, and did the defendant know that there would be enough time to accomplish it? For it is only of slight importance that he had enough time to carry out the crime if he could not in advance have known or have forecast that that would be so. The Occasion is examined as follows: Was it favourable for the undertaking, or was there a better occasion which was either let pass or not awaited? Whether there was any Hope of Success will be investigated as follows: Do the above-mentioned signs coincide? Especially, do power, money, good judgement, foreknowledge, and preparedness appear on one side, and is it proved that on the other there were weakness, need, stupidity, lack of foresight, and unpreparedness? Hereby one will know whether the defendant should have had confidence in his success or not. What Hope there was of Escaping Detection we seek to learn from confidants, eye-witnesses, or accomplices, freemen or slaves or both. 2.8. Through Presumptive Proof guilt is demonstrated by means of indications that increase certainty and strengthen suspicion. It falls into three periods: preceding the crime, contemporaneous with the crime, following the crime. In respect to the period preceding the crime, one ought to consider where the defendant was, where he was seen, whether he made some preparation, met any one, said anything, or showed any sign of having confidants, accomplices, or means of assistance; whether he was in a place, or there at a time, at variance with his custom. In respect to the period contemporaneous with the crime, we shall seek to learn whether he was seen in the act; whether some noise, outcry, or crash was heard; or, in short, whether anything was perceived by one of the senses â sight, hearing, touch, smell, or taste. In respect to the period following the crime, one will seek to discover whether after the act was completed there was left behind anything indicating that a crime was committed, or by whom it was committed. Indicating that it was committed: for example, if the body of the deceased is swollen and black and blue it signifies that the man was killed by poison. Indicating by whom it was committed: for example, if a weapon, or clothing, or something of the kind was left behind, or a footprint of the accused was discovered; if there was blood on his clothes; or if, after the deed was done, he was caught or seen in the spot where the crime is alleged to have been perpetrated. For Subsequent Behaviour we investigate the signs which usually attend guilt or innocence. The prosecutor will, if possible, say that his adversary, when come upon, blushed, paled, faltered, spoke uncertainly, collapsed, or made some offer â signs of a guilty conscience. If the accused has done none of these things, the prosecutor will say his adversary had even so far in advance calculated what would actually happen to him that he stood his ground and replied with the greatest self-assurance â signs of audacity, and not of innocence. The defendant's counsel, if his client has shown fear, will say that he was moved, not by a guilty conscience, but by the magnitude of his peril; if his client has not shown fear, counsel will say that he was unmoved because he relied on his innocence. 2.9. Confirmatory Proof is what we employ finally, when suspicion has been established. It has special and common topics. The special topics are those which only the prosecution, or those which only the defence, can use. The common topics are those which are used now by the defence, and now by the prosecution, depending on the case. In a conjectural cause the prosecutor uses a special topic when he says that wicked men ought not to be pitied, and expatiates upon the atrocity of the crime. The defendant's counsel uses a special topic when he tries to win pity, and charges the prosecutor with slander. These topics are common to both prosecution and defence: to speak for or against witnesses, for or against the testimony given under torture, for or against presumptive proof, and for or against rumours. In favour of witnesses we shall speak under the heads: (a) authority and manner of life of the witnesses, and (b) the consistency of their evidence. Against witnesses, under the heads: (a) their base manner of living; (b) the contradictory character of their testimony; (c) if we contend that what they allege to have happened either could not have happened or did not happen, or that they could not have known it, or that it is partiality which inspires their words and inferences. These topics will appertain both to the discrediting and to the examination of witnesses. 2.10. We shall speak in favour of the testimony given under torture when we show that it was in order to discover the truth that our ancestors wished investigations to make use of torture and the rack, and that men are compelled by violent pain to tell all they know. Moreover, such reasoning will have the greater force if we give the confessions elicited under torture an appearance of plausibility by the same argumentative procedure as is used in treating any question of fact. And this, too, we shall have to do with the evidence of witnesses. Against the testimony given under torture we shall speak as follows: In the first place, our ancestors wished inquisitions to be introduced only in connection with unambiguous matters, when the true statement in the inquisition could be recognized and the false reply refuted; for example, if they sought to learn in what place some object was put, or if there was in question something like that which could be seen, or be verified by means of footprints, or be perceived by some like sign. We then shall say that pain ought not to be relied upon, because one person is less exhausted by pain, or more resourceful in fabrication, than another, and also because it is often possible to know or divine what the presiding justice wishes to hear, and the witness knows that when he has said this his pain will be at an end. Such reasoning will find favour, if, by a plausible argument, we refute the statements made in the testimony given under torture; and to accomplish this we should use the divisions under the Conjectural Issue which I have set forth above. 2.11. In favour of presumptive proof, signs, and the other means of increasing suspicion it is advantageous to speak as follows: When there is a concurrence of many circumstantial indications and signs that agree with one another, the result ought to appear as clear fact, not surmise. Again, signs and presumptive proof deserve more credence than witnesses, for these first are presented precisely as they occurred in reality, whereas witnesses can be corrupted by bribery, or partiality, or intimation, or animosity. Against presumptive proof, signs, and the other provocatives of suspicion we shall speak in the following fashion: we shall show that nothing is safe from attack by suspicion, and then we shall weaken each and every reason for suspicion and try to show that it applies to us no more than to any one else; it is a shameful outrage to consider suspicion and conjecture, in the absence of witnesses, as sufficiently corroborative. 2.12. We shall speak in favour of rumour by saying that a report is not wont to be created recklessly and without some foundation, and that there was no reason for anybody wholly to invent and fabricate one; and, moreover, if other rumours usually are lies, we shall prove by argument that this one is true. We shall speak against rumours if we first show that many rumours are false, and cite examples of false report; if we say that the rumours were the invention of our enemies or of other men malicious and slanderous by nature; and if we either present some story invented against our adversaries which we declare to be in every mouth, or produce a true report carrying some disgrace to them, and say we yet have no faith in it for the reason that any person at all can produce and spread any disgraceful rumour or fiction about any other person. If, nevertheless, a rumour seems highly plausible, we can destroy its authority by logical argument. Because the Conjectural Issue is the hardest to treat and in actual causes needs to be treated most often, I have the more carefully examined all its divisions, in order that we may not be hindered by even the slightest hesitation or blunder, if only we have applied these precepts of theory in assiduous practice. Now let me turn to the subtypes of Legal Issue. 2.23. Through the Acknowledgement we plead for pardon. The Acknowledgement includes the Exculpation and the Plea for Mercy. The Exculpation is our denial that we acted with intent. Subheads under Plea of Exculpation are Necessity, Accident, and Ignorance. These are to be explained first, and then, as it seems, it will be best to return to the Plea for Mercy. One must first consider whether it was the defendant's fault that he was brought to this necessity. After that we must inquire what means he had to avoid or lighten this superior force. Next, did he who offers necessity as an excuse try to do, or to contrive, what he could against it? Then, cannot some grounds for suspicion be drawn from the procedure in a conjectural issue, which would signify that the deed attributed to necessity was premeditated? Finally, if there was some extreme necessity, is it proper to deem this a sufficient excuse? 2.24. If the defendant says that he erred through ignorance, the first question will be: Could he or could he not have been uninformed? Next, did he or did he not make an effort to inform himself? Then, is his ignorance attributable to accident or to his own fault? For a person who declares that his reason fled because of wine or love or anger, will appear to have lacked comprehension through fault of character rather than ignorance; he will therefore not justify himself on the ground of ignorance, but will taint himself with guilt. Finally, by means of the procedure in a conjectural issue, we shall seek to discover whether he was or was not informed, and consider whether ignorance should be sufficient justification when it is established that the deed was committed. When the cause of the crime is attributed to accident, and counsel for the defence maintains that his client should be pardoned on that ground, it appears that all the points to be considered are precisely those prescribed above for necessity; for all these three divisions of Exculpation are so closely interrelated that virtually the same rules can be applied to them all. Commonplaces in these causes are the following: that of the prosecutor against one who confesses a crime, yet holds the jurors up by prolix speech-making; for the defence, on humanity and pity, that it is the intention which should always be considered, and that unintentional acts ought not to be regarded as crimes. 2.25. We shall use the Plea for Mercy when we confess the crime without attributing it to ignorance, chance, or necessity, and yet beg for pardon. Here the ground for pardoning is sought in the following topics: if it seems evident that the good deeds of the suppliant have been more numerous or more weighty than the bad; if he is endowed with some virtue, or with good birth; if there is any hope that he will be of service in the event that he departs unpunished; if the suppliant himself is shown to have been gentle and compassionate in power; if in committing his mistakes he was moved not by hatred or cruelty, but by a sense of duty and right endeavour; if on a similar ground others also have been pardoned; if, in the event that we acquit him, no peril from him appears likely to be our lot in the future; if as a result of that acquittal no censure will accrue either from our fellow-citizens or from some other state. 2.34. Again, the Proposition is defective if it is based on a false enumeration and we present fewer possibilities than there are in reality, as follows: "There are two things, men of the jury, which ever impel men to crime: luxury and greed." "But what about love?," some one will say, "ambition, superstition, the fear of death, the passion for power, and, in short, the great multitude of other motives?" Again the enumeration is false when the possibilities are fewer than we present, as follows: "There are three emotions that agitate all men: fear, desire, and worry." Indeed it had been enough to say fear and desire, since worry is necessarily conjoined with both. Again, the Proposition is defective if it traces things too far back, as follows: "Stupidity is the mother and matter of all evils. She gives birth to boundless desires. Furthermore, boundless desires have neither end nor limit. They breed avarice. Avarice, further, drives men to any crime you will. Thus it is avarice which has led our adversaries to take this crime upon themselves." Here what was said last was enough for a Proposition, lest we copy Ennius and the other poets, who are licensed to speak as follows: "O that in Pelion's woods the firwood timbers had not fallen to the ground, cut down by axes, and that therefrom had not commenced the undertaking to begin the ship which now is named with the name of Argo, because in it sailed the picked Argive heroes who were seeking the golden fleece of the ram from the Colchians, with guile, at King Pelias' command. For then never would my mistress, misled, have set foot away from home." Indeed here it were adequate, if poets had a care for mere adequacy, to say: "Would that my misled mistress had not set foot away from home." In the Proposition, then, we must also carefully guard against this tracing of things back to their remotest origin; for the Proposition does not, like many others, need to be refuted, but is on its own account defective. |
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| 66. Sallust, Catiline, 1.1, 2.5, 3.3-3.5, 8.5, 12.2, 13.4-13.5, 24.3, 25.2-25.4, 47.3, 52.7, 52.22, 53.5-53.6, 54.1, 54.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caesar, c. iulius •caesar, c. iulius, historical ambitions •iulius caesar, c., praetor, suspended as Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 279, 340; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 72; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 45, 46, 47, 64, 89, 102, 156 |
| 67. Sallust, Historiae, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 46 |
68. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 17.74.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 128 | 17.74.1. After this year was over, Cephisophoron became archon at Athens, and Gaius Valerius and Marcus Clodius consuls in Rome. In this year, now that Dareius was dead, Bessus with Nabarnes and Barxaës and many others of the Iranian nobles got to Bactria, eluding the hands of Alexander. Bessus had been appointed satrap of this region by Dareius and being known to everyone because of his administration, now called upon the population to defend their freedom. |
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| 69. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 6.5.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 58 |
| 70. Sallust, Iugurtha, 1.4, 2.4, 4.3, 6.1, 44.5, 61.3, 85.43, 89.7, 95.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 46, 47, 48, 215 |
| 71. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 9.2.17 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., lictors, restores alternation of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 74 |
72. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.360, 2.277 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 58, 62| 1.360. rend= 2.277. Aurea sunt vere nunc saecula: plurimus auro | |
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| 73. Ovid, Epistulae (Heroides), 1.54, 1.87-1.89 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 62 |
| 74. Propertius, Elegies, 1.2.31-1.2.32 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 65 |
| 75. Ovid, Epistulae Ex Ponto, 2.2.74 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 186 |
| 76. Martial, Epigrams, 1.4.8, 3.22 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 64, 176 |
| 77. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 35.6, 46.8, 55.6.1-55.6.19, 65.3-65.4, 120.85-120.86 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caesar, c. iulius •iulius caesar, c., lictors, restores alternation of •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 74; Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 13; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 90, 137, 175 |
| 78. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 35.6, 46.8, 55.6.1-55.6.19, 65.3-65.4, 120.85-120.86 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caesar, c. iulius •iulius caesar, c., lictors, restores alternation of •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 74; Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 13; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 90, 137, 175 |
| 79. Martial, Epigrams, 1.4.8, 3.22 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 64, 176 |
| 80. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.160-1.167, 1.313, 3.342-3.348, 4.373-4.378, 4.816-4.819, 7.778, 9.201, 9.1010-9.1108, 10.110, 10.146-10.147, 10.149-10.158, 10.488 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •c. iulius caesar •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 245; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206, 232; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 77, 102, 103, 104, 156 |
81. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 5.9, 6.1-6.3, 8.4, 13.3, 14.1, 16.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 336, 337, 339, 341, 345; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 132, 133, 136, 137; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 242| 6.1. ἐκ τούτου λαβὼν τὴν στρατιὰν ὁ Καῖσαρ εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἐνέβαλε. διὸ καὶ Κικέρων ἐν τοῖς Φιλιππικοῖς ἔγραψε τοῦ μὲν Τρωϊκοῦ πολέμου τὴν Ἑλένην, τοῦ δʼ ἐμφυλίου τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἀρχὴν γενέσθαι, περιφανῶς ψευδόμενος. 6.2. οὐ γὰρ οὕτως εὐχερὴς ἦν οὐδὲ ῥᾴδιος ὑπʼ ὀργῆς ἐκπεσεῖν τῶν λογισμῶν Γάϊος Καῖσαρ ὥστε, εἰ μὴ ταῦτα πάλαι ἔγνωστο πράττειν, οὕτως ἂν ἐπὶ καιροῦ τὸν κατὰ τῆς πατρίδος ἐξενεγκεῖν πόλεμον, ὅτι φαύλως ἠμφιεσμένον εἶδεν Ἀντώνιον καὶ Κάσσιον ἐπὶ ζεύγους μισθίου πεφευγότας πρὸς αὐτόν, 6.3. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα πάλαι δεομένῳ προφάσεως σχῆμα καὶ λόγον εὐπρεπῆ τοῦ πολέμου παρέσχεν. ἦγε δὲ αὐτὸν ἐπὶ πάντας ἀνθρώπους ἃ καὶ πρότερον Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ πάλαι Κῦρον, ἔρως ἀπαρηγόρητος ἀρχῆς καὶ περιμανὴς ἐπιθυμία τοῦ πρῶτον εἶναι καὶ μέγιστον· ὧν τυχεῖν οὐκ ἦν μὴ Πομπηΐου καταλυθέντος. 14.1. τούτων δὲ πραττομένων ὡς συνετέθη, καὶ πεσόντος ἐν τῇ βουλῇ τοῦ Καίσαρος, εὐθὺς μὲν ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐσθῆτα θεράποντος μεταλαβὼν ἔκρυψεν αὑτόν. ὡς δʼ ἔγνω τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐπιχειροῦντας μὲν οὐδενί, συνηθροισμένους δὲ εἰς τὸ Καπιτώλιον, ἔπεισε καταβῆναι λαβόντας ὅμηρον παρʼ αὐτοῦ τὸν υἱόν· καὶ Κάσσιον μὲν αὐτὸς ἐδείπνισε, Βροῦτον δὲ Λέπιδος. | 6.1. 6.2. 6.3. 14.1. |
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| 82. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 109, 110 |
83. Plutarch, On The Obsolescence of Oracles, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 230 | 436b. but art and reason supplied for it the more domit principle which set all these in motion and operated through them. And, indeed, the author and creator of these likenesses and portraits here stands recorded in the inscription: Thasian by race and descent, Aglaophon's son Polygnotus Painted the taking of Troy, showing her citadel's sack; so that it may be seen that he painted them. But without pigments ground together, losing their own colour in the process, nothing could achieve such a composition and sight. Does he, then, who is desirous of getting hold of the material cause, as he investigates and explains the behaviour of the red earth of Sinopê and the changes to which it is subject when mixed with yellow ochre, or of the light-coloured earth of Melos when mixed with lamp-black, |
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84. Plutarch, Cicero, 4.3, 19.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius •iulius caesar, c., praetor, suspended as Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 72; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54| 4.3. ἐπεὶ δʼ αὐτῷ Σύλλας τε προσηγγέλθη τεθνηκώς, καὶ τὸ σῶμα τοῖς γυμνασίοις ἀναρρωννύμενον εἰς ἕξιν ἐβάδιζε νεανικήν, ἥ τε φωνὴ λαμβάνουσα πλάσιν ἡδεῖα μὲν πρὸς ἀκοὴν ἐτέθραπτο, ἐτέθραπτο the words καὶ πολλή ( and full ) which follow this verb in the MSS. are deleted by Gudeman as contradictory to iii. 5 and due to the double πολλὰ below. μετρίως δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἕξιν ἥρμοστο τοῦ σώματος, πολλὰ μὲν τῶν ἀπὸ Ῥώμης φίλων γραφόντων καὶ δεομένων, πολλὰ δʼ Ἀντιόχου παρακελευομένου τοῖς κοινοῖς ἐπιβαλεῖν πράγμασιν, αὖθις ὥσπερ ὄργανον ἐξηρτύετο ἐξηρτύετο Graux, after Madvig: ἐξήρτυε . τὸν ῥητορικὸν λόγον καὶ ἀνεκίνει τὴν πολιτικὴν δύναμιν, αὑτόν τε ταῖς μελέταις διαπονῶν καὶ τοὺς ἐπαινουμένους μετιὼν ῥήτορας. 19.3. ἤδη δʼ ἑσπέρας οὔσης καὶ τοῦ δήμου παριμένοντος ἀθρόου, προελθὼν ὁ Κικέρων, καὶ φράσας τὸ πρᾶγμα τοῖς πολίταις καὶ προπεμφθείς, παρῆλθεν εἰς οἰκίαν φίλου γειτνιῶντος, ἐπεὶ τήν ἐκείνου γυναῖκες κατεῖχον, ἱεροῖς ἀπορρήτοις ὀργιάζουσαι θεόν ἣν Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν Ἀγαθήν, Ἕλληνες δὲ Γυναικείαν ὀνομάζουσι. | 4.3. 19.3. |
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| 85. Plutarch, Cato The Younger, 42.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., augural law, ignored by Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 196 |
| 86. Plutarch, Cato The Elder, 11.4, 24.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54 |
87. Plutarch, Demetrius, 18.1-18.2, 23.1-23.2, 43.3-43.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 212, 213| 18.1. ἐκ τούτου πρῶτον ἀνεφώνησε τὸ πλῆθος Ἀντίγονον καὶ Δημήτριον βασιλέας. Ἀντίγονον μὲν οὖν εὐθὺς ἀνέδησαν οἱ φίλοι, Δημητρίῳ δὲ ὁ πατὴρ ἔπεμψε διάδημα καὶ γράφων ἐπιστολὴν βασιλέα προσεῖπεν. οἱ δʼ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ τούτων ἀπαγγελλομένων καὶ αὐτοὶ βασιλέα τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ἀνηγόρευσαν, ὡς μὴ δοκεῖν τοῦ φρονήματος ὑφίεσθαι διὰ τὴν ἧτταν. 18.2. ἐπενείματο δὲ οὕτως τὸ πρᾶγμα τῷ ζήλῳ τοὺς διαδόχους. καὶ γὰρ Λυσίμαχος ἤρξατο φορεῖν διάδημα, καὶ Σέλευκος ἐντυγχάνων τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἐπεὶ τοῖς γε βαρβάροις πρότερον οὗτος ὡς βασιλεὺς ἐχρημάτιζε. Κάσανδρος δέ, τῶν ἄλλων αὐτὸν βασιλέα καὶ γραφόντων καὶ καλούντων, αὐτός, ὥσπερ πρότερον εἰώθει, τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἔγραφε. 23.1. ἐκάλουν δὲ τὸν Δημήτριον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι Κασάνδρου τὸ ἄστυ πολιορκοῦντος. ὁ δὲ ναυσὶν ἐπιπλεύσας τριακοσίαις τριάκοντα καὶ πολλοῖς ὁπλίταις, οὐ μόνον ἐξήλασε τῆς Ἀττικῆς τὸν Κάσανδρον, ἀλλὰ καὶ φεύγοντα μέχρι Θερμοπυλῶν διώξας καὶ τρεψάμενος, Ἡράκλειαν ἔλαβεν, ἑκουσίως αὐτῷ προσθεμένην, καὶ τῶν Μακεδόνων ἑξακισχιλίους μεταβαλομένους πρὸς αὐτόν. 23.2. ἐπανιὼν δὲ τοὺς ἐντὸς Πυλῶν Ἕλληνας ἠλευθέρου, καὶ Βοιωτοὺς ἐποιήσατο συμμάχους, When Strabo wrote, during the reign of Augustus, the painting was still at Rhodes, where it had been seen and admired by Cicero ( Orat. 2, 5); when the elder Pliny wrote, καὶ Κεγχρέας εἷλε· καὶ Φυλὴν καὶ Πάνακτον, ἐπιτειχίς ματα τῆς Ἀττικῆς ὑπὸ Κασάνδρου φρουρούμενα, καταστρεψάμενος ἀπέδωκε τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις. οἱ δὲ καίπερ ἐκκεχυμένοι πρότερον εἰς αὐτὸν καὶ κατακεχρημένοι πᾶσαν φιλοτιμίαν, ἐξεῦρον ὅμως καὶ τότε πρόσφατοι καὶ καινοὶ ταῖς κολακείαις φανῆναι. 43.3. στόλον δὲ νεῶν ἅμα πεντακοσίων καταβαλλόμενος τὰς μὲν ἐν Πειραιεῖ τρόπεις ἔθετο, τὰς δὲ ἐν Κορίνθῳ, τὰς δὲ ἐν Χαλκίδι, τὰς δὲ περὶ Πέλλαν, αὐτὸς ἐπιὼν ἑκασταχόσε καὶ διδάσκων ἃ χρὴ καὶ συντεχνώμενος, ἐκπληττομένων ἁπάντων οὐ τὰ πλήθη μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ μεγέθη τῶν ἔργων. 43.4. οὐδεὶς γὰρ εἶδεν ἀνθρώπων οὔτε πεντεκαιδεκήρη ναῦν πρότερον οὔτε ἑκκαιδεκήρη, ἀλλʼ ὕστερον τεσσαρακοντήρη Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Φιλοπάτωρ ἐναυπηγήσατο, μῆκος διακοσίων ὀγδοήκοντα πηχῶν, ὕψος δὲ ἕως ἀκροστολίου πεντήκοντα δυεῖν δεόντων, ναύταις δὲ χωρὶς ἐρετῶν ἐξηρτυμένην τετρακοσίοις, ἐρέταις δὲ τετρακισχιλίοις, χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ὁπλίτας δεχομένην ἐπί τε τῶν παρόδων καὶ τοῦ καταστρώματος ὀλίγῳ τρισχιλίων ἀποδέοντας. | 18.1. 18.2. 23.1. 23.2. 43.3. 43.4. |
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88. Plutarch, Camillus, 31.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 258| 31.5. τοιαῦτα καί πρὸς ἕκαστον ἰδίᾳ καί κοινῇ πολλάκις ἐν τῷ δήμῳ σχετλιάζοντες ἐπεκλῶντο πάλιν ὑπὸ τῶν πολλῶν τήν παροῦσαν ὀλοφυρομένων ἀμηχανίαν, καί δεομένων μὴ σφᾶς ὥσπερ ἐκ ναυαγίου γυμνοὺς καί ἀπόρους σωθέντας προσβιάζεσθαι τὰ λείψανα τῆς διεφθαρμένης συμπηγνύναι πόλεως, ἑτέρας ἑτοίμης παρούσης. | 31.5. Thus did the Senators remonstrate with the people, both individually in private, and often in the public assemblies. They, in their turn, were moved to compassion by the wailing complaints of the multitude, who lamented the helplessness to which they were come, and begged, now that they had been saved alive as it were from a shipwreck, in nakedness and destitution, that they be not forced to piece together the fragments of their ruined city, when another stood all ready to receive them. |
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89. Plutarch, Fabius, 5.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 247| 5.3. μόνος δʼ ἐκεῖνος αὐτοῦ τὴν δεινότητα, καὶ τὸν τρόπον ᾧ πολεμεῖν ἐγνώκει, συνιδών, καὶ διανοηθεὶς ὡς πάσῃ τέχνῃ καὶ βίᾳ κινητέος ἐστὶν εἰς μάχην ὁ ἀνὴρ ἢ διαπέπρακται τὰ Καρχηδονίων, οἷς μέν εἰσι κρείττους ὅπλοις χρήσασθαι μὴ δυναμένων, οἷς δὲ λείπονται σώμασι καὶ χρήμασιν ἐλαττουμένων καὶ δαπανωμένων εἰς τὸ μηδέν, ἐπὶ πᾶσαν ἰδέαν στρατηγικῶν σοφισμάτων καὶ παλαις μάτων τ ρεπόμενος, καὶ πειρώμενος ὥσπερ δεινὸς ἀθλητὴς λαβὴν ζητῶν, προσέβαλλε καὶ διετάραττε καὶ μετῆγε πολλαχόσε τὸν Φάβιον, ἐκστῆσαι τῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀσφαλείας λογισμῶν βουλόμενος. | 5.3. He, and he alone, comprehended the cleverness of his antagonist, and the style of warfare which he had adopted. He therefore made up his mind that by every possible device and constraint his foe must be induced to fight, or else the Carthaginians were undone, since they were unable to use their weapons, in which they were superior, but were slowly losing and expending to no purpose their men and moneys, in which they were inferior. He therefore resorted to every species of strategic trick and artifice, and tried them all, seeking, like a clever athlete, to get a hold upon his adversary. Now he would attack Fabius directly, now he would seek to throw his forces into confusion, and now he would try to lead him off every whither, in his desire to divorce him from his safe, defensive plans. |
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| 90. Plutarch, Fragments, 204 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54 |
| 91. Plutarch, Fragments, 151.16-152.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54 |
| 92. Plutarch, Lysander, 15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 97 |
| 93. Plutarch, Marcellus, 29 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c. Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 186 |
94. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 4.3-4.4, 6.3, 11.6, 12.2, 18.2, 23.6, 28.5, 33.2, 41.3, 42.1, 46.1, 47.3-47.6, 48.1, 51.1, 57.2-57.3, 58.2, 59.2, 59.5, 60.1, 63.1, 66.1-66.3, 66.12, 69.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 212, 224, 262, 264; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 157; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 247, 273, 339, 340; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135, 136, 146; Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 86; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 91; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 81, 110; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 46| 4.3. ἦν δέ τις καὶ ἀπὸ δείπνων καὶ τραπέζης καὶ ὅλως τῆς περὶ τὴν δίαιταν λαμπρότητος αὐξανομένη κατὰ μικρὸν αὐτῷ δύναμις εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν. ἣν τὸ πρῶτον οἱ φθονοῦντες οἰόμενοι ταχὺ τῶν ἀναλωμάτων ἐπιλιπόντων ἐξίτηλον ἔσεσθαι, περιεώρων ἀνθοῦσαν ἐν τοῖς πολλοῖς· ὀψὲ δὲ ᾔσθοντο, μεγάλης καὶ δυσανατρέπτου γενομένης καὶ βαδιζούσης ἄντικρυς ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν ὅλων μεταβολήν, ὡς οὐδεμίαν ἀρχὴν πράγματος ἡγητέον ἡγητέον MSS. and Sint. 2 ; ἡγητέον οὕτω Coraës, after Stephanus; οὑτω ἡγητέον Sint. 1 ; οὑτως ἡγητέον Bekker. μικράν, ἣν οὐ ταχὺ ποιεῖ μεγάλην τὸ ἐνδελεχές ἐκ τοῦ καταφρονηθῆναι τὸ μὴ κωλυθῆναι λαβοῦσαν. 4.4. ὁ γοῦν πρῶτος ὑπιδέσθαι δοκῶν αὐτοῦ καὶ φοβηθῆναι τῆς πολιτείας ὥσπερ θαλάττης τὰ διαγελῶντα καὶ τὴν ἐν τῷ φιλανθρώπῳ καὶ ἱλαρῷ κεκρυμμένην δεινότητα τοῦ ἤθους καταμαθὼν Κικέρων ἔλεγε τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ἐπιβουλεύμασιν αὐτοῦ καὶ πολιτεύμασι τυραννικὴν ἐνορᾶν διάνοιαν, ἀλλʼ ὅταν ἔφη, τὴν κόμην οὕτω διακειμένην περιττῶς ἴδω κἀκεῖνον ἑνὶ δακτύλῳ κνώμενον, οὔ μοι δοκεῖ πάλιν οὗτος ἅνθρωπος εἰς νοῦν ἂν ἐμβαλέσθαι τηλικοῦτον κακόν, ἀναίρεσιν τῆς Ῥωμαίων πολιτείας. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὕστερον. 6.3. ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν ἐβόων τυραννίδα πολιτεύεσθαι Καίσαρα, νόμοις καὶ δόγμασι κατορωρυγμένας ἐπανιστάντα τιμάς, καὶ τοῦτο πεῖραν ἐπὶ τὸν δῆμον εἶναι προμαλαττόμενον, εἰ τετιθάσευται ταῖς φιλοτιμίαις ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ δίδωσι παίζειν τοιαῦτα καὶ καινοτομεῖν, οἱ δὲ Μαριανοὶ παραθαρρύναντες ἀλλήλους πλήθει τε θαυμαστοὶ ὅσοι διεφάνησαν ἐξαίφνης, καὶ κρότῳ κατεῖχον τὸ Καπιτώλιον· 12.2. ἔταξε γὰρ τῶν προσιόντων τοῖς ὀφείλουσι καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν δύο μὲν μέρη τὸν δανειστὴν ἀναιρεῖσθαι, τῷ δὲ λοιπῷ χρῆσθαι τὸν δεσπότην, ἄχρι ἂν οὕτως ἐκλυθῇ τὸ δάνειον. ἐπὶ τούτοις εὐδοκιμῶν ἀπηλλάγη Τῆς ἐπαρχίας, αὐτός τε πλούσιος γεγονὼς καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ὠφεληκὼς ἀπὸ τῶν στρατειῶν, καὶ προσηγορευμένος αὐτοκράτωρ ὑπʼ αὐτῶν. 18.2. τούτων Τιγυρίνους μὲν οὐκ αὐτός, ἀλλὰ Λαβιηνὸς πεμφθεὶς ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ περὶ τὸν Ἄραρα ποταμὸν συνέτριψεν, Ἐλβηττίων δὲ αὐτῷ πρός τινα πόλιν φίλην ἄγοντι τὴν στρατιὰν καθʼ ὁδὸν ἀπροσδοκήτως ἐπιθεμένων φθάσας ἐπὶ χωρίον καρτερὸν κατέφυγε, κἀκεῖ συναγαγὼν καὶ παρατάξας τὴν δύναμιν, ὡς ἵππος αὐτῷ προσήχθη, τούτῳ μὲν, ἔφη, νικήσας χρήσομαι πρός τὴν δίωξιν, νῦν δὲ ἴωμεν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ πεζὸς ὁρμήσας ἐνέβαλε. 28.5. ἐπεὶ δὲ κἀκεῖνος λόγῳ παραιτεῖσθαι καλλωπιζόμενος ἔργῳ παντὸς μᾶλλον ἐπέραινεν ἐξ ὧν ἀναδειχθήσοιτο δικτάτωρ, συμφρονήσαντες οἱ περὶ Κάτωνα πείθουσι τὴν γερουσίαν ὕπατον αὐτὸν ἀποδεῖξαι μόνον, ὡς μὴ βιάσαιτο δικτάτωρ γενέσθαι, νομιμωτέρᾳ μοναρχίᾳ παρηγορηθείς, οἱ δὲ καὶ χρόνον ἐπεψηφίσαντο τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν· δύο δὲ εἶχεν, Ἰβηρίαν καὶ Λιβύην σύμπασαν, ἃς διῴκει πρεσβευτὰς ἀποστέλλων καὶ στρατεύματα τρέφων, οἷς ἐλάμβανεν ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου ταμιείου χίλια τάλαντα καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν. 33.2. τὴν δὲ Ῥώμην ὥσπερ ὑπὸ ῥευμάτων πιμπλαμένην φυγαῖς τῶν πέριξ δήμων καὶ μεταστάσεσιν, οὔτε ἄρχοντι πεῖσαι ῥᾳδίαν οὖσαν οὔτε λόγῳ καθεκτήν, ἐν πολλῷ κλύδωνι καὶ σάλῳ μικρὸν ἀπολιπεῖν αὐτὴν ὑφʼ αὑτῆς ἀνατετράφθαι. πάθη γὰρ ἀντίπαλα καὶ βίαια κατεῖχε κινήματα πάντα τόπον. 41.3. ὁ δὲ τὴν μὲν ἄλλην πορείαν χαλεπῶς ἤνυσεν, οὐδενὸς παρέχοντος ἀγοράν, ἀλλὰ πάντων καταφρονούντων Διὰ τὴν ἔναγχος ἧτταν ὡς δὲ εἷλε Γόμφους, Θεσσαλικὴν πόλιν, οὐ μόνον ἔθρεψε τὴν στρατιάν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ νοσήματος ἀπήλλαξε παραλόγως. ἀφθόνῳ γὰρ ἐνέτυχον οἴνῳ, καὶ πιόντες ἀνέδην, εἶτα χρώμενοι κώμοις καὶ βακχεύοντες ἀνὰ τὴν ὁδὸν, ἐκ μέθης διεκρούσαντο καὶ παρήλλαξαν τὸ πάθος, εἰς ἕξιν ἑτέραν τοῖς σώμασι μεταπεσόντες. 42.1. ὡς δὲ εἰς τὴν Φαρσαλίαν ἐμβαλόντες ἀμφότεροι κατεστρατοπέδευσαν, ὁ μὲν Πομπήϊος αὖθις εἰς τὸν ἀρχαῖον ἀνεκρούετο λογισμὸν τὴν γνώμην, ἔτι καὶ φασμάτων οὐκ αἰσίων προσγενομένων καὶ καθʼ ὕπνον ὄψεως, ἐδόκει γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ὁρᾶν ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ κροτούμενον ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων, The substance of what has fallen from the text here may be found in the Pompey , lxvii. 2. Sintenis brackets the sentence as an intrusion here from marginal notes. οἱ δὲ περὶ αὐτὸν οὕτω θρασεῖς ἦσαν καὶ τὸ νίκημα ταῖς ἐλπίσι προειληφότες ὥστε φιλονεικεῖν ὑπὲρ τῆς Καίσαρος ἀρχιερωσύνης Δομίτιον καὶ Σπινθῆρα καὶ Σκηπίωνα διαμιλλωμένους ἀλλήλοις, 46.1. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ὡς ἐν τῷ χάρακι τοῦ Πομπηΐου γενόμενος τούς τε κειμένους νεκροὺς ἤδη τῶν πολεμίων εἶδε καὶ τούς ἔτι κτεινομένους, εἶπεν ἄρα στενάξας τοῦτο ἐβουλήθησαν, εἰς τοῦτό με ἀνάγκης ὑπηγάγοντο, ἵνα Γάϊος Καῖσαρ ὁ μεγίστους πολέμους κατορθώσας, εἰ προηκάμην τὰ στρατεύματα, κἂν κατεδικάσθην. 48.1. Καῖσαρ δὲ τῷ Θετταλῶν ἔθνει τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀναθεὶς νικητήριον ἐδίωκε Πομπήϊον· ἁψάμενος δὲ τῆς · Ἀσίας Κνιδίους τε Θεοπόμπῳ τῷ συναγαγόντι τοὺς μύθους χαριζόμενος ἠλευθέρωσε, καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικοῦσι τὸ τρίτον τῶν φόρων ἀνῆκεν. 51.1. ἐκ τούτου διαβαλὼν εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἀνέβαινεν εἰς Ῥώμην, τοῦ μὲν ἐνιαυτοῦ καταστρέφοντος εἰς ὃν ᾕρητο δικτάτωρ τὸ δεύτερον, οὐδέποτε τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκείνης πρότερον ἐνιαυσίου γενομένης· εἰς δὲ τοὐπιὸν ὕπατος ἀπεδείχθη, καὶ κακῶς ἤκουσεν ὅτι τῶν στρατιωτῶν στασιασάντων καὶ δύο στρατηγικοὺς ἄνδρας ἀνελόντων, Κοσκώνιον καὶ Γάλβαν, ἐπετίμησε μὲν αὐτοῖς τοσοῦτον ὅσον ἀντὶ στρατιωτῶν πολίτας προσαγορεῦσαι, χιλίας δὲ διένειμεν ἑκάστῳ δραχμὰς καὶ χώραν τῆς Ἰταλίας ἀπεκλήρωσε πολλήν. 57.2. τιμὰς δὲ τὰς πρώτας Κικέρωνος εἰς τὴν βουλὴν γράψαντος, ὧν ἁμῶς γέ πως ἀνθρώπινον ἦν τὸ μέγεθος, ἕτεροι προστιθέντες ὑπερβολὰς καὶ διαμιλλώμενοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐξειργάσαντο καὶ τοῖς πρᾳοτάτοις ἐπαχθῆ τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ λυπηρὸν γενέσθαι διὰ τὸν ὄγκον καὶ τὴν ἀτοπίαν τῶν ψηφιζομένων, οἷς οὐδὲν ἧττον οἴονται συναγωνίσασθαι τῶν κολακευόντων Καίσαρα τοὺς μισοῦντας, 57.3. ὅπως ὅτι πλείστας κατʼ αὐτοῦ προφάσεις ἔχωσι καὶ μετὰ μεγίστων ἐγκλημάτων ἐπιχειρεῖν δοκῶσιν. ἐπεὶ τά γε ἄλλα, τῶν ἐμφυλίων αὐτῷ πολέμων πέρας ἐσχηκότων, ἀνέγκλητον ἑαυτὸν ἀνέγκλητον ἑαυτόν Coraës and Bekker, after Reiske: ἀνέγκλητον . παρεῖχε· καὶ τό γε τῆς Ἐπιεικείας ἱερὸν οὐκ ἀπὸ τρόπου δοκοῦσι χαριστήριον ἐπὶ τῇ πρᾳότητι ψηφίσασθαι. καὶ γὰρ ἀφῆκε πολλοὺς τῶν πεπολεμηκότων πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐνίοις δὲ καὶ ἀρχὰς καὶ τιμάς, ὡς Βρούτῳ καὶ Κασσίῳ, προσέθηκεν ἐστρατήγουν γὰρ ἀμφότεροι. 58.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸ φύσει μεγαλουργὸν αὑτοῦ καὶ φιλότιμον αἱ πολλαὶ κατορθώσεις οὐ πρὸς ἀπόλαυσιν ἔτρεπον Τῶν πεπονημένων, ἀλλʼ ὑπέκκαυμα καὶ θάρσος οὖσαι πρὸς τὰ μέλλοντα μειζόνων ἐνέτικτον ἐπινοίας πραγμάτων καὶ καινῆς ἔρωτα δόξης ὡς ἀποκεχρημένῳ τῇ παρούσῃ, τὸ μὲν πάθος οὐδὲν ἦν ἕτερον ἢ ζῆλος αὑτοῦ καθάπερ ἄλλου καὶ φιλονεικία τις ὑπὲρ Τῶν μελλόντων πρὸς τὰ πεπραγμένα, 59.2. ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ τὴν τότε οὖσαν ἡλιακὴν οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι παντάπασι τούτων ἀσυλλογίστως εἶχον, οἱ δὲ ἱερεῖς μόνοι τὸν καιρὸν εἰδότες ἐξαίφνης καὶ προῃσθημένου μηδενὸς τὸν ἐμβόλιμον προσέγραφον μῆνα, Μερκηδόνιον ὀνομάζοντες, ὃν Νομᾶς ὁ βασιλεὺς πρῶτος ἐμβαλεῖν λέγεται, μικρὰν καὶ διατείνουσαν οὐ πόρρω βοήθειαν ἐξευρὼν τῆς περὶ τὰς ἀποκαταστάσεις πλημμελείας, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται. 60.1. τὸ δὲ ἐμφανὲς μάλιστα μῖσος καὶ θανατηφόρον ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ὁ τῆς βασιλείας ἔρως ἐξειργάσατο, τοῖς μὲν πολλοῖς αἰτία πρώτη, τοῖς δὲ ὑπούλοις πάλαι πρόφασις εὐπρεπεστάτη γενομένη, καίτοι καὶ λόγον τινὰ κατέσπειραν εἰς τὸν δῆμον οἱ ταύτην Καίσαρι τὴν τιμὴν προξενοῦντες, ὡς ἐκ γραμμάτων Σιβυλλείων ἁλώσιμα τὰ Πάρθων φαίνοιτο Ῥωμαίοις σὺν βασιλεῖ στρατευομένοις ἐπʼ αὐτούς, ἄλλως ἀνέφικτα ὄντα· 63.1. ἀλλʼ ἔοικεν οὐχ οὕτως ἀπροσδόκητον ὡς ἀφύλακτον εἶναι τὸ πεπρωμένον, ἐπεὶ καὶ σημεῖα θαυμαστὰ καὶ φάσματα φανῆναι λέγουσι. σέλα μὲν οὖν οὐράνια καὶ κτύπους νύκτωρ πολλαχοῦ διαφερομένους καὶ καταίροντας εἰς ἀγορὰν ἐρήμους ὄρνιθας οὐκ ἄξιον ἴσως ἐπὶ πάθει τηλικούτῳ μνημονεῦσαι· 66.1. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἤδη που φέρει καὶ τὸ αὐτόματον· ὁ δὲ δεξάμενος τὸν φόνον ἐκεῖνον καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα χῶρος, εἰς ὃν ἡ σύγκλητος ἠθροίσθη τότε, Πομπηΐου μὲν εἰκόνα κειμένην ἔχων, Πομπηΐου δὲ ἀνάθημα γεγονὼς τῶν προσκεκοσμημένων τῷ θεάτρῳ, παντάπασιν ἀπέφαινε δαίμονός τινος ὑφηγουμένου καὶ καλοῦντος ἐκεῖ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἔργον γεγονέναι. 66.2. καὶ γὰρ οὖν καὶ λέγεται Κάσσιος εἰς τὸν ἀνδριάντα τοῦ Πομπηΐου πρὸ τῆς ἐγχειρήσεως ἀποβλέπων ἐπικαλεῖσθαι σιωπῇ, καίπερ οὐκ ἀλλότριος ὢν τῶν Ἐπικούρου λόγων ἀλλʼ ὁ καιρὸς, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἤδη τοῦ δεινοῦ παρεστῶτος ἐνθουσιασμὸν ἐνεποίει καὶ πάθος ἀντὶ τῶν προτέρων λογισμῶν. 66.3. Ἀντώνιον μὲν οὖν πιστὸν ὄντα Καίσαρι καὶ ῥωμαλέον ἔξω παρακατεῖχε Βροῦτος Ἀλβῖνος, ἐμβαλὼν ἐπίτηδες ὁμιλίαν μῆκος ἔχουσαν· εἰσιόντος δὲ Καίσαρος ἡ βουλὴ μὲν ὑπεξανέστη θεραπεύουσα, τῶν δὲ περὶ Βροῦτον οἱ μὲν ἐξόπισθεν τὸν δίφρον αὐτοῦ περιέστησαν, οἱ δὲ ἀπήντησαν, ὡς δὴ Τιλλίῳ Κίμβρῳ περὶ ἀδελφοῦ φυγάδος ἐντυχάνοντι συνδεησόμενοι, καὶ συνεδέοντο μέχρι τοῦ δίφρου παρακολουθοῦντες. 69.1. θνῄσκει δὲ Καῖσαρ τὰ μὲν πάντα γεγονὼς ἔτη πεντήκοντα καὶ ἕξ, Πομπηΐῳ δʼ ἐπιβιώσας οὐ πολὺ πλέον ἐτῶν τεσσάρων, ἣν δὲ τῷ βίῳ παντὶ ἀρχὴν καὶ δυναστείαν διὰ κινδύνων τοσούτων διώκων μόλις κατειργάσατο, ταύτης οὐδὲν ὅτι μὴ τοὔνομα μόνον καὶ τὴν ἐπίφθονον καρπωσάμενος δόξαν παρὰ τῶν πολιτῶν. | 4.3. 4.4. 6.3. 12.2. 18.2. 28.5. 33.2. 41.3. 42.1. 46.1. 48.1. 51.1. 57.2. 57.3. 58.2. 59.2. 60.1. 63.1. 66.1. 66.2. 66.3. 69.1. |
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95. Plutarch, Brutus, 4.1, 8.5-8.6, 11.1-11.3, 13.3, 15.5-15.9, 17.6, 18.2-18.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 228, 230; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 340, 341; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 80| 4.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ πράγματα διέστη Πομπηΐου καί Καίσαρος ἐξενεγκαμένων τὰ ὅπλα καί τῆς ἡγεμονίας ταραχθείσης, ἐπίδοξος μὲν ἦν αἱρήσεσθαι τὰ Καίσαρος· ὁ γὰρ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸν Πομπήϊον ἐτεθνήκει πρότερον· 8.5. ἀλλὰ Κάσσιος, ἀνὴρ θυμοειδὴς καὶ μᾶλλον ἰδίᾳ μισοκαῖσαρ ἢ κοινῇ μισοτύραννος, ἐξέκαυσε καὶ κατήπειξε. 8.6. λέγεται δὲ Βροῦτος μὲν τὴν ἀρχὴν βαρύνεσθαι, Κάσσιος δὲ τὸν ἄρχοντα μισεῖν, ἄλλα τε κατʼ αὐτοῦ ποιούμενος ἐγκλήματα καὶ λεόντων ἀφαίρεσιν, οὓς Κάσσιος μὲν ἀγορανομεῖν μέλλων παρεσκευάσατο, Καῖσαρ δὲ καταληφθέντας ἐν Μεγάροις, ὅθʼ ἡ πόλις ἥλω διὰ Καληνοῦ, κατέσχε. 11.1. ἦν δέτις Γάϊος Λιγάριος τῶν Πομπηΐου φίλων, ὃν ἐπὶ τούτῳ κατηγορηθέντα Καῖσαρ ἀπέλυσεν. 11.2. οὗτος, οὐχ ἧς ἀφείθη δίκης χάριν ἔχων, ἀλλὰ διʼ ἣν ἐκινδύνευσεν ἀρχὴν βαρυνόμενος, ἐχθρὸς ἦν Καίσαρι, τῶν δὲ περὶ Βροῦτον ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα συνήθης. 11.3. πρὸς τοῦτον ἀσθενοῦντα Βροῦτος εἰσελθών, ὦ Λιγάριε, εἶπεν, ἐν οἵῳ καιρῷ νοσεῖς. κἀκεῖνος εὐθὺς εἰς ἀγκῶνα διαναστὰς καὶ λαβόμενος αὐτοῦ τῆς δεξιᾶς, ἀλλʼ εἴ τι, φησὶν, ὦ Βροῦτε, σεαυτοῦ φρονεῖς ἄξιον, ὑγιαίνω. 13.3. ἡ δὲ Πορκία θυγάτηρ μὲν, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, Κάτωνος ἦν, εἶχε δʼ αὐτὴν ὁ Βροῦτος ἀνεψιὸς ὢν οὐκ ἐκ παρθενίας, ἀλλὰ τοῦ προτέρου τελευτήσαντος ἀνδρὸς ἔλαβε κόρην οὖσαν ἔτι καί παιδίον ἔχουσαν ἐξ ἐκείνου μικρόν, ᾧ Βύβλος ἦν ὄνομα· καί τι βιβλίδιον μικρὸν ἀπομνημονευμάτων Βρούτου γεγραμμένον ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ διασῴζεται. 15.5. ἐν τούτῳ δέ τις οἴκοθεν ἔθει πρὸς τὸν Βροῦτον ἀγγέλλων αὐτῷ τὴν γυναῖκα θνῄσκειν. 15.6. ἡγὰρ Πορκία πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἐκπαθὴς οὖσα καὶ τὸ μέγεθος μὴ φέρουσα τῆς φροντίδος ἑαυτήν τε μόλις οἴκοι κατεῖχε, καὶ πρὸς πάντα θόρυβον καὶ βοήν, ὥσπερ αἱ κατάσχετοι τοῖς βακχικοῖς πάθεσιν, ἐξᾴττουσα τῶν μὲν εἰσιόντων ἀπʼ ἀγορᾶς ἕκαστον ἀνέκρινεν ὅ τι πράττοι Βροῦτος, ἑτέρους δὲ συνεχῶς ἐξέπεμπε. 15.7. τέλος δὲ τοῦ χρόνου μῆκος λαμβάνοντος οὐκέτʼ ἀντεῖχεν ἡ τοῦ σώματος δύναμις, ἀλλʼ ἐξελύθη καὶ κατεμαραίνετο τῆς ψυχῆς ἀλυούσης διὰ τὴν ἀπορίαν καὶ παρελθεῖν μὲν εἰς τὸ δωμάτιον οὐκ ἔφθη, περιΐστατο δʼ αὐτὴν, ὥσπερ ἐτύγχανεν, ἐν μέσῳ καθεζομένην λιποθυμία καὶ θάμβος ἀμήχανον, ἥ τε χρόα μεταβολὴν ἐλάμβανε καὶ τὴν φωνὴν ἐπέσχητο παντάπασιν. 15.8. αἱ δὲ θεράπαιναι πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν ἀνωλόλυξαν, καὶ τῶν γειτόνων συνδραμόντων ἐπὶ θύρας ταχὺ προῆλθε φήμη καὶ διεδόθη λόγος ὡς τεθνηκυίας αὐτῆς. 15.9. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἐκείνην μὲν ἀναλάμψασαν ἐν βραχεῖ καὶ παρʼ ἑαυτῇ γενομένην αἱ γυναῖκες ἐθεράπευον ὁ δὲ Βροῦτος ὑπὸ τοῦ λόγου προσπεσόντος αὐτῷ συνεταράχθη μὲν, ὡς εἰκός, οὐ μήν γε κατέλιπε τὸ κοινὸν οὐδʼ ἐρρύη πρὸς τὸ οἰκεῖον ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους. 17.6. ἤδη δὲ παιόμενος ὑπὸ πολλῶν καὶ κύκλῳ περιβλέπων καὶ διώσασθαι βουλόμενος, ὡς εἶδε Βροῦτον ἑλκόμενον ξίφος ἐπʼ αὐτόν, τὴν χεῖρα τοῦ Κάσκα κρατῶν ἀφῆκε, καὶ τῷ ἱματίῳ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐγκαλυψάμενος παρέδωκε τὸ σῶμα ταῖς πληγαῖς. 18.2. ἰσχυρῶς γὰρ ἐδέδοκτο μηδένα κτείνειν ἕτερον, ἀλλὰ πάντας ἐπὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀνακαλεῖσθαι. 18.3. καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις πᾶσιν, ὁπηνίκα διεσκοποῦντο τὴν πρᾶξιν, ἤρεσκεν Ἀντώνιον ἐπισφάττειν Καίσαρι, μοναρχικὸν ἄνδρα καὶ ὑβριστὴν, ἰσχύν τε πεποιημένον ὁμιλίᾳ καὶ συνηθείᾳ πρὸς τὸ στρατιωτικόν, καὶ μάλισθʼ ὅτι τῷ φύσει σοβαρῷ καὶ μεγαλοπράγμονι προσειλήφει τὸ τῆς ὑπατείας ἀξίωμα τότε Καίσαρι συνάρχων. 18.4. ἀλλὰ Βροῦτος ἐνέστη πρὸς τὸ βούλευμα, πρῶτον μὲν ἰσχυριζόμενος τῷ δικαίῳ, δεύτερον δʼ ὑποτιθεὶς ἐλπίδα τῆς μεταβολῆς. | 4.1. 8.5. 8.6. 11.1. 11.2. 11.3. 13.3. 15.5. 15.6. 15.7. 15.8. 15.9. 17.6. 18.2. 18.3. 18.4. |
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96. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 1.6, 1.73-1.75, 3.86-3.132, 4.42-4.43, 13.19, 17.10, 26.8, 27.4, 32.37, 34.17, 34.19-34.20, 34.24, 34.45, 36.21, 36.31, 36.47, 36.55, 38.5-38.6, 38.8, 38.10-38.11, 38.15-38.16, 38.22, 39.3, 39.8, 40.16, 40.36-40.37, 41.8, 41.12, 44.2, 45.3, 46.4, 48.2, 48.6-48.8, 48.14, 49.6, 50.3, 63.2 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 46 | 3.86. Friendship, moreover, the good king holds to be the fairest and most sacred of his possessions, believing that the lack of means is not so shameful or perilous for a king as the lack of friends, and that he maintains his happy state, not so much by means of revenues and armies and his other sources of strength, as by the loyalty of his friends. 3.87. For no one, of and by himself, is sufficient for a single one of even his own needs; and the more and greater the responsibilities of a king are, the greater is the number of co-workers that he needs, and the greater the loyalty required of them, since he is forced to entrust his greatest and most important interests to others or else to abandon them. 3.88. Furthermore, the law protects the private individual from being easily wronged by men with whom he enters into business relations, either by entrusting them with money, or by making them agents of an estate, or by entering into partnership with them in some enterprise; and it does so by punishing the offender. A king, however, cannot look to the law for protection against betrayal of a trust, but must depend upon loyalty. 3.89. Naturally, those who stand near the king and help him rule the country are the strongest, and from them he has no other protection than their love. Consequently, it is not a safe policy for him to share his power carelessly with the first men he meets; but the stronger he makes his friends, 3.90. the stronger he becomes himself. 3.91. Once more, necessary and useful possessions do not in all cases afford their owner some pleasure, nor does it follow that because a thing is pleasing it is also profitable. On the contrary, many pleasant things prove to be unprofitable. 3.92. Fortifications, for example, arms, engines, and troops are possessions necessary for a ruler, since without them his authority cannot be maintained, but I do not see what gratification they afford â at least, apart from their utility; 3.93. and on the other hand, beautiful parks, costly residences, statues, paintings in the exquisite early style, golden bowls, inlaid tables, purple robes, ivory, amber, perfumes, everything to delight the eye, delightful music, both vocal and instrumental, and besides these, beautiful maidens and handsome boys â all these evidently subserve no useful purpose whatever, but are obviously the inventions of pleasure. 3.94. To friendship alone has it have been given to be both the most profitable of all and the most pleasurable of all. To illustrate: I presume that our greatest necessities, arms, walls, troops, and cities, without friends to control them, are neither useful nor profitable; nay, they are exceedingly precarious; while friends, even without these, are helpful. Besides, these things are useful in war only, 3.95. while for men who are going to live in unbroken peace â if such a thing be possible â they are a useless burden. Without friendship, however, life is insecure even in peace. 3.96. Once more, the pleasures I have mentioned afford more delight when shared with friends; to enjoy them in solitude is the dreariest thing imaginable, and no one could endure it. But it would be still more disagreeable if you had to share them with people who disliked you. 3.97. Nay, what festivity could please unless the most important thing of all were at hand, what symposium could delight you if you lacked the good-will of the guests? What sacrifice is acceptable to the gods without the participants in the feast? 3.98. Indeed, are not even those love relations the pleasantest and least wanton which are based on the affection of the lovers, and which men whose object is good-will experience in the society of boys or women? 3.99. Many are the names applied to friendship just as its services undoubtedly are many; but where youth and beauty enter in, there friendship is rightly called love and is held to be the fairest of the gods. 3.100. Again, salutary drugs are salutary to the sick, but of no use to the well. of friendship, however, men stand ever in the greatest need, whether in health or in sickness: it helps to defend wealth and relieves poverty; it adds lustre to fame and dims the glare of infamy. 3.101. It is this alone that makes everything unpleasant seem less so and magnifies everything good. For what misfortune is not intolerable without friendship, and what gift of fortune does not lose its charm if friends be lacking? And although solitude is cheerless and of all things the most terrible, it is not the absence of men that we should consider as solitude, but the absence of friends; for often complete solitude is preferable to the presence of persons not well-disposed. 3.102. For my part, I have never regarded even good fortune to be such if attended by no friend to rejoice with me, since the severest strokes of misfortune can more easily be borne with friends than the greatest good fortune without them. For with good right I judge that man most wretched who in misfortune has the largest number to gloat over him but in good fortune no one to rejoice with him. 3.103. When a man has hosts of excellent friends and his foes are very few in number â if he has any foe at all â when he has many who love him, still more who admire him, and no one who can censure him, is he not perfectly happy? For such a man has multitudes to share his joy but not one to gloat over him in misfortune, and for this reason he is fortunate in all things, in that he has hosts of friends but not a single enemy. 3.104. If eyes, ears, tongue, and hands are worth everything to a man that he may be able merely to live, to say nothing of enjoying life, then friends are not less but more useful than these members. 3.105. With his eyes he may barely see what lies before his feet; but through his friends he may behold even that which is at the ends of the earth. With his ears he can hear nothing save that which is very near; but through those who wish him well 3.106. he is without tidings of nothing of importance anywhere. With his tongue he communicates only with those who are in his presence, and with his hands, were he never so strong, he can not do the work of more than two men; but through his friends he can hold converse with all the world and accomplish every undertaking, since those who wish him well are saying and doing everything that is in his interest. 3.107. The most surprising thing of all, however, is that he who is rich in friends is able, although but one man, to do a multiplicity of things at the same time, to deliberate about many matters simultaneously, to see many things, to hear many things, and to be in many places at once â a thing difficult even for the gods â with the result that there is nothing remaining anywhere that is bereft of his solicitude. 3.108. Once more, the happy experiences of his friends are bound to delight a good man no less than some joy of his own. For is that man not most blessed who has many bodies with which to be happy when he experiences a pleasure, many souls with which to rejoice when he is fortunate? 3.109. And if glory be the high goal of the ambitious, he may achieve it many times over through the eulogies of his friends. If wealth naturally gladdens its possessor, he can be rich many times over who shares what he has with his friends. 3.110. Then, too, while it is a pleasure to show favours to good men and true when one's means are ample, it is also a pleasure to receive gifts when they are deserved and for merit. Hence, he who shows his friends a favour rejoices both as giver and as receiver at the same time. Old, in sooth, is the proverb which says that "Common are the possessions of friends." Therefore, when the good have good things, these will certainly be held in common. 3.111. Now, while in any other matter, such as leisure, ease, and relaxation, our good king does not wish to have unvarying advantage over private citizens and, indeed, would often be satisfied with less, in the one matter of friendship he does want to have the larger portion; 3.112. and he doubtless thinks it in no wise peculiar or strange â nay, he actually exults because young people love him more than they do their parents, and older men more than they do their children, because his associates love him more than they do their peers, and those who know him only by hearsay love him more than they do their nearest neighbours. 3.113. Extremely fond of kith and kin though he may be, yet, in a way, he considers friendship a greater good than kinship. For a man's friends are useful even without the family tie, but without friendship not even the most nearly related are of service. So high a value does he set on friendship as to hold that at no time has anyone been wronged by a friend, and that such a thing belongs to the category of the impossible; 3.114. for the moment one is detected doing wrong, he has shown that he was no friend at all. Indeed, all who have suffered any outrage have suffered it at the hands of enemies â friends in name, whom they did not know to be enemies. Such sufferers must blame their own ignorance and not reproach the name of friendship. 3.115. Furthermore, it is not impossible for a father to be unjust to a son and for a child to sin against its parents; brother, too, may wrong brother in some way; but friendship our king esteems as such an altogether sacred thing that he tries to make even the gods his friends. 3.116. Now, while it may be gathered from all that has been said that tyrants suffer all the ills that are the opposites of the blessings we have enumerated, this is especially true as regards the matter we are now discussing. For the tyrant is the most friendless man in the world, since he cannot even make friends. 3.117. Those like himself he suspects, since they are evil, and by those unlike himself, and good, he is hated; and the hated man is an enemy to both the just and the unjust. For some men do justly hate him; while others, because they covet the same things, plot against him. 3.118. And so the Persian king had one special man, called the "king's eye" â not a man of high rank, but just an ordinary one. He did not know that all the friends of a good king are his eyes. 3.119. And should not the ties of blood and kinship be especially dear to a good king? For he regards his kith and kin as a part of his own soul, 3.120. and sees to it that they shall not only have a share of what is called the king's felicity, but much more that they shall be thought worthy to be partners in his authority; and he is especially anxious to be seen preferring them in honour, not because of their kinship, but because of their qualifications. And those kinsmen who live honourable lives he loves beyond all others, but those who do not so live he considers, not friends, but relatives. 3.121. For other friends he may cast off when he has discovered something objectionable in them, but in the case of his kinsmen, he cannot dissolve the tie; but whatever their character, he must allow the title to be used. 3.122. His wife, moreover, he regards not merely as the partner of his bed and affections, but also as his helpmate in his counsel and action, and indeed in his whole life. 3.123. He alone holds that happiness consists, not in flowery ease, but much rather in excellence of character; virtue, not in necessity but in free-will; while patient endurance, he holds, does not mean hardship but safety. His pleasures he increases by toil, and thereby gets more enjoyment out of them, while habit lightens his toil. 3.124. To him "useful" and "pleasurable" are interchangeable terms; for he sees that plain citizens, if they are to keep well and reach old age, never give nourishment to an identical and inactive body, but that a part of them work first at trades, some of which â such as smithing, shipbuilding, the construction of houses â are very laborious; 3.125. while those who own land first toil hard at farming, and those who live in the city have some city employment; 3.126. he sees the leisured class crowd the gymnasia and wrestling-floors â some running on the track, others again wrestling, and others, who are not athletes, taking some form of exercise other than the competitive â in a word, everyone with at least a grain of sense doing something or other and so finding his meat and drink wholesome. 3.127. But the ruler differs from all these in that his toil is not in vain, and that he is not simply developing his body, but has the accomplishment of things as his end and aim. He attends to some matter needing his supervision, he acts promptly where speed is needed, accomplishes something not easy of accomplishment, reviews an army, subdues a province, founds a city, bridges rivers, or builds roads through a country. 3.128. He does not count himself fortunate just because he can have the best horses, the best arms, the best clothing, and so forth, but because he can have the best friends; and he holds that it is far more disgraceful to have fewer friends among the private citizens than any one of them has. 3.129. For when a man can select his most trustworthy friends from among all men â and there is scarcely a man who would not gladly accept his advances â surely it is ridiculous that he does not have the best. Most potentates have an eye only for those who get near them no matter how, and for those who are willing to flatter, while they hold all others at a distance and the best men more especially. 3.130. The true king, however, makes his choice from among all men, esteeming it perverse to import horses from the Nisaean plains because they surpass the Thessalian breed, or hounds from India, and only in the case of men to take those near at hand; 3.131. since all the means for making friends are his. For instance, the ambitious are won over to friendliness by praise, those who have the gift of leadership by participation in the government, the warlike by performing some sort of military service, those having executive ability by the management of affairs, and, assuredly, those with a capacity for love, by intimacy. 3.132. Now, who is more able to appoint governors? Who needs more executives? Who has it in his power to give a part in greater enterprises? Who is in a better position to put a man in charge of military operations? Who can confer more illustrious honours? Whose table lends greater distinction? And if friendship could be bought, who has greater means to forestall every possible rival? 4.42. And in the same way he means that friendship also is nothing else than identity of wish and of purpose, that is, a kind of likemindedness. For this, I presume, is the view of the world too: that friends are most truly likeminded and are at variance in nothing. 4.43. Can anyone, therefore, who is a friend of Zeus and is likeminded with him by any possibility conceive any unrighteous desire or design what is wicked and disgraceful? Homer seems to answer this very question clearly also when in commending some king he calls him a 'shepherd of peoples.' 13.19. And so, to take your own case," he continued, "when there is need of any deliberation concerning the welfare of your city and you have come together in the Assembly, do some of you get up and play the cithara, and certain other individuals wrestle, and yet others of you take something of Homer's or Hesiod's and proceed to read it? For these are the things that you know better than the others, and these are the things which you think will make you good men and enable you to conduct your public affairs properly and your private concerns likewise. And now, these are the hopes which inspire you when you direct your city and prepare your sons, working to qualify them to handle both their own and the public's interests if only they can play satisfactorily Pallas, dread destroyer of cities, or 'with eager foot' betake themselves to the lyre. But as to how you are to learn what is to your own advantage and that of your native city, and to live lawfully and justly and harmoniously in your social and political relations without wronging or plotting against one another, this you never learned nor has this problem ever yet given you any concern, nor even at this moment does it trouble you at all. 17.10. I have quoted the iambics in full; for when a thought has been admirably expressed, it marks the man of good sense to use it in that form. In this passage, then, are enumerated all the consequences of greed: that it is of advantage neither to the individual nor to the state; but that, on the contrary, it overthrows and destroys the prosperity of families and of states as well; and, in the second place, that the law of men requires us to honour equality, and that this establishes a common bond of friendship and peace for all toward one another, whereas quarrels, internal strife, and foreign wars are due to nothing else than the desire for more, with the result that each side is deprived even of a sufficiency. 26.8. For it is absurd that while those playing at odd and even show intelligence, and that too when they are guessing and do not see the thing about which they make a guess, yet those who are deliberating about public matters should display neither intelligence, nor knowledge, nor experience, although these matters are sometimes of the greatest importance, such as concord and friendship of families and states, peace and war, colonization and the organization of colonies, the treatment of children and of wives. 27.4. But the man that is gentle and has a properly ordered character, easily endures the rudeness of the others, and acts like a gentleman himself, trying to the best of his ability to bring the ignorant chorus into a proper demeanour by means of fitting rhythm and melody. And he introduces appropriate topics of conversation and by his tact and persuasiveness attempts to get those present to be more harmonious and friendly in their intercourse with one another. 32.37. Perhaps these words of mine are pleasing to your ears and you fancy that you are being praised by me, as you are by all the rest who are always flattering you; but I was praising water and soil and harbours and places and everything except yourselves. For where have I said that you are sensible and temperate and just? Was it not quite the opposite? For when we praise human beings, it should be for their good discipline, gentleness, concord, civic order, for heeding those who give good counsel, and for not being always in search of pleasures. But arrivals and departures of vessels, and superiority in size of population, in merchandise, and in ships, are fit subjects for praise in the case of a fair, a harbour, or a market-place, but not of a city; 34.17. "Oh yes," you may reply, "but now we have reached an agreement and are united in our counsel." Nay, who could regard as safe and sure that sort of concord, a concord achieved in anger and of no more than three or four days' standing? Why, you would not say a man was in assured good health who a short time back was burning with fever. Well then, neither must you say you are in concord until, if possible, you have enjoyed a period of concord many times as long as that â at any rate as long as your discord â and just because perhaps on some occasion you all have voiced the same sentiment and experienced the same impulse, you must not for that reason assume that now at last the disease has been eradicated from the city. 34.19. For not among you alone, I dare say, but also among all other peoples, such a consummation requires a great deal of attentive care â or, shall I say, prayer? For only by getting rid of the vices that excite and disturb men, the vices of envy, greed, contentiousness, the striving in each case to promote one's own welfare at the expense of both one's native land and the common weal â only so, I repeat, is it possible ever to breathe the breath of harmony in full strength and vigour and to unite upon a common policy. Since those in whom these and similar vices are prevalent must necessarily be in a constant state of instability, and liable for paltry reasons to clash and be thrown into confusion, just as happens at sea when contrary winds prevail. 34.20. For, let me tell you, you must not think that there is harmony in the Council itself, nor yet among yourselves, the Assembly. At any rate, if one were to run through the entire list of citizens, I believe he would not discover even two men in Tarsus who think alike, but on the contrary, just as with certain incurable and distressing diseases which are accustomed to pervade the whole body, exempting no member of it from their inroads, so this state of discord, this almost complete estrangement of one from another, has invaded your entire body politic. 34.24. But, speaking generally, it was not, perhaps, with the purpose of treating this special one among the problems of your city nor of pointing out its seriousness that I came before you, but rather that I might make plain to you how you stand with regard to one another, and, by Zeus, to make plain also whether it is expedient that you should rely upon the present system and believe that now you are really united. Take, for example, a house or a ship or other things like that; this is the way in which I expect men to make appraisal. They should not consider merely present conditions, to see if the structure affords shelter now or does not let in the sea, but they should consider how as a whole it has been constructed and put together, to see that there are no open seams or rotten planks. 34.45. No, sand-dunes and swamp-land are of no value â for what revenue is derived from them or what advantage? â yet to show one's self to be honourable and magimous is rightly regarded as inexpressibly valuable. For to vie with the whole world in behalf of justice and virtue, and to take the initiative in friendship and harmony, and in these respects to surpass and prevail over all others, is the noblest of all victories and the safest too. But to seek by any and every means to maintain ascendancy in a conflict befits blooded game-cocks rather than men. 36.21. Perhaps, then, someone might inquire whether, when the rulers and leaders of a community are men of prudence and wisdom, and it is in accordance with their judgement that the rest are governed, lawfully and sanely, such a community may be called sane and law-abiding and really a city because of those who govern it; just as a chorus might possibly be termed musical provided its leader were musical and provided further that the other members followed this lead and uttered no sound contrary to the melody that he set â or only slight sounds and indistinctly uttered. 36.31. "This doctrine, in brief, aims to harmonize the human race with the divine, and to embrace in a single term everything endowed with reason, finding in reason the only sure and indissoluble foundation for fellowship and justice. For in keeping with that concept the term 'city' would be applied, not, of course, to an organization that has chanced to get mean or petty leaders nor to one which through tyranny or democracy or, in fact, through decarchy or oligarchy or any other similar product of imperfection, is being torn to pieces and made the victim of constant party faction. Nay, term would be applied rather to an organization that is governed by the sanest and noblest form of kingship, to one that is actually under royal goverce in accordance with law, in complete friendship and concord. 36.47. And from all sides the other horses press close to him with their bodies and the pair that are his neighbours swerve toward him abreast, falling upon him, as it were, and crowding him, yet the horse that is farthest off is ever first to round that stationary steed as horses round the turn in the hippodrome."Now for the most part the horses continue in peace and friendship, unharmed by one another. But on one occasion in the past, in the course of a long space of time and many revolutions of the universe, a mighty blast from the first horse fell from on high, and, as might have been expected from such a fiery-tempered steed, inflamed the others, and more especially the last in order; and the fire encompassed not alone its mane, which formed its personal pride, but the whole universe as well. 36.55. For indeed, when the mind alone had been left and had filled with itself immeasurable space, since it had poured itself evenly in all directions and nothing in it remained dense but complete porosity prevailed â at which time it becomes most beautiful â having obtained the purest nature of unadulterated light, it immediately longed for the existence that it had at first. Accordingly, becoming enamoured of that control and goverce and concord which it once maintained not only over the three natures of sun and moon and the other stars, but also over absolutely all animals and plants, it became eager to generate and distribute everything and to make the orderly universe then existent once more far better and more resplendent because newer. 38.5. I wish to make this very special request of you, men of Nicomedia â and do me the favour of being patient â that you listen to a speech which is superfluous and untimely and which may not convince you. Moreover, I do not consider it a great favour I am asking either; for if you are persuaded by my words, it is worth your while to have listened to one who tells you what is to your advantage; while, on the other hand, if you reserve your acquiescence, what is there unpleasant in having allowed a friend to take the floor who is willing to speak to no avail?" Very well, what is this subject on which I am about to offer advice, and yet am reluctant to name it? The word, men of Nicomedia, is not distasteful whether in the home or the clan or in friendly circles or cities or nations; 38.6. for concord is what I am going to talk about, a fine word and a fine thing; but if I proceed to add forthwith concord with whom, I fear lest, while you may be convinced that concord of and by itself is fine, you may believe that being concordant with those persons with whom I claim you should be concordant is impossible. For what till now has set you at your present enmity one toward another, and has prevented the establishment of friendship, is the unreasoning conviction that concord is impossible for your cities. Nay, don't raise an outcry when I make a fresh start but bear with me. 38.8. But I want to break up my address, and first of all to speak about concord itself in general, telling both whence it comes and what it achieves, and then over against that to set off strife and hatred in contradistinction to friendship. For when concord has been proved to be beneficial to all mankind, the proof will naturally follow that this particular concord between these particular cities is both quite indispensable for you and quite profitable as well. I shall not, however, refrain from telling also how concord may endure when once achieved; for that problem, indeed, I see is bothering many. 38.10. Well then, concord has been lauded by all men always in both speech and writing. Not only are the works of poets and philosophers alike full of its praises, but also all who have published their histories to provide a pattern for practical application have shown concord to be the greatest of human blessings, and, furthermore, although many of the sophists have in the past ventured to make paradoxical statements, this is the only one it has not occurred to them to publish â that concord is not a fine and salutary thing. Therefore, not only for those who now desire to sing its praises, but also for those who at any time would do so, the material for their use is abundant, and it will ever be possible to say more and finer things about it. 38.11. For example, if a man should wish to delve into its origin, he must trace its very beginning to the greatest of divine things. For the same manifestation is both friendship and reconciliation and kinship, and it embraces all these. Furthermore, what but concord unites the elements? Again, that through which all the greatest things are preserved is concord, while that through which everything is destroyed is its opposite. If, then, we human beings were not by nature a race of mortals, and if the forces which destroy us were not bound to be numerous, there would not be strife even in human affairs, just as also still not in things divine. However, the only respect in which we fall short of the blessedness of the gods and of their indestructible permanence is this â that we are not all sensitive to concord, but, on the contrary, there are those who actually love its opposite, strife, of which wars and battles constitute departments and subsidiary activities, and these things are continually at work in communities and in nations, just like the diseases in our bodies. 38.15. Again, take our households â although their safety depends not only on the like-mindedness of master and mistress but also on the obedience of the servants, yet both the bickering of master and mistress and the wickedness of the servants have wrecked many households. Why, what safety remains for the chariot, if the horses refuse to run as a team? For when they begin to separate and to pull one this way and one that, the driver is inevitably in danger. And the good marriage, what else is it save concord between man and wife? And the bad marriage, what is it save their discord? Moreover, what benefit are children to parents, when through folly they begin to rebel against them? And what is fraternity save concord of brothers? And what is friendship save concord among friends? 38.16. Besides, all these things are not only good and noble but also very pleasant, whereas their opposites are not only evil but also unpleasant; and yet we often prefer them instead of the most pleasant goods. For example, there have been times when people have chosen wars instead of peace, despite the great differences between the two, not under the delusion that fighting is better or more pleasant and more righteous than keeping the peace, but because some were striving for kingly power, some for liberty, some for territory they did not have, and some for control of the sea. And yet, though the prizes await the victor are so rich, many have laid war aside as an evil thing and not fit to be chosen by them in preference to the things of highest value. 38.22. Well now, surely we are not fighting for land or sea; on the contrary, the Nicaeans do not even present counterclaims against you for the sea, but they have gladly withdrawn from competition so as to afford no cause for conflict. And what is more, we are not contending for revenues either, but each side is content with what is its own; moreover, these matters, as it happens, have been clearly delimited â and so indeed is all else besides â just as if in peace and friendship. Furthermore, there is interchange of produce between the two cities, as well as intermarriage, and in consequence already there have come to be many family ties between us; yes, and we have proxenies and ties of personal friendship to unite us. Besides, you worship the same gods as they do, and in most cases you conduct their festivals as they do. In fact you have no quarrel as to your customs either. Yet, though all these things afford no occasion for hostility, but rather for friendship and concord, still we fight. 39.3. Even as I myself rejoice at the present moment to find you wearing the same costume, speaking the same language, and desiring the same things. Indeed what spectacle is more enchanting than a city with singleness of purpose, and what sound is more awe-inspiring than its harmonious voice? What city is wiser in council than that which takes council together? What city acts more smooth than that which acts together? What city is less liable to failure than that which favours the same policies? To whom are blessings sweeter than to those who are of one heart and mind? To whom are afflictions lighter than to those who bear them together, like a heavy load? To whom do difficulties occur more rarely than to those who defend each other? 39.8. Therefore, all that remains for me to do is to make the briefest and most efficacious appeal, I mean the appeal to the gods. For the gods know what men mean to say even when they speak in whispers. After all, possibly this too is typical of one who is especially well-intentioned; for instance, good fathers use admonition with their children where they can, but where persuasion fails they pray the gods on their behalf. Accordingly I pray to Dionysus the progenitor of this city, to Heracles its founder, to Zeus Guardian of Cities, to Athena, to Aphroditê Fosterer of Friendship, to Harmony, and Nemesis, and all the other gods, that from this day forth they may implant in this city a yearning for itself, a passionate love, a singleness of purpose, a unity of wish and thought; and, on the other hand, that they may cast out strife and contentiousness and jealousy, so that this city may be numbered among the most prosperous and the noblest for all time to come. 40.16. Well, why have I made all this harangue, when you were considering other matters? Because previously I not only had touched upon this matter, but had also in this place made many speeches in behalf of concord, believing that this was advantageous for the city, and that it was better not to quarrel with any man at all, but least of all, in my opinion, with those who are so close, yes, real neighbours. However, I did not go to them or speak any word of human kindness in anticipation of the official reconciliation of the city and the establishment of your friendship with them. And yet at the very outset they sent me an official resolution expressing their friendship toward me and inviting me to pay them a visit. Furthermore, I had many obligations toward them, like any other citizen of Prusa; but still I did not undertake to show my goodwill toward them independently, but preferred rather to make friends with them along with you. So they looked upon me with distrust and were displeased. 40.36. For even if the doctrine will seem to some an airy fancy and one possessing no affinity at all with yourselves, you should observe that these things, being by nature indestructible and divine and regulated by the purpose and power of the first and greatest god, are wont to be preserved as a result of their mutual friendship and concord for ever, not only the more powerful and greater, but also those reputed to be the weaker. But were this partnership to be dissolved and to be followed by sedition, their nature is not so indestructible or incorruptible as to escape being thrown into confusion and being subjected to what is termed the inconceivable and incredible destruction, from existence to non-existence. 40.37. For the predomice of the ether of which the wise men speak â the ether wherein the ruling and supreme element of its spiritual power they often do not shrink from calling fire â taking place as it does with limitation and gentleness within certain appointed cycles, occurs no doubt with entire friendship and concord. On the other hand, the greed and strife of all else, manifesting itself in violation of law, contains the utmost risk of ruin, a ruin destined never to engulf the entire universe for the reason that complete peace and righteousness are present in it and all things everywhere serve and attend upon the law of reason, obeying and yielding to it. 41.8. Well then, in spite of these considerations I held off from the affair, not as a traitor to the men of Prusa, but out of consideration for you, and because I believed I should be more serviceable to both sides if I could make the cities friends, not alone by ridding them of their past subjects of dispute, but also by turning them toward friendship and concord for the future. For this is the best course of all and the most expedient, not only in dealings between equals, but also in dealings between superiors and inferiors. 41.12. For the fruit of hatred is never, so to speak, sweet or beneficial, but of all things most unpleasant and bitter, nor is any burden so hard to bear or so fatiguing as enmity. For example, while it always interferes with strokes of good fortune, it increases disasters, and while for him who suffers from something else it doubles the pain, it does not permit those who are enjoying good fortune to rejoice in fitting measure. For it is inevitable, I suppose, that the masses should be harmed by one another, and, on the other hand, be despised and held in low esteem by the others, not only as having antagonists to begin with, but also as being themselves foolish and contentious. 44.2. Indeed, you may rest assured that I find all my honours, both those you now propose and any others there may be, contained in your goodwill and friendship, and I need naught else. For it is quite sufficient for a reasonable human being to be loved by his own fellow citizens, and why should the man who has that love need statues too or proclamations or seats of honour? Nay, not even if it be a portrait statue of beaten gold set up in the most distinguished shrines. For one word spoken out of goodwill and friendship is worth all the gold and crowns and everything else deemed splendid that men possess; so take my advice and act accordingly. 45.3. For what we have now obtained we might have had then, and we might have employed the present opportunity toward obtaining further grants. However that may be, when I had experienced at the hands of the present Emperor a benevolence and an interest in me whose magnitude those who were there know full well, though if I speak of it now I shall greatly annoy certain persons â and possibly the statement will not even seem credible, that one who met with such esteem and intimacy and friendship should have neglected all these things and have given them scant attention, having formed a longing for the confusion and bustle here at home, to put it mildly â for all that, I did not employ that opportunity or the goodwill of the Emperor for any selfish purpose, not even to a limited degree, for example toward restoring my ruined fortunes or securing some office or emolument, but anything that it was possible to obtain I turned in your direction and I had eyes only for the welfare of the city. 46.4. Moreover, it is plain that he asked for no favour for himself, though held in such great friendship and esteem, but rather that he guarded and husbanded for you the goodwill of the Emperor. But if anyone thinks it foolishness to remind you of goodwill and nobility on the part of your own citizens, I do not know how such a man can wish to be treated well himself. Being descended, then, from such forebears, even if I were an utter knave myself, yet surely on their account I should merit some consideration instead of being stoned or burned to death by you. 48.2. On the present occasion, therefore, it is your duty not to prove false to his conception of you, but rather to show yourselves temperate and well-behaved in assembly, and first and foremost, I believe, to adorn yourselves with mutual friendship and concord, and if he comes in answer to our invitation, to defer the other matters about which you were so vociferous; for he will inquire into the public problems himself, even if you wish to prevent him. But for the present express your appreciation of his goodness, greet him with applause, and welcome him with auspicious words and honour, to the end that he may visit you, not as a physician visits the sick, with apprehension and worry over their treatment, but rather as one visits the well, with joy and eagerness. 48.6. Why, what would be the good of my presence here, if I should fail to lead you to such a policy by persuasion, having constantly engaged with you in discussions conducive to concord and amity, so far as I am able, and trying in every way to eradicate unreasonable and foolish enmity and strife and contention? For truly it is a fine thing and profitable for one and all alike to have a city show itself of one mind, on terms of friendship with itself and one in feeling, united in conferring both censure and praise, bearing for both classes, the good and the bad, a testimony in which each can have confidence. 48.7. Yes, it is a fine thing, just as it is with a well-trained chorus, for men to sing together one and the same tune, and not, like a bad musical instrument, to be discordant, emitting two kinds of notes and sounds as a result of twofold and varied natures, for in such discord, I venture to say, there is found not only contempt and misfortune but also utter impotence both among themselves and in their dealings with the proconsuls. For no one can readily hear what is being said either when choruses are discordant or when cities are at variance. Again, just as it is not possible, I fancy, for persons sailing in one ship each to obtain safety separately, but rather all together, so it is also with men who are members of one state. 48.8. And it becomes you, since you excel in cultivation and in natural gifts and are in fact pure Hellenes, to display your nobility in this very thing. I might go on to say a great deal on these topics, I believe, and things commensurate with the importance of the subject before us, were it not that I am in quite poor health, and also, as I was saying, if I did not observe that your condition is not permanent. For no incident has yet happened, nor does this malady thrive among you, but it is possibly a slight attack of distrust, which, like sore eyes, we have caught from our neighbours. But this is a thing which often befalls the sea too â when the depths have been violently disturbed and there has been a storm at sea, often there are faint signs of the disturbance in the harbours also. 48.14. My concern is partly indeed for you, but partly also for myself. For if, when a philosopher has taken a government in hand, he proves unable to produce a united city, this is indeed a shocking state of affairs, one admitting no escape, just as if a shipwright while sailing in a ship should fail to render the ship seaworthy, or as if a man who claimed to be a pilot should swerve toward the wave itself, or as if a builder should obtain a house and, seeing that it was falling to decay, should disregard this fact but, giving it a coat of stucco and a wash of colour, should imagine that he is achieving something. If my purpose on this occasion were to speak in behalf of concord, I should have had a good deal to say about not only human experiences but celestial also, to the effect that these divine and grand creations, as it happens, require concord and friendship; otherwise there is danger of ruin and destruction for this beautiful work of the creator, the universe. 49.6. However, while one would find that philosophers have rarely become rulers among men â I mean holding positions termed "offices," serving as generals or satraps or kings â on the other hand, those whom they ruled have derived from them most numerous and most important benefits â the Athenians from Solon, from Aristeides, and from Pericles, the disciple of Anaxagoras; the Thebans from Epaminondas; the Romans from Numa, who, as some say, had some acquaintance with the philosophy of Pythagoras; and the Italian Greeks in general from the Pythagoreans, for these Greeks prospered and conducted their municipal affairs with the greatest concord and peace just so long as those Pythagoreans managed their cities. 50.3. However that may be, let this be your evidence of my goodwill toward you, as well as of my trust in you, that I come before you with assurance neither because I rely upon some political club nor because I have among you some familiar friends; moreover, I believe I should stand as high with you as any man, obviously because I have based my confidence upon my friendship toward all and my goodwill toward all, and not upon my being elected to be an influential or formidable person or seeking to be favoured for such a reason. On the other hand, if I did pity the commons at the time when they were subjects for pity, and if I tried my best to ease their burdens, this is no sign that I am on more friendly terms with them than with you. We know that, in the case of the body, it is always the ailing part which we treat, and that we devote more attention to the feet than to the eyes, if the feet are in pain and have been injured while the eyes are in sound condition. 63.2. For instance, when Fortune comes at sea a ship has fair sailing, and when she shows herself in the atmosphere a farmer prospers. Moreover, a man's spirit rejoices when uplifted by Fortune, yet should Fortune fail, it goes about in its body as in a tomb. For neither does a man win approval if he speaks, nor does he succeed if he acts, nor is it any advantage to have been born a man of genius when Fortune fails. For when she is not present learning is not forthcoming, nor any other good thing. Why, even valour gains recognition for its achievements only when Fortune is present; on the other hand, if valour should be left to itself it is just a word, productive of no noble action. In time of war Fortune means victory; in time of peace, concord; at a marriage, goodwill; with lovers, enjoyment â in short, success in each and every undertaking. |
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97. Plutarch, Aristides, 10.1, 18.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 247| 10.1. ἐκ τούτου Ξέρξης μὲν περίφοβος γενόμενος εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἠπείγετο, Μαρδόνιος δὲ τοῦ στρατοῦ τὸ δοκιμώτατον δοκιμώτατον Blass with F a S: μαχιμώτατον . ἔχων περὶ τριάκοντα μυριάδας ὑπελείπετο, καὶ φοβερὸς ἦν ἀπʼ ἰσχυρᾶς τῆς περὶ τὸ πεζὸν ἐλπίδος ἀπειλῶν τοῖς Ἕλλησι καὶ γράφων τοιαῦτα· 18.3. διὸ καὶ προθέμενοι πολλὰ τῶν γέρρων ἐτόξευον εἰς τοὺς εἰς τοὺς Hercher and Blass with S τοὺς . Λακεδαιμονίους. οἱ δὲ τηροῦντες ἅμα τὸν συνασπισμὸν ἐπέβαινον, καὶ προσπεσόντες ἐξεώθουν τὰ γέρρα, καὶ τοῖς δόρασι τύπτοντες πρόσωπα καὶ στέρνα τῶν Περσῶν πολλοὺς κατέβαλλον, οὐκ ἀπράκτως οὐδὲ ἀθύμως πίπτοντας. καὶ γὰρ ἀντιλαμβανόμενοι τῶν δοράτων ταῖς χερσὶ γυμναῖς συνέθραυον τὰ πλεῖστα, καὶ πρὸς τὰς ξιφουλκίας ἐχώρουν οὐκ ἀργῶς, ἀλλὰ ταῖς τε κοπίσι καὶ τοῖς ἀκινάκαις χρώμενοι καὶ τὰς ἀσπίδας παρασπῶντες καὶ συμπλεκόμενοι χρόνον πολὺν ἀντεῖχον. | 10.1. 18.3. |
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| 98. Plutarch, Coriolanus, 7.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 46 |
| 99. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54 |
100. Plutarch, Sayings of The Spartans, 10.1, 18.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 247| 10.1. Ἀναξανδρίδας ὁ Λέοντος πρὸς τὸν δυσφοροῦντα διὰ τὴν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως αὐτῷ γενομένην φυγὴν ὦ λῷστε ἔφη μὴ τὴν πόλιν φεύγων ὀρρώδει, ἀλλὰ τὴν δικαιοσύνην. | 10.1. Anaxandridas, the son of Leo. in answer to a man who took much to heart the sentence imposed upon him of exile from the country, said, My good sir, be not downcast at being an exile from your country but at being an exile from justice. |
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| 101. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 5, 17, 23.1-2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 212 |
| 102. Juvenal, Satires, 2.117-2.142, 5.1-5.5, 6.19-6.20, 6.292-6.295, 6.298-6.305, 6.308-6.311 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •julius caesar (c. iulius caesar) •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 16, 17; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 89, 102, 138 |
| 103. Plutarch, On The Fortune of The Romans, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 224 |
| 104. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 12 |
| 105. Suetonius, Augustus, 10.1, 29.4, 34.1, 57.1, 70.2, 76.1-76.2, 89.2, 92.1-92.2, 94.11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 146; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 345; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 58, 62, 205; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 119, 126 |
| 106. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 11.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 168; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 246 |
| 107. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 178 |
108. Seneca The Younger, Phaedra, 204-205, 456, 517-520, 719-724, 726-735, 896-900, 725 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 217| 725. Adeste, Athenae! fida famulorum manus, | |
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| 109. Appian, Civil Wars, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 176 |
110. Tacitus, Histories, 1.88, 3.83.2, 4.40.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 131, 215, 217 | 1.88. About this time Cornelius Dolabella was banished to the colony of Aquinum. He was not kept under close or secret watch, and no charge was made against him; but he had been made prominent by his ancient name and his close relationship to Galba. Many of the magistrates and a large part of the ex-consuls Otho directed to join his expedition, not to share or help in the war but simply as a suite. Among these was Lucius Vitellius, who was treated in the same way as the others and not at all as the brother of an emperor or as an enemy. This action caused anxiety at Rome. No class was free from fear or danger. The leading men of the senate were weak from old age and had grown inactive through a long peace; the nobility was indolent and had forgotten the art of war; the knights were ignorant of military service; the more all tried to hide and conceal their fear, the more evident they made their terror. Yet, on the other hand, there were some who with absurd ostentation brought splendid arms and fine horses; some made extravagant preparations for banquets and provided incentives to their lust as equipment for war. The wise had thought for peace and for the state; the foolish, careless of the future, were puffed up with idle hopes; many who had been distressed by loss of credit during peace were now enthusiastic in this time of disturbance and felt safest in uncertainty. |
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111. Tacitus, Annals, 1.4.5, 1.7-1.14, 1.10.5, 2.27.1, 2.33.3-2.33.4, 2.44.1, 2.73, 2.75, 2.83, 3.6, 3.9, 3.23.1, 3.30.3, 3.33.2, 3.34.5, 3.37.1, 3.54.2, 4.6.4, 4.6.6, 4.8, 4.12, 4.41.3, 4.53.1-4.53.2, 4.67.2-4.67.3, 4.69.1, 4.70.2, 6.1.1, 6.6.2, 6.7.1, 6.31.1, 6.49.1-6.49.2, 11.22.1, 11.24, 11.27, 11.31.2, 12.5.3, 12.49.1, 13.12.2, 13.20, 13.30.1, 13.34.1, 14.10.1-14.10.2, 14.15.2, 14.22.4, 14.53-14.56, 14.53.2, 14.53.4-14.53.5, 14.54.3, 14.56.2, 15.37.1-15.37.4, 15.42.1-15.42.2, 15.48.2, 15.49.3, 15.53.2, 16.12.2, 16.21.1-16.21.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius •c. iulius caesar •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •gaius caesar (c. iulius caesar) •iulius caesar, c., dictator •c. iulius caesar, memorial day •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus •julius caesar (c. iulius caesar) •c. iulius caesar, birthday Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 352; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 16, 79; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8, 174, 178, 206, 217, 230, 232, 247; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 53, 106, 108, 109, 132, 138, 140, 141, 207, 215, 216, 217; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 123, 150| 1.7. At Romae ruere in servitium consules, patres, eques. quanto quis inlustrior, tanto magis falsi ac festites, vultuque composito ne laeti excessu principis neu tristiores primordio, lacrimas gaudium, questus adulationem miscebant. Sex. Pompeius et Sex. Appuleius consules primi in verba Tiberii Caesaris iuravere, aputque eos Seius Strabo et C. Turranius, ille praetoriarum cohortium praefectus, hic annonae; mox senatus milesque et populus. nam Tiberius cuncta per consules incipiebat tamquam vetere re publica et ambiguus imperandi: ne edictum quidem, quo patres in curiam vocabat, nisi tribuniciae potestatis praescriptione posuit sub Augusto acceptae. verba edicti fuere pauca et sensu permodesto: de honoribus parentis consulturum, neque abscedere a corpore idque unum ex publicis muneribus usurpare. sed defuncto Augusto signum praetoriis cohortibus ut imperator dederat; excubiae, arma, cetera aulae; miles in forum, miles in curiam comitabatur. litteras ad exercitus tamquam adepto principatu misit, nusquam cunctabundus nisi cum in senatu loqueretur. causa praecipua ex formidine ne Germanicus, in cuius manu tot legiones, immensa sociorum auxilia, mirus apud populum favor, habere imperium quam exspectare mallet. dabat et famae ut vocatus electusque potius a re publica videretur quam per uxorium ambitum et senili adoptione inrepsisse. postea cognitum est ad introspiciendas etiam procerum voluntates inductam dubitationem: nam verba vultus in crimen detorquens recondebat. 1.7. At Germanicus legionum, quas navibus vexerat, secundam et quartam decimam itinere terrestri P. Vitellio ducendas tradit, quo levior classis vadoso mari innaret vel reciproco sideret. Vitellius primum iter sicca humo aut modice adlabente aestu quietum habuit: mox inpulsu aquilonis, simul sidere aequinoctii, quo maxime tumescit Oceanus, rapi agique agmen. et opplebantur terrae: eadem freto litori campis facies, neque discerni poterant incerta ab solidis, brevia a profundis. sternuntur fluctibus, hauriuntur gurgitibus; iumenta, sarcinae, corpora exanima interfluunt, occursant. permiscentur inter se manipuli, modo pectore, modo ore tenus extantes, aliquando subtracto solo disiecti aut obruti. non vox et mutui hortatus iuvabant adversante unda; nihil strenuus ab ignavo, sapiens ab inprudenti, consilia a casu differre: cuncta pari violentia involvebantur. tandem Vitellius in editiora enisus eodem agmen subduxit. pernoctavere sine utensilibus, sine igni, magna pars nudo aut mulcato corpore, haud minus miserabiles quam quos hostis circumsidet: quippe illic etiam honestae mortis usus, his inglorium exitium. lux reddidit terram, penetratumque ad amnem Visurgin, quo Caesar classe contenderat. inpositae dein legiones, vagante fama submersas; nec fides salutis, antequam Caesarem exercitumque reducem videre. 1.8. Nihil primo senatus die agi passus est nisi de supre- mis Augusti, cuius testamentum inlatum per virgines Vestae Tiberium et Liviam heredes habuit. Livia in familiam Iuliam nomenque Augustum adsumebatur; in spem secundam nepotes pronepotesque, tertio gradu primores civitatis scripserat, plerosque invisos sibi sed iactantia gloriaque ad posteros. legata non ultra civilem modum, nisi quod populo et plebi quadringenties tricies quinquies, praetoriarum cohortium militibus singula nummum milia, urbanis quingenos, legionariis aut cohortibus civium Romanorum trecenos nummos viritim dedit. tum consultatum de honoribus; ex quis qui maxime insignes visi, ut porta triumphali duceretur funus Gallus Asinius, ut legum latarum tituli, victarum ab eo gentium vocabula anteferrentur L. Arruntius censuere. addebat Messala Valerius renovandum per annos sacramentum in nomen Tiberii; interrogatusque a Tiberio num se mandante eam sententiam prompsisset, sponte dixisse respondit, neque in iis quae ad rem publicam pertinerent consilio nisi suo usurum vel cum periculo offensionis: ea sola species adulandi supererat. conclamant patres corpus ad rogum umeris senatorum ferendum. remisit Caesar adroganti moderatione, populumque edicto monuit ne, ut quondam nimiis studiis funus divi Iulii turbassent, ita Augustum in foro potius quam in campo Martis, sede destinata, cremari vellent. die funeris milites velut praesidio stetere, multum inridentibus qui ipsi viderant quique a parentibus acceperant diem illum crudi adhuc servitii et libertatis inprospere repetitae, cum occisus dictator Caesar aliis pessimum aliis pulcherrimum facinus videretur: nunc senem principem, longa potentia, provisis etiam heredum in rem publicam opibus, auxilio scilicet militari tuendum, ut sepultura eius quieta foret. 1.8. Prorogatur Poppaeo Sabino provincia Moesia, additis Achaia ac Macedonia. id quoque morum Tiberii fuit, continuare imperia ac plerosque ad finem vitae in isdem exercitibus aut iurisdictionibus habere. causae variae traduntur: alii taedio novae curae semel placita pro aeternis servavisse, quidam invidia, ne plures fruerentur; sunt qui existiment, ut callidum eius ingenium, ita anxium iudicium; neque enim eminentis virtutes sectabatur, et rursum vitia oderat: ex optimis periculum sibi, a pessimis dedecus publicum metuebat. qua haesitatione postremo eo provectus est ut mandaverit quibusdam provincias, quos egredi urbe non erat passurus. 1.9. Multus hinc ipso de Augusto sermo, plerisque vana mirantibus quod idem dies accepti quondam imperii princeps et vitae supremus, quod Nolae in domo et cubiculo in quo pater eius Octavius vitam finivisset. numerus etiam consulatuum celebrabatur, quo Valerium Corvum et C. Marium simul aequaverat; continuata per septem et triginta annos tribunicia potestas, nomen inperatoris semel atque vicies partum aliaque honorum multiplicata aut nova. at apud prudentis vita eius varie extollebatur arguebaturve. hi pietate erga parentem et necessitudine rei publicae, in qua nullus tunc legibus locus, ad arma civilia actum quae neque parari possent neque haberi per bonas artis. multa Antonio, dum interfectores patris ulcisceretur, multa Lepido concessisse. postquam hic socordia senuerit, ille per libidines pessum datus sit, non aliud discordantis patriae remedium fuisse quam ut ab uno regeretur. non regno tamen neque dictatura sed principis nomine constitutam rem publicam; mari Oceano aut amnibus longinquis saeptum imperium; legiones, provincias, classis, cuncta inter se conexa; ius apud civis, modestiam apud socios; urbem ipsam magnifico ornatu; pauca admodum vi tractata quo ceteris quies esset. 1.11. Versae inde ad Tiberium preces. et ille varie disserebat de magnitudine imperii sua modestia. solam divi Augusti mentem tantae molis capacem: se in partem curarum ab illo vocatum experiendo didicisse quam arduum, quam subiectum fortunae regendi cuncta onus. proinde in civitate tot inlustribus viris subnixa non ad unum omnia deferrent: plures facilius munia rei publicae sociatis laboribus exsecuturos. plus in oratione tali dignitatis quam fidei erat; Tiberioque etiam in rebus quas non occuleret, seu natura sive adsuetudine, suspensa semper et obscura verba: tunc vero nitenti ut sensus suos penitus abderet, in incertum et ambiguum magis implicabantur. at patres, quibus unus metus si intellegere viderentur, in questus lacrimas vota effundi; ad deos, ad effigiem Augusti, ad genua ipsius manus tendere, cum proferri libellum recitarique iussit. opes publicae continebantur, quantum civium sociorumque in armis, quot classes, regna, provinciae, tributa aut vectigalia, et necessitates ac largitiones. quae cuncta sua manu perscripserat Augustus addideratque consilium coercendi intra terminos imperii, incertum metu an per invidiam. 1.12. Inter quae senatu ad infimas obtestationes procumbente, dixit forte Tiberius se ut non toti rei publicae parem, ita quaecumque pars sibi mandaretur eius tutelam suscepturum. tum Asinius Gallus 'interrogo' inquit, 'Caesar, quam partem rei publicae mandari tibi velis.' perculsus inprovisa interrogatione paulum reticuit: dein collecto animo respondit nequaquam decorum pudori suo legere aliquid aut evitare ex eo cui in universum excusari mallet. rursum Gallus (etenim vultu offensionem coniectaverat) non idcirco interrogatum ait, ut divideret quae separari nequirent sed ut sua confessione argueretur unum esse rei publicae corpus atque unius animo regendum. addidit laudem de Augusto Tiberiumque ipsum victoriarum suarum quaeque in toga per tot annos egregie fecisset admonuit. nec ideo iram eius lenivit, pridem invisus, tamquam ducta in matrimonium Vipsania M. Agrippae filia, quae quondam Tiberii uxor fuerat, plus quam civilia agitaret Pollionisque Asinii patris ferociam retineret. 1.13. Post quae L. Arruntius haud multum discrepans a Galli oratione perinde offendit, quamquam Tiberio nulla vetus in Arruntium ira: sed divitem, promptum, artibus egregiis et pari fama publice, suspectabat. quippe Augustus supremis sermonibus cum tractaret quinam adipisci principem locum suffecturi abnuerent aut inpares vellent vel idem possent cuperentque, M'. Lepidum dixerat capacem sed aspertem, Gallum Asinium avidum et minorem, L. Arruntium non indignum et si casus daretur ausurum. de prioribus consentitur, pro Arruntio quidam Cn. Pisonem tradidere; omnesque praeter Lepidum variis mox criminibus struente Tiberio circumventi sunt. etiam Q. Haterius et Mamercus Scaurus suspicacem animum perstrinxere, Haterius cum dixisset 'quo usque patieris, Caesar, non adesse caput rei publicae?' Scaurus quia dixerat spem esse ex eo non inritas fore senatus preces quod relationi consulum iure tribuniciae potestatis non intercessisset. in Haterium statim invectus est; Scaurum, cui inplacabilius irascebatur, silentio tramisit. fessusque clamore omnium, expostulatione singulorum flexit paulatim, non ut fateretur suscipi a se imperium, sed ut negare et rogari desineret. constat Haterium, cum deprecandi causa Palatium introisset ambulantisque Tiberii genua advolveretur, prope a militibus interfectum quia Tiberius casu an manibus eius inpeditus prociderat. neque tamen periculo talis viri mitigatus est, donec Haterius Augustam oraret eiusque curatissimis precibus protegeretur. 1.14. Multa patrum et in Augustam adulatio. alii parentem, alii matrem patriae appellandam, plerique ut nomini Caesaris adscriberetur 'Iuliae filius' censebant. ille moderan- dos feminarum honores dictitans eademque se temperantia usurum in iis quae sibi tribuerentur, ceterum anxius invidia et muliebre fastigium in deminutionem sui accipiens ne lictorem quidem ei decerni passus est aramque adoptionis et alia huiusce modi prohibuit. at Germanico Caesari proconsulare imperium petivit, missique legati qui deferrent, simul maestitiam eius ob excessum Augusti solarentur. quo minus idem pro Druso postularetur, ea causa quod designatus consul Drusus praesensque erat. candidatos praeturae duodecim nominavit, numerum ab Augusto traditum; et hortante senatu ut augeret, iure iurando obstrinxit se non excessurum. 2.73. Funus sine imaginibus et pompa per laudes ac memoriam virtutum eius celebre fuit. et erant qui formam, aetatem, genus mortis ob propinquitatem etiam locorum in quibus interiit, magni Alexandri fatis adaequarent. nam utrumque corpore decoro, genere insigni, haud multum triginta annos egressum, suorum insidiis externas inter gentis occidisse: sed hunc mitem erga amicos, modicum voluptatum, uno matrimonio, certis liberis egisse, neque minus proeliatorem, etiam si temeritas afuerit praepeditusque sit perculsas tot victoriis Germanias servitio premere. quod si solus arbiter rerum, si iure et nomine regio fuisset, tanto promptius adsecuturum gloriam militiae quantum clementia, temperantia, ceteris bonis artibus praestitisset. corpus antequam cremaretur nudatum in foro Antiochensium, qui locus sepulturae destinabatur, praetuleritne veneficii signa parum constitit; nam ut quis misericordia in Germanicum et praesumpta suspicione aut favore in Pisonem pronior, diversi interpretabantur. 2.75. At Agrippina, quamquam defessa luctu et corpore aegro, omnium tamen quae ultionem morarentur intolerans ascendit classem cum cineribus Germanici et liberis, miserantibus cunctis quod femina nobilitate princeps, pulcherrimo modo matrimonio inter venerantis gratantisque aspici solita, tunc feralis reliquias sinu ferret, incerta ultionis, anxia sui et infelici fecunditate fortunae totiens obnoxia. Pisonem interim apud Coum insulam nuntius adsequitur excessisse Germanicum. quo intemperanter accepto caedit victimas, adit templa, neque ipse gaudium moderans et magis insolescente Plancina, quae luctum amissae sororis tum primum laeto cultu mutavit. 2.83. Honores ut quis amore in Germanicum aut ingenio validus reperti decretique: ut nomen eius Saliari carmine caneretur; sedes curules sacerdotum Augustalium locis superque eas querceae coronae statuerentur; ludos circensis eburna effigies praeiret neve quis flamen aut augur in locum Germanici nisi gentis Iuliae crearetur. arcus additi Romae et apud ripam Rheni et in monte Syriae Amano cum inscriptione rerum gestarum ac mortem ob rem publicam obisse. sepulchrum Antiochiae ubi crematus, tribunal Epidaphnae quo in loco vitam finierat. statuarum locorumve in quis coleretur haud facile quis numerum inierit. cum censeretur clipeus auro et magni- tudine insignis inter auctores eloquentiae, adseveravit Tiberius solitum paremque ceteris dicaturum: neque enim eloquentiam fortuna discerni et satis inlustre si veteres inter scriptores haberetur. equester ordo cuneum Germanici appellavit qui iuniorum dicebatur, instituitque uti turmae idibus Iuliis imaginem eius sequerentur. pleraque manent: quaedam statim omissa sunt aut vetustas oblitteravit. 3.6. Gnarum id Tiberio fuit; utque premeret vulgi sermones, monuit edicto multos inlustrium Romanorum ob rem publicam obisse, neminem tam flagranti desiderio celebratum. idque et sibi et cunctis egregium si modus adiceretur. non enim eadem decora principibus viris et imperatori populo quae modicis domibus aut civitatibus. convenisse recenti dolori luctum et ex maerore solacia; sed referendum iam animum ad firmitudinem, ut quondam divus Iulius amissa unica filia, ut divus Augustus ereptis nepotibus abstruserint tristitiam. nil opus vetustioribus exemplis, quotiens populus Romanus cladis exercituum, interitum ducum, funditus amissas nobilis familias constanter tulerit. principes mortalis, rem publicam aeternam esse. proin repeterent sollemnia, et quia ludorum Megalesium spectaculum suberat, etiam voluptates resumerent. 3.6. Sed Tiberius, vim principatus sibi firmans, imaginem antiquitatis senatui praebebat postulata provinciarum ad disquisitionem patrum mittendo. crebrescebat enim Graecas per urbes licentia atque impunitas asyla statuendi; complebantur templa pessimis servitiorum; eodem subsidio obaerati adversum creditores suspectique capitalium criminum receptabantur, nec ullum satis validum imperium erat coercendis seditionibus populi flagitia hominum ut caerimonias deum protegentis. igitur placitum ut mitterent civitates iura atque legatos. et quaedam quod falso usurpaverant sponte omisere; multae vetustis superstitioni- bus aut meritis in populum Romanum fidebant. magnaque eius diei species fuit quo senatus maiorum beneficia, sociorum pacta, regum etiam qui ante vim Romanam valuerant decreta ipsorumque numinum religiones introspexit, libero, ut quondam, quid firmaret mutaretve. 3.9. Piso Delmatico mari tramisso relictisque apud Anconam navibus per Picenum ac mox Flaminiam viam adsequitur legionem, quae e Pannonia in urbem, dein praesidio Africae ducebatur: eaque res agitata rumoribus ut in agmine atque itinere crebro se militibus ostentavisset. ab Narnia, vitandae suspicionis an quia pavidis consilia in incerto sunt, Nare ac mox Tiberi devectus auxit vulgi iras, quia navem tumulo Caesarum adpulerat dieque et ripa frequenti, magno clientium agmine ipse, feminarum comi- tatu Plancina et vultu alacres incessere. fuit inter inritamenta invidiae domus foro imminens festa ornatu conviviumque et epulae et celebritate loci nihil occultum. 4.8. Igitur Seianus maturandum ratus deligit venenum quo paulatim inrepente fortuitus morbus adsimularetur. id Druso datum per Lygdum spadonem, ut octo post annos cognitum est. ceterum Tiberius per omnis valetudinis eius dies, nullo metu an ut firmitudinem animi ostentaret, etiam defuncto necdum sepulto, curiam ingressus est. consulesque sede vulgari per speciem maestitiae sedentis honoris locique admonuit, et effusum in lacrimas senatum victo gemitu simul oratione continua erexit: non quidem sibi ignarum posse argui quod tam recenti dolore subierit oculos senatus: vix propinquorum adloquia tolerari, vix diem aspici a plerisque lugentium. neque illos imbecillitatis damdos: se tamen fortiora solacia e complexu rei publicae petivisse. miseratusque Augustae extremam senectam, rudem adhuc nepotum et vergentem aetatem suam, ut Germanici liberi, unica praesentium malorum levamenta, inducerentur petivit. egressi consules firmatos adloquio adulescentulos deductosque ante Caesarem statuunt. quibus adprensis 'patres conscripti, hos' inquit 'orbatos parente tradidi patruo ipsorum precatusque sum, quamquam esset illi propria suboles, ne secus quam suum sanguinem foveret attolleret, sibique et posteris conformaret. erepto Druso preces ad vos converto disque et patria coram obtestor: Augusti pronepotes, clarissimis maioribus genitos, suscipite regite, vestram meamque vicem explete. hi vobis, Nero et Druse, parentum loco. ita nati estis ut bona malaque vestra ad rem publicam pertineant.' 4.12. Ceterum laudante filium pro rostris Tiberio senatus populusque habitum ac voces dolentum simulatione magis quam libens induebat, domumque Germanici revirescere occulti laetabantur. quod principium favoris et mater Agrippina spem male tegens perniciem adceleravere. nam Seianus ubi videt mortem Drusi inultam interfectoribus, sine maerore publico esse, ferox scelerum et, quia prima provenerant, volutare secum quonam modo Germanici liberos perverteret, quorum non dubia successio. neque spargi venenum in tres poterat, egregia custodum fide et pudicitia Agrippinae impenetrabili. igitur contumaciam eius insectari, vetus Augustae odium, recentem Liviae conscientiam exagitare, ut superbam fecunditate, subnixam popularibus studiis inhiare dominationi apud Caesarem arguerent. atque haec callidis criminatoribus, inter quos delegerat Iulium Postumum, per adulterium Mutiliae Priscae inter intimos aviae et consiliis suis peridoneum, quia Prisca in animo Augustae valida anum suapte natura potentiae anxiam insociabilem nurui efficiebat. Agrippinae quoque proximi inliciebantur pravis sermonibus tumidos spiritus perstimulare. 11.24. His atque talibus haud permotus princeps et statim contra disseruit et vocato senatu ita exorsus est: 'maiores mei, quorum antiquissimus Clausus origine Sabina simul in civitatem Romanam et in familias patriciorum adscitus est, hortantur uti paribus consiliis in re publica capessenda, transferendo huc quod usquam egregium fuerit. neque enim ignoro Iulios Alba, Coruncanios Camerio, Porcios Tusculo, et ne vetera scrutemur, Etruria Lucaniaque et omni Italia in senatum accitos, postremo ipsam ad Alpis promotam ut non modo singuli viritim, sed terrae, gentes in nomen nostrum coalescerent. tunc solida domi quies et adversus externa floruimus, cum Transpadani in civitatem recepti, cum specie deductarum per orbem terrae legionum additis provincialium validissimis fesso imperio subventum est. num paenitet Balbos ex Hispania nec minus insignis viros e Gallia Narbonensi transivisse? manent posteri eorum nec amore in hanc patriam nobis concedunt. quid aliud exitio Lacedaemoniis et Atheniensibus fuit, quamquam armis pollerent, nisi quod victos pro alienigenis arcebant? at conditor nostri Romulus tantum sapientia valuit ut plerosque populos eodem die hostis, dein civis habuerit. advenae in nos regnaverunt: libertinorum filiis magistratus mandare non, ut plerique falluntur, repens, sed priori populo factitatum est. at cum Senonibus pugnavimus: scilicet Vulsci et Aequi numquam adversam nobis aciem instruxere. capti a Gallis sumus: sed et Tuscis obsides dedimus et Samnitium iugum subiimus. ac tamen, si cuncta bella recenseas, nullum breviore spatio quam adversus Gallos confectum: continua inde ac fida pax. iam moribus artibus adfinitatibus nostris mixti aurum et opes suas inferant potius quam separati habeant. omnia, patres conscripti, quae nunc vetustissima creduntur, nova fuere: plebeii magistratus post patricios, Latini post plebeios, ceterarum Italiae gentium post Latinos. inveterascet hoc quoque, et quod hodie exemplis tuemur, inter exempla erit.' 11.27. Haud sum ignarus fabulosum visum iri tantum ullis mortalium securitatis fuisse in civitate omnium gnara et nihil reticente, nedum consulem designatum cum uxore principis, praedicta die, adhibitis qui obsignarent, velut suscipiendorum liberorum causa convenisse, atque illam audisse auspicum verba, subisse, sacrificasse apud deos; discubitum inter convivas, oscula complexus, noctem denique actam licentia coniugali. sed nihil compositum miraculi causa, verum audita scriptaque senioribus tradam. 14.53. At Seneca crimitium non ignarus, prodentibus iis quibus aliqua honesti cura et familiaritatem eius magis asperte Caesare, tempus sermoni orat et accepto ita incipit: 'quartus decimus annus est, Caesar, ex quo spei tuae admotus sum, octavus ut imperium obtines: medio temporis tantum honorum atque opum in me cumulasti ut nihil felicitati meae desit nisi moderatio eius. utar magnis exemplis nec meae fortunae sed tuae. abavus tuus Augustus Marco Agrippae Mytilenense secretum, C. Maecenati urbe in ipsa velut peregrinum otium permisit; quorum alter bellorum socius, alter Romae pluribus laboribus iactatus ampla quidem sed pro ingentibus meritis praemia acceperant. ego quid aliud munificentiae tuae adhibere potui quam studia, ut sic dixerim, in umbra educata, et quibus claritudo venit, quod iuventae tuae rudimentis adfuisse videor, grande huius rei pretium. at tu gratiam immensam, innumeram pecuniam circumdedisti adeo ut plerumque intra me ipse volvam: egone equestri et provinciali loco ortus proceribus civitatis adnumeror? inter nobilis et longa decora praeferentis novitas mea enituit? ubi est animus ille modicis contentus? talis hortos extruit et per haec suburbana incedit et tantis agrorum spatiis, tam lato faenore exuberat? una defensio occurrit quod muneribus tuis obniti non debui. 14.54. Sed uterque mensuram implevimus, et tu, quantum princeps tribuere amico posset, et ego, quantum amicus a principe accipere: cetera invidiam augent. quae quidem, ut omnia mortalia, infra tuam magnitudinem iacet, sed mihi incumbit, mihi subveniendum est. quo modo in militia aut via fessus adminiculum orarem, ita in hoc itinere vitae senex et levissimis quoque curis impar, cum opes meas ultra sustinere non possim, praesidium peto. iube rem per procuratores tuos administrari, in tuam fortunam recipi. nec me in paupertatem ipse detrudam, sed traditis quorum fulgore praestringor, quod temporis hortorum aut villarum curae seponitur in animum revocabo. superest tibi robur et tot per annos visum summi fastigii regimen: possumus seniores amici quietem reposcere. hoc quoque in tuam gloriam cedet, eos ad summa vexisse qui et modica tolerarent.' 14.55. Ad quae Nero sic ferme respondit: 'quod meditatae orationi tuae statim occurram id primum tui muneris habeo, qui me non tantum praevisa sed subita expedire docuisti. abavus meus Augustus Agrippae et Maecenati usurpare otium post labores concessit, sed in ea ipse aetate cuius auctoritas tueretur quidquid illud et qualecumque tribuisset; ac tamen neutrum datis a se praemiis exuit. bello et periculis meruerant; in iis enim iuventa Augusti versata est: nec mihi tela et manus tuae defuissent in armis agenti; sed quod praesens condicio poscebat, ratione consilio praeceptis pueritiam, dein iuventam meam fovisti. et tua quidem erga me munera, dum vita suppetet, aeterna erunt: quae a me habes, horti et faenus et villae, casibus obnoxia sunt. ac licet multa videantur, plerique haudquaquam artibus tuis pares plura tenuerunt. pudet referre libertinos qui ditiores spectantur: unde etiam mihi rubori est quod praecipuus caritate nondum omnis fortuna antecellis. 14.56. Verum et tibi valida aetas rebusque et fructui rerum sufficiens, et nos prima imperii spatia ingredimur, nisi forte aut te Vitellio ter consuli aut me Claudio postponis et quantum Volusio longa parsimonia quaesivit, tantum in te mea liberalitas explere non potest. quin, si qua in parte lubricum adulescentiae nostrae declinat, revocas ornatumque robur subsidio impensius regis? non tua moderatio, si reddideris pecuniam, nec quies, si reliqueris principem, sed mea avaritia, meae crudelitatis metus in ore omnium versabitur. quod si maxime continentia tua laudetur, non tamen sapienti viro decorum fuerit unde amico infamiam paret inde gloriam sibi recipere.' his adicit complexum et oscula, factus natura et consuetudine exercitus velare odium fallacibus blanditiis. Seneca, qui finis omnium cum domite sermonum, grates agit: sed instituta prioris potentiae commutat, prohibet coetus salutantium, vitat comitantis, rarus per urbem, quasi valetudine infensa aut sapientiae studiis domi attineretur. | 1.7. At Rome, however, consuls, senators, and knights were rushing into slavery. The more exalted the personage, the grosser his hypocrisy and his haste, â his lineaments adjusted so as to betray neither cheerfulness at the exit nor undue depression at the entry of a prince; his tears blent with joy, his regrets with adulation. The consuls, Sextus Pompeius and Sextus Appuleius, first took the oath of allegiance to Tiberius Caesar. It was taken in their presence by Seius Strabo and Caius Turranius, chiefs respectively of the praetorian cohorts and the corn department. The senators, the soldiers, and the populace followed. For in every action of Tiberius the first step had to be taken by the consuls, as though the old republic were in being, and himself undecided whether to reign or no. Even his edict, convening the Fathers to the senate-house was issued simply beneath the tribunician title which he had received under Augustus. It was a laconic document of very modest purport:â "He intended to provide for the last honours to his father, whose body he could not leave â it was the one function of the state which he made bold to exercise." Yet, on the passing of Augustus he had given the watchword to the praetorian cohorts as Imperator; he had the sentries, the men-atâarms, and the other appurteces of a court; soldiers conducted him to the forum, soldiers to the curia; he dispatched letters to the armies as if the principate was already in his grasp; and nowhere manifested the least hesitation, except when speaking in the senate. The chief reason was his fear that Germanicus â backed by so many legions, the vast reserves of the provinces, and a wonderful popularity with the nation â might prefer the ownership to the reversion of a throne. He paid public opinion, too, the compliment of wishing to be regarded as the called and chosen of the state, rather than as the interloper who had wormed his way into power with the help of connubial intrigues and a senile act of adoption. It was realized later that his coyness had been assumed with the further object of gaining an insight into the feelings of the aristocracy: for all the while he was distorting words and looks into crimes and storing them in his memory. 1.8. The only business which he allowed to be discussed at the first meeting of the senate was the funeral of Augustus. The will, brought in by the Vestal Virgins, specified Tiberius and Livia as heirs, Livia to be adopted into the Julian family and the Augustan name. As legatees in the second degree he mentioned his grandchildren and great-grandchildren; in the third place, the prominent nobles â an ostentatious bid for the applause of posterity, as he detested most of them. His bequests were not above the ordinary civic scale, except that he left 43,500,000 sesterces to the nation and the populace, a thousand to every man in the praetorian guards, five hundred to each in the urban troops, and three hundred to all legionaries or members of the Roman cohorts. The question of the last honours was then debated. The two regarded as the most striking were due to Asinius Gallus and Lucius Arruntius â the former proposing that the funeral train should pass under a triumphal gateway; the latter, that the dead should be preceded by the titles of all laws which he had carried and the names of all peoples whom he had subdued. In addition, Valerius Messalla suggested that the oath of allegiance to Tiberius should be renewed annually. To a query from Tiberius, whether that expression of opinion came at his dictation, he retorted â it was the one form of flattery still left â that he had spoken of his own accord, and, when public interests were in question, he would (even at the risk of giving offence) use no man's judgment but his own. The senate clamoured for the body to be carried to the pyre on the shoulders of the Fathers. The Caesar, with haughty moderation, excused them from that duty, and warned the people by edict not to repeat the enthusiastic excesses which on a former day had marred the funeral of the deified Julius, by desiring Augustus to be cremated in the Forum rather than in the Field of Mars, his appointed resting-place. On the day of the ceremony, the troops were drawn up as though on guard, amid the jeers of those who had seen with their eyes, or whose fathers had declared to them, that day of still novel servitude and freedom disastrously re-wooed, when the killing of the dictator Caesar to some had seemed the worst, and to others the fairest, of high exploits:â "And now an aged prince, a veteran potentate, who had seen to it that not even his heirs should lack for means to coerce their country, must needs have military protection to ensure a peaceable burial!" 1.9. Then tongues became busy with Augustus himself. Most men were struck by trivial points â that one day should have been the first of his sovereignty and the last of his life â that he should have ended his days at Nola in the same house and room as his father Octavius. Much, too, was said of the number of his consulates (in which he had equalled the combined totals of Valerius Corvus and Caius Marius), his tribunician power unbroken for thirty-seven years, his title of Imperator twenty-one times earned, and his other honours, multiplied or new. Among men of intelligence, however, his career was praised or arraigned from varying points of view. According to some, "filial duty and the needs of a country, which at the time had no room for law, had driven him to the weapons of civil strife â weapons which could not be either forged or wielded with clean hands. He had overlooked much in Antony, much in Lepidus, for the sake of bringing to book the assassins of his father. When Lepidus grew old and indolent, and Antony succumbed to his vices, the sole remedy for his distracted country was government by one man. Yet he organized the state, not by instituting a monarchy or a dictatorship, but by creating the title of First Citizen. The empire had been fenced by the ocean or distant rivers. The legions, the provinces, the fleets, the whole administration, had been centralized. There had been law for the Roman citizen, respect for the allied communities; and the capital itself had been embellished with remarkable splendour. Very few situations had been treated by force, and then only in the interests of general tranquillity." 1.10. On the other side it was argued that "filial duty and the critical position of the state had been used merely as a cloak: come to facts, and it was from the lust of dominion that he excited the veterans by his bounties, levied an army while yet a stripling and a subject, subdued the legions of a consul, and affected a leaning to the Pompeian side. Then, following his usurpation by senatorial decree of the symbols and powers of the praetorship, had come the deaths of Hirtius and Pansa, â whether they perished by the enemy's sword, or Pansa by poison sprinkled on his wound, and Hirtius by the hands of his own soldiery, with the Caesar to plan the treason. At all events, he had possessed himself of both their armies, wrung a consulate from the unwilling senate, and turned against the commonwealth the arms which he had received for the quelling of Antony. The proscription of citizens and the assignments of land had been approved not even by those who executed them. Grant that Cassius and the Bruti were sacrificed to inherited enmities â though the moral law required that private hatreds should give way to public utility â yet Pompey was betrayed by the simulacrum of a peace, Lepidus by the shadow of a friendship: then Antony, lured by the Tarentine and Brundisian treaties and a marriage with his sister, had paid with life the penalty of that delusive connexion. After that there had been undoubtedly peace, but peace with bloodshed â the disasters of Lollius and of Varus, the execution at Rome of a Varro, an Egnatius, an Iullus." His domestic adventures were not spared; the abduction of Nero's wife, and the farcical questions to the pontiffs, whether, with a child conceived but not yet born, she could legally wed; the debaucheries of Vedius Pollio; and, lastly, Livia, â as a mother, a curse to the realm; as a stepmother, a curse to the house of the Caesars. "He had left small room for the worship of heaven, when he claimed to be himself adored in temples and in the image of godhead by flamens and by priests! Even in the adoption of Tiberius to succeed him, his motive had been neither personal affection nor regard for the state: he had read the pride and cruelty of his heart, and had sought to heighten his own glory by the vilest of contrasts." For Augustus, a few years earlier, when requesting the Fathers to renew the grant of the tribunician power to Tiberius, had in the course of the speech, complimentary as it was, let fall a few remarks on his demeanour, dress, and habits which were offered as an apology and designed for reproaches. However, his funeral ran the ordinary course; and a decree followed, endowing him a temple and divine rites. 1.11. Then all prayers were directed towards Tiberius; who delivered a variety of reflections on the greatness of the empire and his own diffidence:â "Only the mind of the deified Augustus was equal to such a burden: he himself had found, when called by the sovereign to share his anxieties, how arduous, how dependent upon fortune, was the task of ruling a world! He thought, then, that, in a state which had the support of so many eminent men, they ought not to devolve the entire duties on any one person; the business of government would be more easily carried out by the joint efforts of a number." A speech in this tenor was more dignified than convincing. Besides, the diction of Tiberius, by habit or by nature, was always indirect and obscure, even when he had no wish to conceal his thought; and now, in the effort to bury every trace of his sentiments, it became more intricate, uncertain, and equivocal than ever. But the Fathers, whose one dread was that they might seem to comprehend him, melted in plaints, tears, and prayers. They were stretching their hands to heaven, to the effigy of Augustus, to his own knees, when he gave orders for a document to be produced and read. It contained a statement of the national resources â the strength of the burghers and allies under arms; the number of the fleets, protectorates, and provinces; the taxes direct and indirect; the needful disbursements and customary bounties catalogued by Augustus in his own hand, with a final clause (due to fear or jealousy?) advising the restriction of the empire within its present frontiers. 1.12. The senate, meanwhile, was descending to the most abject supplications, when Tiberius casually observed that, unequal as he felt himself to the whole weight of government, he would still undertake the charge of any one department that might be assigned to him. Asinius Gallus then said:â "I ask you, Caesar, what department you wish to be assigned you." This unforeseen inquiry threw him off his balance. He was silent for a few moments; then recovered himself, and answered that it would not at all become his diffidence to select or shun any part of a burden from which he would prefer to be wholly excused. Gallus, who had conjectured anger from his look, resumed:â "The question had been put to him, not with the hope that he would divide the inseparable, but to gain from his own lips an admission that the body politic was a single organism needing to be governed by a single intelligence." He added a panegyric on Augustus, and urged Tiberius to remember his own victories and the brilliant work which he had done year after year in the garb of peace. He failed, however, to soothe the imperial anger: he had been a hated man ever since his marriage to Vipsania (daughter of Marcus Agrippa, and once the wife of Tiberius), which had given the impression that he had ambitions denied to a subject and retained the temerity of his father Asinius Pollio. 1.13. Lucius Arruntius, who followed in a vein not much unlike that of Gallus, gave equal offence, although Tiberius had no standing animosity against him: he was, however, rich, enterprising, greatly gifted, correspondingly popular, and so suspect. For Augustus, in his last conversations, when discussing possible holders of the principate â those who were competent and disinclined, who were inadequate and willing, or who were at once able and desirous â had described Manius Lepidus as capable but disdainful, Asinius Gallus as eager and unfit, Lucius Arruntius as not undeserving and bold enough to venture, should the opportunity arise. The first two names are not disputed; in some versions Arruntius is replaced by Gnaeus Piso: all concerned, apart from Lepidus, were soon entrapped on one charge or another, promoted by Tiberius. Quintus Haterius and Mamercus Scaurus also jarred that suspicious breast â Haterius, by the sentence, "How long, Caesar, will you permit the state to lack a head?" and Scaurus, by remarking that, as he had not used his tribunician power to veto the motion of the consuls, there was room for hope that the prayers of the senate would not be in vain. Haterius he favoured with an immediate invective: against Scaurus his anger was less placable, and he passed him over in silence. Wearied at last by the universal outcry and by individual appeals, he gradually gave ground, up to the point, not of acknowledging that he assumed the sovereignty, but of ceasing to refuse and to be entreated. Haterius, it is well known, on entering the palace to make his excuses, found Tiberius walking, threw himself down at his knees, and was all but dispatched by the guards, because the prince, either from accident or through being hampered by the suppliant's hands, had fallen flat on his face. The danger of a great citizen failed, however, to soften him, until Haterius appealed to Augusta, and was saved by the urgency of her prayers. 1.14. Augusta herself enjoyed a full share of senatorial adulation. One party proposed to give her the title "Parent of her Country"; some preferred "Mother of her Country": a majority thought the qualification "Son of Julia" ought to be appended to the name of the Caesar. Declaring that official compliments to women must be kept within bounds, and that he would use the same forbearance in the case of those paid to himself (in fact he was fretted by jealousy, and regarded the elevation of a woman as a degradation of himself), he declined to allow her even the grant of a lictor, and banned both an Altar of Adoption and other proposed honours of a similar nature. But he asked proconsular powers for Germanicus Caesar, and a commission was sent out to confer them, and, at the same time, to console his grief at the death of Augustus. That the same demand was not preferred on behalf of Drusus was due to the circumstance that he was consul designate and in presence. For the praetorship Tiberius nominated twelve candidates, the number handed down by Augustus. The senate, pressing for an increase, was met by a declaration on oath that he would never exceed it. 2.73. His funeral, devoid of ancestral effigies or procession, was distinguished by eulogies and recollections of his virtues. There were those who, considering his personal appearance, his early age, and the circumstances of his death, â to which they added the proximity of the region where he perished, â compared his decease with that of Alexander the Great: â "Each eminently handsome, of famous lineage, and in years not much exceeding thirty, had fallen among alien races by the treason of their countrymen. But the Roman had borne himself as one gentle to his friends, moderate in his pleasures, content with a single wife and the children of lawful wedlock. Nor was he less a man of the sword; though he lacked the other's temerity, and, when his numerous victories had beaten down the Germanies, was prohibited from making fast their bondage. But had he been the sole arbiter of affairs, of kingly authority and title, he would have overtaken the Greek in military fame with an ease proportioned to his superiority in clemency, self-command, and all other good qualities." The body, before cremation, was exposed in the forum of Antioch, the place destined for the final rites. Whether it bore marks of poisoning was disputable: for the indications were variously read, as pity and preconceived suspicion swayed the spectator to the side of Germanicus, or his predilections to that of Piso. 2.75. Agrippina herself, worn out with grief and physically ill, yet intolerant of every obstacle to revenge, went on board the fleet with her children and the ashes of Germanicus; amid universal pity for this woman of sovereign lineage, her wedded glory wont but yesterday to attract the gaze of awed and gratulatory crowds, now carrying in her bosom the relics of the dead, uncertain of her vengeance, apprehensive for herself, cursed in that fruitfulness which had borne but hostages to fortune. Piso, in the meantime, was overtaken at the isle of Cos by a message that Germanicus was sped. He received it with transport. Victims were immolated, temples visited; and, while his own joy knew no bounds, it was overshadowed by the insolence of Plancina, who had been in mourning for the loss of a sister, and now changed for the first time into the garb of joy. 2.83. Affection and ingenuity vied in discovering and decreeing honours to Germanicus: his name was to be chanted in the Saliar Hymn; curule chairs surmounted by oaken crowns were to be set for him wherever the Augustal priests had right of place; his effigy in ivory was to lead the procession at the Circus Games, and no flamen or augur, unless of the Julian house, was to be created in his room. Arches were added, at Rome, on the Rhine bank, and on the Syrian mountain of Amanus, with an inscription recording his achievements and the fact that he had died for his country. There was to be a sepulchre in Antioch, where he had been cremated; a funeral monument in Epidaphne, the suburb in which he had breathed his last. His statues, and the localities in which his cult was to be practised, it would be difficult to enumerate. When it was proposed to give him a gold medallion, as remarkable for the size as for the material, among the portraits of the classic orators, Tiberius declared that he would dedicate one himself "of the customary type, and in keeping with the rest: for eloquence was not measured by fortune, and its distinction enough if he ranked with the old masters." The equestrian order renamed the soâcalled "junior section" in their part of the theatre after Germanicus, and ruled that on the fifteenth of July the cavalcade should ride behind his portrait. Many of these compliments remain: others were discontinued immediately, or have lapsed with the years. 3.6. All this Tiberius knew; and, to repress the comments of the crowd, he reminded them in a manifesto that "many illustrious Romans had died for their country, but none had been honoured with such a fervour of regret: a compliment highly valued by himself and by all, if only moderation were observed. For the same conduct was not becoming to ordinary families or communities and to leaders of the state and to an imperial people. Mourning and the solace of tears had suited the first throes of their affliction; but now they must recall their minds to fortitude, as once the deified Julius at the loss of his only daughter, and the deified Augustus at the taking of his grandchildren, had thrust aside their anguish. There was no need to show by earlier instances how often the Roman people had borne unshaken the slaughter of armies, the death of generals, the complete annihilation of historic houses. Statesmen were mortal, the state eternal. Let them return, therefore, to their usual occupations and â as the Megalesian Games would soon be exhibited â resume even their pleasures!" 3.9. After crossing the sea of Dalmatia, Piso left his vessels at Ancona, and, travelling through Picenum, then by the Flaminian Road, came up with a legion marching from Pannonia to Rome, to join later on the garrison in Africa: an incident which led to much gossip and discussion as to the manner in which he had kept showing himself to the soldiers on the march and by the wayside. From Narnia, either to avoid suspicion or because the plans of a frightened man are apt to be inconsistent, he sailed down the Nar, then down the Tiber, and added to the exasperation of the populace by bringing his vessel to shore at the mausoleum of the Caesars. It was a busy part of the day and of the river-side; yet he with a marching column of retainers, and Plancina with her escort of women, proceeded beaming on their way. There were other irritants also; among them, festal decorations upon his mansion looming above the forum; guests and a dinner; and, in that crowded quarter, full publicity for everything. 4.8. Sejanus, therefore, decided to lose no time, and chose a poison so gradual in its inroads as to counterfeit the progress of a natural ailment. It was administered to Drusus by help of the eunuch Lygdus, a fact brought to light eight years later. Tiberius, however, through all the days of his son's illness, either unalarmed or to advertise his firmness of mind, continued to visit the senate, doing so even after his death, while he was still unburied. The consuls were seated on the ordinary benches as a sign of mourning: he reminded them of their dignity and their place. The members broke into tears: he repressed their lamentation, and at the same time revived their spirits in a formal speech:â "He was not, indeed, unaware that he might be criticized for appearing before the eyes of the senate while his grief was still fresh. Mourners in general could hardly support the condolences of their own kindred â hardly tolerate the light of day. Nor were they to be condemned as weaklings; but personally he had sought a manlier consolation by taking the commonwealth to his heart." After deploring the extreme old age of his august mother, the still tender years of his grandsons, and his own declining days, he asked for Germanicus' sons, their sole comfort in the present affliction, to be introduced. The consuls went out, and, after reassuring the boys, brought them in and set them before the emperor."Conscript Fathers," he said, "when these children lost their parent, I gave them to their uncle, and begged him, though he had issue of his own, to use them as if they were blood of his blood â to cherish them, build up their fortunes, form them after his own image and for the welfare of posterity. With Drusus gone, I turn my prayers to you; I conjure you in the sight of Heaven and of your country:â These are the great-grandchildren of Augustus, scions of a glorious ancestry; adopt them, train them, do your part â and do mine! Nero and Drusus, these shall be your father and your mother: it is the penalty of your birth that your good and your evil are the good and the evil of the commonwealth." 4.12. However, while Tiberius on the Rostra was pronouncing the panegyric upon his son, the senate and people, from hypocrisy more than impulse, assumed the attitude and accents of mourning, and exulted in secret that the house of Germanicus was beginning again to flourish. This incipient popularity, together with Agrippina's failure to hide her maternal hopes, hastened its destruction. For Sejanus, when he saw the death of Drusus passing unrevenged upon the murders, unlamented by the nation, grew bolder in crime, and, since his first venture had prospered, began to revolve ways and means of eliminating the children of Germanicus, whose succession was a thing undoubted. To distribute poison among the three was impossible; for their custodians were patterns of fidelity, Agrippina's chastity impenetrable. He proceeded, therefore, to declaim against her contumacy, and, by playing upon Augusta's old animosity and Livia's recent sense of guilt, induced them to carry information to the Caesar that, proud of her fruitfulness and confident in the favour of the populace, she was turning a covetous eye to the throne. In addition, Livia, with the help of skilled calumniators â one of the chosen being Julius Postumus, intimate with her grandmother owing to his adulterous connection with Mutilia Prisca, and admirably suited to her own designs through Prisca's influence over Augusta â kept working for the total estrangement from her grandson's wife of an old woman, by nature anxious to maintain her power. Even Agrippina's nearest friends were suborned to infuriate her haughty temper by their pernicious gossip. 11.24. Unconvinced by these and similar arguments, the emperor not only stated his objections there and then, but, after convening the senate, addressed it as follows: â "In my own ancestors, the eldest of whom, Clausus, a Sabine by extraction, was made simultaneously a citizen and the head of a patrician house, I find encouragement to employ the same policy in my administration, by transferring hither all true excellence, let it be found where it will. For I am not unaware that the Julii came to us from Alba, the Coruncanii from Camerium, the Porcii from Tusculum; that â not to scrutinize antiquity â members were drafted into the senate from Etruria, from Lucania, from the whole of Italy; and that finally Italy itself was extended to the Alps, in order that not individuals merely but countries and nationalities should form one body under the name of Romans. The day of stable peace at home and victory abroad came when the districts beyond the Po were admitted to citizenship, and, availing ourselves of the fact that our legions were settled throughout the globe, we added to them the stoutest of the provincials, and succoured a weary empire. Is it regretted that the Balbi crossed over from Spain and families equally distinguished from Narbonese Gaul? Their descendants remain; nor do they yield to ourselves in love for this native land of theirs. What else proved fatal to Lacedaemon and Athens, in spite of their power in arms, but their policy of holding the conquered aloof as alien-born? But the sagacity of our own founder Romulus was such that several times he fought and naturalized a people in the course of the same day! Strangers have been kings over us: the conferment of magistracies on the sons of freedmen is not the novelty which it is commonly and mistakenly thought, but a frequent practice of the old commonwealth. â 'But we fought with the Senones.' â Then, presumably, the Volscians and Aequians never drew up a line of battle against us. â 'We were taken by the Gauls.' â But we also gave hostages to the Tuscans and underwent the yoke of the Samnites. â And yet, if you survey the whole of our wars, not one was finished within a shorter period than that against the Gauls: thenceforward there has been a continuous and loyal peace. Now that customs, culture, and the ties of marriage have blended them with ourselves, let them bring among us their gold and their riches instead of retaining them beyond the pale! All, Conscript Fathers, that is now believed supremely old has been new: plebeian magistrates followed the patrician; Latin, the plebeian; magistrates from the other races of Italy, the Latin. Our innovation, too, will be parcel of the past, and what toâday we defend by precedents will rank among precedents." 11.27. It will seem, I am aware, fabulous that, in a city cognizant of all things and reticent of none, any human beings could have felt so much security; far more so, that on a specified day, with witnesses to seal the contract, a consul designate and the emperor's wife should have met for the avowed purposes of legitimate marriage; that the woman should have listened to the words of the auspices, have assumed the veil, have sacrificed in the face of Heaven; that both should have dined with the guests, have kissed and embraced, and finally have spent the night in the licence of wedlock. But I have added no touch of the marvellous: all that I record shall be the oral or written evidence of my seniors. 13.20. The night was well advanced, and Nero was protracting it over his wine, when Paris â accustomed ordinarily about this hour to add life to the imperial debauch, but now composed to melancholy â entered the room, and by exposing the indictment in detail so terrified his auditor that he decided not merely to kill his mother and Plautus but even to remove Burrus from his command, on the ground that he owed his promotion to Agrippina and was now paying his debt. According to Fabius Rusticus, letters patent to Caecina Tuscus, investing him with the charge of the praetorian cohorts, were actually written, but by the intervention of Seneca the post was saved for Burrus. Pliny and Cluvius refer to no suspicion of the prefect's loyalty; and Fabius certainly tends to overpraise Seneca, by whose friendship he flourished. For myself, where the authorities are uimous, I shall follow them: if their versions disagree, I shall record them under the names of their sponsors. â Unnerved and eager for the execution of his mother, Nero was not to be delayed, until Burrus promised that, if her guilt was proved, death should follow. "But," he added, "any person whatsoever, above all a parent, would have to be allowed the opportunity of defence; and here no accusers were present; only a solitary voice, and that borne from the house of an enemy. Let him take into consideration the darkness, the wakeful night spent in conviviality, the whole of the circumstances, so conducive to rashness and unreason." 14.53. Seneca was aware of his maligners: they were revealed from the quarters where there was some little regard for honour, and the Caesar's avoidance of his intimacy was becoming marked. He therefore asked to have a time fixed for an interview; it was granted, and he began as follows:â "It is the fourteenth year, Caesar, since I was associated with your hopeful youth, the eighth that you have held the empire: in the time between, you have heaped upon me so much of honour and of wealth that all that is lacking to complete my happiness is discretion in its use. I shall appeal to great precedents, and I shall draw them not from my rank but from yours. Augustus, the grandfather of your grandfather, conceded to Marcus Agrippa the privacy of Mytilene, and to Gaius Maecenas, within the capital itself, something tantamount to retirement abroad. One had been the partner of his wars, the other had been harassed by more numerous labours at Rome, and each had received his reward â a magnificent reward, it is true, but proportioned to immense deserts. For myself, what incentive to your generosity have I been able to apply except some bookish acquirements, cultivated, I might say, in the shadows of the cloister? Acquirements to which fame has come because I am thought to have lent a helping hand in your own first youthful efforts â a wage that overpays the service! But you have invested me with measureless influence, with countless riches; so that often I put the question to myself:â 'Is it I, born in the station of a simple knight and a provincial, who am numbered with the magnates of the realm? Among these nobles, wearing their long-descended glories, has my novel name swum into ken? Where is that spirit which found contentment in mediocrity? Building these terraced gardens? â Pacing these suburban mansions? â Luxuriating in these broad acres, these world-wide investments?' â A single defence suggests itself â that I had not the right to obstruct your bounty. 14.54. "But we have both filled up the measure: you, of what a prince may give to his friend; and I, of what a friend may take from his prince. All beyond breeds envy! True, envy, like everything mortal, lies far beneath your greatness; but by me the burden is felt â to me a relief is necessary. As I should pray for support in warfare, or when wearied by the road, so in this journey of life, an old man and unequal to the lightest of cares, I ask for succour: for I can bear my riches no further. Order my estates to be administered by your procurators, to be embodied in your fortune. Not that by my own action I shall reduce myself to poverty: rather, I shall resign the glitter of wealth which dazzles me, and recall to the service of the mind those hours which are now set apart to the care of my gardens or my villas. You have vigour to spare; you have watched for years the methods by which supreme power is wielded: we, your older friends, may demand our rest. This, too, shall redound to your glory â that you raised to the highest places men who could also accept the lowly." 14.55. Nero's reply, in effect, was this:â "If I am able to meet your studied eloquence with an immediate answer, that is the first part of my debt to you, who have taught me how to express my thought not merely after premeditation but on the spur of the moment. Augustus, the grandfather of my grandfather, allowed Agrippa and Maecenas to rest after their labours, but had himself reached an age, the authority of which could justify whatever boon, and of whatever character, he had bestowed upon them. And even so he stripped neither of the rewards conferred by himself. It was in battle and jeopardy they had earned them, for such were the scenes in which the youth of Augustus moved; and, had my own days been spent in arms, your weapons and your hand would not have failed me; but you did what the actual case demanded, and fostered first my boyhood, then my youth, with reason, advice, and precept. And your gifts to me will be imperishable, so long as life may last; but mine to you â gardens, capital, and villas â are vulnerable to accident. They may appear many; but numbers of men, not comparable to you in character have held more. Shame forbids me to mention the freedmen who flaunt a wealth greater than yours! And hence I even blush that you, who have the first place in my love, do not as yet excel all in fortune. Or is it, by chance, the case that you deem either Seneca lower than Vitellius, who held his three consulates, or Nero lower than Claudius, and that the wealth which years of parsimony won for Volusius is incapable of being attained by my own generosity to you? 14.56. "On the contrary, not only is yours a vigorous age, adequate to affairs and to their rewards, but I myself am but entering the first stages of my sovereignty. Why not recall the uncertain steps of my youth, if here and there they slip, and even more zealously guide and support the manhood which owes its pride to you. Not your moderation, if you give back your riches; not your retirement, if you abandon your prince; by my avarice, and the terrors of my cruelty, will be upon all men's lips. And, however much your abnegation may be praised, it will still be unworthy of a sage to derive credit from an act which sullies the fair fame of a friend." He followed his words with an embrace and kisses â nature had fashioned him and use had trained him to veil his hatred under insidious caresses. Seneca â such is the end of all dialogues with an autocrat â expressed his gratitude: but he changed the established routine of his former power, banished the crowds from his antechambers, shunned his attendants, and appeared in the city with a rareness ascribed to his detention at home by adverse health or philosophic studies. |
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| 112. Tacitus, Agricola, 21.1, 29.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 174, 232 |
113. Plutarch, Timoleon, 2.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 80| 2.2. οὐ μόνον διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν οὐδʼ ἀφʼ ὧν ἤδη πολλάκις εὐεργέτηντο πιστεύοντες ἐκείνοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ καθόλου τὴν πόλιν ὁρῶντες φιλελεύθερον καὶ μισοτύραννον οὖσαν ἀεί, καὶ τῶν πολέμων τοὺς πλείστους καὶ μεγίστους πεπολεμηκυῖαν οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἡγεμονίας καὶ πλεονεξίας, ἀλλʼ ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας. | 2.2. not only because they trusted them on account of their kinship Syracuse was founded by Corinthians in 735 B.C. and in consequence of the many benefits they had already received from them, but also in general because they saw that the city was always a lover of freedom and a hater of tyrants, and had waged the most and greatest of her wars, not for supremacy and aggrandizement, but for the liberty of the Greeks. |
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114. Plutarch, Flaminius, 10.2, 10.4-10.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 212, 213| 10.2. τοὺς δὲ Ἕλληνας ἐρωτῶντες εἰ κλοιὸν ἔχοντες βαρύτερον μὲν, λειότερον δὲ τοῦ πάλαι τὸν νῦν, χαίρουσι, καὶ θαυμάζουσι τὸν Τίτον ὡς εὐεργέτην, ὅτι τοῦ ποδὸς λύσας τὴν Ἑλλάδα τοῦ τραχήλου δέδεκεν. ἐφʼ οἷς ἀχθόμενος ὁ Τίτος καὶ βαρέως φέρων, καὶ δεόμενος τοῦ συνεδρίου, τέλος ἐξέπεισε καὶ ταύτας τὰς πόλεις ἀνεῖναι τῆς φρουρᾶς, ὅπως ὁλόκληρος ἡ χάρις ὑπάρξῃ παρʼ αὐτοῦ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν. 10.4. προελθὼν εἰς μέσον ὁ κῆρυξ ἀνεῖπεν ὅτι Ῥωμαίων ἡ σύγκλητος καὶ Τίτος Κοΐντιος στρατηγὸς ὕπατος καταπολεμήσαντες βασιλέα Φίλιππον καὶ Μακεδόνας, ἀφιᾶσιν ἀφρουρήτους καὶ ἐλευθέρους καὶ ἀφορολογήτους, νόμοις χρωμένους τοῖς πατρίοις, Κορινθίους, Λοκρούς, Φωκεῖς, Εὐβοέας, Ἀχαιοὺς Φθιώτας, Μάγνητας, Θετταλούς, Περραιβούς. τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον οὐ πάνυ πάντες οὐδὲ σαφῶς ἐπήκουσαν, ἀλλʼ ἀνώμαλος καὶ θορυβώδης κίνησις ἦν ἐν τῷ σταδίῳ θαυμαζόντων καὶ διαπυνθανομένων καὶ πάλιν ἀνειπεῖν κελευόντων· 10.5. ὡς δὲ αὖθις ἡσυχίας γενομένης ἀναγαγὼν ὁ κῆρυξ τὴν φωνὴν προθυμότερον εἰς ἅπαντας ἐγεγώνει καὶ διῆλθε τὸ κήρυγμα, κραυγὴ μὲν ἄπιστος τὸ μέγεθος διὰ χαρὰν ἐχώρει μέχρι θαλάττης, ὀρθὸν δὲ ἀνειστήκει τὸ θέατρον, οὐδεὶς δὲ λόγος ἦν τῶν ἀγωνιζομένων, ἔσπευδον δὲ πάντες ἀναπηδῆσαι καὶ δεξιώσασθαι καὶ προσειπεῖν τὸν σωτῆρα τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ πρόμαχον. 10.6. τὸ δὲ πολλάκις λεγόμενον εἰς ὑπερβολὴν τῆς φωνῆς καὶ μέγεθος ὤφθη τότε. κόρακες γὰρ ὑπερπετόμενοι κατὰ τύχην ἔπεσον εἰς τὸ στάδιον. αἰτία δὲ ἡ τοῦ ἀέρος ῥῆξις· ὅταν γὰρ ἡ φωνὴ πολλὴ καὶ μεγάλη φέρηται, διασπώμενος ὑπʼ αὐτῆς οὐκ ἀντερείδει τοῖς πετομένοις, ἀλλʼ ὀλίσθημα ποιεῖ καθάπερ κενεμβατοῦσιν, εἰ μὴ νὴ Δία πληγῇ τινι μᾶλλον ὡς ὑπὸ βέλους διελαυνόμενα πίπτει καὶ ἀποθνῄσκει, δύναται δὲ καὶ περιδίνησις εἶναι τοῦ ἀέρος, οἷον ἑλιγμὸν ἐν πελάγει καὶ παλιρρύμην τοῦ σάλου διὰ μέγεθος λαμβάνοντος. | 10.2. 10.4. 10.5. 10.6. |
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| 115. Suetonius, Vitellius, 10.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 217 |
| 116. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 2.1, 16.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 205, 206 |
| 117. Suetonius, Titus, 7.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 206 |
| 118. Suetonius, Tiberius, 2.2, 34.1, 59.2, 61.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 104; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 138, 207 |
| 119. Suetonius, Nero, 21.2, 26.1, 27.1-27.2, 28.2, 30.1-30.3, 31.1-31.3, 39.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 86; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 155, 156, 207, 208 |
| 120. Suetonius, Iulius, 16.1-16.2, 20.1, 30.4-30.5, 40.2, 45.2, 55.1, 56.4, 56.6, 76.1, 80.3, 81.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 143, 185; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 272, 273, 275, 291, 339; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 72, 75; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 92, 93; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 117, 123 |
| 121. Suetonius, Domitianus, 4.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 138 |
| 122. Suetonius, De Rhetoribus, 4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c. Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 135 |
| 123. Suetonius, Claudius, 41.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 342 |
| 124. Suetonius, Caligula, 24.2-24.3, 30.1, 37.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206, 217, 242; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 314 |
| 125. Plutarch, Theseus, 27.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 213 |
| 126. Seneca The Younger, Thyestes, 46 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 175 |
127. Plutarch, Themistocles, 3.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 247| 3.4. ἃ δῆλον ὅτι νοήσας ὁ Πιτθεύς, ἔπεισεν αὐτὸν ἢ διηπάτησε τῇ Αἴθρᾳ συγγενέσθαι. συνελθὼν δὲ καὶ γνοὺς ἐκεῖνος ὅτι τῇ Πιτθέως θυγατρὶ συγγέγονε, καὶ κύειν αὐτὴν ὑπονοήσας, ἀπέλιπε ξίφος καὶ πέδιλα κρύψας ὑπὸ πέτραν μεγάλην, ἐντὸς ἔχουσαν κοιλότητα συμμέτρως ἐμπεριλαμβάνουσαν τὰ κείμενα. | |
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| 128. Seneca The Younger, Dialogi, 3.11.5, 6.14.3, 11.17.2-11.17.6, 12.9.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 246; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 174, 232, 235, 241, 242 |
129. Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria, 3.7.24, 9.4.69, 10.4.1, 12.10.47, 12.10.80 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 101 | 3.7.24. It will be wise too for him to insert some words of praise for his audience, since this will secure their good will, and wherever it is possible this should be done in such a manner as to advance his case. Literature will win less praise at Sparta than at Athens, endurance and courage more. Among some races the life of a freebooter is accounted honourable, while others regard it as a duty to respect the laws. Frugality might perhaps be unpopular with the Sybarites, whilst luxury was regarded as crime by the ancient Romans. Similar differences of opinion are found in individuals. 10.4.1. The next point which we have to consider is the correction of our work, which is by far the most useful portion of our study: for there is good reason for the view that erasure is quite as important a function of the pen as actual writing. Correction takes the form of addition, excision and alteration. But it is a comparatively simple and easy task to decide what is to be added or excised. On the other hand, to prune what is turgid, to elevate what is mean, to repress exuberance, arrange what is disorderly, introduce rhythm where it is lacking, and modify it where it is too emphatic, involves a twofold labour. For we have to condemn what had previously satisfied us and discover what had escaped our notice. |
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| 130. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 2.17.1, 5.4.3-5.4.4, 7.1.1-7.1.3, 7.9.2, 7.11.1-7.11.2, 7.12.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 130, 131, 132, 133, 175 |
| 131. Seneca The Younger, De Brevitate Vitae (Dialogorum Liber X ), 14.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 129 |
| 132. Seneca The Younger, De Clementia, 1.12.4, 1.15.2, 1.23.2, 2.2.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar •caesar, c. iulius •caesar, julius (iulius caesar, c.) Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 13; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206; Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 314 |
| 133. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 25.1, 26.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 46, 54 |
| 134. Seneca The Younger, De Constantia Sapientis, 3.1, 11.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 111, 138 |
135. Plutarch, Otho, 13.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 46| 13.6. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ μετάνοια Τιτιανὸν ἔσχεν ἐκπέμψαντα τοὺς πρέσβεις· καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν τοὺς θρασυνομένους αὖθις ἀνεβίβαζεν ἐπὶ τὰ τείχη καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους παρεκάλει βοηθεῖν. τοῦ δὲ Κεκίνα προσελάσαντος τῷ ἵππῳ καὶ τὴν δεξιὰν ὀρέγοντος οὐδεὶς ἀντέσχεν, ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἠσπάζοντο τοὺς στρατιώτας, οἱ δὲ τὰς πύλας ἀνοίξαντες ἐξῄεσαν καὶ ἀνεμίγνυντο τοῖς προσήκουσιν. | 13.6. But meanwhile Titianus had repented of having sent the embassy, and after ordering the more resolute of the soldiers back again upon the walls, he exhorted the rest to go to their support. However, when Caecina rode up on his horse and stretched out his hand to them, not a man resisted further, but some greeted his soldiers from the walls, while others, throwing open the gates, went forth and mingled with the advancing troops. |
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136. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 99 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 241| 99. hoc hoc ministro noster utatur dolor. | |
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| 137. Seneca The Younger, On Anger, 1.21.1-1.21.4, 2.23.4, 3.17.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 340; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 149, 178 |
138. Plutarch, Pericles, 1.1, 15.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 262; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 46| 1.1. ξένους τινὰς ἐν Ῥώμῃ πλουσίους κυνῶν τέκνα καὶ πιθήκων ἐν τοῖς κόλποις περιφέροντας καὶ ἀγαπῶντας ἰδὼν ὁ Καῖσαρ, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἠρώτησεν εἰ παιδία παρʼ αὐτοῖς οὐ τίκτουσιν αἱ γυναῖκες, ἡγεμονικῶς σφόδρα νουθετήσας τοὺς τὸ φύσει φιλητικὸν ἐν ἡμῖν καὶ φιλόστοργον εἰς θηρία καταναλίσκοντας ἀνθρώποις ὀφειλόμενον. 15.2. οὐκέθʼ ὁ αὐτὸς ἦν οὐδʼ ὁμοίως χειροήθης τῷ δήμῳ καὶ ῥᾴδιος ὑπείκειν καὶ συνενδιδόναι ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις ὥσπερ πνοαῖς τῶν πολλῶν, ἀλλʼ ἐκ τῆς ἀνειμένης ἐκείνης καὶ ὑποθρυπτομένης ἔνια δημαγωγίας, ὥσπερ ἀνθηρᾶς καὶ μαλακῆς ἁρμονίας, ἀριστοκρατικὴν καὶ βασιλικὴν ἐντεινάμενος πολιτείαν, καὶ χρώμενος αὐτῇ πρὸς τὸ βέλτιστον ὀρθῇ καὶ ἀνεγκλίτῳ, | 1.1. On seeing certain wealthy foreigners in Rome carrying puppies and young monkeys about in their bosoms and fondling them, Caesar Caesar Augustus. asked, we are told, if the women in their country did not bear children, thus in right princely fashion rebuking those who squander on animals that proneness to love and loving affection which is ours by nature, and which is due only to our fellow-men. 15.2. But then he was no longer the same man as before, nor alike submissive to the people and ready to yield and give in to the desires of the multitude as a steersman to the breezes. Nay rather, forsaking his former lax and sometimes rather effeminate management of the people, as it were a flowery and soft melody, he struck the high and clear note of an aristocratic and kingly statesmanship, and employing it for the best interests of all in a direct and undeviating fashion, |
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139. Plutarch, Pompey, 2.2, 46.1-46.2, 52.3, 68.3-68.5, 70.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius •iulius caesar, c., augural law, ignored by •c. iulius caesar Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 213, 226; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 196; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 232; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54| 2.2. ᾗ καὶ τοὔνομα πολλῶν ἐν ἀρχῇ συνεπιφερόντων οὐκ ἔφευγεν ὁ Πομπήϊος, ὥστε καὶ χλευάζοντας αὐτὸν ἐνίους ἤδη καλεῖν Ἀλέξανδρον. διὸ καὶ Λεύκιος Φίλιππος, ἀνὴρ ὑπατικός, συνηγορῶν αὐτῷ, μηδὲν ἔφη ποιεῖν παράλογον εἰ Φίλιππος ὢν φιλαλέξανδρός ἐστιν. Φλώραν δὲ τὴν ἑταίραν ἔφασαν ἤδη πρεσβυτέραν οὖσαν ἐπιεικῶς ἀεὶ μνημονεύειν τῆς γενομένης αὐτῇ πρὸς Πομπήϊον ὁμιλίας, λέγουσαν ὡς οὐκ ἦν ἐκείνῳ συναναπαυσαμένην ἀδήκτως ἀπελθεῖν. 46.1. ἡλικίᾳ δὲ τότε ἦν, ὡς μὲν οἱ κατὰ πάντα τῷ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ παραβάλλοντες αὐτὸν καὶ προσβιβάζοντες ἀξιοῦσι, νεώτερος τῶν τριάκοντα καὶ τεττάρων ἐτῶν, ἀληθείᾳ δὲ τοῖς τετταράκοντα προσῆγεν. ὡς ὤνητό γʼ ἂν ἐνταῦθα τοῦ βίου παυσάμενος, ἄχρι οὗ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου τύχην ἔσχεν· ὁ δὲ ἐπέκεινα χρόνος αὐτῷ τὰς μὲν εὐτυχίας ἤνεγκεν ἐπιφθόνους, ἀνηκέστους δὲ τὰς δυστυχίας. 46.2. ἣν γὰρ ἐκ προσηκόντων αὐτὸς ἐκτήσατο δύναμιν ἐν τῇ πόλει, ταύτῃ χρώμενος ὑπὲρ ἄλλων οὐ δικαίως, ὅσον ἐκείνοις ἰσχύος προσετίθει τῆς ἑαυτοῦ δόξης ἀφαιρῶν, ἔλαθε ῥώμῃ καὶ μεγέθει τῆς αὐτοῦ δυνάμεως καταλυθείς, καὶ καθάπερ τὰ καρτερώτατα μέρη καὶ χωρία τῶν πόλεων, ὅταν δέξηται πολεμίους, ἐκείνοις προστίθησι τὴν αὑτῶν ἰσχύν, οὕτως διὰ τῆς Πομπηΐου δυνάμεως Καῖσαρ ἐξαρθεὶς ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν κατὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἴσχυσε, τοῦτον ἀνέτρεψε καὶ κατέβαλεν. ἐπράχθη δὲ οὕτως. 52.3. ἔπειτα νόμους διὰ Τρεβωνίου δημαρχοῦντος εἰσέφερον, Καίσαρι μέν, ὥσπερ ὡμολόγητο, δευτέραν ἐπιμετροῦντας πενταετίαν, Κράσσῳ δὲ Συρίαν καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ Πάρθους στρατείαν διδόντας, αὐτῷ δὲ Πομπηΐῳ Λιβύην ἅπασαν καὶ Ἰβηρίαν ἑκατέραν καὶ τέσσαρα τάγματα στρατιωτῶν, ὧν ἐπέχρησε δύο Καίσαρι δεηθέντι πρὸς τὸν ἐν Γαλατίᾳ πόλεμον. 68.3. ἑωθινῆς δὲ φυλακῆς ὑπὲρ τοῦ Καίσαρος στρατοπέδου πολλὴν ἡσυχίαν ἄγοντος ἐξέλαμψε μέγα φῶς, ἐκ δὲ τούτου λαμπὰς ἀρθεῖσα φλογοειδὴς ἐπὶ τὸ ἐπὶ τὸ Coraës and Bekker, after Reiske: ἐπὶ . Πομπηΐου κατέσκηψε· καὶ τοῦτο ἰδεῖν φησι Καῖσαρ αὐτὸς ἐπιὼν τὰς φυλακάς. ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ, μέλλοντος αὐτοῦ πρὸς Σκοτοῦσαν ἀναζευγνύειν καὶ τὰς σκηνὰς τῶν στρατιωτῶν καθαιρούντων καὶ προπεμπόντων ὑποζύγια καὶ θεράποντας, ἧκον οἱ σκοποὶ φράζοντες ὅπλα πολλὰ καθορᾶν ἐν τῷ χάρακι τῶν πολεμίων διαφερόμενα, καὶ κίνησιν εἶναι καὶ θόρυβον ἀνδρῶν ἐπὶ μάχην ἐξιόντων. 68.4. μετὰ δὲ τούτους ἕτεροι παρῆσαν εἰς τάξιν ἤδη καθίστασθαι τοὺς πρώτους λέγοντες, ὁ μὲν οὖν Καῖσαρ εἰπὼν τὴν προσδοκωμένην ἥκειν ἡμέραν, ἐν ᾗ πρὸς ἄνδρας, οὐ πρὸς λιμὸν οὐδὲ πενίαν μαχοῦνται, κατὰ τάχος πρὸ τῆς σκηνῆς ἐκέλευσε προθεῖναι τὸν φοινικοῦν χιτῶνα· τοῦτο γὰρ μάχης Ῥωμαίοις ἐστὶ σύμβολον. 68.5. οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται θεασάμενοι μετὰ βοῆς καὶ χαρᾶς τὰς σκηνὰς ἀφέντες ἐφέροντο πρὸς τὰ ὅπλα. καὶ τῶν ταξιαρχῶν ἀγόντων εἰς ἣν ἔδει τάξιν, ἕκαστος, ὥσπερ χορός, ἄνευ θορύβου μεμελετημένως εἰς τάξιν εἰς τάξιν bracketed by Bekker. καὶ πρᾴως καθίστατο. | 2.2. 46.1. 46.2. 52.3. 68.3. 68.4. 68.5. |
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| 140. Plutarch, Publicola, 12.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., lictors, restores alternation of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 74 |
| 141. Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 8.5, 10.5, 23.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 213, 258 |
142. Plutarch, Romulus, 1.1, 35.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54, 80| 1.1. τὸ μέγα τῆς Ῥώμης ὄνομα καὶ δόξῃ διὰ πάντων ἀνθρώπων κεχωρηκὸς ἀφʼ ὅτου καὶ διʼ ἣν αἰτίαν τῇ πόλει γέγονεν, οὐχ ὡμολόγηται παρὰ τοῖς συγγραφεῦσιν, ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν Πελασγούς, ἐπὶ πλεῖστα τῆς οἰκουμένης πλανηθέντας ἀνθρώπων τε πλείστων κρατήσαντας, αὐτόθι κατοικῆσαι, καὶ διὰ τὴν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ῥώμην οὕτως ὀνομάσαι τὴν πόλιν, | 1.1. From whom, and for what reason the great name of Rome, so famous among mankind, was given to that city, writers are not agreed. Some say that the Pelasgians, after wandering over most of the habitable earth and subduing most of mankind, settled down on that site, and that from their strength in war they called their city Rome. |
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143. Plutarch, Sulla, 6.9, 33.1-33.2, 35.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius •iulius caesar, c., at alexandria •iulius caesar, c., despot, a •iulius caesar, c., dictator in •iulius caesar, c., dictator with extended term •iulius caesar, c., dictatorships authorized/modified by comitial legislation Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 48; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 46| 6.9. ἐν αὐτῷ γε τούτῳ τῷ συμμαχικῷ πολέμῳ τῶν στρατιωτῶν αὐτοῦ στρατηγικὸν ἄνδρα πρεσβευτήν, Ἀλβῖνον ὄνομα, ξύλοις καὶ λίθοις διαχρησαμένων, παρῆλθε καὶ οὐκ ἐπεξῆλθεν ἀδίκημα τοσοῦτον, ἀλλὰ καὶ σεμνυνόμενος διεδίδου λόγον ὡς προθυμοτέροις διὰ τοῦτο χρήσοιτο πρὸς τόν πόλεμον αὐτοῖς ἰωμένοις τὸ ἁμάρτημα διʼ ἀνδραγαθίας. τῶν δʼ ἐγκαλούντων οὐδὲν ἐφρόντιζεν, ἀλλὰ ἤδη καταλῦσαι Μάριον διανοούμενος καὶ τοῦ πρὸς τοὺς συμμάχους πολέμου τέλος ἔχειν δοκοῦντος ἀποδειχθῆναι στρατηγὸς ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην, ἐθεράπευε τὴν ὑφʼ ἑαυτῷ στρατιάν. 33.1. ἔξω δὲ τῶν φονικῶν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐλύπει. δικτάτορα μὲν γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ἀνηγόρευσε, διʼ ἐτῶν ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι τοῦτο τὸ γένος τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀναλαβών. ἐψηφίσθη δὲ αὐτῷ πάντων ἄδεια τῶν γεγονότων, πρὸς δὲ τὸ μέλλον ἐξουσία θανάτου, δημεύσεως, κληρουχιῶν, κτίσεως, πορθήσεως, ἀφελέσθαι βασιλείαν, καὶ ᾧ καὶ ᾧ with Bekker, after Reiske: ᾧ . βούλοιτο χαρίσασθαι. 33.2. τὰς δὲ διαπράσεις τῶν δεδημευμένων οἴκων οὕτως ὑπερηφάνως ἐποιεῖτο καὶ δεσποτικῶς ἐπὶ βήματος καθεζόμενος, ὥστε τῶν ἀφαιρέσεων ἐπαχθεστέρας αὐτοῦ τὰς δωρεὰς εἶναι, καὶ γυναιξὶν εὐμόρφοις καὶ λυρῳδοῖς καὶ μίμοις καὶ καθάρμασιν ἐξελευθερικοῖς ἐθνῶν χώρας καὶ πόλεων χαριζομένου προσόδους, ἐνίοις δὲ γάμους ἀκουσίως ζευγνυμένων γυναικῶν. 35.2. διὰ μέσου δὲ τῆς θοίνης πολυημέρου γενομένης ἀπέθνησκεν ἡ Μετέλλα νόσῳ· καὶ τῶν ἱερέων τὸν Σύλλαν οὐκ ἐώντων αὐτῇ προσελθεῖν οὐδὲ τήν οἰκίαν τῷ κήδει μιανθῆναι, γραψάμενος διάλυσιν τοῦ γάμου πρὸς αὐτὴν ὁ Σύλλας ἔτι ζῶσαν ἐκέλευσεν εἰς ἑτέραν οἰκίαν μετακομισθῆναι. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἀκριβῶς τὸ νόμιμον ὑπὸ δεισιδαιμονίας ἐτήρησε· τὸν δὲ τῆς ταφῆς ὁρίζοντα τήν δαπάνην νόμον αὐτὸς εἰσενηνοχὼς παρέβη, μηδενὸς ἀναλώματος φεισάμενος. | 6.9. 33.1. 33.2. 35.2. |
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| 144. Seneca The Younger, De Providentia (Dialogorum Liber I), 3.3, 5.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 133 |
| 145. Seneca The Younger, On Leisure, 8.3-8.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 130, 131 |
| 146. Seneca The Younger, De Vita Beata (Dialogorum Liber Vii), 18.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 129 |
147. Plutarch, Phocion, 1.4, 3.1-3.5, 26.1-26.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 173, 212, 258; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 46| 3.1. ταῦτα δὲ καὶ Κάτωνι τῷ νέῳ συνέβη, καὶ γὰρ οὗτος οὐ πιθανὸν ἔσχεν οὐδὲ προσφιλὲς ὄχλῳ τὸ ἦθος, οὐδὲ ἤνθησεν ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ πρὸς χάριν· ἀλλʼ ὁ μὲν Κικέρων φησὶν αὐτὸν ὥσπερ ἐν τῇ Πλάτωνος πολιτείᾳ καὶ οὐκ ἐν τῇ Ῥωμύλου πολιτευόμενον ὑποστάθμῃ τῆς ὑπατείας ἐκπεσεῖν, ἐμοὶ δὲ ταὐτὸ δοκεῖ παθεῖν τοῖς μὴ καθʼ ὥραν ἐκφανεῖσι καρποῖς. 3.2. ὡς γὰρ ἐκείνους ἡδέως ὁρῶντες καὶ θαυμάζοντες οὐ χρῶνται, οὕτως ἡ Κάτωνος ἀρχαιοτροπία διὰ χρόνων πολλῶν ἐπιγενομένη βίοις διεφθορόσι καὶ πονηροῖς ἔθεσι δόξαν μὲν εἶχε μεγάλην καὶ κλέος, οὐκ ἐνήρμοσε δὲ ταῖς χρείαις διὰ βάρος καὶ μέγεθος τῆς ἀρετῆς ἀσύμμετρον τοῖς καθεστῶσι καιροῖς. 3.3. καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς οὐ κεκλιμένης μὲν ἤδη τῆς πατρίδος, ὥσπερ ὁ Φωκίων, πολὺν δὲ χειμῶνα καὶ σάλον ἐχούσης, ὅσον ἱστίων καὶ κάλων ἐπιλαβέσθαι καὶ παραστῆναι τοῖς πλέον δυναμένοις πολιτευσάμενος, οἰάκων δὲ καὶ κυβερνήσεως ἀπωσθείς, ὅμως μέγαν ἀγῶνα τῇ τύχῃ περιέστησεν. εἷλε μὲν γὰρ καὶ κατέβαλε τὴν πολιτείαν διʼ ἄλλους, μόλις δὲ καὶ βραδέως καὶ χρόνῳ πολλῷ καὶ παρὰ μικρὸν ἐλθοῦσαν περιγενέσθαι διὰ Κάτωνα καὶ τὴν Κάτωνος ἀρετήν· 3.4. ᾗ παραβάλλομεν τὴν Φωκίωνος, οὐ κατὰ κοινὰς ὁμοιότητας, ὡς ἀγαθῶν καὶ πολιτικῶν ἀνδρῶν ἔστι γὰρ ἀμέλει καὶ ἀνδρείας διαφορὰ πρὸς ἀνδρείαν, ὡς τῆς Ἀλκιβιάδου πρὸς τὴν Ἐπαμεινώνδου, καὶ φρονήσεως πρὸς φρόνησιν, ὡς τῆς Θεμιστοκλέους πρὸς τὴν Ἀριστείδου, καὶ δικαιοσύνης πρὸς δικαιοσύνην, ὡς τῆς Νομᾶ πρὸς τὴν Ἀγησιλάου. 3.5. τούτων δὲ τῶν ἀνδρῶν αἱ ἀρεταὶ μέχρι τῶν τελευταίων καὶ ἀτόμων διαφορῶν ἕνα χαρακτῆρα καὶ μορφὴν καὶ χρῶμα κοινὸν ἤθους ἐγκεκραμένον ἐκφέρουσιν, ὥσπερ ἴσῳ μέτρῳ μεμιγμένου πρὸς τὸ αὐστηρὸν τοῦ φιλανθρώπου καὶ πρὸς τὸ ἀσφαλὲς τοῦ ἀνδρείου, καὶ τῆς ὑπὲρ ἄλλων μὲν κηδεμονίας, ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν δὲ ἀφοβίας, καὶ πρὸς μὲν τὸ αἰσχρὸν εὐλαβείας, πρὸς δὲ τὸ δίκαιον εὐτονίας συνηρμοσμένης ὁμοίως· ὥστε λεπτοῦ πάνυ λόγου δεῖσθαι καθάπερ ὀργάνου πρὸς διάκρισιν καὶ ἀνεύρεσιν τῶν διαφερόντων. 26.1. ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον χρόνῳ Κρατεροῦ διαβάντος ἐξ Ἀσίας μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως καὶ γενομένης πάλιν ἐν Κραννῶνι παρατάξεως, ἡττήθησαν μὲν οἱ Ἕλληνες οὔτε μεγάλην ἧτταν οὔτε πολλῶν πεσόντων, ἀπειθείᾳ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἐπιεικεῖς καὶ νέους ὄντας, καὶ ἅμα τὰς πόλεις αὐτῶν πειρῶντος Ἀντιπάτρου, διαρρυέντες αἴσχιστα προήκαντο τὴν ἐλευθερίαν. 26.2. εὐθὺς οὖν ἐπὶ τὰς Ἀθήνας ἄγοντος τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου τὴν δύναμιν οἱ μὲν περὶ Δημοσθένην καὶ Ὑπερείδην ἀπηλλάγησαν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, Δημάδης δέ, μηθὲν μέρος ὧν ὤφειλε χρημάτων ἐπὶ ταῖς καταδίκαις ἐκτῖσαι τῇ πόλει· δυνάμενος ἡλώκει γὰρ ἑπτὰ γραφὰς παρανόμων καὶ γεγονὼς ἄτιμος ἐξείργετο τοῦ λέγειν, ἄδειαν εὑρόμενος τότε, γράφει ψήφισμα ἐκπέμπειν ἐκπέμπειν with Doehner; the MSS. have καὶ πέυπει , which Bekker retains: πέμπειν , after Coraës. πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον ὑπὲρ εἰρήνης πρέσβεις αὐτοκράτορας. | 3.1. 3.2. 3.3. 3.4. 3.5. 26.1. 26.2. |
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| 148. Statius, Siluae, 2.1, 2.6, 3.3, 5.1, 5.3, 5.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 235 |
| 149. Lucian, The Carousal, Or The Lapiths, 18-19 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 138 |
| 150. Marcus Aurelius Emperor of Rome, Meditations, 1.16.14 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 80 |
| 151. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 7.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 258 |
| 152. Chariton, Chaereas And Callirhoe, 1.4.12 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 86 |
| 153. Clement of Alexandria, Christ The Educator, 2.3.39.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, julius (iulius caesar, c.) Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 375 |
| 154. Cassius Dio, Roman History, a b c d\n0 61.16.2 61.16.2 61 16\n1 40.38.4 40.38.4 40 38\n2 50.14.3-15.4 50.14.3 50 14\n3 30.4 30.4 30 4 \n4 30.3 30.3 30 3 \n.. ... ... .. .. \n102 41.61.5 41.61.5 41 61\n103 41.61.4 41.61.4 41 61\n104 49.63.3 49.63.3 49 63\n105 41.39.2 41.39.2 41 39\n106 48.52.1 48.52.1 48 52\n\n[107 rows x 4 columns] (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 206 |
| 155. Censorinus, De Die Natali, 20.6-20.11, 22.16 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar •c. iulius caesar, dictatorship •c. iulius caesar, reform •c. iulius caesar, birthday Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 40, 79, 83, 109, 111, 112, 113, 117, 123 |
| 156. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 3.5.10 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 61 |
| 157. Tertullian, On The Apparel of Women, 2.13.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, julius (iulius caesar, c.) Found in books: Viglietti and Gildenhard (2020), Divination, Prediction and the End of the Roman Republic, 375 |
| 158. Apuleius, On Plato, 2.15.241-2.15.242 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 216 |
| 159. Polyaenus, Stratagems, 2.14.4-2.14.12, 3.42-3.43, 3.47.9, 3.54.2, 3.55.6, 3.61.9, 16.17.9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar •caesarian vocabulary, c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 95, 102, 103, 107, 109, 270 |
| 160. Gellius, Attic Nights, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 35, 138, 139, 171 |
| 161. Gaius, Instiutiones, 1.20 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., lictors, restores alternation of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 74 |
| 162. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 114 |
| 163. Aelian, Nature of Animals, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c. Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 168 |
| 164. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, 12.25 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 13 |
| 165. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 15.9-15.12 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 291 |
| 166. Augustine, De Octo Dulcitii Quaestionibus Liber, 1.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 106 |
| 167. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.17, 3.17.1-3.17.3, 3.17.6, 3.17.11-3.17.12, 3.17.14-3.17.18 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 105, 109 |
| 168. Eutropius, Breviarium Ab Urbe Condita (Paeanii Translatio), 1.19.2 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator, wants praetor to name Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 172 |
| 169. Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Claud., 4.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar, memorial day Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 150 |
| 170. Martianus Capella, On The Marriage of Philology And Mercury, 5.444, 5.470-5.472 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 248, 261 |
| 171. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 2.80, 4.4, 10.228 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius •c. iulius caesar Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 260; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 148; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 81 |
| 172. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.7.24, 1.8.1, 1.10.2, 1.12.31, 1.12.34-1.12.35, 1.13.11, 1.13.19, 1.13.21, 1.14, 1.14.2-1.14.3, 1.14.6-1.14.15, 1.15.8-1.15.12, 2.4.11, 3.17, 3.17.1-3.17.3, 3.17.6, 3.17.11-3.17.12, 3.17.14-3.17.18 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 338; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 105, 109; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 36, 40, 79, 83, 109, 111, 112, 113, 114, 116, 117, 119, 123 |
| 173. Orosius Paulus, Historiae Adversum Paganos, 7.7.1 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caligula, c. iulius caesar augustus germanicus Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 208 |
| 174. Justinian, Digest, 40.2.7-40.2.8 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., lictors, restores alternation of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 74, 77 |
| 175. Grillius Grammarian 5Th Cent., Excerpta Ex Grillii Commento, 87.29-87.35, 88.51, 89.77-89.91 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 255, 260 |
| 197. Aristid., Aeg., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 13 |
| 199. Epigraphy, I.Ephesos, 4101 Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 352 |
| 200. Epigraphy, Ils, 112, 15, 212, 425, 6258, 70-71, 7272, 867, 870, 8745, 6091 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 361 |
| 201. Epigraphy, Seg, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 361 |
| 203. Valerius Antias, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c. Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 189 |
| 204. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 1.19.2 Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator, wants praetor to name Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 172 |
| 206. Suetonius, Ann., 14.2 Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 86 |
| 207. Parthenius, Test. Lightfoot, 4 Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 86 |
| 209. Pseudo-Sallust, In Ciceronem, 4-5 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 204, 243 |
| 210. Ps. Plutarch, Proverb. Alex., 60 Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 13 |
| 213. Eutrop., Flor. Epit., 1.22.54, 2.16, 2.34.5-2.34.6 Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 56, 61 |
| 214. Epigraphy, Cil, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 357; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 8 |
| 216. Cicero Marcus Tullius Marci Filius, Ad Marcum Ciceronem Filium Suum offitorum Liber, 1, 21-23, 34, 29 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 276 |
| 217. Ancient Near Eastern Sources, R.S., 37 Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 186, 352 |
| 218. Scaevola, Digesta, 50.16.98 Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar, dictatorship •c. iulius caesar, reform Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 119 |
| 219. Solinus C. Julius, Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium, 1.46-1.47 Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar, dictatorship Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 83 |
220. Strabo, Geography, 5.3.7, 13.1.27 Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 224, 225; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 58 | 5.3.7. In the interior, the first city above Ostia is Rome; it is the only city built on the Tiber. It has been remarked above, that its position was fixed, not by choice, but necessity; to this must be added, that those who afterwards enlarged it, were not at liberty to select a better site, being prevented by what was already built. The first [kings] fortified the Capitol, the Palatium, and the Collis Quirinalis, which was so easy of access, that when Titus Tatius came to avenge the rape of the [Sabine] virgins, he took it on the first assault. Ancus Marcius, who added Mount Caelius and the Aventine Mount with the intermediate plain, separated as these places were both from each other and from what had been formerly fortified, was compelled to do this of necessity; since he did not consider it proper to leave outside his walls, heights so well protected by nature, to whomsoever might have a mind to fortify themselves upon them, while at the same time he was not capable of enclosing the whole as far as Mount Quirinus. Servius perceived this defect, and added the Esquiline and Viminal hills. As these were both of easy access from without, a deep trench was dug outside them and the earth thrown up on the inside, thus forming a terrace of 6 stadia in length along the inner side of the trench. This terrace he surmounted with a wall flanked with towers, and extending from the Colline to the Esquiline gate. Midway along the terrace is a third gate, named after the Viminal hill. Such is the Roman rampart, which seems to stand in need of other ramparts itself. But it seems to me that the first [founders] were of opinion, both in regard to themselves and their successors, that Romans had to depend not on fortifications, but on arms and their individual valour, both for safety and for wealth, and that walls were not a defence to men, but men were a defence to walls. At the period of its commencement, when the large and fertile districts surrounding the city belonged to others, and while it lay easily open to assault, there was nothing in its position which could be looked upon as favourable; but when by valour and labour these districts became its own, there succeeded a tide of prosperity surpassing the advantages of every other place. Thus, notwithstanding the prodigious increase of the city, there has been plenty of food, and also of wood and stone for ceaseless building, rendered necessary by the falling down of houses, and on account of conflagrations, and of the sales, which seem never to cease. These sales are a kind of voluntary falling down of houses, each owner knocking down and rebuilding one part or another, according to his individual taste. For these purposes the numerous quarries, the forests, and the rivers which convey the materials, offer wonderful facilities. of these rivers, the first is the Teverone, which flows from Alba, a city of the Latins near to the country of the Marsi, and from thence through the plain below this [city], till it unites with the Tiber. After this come the Nera (Nar) and the Timia, which passing through Ombrica fall into the Tiber, and the Chiana, which flows through Tyrrhenia and the territory of Clusiumn. Augustus Caesar endeavoured to avert from the city damages of the kind alluded to, and instituted a company of freedmen, who should be ready to lend their assistance in cases of conflagration; whilst, as a preventive against the falling of houses, he decreed that all new buildings should not be carried so high as formerly, and that those erected along the public ways should not exceed seventy feet in height. But these improvements must have ceased only for the facilities afforded by the quarries, the forests, and the ease of transport. 13.1.27. Also the Ilium of today was a kind of village-city when the Romans first set foot on Asia and expelled Antiochus the Great from the country this side of Taurus. At any rate, Demetrius of Scepsis says that, when as a lad he visited the city about that time, he found the settlement so neglected that the buildings did not so much as have tiled roofs. And Hegesianax says that when the Galatae crossed over from Europe they needed a stronghold and went up into the city for that reason, but left it at once because of its lack of walls. But later it was greatly improved. And then it was ruined again by the Romans under Fimbria, who took it by siege in the course of the Mithridatic war. Fimbria had been sent as quaestor with Valerius Flaccus the consul when the latter was appointed to the command against Mithridates; but Fimbria raised a mutiny and slew the consul in the neighborhood of Bithynia, and was himself set up as lord of the army; and when he advanced to Ilium, the Ilians would not admit him, as being a brigand, and therefore he applied force and captured the place on the eleventh day. And when he boasted that he himself had overpowered on the eleventh day the city which Agamemnon had only with difficulty captured in the tenth year, although the latter had with him on his expedition the fleet of a thousand vessels and the whole of Greece, one of the Ilians said: Yes, for the city's champion was no Hector. Now Sulla came over and overthrew Fimbria, and on terms of agreement sent Mithridates away to his homeland, but he also consoled the Ilians by numerous improvements. In my time, however, the deified Caesar was far more thoughtful of them, at the same time also emulating the example of Alexander; for Alexander set out to provide for them on the basis of a renewal of ancient kinship, and also because at the same time he was fond of Homer; at any rate, we are told of a recension of the poetry of Homer, the Recension of the Casket, as it is called, which Alexander, along with Callisthenes and Anaxarchus, perused and to a certain extent annotated, and then deposited in a richly wrought casket which he had found amongst the Persian treasures. Accordingly, it was due both to his zeal for the poet and to his descent from the Aeacidae who reigned as kings of the Molossians — where, as we are also told, Andromache, who had been the wife of Hector, reigned as queen — that Alexander was kindly disposed towards the Ilians. But Caesar, not only being fond of Alexander, but also having better known evidences of kinship with the Ilians, felt encouraged to bestow kindness upon them with all the zest of youth: better known evidences, first, because he was a Roman, and because the Romans believe Aeneias to have been their original founder; and secondly, because the name Iulius was derived from that of a certain Iulus who was one of his ancestors, and this Iulus got his appellation from the Iulus who was one of the descendants of Aeneas. Caesar therefore allotted territory to them end also helped them to preserve their freedom and their immunity from taxation; and to this day they remain in possession of these favors. But that this is not the site of the ancient Ilium, if one considers the matter in accordance with Homer's account, is inferred from the following considerations. But first I must give a general description of the region in question, beginning at that point on the coast where I left off. |
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| 221. Suidas Thessalius, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 13 |
| 222. Sulpicius Victor, Institutiones Oratoriae, 325.19-336.26 Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 248 |
| 223. Ulpianus Domitius, Digesta, 4.4.3.3 Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 79 |
| 224. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 232 |
| 226. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 1.11.5, 2.1.1-2.1.2, 2.52.4-2.52.6, 2.56.4, 2.58.2, 2.93.2, 2.100.3 Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius •c. iulius caesar, dictatorship •c. iulius caesar, reform •gaius caesar (c. iulius caesar) Found in books: Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 79; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 340, 341; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 40; Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 121 |
227. Vergil, Georgics, 1.112, 1.191, 3.81, 3.135, 4.495-4.496 Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •c. iulius caesar •caesarian vocabulary, c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 105; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 57, 58| 1.112. luxuriem segetum tenera depascit in herba, 1.191. at si luxuria foliorum exuberat umbra, 3.81. luxuriatque toris animosum pectus. Honesti 3.135. Hoc faciunt, nimio ne luxu obtunsior usus 4.495. quis tantus furor? En iterum crudelia retro 4.496. Fata vocant, conditque natantia lumina somnus. | |
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| 228. John Malalas, History, 8 Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 56 |
| 229. Stoic School, Stoicor. Veter. Fragm., 3.229 Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 167 |
| 230. Zonaras, Epitome, 7.14, 7.20, 7.25, 8.15, 8.20, 9.2, 10.1 Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator in •iulius caesar, c., dictatorships authorized/modified by comitial legislation •iulius caesar, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 145, 266 |
| 231. Epigraphy, Ig, None Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 351 |
| 232. Epigraphy, Mama, 7.305 Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 361 |
| 233. Epigraphy, Illrp, 343-344, 351, 374, 406-407, 514, 533, 583, 9 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 102 |
234. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.637, 2.67, 4.193, 6.605, 6.851-6.853, 10.479-10.489, 11.497 Tagged with subjects: •augustus, c. iulius caesar octavianus •caesar, c. iulius •caesar, c. iulius, historical ambitions •iulius caesar, c., dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 58; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 283; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 260; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 57, 58 | 1.637. now told upon men's lips the whole world round. 2.67. So saying, he whirled with ponderous javelin 4.193. and fiercely champs the foam-flecked bridle-rein. 6.605. Would soothe her angry soul. But on the ground 6.851. Eridanus, through forests rolling free. 6.852. Here dwell the brave who for their native land 6.853. Fell wounded on the field; here holy priests 10.479. and flying to the fight comes Neptune's son, 10.480. Messapus, famous horseman. On both sides 10.481. each charges on the foe. Ausonia's strand 10.482. is one wide strife. As when o'er leagues of air 10.483. the envious winds give battle to their peers, 10.484. well-matched in rage and power; and neither they 10.485. nor clouds above, nor plunging seas below 10.486. will end the doubtful war, but each withstands 10.487. the onset of the whole—in such wild way 10.488. the line of Trojans on the Latian line 11.497. if there be mettle in thee and some drops |
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| 236. Plin., Ep., 7.33 Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 184 |
| 238. Epigraphy, Ilpbardo, 163 Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., father of the dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 165 |
| 239. Epigraphy, Aphrodisias And Rome, 8, 25 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 361 |
| 240. Plutarch, De Se Laudando, None Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius, historical ambitions Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 288 |
| 241. Nic. Dam., Fgrh 90, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 343 |
| 242. Caes., B.Afr., 86.2, 88.6, 92.4 Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 340 |
| 243. Ap. Rhod., Argon., 4.43 Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 338 |
| 244. Flor., Epit., 2.13.94 Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 339 |
| 245. Julius Africanus, Cesti, None Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 11 |
| 246. Pliny., Ep., 4.7.2 Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius, historical ambitions Found in books: Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 276 |
| 247. Epigraphy, I. Assos, 13 Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 28 |
| 248. Plutarch, Alexandros, 47.8 Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 54 |
| 253. Epigraphy, Illrp-S, 38 Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 59 |
| 254. Epigraphy, Ilafr, 353 Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 186 |
| 255. Epigraphy, Inscr.It., 13.2 Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 196 |
| 256. Epigraphy, Sp, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 349 |
| 257. Caesar, Bg, 1.1, 1.7.1, 1.10.3, 2.20.1, 2.35.4, 3.1-3.6, 3.28.1, 4.38.5, 5.47.4, 5.55.2, 5.57.1, 6.7.5, 6.8.6, 6.23.1-6.23.3, 6.34.5, 6.35-6.42, 7.4.3, 7.8.2-7.8.4, 7.34.2, 7.57-7.62, 7.59.3, 7.62.10, 7.78, 7.79.3, 7.90.7 Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar •caesarian vocabulary, c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 91, 92, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 105, 106, 107, 149, 178, 262, 270 |
| 258. Plin., Pan., 11.1, 48.5 Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 178, 241 |
| 259. Anon., Consolatio Ad Liuiam, 209-210, 442, 466, 63-66, 68-72, 86-90, 67 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 242 |
| 260. Caesar, Bc, 2.9.4, 2.23-2.30, 2.33-2.37 Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar •caesarian vocabulary, c. iulius caesar Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 92, 107 |
| 262. Anon., Fasti Capitolini, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 136 |
| 263. Anon., Fasti Privernates, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 113 |
| 264. Eutrop., Fragments, Frhist., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 107 |
| 265. Censorinus, Chronographer of 354, 0 Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator, wants praetor to name Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 172 |
| 266. Caesar, B.Alex., 48.1 Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., augural law, ignored by •iulius caesar, c., dictator in •iulius caesar, c., dictatorships authorized/modified by comitial legislation Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 142, 143 |
| 267. Arch., Att., 5.9.2, 5.21.14, 6.1.12, 13.44.1 Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar •c. iulius caesar, reform Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 70, 122 |
| 268. Epigraphy, Inscriptiones Italiae, 117, 127, 135, 147, 169, 189-190, 208, 23, 243, 31, 33, 82, 191 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 123, 127, 129 |
| 269. Florus, Epit., 2.13.91 Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar, birthday Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 123 |
| 270. Caelius, Cic. Fam., 8.6.5 Tagged with subjects: •c. iulius caesar Found in books: Rüpke (2011), The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine Time, History and the Fasti 70 |
| 271. Martianus Capella, De Nuptiis Philologiae Et Mercurii, 5.444, 5.470-5.472 Tagged with subjects: •caesar, c. iulius Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 248, 261 |
| 272. Epigraphy, Fira, None Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 357 |
| 273. Caesar, B.Afr., 28.2 Tagged with subjects: •iulius caesar, c., dictator, wants praetor to name •iulius caesar, c., at alexandria •iulius caesar, c., dictator in •iulius caesar, c., lictors, excessive number of Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 133, 138, 139 |
| 274. Pseudo-Seneca, Octauia, 127-130, 309-370, 372-376, 433, 371 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 217 |
