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380 results for "burkert"
1. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 9.4-9.7, 10.2 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 271; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 93
9.4. "אַךְ־בָּשָׂר בְּנַפְשׁוֹ דָמוֹ לֹא תֹאכֵלוּ׃", 9.5. "וְאַךְ אֶת־דִּמְכֶם לְנַפְשֹׁתֵיכֶם אֶדְרֹשׁ מִיַּד כָּל־חַיָּה אֶדְרְשֶׁנּוּ וּמִיַּד הָאָדָם מִיַּד אִישׁ אָחִיו אֶדְרֹשׁ אֶת־נֶפֶשׁ הָאָדָם׃", 9.6. "שֹׁפֵךְ דַּם הָאָדָם בָּאָדָם דָּמוֹ יִשָּׁפֵךְ כִּי בְּצֶלֶם אֱלֹהִים עָשָׂה אֶת־הָאָדָם׃", 9.7. "וְאַתֶּם פְּרוּ וּרְבוּ שִׁרְצוּ בָאָרֶץ וּרְבוּ־בָהּ׃", 10.2. "אֵלֶּה בְנֵי־חָם לְמִשְׁפְּחֹתָם לִלְשֹׁנֹתָם בְּאַרְצֹתָם בְּגוֹיֵהֶם׃", 10.2. "בְּנֵי יֶפֶת גֹּמֶר וּמָגוֹג וּמָדַי וְיָוָן וְתֻבָל וּמֶשֶׁךְ וְתִירָס׃", 9.4. "Only flesh with the life thereof, which is the blood thereof, shall ye not eat.", 9.5. "And surely your blood of your lives will I require; at the hand of every beast will I require it; and at the hand of man, even at the hand of every man’s brother, will I require the life of man.", 9.6. "Whoso sheddeth man’s blood, by man shall his blood be shed; for in the image of God made He man.", 9.7. "And you, be ye fruitful, and multiply; swarm in the earth, and multiply therein.’ .", 10.2. "The sons of Japheth: Gomer, and Magog, and Madai, and Javan, and Tubal, and Meshech, and Tiras.",
2. Hebrew Bible, Leviticus, 10.9, 21.22-21.23, 22.19, 24.5-24.9, 24.14 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 31, 271
10.9. "יַיִן וְשֵׁכָר אַל־תֵּשְׁתְּ אַתָּה וּבָנֶיךָ אִתָּךְ בְּבֹאֲכֶם אֶל־אֹהֶל מוֹעֵד וְלֹא תָמֻתוּ חֻקַּת עוֹלָם לְדֹרֹתֵיכֶם׃", 21.22. "לֶחֶם אֱלֹהָיו מִקָּדְשֵׁי הַקֳּדָשִׁים וּמִן־הַקֳּדָשִׁים יֹאכֵל׃", 21.23. "אַךְ אֶל־הַפָּרֹכֶת לֹא יָבֹא וְאֶל־הַמִּזְבֵּחַ לֹא יִגַּשׁ כִּי־מוּם בּוֹ וְלֹא יְחַלֵּל אֶת־מִקְדָּשַׁי כִּי אֲנִי יְהוָה מְקַדְּשָׁם׃", 22.19. "לִרְצֹנְכֶם תָּמִים זָכָר בַּבָּקָר בַּכְּשָׂבִים וּבָעִזִּים׃", 24.5. "וְלָקַחְתָּ סֹלֶת וְאָפִיתָ אֹתָהּ שְׁתֵּים עֶשְׂרֵה חַלּוֹת שְׁנֵי עֶשְׂרֹנִים יִהְיֶה הַחַלָּה הָאֶחָת׃", 24.6. "וְשַׂמְתָּ אוֹתָם שְׁתַּיִם מַעֲרָכוֹת שֵׁשׁ הַמַּעֲרָכֶת עַל הַשֻּׁלְחָן הַטָּהֹר לִפְנֵי יְהוָה׃", 24.7. "וְנָתַתָּ עַל־הַמַּעֲרֶכֶת לְבֹנָה זַכָּה וְהָיְתָה לַלֶּחֶם לְאַזְכָּרָה אִשֶּׁה לַיהוָה׃", 24.8. "בְּיוֹם הַשַּׁבָּת בְּיוֹם הַשַּׁבָּת יַעַרְכֶנּוּ לִפְנֵי יְהוָה תָּמִיד מֵאֵת בְּנֵי־יִשְׂרָאֵל בְּרִית עוֹלָם׃", 24.9. "וְהָיְתָה לְאַהֲרֹן וּלְבָנָיו וַאֲכָלֻהוּ בְּמָקוֹם קָדֹשׁ כִּי קֹדֶשׁ קָדָשִׁים הוּא לוֹ מֵאִשֵּׁי יְהוָה חָק־עוֹלָם׃", 24.14. "הוֹצֵא אֶת־הַמְקַלֵּל אֶל־מִחוּץ לַמַּחֲנֶה וְסָמְכוּ כָל־הַשֹּׁמְעִים אֶת־יְדֵיהֶם עַל־רֹאשׁוֹ וְרָגְמוּ אֹתוֹ כָּל־הָעֵדָה׃", 10.9. "’Drink no wine nor strong drink, thou, nor thy sons with thee, when ye go into the tent of meeting, that ye die not; it shall be a statute forever throughout your generations.", 21.22. "He may eat the bread of his God, both of the most holy, and of the holy.", 21.23. "Only he shall not go in unto the veil, nor come nigh unto the altar, because he hath a blemish; that he profane not My holy places; for I am the LORD who sanctify them.", 22.19. "that ye may be accepted, ye shall offer a male without blemish, of the beeves, of the sheep, or of the goats.", 24.5. "And thou shalt take fine flour, and bake twelve cakes thereof: two tenth parts of an ephah shall be in one cake.", 24.6. "And thou shalt set them in two rows, six in a row, upon the pure table before the LORD.", 24.7. "And thou shalt put pure frankincense with each row, that it may be to the bread for a memorial-part, even an offering made by fire unto the LORD.", 24.8. "Every sabbath day he shall set it in order before the LORD continually; it is from the children of Israel, an everlasting covet.", 24.9. "And it shall be for Aaron and his sons; and they shall eat it in a holy place; for it is most holy unto him of the offerings of the LORD made by fire, a perpetual due.’", 24.14. "’Bring forth him that hath cursed without the camp; and let all that heard him lay their hands upon his head, and let all the congregation stone him.",
3. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 28.2, 35.30-35.34 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 31, 271
28.2. "וּמִנְחָתָם סֹלֶת בְּלוּלָה בַשָּׁמֶן שְׁלֹשָׁה עֶשְׂרֹנִים לַפָּר וּשְׁנֵי עֶשְׂרֹנִים לָאַיִל תַּעֲשׂוּ׃", 28.2. "צַו אֶת־בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל וְאָמַרְתָּ אֲלֵהֶם אֶת־קָרְבָּנִי לַחְמִי לְאִשַּׁי רֵיחַ נִיחֹחִי תִּשְׁמְרוּ לְהַקְרִיב לִי בְּמוֹעֲדוֹ׃", 35.31. "וְלֹא־תִקְחוּ כֹפֶר לְנֶפֶשׁ רֹצֵחַ אֲשֶׁר־הוּא רָשָׁע לָמוּת כִּי־מוֹת יוּמָת׃", 35.32. "וְלֹא־תִקְחוּ כֹפֶר לָנוּס אֶל־עִיר מִקְלָטוֹ לָשׁוּב לָשֶׁבֶת בָּאָרֶץ עַד־מוֹת הַכֹּהֵן׃", 35.33. "וְלֹא־תַחֲנִיפוּ אֶת־הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר אַתֶּם בָּהּ כִּי הַדָּם הוּא יַחֲנִיף אֶת־הָאָרֶץ וְלָאָרֶץ לֹא־יְכֻפַּר לַדָּם אֲשֶׁר שֻׁפַּךְ־בָּהּ כִּי־אִם בְּדַם שֹׁפְכוֹ׃", 35.34. "וְלֹא תְטַמֵּא אֶת־הָאָרֶץ אֲשֶׁר אַתֶּם יֹשְׁבִים בָּהּ אֲשֶׁר אֲנִי שֹׁכֵן בְּתוֹכָהּ כִּי אֲנִי יְהוָה שֹׁכֵן בְּתוֹךְ בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל׃", 28.2. "Command the children of Israel, and say unto them: My food which is presented unto Me for offerings made by fire, of a sweet savour unto Me, shall ye observe to offer unto Me in its due season.", 35.30. "Whoso killeth any person, the murderer shall be slain at the mouth of witnesses; but one witness shall not testify against any person that he die.", 35.31. "Moreover ye shall take no ransom for the life of a murderer, that is guilty of death; but he shall surely be put to death.", 35.32. "And ye shall take no ransom for him that is fled to his city of refuge, that he should come again to dwell in the land, until the death of the priest.", 35.33. "So ye shall not pollute the land wherein ye are; for blood, it polluteth the land; and no expiation can be made for the land for the blood that is shed therein, but by the blood of him that shed it.", 35.34. "And thou shalt not defile the land which ye inhabit, in the midst of which I dwell; for I the LORD dwell in the midst of the children of Israel.’",
4. Hebrew Bible, Exodus, 19.12, 19.22, 25.23-25.30, 28.43, 30.20 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 31, 271
19.12. "וְהִגְבַּלְתָּ אֶת־הָעָם סָבִיב לֵאמֹר הִשָּׁמְרוּ לָכֶם עֲלוֹת בָּהָר וּנְגֹעַ בְּקָצֵהוּ כָּל־הַנֹּגֵעַ בָּהָר מוֹת יוּמָת׃", 19.22. "וְגַם הַכֹּהֲנִים הַנִּגָּשִׁים אֶל־יְהוָה יִתְקַדָּשׁוּ פֶּן־יִפְרֹץ בָּהֶם יְהוָה׃", 25.23. "וְעָשִׂיתָ שֻׁלְחָן עֲצֵי שִׁטִּים אַמָּתַיִם אָרְכּוֹ וְאַמָּה רָחְבּוֹ וְאַמָּה וָחֵצִי קֹמָתוֹ׃", 25.24. "וְצִפִּיתָ אֹתוֹ זָהָב טָהוֹר וְעָשִׂיתָ לּוֹ זֵר זָהָב סָבִיב׃", 25.25. "וְעָשִׂיתָ לּוֹ מִסְגֶּרֶת טֹפַח סָבִיב וְעָשִׂיתָ זֵר־זָהָב לְמִסְגַּרְתּוֹ סָבִיב׃", 25.26. "וְעָשִׂיתָ לּוֹ אַרְבַּע טַבְּעֹת זָהָב וְנָתַתָּ אֶת־הַטַּבָּעֹת עַל אַרְבַּע הַפֵּאֹת אֲשֶׁר לְאַרְבַּע רַגְלָיו׃", 25.27. "לְעֻמַּת הַמִּסְגֶּרֶת תִּהְיֶיןָ הַטַּבָּעֹת לְבָתִּים לְבַדִּים לָשֵׂאת אֶת־הַשֻּׁלְחָן׃", 25.28. "וְעָשִׂיתָ אֶת־הַבַּדִּים עֲצֵי שִׁטִּים וְצִפִּיתָ אֹתָם זָהָב וְנִשָּׂא־בָם אֶת־הַשֻּׁלְחָן׃", 25.29. "וְעָשִׂיתָ קְּעָרֹתָיו וְכַפֹּתָיו וּקְשׂוֹתָיו וּמְנַקִּיֹּתָיו אֲשֶׁר יֻסַּךְ בָּהֵן זָהָב טָהוֹר תַּעֲשֶׂה אֹתָם׃", 28.43. "וְהָיוּ עַל־אַהֲרֹן וְעַל־בָּנָיו בְּבֹאָם אֶל־אֹהֶל מוֹעֵד אוֹ בְגִשְׁתָּם אֶל־הַמִּזְבֵּחַ לְשָׁרֵת בַּקֹּדֶשׁ וְלֹא־יִשְׂאוּ עָוֺן וָמֵתוּ חֻקַּת עוֹלָם לוֹ וּלְזַרְעוֹ אַחֲרָיו׃", 19.12. "And thou shalt set bounds unto the people round about, saying: Take heed to yourselves, that ye go not up into the mount, or touch the border of it; whosoever toucheth the mount shall be surely put to death;", 19.22. "And let the priests also, that come near to the LORD, sanctify themselves, lest the LORD break forth upon them.’", 25.23. "And thou shalt make a table of acacia-wood: two cubits shall be the length thereof, and a cubit the breadth thereof, and a cubit and a half the height thereof.", 25.24. "And thou shalt overlay it with pure gold, and make thereto a crown of gold round about.", 25.25. "And thou shalt make unto it a border of a handbreadth round about, and thou shalt make a golden crown to the border thereof round about.", 25.26. "And thou shalt make for it four rings of gold, and put the rings in the four corners that are on the four feet thereof.", 25.27. "Close by the border shall the rings be, for places for the staves to bear the table.", 25.28. "And thou shalt make the staves of acacia-wood, and overlay them with gold, that the table may be borne with them.", 25.29. "And thou shalt make the dishes thereof, and the pans thereof, and the jars thereof, and the bowls thereof, wherewith to pour out; of pure gold shalt thou make them.", 25.30. "And thou shalt set upon the table showbread before Me always.", 28.43. "And they shall be upon Aaron, and upon his sons, when they go in unto the tent of meeting, or when they come near unto the altar to minister in the holy place; that they bear not iniquity, and die; it shall be a statute for ever unto him and unto his seed after him.", 30.20. "when they go into the tent of meeting, they shall wash with water, that they die not; or when they come near to the altar to minister, to cause an offering made by fire to smoke unto the LORD;",
5. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 21.22 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 271
21.22. "וְכִי־יִהְיֶה בְאִישׁ חֵטְא מִשְׁפַּט־מָוֶת וְהוּמָת וְתָלִיתָ אֹתוֹ עַל־עֵץ׃", 21.22. "And if a man have committed a sin worthy of death, and he be put to death, and thou hang him on a tree;",
6. Hesiod, Works And Days, 122-142, 153-155, 166-170, 537-541, 694-698, 775-776, 171 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 596
171. In death. Lord Zeus arranged it that they might
7. Hesiod, Fragments, 164 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 321
8. Homer, Odyssey, 2.68-2.69, 2.406, 3.4-3.66, 3.371-3.379, 3.430-3.474, 4.563-4.569, 4.805, 5.122, 7.767, 8.98, 8.266-8.366, 8.492-8.493, 9.231-9.232, 9.551-9.555, 11.565-11.627, 12.353, 12.356-12.365, 13.184-13.187, 14.73-14.74, 14.158-14.159, 14.434-14.437, 14.446, 16.479, 17.155-17.156, 17.382-17.385, 19.295-19.398, 19.425, 20.230-20.231, 23.281-23.284 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter •burkert, w. Found in books: Alexiou and Cairns (2017), Greek Laughter and Tears: Antiquity and After. 44, 50; Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 276; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 14, 379, 472; Finkelberg (2019), Homer and Early Greek Epic: Collected Essays, 115, 227; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 337; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 15, 17, 18, 20, 28, 60, 81, 82, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 151, 185, 278, 321; Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 367, 396; Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 153; Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 596
9. Homeric Hymns, To Demeter, 235-242, 260-263, 480, 482, 481 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 270
481. Rhodope, Plouto, Calypso the Fair,
10. Homeric Hymns, To Hermes, None (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter •burkert, walter, on olympia Found in books: Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 181, 184, 189
11. Homer, Iliad, 1.438-1.474, 1.602, 2.100-2.109, 2.203-2.206, 2.402-2.433, 3.3, 3.278-3.279, 4.48, 5.170-5.171, 6.138, 6.270, 6.301-6.310, 7.320, 9.534-9.536, 12.30, 15.233, 16.249-16.252, 16.430-16.434, 16.806-16.815, 16.849-16.850, 17.51-17.60, 18.117-18.119, 19.251, 19.259-19.260, 20.4-20.6, 22.157, 23.56, 24.69 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. •burkert, walter Found in books: Alexiou and Cairns (2017), Greek Laughter and Tears: Antiquity and After. 50; Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 166, 276; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 378; Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 229; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 92; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 21, 337; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 28, 36, 91, 151, 181, 185, 321; Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 596
1.438. / Then they cast out the mooring-stones and made fast the stern cables, and themselves went forth upon the shore of the sea. They brought forth the hecatomb for Apollo, who strikes from afar, and forth stepped also the daughter of Chryses from the sea-faring ship. Her then did Odysseus of many wiles lead to the altar, 1.439. / Then they cast out the mooring-stones and made fast the stern cables, and themselves went forth upon the shore of the sea. They brought forth the hecatomb for Apollo, who strikes from afar, and forth stepped also the daughter of Chryses from the sea-faring ship. Her then did Odysseus of many wiles lead to the altar, 1.440. / and place in the arms of her dear father, saying to him:Chryses, Agamemnon, king of men, sent me forth to bring to you your daughter, and to offer to Phoebus a holy hecatomb on the Danaans' behalf, that therewith we may propitiate the lord, who has now brought upon the Argives woeful lamentation. 1.441. / and place in the arms of her dear father, saying to him:Chryses, Agamemnon, king of men, sent me forth to bring to you your daughter, and to offer to Phoebus a holy hecatomb on the Danaans' behalf, that therewith we may propitiate the lord, who has now brought upon the Argives woeful lamentation. 1.442. / and place in the arms of her dear father, saying to him:Chryses, Agamemnon, king of men, sent me forth to bring to you your daughter, and to offer to Phoebus a holy hecatomb on the Danaans' behalf, that therewith we may propitiate the lord, who has now brought upon the Argives woeful lamentation. 1.443. / and place in the arms of her dear father, saying to him:Chryses, Agamemnon, king of men, sent me forth to bring to you your daughter, and to offer to Phoebus a holy hecatomb on the Danaans' behalf, that therewith we may propitiate the lord, who has now brought upon the Argives woeful lamentation. 1.444. / and place in the arms of her dear father, saying to him:Chryses, Agamemnon, king of men, sent me forth to bring to you your daughter, and to offer to Phoebus a holy hecatomb on the Danaans' behalf, that therewith we may propitiate the lord, who has now brought upon the Argives woeful lamentation. 1.445. / So saying he placed her in his arms, and he joyfully took his dear child; but they made haste to set in array for the god the holy hecatomb around the well-built altar, and then they washed their hands and took up the barley grains. Then Chryses lifted up his hands, and prayed aloud for them: 1.446. / So saying he placed her in his arms, and he joyfully took his dear child; but they made haste to set in array for the god the holy hecatomb around the well-built altar, and then they washed their hands and took up the barley grains. Then Chryses lifted up his hands, and prayed aloud for them: 1.447. / So saying he placed her in his arms, and he joyfully took his dear child; but they made haste to set in array for the god the holy hecatomb around the well-built altar, and then they washed their hands and took up the barley grains. Then Chryses lifted up his hands, and prayed aloud for them: 1.448. / So saying he placed her in his arms, and he joyfully took his dear child; but they made haste to set in array for the god the holy hecatomb around the well-built altar, and then they washed their hands and took up the barley grains. Then Chryses lifted up his hands, and prayed aloud for them: 1.449. / So saying he placed her in his arms, and he joyfully took his dear child; but they made haste to set in array for the god the holy hecatomb around the well-built altar, and then they washed their hands and took up the barley grains. Then Chryses lifted up his hands, and prayed aloud for them: 1.450. / Hear me, god of the silver bow, who stands over Chryse and holy Cilla, and rules mightily over Tenedos. As before you heard me when I prayed—to me you did honour, and mightily smote the host of the Achaeans—even so now fulfill me this my desire: 1.451. / Hear me, god of the silver bow, who stands over Chryse and holy Cilla, and rules mightily over Tenedos. As before you heard me when I prayed—to me you did honour, and mightily smote the host of the Achaeans—even so now fulfill me this my desire: 1.452. / Hear me, god of the silver bow, who stands over Chryse and holy Cilla, and rules mightily over Tenedos. As before you heard me when I prayed—to me you did honour, and mightily smote the host of the Achaeans—even so now fulfill me this my desire: 1.453. / Hear me, god of the silver bow, who stands over Chryse and holy Cilla, and rules mightily over Tenedos. As before you heard me when I prayed—to me you did honour, and mightily smote the host of the Achaeans—even so now fulfill me this my desire: 1.454. / Hear me, god of the silver bow, who stands over Chryse and holy Cilla, and rules mightily over Tenedos. As before you heard me when I prayed—to me you did honour, and mightily smote the host of the Achaeans—even so now fulfill me this my desire: 1.455. / ward off now from the Danaans the loathly pestilence. 1.456. / ward off now from the Danaans the loathly pestilence. 1.457. / ward off now from the Danaans the loathly pestilence. 1.458. / ward off now from the Danaans the loathly pestilence. 1.459. / ward off now from the Danaans the loathly pestilence. So he spoke in prayer, and Phoebus Apollo heard him. Then, when they had prayed, and had sprinkled the barley grains, they first drew back the victims' heads, and cut their throats, and flayed them, and cut out the thighs and covered them 1.460. / with a double layer of fat, and laid raw flesh thereon. And the old man burned them on stakes of wood, and made libation over them of gleaming wine; and beside him the young men held in their hands the five-pronged forks. But when the thigh-pieces were wholly burned, and they had tasted the entrails, they cut up the rest and spitted it, 1.461. / with a double layer of fat, and laid raw flesh thereon. And the old man burned them on stakes of wood, and made libation over them of gleaming wine; and beside him the young men held in their hands the five-pronged forks. But when the thigh-pieces were wholly burned, and they had tasted the entrails, they cut up the rest and spitted it, 1.462. / with a double layer of fat, and laid raw flesh thereon. And the old man burned them on stakes of wood, and made libation over them of gleaming wine; and beside him the young men held in their hands the five-pronged forks. But when the thigh-pieces were wholly burned, and they had tasted the entrails, they cut up the rest and spitted it, 1.463. / with a double layer of fat, and laid raw flesh thereon. And the old man burned them on stakes of wood, and made libation over them of gleaming wine; and beside him the young men held in their hands the five-pronged forks. But when the thigh-pieces were wholly burned, and they had tasted the entrails, they cut up the rest and spitted it, 1.464. / with a double layer of fat, and laid raw flesh thereon. And the old man burned them on stakes of wood, and made libation over them of gleaming wine; and beside him the young men held in their hands the five-pronged forks. But when the thigh-pieces were wholly burned, and they had tasted the entrails, they cut up the rest and spitted it, 1.465. / and roasted it carefully, and drew all off the spits. Then, when they had ceased from their labour and had made ready the meal, they feasted, nor did their hearts lack anything of the equal feast. But when they had put from them the desire for food and drink, the youths filled the bowls brim full of drink 1.466. / and roasted it carefully, and drew all off the spits. Then, when they had ceased from their labour and had made ready the meal, they feasted, nor did their hearts lack anything of the equal feast. But when they had put from them the desire for food and drink, the youths filled the bowls brim full of drink 1.467. / and roasted it carefully, and drew all off the spits. Then, when they had ceased from their labour and had made ready the meal, they feasted, nor did their hearts lack anything of the equal feast. But when they had put from them the desire for food and drink, the youths filled the bowls brim full of drink 1.468. / and roasted it carefully, and drew all off the spits. Then, when they had ceased from their labour and had made ready the meal, they feasted, nor did their hearts lack anything of the equal feast. But when they had put from them the desire for food and drink, the youths filled the bowls brim full of drink 1.469. / and roasted it carefully, and drew all off the spits. Then, when they had ceased from their labour and had made ready the meal, they feasted, nor did their hearts lack anything of the equal feast. But when they had put from them the desire for food and drink, the youths filled the bowls brim full of drink 1.470. / and served out to all, first pouring drops for libation into the cups. So the whole day long they sought to appease the god with song, singing the beautiful paean, the sons of the Achaeans, hymning the god who works from afar; and his heart was glad, as he heard.But when the sun set and darkness came on, 1.471. / and served out to all, first pouring drops for libation into the cups. So the whole day long they sought to appease the god with song, singing the beautiful paean, the sons of the Achaeans, hymning the god who works from afar; and his heart was glad, as he heard.But when the sun set and darkness came on, 1.472. / and served out to all, first pouring drops for libation into the cups. So the whole day long they sought to appease the god with song, singing the beautiful paean, the sons of the Achaeans, hymning the god who works from afar; and his heart was glad, as he heard.But when the sun set and darkness came on, 1.473. / and served out to all, first pouring drops for libation into the cups. So the whole day long they sought to appease the god with song, singing the beautiful paean, the sons of the Achaeans, hymning the god who works from afar; and his heart was glad, as he heard.But when the sun set and darkness came on, 1.474. / and served out to all, first pouring drops for libation into the cups. So the whole day long they sought to appease the god with song, singing the beautiful paean, the sons of the Achaeans, hymning the god who works from afar; and his heart was glad, as he heard.But when the sun set and darkness came on, 1.602. / Thus the whole day long till the setting of the sun they feasted, nor did their heart lack anything of the equal feast, nor of the beauteous lyre, that Apollo held, nor yet of the Muses, who sang, replying one to the other with sweet voices.But when the bright light of the sun was set, 2.100. / ceasing from their clamour. Then among them lord Agamemnon uprose, bearing in his hands the sceptre which Hephaestus had wrought with toil. Hephaestus gave it to king Zeus, son of Cronos, and Zeus gave it to the messenger Argeïphontes; and Hermes, the lord, gave it to Pelops, driver of horses, 2.101. / ceasing from their clamour. Then among them lord Agamemnon uprose, bearing in his hands the sceptre which Hephaestus had wrought with toil. Hephaestus gave it to king Zeus, son of Cronos, and Zeus gave it to the messenger Argeïphontes; and Hermes, the lord, gave it to Pelops, driver of horses, 2.102. / ceasing from their clamour. Then among them lord Agamemnon uprose, bearing in his hands the sceptre which Hephaestus had wrought with toil. Hephaestus gave it to king Zeus, son of Cronos, and Zeus gave it to the messenger Argeïphontes; and Hermes, the lord, gave it to Pelops, driver of horses, 2.103. / ceasing from their clamour. Then among them lord Agamemnon uprose, bearing in his hands the sceptre which Hephaestus had wrought with toil. Hephaestus gave it to king Zeus, son of Cronos, and Zeus gave it to the messenger Argeïphontes; and Hermes, the lord, gave it to Pelops, driver of horses, 2.104. / ceasing from their clamour. Then among them lord Agamemnon uprose, bearing in his hands the sceptre which Hephaestus had wrought with toil. Hephaestus gave it to king Zeus, son of Cronos, and Zeus gave it to the messenger Argeïphontes; and Hermes, the lord, gave it to Pelops, driver of horses, 2.105. / and Pelops in turn gave it to Atreus, shepherd of the host; and Atreus at his death left it to Thyestes, rich in flocks, and Thyestes again left it to Agamemnon to bear, that so he might be lord of many isles and of all Argos. 2.106. / and Pelops in turn gave it to Atreus, shepherd of the host; and Atreus at his death left it to Thyestes, rich in flocks, and Thyestes again left it to Agamemnon to bear, that so he might be lord of many isles and of all Argos. 2.107. / and Pelops in turn gave it to Atreus, shepherd of the host; and Atreus at his death left it to Thyestes, rich in flocks, and Thyestes again left it to Agamemnon to bear, that so he might be lord of many isles and of all Argos. 2.108. / and Pelops in turn gave it to Atreus, shepherd of the host; and Atreus at his death left it to Thyestes, rich in flocks, and Thyestes again left it to Agamemnon to bear, that so he might be lord of many isles and of all Argos. 2.109. / and Pelops in turn gave it to Atreus, shepherd of the host; and Atreus at his death left it to Thyestes, rich in flocks, and Thyestes again left it to Agamemnon to bear, that so he might be lord of many isles and of all Argos. Thereon he leaned, and spake his word among the Argives: 2.203. / Fellow, sit thou still, and hearken to the words of others that are better men than thou; whereas thou art unwarlike and a weakling, neither to be counted in war nor in counsel. In no wise shall we Achaeans all be kings here. No good thing is a multitude of lords; let there be one lord, 2.204. / Fellow, sit thou still, and hearken to the words of others that are better men than thou; whereas thou art unwarlike and a weakling, neither to be counted in war nor in counsel. In no wise shall we Achaeans all be kings here. No good thing is a multitude of lords; let there be one lord, 2.205. / one king, to whom the son of crooked-counselling Cronos hath vouchsafed the sceptre and judgments, that he may take counsel for his people. Thus masterfully did he range through the host, and they hasted back to the place of gathering from their ships and huts with noise, as when a wave of the loud-resounding sea 2.206. / one king, to whom the son of crooked-counselling Cronos hath vouchsafed the sceptre and judgments, that he may take counsel for his people. Thus masterfully did he range through the host, and they hasted back to the place of gathering from their ships and huts with noise, as when a wave of the loud-resounding sea 2.402. / And they made sacrifice one to one of the gods that are for ever, and one to another, with the prayer that they might escape from death and the toil of war. But Agamemnon, king of men, slew a fat bull of five years to the son of Cronos, supreme in might, and let call the elders, the chieftains of the Achaean host, 2.403. / And they made sacrifice one to one of the gods that are for ever, and one to another, with the prayer that they might escape from death and the toil of war. But Agamemnon, king of men, slew a fat bull of five years to the son of Cronos, supreme in might, and let call the elders, the chieftains of the Achaean host, 2.404. / And they made sacrifice one to one of the gods that are for ever, and one to another, with the prayer that they might escape from death and the toil of war. But Agamemnon, king of men, slew a fat bull of five years to the son of Cronos, supreme in might, and let call the elders, the chieftains of the Achaean host, 2.405. / Nestor, first of all, and king Idomeneus, and thereafter the twain Aiantes and the son of Tydeus, and as the sixth Odysseus, the peer of Zeus in counsel. And unbidden came to him Menelaus, good at the war-cry, for he knew in his heart wherewith his brother was busied. 2.406. / Nestor, first of all, and king Idomeneus, and thereafter the twain Aiantes and the son of Tydeus, and as the sixth Odysseus, the peer of Zeus in counsel. And unbidden came to him Menelaus, good at the war-cry, for he knew in his heart wherewith his brother was busied. 2.407. / Nestor, first of all, and king Idomeneus, and thereafter the twain Aiantes and the son of Tydeus, and as the sixth Odysseus, the peer of Zeus in counsel. And unbidden came to him Menelaus, good at the war-cry, for he knew in his heart wherewith his brother was busied. 2.408. / Nestor, first of all, and king Idomeneus, and thereafter the twain Aiantes and the son of Tydeus, and as the sixth Odysseus, the peer of Zeus in counsel. And unbidden came to him Menelaus, good at the war-cry, for he knew in his heart wherewith his brother was busied. 2.409. / Nestor, first of all, and king Idomeneus, and thereafter the twain Aiantes and the son of Tydeus, and as the sixth Odysseus, the peer of Zeus in counsel. And unbidden came to him Menelaus, good at the war-cry, for he knew in his heart wherewith his brother was busied. 2.410. / About the bull they stood and took up the barley grains, and in prayer lord Agamemnon spake among them, saying.Zeus, most glorious, most great, lord of the dark clouds, that dwellest in the heaven, grant that the sun set not, neither darkness come upon us, until I have cast down in headlong ruin the hall of Priam, blackened with smoke, 2.411. / About the bull they stood and took up the barley grains, and in prayer lord Agamemnon spake among them, saying.Zeus, most glorious, most great, lord of the dark clouds, that dwellest in the heaven, grant that the sun set not, neither darkness come upon us, until I have cast down in headlong ruin the hall of Priam, blackened with smoke, 2.412. / About the bull they stood and took up the barley grains, and in prayer lord Agamemnon spake among them, saying.Zeus, most glorious, most great, lord of the dark clouds, that dwellest in the heaven, grant that the sun set not, neither darkness come upon us, until I have cast down in headlong ruin the hall of Priam, blackened with smoke, 2.413. / About the bull they stood and took up the barley grains, and in prayer lord Agamemnon spake among them, saying.Zeus, most glorious, most great, lord of the dark clouds, that dwellest in the heaven, grant that the sun set not, neither darkness come upon us, until I have cast down in headlong ruin the hall of Priam, blackened with smoke, 2.414. / About the bull they stood and took up the barley grains, and in prayer lord Agamemnon spake among them, saying.Zeus, most glorious, most great, lord of the dark clouds, that dwellest in the heaven, grant that the sun set not, neither darkness come upon us, until I have cast down in headlong ruin the hall of Priam, blackened with smoke, 2.415. / and have burned with consuming fire the portals thereof, and cloven about the breast of Hector his tunic, rent with the bronze; and in throngs may his comrades round about him fall headlong in the dust, and bite the earth. 2.416. / and have burned with consuming fire the portals thereof, and cloven about the breast of Hector his tunic, rent with the bronze; and in throngs may his comrades round about him fall headlong in the dust, and bite the earth. 2.417. / and have burned with consuming fire the portals thereof, and cloven about the breast of Hector his tunic, rent with the bronze; and in throngs may his comrades round about him fall headlong in the dust, and bite the earth. 2.418. / and have burned with consuming fire the portals thereof, and cloven about the breast of Hector his tunic, rent with the bronze; and in throngs may his comrades round about him fall headlong in the dust, and bite the earth. 2.419. / and have burned with consuming fire the portals thereof, and cloven about the breast of Hector his tunic, rent with the bronze; and in throngs may his comrades round about him fall headlong in the dust, and bite the earth. So spake he; but not as yet would the son of Cronos grant him fulfillment; 2.420. / nay, he accepted the sacrifice, but toil he made to wax unceasingly. Then, when they had prayed and had sprinkled the barley grains, they first drew back the victims' heads and cut their throats, and flayed them; and they cut out the thigh-pieces and covered them with a double layer of fat, and laid raw flesh thereon. 2.421. / nay, he accepted the sacrifice, but toil he made to wax unceasingly. Then, when they had prayed and had sprinkled the barley grains, they first drew back the victims' heads and cut their throats, and flayed them; and they cut out the thigh-pieces and covered them with a double layer of fat, and laid raw flesh thereon. 2.422. / nay, he accepted the sacrifice, but toil he made to wax unceasingly. Then, when they had prayed and had sprinkled the barley grains, they first drew back the victims' heads and cut their throats, and flayed them; and they cut out the thigh-pieces and covered them with a double layer of fat, and laid raw flesh thereon. 2.423. / nay, he accepted the sacrifice, but toil he made to wax unceasingly. Then, when they had prayed and had sprinkled the barley grains, they first drew back the victims' heads and cut their throats, and flayed them; and they cut out the thigh-pieces and covered them with a double layer of fat, and laid raw flesh thereon. 2.424. / nay, he accepted the sacrifice, but toil he made to wax unceasingly. Then, when they had prayed and had sprinkled the barley grains, they first drew back the victims' heads and cut their throats, and flayed them; and they cut out the thigh-pieces and covered them with a double layer of fat, and laid raw flesh thereon. 2.425. / These they burned on billets of wood stripped of leaves, and the inner parts they pierced with spits, and held them over the flame of Hephaestus. But when the thigh-pieces were wholly burned and they had tasted of the inner parts, they cut up the rest and spitted it, and roasted it carefully, and drew all off the spits. 2.426. / These they burned on billets of wood stripped of leaves, and the inner parts they pierced with spits, and held them over the flame of Hephaestus. But when the thigh-pieces were wholly burned and they had tasted of the inner parts, they cut up the rest and spitted it, and roasted it carefully, and drew all off the spits. 2.427. / These they burned on billets of wood stripped of leaves, and the inner parts they pierced with spits, and held them over the flame of Hephaestus. But when the thigh-pieces were wholly burned and they had tasted of the inner parts, they cut up the rest and spitted it, and roasted it carefully, and drew all off the spits. 2.428. / These they burned on billets of wood stripped of leaves, and the inner parts they pierced with spits, and held them over the flame of Hephaestus. But when the thigh-pieces were wholly burned and they had tasted of the inner parts, they cut up the rest and spitted it, and roasted it carefully, and drew all off the spits. 2.429. / These they burned on billets of wood stripped of leaves, and the inner parts they pierced with spits, and held them over the flame of Hephaestus. But when the thigh-pieces were wholly burned and they had tasted of the inner parts, they cut up the rest and spitted it, and roasted it carefully, and drew all off the spits. 2.430. / Then, when they had ceased from their labour and had made ready the meal, they feasted, nor did their hearts lack aught of the equal feast. But when they had put from them the desire of food and drink, among them the horseman, Nestor of Gerenia, was first to speak, saying:Most glorious son of Atreus, Agamemnon, king of men, 2.431. / Then, when they had ceased from their labour and had made ready the meal, they feasted, nor did their hearts lack aught of the equal feast. But when they had put from them the desire of food and drink, among them the horseman, Nestor of Gerenia, was first to speak, saying:Most glorious son of Atreus, Agamemnon, king of men, 2.432. / Then, when they had ceased from their labour and had made ready the meal, they feasted, nor did their hearts lack aught of the equal feast. But when they had put from them the desire of food and drink, among them the horseman, Nestor of Gerenia, was first to speak, saying:Most glorious son of Atreus, Agamemnon, king of men, 2.433. / Then, when they had ceased from their labour and had made ready the meal, they feasted, nor did their hearts lack aught of the equal feast. But when they had put from them the desire of food and drink, among them the horseman, Nestor of Gerenia, was first to speak, saying:Most glorious son of Atreus, Agamemnon, king of men, 3.3. / Now when they were marshalled, the several companies with their captains, the Trojans came on with clamour and with a cry like birds, even as the clamour of cranes ariseth before the face of heaven, when they flee from wintry storms and measureless rain, 3.278. / Then in their midst Agamemnon lifted up his hands and prayed aloud:Father Zeus, that rulest from Ida, most glorious, most great, and thou Sun, that beholdest all things and hearest all things, and ye rivers and thou earth, and ye that in the world below take vengeance on men that are done with life, whosoever hath sworn a false oath; 3.279. / Then in their midst Agamemnon lifted up his hands and prayed aloud:Father Zeus, that rulest from Ida, most glorious, most great, and thou Sun, that beholdest all things and hearest all things, and ye rivers and thou earth, and ye that in the world below take vengeance on men that are done with life, whosoever hath sworn a false oath; 4.48. / wherein men that dwell upon the face of the earth have their abodes, of these sacred Ilios was most honoured of my heart, and Priam and the people of Priam, with goodly spear of ash. For never at any time was mine altar in lack of the equal feast, the drink-offering, and the savour of burnt-offering, even the worship that is our due. 5.170. / and took his stand before his face, and spake to him, saying:Pandarus, where now are thy bow and thy winged arrows, and thy fame? Therein may no man of this land vie with thee, nor any in Lycia declare himself to be better than thou. Come now, lift up thy hands in prayer to Zeus, and let fly a shaft at this man, 5.171. / and took his stand before his face, and spake to him, saying:Pandarus, where now are thy bow and thy winged arrows, and thy fame? Therein may no man of this land vie with thee, nor any in Lycia declare himself to be better than thou. Come now, lift up thy hands in prayer to Zeus, and let fly a shaft at this man, 6.138. / But Dionysus fled, and plunged beneath the wave of the sea, and Thetis received him in her bosom, filled with dread, for mighty terror gat hold of him at the man's threatenings. Then against Lycurgus did the gods that live at ease wax wroth, and the son of Cronos made him blind; 6.270. / driver of the spoil, with burnt-offerings, when thou hast gathered together the aged wives; and the robe that seemeth to thee the fairest and amplest in thy hall, and that is dearest far to thine own self, this do thou lay upon the knees of fair-haired Athene and vow to her that thou wilt sacrifice in her temple twelve sleek heifers that have not felt the goad, 6.301. / for her had the Trojans made priestess of Athene. Then with sacred cries they all lifted up their hands to Athene; and fair-cheeked Theano took the robe and laid it upon the knees of fair-haired Athene, and with vows made prayer to the daughter of great Zeus: 6.302. / for her had the Trojans made priestess of Athene. Then with sacred cries they all lifted up their hands to Athene; and fair-cheeked Theano took the robe and laid it upon the knees of fair-haired Athene, and with vows made prayer to the daughter of great Zeus: 6.303. / for her had the Trojans made priestess of Athene. Then with sacred cries they all lifted up their hands to Athene; and fair-cheeked Theano took the robe and laid it upon the knees of fair-haired Athene, and with vows made prayer to the daughter of great Zeus: 6.304. / for her had the Trojans made priestess of Athene. Then with sacred cries they all lifted up their hands to Athene; and fair-cheeked Theano took the robe and laid it upon the knees of fair-haired Athene, and with vows made prayer to the daughter of great Zeus: 6.305. / Lady Athene, that dost guard our city, fairest among goddesses, break now the spear of Diomedes, and grant furthermore that himself may fall headlong before the Scaean gates; to the end that we may now forthwith sacrifice to thee in thy temple twelve sleek heifers that have not felt the goad, if thou wilt take pity 6.306. / Lady Athene, that dost guard our city, fairest among goddesses, break now the spear of Diomedes, and grant furthermore that himself may fall headlong before the Scaean gates; to the end that we may now forthwith sacrifice to thee in thy temple twelve sleek heifers that have not felt the goad, if thou wilt take pity 6.307. / Lady Athene, that dost guard our city, fairest among goddesses, break now the spear of Diomedes, and grant furthermore that himself may fall headlong before the Scaean gates; to the end that we may now forthwith sacrifice to thee in thy temple twelve sleek heifers that have not felt the goad, if thou wilt take pity 6.308. / Lady Athene, that dost guard our city, fairest among goddesses, break now the spear of Diomedes, and grant furthermore that himself may fall headlong before the Scaean gates; to the end that we may now forthwith sacrifice to thee in thy temple twelve sleek heifers that have not felt the goad, if thou wilt take pity 6.309. / Lady Athene, that dost guard our city, fairest among goddesses, break now the spear of Diomedes, and grant furthermore that himself may fall headlong before the Scaean gates; to the end that we may now forthwith sacrifice to thee in thy temple twelve sleek heifers that have not felt the goad, if thou wilt take pity 6.310. / on Troy and the Trojans' wives and their little children. So spake she praying, but Pallas Athene denied the prayer.Thus were these praying to the daughter of great Zeus, but Hector went his way to the palace of Alexander, the fair palace that himself had builded with the men 7.320. / they feasted, nor did their hearts lack aught of the equal feast. And unto Aias for his honour was the long chine given by the warrior son of Atreus, wide-ruling Agamemnon.But when they had put from them the desire of food and drink, first of all the old man began to weave the web of counsel for them, 9.534. / around the city of Calydon, and were slaying one another, the Aetolians defending lovely Calydon and the Curetes fain to waste it utterly in war. For upon their folk had Artemis of the golden throne sent a plague in wrath that Oeneus offered not to her the first-fruits of the harvest in his rich orchard land; 9.535. / whereas the other gods feasted on hecatombs, and it was to the daughter of great Zeus alone that he offered not, whether haply he forgat, or marked it not; and he was greatly blinded in heart. 9.536. / whereas the other gods feasted on hecatombs, and it was to the daughter of great Zeus alone that he offered not, whether haply he forgat, or marked it not; and he was greatly blinded in heart. 12.30. / and made all smooth along the strong stream of the Hellespont, and again covered the great beach with sand, when he had swept away the wall; and the rivers he turned back to flow in the channel, where aforetime they had been wont to pour their fair streams of water. 15.233. / and shake it fiercely over the Achaean warriors to affright them withal. And for thine own self, thou god that smitest afar, let glorious Hector be thy care, and for this time's space rouse in him great might, even until the Achaeans shall come in flight unto their ships and the Hellespont. From that moment will I myself contrive word and deed, 16.249. / then only rage invincible, whenso I enter the turmoil of Ares. But when away from the ships he hath driven war and the din of war, thea all-unscathed let him come back to the swift ships with all his arms, and his comrades that fight in close combat. So spake he in prayer, and Zeus, the counsellor, heard him, 16.250. / and a part the Father granted him, and a part denied. That Patroclus should thrust back the war and battle from the ships he granted; but that he should return safe from out the battle he denied.Achilles then, when he had poured libation and made prayer to father Zeus, went again into his tent, and laid the cup away in the chest, and came forth and 16.251. / and a part the Father granted him, and a part denied. That Patroclus should thrust back the war and battle from the ships he granted; but that he should return safe from out the battle he denied.Achilles then, when he had poured libation and made prayer to father Zeus, went again into his tent, and laid the cup away in the chest, and came forth and 16.252. / and a part the Father granted him, and a part denied. That Patroclus should thrust back the war and battle from the ships he granted; but that he should return safe from out the battle he denied.Achilles then, when he had poured libation and made prayer to father Zeus, went again into his tent, and laid the cup away in the chest, and came forth and 16.430. / even so with cries rushed they one against the other. And the son of crooked-counselling Cronos took pity when he saw them, and spake to Hera, his sister and his wife:Ah, woe is me, for that it is fated that Sarpedon, dearest of men to me, be slain by Patroclus, son of Menoetius! 16.431. / even so with cries rushed they one against the other. And the son of crooked-counselling Cronos took pity when he saw them, and spake to Hera, his sister and his wife:Ah, woe is me, for that it is fated that Sarpedon, dearest of men to me, be slain by Patroclus, son of Menoetius! 16.432. / even so with cries rushed they one against the other. And the son of crooked-counselling Cronos took pity when he saw them, and spake to Hera, his sister and his wife:Ah, woe is me, for that it is fated that Sarpedon, dearest of men to me, be slain by Patroclus, son of Menoetius! 16.433. / even so with cries rushed they one against the other. And the son of crooked-counselling Cronos took pity when he saw them, and spake to Hera, his sister and his wife:Ah, woe is me, for that it is fated that Sarpedon, dearest of men to me, be slain by Patroclus, son of Menoetius! 16.434. / even so with cries rushed they one against the other. And the son of crooked-counselling Cronos took pity when he saw them, and spake to Hera, his sister and his wife:Ah, woe is me, for that it is fated that Sarpedon, dearest of men to me, be slain by Patroclus, son of Menoetius! 16.806. / Then blindness seized his mind, and his glorious limbs were loosed beneath him, and he stood in a daze; and from behind him from close at hand a Dardanian smote him upon the back between the shoulders with a cast of his sharp spear, even Panthous' son, Euphorbus, that excelled all men of his years in casting the spear, and in horsemanship, and in speed of foot; and lo, twenty warriors had he already cast 16.807. / Then blindness seized his mind, and his glorious limbs were loosed beneath him, and he stood in a daze; and from behind him from close at hand a Dardanian smote him upon the back between the shoulders with a cast of his sharp spear, even Panthous' son, Euphorbus, that excelled all men of his years in casting the spear, and in horsemanship, and in speed of foot; and lo, twenty warriors had he already cast 16.808. / Then blindness seized his mind, and his glorious limbs were loosed beneath him, and he stood in a daze; and from behind him from close at hand a Dardanian smote him upon the back between the shoulders with a cast of his sharp spear, even Panthous' son, Euphorbus, that excelled all men of his years in casting the spear, and in horsemanship, and in speed of foot; and lo, twenty warriors had he already cast 16.809. / Then blindness seized his mind, and his glorious limbs were loosed beneath him, and he stood in a daze; and from behind him from close at hand a Dardanian smote him upon the back between the shoulders with a cast of his sharp spear, even Panthous' son, Euphorbus, that excelled all men of his years in casting the spear, and in horsemanship, and in speed of foot; and lo, twenty warriors had he already cast 16.810. / from their cars at his first coming with his chariot to learn his lesson of war. He it was that first hurled his spear at thee, knight Patroclus, yet subdued thee not; but he ran back again and mingled with the throng, when he had drawn forth the ashen spear from the flesh, and he abode not 16.811. / from their cars at his first coming with his chariot to learn his lesson of war. He it was that first hurled his spear at thee, knight Patroclus, yet subdued thee not; but he ran back again and mingled with the throng, when he had drawn forth the ashen spear from the flesh, and he abode not 16.812. / from their cars at his first coming with his chariot to learn his lesson of war. He it was that first hurled his spear at thee, knight Patroclus, yet subdued thee not; but he ran back again and mingled with the throng, when he had drawn forth the ashen spear from the flesh, and he abode not 16.813. / from their cars at his first coming with his chariot to learn his lesson of war. He it was that first hurled his spear at thee, knight Patroclus, yet subdued thee not; but he ran back again and mingled with the throng, when he had drawn forth the ashen spear from the flesh, and he abode not 16.814. / from their cars at his first coming with his chariot to learn his lesson of war. He it was that first hurled his spear at thee, knight Patroclus, yet subdued thee not; but he ran back again and mingled with the throng, when he had drawn forth the ashen spear from the flesh, and he abode not 16.815. / Patroclus, unarmed though he was, in the fray. But Patroclus, overcome by the stroke of the god and by the spear, drew back into the throng of his comrades, avoiding fate. 16.849. / Zeus, the son of Cronos, and Apollo, vouchsafed victory, they that subdued me full easily, for of themselves they took the harness from my shoulders. But if twenty such as thou had faced me, here would all have perished, slain by my spear. Nay, it was baneful Fate and the son of Leto that slew me, 16.850. / and of men Euphorbus, while thou art the third in my slaying. And another thing will I tell thee, and do thou lay it to heart: verily thou shalt not thyself be long in life, but even now doth death stand hard by thee, and mighty fate, that thou be slain beneath the hands of Achilles, the peerless son of Aeacus. 17.51. / And he fell with a thud, and upon him his armour clanged. In blood was his hair drenched, that was like the hair of the Graces, and his tresses that were braided with gold and silver. And as a man reareth a lusty sapling of an olive in a lonely place, where water welleth up abundantly— 17.52. / And he fell with a thud, and upon him his armour clanged. In blood was his hair drenched, that was like the hair of the Graces, and his tresses that were braided with gold and silver. And as a man reareth a lusty sapling of an olive in a lonely place, where water welleth up abundantly— 17.53. / And he fell with a thud, and upon him his armour clanged. In blood was his hair drenched, that was like the hair of the Graces, and his tresses that were braided with gold and silver. And as a man reareth a lusty sapling of an olive in a lonely place, where water welleth up abundantly— 17.54. / And he fell with a thud, and upon him his armour clanged. In blood was his hair drenched, that was like the hair of the Graces, and his tresses that were braided with gold and silver. And as a man reareth a lusty sapling of an olive in a lonely place, where water welleth up abundantly— 17.55. / a goodly sapling and a fair-growing; and the blasts of all the winds make it to quiver, and it burgeoneth out with white blossoms; but suddenly cometh the wind with a mighty tempest, and teareth it out of its trench, and layeth it low upon the earth; even in such wise did 17.56. / a goodly sapling and a fair-growing; and the blasts of all the winds make it to quiver, and it burgeoneth out with white blossoms; but suddenly cometh the wind with a mighty tempest, and teareth it out of its trench, and layeth it low upon the earth; even in such wise did 17.57. / a goodly sapling and a fair-growing; and the blasts of all the winds make it to quiver, and it burgeoneth out with white blossoms; but suddenly cometh the wind with a mighty tempest, and teareth it out of its trench, and layeth it low upon the earth; even in such wise did 17.58. / a goodly sapling and a fair-growing; and the blasts of all the winds make it to quiver, and it burgeoneth out with white blossoms; but suddenly cometh the wind with a mighty tempest, and teareth it out of its trench, and layeth it low upon the earth; even in such wise did 17.59. / a goodly sapling and a fair-growing; and the blasts of all the winds make it to quiver, and it burgeoneth out with white blossoms; but suddenly cometh the wind with a mighty tempest, and teareth it out of its trench, and layeth it low upon the earth; even in such wise did 17.60. / Menelaus, son of Atreus, slay Panthous' son, Euphorbus of the good ashen spear, and set him to spoil him of his armour. And as when a mountain-nurtured lion, trusting in his might, hath seized from amid a grazing herd the heifer that is goodliest: her neck he seizeth first in his strong jaws, and breaketh it, and thereafter devoureth the blood and all the inward parts in his fury; 18.117. / even on Hector; for my fate, I will accept it whenso Zeus willeth to bring it to pass, and the other immortal gods. For not even the mighty Heracles escaped death, albeit he was most dear to Zeus, son of Cronos, the king, but fate overcame him, and the dread wrath of Hera. 18.118. / even on Hector; for my fate, I will accept it whenso Zeus willeth to bring it to pass, and the other immortal gods. For not even the mighty Heracles escaped death, albeit he was most dear to Zeus, son of Cronos, the king, but fate overcame him, and the dread wrath of Hera. 18.119. / even on Hector; for my fate, I will accept it whenso Zeus willeth to bring it to pass, and the other immortal gods. For not even the mighty Heracles escaped death, albeit he was most dear to Zeus, son of Cronos, the king, but fate overcame him, and the dread wrath of Hera. 19.251. / rose up, and Talthybius, whose voice was like a god's, took his stand by the side of the shepherd of the people, holding a boar in his hands. And the son of Atreus drew forth with his hand the knife that ever hung beside the great sheath of his sword, and cut the firstling hairs from the boar, and lifting up his hands 19.259. / made prayer to Zeus; and all the Argives sat thereby in silence, hearkening as was meet unto the king. And he spake in prayer, with a look up to the wide heaven:Be Zeus my witness first, highest and best of gods, and Earth and Sun, and the Erinyes, that under earth 19.260. / take vengeance on men, whosoever hath sworn a false oath, that never laid I hand upon the girl Briseis either by way of a lover's embrace or anywise else, but she ever abode untouched in my huts. And if aught of this oath be false, may the gods give me woes 20.4. / 20.4. / So by the beaked ships around thee, O son of Peleus, insatiate of fight, the Achaeans arrayed them for battle; and likewise the Trojans over against them on the rising ground of the plain. But Zeus bade Themis summon the gods to the place of gathering from the 20.5. / 20.5. / So by the beaked ships around thee, O son of Peleus, insatiate of fight, the Achaeans arrayed them for battle; and likewise the Trojans over against them on the rising ground of the plain. But Zeus bade Themis summon the gods to the place of gathering from the 20.5. / brow of many-ribbed Olympus; and she sped everywhither, and bade them come to the house of Zeus. There was no river that came not, save only Oceanus, nor any nymph, of all that haunt the fair copses, the springs that feed the rivers, and the grassy meadows. 20.6. / brow of many-ribbed Olympus; and she sped everywhither, and bade them come to the house of Zeus. There was no river that came not, save only Oceanus, nor any nymph, of all that haunt the fair copses, the springs that feed the rivers, and the grassy meadows. 22.157. / where the wives and fair daughters of the Trojans were wont to wash bright raiment of old in the time of peace, before the sons of the Achaeans came. Thereby they ran, one fleeing, and one pursuing. In front a good man fled, but one mightier far pursued him swiftly; for it was not for beast of sacrifice or for bull's hide 23.56. / and speedily making ready each man his meal they supped, nor did thelr hearts lack aught of the equal feast. But when they had put from them the desire of food and drink, they went each man to his hut to take his rest; but the son of Peleus upon the shore of the loud-resounding sea 24.69. / Hera, be not thou utterly wroth against the gods; the honour of these twain shall not be as one; howbeit Hector too was dearest to the gods of all mortals that are in Ilios. So was he to me at least, for nowise failed he of acceptable gifts. For never was my altar in lack of the equal feast,
12. Hesiod, Theogony, 133-135, 192-196, 383-403, 450-491, 498-500, 707, 736-738, 746, 807-809, 811, 942, 96, 708 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 376
708. With us so long in hope this war will bring
13. Solon, Fragments, 27 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Huffman (2019), A History of Pythagoreanism, 98
14. Alcman, Poems, 66 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 337
15. Sappho, Fragments, None (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 613
16. Sappho, Fragments, None (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 613
17. Pindar, Nemean Odes, 3.22 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 384
18. Hebrew Bible, Ezekiel, 44.16 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 31
44.16. "הֵמָּה יָבֹאוּ אֶל־מִקְדָּשִׁי וְהֵמָּה יִקְרְבוּ אֶל־שֻׁלְחָנִי לְשָׁרְתֵנִי וְשָׁמְרוּ אֶת־מִשְׁמַרְתִּי׃", 44.16. "they shall enter into My sanctuary, and they shall come near to My table, to minister unto Me, and they shall keep My charge.",
19. Pindar, Olympian Odes, 2.58-2.70, 9.150, 10.45-10.46 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter •burkert, w. Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 390; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 51; Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 599
20. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 1.39 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 191
21. Heraclitus of Ephesus, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 4
22. Xenophanes, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 153
23. Aeschylus, Seven Against Thebes, 81, 700 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 17
700. εἶσι δόμων Ἐρινύς, ὅταν ἐκ χερῶν 700. leave your house, when the gods receive sacrifice from your hands? Eteocles
24. Aeschylus, Prometheus Bound, 209-210, 494-499, 493 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 22, 113
493. σπλάγχνων τε λειότητα, καὶ χροιὰν τίνα
25. Aeschylus, Persians, 219-220, 222-223, 56-57, 65-86, 221 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 36
221. σὸν πόσιν Δαρεῖον, ὅνπερ φὴς ἰδεῖν κατʼ εὐφρόνην,
26. Aeschylus, Eumenides, 10-19, 2, 20, 3-9, 1 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 337
1. πρῶτον μὲν εὐχῇ τῇδε πρεσβεύω θεῶν 1. First, in this prayer of mine, I give the place of highest honor among the gods to the first prophet, Earth; and after her to Themis, for she was the second to take this oracular seat of her mother, as legend tells.
27. Parmenides, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 352, 353
28. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 1.3.8, 1.7.18, 2.1.1, 4.2.1, 4.2.3-4.2.4 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 259, 327, 329; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 83
1297. μόρον τὸν αὑτῆς οἶσθα, πῶς θεηλάτου 1297. Thou knowest thine own fate, how comes that, like to
29. Pindar, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 599
30. Xenophanes, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 153
31. Xenophanes, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 153
32. Theognis, Elegies, 183-188, 190-192, 189 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huffman (2019), A History of Pythagoreanism, 95
33. Euripides, Phoenician Women, 1255-1258, 343-348, 662, 1259 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 176
34. Plato, Protagoras, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Graf and Johnston (2007), Ritual texts for the afterlife: Orpheus and the Bacchic Gold Tablets, 159
35. Plato, Philebus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 218
39e. γεγονότα καὶ τὸν παρόντα χρόνον ἐστίν, περὶ δὲ τὸν μέλλοντα οὐκ ἔστιν; ΠΡΩ. σφόδρα γε. ΣΩ. ἆρα σφόδρα λέγεις, ὅτι πάντʼ ἐστὶ ταῦτα ἐλπίδες εἰς τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον οὖσαι, ἡμεῖς δʼ αὖ διὰ παντὸς τοῦ βίου ἀεὶ γέμομεν ἐλπίδων; ΠΡΩ. παντάπασι μὲν οὖν. ΣΩ. ἄγε δή, πρὸς τοῖς νῦν εἰρημένοις καὶ τόδε ἀπόκριναι. ΠΡΩ. τὸ ποῖον; ΣΩ. δίκαιος ἀνὴρ καὶ εὐσεβὴς καὶ ἀγαθὸς πάντως ἆρʼ οὐ θεοφιλής ἐστιν; ΠΡΩ. τί μήν; ΣΩ. τί δέ; ἄδικός τε καὶ παντάπασι κακὸς ἆρʼ οὐ 39e. but not to the future? Pro. To the future especially. Soc. Do you say to the future especially because they are all hopes relating to the future and we are always filled with hopes all our lives? Pro. Precisely. Soc. Well, here is a further question for you to answer. Pro. What is it? Soc. A just, pious, and good man is surely a friend of the gods, is he not? Pro. Certainly. Soc. And an unjust and thoroughly bad man
36. Creophylus Ephesius, Fragments, 5.839.1-5.839.2 (5th cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 9
37. Plato, Phaedrus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 218
38. Philolaus of Croton, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 260, 274
39. Hebrew Bible, 1 Chronicles, 1.5 (5th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 93
1.5. "וַיָּמָת בַּעַל חָנָן וַיִּמְלֹךְ תַּחְתָּיו הֲדַד וְשֵׁם עִירוֹ פָּעִי וְשֵׁם אִשְׁתּוֹ מְהֵיטַבְאֵל בַּת־מַטְרֵד בַּת מֵי זָהָב׃", 1.5. "בְּנֵי יֶפֶת גֹּמֶר וּמָגוֹג וּמָדַי וְיָוָן וְתֻבָל וּמֶשֶׁךְ וְתִירָס׃", 1.5. "The sons of Japheth: Gomer, and Magog, and Madai, and Javan, and Tubal, and Meshech, and Tiras.",
40. Plato, Phaedo, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Engberg-Pedersen (2010), Cosmology and Self in the Apostle Paul: The Material Spirit, 225
41. Plato, Parmenides, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 338
143d. ὣ δʼ ἂν ἄμφω ὀρθῶς προσαγορεύησθον, ἆρα οἷόν τε ἄμφω μὲν αὐτὼ εἶναι, δύο δὲ μή; οὐχ οἷόν τε. ὣ δʼ ἂν δύο ἦτον, ἔστι τις μηχανὴ μὴ οὐχ ἑκάτερον αὐτοῖν ἓν εἶναι; οὐδεμία. τούτων ἄρα ἐπείπερ σύνδυο ἕκαστα συμβαίνει εἶναι, καὶ ἓν ἂν εἴη ἕκαστον. φαίνεται. εἰ δὲ ἓν ἕκαστον αὐτῶν ἐστι, συντεθέντος ἑνὸς ὁποιουοῦν ᾑτινιοῦν συζυγίᾳ οὐ τρία γίγνεται τὰ πάντα; ναί. τρία δὲ οὐ περιττὰ καὶ δύο ἄρτια; πῶς δʼ οὔ; τί δέ; δυοῖν ὄντοιν οὐκ 143d. Yes. If things are correctly called both, can they be both without being two? They cannot. And if things are two, must not each of them be one? Certainly. Then since the units of these pairs are together two, each must be individually one. That is clear. But if each of them is one, by the addition of any sort of one to any pair whatsoever the total becomes three? Yes. And three is an odd number, and two is even? of course.
42. Plato, Meno, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 218
43. Plato, Lysis, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 253
214b. καὶ ποιεῖ γνώριμον· ἢ οὐκ ἐντετύχηκας τούτοις τοῖς ἔπεσιν;— ἔγωγʼ, ἔφη.—οὐκοῦν καὶ τοῖς τῶν σοφωτάτων συγγράμμασιν ἐντετύχηκας ταῦτα αὐτὰ λέγουσιν, ὅτι τὸ ὅμοιον τῷ ὁμοίῳ ἀνάγκη ἀεὶ φίλον εἶναι; εἰσὶν δέ που οὗτοι οἱ περὶ φύσεώς τε καὶ τοῦ ὅλου διαλεγόμενοι καὶ γράφοντες.— ἀληθῆ, ἔφη, λέγεις. —ἆρʼ οὖν, ἦν δʼ ἐγώ, εὖ λέγουσιν;— ἴσως, ἔφη.—ἴσως, ἦν δʼ ἐγώ, τὸ ἥμισυ αὐτοῦ, ἴσως δὲ καὶ πᾶν, ἀλλʼ ἡμεῖς οὐ συνίεμεν. δοκεῖ γὰρ ἡμῖν ὅ γε πονηρὸς 214b. and so brings them acquainted; or have you not come across these verses? Yes, I have, he replied. And you have also come across those writings of eminent sages, which tell us this very thing—that like must needs be always friend to like? I refer, of course, to those who debate or write about nature and the universe. Quite so, he said. Well now, I went on, are they right in what they say? Perhaps, he replied. Perhaps in one half of it, I said; perhaps in even the whole; only we do not comprehend it. We suppose that the nearer a wicked man
44. Plato, Letters, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 26
45. Plato, Lesser Hippias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 324
367e. ἀγαθὸς ἄλλος τις ἢ οὗτος; ΙΠ. οὐκ ἄλλος. ΣΩ. οὐκοῦν ὁ ἀγαθὸς καὶ σοφὸς γεωμέτρης δυνατώτατός γε ἀμφότερα; καὶ εἴπερ τις ἄλλος ψευδὴς περὶ διαγράμματα, οὗτος ἂν εἴη, ὁ ἀγαθός; οὗτος γὰρ δυνατός, ὁ δὲ κακὸς ἀδύνατος ἦν ψεύδεσθαι· ὥστε οὐκ ἂν γένοιτο ψευδὴς ὁ μὴ δυνάμενος ψεύδεσθαι, ὡς ὡμολόγηται. ΙΠ. ἔστι ταῦτα. ΣΩ. ἔτι τοίνυν καὶ τὸν τρίτον ἐπισκεψώμεθα, τὸν ἀστρονόμον, ἧς αὖ σὺ τέχνης ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐπιστήμων οἴει 367e. Hipp. No, no other. Soc. The good and wise geometrician, then, has the most power in both respects, has he not? And if anyone is false in respect to diagrams, it would be this man, the good geometrician? For he has the power, and the bad one was powerless, to speak falsehood; so that he who has no power to speak falsehood would not become false, as has been agreed. Hipp. That is true. Soc. Let us, then, investigate also the third man, the astronomer, whose art you think you know even better than those of the previous ones;
46. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 707
942d. ἐκ παντὸς τοῦ βίου ἁπάντων τῶν ἀνθρώπων τε καὶ τῶν ὑπʼ ἀνθρώπους θηρίων. καὶ δὴ καὶ χορείας πάσας εἰς τὰς ἀριστείας τὰς κατὰ πόλεμον βλεπούσας χορεύειν, καὶ ὅλην εὐκολίαν τε καὶ εὐχέρειαν ἐπιτηδεύειν τῶν αὐτῶν εἵνεκα, καρτερήσεις τε αὖ σίτων καὶ ποτῶν καὶ χειμώνων καὶ τῶν ἐναντίων καὶ κοίτης σκληρᾶς, καὶ τὸ μέγιστον, τὴν τῆς κεφαλῆς καὶ ποδῶν δύναμιν μὴ διαφθείρειν τῇ τῶν ἀλλοτρίων σκεπασμάτων περικαλυφῇ, τὴν τῶν οἰκείων ἀπολλύντας 942d. must be utterly removed from the lives of all mankind, and of the beasts also that are subject to man. Moreover, with a view to excellence in war, they shall dance all kinds of dances, and with the same object they shall cultivate in general suppleness and dexterity, and endurance also in the matter of foods and drinks and cold and heat and hard beds; and, what is most important, they shall accustom themselves not to spoil the natural powers of head and feet by wrapping them in coverings of alien material, and thereby ruining the production and growth
47. Plato, Ion, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 324
531e. τὸν εὖ λέγοντα; ΙΩΝ. φημί. ΣΩ. πότερον οὖν ὁ αὐτὸς ὅσπερ καὶ τοὺς κακῶς λέγοντας, ἢ ἄλλος; ΙΩΝ. ὁ αὐτὸς δήπου. ΣΩ. οὐκοῦν ὁ τὴν ἀριθμητικὴν τέχνην ἔχων οὗτός ἐστιν; ΙΩΝ. ναί. ΣΩ. τί δʼ; ὅταν πολλῶν λεγόντων περὶ ὑγιεινῶν σιτίων ὁποῖά ἐστιν, εἷς τις ἄριστα λέγῃ, πότερον ἕτερος μέν τις τὸν ἄριστα λέγοντα γνώσεται ὅτι ἄριστα λέγει, ἕτερος δὲ τὸν κάκιον ὅτι κάκιον, ἢ ὁ αὐτός; ΙΩΝ. δῆλον δήπου, ὁ αὐτός. ΣΩ. τίς οὗτος; τί ὄνομα αὐτῷ; ΙΩΝ. ἰατρός. ΣΩ. οὐκοῦν ἐν κεφαλαίῳ λέγομεν ὡς ὁ αὐτὸς γνώσεται ἀεί, περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν πολλῶν λεγόντων, 531e. Ion. I agree. Soc. And will this some one be the same as he who can distinguish the bad speakers, or different? Ion. The same, I suppose. Soc. And he will be the man who has the art of numeration? Ion. Yes. Soc. And again, when several are talking about what kinds of foods are wholesome, and one of them speaks better than the rest, will it be for two different persons to distinguish the superiority of the best speaker and the inferiority of a worse one, or for the same? Ion. Obviously, I should say, for the same. Soc. Who is he? What is his name? Ion. A doctor. Soc. And so we may state, in general terms, that the same person will always distinguish, given the same subject and several persons talking about it,
48. Plato, Greater Hippias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 218
49. Euripides, Andromache, 518 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 65
518. ψῆφος ἀναιρεῖ, παῖδα δ' ἐμὴ παῖς
50. Euripides, Electra, 171, 790-839, 748 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Seaford (2018), Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays, 339
748. φίλαι, βοῆς ἠκούσατ' — ἢ δοκὼ κενὴ
51. Euripides, Bacchae, 120, 122-134, 141, 55, 58, 78-79, 85-87, 121 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 61
121. ζάθεοί τε Κρήτας
52. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 599
53. Anon., Fragments, 1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 337
54. Plato, Sophist, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 218
55. Plato, Symposium, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Harte (2017), Rereading Ancient Philosophy: Old Chestnuts and Sacred Cows, 119
219c. δαιμονίῳ ὡς ἀληθῶς καὶ θαυμαστῷ, κατεκείμην τὴν νύκτα ὅλην. καὶ οὐδὲ ταῦτα αὖ, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἐρεῖς ὅτι ψεύδομαι. ποιήσαντος δὲ δὴ ταῦτα ἐμοῦ οὗτος τοσοῦτον περιεγένετό τε καὶ κατεφρόνησεν καὶ κατεγέλασεν τῆς ἐμῆς ὥρας καὶ ὕβρισεν—καὶ περὶ ἐκεῖνό γε ᾤμην τὶ εἶναι, ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί· δικασταὶ γάρ ἐστε τῆς Σωκράτους ὑπερηφανίας—εὖ γὰρ ἴστε μὰ θεούς, μὰ θεάς, οὐδὲν περιττότερον καταδεδαρθηκὼς 219c. wound my arms about this truly spiritual and miraculous creature; and lay thus all the night long. Here too, Socrates, you are unable to give me the lie. When I had done all this, he showed such superiority and contempt, laughing my youthful charms to scorn, and flouting the very thing on which I prided myself, gentlemen of the jury—for you are here to try Socrates for his lofty disdain: you may be sure, by gods—and goddesses—that when I arose I had in no more particular sense slept a night
56. Euripides, Suppliant Women, 155 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 113, 118, 125, 130, 132, 136, 149, 151
57. Plato, Gorgias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 218
58. Plato, Euthyphro, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Legaspi (2018), Wisdom in Classical and Biblical Tradition, 117
4b. ὀρθῶς αὐτὸ πρᾶξαι ἀλλὰ πόρρω που ἤδη σοφίας ἐλαύνοντος. ΕΥΘ. πόρρω μέντοι νὴ Δία, ὦ Σώκρατες. ΣΩ. ἔστιν δὲ δὴ τῶν οἰκείων τις ὁ τεθνεὼς ὑπὸ τοῦ σοῦ πατρός; ἢ δῆλα δή; οὐ γὰρ ἄν που ὑπέρ γε ἀλλοτρίου ἐπεξῇσθα φόνου αὐτῷ. ΕΥΘ. γελοῖον, ὦ Σώκρατες, ὅτι οἴει τι διαφέρειν εἴτε ἀλλότριος εἴτε οἰκεῖος ὁ τεθνεώς, ἀλλʼ οὐ τοῦτο μόνον δεῖν φυλάττειν, εἴτε ἐν δίκῃ ἔκτεινεν ὁ κτείνας εἴτε μή, καὶ εἰ μὲν ἐν δίκῃ, ἐᾶν, εἰ δὲ μή, ἐπεξιέναι, ἐάνπερ ὁ κτείνας συνέστιός 4b. Euthyphro. Very far, indeed, Socrates, by Zeus. Socrates. Is the one who was killed by your father a relative? But of course he was; for you would not bring a charge of murder against him on a stranger’s account. Euthyphro. It is ridiculous, Socrates, that you think it matters whether the man who was killed was a stranger or a relative, and do not see that the only thing to consider is whether the action of the slayer was justified or not, and that if it was justified one ought to let him alone, and if not, one ought to proceed against him, even if he share one’s hearth
59. Euripides, Iphigenia At Aulis, 1540-1575, 1577-1583, 1576 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 15, 20
60. Euripides, Ion, 1048-1049, 1333 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Meinel (2015), Pollution and Crisis in Greek Tragedy, 173
61. Euripides, Hippolytus, 1201-1202 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Seaford (2018), Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays, 339
62. Plato, Crito, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Legaspi (2018), Wisdom in Classical and Biblical Tradition, 143
46b. ΣΩ. ὦ φίλε Κρίτων, ἡ προθυμία σου πολλοῦ ἀξία εἰ μετά τινος ὀρθότητος εἴη· εἰ δὲ μή, ὅσῳ μείζων τοσούτῳ χαλεπωτέρα. σκοπεῖσθαι οὖν χρὴ ἡμᾶς εἴτε ταῦτα πρακτέον εἴτε μή· ὡς ἐγὼ οὐ νῦν πρῶτον ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀεὶ τοιοῦτος οἷος τῶν ἐμῶν μηδενὶ ἄλλῳ πείθεσθαι ἢ τῷ λόγῳ ὃς ἄν μοι λογιζομένῳ βέλτιστος φαίνηται. τοὺς δὴ λόγους οὓς ἐν τῷ ἔμπροσθεν ἔλεγον οὐ δύναμαι νῦν ἐκβαλεῖν, ἐπειδή μοι ἥδε ἡ τύχη γέγονεν, ἀλλὰ σχεδόν τι ὅμοιοι φαίνονταί μοι, 46b. Socrates. My dear Crito, your eagerness is worth a great deal, if it should prove to be rightly directed; but otherwise, the greater it is, the more hard to bear. So we must examine the question whether we ought to do this or not; for I am not only now but always a man who follows nothing but the reasoning which on consideration seems to me best. Aud I cannot, now that this has happened to us, discard the arguments I used to advance, but they seem to me much the same as ever,
63. Plato, Cratylus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 218
398b. ΕΡΜ. εἰκός γε. ΣΩ. οἱ δʼ ἀγαθοὶ ἄλλο τι ἢ φρόνιμοι; ΕΡΜ. φρόνιμοι. ΣΩ. τοῦτο τοίνυν παντὸς μᾶλλον λέγει, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, τοὺς δαίμονας· ὅτι φρόνιμοι καὶ δαήμονες ἦσαν, δαίμονας αὐτοὺς ὠνόμασεν· καὶ ἔν γε τῇ ἀρχαίᾳ τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ φωνῇ αὐτὸ συμβαίνει τὸ ὄνομα. λέγει οὖν καλῶς καὶ οὗτος καὶ ἄλλοι ποιηταὶ πολλοὶ ὅσοι λέγουσιν ὡς, ἐπειδάν τις ἀγαθὸς ὢν τελευτήσῃ, μεγάλην μοῖραν καὶ τιμὴν ἔχει καὶ γίγνεται 398b. Hermogenes. Quite likely. Socrates. But the good are the wise, are they not? Hermogenes. Yes, they are the wise. Socrates. This, then, I think, is what he certainly means to say of the spirits: because they were wise and knowing ( δαήμονες ) he called them spirits ( δαίμονες ) and in the old form of our language the two words are the same. Now he and all the other poets are right, who say that when a good man die
64. Euripides, Orestes, 1453 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 61
65. Plato, Charmides, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 218
66. Plato, Alcibiades I, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 151
67. Empedocles, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 253
68. Euripides, Hercules Furens, 225-226, 932-935, 937, 936 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 278
69. Andocides, Fragments, 2.15 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 229
70. Euripides, Helen, 1324 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 61
1324. ̓Ιδαιᾶν Νυμφᾶν σκοπιάς:
71. Euripides, Hecuba, 1540-1576, 1578-1583, 1577 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 15, 20
72. Plato, Timaeus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dillon and Timotin (2015), Platonic Theories of Prayer, 108
73. Plato, Theaetetus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 341
74. Plato, Apology of Socrates, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Harte (2017), Rereading Ancient Philosophy: Old Chestnuts and Sacred Cows, 119
75. Epicharmus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 454
76. Euripides, Fragments, 852.3-852.4 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 108; Seaford (2018), Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays, 339
77. Ion of Chios, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 128
78. Xenophon, The Education of Cyrus, 1.4-1.15 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Huffman (2019), A History of Pythagoreanism, 98
79. Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.4.12, 2.3.52, 2.3.55, 2.4.9, 3.3.1-3.3.4, 3.5.5, 4.2.20, 4.5.11, 5.32 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. •burkert, walter Found in books: Huffman (2019), A History of Pythagoreanism, 98; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 28, 65; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 91, 136, 181
80. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 4.3.19, 5.3.6-5.3.7, 5.4.22 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 159; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 151, 278
4.3.19. ἀλλʼ οὔπω ἐξικνοῦντο· ἐπεὶ δὲ καλὰ ἦν τὰ σφάγια, ἐπαιάνιζον πάντες οἱ στρατιῶται καὶ ἀνηλάλαζον, συνωλόλυζον δὲ καὶ αἱ γυναῖκες ἅπασαι. πολλαὶ γὰρ ἦσαν ἑταῖραι ἐν τῷ στρατεύματι. 5.3.6. τὸ δὲ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος τῆς Ἐφεσίας, ὅτʼ ἀπῄει σὺν Ἀγησιλάῳ ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας τὴν εἰς Βοιωτοὺς ὁδόν, καταλείπει παρὰ Μεγαβύζῳ τῷ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος νεωκόρῳ, ὅτι αὐτὸς κινδυνεύσων ἐδόκει ἰέναι, καὶ ἐπέστειλεν, ἢν μὲν αὐτὸς σωθῇ, αὑτῷ ἀποδοῦναι· ἢν δέ τι πάθῃ, ἀναθεῖναι ποιησάμενον τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι ὅ τι οἴοιτο χαριεῖσθαι τῇ θεῷ. 5.3.7. ἐπειδὴ δʼ ἔφευγεν ὁ Ξενοφῶν, κατοικοῦντος ἤδη αὐτοῦ ἐν Σκιλλοῦντι ὑπὸ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων οἰκισθέντος παρὰ τὴν Ὀλυμπίαν ἀφικνεῖται Μεγάβυζος εἰς Ὀλυμπίαν θεωρήσων καὶ ἀποδίδωσι τὴν παρακαταθήκην αὐτῷ. Ξενοφῶν δὲ λαβὼν χωρίον ὠνεῖται τῇ θεῷ ὅπου ἀνεῖλεν ὁ θεός. 5.4.22. ταύτην μὲν οὖν τὴν ἡμέραν οὕτως ἔμειναν· τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ θύσαντες ἐπεὶ ἐκαλλιερήσαντο, ἀριστήσαντες, ὀρθίους τοὺς λόχους ποιησάμενοι, καὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐπὶ τὸ εὐώνυμον κατὰ ταὐτὰ ταξάμενοι ἐπορεύοντο τοὺς τοξότας μεταξὺ τῶν λόχων ὀρθίων ἔχοντες, ὑπολειπομένου δὲ μικρὸν τοῦ στόματος τῶν ὁπλιτῶν. 4.3.19. but not yet reaching their mark; and when the sacrifices proved favourable, all the soldiers struck up the paean and raised the war shout, while the women, everyone of them, joined their cries with the shouting of the men—for there were a large number of women in the camp. 5.3.6. nay, since you do not care to obey me, I shall follow with you and suffer whatever I must. For I consider that you are to me both fatherland and friends and allies; with you I think I shall be honoured wherever I may be, bereft of you I do not think I shall be able either to aid a friend or to ward off a foe. Be sure, therefore, that wherever you go, I shall go also. 5.3.6. The share which belonged to Artemis of the Ephesians he left behind, at the time when he was returning from Asia with Agesilaus to take part in the campaign against Boeotia , In 394 B.C., ending in the hard-fought battle of Coronea , at which Xenophon was present. cp. Xen. Hell. 4.2.1-8 , Xen. Hell. 4.3.1-21 . in charge of Megabyzus, the sacristan of Artemis, for the reason that his own journey seemed likely to be a dangerous one; and his instructions were that in case he should escape with his life, the money was to be returned to him, but in case any ill should befall him, Megabyzus was to cause to be made and dedicated to Artemis whatever offering he thought would please the goddess. 5.3.7. Such were his words. And the soldiers—not only his own men, but the rest also—when they heard that he said he would not go on to the King’s capital, commended him; and more than two thousand of the troops under Xenias and Pasion took their arms and their baggage train and encamped with Clearchus. 5.3.7. In the time of Xenophon’s exile Which was probably due to his taking part in the expedition of Cyrus . cp. Xen. Anab. 3.1.5 . and while he was living at Scillus, near Olympia , where he had been established as a colonist by the Lacedaemonians, Megabyzus came to Olympia to attend the games and returned to him his deposit. Upon receiving it Xenophon bought a plot of ground for the goddess in a place which Apollo’s oracle appointed. 5.4.22. It was thus that the Greeks spent that day; but on the next, after obtaining favourable omens from their sacrifices, they took breakfast, formed the companies in column, and began the march, with the barbarians in the same formation posted on the left, the bowmen distributed in the spaces between the companies, and the van of the hoplites a little farther back.
81. Ion of Chios, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 128
82. Ion of Chios, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 128
83. Aristophanes, Birds, 1000-1057, 1072-1073, 693-702, 848, 850-999, 849 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 15, 18
849. τὸν ἱερέα πέμψοντα τὴν πομπὴν καλῶ.
84. Isaeus, Orations, 8.39 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 526
85. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.13.6, 2.2.1, 2.67, 3.104.2, 4.133.2-4.133.3 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 297; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 212, 258
1.13.6. καὶ Ἴωσιν ὕστερον πολὺ γίγνεται ναυτικὸν ἐπὶ Κύρου Περσῶν πρώτου βασιλεύοντος καὶ Καμβύσου τοῦ υἱέος αὐτοῦ, τῆς τε καθ’ ἑαυτοὺς θαλάσσης Κύρῳ πολεμοῦντες ἐκράτησάν τινα χρόνον. καὶ Πολυκράτης Σάμου τυραννῶν ἐπὶ Καμβύσου ναυτικῷ ἰσχύων ἄλλας τε τῶν νήσων ὑπηκόους ἐποιήσατο καὶ Ῥήνειαν ἑλὼν ἀνέθηκε τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι τῷ Δηλίῳ. Φωκαῆς τε Μασσαλίαν οἰκίζοντες Καρχηδονίους ἐνίκων ναυμαχοῦντες: 2.2.1. τέσσαρα μὲν γὰρ καὶ δέκα ἔτη ἐνέμειναν αἱ τριακοντούτεις σπονδαὶ αἳ ἐγένοντο μετ’ Εὐβοίας ἅλωσιν: τῷ δὲ πέμπτῳ καὶ δεκάτῳ ἔτει, ἐπὶ Χρυσίδος ἐν Ἄργει τότε πεντήκοντα δυοῖν δέοντα ἔτη ἱερωμένης καὶ Αἰνησίου ἐφόρου ἐν Σπάρτῃ καὶ Πυθοδώρου ἔτι δύο μῆνας ἄρχοντος Ἀθηναίοις, μετὰ τὴν ἐν Ποτειδαίᾳ μάχην μηνὶ ἕκτῳ καὶ ἅμα ἦρι ἀρχομένῳ Θηβαίων ἄνδρες ὀλίγῳ πλείους τριακοσίων ʽἡγοῦντο δὲ αὐτῶν βοιωταρχοῦντες Πυθάγγελός τε ὁ Φυλείδου καὶ Διέμπορος ὁ Ὀνητορίδοὐ ἐσῆλθον περὶ πρῶτον ὕπνον ξὺν ὅπλοις ἐς Πλάταιαν τῆς Βοιωτίας οὖσαν Ἀθηναίων ξυμμαχίδα. 3.104.2. θῆκαι ὅσαι ἦσαν τῶν τεθνεώτων ἐν Δήλῳ, πάσας ἀνεῖλον, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν προεῖπον μήτε ἐναποθνῄσκειν ἐν τῇ νήσῳ μήτε ἐντίκτειν, ἀλλ’ ἐς τὴν Ῥήνειαν διακομίζεσθαι. ἀπέχει δὲ ἡ Ῥήνεια τῆς Δήλου οὕτως ὀλίγον ὥστε Πολυκράτης ὁ Σαμίων τύραννος ἰσχύσας τινὰ χρόνον ναυτικῷ καὶ τῶν τε ἄλλων νήσων ἄρξας καὶ τὴν Ῥήνειαν ἑλὼν ἀνέθηκε τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι τῷ Δηλίῳ ἁλύσει δήσας πρὸς τὴν Δῆλον. καὶ τὴν πεντετηρίδα τότε πρῶτον μετὰ τὴν κάθαρσιν ἐποίησαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὰ Δήλια. 4.133.2. καὶ ὁ νεὼς τῆς Ἥρας τοῦ αὐτοῦ θέρους ἐν Ἄργει κατεκαύθη, Χρυσίδος τῆς ἱερείας λύχνον τινὰ θείσης ἡμμένον πρὸς τὰ στέμματα καὶ ἐπικαταδαρθούσης, ὥστε ἔλαθεν ἁφθέντα πάντα καὶ καταφλεχθέντα. 4.133.3. καὶ ἡ Χρυσὶς μὲν εὐθὺς τῆς νυκτὸς δείσασα τοὺς Ἀργείους ἐς Φλειοῦντα φεύγει: οἱ δὲ ἄλλην ἱέρειαν ἐκ τοῦ νόμου τοῦ προκειμένου κατεστήσαντο Φαεινίδα ὄνομα. ἔτη δὲ ἡ Χρυσὶς τοῦ πολέμου τοῦδε ἐπέλαβεν ὀκτὼ καὶ ἔνατον ἐκ μέσου, ὅτε ἐπεφεύγει. 1.13.6. Subsequently the Ionians attained to great naval strength in the reign of Cyrus, the first king of the Persians, and of his son Cambyses, and while they were at war with the former commanded for a while the Ionian sea. Polycrates also, the tyrant of Samos , had a powerful navy in the reign of Cambyses with which he reduced many of the islands, and among them Rhenea, which he consecrated to the Delian Apollo. About this time also the Phocaeans, while they were founding Marseilles , defeated the Carthaginians in a sea-fight. 2.2.1. The thirty years' truce which was entered into after the conquest of Euboea lasted fourteen years. In the fifteenth, in the forty-eighth year of the priestess-ship of Chrysis at Argos , in the Ephorate of Aenesias at Sparta , in the last month but two of the Archonship of Pythodorus at Athens , and six months after the battle of Potidaea , just at the beginning of spring, a Theban force a little over three hundred strong, under the command of their Boeotarchs, Pythangelus, son of Phyleides, and Diemporus, son of Onetorides, about the first watch of the night, made an armed entry into Plataea , a town of Boeotia in alliance with Athens . 3.104.2. All the sepulchres of those that had died in Delos were taken up, and for the future it was commanded that no one should be allowed either to die or to give birth to a child in the island; but that they should be carried over to Rhenea, which is so near to Delos that Polycrates, tyrant of Samos , having added Rhenea to his other island conquests during his period of naval ascendancy, dedicated it to the Delian Apollo by binding it to Delos with a chain. The Athenians, after the purification, celebrated, for the first time, the quinquennial festival of the Delian games. 4.133.2. The same summer also the temple of Hera at Argos was burnt down, through Chrysis, the priestess, placing a lighted torch near the garlands and then falling asleep, so that they all caught fire and were in a blaze before she observed it. 4.133.3. Chrysis that very night fled to Phlius for fear of the Argives, who, agreeably to the law in such a case, appointed another priestess named Phaeinis. Chrysis at the time of her flight had been priestess for eight years of the present war and half the ninth.
86. Theopompus of Chios, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 293
87. Herodotus, Histories, 1.34-1.45, 1.46.1, 1.66-1.68, 1.105.2-1.105.3, 2.8.1, 2.13.3-2.13.4, 2.51, 2.81, 2.181, 3.37, 3.57-3.58, 3.57.2-3.57.3, 3.60, 3.94.2, 4.15, 4.45.3, 4.105, 4.189.3, 5.39-5.41, 6.56, 6.58.2, 6.61-6.70, 6.81, 7.197, 7.204, 8.65.4, 9.5 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter •burkert, w. •walter burkert Found in books: Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 42; Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 51, 130; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 14, 123, 173, 282, 379, 388, 464; Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 293; Graf and Johnston (2007), Ritual texts for the afterlife: Orpheus and the Bacchic Gold Tablets, 159; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 28, 93, 142, 212, 258, 337; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 22, 108, 151; Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 599
1.34. But after Solon's departure divine retribution fell heavily on Croesus; as I guess, because he supposed himself to be blessed beyond all other men. Directly, as he slept, he had a dream, which showed him the truth of the evil things which were going to happen concerning his son. ,He had two sons, one of whom was ruined, for he was mute, but the other, whose name was Atys, was by far the best in every way of all of his peers. The dream showed this Atys to Croesus, how he would lose him struck and killed by a spear of iron. ,So Croesus, after he awoke and considered, being frightened by the dream, brought in a wife for his son, and although Atys was accustomed to command the Lydian armies, Croesus now would not send him out on any such enterprise, while he took the javelins and spears and all such things that men use for war from the men's apartments and piled them in his store room, lest one should fall on his son from where it hung. 1.35. Now while Croesus was occupied with the marriage of his son, a Phrygian of the royal house came to Sardis , in great distress and with unclean hands. This man came to Croesus' house, and asked to be purified according to the custom of the country; so Croesus purified him ( ,the Lydians have the same manner of purification as the Greeks), and when he had done everything customary, he asked the Phrygian where he came from and who he was: ,“Friend,” he said, “who are you, and from what place in Phrygia do you come as my suppliant? And what man or woman have you killed?” “O King,” the man answered, “I am the son of Gordias the son of Midas, and my name is Adrastus; I killed my brother accidentally, and I come here banished by my father and deprived of all.” ,Croesus answered, “All of your family are my friends, and you have come to friends, where you shall lack nothing, staying in my house. As for your misfortune, bear it as lightly as possible and you will gain most.” 1.36. So Adrastus lived in Croesus' house. About this same time a great monster of a boar appeared on the Mysian Olympus, who would come off that mountain and ravage the fields of the Mysians. The Mysians had gone up against him often; but they never did him any harm but were hurt by him themselves. ,At last they sent messengers to Croesus, with this message: “O King, a great monster of a boar has appeared in the land, who is destroying our fields; for all our attempts, we cannot kill him; so now we ask you to send your son and chosen young men and dogs with us, so that we may drive him out of the country.” ,Such was their request, but Croesus remembered the prophecy of his dream and answered them thus: “Do not mention my son again: I will not send him with you. He is newly married, and that is his present concern. But I will send chosen Lydians, and all the huntsmen, and I will tell those who go to be as eager as possible to help you to drive the beast out of the country.” 1.37. This was his answer, and the Mysians were satisfied with it. But the son of Croesus now entered, having heard what the Mysians had asked for; and when Croesus refused to send his son with them, the young man said, ,“Father, it was once thought very fine and noble for us to go to war and the chase and win renown; but now you have barred me from both of these, although you have seen neither cowardice nor lack of spirit in me. With what face can I now show myself whenever I go to and from the market-place? ,What will the men of the city think of me, and what my newly wedded wife? With what kind of man will she think that she lives? So either let me go to the hunt, or show me by reasoning that what you are doing is best for me.” 1.38. “My son,” answered Croesus, “I do this not because I have seen cowardice or anything unseemly in you, but the vision of a dream stood over me in my sleep, and told me that you would be short-lived, for you would be killed by a spear of iron. ,It is because of that vision that I hurried your marriage and do not send you on any enterprise that I have in hand, but keep guard over you, so that perhaps I may rob death of you during my lifetime. You are my only son: for that other, since he is ruined, he doesn't exist for me.” 1.39. “Father,” the youth replied, “no one can blame you for keeping guard over me, when you have seen such a vision; but it is my right to show you what you do not perceive, and why you mistake the meaning of the dream. ,You say that the dream told you that I should be killed by a spear of iron? But has a boar hands? Has it that iron spear which you dread? Had the dream said I should be killed by a tusk or some other thing proper to a boar, you would be right in acting as you act; but no, it was to be by a spear. Therefore, since it is not against men that we are to fight, let me go.” 1.40. Croesus answered, “My son, your judgment concerning the dream has somewhat reassured me; and being reassured by you, I change my thinking and permit you to go to the chase.” 1.41. Having said this, Croesus sent for Adrastus the Phrygian and when he came addressed him thus: “Adrastus, when you were struck by ugly misfortune, for which I do not blame you, it was I who cleansed you, and received and still keep you in my house, defraying all your keep. ,Now then, as you owe me a return of good service for the good which I have done you, I ask that you watch over my son as he goes out to the chase. See that no thieving criminals meet you on the way, to do you harm. ,Besides, it is only right that you too should go where you can win renown by your deeds. That is fitting for your father's son; and you are strong enough besides.” 1.42. “O King,” Adrastus answered, “I would not otherwise have gone into such an arena. One so unfortunate as I should not associate with the prosperous among his peers; nor have I the wish so to do, and for many reasons I would have held back. ,But now, since you urge it and I must please you (since I owe you a return of good service), I am ready to do this; and as for your son, in so far as I can protect him, look for him to come back unharmed.” 1.43. So when Adrastus had answered Croesus thus, they went out provided with chosen young men and dogs. When they came to Mount Olympus , they hunted for the beast and, finding him, formed a circle and threw their spears at him: ,then the guest called Adrastus, the man who had been cleansed of the deed of blood, missed the boar with his spear and hit the son of Croesus. ,So Atys was struck by the spear and fulfilled the prophecy of the dream. One ran to tell Croesus what had happened, and coming to Sardis told the king of the fight and the fate of his son. 1.44. Distraught by the death of his son, Croesus cried out the more vehemently because the killer was one whom he himself had cleansed of blood, ,and in his great and terrible grief at this mischance he called on Zeus by three names—Zeus the Purifier, Zeus of the Hearth, Zeus of Comrades: the first, because he wanted the god to know what evil his guest had done him; the second, because he had received the guest into his house and thus unwittingly entertained the murderer of his son; and the third, because he had found his worst enemy in the man whom he had sent as a protector. 1.45. Soon the Lydians came, bearing the corpse, with the murderer following after. He then came and stood before the body and gave himself up to Croesus, holding out his hands and telling him to kill him over the corpse, mentioning his former misfortune, and that on top of that he had destroyed the one who purified him, and that he was not fit to live. ,On hearing this, Croesus took pity on Adrastus, though his own sorrow was so great, and said to him, “Friend, I have from you the entire penalty, since you sentence yourself to death. But it is not you that I hold the cause of this evil, except in so far as you were the unwilling doer of it, but one of the gods, the same one who told me long ago what was to be.” ,So Croesus buried his own son in such manner as was fitting. But Adrastus, son of Gordias who was son of Midas, this Adrastus, the destroyer of his own brother and of the man who purified him, when the tomb was undisturbed by the presence of men, killed himself there by the sepulcher, seeing clearly now that he was the most heavily afflicted of all whom he knew. 1.46.1. After the loss of his son, Croesus remained in deep sorrow for two years. After this time, the destruction by Cyrus son of Cambyses of the sovereignty of Astyages son of Cyaxares, and the growth of the power of the Persians, distracted Croesus from his mourning; and he determined, if he could, to forestall the increase of the Persian power before they became great. 1.66. Thus they changed their bad laws to good ones, and when Lycurgus died they built him a temple and now worship him greatly. Since they had good land and many men, they immediately flourished and prospered. They were not content to live in peace, but, confident that they were stronger than the Arcadians, asked the oracle at Delphi about gaining all the Arcadian land. ,She replied in hexameter: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" You ask me for Arcadia ? You ask too much; I grant it not. /l l There are many men in Arcadia , eaters of acorns, /l l Who will hinder you. But I grudge you not. /l l I will give you Tegea to beat with your feet in dancing, /l l And its fair plain to measure with a rope. /l /quote ,When the Lacedaemonians heard the oracle reported, they left the other Arcadians alone and marched on Tegea carrying chains, relying on the deceptive oracle. They were confident they would enslave the Tegeans, but they were defeated in battle. ,Those taken alive were bound in the very chains they had brought with them, and they measured the Tegean plain with a rope by working the fields. The chains in which they were bound were still preserved in my day, hanging up at the temple of Athena Alea. 1.67. In the previous war the Lacedaemonians continually fought unsuccessfully against the Tegeans, but in the time of Croesus and the kingship of Anaxandrides and Ariston in Lacedaemon the Spartans had gained the upper hand. This is how: ,when they kept being defeated by the Tegeans, they sent ambassadors to Delphi to ask which god they should propitiate to prevail against the Tegeans in war. The Pythia responded that they should bring back the bones of Orestes, son of Agamemnon. ,When they were unable to discover Orestes' tomb, they sent once more to the god to ask where he was buried. The Pythia responded in hexameter to the messengers: , quote type="oracle" l met="dact" There is a place Tegea in the smooth plain of Arcadia , /l l Where two winds blow under strong compulsion. /l l Blow lies upon blow, woe upon woe. /l l There the life-giving earth covers the son of Agamemnon. /l l Bring him back, and you shall be lord of Tegea . /l /quote ,When the Lacedaemonians heard this, they were no closer to discovery, though they looked everywhere. Finally it was found by Lichas, who was one of the Spartans who are called “doers of good deeds.”. These men are those citizens who retire from the knights, the five oldest each year. They have to spend the year in which they retire from the knights being sent here and there by the Spartan state, never resting in their efforts. 1.68. It was Lichas, one of these men, who found the tomb in Tegea by a combination of luck and skill. At that time there was free access to Tegea , so he went into a blacksmith's shop and watched iron being forged, standing there in amazement at what he saw done. ,The smith perceived that he was amazed, so he stopped what he was doing and said, “My Laconian guest, if you had seen what I saw, then you would really be amazed, since you marvel so at ironworking. ,I wanted to dig a well in the courtyard here, and in my digging I hit upon a coffin twelve feet long. I could not believe that there had ever been men taller than now, so I opened it and saw that the corpse was just as long as the coffin. I measured it and then reburied it.” So the smith told what he had seen, and Lichas thought about what was said and reckoned that this was Orestes, according to the oracle. ,In the smith's two bellows he found the winds, hammer and anvil were blow upon blow, and the forging of iron was woe upon woe, since he figured that iron was discovered as an evil for the human race. ,After reasoning this out, he went back to Sparta and told the Lacedaemonians everything. They made a pretence of bringing a charge against him and banishing him. Coming to Tegea , he explained his misfortune to the smith and tried to rent the courtyard, but the smith did not want to lease it. ,Finally he persuaded him and set up residence there. He dug up the grave and collected the bones, then hurried off to Sparta with them. Ever since then the Spartans were far superior to the Tegeans whenever they met each other in battle. By the time of Croesus' inquiry, the Spartans had subdued most of the Peloponnese . 1.105.2. So they turned back, and when they came on their way to the city of Ascalon in Syria , most of the Scythians passed by and did no harm, but a few remained behind and plundered the temple of Heavenly Aphrodite. 1.105.3. This temple, I discover from making inquiry, is the oldest of all the temples of the goddess, for the temple in Cyprus was founded from it, as the Cyprians themselves say; and the temple on Cythera was founded by Phoenicians from this same land of Syria . 2.8.1. Beyond and above Heliopolis , Egypt is a narrow land. For it is bounded on the one side by the mountains of Arabia , which run north to south, always running south towards the sea called the Red Sea . In these mountains are the quarries that were hewn out for making the pyramids at Memphis . This way, then, the mountains run, and end in the places of which I have spoken; their greatest width from east to west, as I learned by inquiry, is a two months' journey, and their easternmost boundaries yield frankincense. 2.13.3. for, learning that all the Greek land is watered by rain, but not by river water like theirs, they said that one day the Greeks would be let down by what they counted on, and miserably starve: meaning that, if heaven send no rain for the Greeks and afflict them with drought, the Greeks will be overtaken by famine, for there is no other source of water for them except Zeus alone. 2.51. These customs, then, and others besides, which I shall indicate, were taken by the Greeks from the Egyptians. It was not so with the ithyphallic images of Hermes; the production of these came from the Pelasgians, from whom the Athenians were the first Greeks to take it, and then handed it on to others. ,For the Athenians were then already counted as Greeks when the Pelasgians came to live in the land with them and thereby began to be considered as Greeks. Whoever has been initiated into the rites of the Cabeiri, which the Samothracians learned from the Pelasgians and now practice, understands what my meaning is. ,Samothrace was formerly inhabited by those Pelasgians who came to live among the Athenians, and it is from them that the Samothracians take their rites. ,The Athenians, then, were the first Greeks to make ithyphallic images of Hermes, and they did this because the Pelasgians taught them. The Pelasgians told a certain sacred tale about this, which is set forth in the Samothracian mysteries. 2.81. They wear linen tunics with fringes hanging about the legs, called “calasiris,” and loose white woolen mantles over these. But nothing woolen is brought into temples, or buried with them: that is impious. ,They agree in this with practices called Orphic and Bacchic, but in fact Egyptian and Pythagorean: for it is impious, too, for one partaking of these rites to be buried in woolen wrappings. There is a sacred legend about this. 2.181. Amasis made friends and allies of the people of Cyrene . And he decided to marry from there, either because he had his heart set on a Greek wife, or for the sake of the Corcyreans' friendship; ,in any case, he married a certain Ladice, said by some to be the daughter of Battus, of Arcesilaus by others, and by others again of Critobulus, an esteemed citizen of the place. But whenever Amasis lay with her, he became unable to have intercourse, though he managed with every other woman; ,and when this happened repeatedly, Amasis said to the woman called Ladice, “Woman, you have cast a spell on me, and there is no way that you shall avoid perishing the most wretchedly of all women.” ,So Ladice, when the king did not relent at all although she denied it, vowed in her heart to Aphrodite that, if Amasis could have intercourse with her that night, since that would remedy the problem, she would send a statue to Cyrene to her. And after the prayer, immediately, Amasis did have intercourse with her. And whenever Amasis came to her thereafter, he had intercourse, and he was very fond of her after this. ,Ladice paid her vow to the goddess; she had an image made and sent it to Cyrene , where it stood safe until my time, facing outside the city. Cambyses, when he had conquered Egypt and learned who Ladice was, sent her away to Cyrene unharmed. 3.37. Cambyses committed many such mad acts against the Persians and his allies; he stayed at Memphis , and there opened ancient coffins and examined the dead bodies. ,Thus too he entered the temple of Hephaestus and jeered at the image there. This image of Hephaestus is most like the Phoenician Pataici, which the Phoenicians carry on the prows of their triremes. I will describe it for anyone who has not seen these figures: it is the likeness of a dwarf. ,Also he entered the temple of the Cabeiri, into which no one may enter save the priest; the images here he even burnt, with bitter mockery. These also are like the images of Hephaestus, and are said to be his sons. 3.57. When the Lacedaemonians were about to abandon them, the Samians who had brought an army against Polycrates sailed away too, and went to Siphnus; ,for they were in need of money; and the Siphnians were at this time very prosperous and the richest of the islanders, because of the gold and silver mines on the island. They were so wealthy that the treasure dedicated by them at Delphi , which is as rich as any there, was made from a tenth of their income; and they divided among themselves each year's income. ,Now when they were putting together the treasure they inquired of the oracle if their present prosperity was likely to last long; whereupon the priestess gave them this answer: , quote type="oracle" l met="dact" “When the prytaneum on Siphnus becomes white /l l And white-browed the market, then indeed a shrewd man is wanted /l l Beware a wooden force and a red herald.” /l /quote At this time the market-place and town-hall of Siphnus were adorned with Parian marble. 3.57.2. for they were in need of money; and the Siphnians were at this time very prosperous and the richest of the islanders, because of the gold and silver mines on the island. They were so wealthy that the treasure dedicated by them at Delphi , which is as rich as any there, was made from a tenth of their income; and they divided among themselves each year's income. 3.57.3. Now when they were putting together the treasure they inquired of the oracle if their present prosperity was likely to last long; whereupon the priestess gave them this answer: 3.58. They could not understand this oracle either when it was spoken or at the time of the Samians' coming. As soon as the Samians put in at Siphnus, they sent ambassadors to the town in one of their ships; ,now in ancient times all ships were painted with vermilion; and this was what was meant by the warning given by the priestess to the Siphnians, to beware a wooden force and a red herald. ,The messengers, then, demanded from the Siphnians a loan of ten talents; when the Siphnians refused them, the Samians set about ravaging their lands. ,Hearing this the Siphnians came out at once to drive them off, but they were defeated in battle, and many of them were cut off from their town by the Samians; who presently exacted from them a hundred talents. 3.60. I have written at such length of the Samians, because the three greatest works of all the Greeks were engineered by them. The first of these is the tunnel with a mouth at either end driven through the base of a hill nine hundred feet high; ,the whole tunnel is forty-two hundred feet long, eight feet high and eight feet wide; and throughout the whole of its length there runs a channel thirty feet deep and three feet wide, through which the water coming from an abundant spring is carried by pipes to the city of Samos . ,The designer of this work was Eupalinus son of Naustrophus, a Megarian. This is one of the three works; the second is a breakwater in the sea enclosing the harbor, sunk one hundred and twenty feet, and more than twelve hundred feet in length. ,The third Samian work is the temple, which is the greatest of all the temples of which we know; its first builder was Rhoecus son of Philes, a Samian. It is for this cause that I have expounded at more than ordinary length of Samos . 3.94.2. The Moschi, Tibareni, Macrones, Mossynoeci, and Mares, the nineteenth province, were ordered to pay three hundred. The Indians made up the twentieth province. These are more in number than any nation of which we know, and they paid a greater tribute than any other province, namely three hundred and sixty talents of gold dust. 4.15. Such is the tale told in these two towns. But this, I know, happened to the Metapontines in Italy , two hundred and forty years after the second disappearance of Aristeas, as reckoning made at Proconnesus and Metapontum shows me: ,Aristeas, so the Metapontines say, appeared in their country and told them to set up an altar to Apollo, and set beside it a statue bearing the name of Aristeas the Proconnesian; for, he said, Apollo had come to their country alone of all Italian lands, and he—the man who was now Aristeas, but then when he followed the god had been a crow—had come with him. ,After saying this, he vanished. The Metapontines, so they say, sent to Delphi and asked the god what the vision of the man could mean; and the Pythian priestess told them to obey the vision, saying that their fortune would be better. ,They did as instructed. And now there stands beside the image of Apollo a statue bearing the name of Aristeas; a grove of bay-trees surrounds it; the image is set in the marketplace. Let it suffice that I have said this much about Aristeas. 4.45.3. For Libya is said by most Greeks to be named after a native woman of that name, and Asia after the wife of Prometheus; yet the Lydians claim a share in the latter name, saying that Asia was not named after Prometheus' wife Asia, but after Asies, the son of Cotys, who was the son of Manes, and that from him the Asiad clan at Sardis also takes its name. 4.105. The Neuri follow Scythian customs; but one generation before the advent of Darius' army, they happened to be driven from their country by snakes; for their land produced great numbers of these, and still more came down on them out of the desolation on the north, until at last the Neuri were so afflicted that they left their own country and lived among the Budini. It may be that these people are wizards; ,for the Scythians, and the Greeks settled in Scythia, say that once a year every one of the Neuri becomes a wolf for a few days and changes back again to his former shape. Those who tell this tale do not convince me; but they tell it nonetheless, and swear to its truth. 4.189.3. Furthermore, in my opinion the ceremonial chant first originated in Libya: for the women of that country chant very tunefully. And it is from the Libyans that the Greeks have learned to drive four-horse chariots. 5.39. At Sparta, Anaxandrides the son of Leon, who had been king, was now no longer alive but was dead, and Cleomenes son of Anaxandrides held the royal power. This he had won not by manly merit but by right of birth. Anaxandrides had as his wife his own sister's daughter, and although he was content with her, no children were born to him. ,Since this was the case, the Ephors called him to them and said, “Even if you have no interest in caring for yourself, we cannot allow the house of Eurysthenes to perish. Therefore send away the wife that you have, seeing that she bears you no children, and wed another. If you do this, you will please the Spartans.” Anaxandrides, however, said in response that he would do neither of these things and that they were not giving him good advice in bidding him to get rid of his present wife, who was blameless, and to marry another. 5.40. Then the Ephors and Elders took counsel, and placed this proposal before Anaxandrides: “Since, as we see, you cling to the wife that you have, carry out our command, and do not hold out against it, bearing in mind that the Spartans will certainly find some other way of dealing with you. ,As for the wife that you have, we do not ask that you send her away. Keep providing her with all that you give her now and marry another woman in addition who can give you children.” So they spoke, and Anaxandrides consented. Presently he had two wives and kept two households, a thing which is not at all customary at Sparta. 5.41. After no long time the second wife gave birth to Cleomenes. She, then, gave the Spartans an heir to the royal power, and as luck would have it, the first wife, who had been barren before, conceived at that very time. ,When the friends of the new wife learned that the other woman was pregt, they began to make trouble for her. They said that she was making an empty boast, so that she might substitute a child. The Ephors were angry, and when her time drew near, they sat around to watch her in childbirth because of their skepticism. ,She gave birth first to Dorieus, then straightway to Leonidas, and right after him to Cleombrotus. Some, however, say that Cleombrotus and Leonidas were twins. As for the later wife, the mother of Cleomenes and the daughter of Prinetadas son of Demarmenus, she bore no more children. 6.56. These privileges the Spartans have given to their kings: two priesthoods, of Zeus called Lacedaemon and of Zeus of Heaven; they wage war against whatever land they wish, and no Spartan can hinder them in this on peril of being put under a curse; when the armies go forth the kings go out first and return last; one hundred chosen men guard them in their campaigns; they sacrifice as many sheep and goats as they wish at the start of their expeditions, and take the hides and backs of all sacrificed beasts. 6.58.2. The Lacedaemonians have the same custom at the deaths of their kings as the foreigners in Asia; most foreigners use the same custom at their kings' deaths. When a king of the Lacedaemonians dies, a fixed number of their subject neighbors must come to the funeral from all Lacedaemon, besides the Spartans. 6.61. While Cleomenes was in Aegina working for the common good of Hellas, Demaratus slandered him, not out of care for the Aeginetans, but out of jealousy and envy. Once Cleomenes returned home from Aegina, he planned to remove Demaratus from his kingship, using the following affair as a pretext against him: Ariston, king of Sparta, had married twice but had no children. ,He did not admit that he himself was responsible, so he married a third time. This is how it came about: he had among the Spartans a friend to whom he was especially attached. This man's wife was by far the most beautiful woman in Sparta, but she who was now most beautiful had once been the ugliest. ,Her nurse considered her inferior looks and how she was of wealthy people yet unattractive, and, seeing how the parents felt her appearance to be a great misfortune, she contrived to carry the child every day to the sacred precinct of Helen, which is in the place called Therapne, beyond the sacred precinct of Phoebus. Every time the nurse carried the child there, she set her beside the image and beseeched the goddess to release the child from her ugliness. ,Once as she was leaving the sacred precinct, it is said that a woman appeared to her and asked her what she was carrying in her arms. The nurse said she was carrying a child and the woman bade her show it to her, but she refused, saying that the parents had forbidden her to show it to anyone. But the woman strongly bade her show it to her, ,and when the nurse saw how important it was to her, she showed her the child. The woman stroked the child's head and said that she would be the most beautiful woman in all Sparta. From that day her looks changed, and when she reached the time for marriage, Agetus son of Alcidas married her. This man was Ariston's friend. 6.62. So love for this woman pricked Ariston, and he contrived as follows: He promised to give to his comrade any one thing out of all he owned, whatever Agetus might choose, and he bade his comrade make him the same promise. Agetus had no fear about his wife, seeing that Ariston was already married, so he agreed and they took oaths on these terms. ,Ariston gave Agetus whatever it was that he chose out of all his treasures, and then, seeking equal recompense from him, tried to take the wife of his comrade. Agetus said that he had agreed to anything but that, but he was forced by his oath and by the deceitful trick to let his wife be taken. 6.63. In this way Ariston married his third wife, after divorcing the second one. But his new wife gave birth to Demaratus too soon, before ten lunar months had passed. ,When one of his servants announced to him as he sat in council with the ephors that he had a son, Ariston, knowing the time of the marriage, counted up the months on his fingers and swore on oath, “It's not mine.” The ephors heard this but did not make anything of it. When the boy grew up, Ariston regretted having said that, for he firmly believed Demaratus to be his own son. ,He named him Demaratus because before his birth all the Spartan populace had prayed that Ariston, the man most highly esteemed out of all the kings of Sparta, might have a son. Thus he was named Demaratus, which means “answer to the people's prayer.” 6.64. Time passed and Ariston died, so Demaratus held the kingship. But it seems that these matters had to become known and cause Demaratus to lose his kingship. He had already fallen out with Cleomenes when he had brought the army back from Eleusis, and now they were even more at odds when Cleomenes crossed over after the Aeginetans who were Medizing. 6.65. Cleomenes wanted revenge, so he made a deal with Leotychides son of Menares son of Agis, of the same family as Demaratus. The deal was that Leotychides would go with Cleomenes against the Aeginetans if he became king. ,Leotychides had already become strongly hostile to Demaratus for the following reason: Leotychides was betrothed to Percalus, daughter of Demarmenus, but Demaratus plotted and robbed him of his marriage, stealing Percalus and marrying her first. ,From this affair Leotychides was hostile toward Demaratus, so at Cleomenes' instigation he took an oath against him, saying that he was not king of the Spartans by right, since he was not Ariston's son. After making this oath, he prosecuted him, recalling that utterance which Ariston had made when the servant told him he had a son, and he counted up the months and swore that it was not his. ,Taking his stand on this remark, Leotychides declared that Demaratus was not Ariston's son and that he was not rightly king of Sparta, bringing as witnesses the ephors who had been sitting beside Ariston and heard him say this. 6.66. Disputes arose over it, so the Spartans resolved to ask the oracle at Delphi if Demaratus was the son of Ariston. ,At Cleomenes' instigation this was revealed to the Pythia. He had won over a man of great influence among the Delphians, Cobon son of Aristophantus, and Cobon persuaded the priestess, Periallus, to say what Cleomenes wanted her to. ,When the ambassadors asked if Demaratus was the son of Ariston, the Pythia gave judgment that he was not. All this came to light later; Cobon was exiled from Delphi, and Periallus was deposed from her position. 6.67. So it was concerning Demaratus' loss of the kingship, and from Sparta he went into exile among the Medes because of the following reproach: after he was deposed from the kingship, he was elected to office. ,When it was the time of the date Gymnopaidia /date , Leotychides, now king in his place, saw him in the audience and, as a joke and an insult, sent a messenger to him to ask what it was like to hold office after being king. ,He was grieved by the question and said that he had experience of both, while Leotychides did not, and that this question would be the beginning for Sparta of either immense evil or immense good fortune. He said this, covered his head, left the theater, and went home, where he immediately made preparations and sacrificed an ox to Zeus. Then he summoned his mother. 6.68. When she came in, he put some of the entrails in her hands and entreated her, saying, “Mother, appealing to Zeus of the household and to all the other gods, I beseech you to tell me the truth. Who is my father? Tell me truly. ,Leotychides said in the disputes that you were already pregt by your former husband when you came to Ariston. Others say more foolishly that you approached to one of the servants, the ass-keeper, and that I am his son. ,I adjure you by the gods to speak what is true. If you have done anything of what they say, you are not the only one; you are in company with many women. There is much talk at Sparta that Ariston did not have child-bearing seed in him, or his former wives would have given him children.” 6.69. Thus he spoke. His mother answered, “My son, since you adjure me by entreaties to speak the truth, I will speak out to you all that is true. On the third night after Ariston brought me to his house, a phantom resembling him came to me. It came and lay with me and then put on me the garlands which it had. ,It went away, and when Ariston came in later and saw me with the garlands, he asked who gave them to me. I said he did, but he denied it. I swore an oath that just a little while before he had come in and lain with me and given me the garlands, and I said it was not good of him to deny it. ,When he saw me swearing, he perceived that this was some divine affair. For the garlands had clearly come from the hero's precinct which is established at the courtyard doors, which they call the precinct of Astrabacus, and the seers responded that this was the same hero who had come to me. Thus, my son, you have all you want to know. ,Either you are from this hero and Astrabacus the hero is your father, or Ariston is, for I conceived you that night. As for how your enemies chiefly attack you, saying that Ariston himself, when your birth was announced, denied in front of a large audience that you were his because the ten months had not yet been completed, he spoke an idle word, out of ignorance of such things. ,Some women give birth after nine months or seven months; not all complete the ten months. I gave birth to you, my son, after seven months. A little later Ariston himself recognized that he had blurted out that speech because of foolishness. Do not believe other stories about your manner of birth. You have heard the whole truth. May the wife of Leotychides himself, and the wives of the others who say these things, give birth to children fathered by ass-keepers.” 6.70. Thus his mother spoke. After learning what he desired, Demaratus took provisions and travelled to Elis, pretending that he was going to Delphi to inquire of the oracle. But the Lacedaemonians suspected that he planned to escape and went in pursuit. ,Demaratus somehow went across to Zacynthus from Elis before them; the Lacedaemonians crossed over after him and laid hands on him, carrying off his servants. But the Zacynthians refused to give him up, and later he crossed from there to Asia and went to king Darius, who received him in grand style and gave him lands and cities. ,So Demaratus reached Asia through such chances, a man who had gained much renown in Lacedaemon by his many achievements and his wisdom, and by conferring on the state the victory in a chariot-race he had won at Olympia; he was the only king of Sparta who did this. 6.81. Then Cleomenes sent most of his army back to Sparta, while he himself took a thousand of the best warriors and went to the temple of Hera to sacrifice. When he wished to sacrifice at the altar the priest forbade him, saying that it was not holy for a stranger to sacrifice there. Cleomenes ordered the helots to carry the priest away from the altar and whip him, and he performed the sacrifice. After doing this, he returned to Sparta. 7.197. When Xerxes had come to Alus in Achaea, his guides, desiring to inform him of all they knew, told him the story which is related in that country concerning the worship of Laphystian Zeus, namely how Athamas son of Aeolus plotted Phrixus' death with Ino, and further, how the Achaeans by an oracle's bidding compel Phrixus descendants to certain tasks. ,They order the eldest of that family not to enter their town-hall (which the Achaeans call the People's House) and themselves keep watch there. If he should enter, he may not come out, save only to be sacrificed. They say as well that many of those who were to be sacrificed had fled in fear to another country, and that if they returned at a later day and were taken, they were brought into the town-hall. The guides showed Xerxes how the man is sacrificed, namely with fillets covering him all over and a procession to lead him forth. ,It is the descendants of Phrixus' son Cytissorus who are treated in this way, because when the Achaeans by an oracle's bidding made Athamas son of Aeolus a scapegoat for their country and were about to sacrifice him, this Cytissorus came from Aea in Colchis and delivered him, thereby bringing the god's wrath on his own descendants. ,Hearing all this, Xerxes, when he came to the temple grove, refrained from entering it himself and bade all his army do likewise, holding the house and the precinct of Athamas' descendants alike in reverence. 7.204. Each city had its own general, but the one most admired and the leader of the whole army was a Lacedaemonian, Leonidas, son of Anaxandrides, son of Leon, son of Eurycratides, son of Anaxandrus, son of Eurycrates, son of Polydorus, son of Alcamenes, son of Teleclus, son of Archelaus, son of Hegesilaus, son of Doryssus, son of Leobotes, son of Echestratus, son of Agis, son of Eurysthenes, son of Aristodemus, son of Aristomachus, son of Cleodaeus, son of Hyllus, son of Heracles. Leonidas had gained the kingship at Sparta unexpectedly. 8.65.4. Every year the Athenians observe this festival for the Mother and the Maiden, and any Athenian or other Hellene who wishes is initiated. The voice which you hear is the ‘Iacchus’ they cry at this festival.” To this Demaratus replied, “Keep silent and tell this to no one else. 9.5. For this reason he sent Murychides to Salamis who came before the council and conveyed to them Mardonius message. Then Lycidas, one of the councillors, said that it seemed best to him to receive the offer brought to them by Murychides and lay it before the people. ,This was the opinion which he declared, either because he had been bribed by Mardonius, or because the plan pleased him. The Athenians in the council were, however, very angry; so too were those outside when they heard of it. They made a ring round Lycidas and stoned him to death. Murychides the Hellespontian, however, they permitted to depart unharmed. ,There was much noise at Salamis over the business of Lycidas; and when the Athenian women learned what was afoot, one calling to another and bidding her follow, they went on their own impetus to the house of Lycidas and stoned to death his wife and his children.
88. Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 1129, 1131, 1130 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 17
1130. βωμοὺς περιρραίνοντες ὥσπερ ξυγγενεῖς
89. Aristophanes, Clouds, 975-976 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 15
976. εἴδωλον τοῖσιν ἐρασταῖσιν τῆς ἥβης μὴ καταλείπειν.
90. Ion of Chios, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 128
91. Xenophon, Memoirs, 4.4.19-4.4.23, 4.7.6 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. •burkert, walter Found in books: Huffman (2019), A History of Pythagoreanism, 94; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 258
4.4.19. ἀγράφους δέ τινας οἶσθα, ἔφη, ὦ Ἱππία, νόμους; τούς γʼ ἐν πάσῃ, ἔφη, χώρᾳ κατὰ ταὐτὰ νομιζομένους. ἔχοις ἂν οὖν εἰπεῖν, ἔφη, ὅτι οἱ ἄνθρωποι αὐτοὺς ἔθεντο; καὶ πῶς ἄν, ἔφη, οἵ γε οὔτε συνελθεῖν ἅπαντες ἂν δυνηθεῖεν οὔτε ὁμόφωνοί εἰσι; τίνας οὖν, ἔφη, νομίζεις τεθεικέναι τοὺς νόμους τούτους; ἐγὼ μέν, ἔφη, θεοὺς οἶμαι τοὺς νόμους τούτους τοῖς ἀνθρώποις θεῖναι· καὶ γὰρ παρὰ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις πρῶτον νομίζεται θεοὺς σέβειν. 4.4.20. οὐκοῦν καὶ γονέας τιμᾶν πανταχοῦ νομίζεται; καὶ τοῦτο, ἔφη. οὐκοῦν καὶ μήτε γονέας παισὶ μίγνυσθαι μήτε παῖδας γονεῦσιν; οὐκέτι μοι δοκεῖ, ἔφη, ὦ Σώκρατες, οὗτος θεοῦ νόμος εἶναι. τί δή; ἔφη. ὅτι, ἔφη, αἰσθάνομαί τινας παραβαίνοντας αὐτόν. 4.4.21. καὶ γὰρ ἄλλα πολλά, ἔφη, παρανομοῦσιν· ἀλλὰ δίκην γέ τοι διδόασιν οἱ παραβαίνοντες τοὺς ὑπὸ τῶν θεῶν κειμένους νόμους, ἣν οὐδενὶ τρόπῳ δυνατὸν ἀνθρώπῳ διαφυγεῖν, ὥσπερ τοὺς ὑπʼ ἀνθρώπων κειμένους νόμους ἔνιοι παραβαίνοντες διαφεύγουσι τὸ δίκην διδόναι, οἱ μὲν λανθάνοντες, οἱ δὲ βιαζόμενοι. 4.4.22. καὶ ποίαν, ἔφη, δίκην, ὦ Σώκρατες, οὐ δύνανται διαφεύγειν γονεῖς τε παισὶ καὶ παῖδες γονεῦσι μιγνύμενοι; τὴν μεγίστην νὴ Δίʼ, ἔφη· τί γὰρ ἂν μεῖζον πάθοιεν ἄνθρωποι τεκνοποιούμενοι τοῦ κακῶς τεκνοποιεῖσθαι; 4.4.23. πῶς οὖν, ἔφη, κακῶς οὗτοι τεκνοποιοῦνται, οὕς γε οὐδὲν κωλύει ἀγαθοὺς αὐτοὺς ὄντας ἐξ ἀγαθῶν παιδοποιεῖσθαι; ὅτι νὴ Δίʼ, ἔφη, οὐ μόνον ἀγαθοὺς δεῖ τοὺς ἐξ ἀλλήλων παιδοποιουμένους εἶναι, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀκμάζοντας τοῖς σώμασιν. ἢ δοκεῖ σοι ὅμοια τὰ σπέρματα εἶναι τὰ τῶν ἀκμαζόντων τοῖς τῶν μήπω ἀκμαζόντων ἢ τῶν παρηκμακότων; ἀλλὰ μὰ Δίʼ, ἔφη, οὐκ εἰκὸς ὅμοια εἶναι. πότερα οὖν, ἔφη, βελτίω; δῆλον ὅτι, ἔφη, τὰ τῶν ἀκμαζόντων. τὰ τῶν μὴ ἀκμαζόντων ἄρα οὐ σπουδαῖα; οὐκ εἰκὸς μὰ Δίʼ, ἔφη. οὐκοῦν οὕτω γε οὐ δεῖ παιδοποιεῖσθαι; οὐ γὰρ οὖν, ἔφη. οὐκοῦν οἵ γε οὕτω παιδοποιούμενοι ὡς οὐ δεῖ παιδοποιοῦνται; ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ, ἔφη. τίνες οὖν ἄλλοι, ἔφη, κακῶς ἂν παιδοποιοῖντο, εἴ γε μὴ οὗτοι; ὁμογνωμονῶ σοι, ἔφη, καὶ τοῦτο. 4.7.6. ὅλως δὲ τῶν οὐρανίων, ᾗ ἕκαστα ὁ θεὸς μηχανᾶται, φροντιστὴν γίγνεσθαι ἀπέτρεπεν· οὔτε γὰρ εὑρετὰ ἀνθρώποις αὐτὰ ἐνόμιζεν εἶναι οὔτε χαρίζεσθαι θεοῖς ἂν ἡγεῖτο τὸν ζητοῦντα ἃ ἐκεῖνοι σαφηνίσαι οὐκ ἐβουλήθησαν. κινδυνεῦσαι δʼ ἂν ἔφη καὶ παραφρονῆσαι τὸν ταῦτα μεριμνῶντα οὐδὲν ἧττον ἢ Ἀναξαγόρας παρεφρόνησεν ὁ μέγιστον φρονήσας ἐπὶ τῷ τὰς τῶν θεῶν μηχανὰς ἐξηγεῖσθαι. 4.4.19. Do you know what is meant by unwritten laws, Hippias? Yes, those that are uniformly observed in every country. Could you say that men made them? Nay, how could that be, seeing that they cannot all meet together and do not speak the same language? Then by whom have these laws been made, do you suppose? I think that the gods made these laws for men. For among all men the first law is to fear the gods. 4.4.20. Is not the duty of honouring parents another universal law? Yes, that is another. And that parents shall not have sexual intercourse with their children nor children with their parents? Cyropaedia V. i. 10. No, I don’t think that is a law of God. Why so? Because I notice that some transgress it. 4.4.21. Yes, and they do many other things contrary to the laws. But surely the transgressors of the laws ordained by the gods pay a penalty that a man can in no wise escape, as some, when they transgress the laws ordained by man, escape punishment, either by concealment or by violence. 4.4.22. And pray what sort of penalty is it, Socrates , that may not be avoided by parents and children who have intercourse with one another? The greatest, of course. For what greater penalty can men incur when they beget children than begetting them badly? 4.4.23. How do they beget children badly then, if, as may well happen, the fathers are good men and the mothers good women? Surely because it is not enough that the two parents should be good. They must also be in full bodily vigour: unless you suppose that those who are in full vigour are no more efficient as parents than those who have not yet reached that condition or have passed it. of course that is unlikely. Which are the better then? Those who are in full vigour, clearly. Consequently those who are not in full vigour are not competent to become parents? It is improbable, of course. In that case then, they ought not to have children? Certainly not. Therefore those who produce children in such circumstances produce them wrongly? I think so. Who then will be bad fathers and mothers, if not they? I agree with you there too. 4.7.6. In general, with regard to the phenomena of the heavens, he deprecated curiosity to learn how the deity contrives them: he held that their secrets could not be discovered by man, and believed that any attempt to search out what the gods had not chosen to reveal must be displeasing to them. He said that he who meddles with these matters runs the risk of losing his sanity as completely as Anaxagoras, who took an insane pride in his explanation of the divine machinery.
92. Aristophanes, Peace, 1000-1125, 1191-1194, 929-936, 948-969, 97, 970-999, 96 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 151
96. εὐφημεῖν χρὴ καὶ μὴ φλαῦρον
93. Hippocrates, On The Diseases of Women, 3.8 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Huffman (2019), A History of Pythagoreanism, 95
94. Speusippus, Fragments, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 341
95. Sophocles Iunior, Fragments, 753 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 601
96. Aristophanes, The Rich Man, 672-681 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 60
681. ἔπειτα ταῦθ' ἥγιζεν ἐς σάκταν τινά.
97. Sophocles, Women of Trachis, 1060-1061, 1012 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Meinel (2015), Pollution and Crisis in Greek Tragedy, 173
98. Sophocles, Philoctetes, 10, 394-395, 8-9, 11 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 149
99. Sophocles, Oedipus The King, 147-148, 150, 284-286, 4-5, 912-913, 921, 149 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 118
100. Sophocles, Oedipus At Colonus, 1606 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Seaford (2018), Tragedy, Ritual and Money in Ancient Greece: Selected Essays, 339
101. Sophocles, Fragments, 753 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 601
102. Sophocles, Electra, 281, 280 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 22
103. Sophocles, Antigone, 1058-1059, 993, 992 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 14
104. Aristophanes, Acharnians, 1076 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 396
1076. ὑπὸ τοὺς Χοᾶς γὰρ καὶ Χύτρους αὐτοῖσί τις
105. Apollodorus Cyzicenus, Testimonia, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 50
106. Xenophon, Symposium, 3.6 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 6
107. Xenophon, Constitution of The Spartans, 1.4, 1.5, 1.6, 2.1-4.7, 4.5, 13.2, 13.11, 15.2, 15.3, 15.4, 15.5, 15.6 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 28; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 113
108. Aristotle, Soul, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 329
109. Dicaearchus Messenius, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 166
110. Aristotle, Categories, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 340
111. Theophrastus, Metaphysics, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 455
112. Eubulus, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 243
113. Euclid, Elements, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 338
114. Menander, Dyscolus, 394-462, 464-549, 463 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 15
115. Eubulus, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 243
116. Clearchus of Soli, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 166
117. Dicaearchus Messenius, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 166
118. Aristotle, Meteorology, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 371
119. Aeschines, Letters, 1.23, 3.121 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 118, 149, 151
120. Aristoxenus, Fragments, 4.28.10-4.28.12 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 270; Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 702, 707
121. Aristotle, Rhetoric, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 346
122. Heraclides Ponticus, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 330
123. Callimachus, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 166
124. Callimachus, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 166
125. Callimachus, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 166
126. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 257
127. Aristotle, Metaphysics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 173
128. Aristotle, Great Ethics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 353
129. Aristotle, Physics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huffman (2019), A History of Pythagoreanism, 100
130. Aristotle, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 9
131. Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 185
132. Aristotle, Eudemian Ethics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huffman (2019), A History of Pythagoreanism, 102, 104; Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 702
133. Aristotle, Respiration, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 9
134. Aristotle, Prior Analytics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 338
135. Aristotle, Heavens, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 371
136. Aristotle, History of Animals, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 98
137. Clearchus Comicus, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 166
138. Plautus, Poenulus, 3.11.5-3.11.6, 4.73.3-4.73.4, 7.12, 31.7.1-31.7.2 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 22, 275
139. Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautica, 1.917, 3.148, 3.531-3.533, 3.803, 3.861-3.862, 3.1191-3.1224, 4.148, 4.829, 4.1020 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 282, 360
1.917. ἀρρήτους ἀγανῇσι τελεσφορίῃσι θέμιστας 3.148. λίσσετο δʼ αἶψα πορεῖν αὐτοσχεδόν· ἡ δʼ ἀγανοῖσιν 3.531. τοῖσι καὶ ἀκαμάτοιο π??ρὸς μειλίσσετʼ ἀυτμή, 3.532. καὶ ποταμοὺς ἵστησιν ἄφαρ κελαδεινὰ ῥέοντας, 3.533. ἄστρα τε καὶ μήνης ἱερῆς ἐπέδησε κελεύθους. 3.803. φάρμακά οἱ, τὰ μὲν ἐσθλά, τὰ δὲ ῥαιστήριʼ, ἔκειτο. 3.861. ἑπτάκι δὲ Βριμὼ κουροτρόφον ἀγκαλέσασα, 3.862. Βριμὼ νυκτιπόλον, χθονίην, ἐνέροισιν ἄνασσαν, 3.1191. ἠέλιος μὲν ἄπωθεν ἐρεμνὴν δύετο γαῖαν 3.1192. ἑσπέριος, νεάτας ὑπὲρ ἄκριας Αἰθιοπήων· 3.1193. νὺξ δʼ ἵπποισιν ἔβαλλεν ἔπι ζυγά· τοὶ δὲ χαμεύνας 3.1194. ἔντυον ἥρωες παρὰ πείσμασιν. αὐτὰρ Ἰήσων 3.1195. αὐτίκʼ ἐπεί ῥʼ Ἑλίκης εὐφεγγέος ἀστέρες Ἄρκτου 3.1196. ἔκλιθεν, οὐρανόθεν δὲ πανεύκηλος γένετʼ αἰθήρ, 3.1197. βῆ ῥʼ ἐς ἐρημαίην, κλωπήιος ἠύτε τις φώρ, 3.1198. σὺν πᾶσιν χρήεσσι· πρὸ γάρ τʼ ἀλέγυνεν ἕκαστα 3.1199. ἠμάτιος· θῆλυν μὲν ὄιν, γάλα τʼ ἔκτοθι ποίμνης 3.1200. Ἄργος ἰὼν ἤνεικε· τὰ δʼ ἐξ αὐτῆς ἕλε νηός. 3.1201. ἀλλʼ ὅτε δὴ ἴδε χῶρον, ὅτις πάτου ἔκτοθεν ἦεν 3.1202. ἀνθρώπων, καθαρῇσιν ὑπεύδιος εἱαμενῇσιν, 3.1203. ἔνθʼ ἤτοι πάμπρωτα λοέσσατο μὲν ποταμοῖο 3.1204. εὐαγέως θείοιο τέρεν δέμας· ἀμφὶ δὲ φᾶρος 3.1205. ἕσσατο κυάνεον, τό ῥά οἱ πάρος ἐγγυάλιξεν 3.1206. Λημνιὰς Ὑψιπύλη, ἀδινῆς μνημήιον εὐνῆς. 3.1207. πήχυιον δʼ ἄρʼ ἔπειτα πέδῳ ἔνι βόθρον ὀρύξας 3.1208. νήησε σχίζας, ἐπὶ δʼ ἀρνειοῦ τάμε λαιμόν, 3.1209. αὐτόν τʼ εὖ καθύπερθε τανύσσατο· δαῖε δὲ φιτρους 3.1210. πῦρ ὑπένερθεν ἱείς, ἐπὶ δὲ μιγάδας χέε λοιβάς, 3.1211. Βριμὼ κικλήσκων Ἑκάτην ἐπαρωγὸν ἀέθλων. 3.1212. καί ῥʼ ὁ μὲν ἀγκαλέσας πάλιν ἔστιχεν· ἡ δʼ ἀίουσα 3.1213. κευθμῶν ἐξ ὑπάτων δεινὴ θεὸς ἀντεβόλησεν 3.1214. ἱροῖς Αἰσονίδαο· πέριξ δέ μιν ἐστεφάνωντο 3.1215. σμερδαλέοι δρυΐνοισι μετὰ πτόρθοισι δράκοντες. 3.1216. στράπτε δʼ ἀπειρέσιον δαΐδων σέλας· ἀμφὶ δὲ τήνγε 3.1217. ὀξείῃ ὑλακῇ χθόνιοι κύνες ἐφθέγγοντο. 3.1218. πίσεα δʼ ἔτρεμε πάντα κατὰ στίβον· αἱ δʼ ὀλόλυξαν 3.1219. νύμφαι ἑλειονόμοι ποταμηίδες, αἳ περὶ κείνην 3.1220. Φάσιδος εἱαμενὴν Ἀμαραντίου εἱλίσσονται. 3.1221. Αἰσονίδην δʼ ἤτοι μὲν ἕλεν δέος, ἀλλά μιν οὐδʼ ὧς 3.1222. ἐντροπαλιζόμενον πόδες ἔκφερον, ὄφρʼ ἑτάροισιν 3.1223. μίκτο κιών· ἤδη δὲ φόως νιφόεντος ὕπερθεν 3.1224. Καυκάσου ἠριγενὴς Ἠὼς βάλεν ἀντέλλουσα. 4.148. νυκτιπόλον, χθονίην, εὐαντέα δοῦναι ἐφορμήν. 4.829. νυκτιπόλος Ἑκάτη, τήν τε κλείουσι Κράταιιν, 4.1020. ἴστω νυκτιπόλου Περσηίδος ὄργια κούρης,
140. Antigonus of Carystus, Collection of Wonderful Tales, None (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 98
141. Archytas Amphissensis, Fragments, None (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 260
142. Numenius Heracleensis, Fragments, None (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 327
143. Eudoxus Rhodius, Fragments, None (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 50
144. Apollonius Paradoxographus, Mirabilia, 6, 3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 167
145. Septuagint, Wisdom of Solomon, 9.15 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Engberg-Pedersen (2010), Cosmology and Self in the Apostle Paul: The Material Spirit, 225
9.15. for a perishable body weighs down the soul,and this earthy tent burdens the thoughtful mind.
146. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 1.2, 2.27, 4.1, 5.3, 5.34 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert,w. •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 157, 330; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 292
1.2. Nam mores et instituta vitae resque domesticas ac familiaris nos profecto et melius tuemur et lautius, latius R 1 rem vero publicam nostri maiores certe melioribus temperaverunt et institutis et legibus. quid loquar de re militari? in qua cum virtute nostri multum valuerunt, tum plus etiam disciplina. iam illa, quae natura, non litteris adsecuti assec. KRH sunt, neque cum Graecia neque ulla cum gente cum ulla gente K sunt conferenda. quae enim tanta gravitas, quae tanta constantia, magnitudo animi, animi magnitudo K probitas, fides, quae tam excellens in omni genere virtus in ullis fuit, ut sit cum maioribus nostris comparanda? 2.27. lamentantis inducunt fortissimos viros, molliunt animos nostros, ita sunt deinde dulces, ut non legantur modo, sed etiam ediscantur. sic ad malam domesticam disciplinam vitamque umbratilem et delicatam cum accesserunt etiam poëtae, nervos omnis virtutis elidunt. elidunt i ex a K c recte igitur a Platone eiciuntur Rep. 398 a eiciuntur s dicuntur V di cuntur G 1 R 1 ducuntur K cf. Min. Fel. 24, 2 al. ex ea civitate, quam finxit fixit G 1 V 1 ( G 1 V 2 ) ille, cum optimos mores et optimum rei p. statum exquireret. at vero nos, docti scilicet a Graecia, haec et a pueritia legimus ediscimus, et a puer. leg. et discimus X corr. Sey. (cf.p.317,11) hanc eruditionem liberalem et doctrinam putamus. Sed quid poëtis irascimur? 4.1. Cum multis locis cum multis locis om. R 1 spatio rubricatori relicto ( add. R 2 ), pallidiore atramento add. K 1? cf. praef. nostrorum hominum ingenia virtutesque, Brute, soleo mirari, tum maxime in is studiis, quae sero admodum admodum V 1(?) expetita in hanc civitatem e Graecia transtulerunt. nam cum a primo urbis ortu regiis graegiis R 1 institutis, partim etiam legibus auspicia, caerimoniae, comitia, provocationes, patrum consilium, consilium. V 1 equitum peditumque discriptio, tota res militaris divinitus esset esse KR 1 constituta, tum progressio admirabilis incredibilisque cursus ad omnem excellentiam factus est dominatu regio re p. res p. X liberata. nec vero hic locus est, ut de moribus institutisque maiorum et disciplina ac temperatione civitatis loquamur; aliis haec locis satis accurate a nobis dicta sunt maximeque in is sex libris, quos de re publica scripsimus. 5.3. equidem eos casus, in quibus me fortuna vehementer exercuit, equidem meos ...9 exercuit Non. 295, 6 mecum ipse considerans huic incipio sententiae diffidere interdum et humani generis imbecillitatem fragilitatemque fragillit. K extimescere. vereor enim ne natura, cum corpora nobis infirma dedisset infirma dedisset om. H isque et morbos insanabilis et dolores intolerabilis intollerabilis X ( praeter H) adiunxisset, animos quoque dederit et corporum doloribus congruentis et separatim suis angoribus et molestiis implicatos. 5.34. quare demus hoc sane Bruto, ut sit beatus semper sapiens—quam sibi conveniat, ipse ipsa X corr. V 2 viderit; gloria quidem huius sententiae quis est illo viro dignior?—, nos tamen teneamus, ut sit idem beatissimus. Et si Zeno Citieus, ticieus R cici eus K 1 advena quidam et ignobilis verborum opifex, insinuasse se se om. Non. in antiquam philosophiam videtur, advena... 3 videtur Non. 457, 25 huius sententiae gravitas a Platonis auctoritate repetatur, apud quem saepe haec oratio usurpata est, ut nihil praeter virtutem diceretur bonum. velut velud KR in Gorgia Gorg. 470 d Socrates, cum esset ex eo quaesitum, Archelaum arcelaum hic X (arcael.G) Perdiccae filium, qui tum fortunatissimus haberetur, nonne beatum putaret, haud scio inquit;
147. Cicero, Republic, 2.21-2.22, 4.5, 6.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert,w. Found in books: Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 292
2.21. Videtisne igitur unius viri consilio non solum ortum novum populum neque ut in cunabulis vagientem relictum, sed adultum iam et paene puberem? Tum Laelius: Nos vero videmus, et te quidem ingressum ratione ad disputandum nova, quae nusquam est in Graecorum libris. Nam princeps ille, quo nemo in scribendo praestantior fuit, aream sibi sumsit, in qua civitatem extrueret arbitratu suo, praeclaram ille quidem fortasse, sed a vita hominum abhorrentem et moribus, 2.22. reliqui disseruerunt sine ullo certo exemplari formaque rei publicae de generibus et de rationibus civitatum; tu mihi videris utrumque facturus; es enim ita ingressus, ut, quae ipse reperias, tribuere aliis malis quam, ut facit apud Platonem Socrates, ipse fingere et illa de urbis situ revoces ad rationem, quae a Romulo casu aut necessitate facta sunt, et disputes non vaganti oratione, sed defixa in una re publica. Quare perge, ut instituisti; prospicere enim iam videor te reliquos reges persequente quasi perfectam rem publicam. 4.5. Non. 362M et noster Plato magis etiam quam Lycurgus, omnia qui prorsus iubet esse communia, ne quis civis propriam aut suam rem ullam queat dicere. Non. 308M Ego vero eodem, quo ille Homerum redimitum coronis et delibutum unguentis emittit ex ea urbe, quam sibi ipse fingit. 6.3. Eulog. somn. Scip. 401Or. qui rogo impositus revixisset multaque de inferis secreta narrasset haec, quae de animae immortalitate dicerentur caeloque, non somniantium philosophorum esse commenta nec fabulas incredibiles, quas Epicurei derident, sed prudentium coniecturas.
148. Cicero, De Oratore, 1.23, 1.224 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert,w. Found in books: Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 292
1.23. repetamque non ab incunabulis nostrae veteris puerilisque doctrinae quendam ordinem praeceptorum, sed ea, quae quondam accepi in nostrorum hominum eloquentissimorum et omni dignitate principum disputatione esse versata; non quo illa contemnam, quae Graeci dicendi artifices et doctores reliquerunt, sed cum illa pateant in promptuque sint omnibus, neque ea interpretatione mea aut ornatius explicari aut planius exprimi possint, dabis hanc veniam, mi frater, ut opinor, ut eorum, quibus summa dicendi laus a nostris hominibus concessa est, auctoritatem Graecis anteponam. 1.224. philosophorum autem libros reservet sibi ad huiusce modi Tusculani requiem atque otium, ne, si quando ei dicendum erit de iustitia et fide, mutuetur a Platone; qui, cum haec exprimenda verbis arbitraretur, novam quandam finxit in libris civitatem; usque eo illa, quae dicenda de iustitia putabat, a vitae consuetudine et a civitatum moribus abhorrebant.
149. Cicero, On Duties, 1.85 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert,w. Found in books: Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 292
1.85. Omnino qui rei publicae praefuturi sunt, duo Platonis praecepta teneant, unum, ut utilitatem civium sic tueantur, ut, quaecumque agunt, ad eam referant obliti commodorum suorum, alterum, ut totum corpus rei publicae curent, ne, dum partem aliquam tuentur, reliquas deserant. Ut enim tutela, sic procuratio rei publicae ad eorum utilitatem, qui commissi sunt, non ad eorum, quibus commissa est, gerenda est. Qui autem parti civium consulunt, partem neglegunt, rem perniciosissimam in civitatem inducunt, seditionem atque discordiam; ex quo evenit, ut alii populares, alii studiosi optimi cuiusque videantur, pauci universorum. 1.85.  Those who propose to take charge of the affairs of government should not fail to remember two of Plato's rules: first, to keep the good of the people so clearly in view that regardless of their own interests they will make their every action conform to that; second, to care for the welfare of the whole body politic and not in serving the interests of some one party to betray the rest. For the administration of the government, like the office of a trustee, must be conducted for the benefit of those entrusted to one's care, not of those to whom it is entrusted. Now, those who care for the interests of a part of the citizens and neglect another part, introduce into the civil service a dangerous element — dissension and party strife. The result is that some are found to be loyal supporters of the democratic, others of the aristocratic party, and few of the nation as a whole.
150. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 1.19, 1.38.107, 1.107, 2.95 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert,w. •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 125, 157; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 292
1.19. What power of mental vision enabled your master Plato to descry the vast and elaborate architectural process which, as he makes out, the deity adopted in building the structure of the universe? What method of engineering was employed? What tools and levers and derricks? What agents carried out so vast an undertaking? And how were air, fire, water and earth enabled to obey and execute the will of the architect? How did the five regular solids, which are the basis of all other forms of matter, come into existence so nicely adapted to make impressions on our minds and produce sensations? It would be a lengthy task to advert upon every detail of a system that is such as to seem the result of idle theorizing rather than of real research; 1.107. Suppose that there are such images constantly impinging on our minds: but that is only the presentation of a certain form — surely not also of a reason for supposing that this form is happy and eternal? "But what is the nature of these images of yours, and whence do they arise? This extravagance, it is true, is borrowed from Democritus; but he has been widely criticized, nor can you find a satisfactory explanation, and the whole affair is a lame and impotent business. For how can be more improbable than that images of Homer, Archilochus, Romulus, Numa, Pythagoras and Plato should impinge on me at all — much less that they should do so in the actual shape that those men really bore? How then do these images arise? and of whom are they the images? Aristotle tells us that the poet Orpheus never existed, and the Pythagoreans say that the Orphic poem which we possess was the work of a certain Cecrops; yet Orpheus, that is, according to you, the image of him, often comes into my mind. 2.95. So Aristotle says brilliantly: 'If there were beings who had always lived beneath the earth, in comfortable, well‑lit dwellings, decorated with statues and pictures and furnished with all the luxuries enjoyed by persons thought to be supremely happy, and who though they had never come forth above the ground had learnt by report and by hearsay of the existence of certain deities or divine powers; and then if at some time the jaws of the earth were opened and they were able to escape from their hidden abode and to come forth into the regions which we inhabit; when they suddenly had sight of the earth and the seas and the sky, and came to know of the vast clouds and mighty winds, and beheld the sun, and realized not only its size and beauty but also its Ptolemaic in causing the day by shedding light over all the sky, and, after night had darkened the earth, they then saw the whole sky spangled and adorned with stars, and the changing phases of the moon's light, now waxing and now waning, and the risings and settings of all these heavenly bodies and their courses fixed and changeless throughout all eternity, — when they saw these things, surely they would think that the gods exist and that these mighty marvels are their handiwork.'
151. Cicero, On Laws, 1.15, 2.38, 3.32 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert,w. Found in books: Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 292
152. Cicero, On Divination, 1.1, 1.11-1.12, 1.34, 1.72, 2.48, 2.100 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 478; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 33
1.1. Vetus opinio est iam usque ab heroicis ducta temporibus, eaque et populi Romani et omnium gentium firmata consensu, versari quandam inter homines divinationem, quam Graeci mantikh/n appellant, id est praesensionem et scientiam rerum futurarum. Magnifica quaedam res et salutaris, si modo est ulla, quaque proxime ad deorum vim natura mortalis possit accedere. Itaque ut alia nos melius multa quam Graeci, sic huic praestantissimae rei nomen nostri a divis, Graeci, ut Plato interpretatur, a furore duxerunt. 1.11. Ego vero, inquam, philosophiae, Quinte, semper vaco; hoc autem tempore, cum sit nihil aliud, quod lubenter agere possim, multo magis aveo audire, de divinatione quid sentias. Nihil, inquit, equidem novi, nec quod praeter ceteros ipse sentiam; nam cum antiquissimam sententiam, tum omnium populorum et gentium consensu conprobatam sequor. Duo sunt enim dividi genera, quorum alterum artis est, alterum naturae. 1.12. Quae est autem gens aut quae civitas, quae non aut extispicum aut monstra aut fulgora interpretantium aut augurum aut astrologorum aut sortium (ea enim fere artis sunt) aut somniorum aut vaticinationum (haec enim duo naturalia putantur) praedictione moveatur? Quarum quidem rerum eventa magis arbitror quam causas quaeri oportere. Est enim vis et natura quaedam, quae tum observatis longo tempore significationibus, tum aliquo instinctu inflatuque divino futura praenuntiat. Quare omittat urguere Carneades, quod faciebat etiam Panaetius requirens, Iuppiterne cornicem a laeva, corvum ab dextera canere iussisset. Observata sunt haec tempore inmenso et in significatione eventis animadversa et notata. Nihil est autem, quod non longinquitas temporum excipiente memoria prodendisque monumentis efficere atque adsequi possit. 1.34. Iis igitur adsentior, qui duo genera divinationum esse dixerunt, unum, quod particeps esset artis, alterum, quod arte careret. Est enim ars in iis, qui novas res coniectura persequuntur, veteres observatione didicerunt. Carent autem arte ii, qui non ratione aut coniectura observatis ac notatis signis, sed concitatione quadam animi aut soluto liberoque motu futura praesentiunt, quod et somniantibus saepe contingit et non numquam vaticitibus per furorem, ut Bacis Boeotius, ut Epimenides Cres, ut Sibylla Erythraea. Cuius generis oracla etiam habenda sunt, non ea, quae aequatis sortibus ducuntur, sed illa, quae instinctu divino adflatuque funduntur; etsi ipsa sors contemnenda non est, si et auctoritatem habet vetustatis, ut eae sunt sortes, quas e terra editas accepimus; quae tamen ductae ut in rem apte cadant, fieri credo posse divinitus. Quorum omnium interpretes, ut grammatici poe+tarum, proxime ad eorum, quos interpretantur, divinationem videntur accedere. 1.72. in quo haruspices, augures coniectoresque numerantur. Haec inprobantur a Peripateticis, a Stoicis defenduntur. Quorum alia sunt posita in monumentis et disciplina, quod Etruscorum declarant et haruspicini et fulgurales et rituales libri, vestri etiam augurales, alia autem subito ex tempore coniectura explicantur, ut apud Homerum Calchas, qui ex passerum numero belli Troiani annos auguratus est, et ut in Sullae scriptum historia videmus, quod te inspectante factum est, ut, cum ille in agro Nolano inmolaret ante praetorium, ab infima ara subito anguis emergeret, cum quidem C. Postumius haruspex oraret illum, ut in expeditionem exercitum educeret; id cum Sulla fecisset, tum ante oppidum Nolam florentissuma Samnitium castra cepit. 2.48. Non equidem plane despero ista esse vera, sed nescio et discere a te volo. Nam cum mihi quaedam casu viderentur sic evenire, ut praedicta essent a divitibus, dixisti multa de casu, ut Venerium iaci posse casu quattuor talis iactis, sed quadringentis centum Venerios non posse casu consistere. Primum nescio, cur non possint, sed non pugno; abundas enim similibus. Habes et respersionem pigmentorum et rostrum suis et alia permulta. Idem Carneadem fingere dicis de capite Panisci; quasi non potuerit id evenire casu et non in omni marmore necesse sit inesse vel Praxitelia capita! Illa enim ipsa efficiuntur detractione, neque quicquam illuc adfertur a Praxitele; sed cum multa sunt detracta et ad liniamenta oris perventum est, tum intellegas illud, quod iam expolitum sit, intus fuisse. 2.100. Restant duo dividi genera, quae habere dicimur a natura, non ab arte, vaticidi et somniandi; de quibus, Quinte, inquam, si placet, disseramus. Mihi vero, inquit, placet; his enim, quae adhuc disputasti, prorsus adsentior, et, vere ut loquar, quamquam tua me oratio confirmavit, tamen etiam mea sponte nimis superstitiosam de divinatione Stoicorum sententiam iudicabam; haec me Peripateticorum ratio magis movebat et veteris Dicaearchi et eius, qui nunc floret, Cratippi, qui censent esse in mentibus hominum tamquam oraclum aliquod, ex quo futura praesentiant, si aut furore divino incitatus animus aut somno relaxatus solute moveatur ac libere. His de generibus quid sentias et quibus ea rationibus infirmes, audire sane velim. 1.1. Book I[1] There is an ancient belief, handed down to us even from mythical times and firmly established by the general agreement of the Roman people and of all nations, that divination of some kind exists among men; this the Greeks call μαντική — that is, the foresight and knowledge of future events. A really splendid and helpful thing it is — if only such a faculty exists — since by its means men may approach very near to the power of gods. And, just as we Romans have done many other things better than the Greeks, so have we excelled them in giving to this most extraordinary gift a name, which we have derived from divi, a word meaning gods, whereas, according to Platos interpretation, they have derived it from furor, a word meaning frenzy. 1.11. Really, my dear Quintus, said I, I always have time for philosophy. Moreover, since there is nothing else at this time that I can do with pleasure, I am all the more eager to hear what you think about divination.There is, I assure you, said he, nothing new or original in my views; for those which I adopt are not only very old, but they are endorsed by the consent of all peoples and nations. There are two kinds of divination: the first is dependent on art, the other on nature. 1.12. Now — to mention those almost entirely dependent on art — what nation or what state disregards the prophecies of soothsayers, or of interpreters of prodigies and lightnings, or of augurs, or of astrologers, or of oracles, or — to mention the two kinds which are classed as natural means of divination — the forewarnings of dreams, or of frenzy? of these methods of divining it behoves us, I think, to examine the results rather than the causes. For there is a certain natural power, which now, through long-continued observation of signs and now, through some divine excitement and inspiration, makes prophetic announcement of the future. [7] Therefore let Carneades cease to press the question, which Panaetius also used to urge, whether Jove had ordered the crow to croak on the left side and the raven on the right. Such signs as these have been observed for an unlimited time, and the results have been checked and recorded. Moreover, there is nothing which length of time cannot accomplish and attain when aided by memory to receive and records to preserve. 1.34. I agree, therefore, with those who have said that there are two kinds of divination: one, which is allied with art; the other, which is devoid of art. Those diviners employ art, who, having learned the known by observation, seek the unknown by deduction. On the other hand those do without art who, unaided by reason or deduction or by signs which have been observed and recorded, forecast the future while under the influence of mental excitement, or of some free and unrestrained emotion. This condition often occurs to men while dreaming and sometimes to persons who prophesy while in a frenzy — like Bacis of Boeotia, Epimenides of Crete and the Sibyl of Erythraea. In this latter class must be placed oracles — not oracles given by means of equalized lots — but those uttered under the impulse of divine inspiration; although divination by lot is not in itself to be despised, if it has the sanction of antiquity, as in the case of those lots which, according to tradition, sprang out of the earth; for in spite of everything, I am inclined to think that they may, under the power of God, be so drawn as to give an appropriate response. Men capable of correctly interpreting all these signs of the future seem to approach very near to the divine spirit of the gods whose wills they interpret, just as scholars do when they interpret the poets. 1.72. But those methods of divination which are dependent on conjecture, or on deductions from events previously observed and recorded, are, as I have said before, not natural, but artificial, and include the inspection of entrails, augury, and the interpretation of dreams. These are disapproved of by the Peripatetics and defended by the Stoics. Some are based upon records and usage, as is evident from the Etruscan books on divination by means of inspection of entrails and by means of thunder and lightning, and as is also evident from the books of your augural college; while others are dependent on conjecture made suddenly and on the spur of the moment. An instance of the latter kind is that of Calchas in Homer, prophesying the number of years of the Trojan War from the number of sparrows. We find another illustration of conjectural divination in the history of Sulla in an occurrence which you witnessed. While he was offering sacrifices in front of his head-quarters in the Nolan district a snake suddenly came out from beneath the altar. The soothsayer, Gaius Postumius, begged Sulla to proceed with his march at once. Sulla did so and captured the strongly fortified camp of the Samnites which lay in front of the town of Nola. 2.48. I am not a hopeless sceptic on the subject of such warnings really being sent by the gods; however, I do not know that they are and I want to learn the actual facts from you. Again, when certain other events occurred as they had been foretold by diviners and I attributed the coincidence to chance, you talked a long time about chance. You said, for example, For the Venus-throw to result from one cast of the four dice might be due to chance; but if a hundred Venus-throws resulted from one hundred casts this could not be due to chance. In the first place I do not know why it could not; but I do not contest the point, for you are full of the same sort of examples — like that about the scattering of the paints and that one about the hogs snout, and you had very many other examples besides. You also mentioned that myth from Carneades about the head of Pan — as if the likeness could not have been the result of chance! and as if every block of marble did not necessarily have within it heads worthy of Praxiteles! For his masterpieces were made by chipping away the marble, not by adding anything to it; and when, after much chipping, the lineaments of a face were reached, one then realized that the work now polished and complete had always been inside the block. 2.100. There remain the two kinds of divination which we are said to derive from nature and not from art — vaticination and dreams, — these, my dear Quintus, if agreeable to you, let us now discuss.Delighted, I assure you, said he, for I am in entire accord with the views which you have so far expressed. To be quite frank, your argument has merely strengthened the opinion which I already had, for my own reasoning had convinced me that the Stoic view of divination smacked too much of superstition. I was more impressed by the reasoning of the Peripatetics, of Dicaearchus, of ancient times, and of Cratippus, who still flourishes. According to their opinion there is within the human soul some sort of power — oracular, I might call it — by which the future is foreseen when the soul is inspired by a divine frenzy, or when it is released by sleep and is free to move at will. I should like very much to learn your views of these two classes of divination and by what arguments you disprove them. [49]
153. Anon., Jubilees, 7.33 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 271
7.33. and behold I see your works before me that ye do not walk in righteousness; for in the path of destruction ye have begun to walk,
154. Cicero, Academica, 2.124 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert,w. Found in books: Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 292
155. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 78
156. Hippasus, Fragments, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 329
157. Hyginus, Fabulae (Genealogiae), 140 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 98
158. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.2.4, 5.47.2-5.47.3, 5.49.3-5.49.4, 5.56, 5.75.5, 6.6.4, 10.3-10.11, 10.6.1-10.6.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 278
5.56. 1.  At a later time, the myth continues, the Telchines, perceiving in advance the flood that was going to come, forsook the island and were scattered. of their number Lycus went to Lycia and dedicated there beside the Xanthus river a temple of Apollo Lycius.,2.  And when the flood came the rest of the inhabitants perished, — and since the waters, because of the abundant rains, overflowed the island, its level parts were turned into stagt pools — but a few fled for refuge to the upper regions of the island and were saved, the sons of Zeus being among their number.,3.  Helius, the myth tells us, becoming enamoured of Rhodos, named the island Rhodes after her and caused the water which had overflowed it to disappear. But the true explanation is that, while in the first forming of the world the island was still like mud and soft, the sun dried up the larger part of its wetness and filled the land with living creatures, and there came into being the Heliadae, who were named after him, seven in number, and other peoples who were, like them, sprung from the land itself.,4.  In consequence of these events the island was considered to be sacred to Helius, and the Rhodians of later times made it their practice to honour Helius above all the other gods, as the ancestor and founder from whom they were descended.,5.  His seven sons were Ochimus, Cercaphus, Macar, Actis, Tenages, Triopas, and Candalus, and there was one daughter, Electryonê, who quit this life while still a maiden and attained at the hands of the Rhodians to honours like those accorded to the heroes. And when the Heliadae attained to manhood they were told by Helius that the first people to offer sacrifices to Athena would ever enjoy the presence of the goddess; and the same thing, we are told, was disclosed by him to the inhabitants of Attica.,6.  Consequently, men say, the Heliadae, forgetting in their haste to put fire beneath the victims, nevertheless laid them on the altars at the time, whereas Cecrops, who was king at the time of the Athenians, performed the sacrifice over fire, but later than the Heliadae.,7.  This is the reason, men say, why the peculiar practice as regards the manner of sacrificing persists in Rhodes to this day, and why the goddess has her seat on the island. Such, then, is the account which certain writers of myths give about the antiquities of the Rhodians, one of them being Zenon, who has composed a history of the island.
159. Nicolaus of Damascus, Fragments, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 90
160. Philo of Alexandria, That Every Good Person Is Free, 2 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 9, 15
2. Now it is said, that the most sacred sect of the Pythagoreans, among many other excellent doctrines, taught this one also, that it was not well to proceed by the plain ordinary roads, not meaning to urge us to talk among precipices (for it was not their object to weary our feet with labour), but intimating, by a figurative mode of speech, that we ought not, either in respect of our words or actions, to use only such as are ordinary and unchanged;
161. Catullus, Poems, 63 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 121
162. Philo of Alexandria, On The Migration of Abraham, 179, 181, 180 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Engberg-Pedersen (2010), Cosmology and Self in the Apostle Paul: The Material Spirit, 225
180. Moses indeed appears to have in some degree subscribed to the doctrine of the common union and sympathy existing between the parts of the universe, as he has said that the world was one and created (for as it is a created thing and also one, it is reasonable to suppose that the same elementary essences are laid at the foundations of all the particular effects which arise, as happens with respect to united bodies that they reciprocally contain each other);
163. Ovid, Fasti, 6.295-6.298 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 367
6.295. esse diu stultus Vestae simulacra putavi, 6.296. mox didici curvo nulla subesse tholo: 6.297. ignis inextinctus templo celatur in illo, 6.298. effigiem nullam Vesta nec ignis habet, 6.295. I foolishly thought for ages that there were statue 6.296. of Vesta, later I learnt there were none beneath her dome: 6.297. An undying fire is concealed with the shrine, 6.298. But there’s no image of Vesta or of fire.
164. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 10.243-10.297, 10.503-10.739, 15.163 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 167; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 379
10.243. Quas quia Pygmalion aevum per crimen agentes 10.244. viderat, offensus vitiis, quae plurima menti 10.245. femineae natura dedit, sine coniuge caelebs 10.246. vivebat thalamique diu consorte carebat. 10.247. Interea niveum mira feliciter arte 10.248. sculpsit ebur formamque dedit, qua femina nasci 10.249. nulla potest: operisque sui concepit amorem. 10.250. Virginis est verae facies, quam vivere credas, 10.251. et, si non obstet reverentia, velle moveri: 10.252. ars adeo latet arte sua. Miratur et haurit 10.253. pectore Pygmalion simulati corporis ignes. 10.254. Saepe manus operi temptantes admovet, an sit 10.255. corpus an illud ebur: nec adhuc ebur esse fatetur. 10.256. Oscula dat reddique putat loquiturque tenetque, 10.257. et credit tactis digitos insidere membris, 10.258. et metuit, pressos veniat ne livor in artus. 10.259. Et modo blanditias adhibet, modo grata puellis 10.260. munera fert illi conchas teretesque lapillos 10.261. et parvas volucres et flores mille colorum 10.262. liliaque pictasque pilas et ab arbore lapsas 10.263. Heliadum lacrimas; ornat quoque vestibus artus, 10.264. dat digitis gemmas, dat longa monilia collo: 10.265. aure leves bacae, redimicula pectore pendent. 10.266. Cuncta decent: nec nuda minus formosa videtur. 10.267. Conlocat hanc stratis concha Sidonide tinctis 10.268. appellatque tori sociam, acclinataque colla 10.269. mollibus in plumis, tamquam sensura, reponit. 10.270. Festa dies Veneris tota celeberrima Cypro 10.271. venerat, et pandis inductae cornibus aurum 10.272. conciderant ictae nivea cervice iuvencae, 10.273. turaque fumabant: cum munere functus ad aras 10.274. constitit et timide, “si di dare cuncta potestis, 10.275. sit coniunx, opto” (non ausus “eburnea virgo” 10.276. dicere) Pygmalion “similis mea” dixit “eburnae.” 10.277. Sensit, ut ipsa suis aderat Venus aurea festis, 10.278. vota quid illa velint; et, amici numinis omen, 10.279. flamma ter accensa est apicemque per aera duxit. 10.280. Ut rediit, simulacra suae petit ille puellae 10.281. incumbensque toro dedit oscula: visa tepere est. 10.282. Admovet os iterum, manibus quoque pectora temptat: 10.283. temptatum mollescit ebur positoque rigore 10.284. subsidit digitis ceditque, ut Hymettia sole 10.285. cera remollescit tractataque pollice multas 10.286. flectitur in facies ipsoque fit utilis usu. 10.287. Dum stupet et dubie gaudet fallique veretur, 10.288. rursus amans rursusque manu sua vota retractat. 10.289. Corpus erat: saliunt temptatae pollice venae. 10.290. Tum vero Paphius plenissima concipit heros 10.291. verba, quibus Veneri grates agat, oraque tandem 10.292. ore suo non falsa premit: dataque oscula virgo 10.293. sensit et erubuit timidumque ad lumina lumen 10.294. attollens pariter cum caelo vidit amantem. 10.295. Coniugio, quod fecit, adest dea. Iamque coactis 10.296. cornibus in plenum noviens lunaribus orbem 10.297. illa Paphon genuit, de qua tenet insula nomen. 10.503. At male conceptus sub robore creverat infans 10.504. quaerebatque viam, qua se genetrice relicta 10.505. exsereret: media gravidus tumet arbore venter. 10.506. Tendit onus matrem: neque habent sua verba dolores, 10.507. nec Lucina potest parientis voce vocari. 10.508. Nitenti tamen est similis curvataque crebros 10.509. dat gemitus arbor lacrimisque cadentibus umet. 10.510. Constitit ad ramos mitis Lucina dolentes 10.511. admovitque manus et verba puerpera dixit. 10.512. Arbor agit rimas et fissa cortice vivum 10.513. reddit onus, vagitque puer; quem mollibus herbis 10.514. naides impositum lacrimis unxere parentis. 10.515. Laudaret faciem Livor quoque. Qualia namque 10.516. corpora nudorum tabula pinguntur Amorum, 10.517. talis erat: sed, ne faciat discrimina cultus, 10.518. aut huic adde leves, aut illi deme pharetras. 10.519. Labitur occulte fallitque volatilis aetas, 10.520. et nihil est annis velocius. Ille sorore 10.521. natus avoque suo, qui conditus arbore nuper, 10.522. nuper erat genitus, modo formosissimus infans, 10.523. iam iuvenis, iam vir, iam se formosior ipso est: 10.524. iam placet et Veneri matrisque ulciscitur ignes. 10.525. Namque pharetratus dum dat puer oscula matri, 10.526. inscius exstanti destrinxit harundine pectus. 10.527. Laesa manu natum dea reppulit. Altius actum 10.528. vulnus erat specie primoque fefellerat ipsam. 10.529. Capta viri forma non iam Cythereia curat 10.530. litora, non alto repetit Paphon aequore cinctam 10.531. piscosamque Gnidon gravidamve Amathunta metallis; 10.532. abstinet et caelo: caelo praefertur Adonis. 10.533. Hunc tenet, huic comes est; adsuetaque semper in umbra 10.534. indulgere sibi formamque augere colendo 10.535. per iuga, per silvas dumosaque saxa vagatur 10.536. fine genu vestem ritu succincta Dianae 10.537. hortaturque canes; tutaeque animalia praedae, 10.538. aut pronos lepores aut celsum in cornua cervum, 10.539. aut agitat dammas: a fortibus abstinet apris 10.540. raptoresque lupos armatosque unguibus ursos 10.541. vitat et armenti saturatos caede leones. 10.542. Te quoque, ut hos timeas, siquid prodesse monendo 10.543. possit, Adoni, monet, “fortis” que “fugacibus esto” 10.544. inquit “in audaces non est audacia tuta. 10.545. Parce meo, iuvenis, temerarius esse periclo, 10.546. neve feras, quibus arma dedit natura, lacesse, 10.547. stet mihi ne magno tua gloria. Non movet aetas 10.548. nec facies nec quae Venerem movere, leones 10.549. saetigerosque sues oculosque animosque ferarum. 10.550. Fulmen habent acres in aduncis dentibus apri, 10.551. impetus est fulvis et vasta leonibus ira, 10.552. invisumque mihi genus est.” Quae causa, roganti 10.553. “dicam,” ait “et veteris monstrum mirabere culpae. 10.554. Sed labor insolitus iam me lassavit, et ecce 10.555. opportuna sua blanditur populus umbra, 10.556. datque torum caespes; libet hac requiescere tecum” 10.557. (et requievit) “humo” pressitque et gramen et ipsum, 10.558. inque sinu iuvenis posita cervice reclinis 10.559. sic ait ac mediis interserit oscula verbis: 10.560. “Forsitan audieris aliquam certamine cursus 10.561. veloces superasse viros. Non fabula rumor 10.562. ille fuit: superabat enim; nec dicere posses, 10.563. laude pedum formaene bono praestantior esset. 10.564. Scitanti deus huic de coniuge “coniuge” dixit 10.565. “nil opus est, Atalanta, tibi: fuge coniugis usum! 10.566. nec tamen effugies teque ipsa viva carebis.” 10.567. Territa sorte dei per opacas innuba silvas 10.568. vivit et instantem turbam violenta procorum 10.569. condicione fugat, nec “sum potienda, nisi” inquit 10.570. “victa prius cursu. Pedibus contendite mecum: 10.571. praemia veloci coniunx thalamique dabuntur, 10.572. mors pretium tardis. Ea lex certaminis esto.” 10.573. Illa quidem inmitis: sed (tanta potentia formae est) 10.574. venit ad hanc legem temeraria turba procorum. 10.575. Sederat Hippomenes cursus spectator iniqui 10.576. et “petitur cuiquam per tanta pericula coniunx?” 10.577. dixerat ac nimios iuvenum damnarat amores. 10.578. Ut faciem et posito corpus velamine vidit, 10.579. quale meum, vel quale tuum, si femina fias, 10.580. obstipuit tollensque manus “ignoscite,” dixit 10.581. “quos modo culpavi. Nondum mihi praemia nota, 10.582. quae peteretis, erant.” Laudando concipit ignes 10.583. et, ne quis iuvenum currat velocius, optat 10.584. invidiaque timet. “Sed cur certaminis huius 10.585. intemptata mihi fortuna relinquitur?” inquit 10.586. “audentes deus ipse iuvat.” Dum talia secum 10.587. exigit Hippomenes, passu volat alite virgo. 10.588. Quae quamquam Scythica non setius ire sagitta 10.589. Aonio visa est iuveni, tamen ille decorem 10.590. miratur magis; et cursus facit ipse decorem. 10.591. Aura refert ablata citis talaria plantis, 10.592. tergaque iactantur crines per eburnea, quaeque 10.593. poplitibus suberant picto genualia limbo; 10.594. inque puellari corpus candore ruborem 10.595. traxerat, haud aliter, quam cum super atria velum 10.596. candida purpureum simulatas inficit umbras. 10.597. Dum notat haec hospes, decursa novissima meta est 10.598. et tegitur festa victrix Atalanta corona. 10.599. Dant gemitum victi penduntque ex foedere poenas. 10.600. Non tamen eventu iuvenis deterritus horum 10.601. constitit in medio, vultuque in virgine fixo 10.602. “quid facilem titulum superando quaeris inertes? 10.603. mecum confer!” ait. “Seu me fortuna potentem 10.604. fecerit, a tanto non indignabere vinci: 10.605. namque mihi genitor Megareus Onchestius, illi 10.606. est Neptunus avus, pronepos ego regis aquarum, 10.607. nec virtus citra genus est; seu vincar, habebis 10.608. Hippomene victo magnum et memorabile nomen.” 10.609. Talia dicentem molli Schoeneia vultu 10.610. adspicit et dubitat, superari an vincere malit. 10.611. Atque ita “quis deus hunc formosis” inquit “iniquus 10.612. perdere vult caraeque iubet discrimine vitae 10.613. coniugium petere hoc? Non sum, me iudice, tanti. — 10.614. Nec forma tangor (poteram tamen hac quoque tangi), 10.615. sed quod adhuc puer est: non me movet ipse, sed aetas. 10.616. Quid quod inest virtus et mens interrita leti? 10.617. Quid quod ab aequorea numeratur origine quartus? 10.618. Quid quod amat tantique putat conubia nostra, 10.619. ut pereat, si me fors illi dura negarit? 10.620. Dum licet, hospes, abi thalamosque relinque cruentos: 10.621. coniugium crudele meum est. Tibi nubere nulla 10.622. nolet, et optari potes a sapiente puella. — 10.623. Cur tamen est mihi cura tui tot iam ante peremptis? 10.624. Viderit! Intereat, quoniam tot caede procorum 10.625. admonitus non est agiturque in taedia vitae. — 10.626. Occidet hic igitur, voluit quia vivere mecum, 10.627. indignamque necem pretium patietur amoris? 10.628. Non erit invidiae victoria nostra ferendae. 10.629. Sed non culpa mea est. Utinam desistere velles, 10.630. aut, quoniam es demens, utinam velocior esses! 10.631. A! quam virgineus puerili vultus in ore est! 10.632. A! miser Hippomene, nollem tibi visa fuissem! 10.633. Vivere dignus eras. Quod si felicior essem, 10.634. nec mihi coniugium fata importuna negarent, 10.635. unus eras, cum quo sociare cubilia vellem.” 10.636. Dixerat; utque rudis primoque Cupidine tacta, 10.637. quid facit ignorans, amat et non sentit amorem. 10.638. Iam solitos poscunt cursus populusque paterque, 10.639. cum me sollicita proles Neptunia voce 10.640. invocat Hippomenes “Cytherea” que “comprecor, ausis 10.641. adsit” ait “nostris et quos dedit adiuvet ignes.” 10.642. Detulit aura preces ad me non invida blandas; 10.643. motaque sum, fateor. Nec opis mora longa dabatur. 10.644. Est ager, indigenae Tamasenum nomine dicunt, 10.645. telluris Cypriae pars optima, quam mihi prisci 10.646. sacravere senes templisque accedere dotem 10.647. hanc iussere meis. Medio nitet arbor in arvo, 10.648. fulva comas, fulvo ramis crepitantibus auro. 10.649. Hinc tria forte mea veniens decerpta ferebam 10.650. aurea poma manu: nullique videnda nisi ipsi 10.651. Hippomenen adii docuique, quis usus in illis. 10.652. Signa tubae dederant, cum carcere pronus uterque 10.653. emicat et summam celeri pede libat harenam. 10.654. Posse putes illos sicco freta radere passu 10.655. et segetis canae stantes percurrere aristas. 10.656. Adiciunt animos iuveni clamorque favorque 10.657. verbaque dicentum: “Nunc, nunc incumbere tempus! 10.658. Hippomene, propera! nunc viribus utere totis! 10.659. pelle moram, vinces!” Dubium, Megareius heros 10.660. gaudeat, an virgo magis his Schoeneia dictis. 10.661. O quotiens, cum iam posset transire, morata est 10.662. spectatosque diu vultus invita reliquit! 10.663. Aridus e lasso veniebat anhelitus ore, 10.664. metaque erat longe. Tum denique de tribus unum 10.665. fetibus arboreis proles Neptunia misit. 10.666. Obstipuit virgo, nitidique cupidine pomi 10.667. declinat cursus aurumque volubile tollit. 10.668. Praeterit Hippomenes! Resot spectacula plausu. 10.669. Illa moram celeri cessataque tempora cursu 10.670. corrigit atque iterum iuvenem post terga relinquit. 10.671. Et rursus pomi iactu remorata secundi 10.672. consequitur transitque virum. Pars ultima cursus 10.673. restabat; “nunc” inquit “ades, dea muneris auctor!” 10.674. inque latus campi, quo tardius illa rediret, 10.675. iecit ab obliquo nitidum iuvenaliter aurum. 10.676. An peteret, virgo visa est dubitare: coegi 10.677. tollere et adieci sublato pondera malo 10.678. impediique oneris pariter gravitate moraque. 10.679. Neve meus sermo cursu sit tardior ipso, 10.680. praeterita est virgo: duxit sua praemia victor. 10.681. Dige, cui grates ageret, cui turis honorem 10.682. ferret, Adoni, fui? — nec grates inmemor egit, 10.683. nec mihi tura dedit. Subitam convertor in iram; 10.684. contemptuque dolens, ne sim spernenda futuris, 10.685. exemplo caveo meque ipsa exhortor in ambos. 10.686. Templa, deum Matri quae quondam clarus Echion 10.687. fecerat ex voto, nemorosis abdita silvis, 10.688. transibant, et iter longum requiescere suasit. 10.689. Illic concubitus intempestiva cupido 10.690. occupat Hippomenen, a numine concita nostro. 10.691. Luminis exigui fuerat prope templa recessus, 10.692. speluncae similis, nativo pumice tectus, 10.693. religione sacer prisca, quo multa sacerdos 10.694. lignea contulerat veterum simulacra deorum. 10.695. Hunc init et vetito temerat sacraria probro. 10.696. Sacra retorserunt oculos; turritaque Mater 10.697. an Stygia sontes dubitavit mergeret unda. 10.698. Poena levis visa est. Ergo modo levia fulvae 10.699. colla iubae velant, digiti curvantur in ungues, 10.700. ex umeris armi fiunt, in pectora totum 10.701. pondus abit, summae cauda verruntur harenae. 10.702. Iram vultus habet, pro verbis murmura reddunt, 10.703. pro thalamis celebrant silvas: aliisque timendi 10.704. dente premunt domito Cybeleia frena leones. 10.705. Hos tu, care mihi, cumque his genus omne ferarum, 10.706. quod non terga fugae, sed pugnae pectora praebet, 10.707. effuge, ne virtus tua sit damnosa duobus.” 10.708. Illa quidem monuit iunctisque per aera cygnis 10.709. carpit iter: sed stat monitis contraria virtus. 10.710. Forte suem latebris vestigia certa secuti 10.711. excivere canes, silvisque exire parantem 10.712. fixerat obliquo iuvenis Cinyreius ictu. 10.713. Protinus excussit pando venabula rostro 10.714. sanguine tincta suo trepidumque et tuta petentem 10.715. trux aper insequitur totosque sub inguine dentes 10.716. abdidit et fulva moribundum stravit harena. 10.717. Vecta levi curru medias Cytherea per auras 10.718. Cypron olorinis nondum pervenerat alis, 10.719. agnovit longe gemitum morientis et albas 10.720. flexit aves illuc. Utque aethere vidit ab alto 10.721. exanimem inque suo iactantem sanguine corpus, 10.722. desiluit pariterque sinum pariterque capillos 10.723. rupit et indignis percussit pectora palmis. 10.724. Questaque cum fatis “at non tamen omnia vestri 10.725. iuris erunt” dixit. “Luctus monimenta manebunt 10.726. semper, Adoni, mei, repetitaque mortis imago 10.727. annua plangoris peraget simulamina nostri. 10.728. At cruor in florem mutabitur. An tibi quondam 10.729. femineos artus in olentes vertere mentas, 10.730. Persephone, licuit: nobis Cinyreius heros 10.731. invidiae mutatus erit ?” — Sic fata cruorem 10.732. nectare odorato sparsit: qui tactus ab illo 10.733. intumuit sic ut fulvo perlucida caeno 10.734. surgere bulla solet. Nec plena longior hora 10.735. facta mora est, cum flos de sanguine concolor ortus, 10.736. qualem, quae lento celant sub cortice granum, 10.737. punica ferre solent. Brevis est tamen usus in illo: 10.738. namque male haerentem et nimia levitate caducum 10.739. excutiunt idem, qui praestant nomina, venti.” 15.163. cognovi clipeum, laevae gestamina nostrae,
165. Philo of Alexandria, Plant., 22 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Engberg-Pedersen (2010), Cosmology and Self in the Apostle Paul: The Material Spirit, 225
166. New Testament, Romans, 1.20 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Engberg-Pedersen (2010), Cosmology and Self in the Apostle Paul: The Material Spirit, 225
1.20. τὰ γὰρ ἀόρατα αὐτοῦ ἀπὸ κτίσεως κόσμου τοῖς ποιήμασιν νοούμενα καθορᾶται, ἥ τε ἀΐδιος αὐτοῦ δύναμις καὶ θειότης, εἰς τὸ εἶναι αὐτοὺς ἀναπολογήτους, 1.20. For the invisible things of him since the creation of the world are clearly seen, being perceived through the things that are made, even his everlasting power and divinity; that they may be without excuse.
167. New Testament, 2 Corinthians, 4.18, 5.4, 5.10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Engberg-Pedersen (2010), Cosmology and Self in the Apostle Paul: The Material Spirit, 225
4.18. μὴ σκοπούντων ἡμῶν τὰ βλεπόμενα ἀλλὰ τὰ μὴ βλεπόμενα, τὰ γὰρ βλεπόμενα πρόσκαιρα, τὰ δὲ μὴ βλεπόμενα αἰώνια. 5.4. καὶ γὰρ οἱ ὄντες ἐν τῷ σκήνει στενάζομεν βαρούμενοι ἐφʼ ᾧ οὐ θέλομεν ἐκδύσασθαι ἀλλʼ ἐπενδύσασθαι, ἵνα καταποθῇ τὸ θνητὸν ὑπὸ τῆς ζωῆς. 5.10. τοὺς γὰρ πάντας ἡμᾶς φανερωθῆναι δεῖ ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ βήματος τοῦ χριστοῦ, ἵνα κομίσηται ἕκαστος τὰ διὰ τοῦ σώματος πρὸς ἃ ἔπραξεν, εἴτε ἀγαθὸν εἴτε φαῦλον.
168. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 10.195-10.238, 20.141-20.144 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •walter burkert Found in books: Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 42
10.195. 3. Now two years after the destruction of Egypt, king Nebuchadnezzar saw a wonderful dream, the accomplishment of which God showed him in his sleep; but when he arose out of his bed, he forgot the accomplishment. So he sent for the Chaldeans and magicians, and the prophets, and told them that he had seen a dream, and informed them that he had forgotten the accomplishment of what he had seen, and he enjoined them to tell him both what the dream was, and what was its signification; 10.196. and they said that this was a thing impossible to be discovered by men; but they promised him, that if he would explain to them what dream he had seen, they would tell him its signification. Hereupon he threatened to put them to death, unless they told him his dream; and he gave command to have them all put to death, since they confessed they could not do what they were commanded to do. 10.197. Now when Daniel heard that the king had given a command, that all the wise men should be put to death, and that among them himself and his three kinsmen were in danger, he went to Arioch, who was captain of the king’s guards, 10.198. and desired to know of him what was the reason why the king had given command that all the wise men, and Chaldeans, and magicians should be slain. So when he had learned that the king had had a dream, and had forgotten it, and that when they were enjoined to inform the king of it, they had said they could not do it, and had thereby provoked him to anger, he desired of Arioch that he would go in to the king, and desire respite for the magicians for one night, and to put off their slaughter so long, for that he hoped within that time to obtain, by prayer to God, the knowledge of the dream. 10.199. Accordingly, Arioch informed the king of what Daniel desired. So the king bid them delay the slaughter of the magicians till he knew what Daniel’s promise would come to; but the young man retired to his own house, with his kinsmen, and besought God that whole night to discover the dream, and thereby deliver the magicians and Chaldeans, with whom they were themselves to perish, from the king’s anger, by enabling him to declare his vision, and to make manifest what the king had seen the night before in his sleep, but had forgotten it. 10.200. Accordingly, God, out of pity to those that were in danger, and out of regard to the wisdom of Daniel, made known to him the dream and its interpretation, that so the king might understand by him its signification also. 10.201. When Daniel had obtained this knowledge from God, he arose very joyful, and told it to his brethren, and made them glad, and to hope well that they should now preserve their lives, of which they despaired before, and had their minds full of nothing but the thoughts of dying. 10.202. So when he had with them returned thanks to God, who had commiserated their youth, when it was day he came to Arioch, and desired him to bring him to the king, because he would discover to him that dream which he had seen the night before. 10.203. 4. When Daniel was come in to the king, he excused himself first, that he did not pretend to be wiser than the other Chaldeans and magicians, when, upon their entire inability to discover his dream, he was undertaking to inform him of it; for this was not by his own skill, or on account of his having better cultivated his understanding than the rest; but he said, “God hath had pity upon us, when we were in danger of death, and when I prayed for the life of myself, and of those of my own nation, hath made manifest to me both the dream, and the interpretation thereof; 10.204. for I was not less concerned for thy glory than for the sorrow that we were by thee condemned to die, while thou didst so unjustly command men, both good and excellent in themselves, to be put to death, when thou enjoinedst them to do what was entirely above the reach of human wisdom, and requiredst of them what was only the work of God. 10.205. Wherefore, as thou in thy sleep wast solicitous concerning those that should succeed thee in the government of the whole world, God was desirous to show thee all those that should reign after thee, and to that end exhibited to thee the following dream: 10.206. Thou seemedst to see a great image standing before thee, the head of which proved to be of gold, the shoulders and arms of silver, and the belly and the thighs of brass, but the legs and the feet of iron; 10.207. after which thou sawest a stone broken off from a mountain, which fell upon the image, and threw it down, and brake it to pieces, and did not permit any part of it to remain whole; but the gold, the silver, the brass, and the iron, became smaller than meal, which, upon the blast of a violent wind, was by force carried away, and scattered abroad, but the stone did increase to such a degree, that the whole earth beneath it seemed to be filled therewith. 10.208. This is the dream which thou sawest, and its interpretation is as follows: The head of gold denotes thee, and the kings of Babylon that have been before thee; but the two hands and arms signify this, that your government shall be dissolved by two kings; 10.209. but another king that shall come from the west, armed with brass, shall destroy that government; and another government, that shall be like unto iron, shall put an end to the power of the former, and shall have dominion over all the earth, on account of the nature of iron, which is stronger than that of gold, of silver, and of brass.” 10.210. Daniel did also declare the meaning of the stone to the king but I do not think proper to relate it, since I have only undertaken to describe things past or things present, but not things that are future; yet if any one be so very desirous of knowing truth, as not to wave such points of curiosity, and cannot curb his inclination for understanding the uncertainties of futurity, and whether they will happen or not, let him be diligent in reading the book of Daniel, which he will find among the sacred writings. 10.211. 5. When Nebuchadnezzar heard this, and recollected his dream, he was astonished at the nature of Daniel, and fell upon his knee; and saluted Daniel in the manner that men worship God, 10.212. and gave command that he should be sacrificed to as a god. And this was not all, for he also imposed the name, of his own god upon him, [Baltasar,] and made him and his kinsmen rulers of his whole kingdom; which kinsmen of his happened to fall into great danger by the envy and malice [of their enemies]; for they offended the king upon the occasion following: 10.213. he made an image of gold, whose height was sixty cubits, and its breadth six cubits, and set it in the great plain of Babylon; and when he was going to dedicate the image, he invited the principal men out of all the earth that was under his dominions, and commanded them, in the first place, that when they should hear the sound of the trumpet, they should then fall down and worship the image; and he threatened, that those who did not do so, should be cast into a fiery furnace. 10.214. When therefore all the rest, upon the hearing of the sound of the trumpet, worshipped the image, they relate that Daniel’s kinsmen did not do it, because they would not transgress the laws of their country. So these men were convicted, and cast immediately into the fire, but were saved by Divine Providence, and after a surprising manner escaped death, 10.215. for the fire did not touch them; and I suppose that it touched them not, as if it reasoned with itself, that they were cast into it without any fault of theirs, and that therefore it was too weak to burn the young men when they were in it. This was done by the power of God, who made their bodies so far superior to the fire, that it could not consume them. This it was which recommended them to the king as righteous men, and men beloved of God, on which account they continued in great esteem with him. 10.216. 6. A little after this the king saw in his sleep again another vision; how he should fall from his dominion, and feed among the wild beasts, and that when he had lived in this manner in the desert for seven years, he should recover his dominion again. When he had seen this dream, he called the magicians together again, and inquired of them about it, and desired them to tell him what it signified; 10.217. but when none of them could find out the meaning of the dream, nor discover it to the king, Daniel was the only person that explained it; and as he foretold, so it came to pass; for after he had continued in the wilderness the forementioned interval of time, while no one durst attempt to seize his kingdom during those seven years, he prayed to God that he might recover his kingdom, and he returned to it. 10.218. But let no one blame me for writing down every thing of this nature, as I find it in our ancient books; for as to that matter, I have plainly assured those that think me defective in any such point, or complain of my management, and have told them in the beginning of this history, that I intended to do no more than translate the Hebrew books into the Greek language, and promised them to explain those facts, without adding any thing to them of my own, or taking any thing away from there. 10.219. 1. Now when king Nebuchadnezzar had reigned forty-three years, he ended his life. He was an active man, and more fortunate than the kings that were before him. Now Berosus makes mention of his actions in the third book of his Chaldaic History, where he says thus: 10.220. “When his father Nebuchodonosor [Nabopollassar] heard that the governor whom he had set over Egypt, and the places about Coelesyria and Phoenicia, had revolted from him, while he was not himself able any longer to undergo the hardships [of war], he committed to his son Nebuchadnezzar, who was still but a youth, some parts of his army, and sent them against him. 10.221. So when Nebuchadnezzar had given battle, and fought with the rebel, he beat him, and reduced the country from under his subjection, and made it a branch of his own kingdom; but about that time it happened that his father Nebuchodonosor [Nabopollassar] fell ill, and ended his life in the city Babylon, when he had reigned twenty-one years; 10.222. and when he was made sensible, as he was in a little time, that his father Nebuchodonosor [Nabopollassar] was dead, and having settled the affairs of Egypt, and the other countries, as also those that concerned the captive Jews, and Phoenicians, and Syrians, and those of the Egyptian nations; and having committed the conveyance of them to Babylon to certain of his friends, together with the gross of his army, and the rest of their ammunition and provisions, he went himself hastily, accompanied with a few others, over the desert, and came to Babylon. 10.223. So he took upon him the management of public affairs, and of the kingdom which had been kept for him by one that was the principal of the Chaldeans, and he received the entire dominions of his father, and appointed, that when the captives came, they should be placed as colonies, in the most proper places of Babylonia; 10.224. but then he adorned the temple of Belus, and the rest of the temples, in a magnificent manner, with the spoils he had taken in the war. He also added another city to that which was there of old, and rebuilt it, that such as would besiege it hereafter might no more turn the course of the river, and thereby attack the city itself. He therefore built three walls round about the inner city, and three others about that which was the outer, and this he did with burnt brick. 10.225. And after he had, after a becoming manner, walled the city, and adorned its gates gloriously, he built another palace before his father’s palace, but so that they joined to it; to describe whose vast height and immense riches it would perhaps be too much for me to attempt; yet as large and lofty as they were, they were completed in fifteen days. 10.226. He also erected elevated places for walking, of stone, and made it resemble mountains, and built it so that it might be planted with all sorts of trees. He also erected what was called a pensile paradise, because his wife was desirous to have things like her own country, she having been bred up in the palaces of Media.” 10.227. Megasthenes also, in his fourth book of his Accounts of India, makes mention of these things, and thereby endeavors to show that this king [Nebuchadnezzar] exceeded Hercules in fortitude, and in the greatness of his actions; for he saith that he conquered a great part of Libya and Iberia. 10.228. Diocles also, in the second book of his Accounts of Persia, mentions this king; as does Philostrates in his Accounts both of India and of Phoenicia, say, that this king besieged Tyre thirteen years, while at the same time Ethbaal reigned at Tyre. These are all the histories that I have met with concerning this king. 10.229. 2. But now, after the death of Nebuchadnezzar, Evil-Merodach his son succeeded in the kingdom, who immediately set Jeconiah at liberty, and esteemed him among his most intimate friends. He also gave him many presents, and made him honorable above the rest of the kings that were in Babylon; 10.230. for his father had not kept his faith with Jeconiah, when he voluntarily delivered up himself to him, with his wives and children, and his whole kindred, for the sake of his country, that it might not be taken by siege, and utterly destroyed, as we said before. 10.231. When Evil-Mcrodach was dead, after a reign of eighteen years, Niglissar his son took the government, and retained it forty years, and then ended his life; and after him the succession in the kingdom came to his son Labosordacus, who continued in it in all but nine months; and when he was dead, it came to Baltasar, who by the Babylonians was called Naboandelus; 10.232. against him did Cyrus, the king of Persia, and Darius, the king of Media, make war; and when he was besieged in Babylon, there happened a wonderful and prodigious vision. He was sat down at supper in a large room, and there were a great many vessels of silver, such as were made for royal entertainments, and he had with him his concubines and his friends; 10.233. whereupon he came to a resolution, and commanded that those vessels of God which Nebuchadnezzar had plundered out of Jerusalem, and had not made use of, but had put them into his own temple, should be brought out of that temple. He also grew so haughty as to proceed to use them in the midst of his cups, drinking out of them, and blaspheming against God. In the mean time, he saw a hand proceed out of the wall, and writing upon the wall certain syllables; 10.234. at which sight, being disturbed, he called the magicians and Chaldeans together, and all that sort of men that are among these barbarians, and were able to interpret signs and dreams, that they might explain the writing to him. 10.235. But when the magicians said they could discover nothing, nor did understand it, the king was in great disorder of mind, and under great trouble at this surprising accident; so he caused it to be proclaimed through all the country, and promised, that to him who could explain the writing, and give the signification couched therein, he would give him a golden chain for his neck, and leave to wear a purple garment, as did the kings of Chaldea, and would bestow on him the third part of his own dominions. 10.236. When this proclamation was made, the magicians ran together more earnestly, and were very ambitious to find out the importance of the writing, but still hesitated about it as much as before. 10.237. Now when the king’s grandmother saw him cast down at this accident, she began to encourage him, and to say, that there was a certain captive who came from Judea, a Jew by birth, but brought away thence by Nebuchadnezzar when he had destroyed Jerusalem, whose name was Daniel, a wise man, and one of great sagacity in finding out what was impossible for others to discover, and what was known to God alone, who brought to light and answered such questions to Nebuchadnezzar as no one else was able to answer when they were consulted. 10.238. She therefore desired that he would send for him, and inquire of him concerning the writing, and to condemn the unskilfulness of those that could not find their meaning, and this, although what God signified thereby should be of a melancholy nature. 20.141. 2. But for the marriage of Drusilla with Azizus, it was in no long time afterward dissolved upon the following occasion: 20.142. While Felix was procurator of Judea, he saw this Drusilla, and fell in love with her; for she did indeed exceed all other women in beauty; and he sent to her a person whose name was Simon one of his friends; a Jew he was, and by birth a Cypriot, and one who pretended to be a magician, and endeavored to persuade her to forsake her present husband, and marry him; and promised, that if she would not refuse him, he would make her a happy woman. 20.143. Accordingly she acted ill, and because she was desirous to avoid her sister Bernice’s envy, for she was very ill treated by her on account of her beauty, was prevailed upon to transgress the laws of her forefathers, and to marry Felix; and when he had had a son by her, he named him Agrippa. 20.144. But after what manner that young man, with his wife, perished at the conflagration of the mountain Vesuvius, in the days of Titus Caesar, shall be related hereafter.
169. Nicomachus of Gerasa, Introduction To Arithmetic, 1.9, 2.22.1, 2.28.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 184, 338
170. Anon., Fragments, 1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 337
171. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.164 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 84
1.164. Now this Hermippus, in his first book concerning Pythagoras, speaks thus:—“That Pythagoras, upon the death of one of his associates, whose name was Calliphon, a Crotoniate by birth, affirmed that this man’s soul conversed with him both night and day, and enjoined him not to pass over a place where an ass had fallen down; as also not to drink of such waters as caused thirst again; and to abstain from all sorts of reproaches.”
172. New Testament, 1 Corinthians, 15.54 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Engberg-Pedersen (2010), Cosmology and Self in the Apostle Paul: The Material Spirit, 225
15.54. ὅταν δὲ τὸ θνητὸν τοῦτο ἐνδύσηται [τὴν] ἀθανασίαν, τότε γενήσεται ὁ λόγος ὁ γεγραμμένος Κατεπόθη ὁ θάνατος εἰς νῖκος. 15.54. But when this corruptible will have put onincorruption, and this mortal will have put on immortality, then whatis written will happen: "Death is swallowed up in victory."
173. New Testament, Hebrews, 10.4-10.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 271
10.4. ἀδύνατον γὰρ αἷμα ταύρων καὶ τράγων ἀφαιρεῖν ἁμαρτίας. 10.5. Διὸ εἰσερχόμενος εἰς τὸν κόσμον λέγει 10.6. 10.7. 10.8. ἀνώτερον λέγων ὅτιΘυσίας καὶ προσφορὰςκαὶὁλοκαυτώματα καὶ περὶ ἁμαρτίας οὐκ ἠθέλησας οὐδὲ εὐδόκησας,αἵτινες κατὰ νόμον προσφέρονται, 10.9. τότεεἴρηκενἸδοὺ ἥκω τοῦ ποιῆσαι τὸ θέλημά σου·ἀναιρεῖ τὸ πρῶτον ἵνα τὸ δεύτερον στήσῃ. 10.4. For it is impossible that the blood of bulls and goats should take away sins. 10.5. Therefore when he comes into the world, he says, "Sacrifice and offering you didn't desire, But a body did you prepare for me; 10.6. In whole burnt offerings and sacrifices for sin you had no pleasure. 10.7. Then I said, 'Behold, I have come (In the scroll of the book it is written of me) To do your will, God.'" 10.8. Previously saying, "Sacrifices and offerings and whole burnt offerings and sacrifices for sin you didn't desire, neither had pleasure in them" (those which are offered according to the law), 10.9. then he has said, "Behold, I have come to do your will." He takes away the first, that he may establish the second,
174. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 5.12.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 159
5.12.21.  When the masters of sculpture and hand desired to carve or paint forms of ideal beauty, they never fell into the error of taking some Bagoas or Megabyzus as models, but rightly selected the well-known Doryphorus, equally adapted either for the fields of war or for the wrestling school, and other warlike and athletic youths as types of physical beauty. Shall we then, who are endeavouring to mould the ideal orator, equip eloquence not with weapons but with timbrels?
175. Plutarch, Agesilaus, 3.1-3.5, 6.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter •burkert, w. Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 28; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 136
3.1. βασιλεύοντος δὲ Ἄγιδος ἧκεν Ἀλκιβιάδης ἐκ Σικελίας φυγὰς εἰς Λακεδαίμονα· καὶ χρόνον οὔπω πολὺν ἐν τῇ πόλει διάγων, αἰ,τίαν ἔσχε τῇ γυναικὶ τὸν βασιλέως, Τιμαίᾳ, συνεῖναι. καὶ τὸ γεννηθὲν ἐξ αὐτῆς παιδάριον οὐκ ἔφη γινώσκειν ὁ Ἆγις, ἀλλʼ ἐξ Ἀλκιβιάδου γεγονέναι. τοῦτο δὲ οὐ πάνυ δυσκόλως τὴν Τιμαίαν ἐνεγκεῖν φησι Δοῦρις, ἀλλὰ καὶ ψιθυρίζουσαν οἴκοι πρὸς τὰς εἱλωτίδας Ἀλκιβιάδην τὸ παιδίον, οὐ Λεωτυχίδην, καλεῖν· 3.2. καὶ μέντοι καὶ τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην αὐτὸν οὐ πρὸς ὕβριν τῇ Τιμαίᾳ φάναι πλησιάζειν, ἀλλὰ φιλοτιμούμενον βασιλεύεσθαι Σπαρτιάτας ὑπὸ τῶν ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ γεγονότων. διὰ ταῦτα μὲν τῆς Λακεδαίμονος Ἀλκιβιάδης ὑπεξῆλθε, φοβηθεὶς τὸν Ἆγιν ὁ δὲ παῖς τὸν μὲν ἄλλον χρόνον ὕποπτος ἦν τῷ Ἄγιδι, καὶ γνησίου τιμὴν οὐκ εἶχε παρʼ αὐτῷ, νοσοῦντι δὲ προσπεσὼν καὶ δακρύων ἔπεισεν υἱὸν ἀποφῆναι πολλῶν ἐναντίον. 3.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τελευτήσαντος τοῦ Ἄγιδος ὁ Λύσανδρος, ἤδη κατανεναυμαχηκὼς Ἀθηναίους καὶ μέγιστον ἐν Σπάρτῃ δυνάμενος, τὸν Ἀγησίλαον ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν προῆγεν, ὡς οὐ προσήκουσαν ὄντι νόθῳ τῷ Λεωτυχίδῃ. πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν, διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν Coraës and Bekker, after Bryan. τὴν ἀρετὴν. τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου καὶ τὸ συντετράφθαι καὶ μετεσχηκέναι τῆς ἀγωγῆς, ἐφιλοτιμοῦντο καὶ συνέπραττον αὐτῷ προθύμως. ἦν δὲ Διοπείθης ἀνὴρ χρησμολόγος ἐν Σπάρτῃ, μαντειῶν τε παλαιῶν ὑπόπλεως καὶ δοκῶν περὶ τὰ θεῖα σοφὸς εἶναι καὶ περιττός. 3.4. οὗτος οὐκ ἔφη θεμιτὸν εἶναι χωλὸν γενέσθαι τῆς Λακεδαίμονος βασιλέα, καὶ χρησμὸν ἐν τῇ δίκῃ; τοιοῦτον ἀνεγίνωσκε· φράζεο δή, Σπάρτη, καίπερ μεγάλαυχος ἐοῦσα, μὴ σέθεν ἀρτίποδος βλάστῃ χωλὴ βασιλεία δηρὸν γὰρ νοῦσοί σε κατασχήσουσιν ἄελπτοι φθισιβρότου τʼ ἐπὶ κῦμα κυλινδόμενον πολέμοιο. 3.5. πρὸς ταῦτα Λύσανδρος ἔλεγεν ὡς, εἰ πάνυ φοβοῖντο τὸν χρησμὸν οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται, φυλακτέον αὐτοῖς εἴη τὸν Λεωτυχίδην οὐ γὰρ εἰ προσπταίσας τις τὸν πόδα βασιλεύοι, τῷ θεῷ διαφέρειν, ἀλλʼ εἰ μὴ γνήσιος ὢν μηδὲ Ἡρακλείδης, τοῦτο τὴν χωλὴν εἶναι βασιλείαν. ὁ δὲ Ἀγησίλαος ἔφη καὶ τὸν Ποσειδῶ καταμαρτυρεῖν τοῦ Λεωτυχίδου τὴν νοθείαν, ἐκβαλόντα σεισμῷ τοῦ θαλάμου τὸν Ἆγιν ἀπʼ ἐκείνου δὲ πλέον ἢ δέκα μηνῶν διελθόντων γενέσθαι τὸν Λεωτυχίδην. 6.6. ἀκούσαντες οὖν οἱ βοιωτάρχαι πρὸς ὀργὴν κινηθέντες ἔπεμψαν ὑπηρέτας, ἀπαγορεύοντες τῷ Ἀγησιλάῳ μὴ θύειν παρὰ τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὰ πάτρια Βοιωτῶν, οἱ δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ἀπήγγειλαν καὶ τὰ μηρία διέρριψαν ἀπὸ τοῦ βωμοῦ, χαλεπῶς οὖν ἔχων ὁ Ἀγησίλαος ἀπέπλει, τοῖς τε Θηβαίοις διωργισμένος καὶ γεγονὼς δύσελπις διὰ τὸν οἰωνόν, ὡς ἀτελῶν αὐτῷ τῶν πράξεων γενησομένων καὶ τῆς στρατείας ἐπὶ τὸ προσῆκον οὐκ ἀφιξομένης. 3.1. 3.2. 3.3. 3.4. 3.5. 6.6.
176. Plutarch, On The Delays of Divine Vengeance, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 149, 151
177. Plutarch, Fragments, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 9
178. Plutarch, Fragments, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 125
179. Plutarch, Lucullus, 24.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 86, 87, 90
24.7. τούτων μία, τοῦ στρατοῦ διαβάντος τὸν Εὐφράτην, ἐλθοῦσα πρός τινα πέτραν ἱερὰν τῆς θεοῦ νομιζομένην ἐπʼ αὐτῆς ἔστη, καὶ καταβαλοῦσα τὴν κεφαλὴν, ὥσπερ αἱ δεσμῷ κατατεινόμεναι, θῦσαι τῷ Λουκούλλῳ παρέσχεν αὑτήν, ἔθυσε δὲ καὶ τῷ Εὐφράτῃ ταῦρον διαβατήρια. 24.7.
180. Plutarch, Lycurgus, 1.1, 3.1-3.5, 14.1, 23.2, 28.1-28.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huffman (2019), A History of Pythagoreanism, 94, 98; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 28
1.1. περὶ Λυκούργου τοῦ νομοθέτου καθόλου μὲν οὐδὲν ἔστιν εἰπεῖν ἀναμφισβήτητον, οὗ γε καὶ γένος καὶ ἀποδημία καὶ τελευτὴ καὶ πρὸς ἅπασιν ἡ περὶ τοὺς νόμους αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν πολιτείαν πραγματεία διαφόρους ἔσχηκεν ἱστορίας, ἥκιστα δὲ οἱ χρόνοι καθʼ οὓς γέγονεν ὁ ἀνὴρ ὁμολογοῦνται, οἱ μὲν γάρ Ἰφίτῳ συνακμάσαι καὶ συνδιαθεῖναι τὴν Ὀλυμπιακὴν ἐκεχειρίαν λέγουσιν αὐτόν, ὧν ἐστι καὶ Ἀριστοτέλης ὁ φιλόσοφος, τεκμήριον προσφέρων τὸν Ὀλυμπίασι δίσκον ἐν ᾧ τοὔνομα τοῦ Λυκούργου διασώζεται καταγεγραμμένον· 3.1. ἀποθανόντος δὲ καὶ τούτου μετʼ ὀλίγον χρόνον ἔδει βασιλεύειν, ὡς πάντες ᾤοντο, τὸν Λυκοῦργον· καὶ πρίν γε τὴν γυναῖκα τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ φανερὰν γενέσθαι κύουσαν ἐβασίλευεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦτο τάχιστα ᾔσθετο, τὴν μὲν βασιλείαν ἀπέφηνε τοῦ παιδὸς οὖσαν, ἄνπερ ἄρρην γένηται, τὴν δὲ ἀρχὴν αὐτὸς ὡς ἐπίτροπος διεῖπε. τοὺς δὲ τῶν ὀρφανῶν βασιλέων ἐπιτρόπους Λακεδαιμόνιοι προδίκους προδίκους with most MSS. and edd.: προδίκως with A (corrected), the Doric form. ὠνόμαζον. 3.2. ὡς δὲ ἡ γυνὴ προσέπεμπε κρύφα καὶ λόγους ἐποιεῖτο, βουλομένη διαφθεῖραι τὸ βρέφος ἐπὶ τῷ συνοικεῖν ἐκείνῳ βασιλεύοντι τῆς Σπάρτης, τὸ μὲν ἦθος αὐτῆς ἐμίσησε, πρὸς δὲ τὸν λόγον αὐτὸν οὐκ ἀντεῖπεν, ἀλλʼ ἐπαινεῖν καὶ δέχεσθαι προσποιούμενος, οὐκ ἔφη δεῖν ἀμβλίσκουσαν αὐτὴν καὶ φαρμακευομένην διαλυμαίνεσθαι τὸ σῶμα καὶ κινδυνεύειν αὐτῷ γὰρ μελήσειν ὅπως εὐθὺς ἐκποδὼν ἔσται τὸ γεννηθέν. 3.3. οὕτω δὲ παραγαγὼν ἄχρι τοῦ τόκου τὴν ἄνθρωπον, ὡς ᾔσθετο τίκτουσαν, εἰσέπεμψε παρέδρους ταῖς ὠδῖσιν αὐτῆς καὶ φύλακας, οἷς ἦν προστεταγμένον, ἐὰν μὲν θῆλυ τεχθῇ, παραδοῦναι ταῖς γυναιξίν, ἐὰν δὲ ἄρρεν, κομίσαι πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ὅ τι ἂν τύχῃ πράττων. ἔτυχε δὲ δειπνοῦντος αὐτοῦ μετὰ τῶν ἀρχόντων ἀποκυηθὲν ἄρρεν καὶ παρῆσαν οἱ ὑπηρέται τὸ παιδάριον αὐτῷ κομίζοντες. 3.4. ὁ δὲ δεξάμενος, ὡς λέγεται, καὶ πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας εἰπών, βασιλεὺς ὑμῖν γέγονεν, ὦ Σπαρτιᾶται, κατέκλινεν ἐν τῇ βασιλικῇ χώρᾳ καὶ Χαρίλαον ὠνόμασε διὰ τὸ τοὺς πάντας εἶναι περιχαρεῖς, ἀγαμένους αὐτοῦ τὸ φρόνημα καὶ τὴν δικαιοσύνην. ἐβασίλευσε δὲ μῆνας ὀκτὼ τὸ σύμπαν, ἦν δὲ καὶ τἆλλα περίβλεπτος ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν, καὶ πλείονες ἐγένοντο τῶν ὡς ἐπιτρόπῳ βασιλέως καὶ βασιλικὴν ἐξουσίαν ἔχοντι πειθομένων οἱ διʼ ἀρετὴν προσέχοντες αὐτῷ καὶ ποιεῖν ἐθέλοντες ἑτοίμως τὸ προσταττόμενον. 3.5. ἦν δέ τι καὶ τὸ φθονοῦν καὶ πρὸς τὴν αὔξησιν ὄντι νέῳ πειρώμενον ἐνίστασθαι, μάλιστα μὲν οἱ συγγενεῖς καὶ οἰκεῖοι τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως μητρὸς ὑβρίσθαι δοκούσης, ὁ δὲ ἀδελφὸς αὐτῆς Λεωνίδας καὶ θρασύτερόν ποτε τῷ Λυκούργῳ λοιδορηθείς, ὑπεῖπεν ὡς εἰδείη σαφῶς μέλλοντα βασιλεύειν αὐτόν, ὑπόνοιαν διδοὺς καὶ προκαταλαμβάνων διαβολῇ τὸν Λυκοῦργον, εἴ τι συμβαίη τῷ βασιλεῖ παθεῖν, ὡς ἐπιβεβουλευκότα. τοιοῦτοι δὲ τινες λόγοι καὶ παρὰ τῆς γυναικὸς ἐξεφοίτων ἐφʼ οἷς βαρέως φέρων καὶ δεδοικὼς τὸ ἄδηλον, ἔγνω φυγεῖν ἀποδημίᾳ τὴν ὑπόνοιαν, καὶ πλανηθῆναι μέχρις ἂν ὁ ἀδελφιδοῦς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ γενόμενος τεκνώσῃ διάδοχον τῆς βασιλείας. 14.1. τῆς δὲ παιδείας, ἣν μέγιστον ἡγεῖτο τοῦ νομοθέτου καὶ κάλλιστον ἔργον εἶναι, πόρρωθεν ἀρχόμενος εὐθὺς ἐπεσκόπει τὰ περὶ τοὺς γάμους καὶ τὰς γενέσεις, οὐ γάρ, ὡς Ἀριστοτέλης φησίν, ἐπιχειρήσας σωφρονίζειν τὰς γυναῖκας, ἐπαύσατο μὴ κρατῶν τῆς πολλῆς ἀνέσεως καὶ γυναικοκρατίας διὰ τὰς πολλὰς στρατείας τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ἐν αἷς ἠναγκάζοντο κυρίας ἀπολείπειν ἐκείνας, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μᾶλλον τοῦ προσήκοντος αὐτὰς ἐθεράπευον καὶ δεσποίνας προσηγόρευον ἀλλὰ καὶ τούτων τὴν ἐνδεχομένην ἐπιμέλειαν ἐποιήσατο. 23.2. ἔοικε δὲ καὶ τῆς Ὀλυμπιακῆς ἐκεχειρίας ἡ ἐπίνοια πρᾴου καὶ πρὸς εἰρήνην οἰκείως ἔχοντος ἀνδρὸς εἶναι, καίτοι φασί τινες, ὡς Ἕρμιππος μνημονεύει, τὸν Λυκοῦργον οὐ προσέχειν οὐδὲ κοινωνεῖν ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἴφιτον, ἀλλὰ τυγχάνειν ἄλλως ἐπιδημοῦντα καὶ θεώμενον ἀκοῦσαι δὲ φωνὴν ὥσπερ ἀνθρώπου τινὸς ἐξόπισθεν ἐπιτιμῶντος αὐτῷ καὶ θαυμάζοντος ὅτι τοὺς πολίτας οὐ προτρέπεται κοινωνεῖν τῆς πανηγύρεως· ὡς δὲ μεταστραφέντος οὐδαμοῦ φανερὸς ὁ φθεγξάμενος ἦν, θεῖον ἡγησάμενον, οὕτω πρὸς τὸν Ἴφιτον τραπέσθαι καὶ συνδιακοσμήσαντα τὴν ἑορτὴν ἐνδοξοτέραν καὶ βεβαιοτέραν καταστῆσαι. 28.1. ἐν μὲν οὖν τούτοις οὐδέν ἐστιν ἀδικίας ἴχνος οὐδὲ πλεονεξίας, ἣν ἐγκαλοῦσιν ἔνιοι τοῖς Λυκούργου νόμοις, ὡς ἱκανῶς ἔχουσι πρὸς ἀνδρείαν, ἐνδεῶς δὲ πρὸς δικαιοσύνην. ἡ δὲ καλουμένη κρυπτεία παρʼ αὐτοῖς, εἴ γε δὴ τοῦτο τῶν Λυκούργου πολιτευμάτων ἕν ἐστιν, ὡς Ἀριστοτέλης ἱστόρηκε, ταύτην ἂν εἴη καὶ τῷ Πλάτωνι περὶ τῆς πολιτείας καὶ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐνειργασμένη δόξαν. ἦν δὲ τοιαύτη· 28.2. τῶν νέων οἱ ἄρχοντες διὰ χρόνου τοὺς μάλιστά νοῦν ἔχειν δοκοῦντας εἰς τὴν χώραν ἄλλως ἐξέπεμπον, ἔχοντας ἐγχειρίδια καὶ τροφὴν ἀναγκαίαν, ἄλλο δὲ οὐδέν· οἱ δὲ μεθʼ ἡμέραν μὲν εἰς ἀσυνδήλους διασπειρόμενοι τόπους, ἀπέκρυπτον ἑαυτοὺς καὶ ἀνεπαύοντο, νύκτωρ δὲ κατιόντες εἰς τὰς ὁδοὺς τῶν εἱλώτων τὸν ἁλισκόμενον ἀπέσφαττον. 28.3. πολλάκις δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἀγροῖς τοῖς ἀγροῖς MSS. (incl. S): τοὺς ἀγροὺς after Coraës. ἐπιπορευόμενοι τοὺς ῥωμαλεωτάτους καὶ κρατίστους αὐτῶν ἀνῄρουν. ὥσπερ καὶ Θουκυδίδης ἐν τοῖς Πελοποννησιακοῖς ἱστορεῖ τοὺς ἐπʼ ἀνδρείᾳ προκριθέντας ὑπὸ τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν στεφανώσασθαι μὲν ὡς ἐλευθέρους γεγονότας καὶ περιελθεῖν τὰ τῶν θεῶν ἱερά, μικρὸν δὲ ὕστερον ἅπαντας ἀφανεῖς γενέσθαι, πλείονας ἢ δισχιλίους ὄντας, ὡς μήτε παραχρῆμα μήτε ὕστερον ἔχειν τινὰ λέγειν ὅτῳ ὅτῳ Cobet, cf. Thuc. iv. 80, 4: τῷ . τρόπῳ διεφθάρησαν. 28.4. Ἀριστοτέλης δὲ μάλιστά φησι καὶ τοὺς ἐφόρους, ὅταν εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν καταστῶσι πρῶτον, τοῖς εἵλωσι καταγγέλλειν πόλεμον, ὅπως εὐαγὲς ᾖ τὸ ἀνελεῖν. καὶ τἆλλα δὲ τραχέως προσεφέροντο καὶ σκληρῶς αὐτοῖς, ὥστε καὶ πίνειν ἀναγκάζοντες πολὺν ἄκρατον εἰς τὰ συσσίτια παρεισῆγον, ἐπιδεικνύμενοι τὸ μεθύειν οἷόν ἐστι τοῖς νέοις. καὶ ᾠδὰς ἐκέλευον ᾄδειν καὶ χορείας χορεύειν ἀγεννεῖς καὶ καταγελάστους, ἀπέχεσθαι δὲ τῶν ἐλευθέρων. 1.1. Concerning Lycurgus the lawgiver, in general, nothing can be said which is not disputed, since indeed there are different accounts of his birth, his travels, his death, and above all, of his work as lawmaker and statesman; and there is least agreement among historians as to the times in which the man lived. Some say that he flourished at the same time with Iphitus, and in concert with him established the Olympic truce. Among these is Aristotle the philosopher, and he alleges as proof the discus at Olympia on which an inscription preserves the name of Lycurgus. As joining with Iphitus in founding, or reviving, the Olympic games, in 776 B.C., the date assigned to the first recorded victory. Cf. Pausanias, v. 4, 5 f. ; 20, 1. A stay of hostilities was observed all over Greece during the festival. 3.1. Polydectes also died soon afterwards, and then, as was generally thought, the kingdom devolved upon Lycurgus; and until his brother’s wife was known to be with child, he was king. But as soon as he learned of this, he declared that the kingdom belonged to her offspring, if it should be male, and himself administered the government only as guardian. Now the guardians of fatherless kings are called prodikoi by the Lacedaemonians. 3.2. Presently, however, the woman made secret overtures to him, proposing to destroy her unborn babe on condition that he would marry her when he was a king of Sparta; and although he detested her character, he did not reject her proposition, but pretended to approve and accept it. He told her, however, that she need not use drugs to produce a miscarriage, thereby injuring her health and endangering her life, for he would see to it himself that as soon as her child was born it should be put out of the way. 3.3. In this manner he managed to bring the woman to her full time, and when he learned that she was in labour, he sent attendants and watchers for her delivery, with orders, if a girl should be born, to hand it over to the women, but if a boy, to bring it to him, no matter what he was doing. And it came to pass that as he was at supper with the chief magistrates, a male child was born, and his servants brought the little boy to him. 3.4. He took it in his arms, as we are told, and said to those who were at table with him, A king is born unto you, O men of Sparta; then he laid it down in the royal seat and named it Charilaüs, or People’s Joy , because all present were filled with joy, admiring as they did his lofty spirit and his righteousness. And so he was king only eight months in all. But on other accounts also he was revered by his fellow-citizens, and more than those who obeyed him because he was guardian of the king and had royal power in his hands, were those who clave to him for his virtues and were ready and willing to do his bidding. 3.5. There was a party, however, which envied him and sought to impede the growing power of so young a man, especially the kinsmen and friends of the queen-mother, who thought she had been treated with insolence. Her brother, Leonidas, actually railed at Lycurgus once quite boldly, assuring him that he knew well that Lycurgus would one day be king, thereby promoting suspicion and paving the way for the accusation, in case any thing happened to the king, that he had plotted against his life. Some such talk was set in circulation by the queen-mother also, in consequence of which Lycurgus was sorely troubled and fearful of what might be in store for him. He therefore determined to avoid suspicion by travelling abroad, and to continue his wanderings until his nephew should come of age and beget a son to succeed him on the throne. 14.1. In the matter of education, which he regarded as the greatest and noblest task of the law-giver, he began at the very source, by carefully regulating marriages and births. For it is not true that, as Aristotle says, Pol. ii. 6, 8. he tried to bring the women under proper restraint, but desisted, because he could not overcome the great licence and power which the women enjoyed on account of the many expeditions in which their husbands were engaged. During these the men were indeed obliged to leave their wives in sole control at home, and for this reason paid them greater deference than was their due, and gave them the title of Mistress. But even to the women Lycurgus paid all possible attention. 23.2. And indeed the design of the Olympic truce would seem to bespeak a man of gentleness, and predisposed to peace. And yet there are some who say, as Hermippus reminds us, that at the outset Lycurgus had nothing whatever to do with Iphitus and his enterprise, but happened to come that way by chance, and be a spectator at the games; that he heard behind him, however, what seemed to be a human voice, chiding him and expressing amazement that he did not urge his fellow-citizens to take part in the great festival; and since, on turning round, he did not see the speaker anywhere, he concluded that the voice was from heaven, and therefore betook himself to Iphitus, and assisted him in giving the festival a more notable arrangement and a more enduring basis. 28.1. Now in all this there is no trace of injustice or arrogance, which some attribute to the laws of Lycurgus, declaring them efficacious in producing valour, but defective in producing righteousness. The so-called krupteia, or secret service , of the Spartans, if this be really one of the institutions of Lycurgus, as Aristotle says it was, may have given Plato also Laws, p. 630 d. this opinion of the man and his civil polity. 28.2. This secret service was of the following nature. The magistrates from time to time sent out into the country at large the most discreet of the young warriors, equipped only with daggers and such supplies as were necessary. In the day time they scattered into obscure and out of the way places, where they hid themselves and lay quiet; but in the night they came down into the highways and killed every Helot whom they caught. 28.3. oftentimes, too, they actually traversed the fields where Helots were working and slew the sturdiest and best of them. So, too, Thucydides, in his history of the Peloponnesian war, iv. 80. tells us that the Helots who had been judged by the Spartans to be superior in bravery, set wreaths upon their heads in token of their emancipation, and visited the temples of the gods in procession, but a little while afterwards all disappeared, more than two thousand of them, in such a way that no man was able to say, either then or afterwards, how they came by their deaths. 28.4. And Aristotle in particular says also that the ephors, as soon as they came into office, made formal declaration of war upon the Helots, in order that there might be no impiety in slaying them.And in other ways also they were harsh and cruel to the Helots. For instance, they would force them to drink too much strong wine, and then introduce them into their public messes, to show the young men what a thing drunkenness was. They also ordered them to sing songs and dance dances that were low and ridiculous, but to let the nobler kind alone.
181. Plutarch, Lysander, 22.3-22.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 28
22.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἆγις ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐτελεύτησεν ἀδελφὸν μὲν Ἀγησίλαον καταλιπών, υἱὸν δὲ νομιζόμενον Λεωτυχίδαν, ἐραστὴς τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου γεγονὼς ὁ Λύσανδρος ἔπεισεν αὐτὸν ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι τῆς βασιλείας ὡς Ἡρακλείδην ὄντα γνήσιον. ὁ γὰρ Λεωτυχίδας διαβολὴν εἶχεν ἐξ Ἀλκιβιάδου γεγονέναι, συνόντος κρύφα τῇ Ἄγιδος γυναικὶ Τιμαίᾳ καθʼ ὃν χρόνον φεύγων ἐν Σπάρτῃ διέτριβεν. 22.4. ὁ δὲ Ἆγις, ὥς φασι, χρόνου λογισμῷ τὸ πρᾶγμα συνελών, ὡς οὐ κυήσειεν ἐξ αὐτοῦ, παρημέλει μέλει τοῦ Λεωτυχίδου καὶ φανερὸς ἦν ἀναινόμενος αὐτὸν παρά γε τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον. ἐπεὶ δὲ νοσῶν εἰς Ἡραίαν ἐκομίσθη καὶ τελευτᾶν ἔμελλε, τὰ μὲν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ τοῦ νεανίσκου, τὰ δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων ἐκλιπαρηθεὶς ἐναντίον πολλῶν ἀπέφηνεν υἱὸν αὑτοῦ τὸν Λεωτυχίδαν, καὶ δεηθεὶς τῶν παρόντων ἐπιμαρτυρῆσαι ταῦτα πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἀπέθανεν. 22.5. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἐμαρτύρουν ταῦτα τῷ Λεωτυχίδᾳ· τὸν δʼ Ἀγησίλαον λαμπρὸν ὄντα τἆλλα καὶ συναγωνιστῇ τῷ Λυσάνδρῳ χρώμενον ἔβλαπτε Διοπείθης, ἀνὴρ εὐδόκιμος ἐπὶ χρησμολογίᾳ, τοιόνδε μάντευμα προφέρων εἰς τὴν χωλότητα τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου· 22.6. πολλῶν οὖν ὑποκατακλινομένων πρὸς τὸ λόγιον καὶ τρεπομένων πρὸς τὸν Λεωτυχίδαν, ὁ Λύσανδρος οὐκ ὀρθῶς ἔφη τὸν Διοπείθη τὴν μαντείαν ὑπολαμβάνειν· οὐ γὰρ ἂν προσπταίσας τις ἄρχῃ Λακεδαιμονίων, δυσχεραίνειν τὸν θεόν, ἀλλὰ χωλὴν εἶναι τὴν βασιλείαν εἰ νόθοι καὶ κακῶς γεγονότες βασιλεύσουσι σὺν σὺν supplied by Sintenis alone. Ἡρακλείδαις. τοιαῦτα λέγων καὶ δυνάμενος πλεῖστον ἔπεισε, καὶ γίνεται βασιλεὺς Ἀγησίλαος. 22.3. 22.4. 22.5. 22.6.
182. Plutarch, Virtues of Women, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 185
183. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 35.93, 35.132 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 159
184. Plutarch, It Is Impossible To Live Pleasantly In The Manner of Epicurus, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 23
185. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 3, 14 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 9
186. Plutarch, Pelopidas, 22.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 243
187. Plutarch, De Musica (1131B1147A), None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 60
188. Plutarch, Pericles, 32.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 258
32.1. περὶ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον Ἀσπασία δίκην ἔφευγεν ἀσεβείας, Ἑρμίππου τοῦ κωμῳδοποιοῦ διώκοντος καὶ προσκατηγοροῦντος ὡς Περικλεῖ γυναῖκας ἐλευθέρας εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ φοιτώσας ὑποδέχοιτο. καὶ ψήφισμα Διοπείθης ἔγραψεν εἰσαγγέλλεσθαι τοὺς τὰ θεῖα μὴ νομίζοντας ἢ λόγους περὶ τῶν μεταρσίων διδάσκοντας, ἀπερειδόμενος εἰς Περικλέα διʼ Ἀναξαγόρου τὴν ὑπόνοιαν. 32.1. About this time also Aspasia was put on trial for impiety, Hermippus the comic poet being her prosecutor, who alleged further against her that she received free-born women into a place of assignation for Pericles. And Diopeithes brought in a bill providing for the public impeachment of such as did not believe in gods, or who taught doctrines regarding the heavens, directing suspicion against Pericles by means of Anaxagoras.
189. Plutarch, Platonic Questions, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 394
190. Plutarch, Roman Questions, 15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 341
191. Plutarch, Table Talk, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 6, 15
192. Plutarch, How A Man May Become Aware of His Progress In Virtue, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 113
83d. but presented a modest offering from what Ihad in my house?" And then it seemed to him that Poseidon smiled and held out his hand, and said that he would send an abundance of anchovies to the Megarians for Stilpo's sake. So in the case of persons blessed with dreams so pleasant and bright and untroubled, who experience in their hours of slumber no revival of anything terrifying or repellent nor of any act of malice or improbity, men like Zeno assert that such manifestations are bright reflections of their progress, but that torturing memories, perturbations, ignoble desertions, and childish transports of joy and sorrow, such as are experienced in dismal or abnormal dreams, are like to billows that break and toss, inasmuch as the soul does not yet possess the power to keep itself in order, but is still being moulded by external opinions and laws, and when it gets farthest away from these during the hours of slumber,
193. Plutarch, Solon, 12.7-12.8, 21.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 526; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 185
21.5. ἐναγίζειν δὲ βοῦν οὐκ εἴασεν, οὐδὲ συντιθέναι πλέον ἱματίων τριῶν, οὐδʼ ἐπʼ ἀλλότρια μνήματα βαδίζειν χωρὶς ἐκκομιδῆς. ὧν τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ τοῖς ἡμετέροις νόμοις ἀπηγόρευται· πρόσκειται δὲ τοῖς ἡμετέροις ζημιοῦσθαι τοὺς τὰ τοιαῦτα ποιοῦντας ὑπὸ τῶν γυναικονόμων, ὡς ἀνάνδροις καὶ γυναικώδεσι τοῖς περὶ τὰ πένθη πάθεσι καὶ ἁμαρτήμασιν ἐνεχομένους. 21.5. The sacrifice of an ox at the grave was not permitted, nor the burial with the dead of more than three changes of raiment, nor the visiting of other tombs than those of their own family, except at the time of interment. Most of these practices are also forbidden by our laws, but ours contain the additional proviso that such offenders shall be punished by the board of censors for women, because they indulge in unmanly and effeminate extravagances of sorrow when they mourn
194. Plutarch, Whether Land Or Sea Animals Are More Clever, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 113
195. Plutarch, Themistocles, 10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 22
196. Plutarch, Theseus, 36 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 388
197. Plutarch, Lives of The Ten Orators, 22.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 464
198. Theon of Smyrna, Aspects of Mathematics Useful For The Reading of Plato, 22.5, 25.19, 48.6, 78.6, 99.16 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 53, 125, 338
199. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 1.2.2-1.2.3, 1.3.1, 1.6.3, 1.9.1, 1.92, 2.8.1-2.8.5, 3.13.5, 3.14.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter •burkert, w., •burkert, w. Found in books: Del Lucchese (2019), Monstrosity and Philosophy: Radical Otherness in Greek and Latin Culture, 31; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 378, 379, 464; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 28, 337; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 181
1.2.2. ἐγένοντο δὲ Τιτάνων ἔκγονοι Ὠκεανοῦ μὲν καὶ Τηθύος Ὠκεανίδες, 3 -- Ἀσία Στὺξ Ἠλέκτρα Δωρὶς Εὐρονόμη Ἀμφιτρίτη Μῆτις, Κοίου δὲ καὶ Φοίβης Ἀστερία καὶ Λητώ, Ὑπερίονος δὲ καὶ Θείας Ἠὼς Ἥλιος Σελήνη, Κρείου δὲ καὶ Εὐρυβίας τῆς Πόντου Ἀστραῖος Πάλλας Πέρσης, 1.2.3. Ιαπετοῦ δὲ καὶ Ἀσίας 1 -- Ἄτλας, ὃς ἔχει τοῖς ὤμοις τὸν οὐρανόν, καὶ Προμηθεὺς καὶ Ἐπιμηθεὺς καὶ Μενοίτιος, ὃν κεραυνώσας ἐν τῇ τιτανομαχίᾳ Ζεὺς κατεταρτάρωσεν. 1.3.1. Ζεὺς δὲ γαμεῖ μὲν Ἥραν, καὶ τεκνοῖ Ἥβην Εἰλείθυιαν Ἄρην, 3 -- μίγνυται δὲ πολλαῖς θνηταῖς τε καὶ ἀθανάτοις γυναιξίν. ἐκ μὲν οὖν Θέμιδος τῆς 4 -- Οὐρανοῦ γεννᾷ θυγατέρας ὥρας. Εἰρήνην Εὐνομίαν Δίκην, μοίρας, Κλωθὼ Λάχεσιν Ἄτροπον, ἐκ Διώνης δὲ Ἀφροδίτην, ἐξ Εὐρυνόμης δὲ τῆς Ὠκεανοῦ χάριτας, Ἀγλαΐην Εὐφροσύνην Θάλειαν, ἐκ δὲ Στυγὸς Περσεφόνην, ἐκ δὲ Μνημοσύνης μούσας, πρώτην μὲν Καλλιόπην, εἶτα Κλειὼ Μελπομένην Εὐτέρπην Ἐρατὼ Τερψιχόρην Οὐρανίαν Θάλειαν Πολυμνίαν. 1.6.3. ὡς δʼ ἐκράτησαν οἱ θεοὶ τῶν Γιγάντων, Γῆ μᾶλλον χολωθεῖσα μίγνυται Ταρτάρῳ, καὶ γεννᾷ Τυφῶνα ἐν Κιλικίᾳ, 3 -- μεμιγμένην ἔχοντα φύσιν ἀνδρὸς καὶ θηρίου. οὗτος μὲν καὶ μεγέθει καὶ δυνάμει πάντων διήνεγκεν ὅσους ἐγέννησε Γῆ, ἦν δὲ αὐτῷ τὰ μὲν ἄχρι μηρῶν ἄπλετον μέγεθος ἀνδρόμορφον, ὥστε ὑπερέχειν μὲν πάντων τῶν ὀρῶν, ἡ δὲ κεφαλὴ πολλάκις καὶ τῶν ἄστρων ἔψαυε· χεῖρας δὲ εἶχε τὴν μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν ἑσπέραν ἐκτεινομένην τὴν δὲ ἐπὶ τὰς ἀνατολάς· ἐκ τούτων 4 -- δὲ ἐξεῖχον ἑκατὸν κεφαλαὶ δρακόντων. τὰ δὲ ἀπὸ μηρῶν σπείρας εἶχεν ὑπερμεγέθεις ἐχιδνῶν, ὧν ὁλκοὶ πρὸς αὐτὴν ἐκτεινόμενοι κορυφὴν συριγμὸν πολὺν ἐξίεσαν. πᾶν δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸ σῶμα κατεπτέρωτο, αὐχμηραὶ δὲ ἐκ κεφαλῆς καὶ γενύων τρίχες ἐξηνέμωντο, πῦρ δὲ ἐδέρκετο τοῖς ὄμμασι. τοιοῦτος ὢν ὁ Τυφὼν καὶ τηλικοῦτος ἡμμένας βάλλων πέτρας ἐπʼ αὐτὸν τὸν οὐρανὸν μετὰ συριγμῶν ὁμοῦ καὶ βοῆς ἐφέρετο· πολλὴν δὲ ἐκ τοῦ στόματος πυρὸς ἐξέβρασσε ζάλην. θεοὶ δʼ ὡς εἶδον αὐτὸν ἐπʼ οὐρανὸν ὁρμώμενον, εἰς Αἴγυπτον φυγάδες ἐφέροντο, καὶ διωκόμενοι τὰς ἰδέας μετέβαλον 1 -- εἰς ζῷα. Ζεὺς δὲ πόρρω μὲν ὄντα Τυφῶνα ἔβαλλε κεραυνοῖς, πλησίον δὲ γενόμενον ἀδαμαντίνῃ κατέπληττεν 2 -- ἅρπῃ, καὶ φεύγοντα ἄχρι τοῦ Κασίου ὄρους συνεδίωξε· τοῦτο δὲ ὑπέρκειται Συρίας. κεῖθι δὲ αὐτὸν κατατετρωμένον ἰδὼν εἰς χεῖρας συνέβαλε. Τυφὼν δὲ ταῖς σπείραις περιπλεχθεὶς κατέσχεν αὐτόν, καὶ τὴν ἅρπην περιελόμενος τά τε τῶν χειρῶν καὶ ποδῶν διέτεμε νεῦρα, ἀράμενος δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων διεκόμισεν αὐτὸν διὰ τῆς θαλάσσης εἰς Κιλικίαν 3 -- καὶ παρελθὼν εἰς τὸ Κωρύκιον ἄντρον κατέθετο. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὰ νεῦρα κρύψας ἐν ἄρκτου δορᾷ κεῖθι ἀπέθετο, καὶ κατέστησε φύλακα 4 -- Δελφύνην δράκαιναν· ἡμίθηρ δὲ ἦν αὕτη ἡ κόρη. Ἑρμῆς δὲ καὶ Αἰγίπαν ἐκκλέψαντες τὰ νεῦρα ἥρμοσαν τῷ Διὶ λαθόντες. Ζεὺς δὲ τὴν ἰδίαν ἀνακομισάμενος ἰσχύν, ἐξαίφνης ἐξ οὐρανοῦ ἐπὶ πτηνῶν ὀχούμενος ἵππων ἅρματι, βάλλων κεραυνοῖς ἐπʼ ὄρος ἐδίωξε Τυφῶνα τὸ λεγόμενον Νῦσαν, ὅπου μοῖραι αὐτὸν διωχθέντα ἠπάτησαν· πεισθεὶς γὰρ ὅτι ῥωσθήσεται μᾶλλον, ἐγεύσατο τῶν ἐφημέρων καρπῶν. διόπερ ἐπιδιωκόμενος αὖθις ἧκεν εἰς Θρᾴκην, καὶ μαχόμενος περὶ τὸν Αἷμον ὅλα ἔβαλλεν ὄρη. τούτων δὲ ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ κεραυνοῦ πάλιν ὠθουμένων πολὺ ἐπὶ τοῦ ὄρους ἐξέκλυσεν αἷμα· καί φασιν ἐκ τούτου τὸ ὄρος κληθῆναι Αἷμον. φεύγειν δὲ ὁρμηθέντι αὐτῷ 1 -- διὰ τῆς Σικελικῆς θαλάσσης Ζεὺς ἐπέρριψεν Αἴτνην ὄρος ἐν Σικελίᾳ· τοῦτο δὲ ὑπερμέγεθές ἐστιν, ἐξ οὗ μέχρι δεῦρό φασιν ἀπὸ τῶν βληθέντων κεραυνῶν γίνεσθαι πυρὸς ἀναφυσήματα. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων μέχρι τοῦ δεῦρο ἡμῖν λελέχθω. 1.9.1. τῶν δὲ Αἰόλου παίδων Ἀθάμας, Βοιωτίας δυναστεύων, ἐκ Νεφέλης τεκνοῖ παῖδα μὲν Φρίξον θυγατέρα δὲ Ἕλλην. αὖθις δὲ Ἰνὼ γαμεῖ, ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ Λέαρχος καὶ Μελικέρτης ἐγένοντο. ἐπιβουλεύουσα δὲ Ἰνὼ τοῖς Νεφέλης τέκνοις ἔπεισε τὰς γυναῖκας τὸν πυρὸν φρύγειν. λαμβάνουσαι δὲ κρύφα τῶν ἀνδρῶν τοῦτο ἔπρασσον. γῆ δὲ πεφρυγμένους πυροὺς δεχομένη καρποὺς ἐτησίους οὐκ ἀνεδίδου. διὸ πέμπων ὁ Ἀθάμας εἰς Δελφοὺς ἀπαλλαγὴν ἐπυνθάνετο τῆς ἀφορίας. Ἰνὼ δὲ τοὺς πεμφθέντας ἀνέπεισε λέγειν ὡς εἴη κεχρησμένον παύσεσθαι 1 -- τὴν ἀκαρπίαν, ἐὰν σφαγῇ Διὶ ὁ Φρίξος. τοῦτο ἀκούσας Ἀθάμας, συναναγκαζόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν τὴν γῆν κατοικούντων, τῷ βωμῷ παρέστησε Φρίξον. Νεφέλη δὲ μετὰ τῆς θυγατρὸς αὐτὸν ἀνήρπασε, καὶ παρʼ Ἑρμοῦ λαβοῦσα χρυσόμαλλον κριὸν ἔδωκεν, ὑφʼ 2 -- οὗ φερόμενοι διʼ οὐρανοῦ γῆν ὑπερέβησαν καὶ θάλασσαν. ὡς δὲ ἐγένοντο κατὰ τὴν μεταξὺ κειμένην θάλασσαν Σιγείου καὶ Χερρονήσου, ὤλισθεν εἰς τὸν βυθὸν ἡ Ἕλλη, κἀκεῖ θανούσης αὐτῆς ἀπʼ ἐκείνης Ἑλλήσποντος ἐκλήθη τὸ πέλαγος. Φρίξος δὲ ἦλθεν εἰς Κόλχους, ὧν Αἰήτης ἐβασίλευε παῖς Ἡλίου καὶ Περσηίδος, ἀδελφὸς δὲ Κίρκης καὶ Πασιφάης, ἣν Μίνως ἔγημεν. οὗτος αὐτὸν ὑποδέχεται, καὶ μίαν τῶν θυγατέρων Χαλκιόπην δίδωσιν. ὁ δὲ τὸν χρυσόμαλλον κριὸν Διὶ θύει φυξίῳ, τὸ δὲ τούτου δέρας Αἰήτῃ δίδωσιν· ἐκεῖνος δὲ αὐτὸ περὶ δρῦν ἐν Ἄρεος ἄλσει καθήλωσεν. ἐγένοντο δὲ ἐκ Χαλκιόπης Φρίξῳ παῖδες Ἄργος Μέλας Φρόντις Κυτίσωρος. 2.8.1. μεταστάντος δὲ Ἡρακλέους εἰς θεοὺς οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ φυγόντες Εὐρυσθέα πρὸς Κήυκα παρεγένοντο. ὡς δὲ ἐκείνους ἐκδιδόναι λέγοντος Εὐρυσθέως καὶ πόλεμον ἀπειλοῦντος ἐδεδοίκεσαν, Τραχῖνα καταλιπόντες διὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἔφυγον. διωκόμενοι δὲ ἦλθον εἰς Ἀθήνας, καὶ καθεσθέντες ἐπὶ τὸν ἐλέου βωμὸν ἠξίουν βοηθεῖσθαι. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ οὐκ ἐκδιδόντες αὐτοὺς πρὸς τὸν Εὐρυσθέα πόλεμον ὑπέστησαν, καὶ τοὺς μὲν παῖδας αὐτοῦ Ἀλέξανδρον Ἰφιμέδοντα Εὐρύβιον Μέντορα Περιμήδην ἀπέκτειναν· αὐτὸν δὲ Εὐρυσθέα φεύγοντα ἐφʼ ἅρματος καὶ πέτρας ἤδη παριππεύοντα Σκειρωνίδας 1 -- κτείνει διώξας Ὕλλος, καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποτεμὼν Ἀλκμήνῃ δίδωσιν· ἡ δὲ κερκίσι τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐξώρυξεν αὐτοῦ. 2.8.2. ἀπολομένου δὲ Εὐρυσθέως ἐπὶ Πελοπόννησον ἦλθον οἱ Ἡρακλεῖδαι, καὶ πάσας εἷλον τὰς πόλεις. ἐνιαυτοῦ δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐν τῇ καθόδῳ διαγενομένου φθορὰ 1 -- πᾶσαν Πελοπόννησον κατέσχε, καὶ ταύτην γενέσθαι χρησμὸς διὰ τοὺς Ἡρακλείδας ἐδήλου· πρὸ γὰρ τοῦ δέοντος αὐτοὺς κατελθεῖν. ὅθεν ἀπολιπόντες Πελοπόννησον ἀνεχώρησαν 2 -- εἰς Μαραθῶνα κἀκεῖ κατῴκουν. Τληπόλεμος οὖν κτείνας οὐχ ἑκὼν Λικύμνιον (τῇ βακτηρίᾳ γὰρ αὐτοῦ θεράποντα 3 -- πλήσσοντος ὑπέδραμε) πρὶν ἐξελθεῖν αὐτοὺς 4 -- ἐκ Πελοποννήσου, φεύγων μετʼ οὐκ ὀλίγων ἧκεν εἰς Ῥόδον, κἀκεῖ κατῴκει. Ὕλλος δὲ τὴν μὲν Ἰόλην κατὰ τὰς τοῦ πατρὸς ἐντολὰς 5 -- ἔγημε, τὴν δὲ κάθοδον ἐζήτει τοῖς Ἡρακλείδαις κατεργάσασθαι. διὸ παραγενόμενος εἰς Δελφοὺς ἐπυνθάνετο πῶς ἂν κατέλθοιεν. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἔφησε 6 -- περιμείναντας τὸν τρίτον καρπὸν κατέρχεσθαι. νομίσας δὲ Ὕλλος τρίτον καρπὸν λέγεσθαι τὴν τριετίαν, τοσοῦτον περιμείνας χρόνον σὺν τῷ στρατῷ κατῄει τοῦ Ἡρακλέους 7 -- ἐπὶ Πελοπόννησον, Τισαμενοῦ τοῦ Ὀρέστου βασιλεύοντος Πελοποννησίων. καὶ γενομένης πάλιν μάχης νικῶσι Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ Ἀριστόμαχος θνήσκει. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἠνδρώθησαν οἱ Κλεοδαίου 1 -- παῖδες, ἐχρῶντο περὶ καθόδου. τοῦ θεοῦ δὲ εἰπόντος ὅ τι καὶ τὸ πρότερον, Τήμενος ᾐτιᾶτο λέγων τούτῳ πεισθέντας 2 -- ἀτυχῆσαι. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἀνεῖλε τῶν ἀτυχημάτων αὐτοὺς αἰτίους εἶναι· τοὺς γὰρ χρησμοὺς οὐ συμβάλλειν. λέγειν γὰρ οὐ γῆς ἀλλὰ γενεᾶς καρπὸν τρίτον, καὶ στενυγρὰν τὴν εὐρυγάστορα, δεξιὰν κατὰ τὸν Ἰσθμὸν ἔχοντι τὴν θάλασσαν. 3 -- ταῦτα Τήμενος ἀκούσας ἡτοίμαζε τὸν στρατόν, καὶ ναῦς ἐπήξατο 1 -- τῆς Λοκρίδος ἔνθα νῦν ἀπʼ ἐκείνου ὁ τόπος Ναύπακτος λέγεται. ἐκεῖ δʼ ὄντος τοῦ στρατεύματος Ἀριστόδημος κεραυνωθεὶς ἀπέθανε, παῖδας καταλιπὼν ἐξ Ἀργείας τῆς Αὐτεσίωνος διδύμους, Εὐρυσθένη καὶ Προκλέα. 2.8.3. συνέβη δὲ καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἐν Ναυπάκτῳ συμφορᾷ περιπεσεῖν. ἐφάνη γὰρ αὐτοῖς μάντις χρησμοὺς λέγων καὶ ἐνθεάζων, ὃν ἐνόμισαν μάγον εἶναι ἐπὶ λύμῃ τοῦ στρατοῦ πρὸς Πελοποννησίων ἀπεσταλμένον. τοῦτον βαλὼν ἀκοντίῳ Ἱππότης ὁ Φύλαντος τοῦ Ἀντιόχου τοῦ Ἡρακλέους τυχὼν ἀπέκτεινεν. οὕτως δὲ γενομένου τούτου τὸ μὲν ναυτικὸν διαφθαρεισῶν τῶν νεῶν ἀπώλετο, τὸ δὲ πεζὸν ἠτύχησε λιμῷ, καὶ διελύθη τὸ στράτευμα. χρωμένου δὲ περὶ τῆς συμφορᾶς Τημένου, καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ διὰ τοῦ μάντεως γενέσθαι ταῦτα λέγοντος, καὶ κελεύοντος φυγαδεῦσαι δέκα ἔτη τὸν ἀνελόντα καὶ χρήσασθαι ἡγεμόνι τῷ τριοφθάλμῳ, τὸν μὲν Ἱππότην ἐφυγάδευσαν, τὸν δὲ τριόφθαλμον ἐζήτουν. καὶ περιτυγχάνουσιν Ὀξύλῳ τῷ Ἀνδραίμονος, ἐφʼ ἵππου καθημένῳ 1 -- μονοφθάλμου 2 -- (τὸν γὰρ ἕτερον τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἐκκέκοπτο 3 -- τόξῳ). ἐπὶ φόνῳ γὰρ οὗτος φυγὼν εἰς Ἦλιν, ἐκεῖθεν εἰς Αἰτωλίαν ἐνιαυτοῦ διελθόντος ἐπανήρχετο. συμβαλόντες οὖν τὸν χρησμόν, τοῦτον ἡγεμόνα ποιοῦνται. καὶ συμβαλόντες τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ τῷ πεζῷ καὶ τῷ ναυτικῷ προτεροῦσι στρατῷ, καὶ Τισαμενὸν κτείνουσι τὸν Ὀρέστου. θνήσκουσι δὲ συμμαχοῦντες αὐτοῖς οἱ Αἰγιμίου παῖδες, Πάμφυλος καὶ Δύμας. 2.8.4. ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἐκράτησαν Πελοποννήσου, τρεῖς ἱδρύσαντο βωμοὺς πατρῴου Διός, καὶ ἐπὶ τούτων ἔθυσαν, καὶ ἐκληροῦντο τὰς πόλεις. πρώτη μὲν οὖν λῆξις Ἄργος, δευτέρα δὲ Λακεδαίμων, τρίτη δὲ Μεσσήνη. κομισάντων δὲ ὑδρίαν ὕδατος, ἔδοξε ψῆφον βαλεῖν ἕκαστον. Τήμενος οὖν καὶ οἱ Ἀριστοδήμου παῖδες Προκλῆς καὶ Εὐρυσθένης ἔβαλον λίθους, Κρεσφόντης δὲ βουλόμενος Μεσσήνην λαχεῖν γῆς ἐνέβαλε βῶλον. ταύτης δὲ διαλυθείσης ἔδει τοὺς δύο κλήρους ἀναφανῆναι. ἑλκυσθείσης δὲ πρώτης 4 -- μὲν τῆς Τημένου, δευτέρας δὲ τῆς τῶν Ἀριστοδήμου παίδων, Μεσσήνην ἔλαβε 1 -- Κρεσφόντης. 2.8.5. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς βωμοῖς οἷς ἔθυσαν εὗρον σημεῖα κείμενα οἱ μὲν λαχόντες Ἄργος φρῦνον, οἱ δὲ Λακεδαίμονα 2 -- δράκοντα, οἱ δὲ Μεσσήνην ἀλώπεκα. περὶ δὲ τῶν σημείων ἔλεγον οἱ μάντεις, τοῖς μὲν τὸν φρῦνον καταλαβοῦσιν 3 -- ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως μένειν ἄμεινον (μὴ γὰρ ἔχειν ἀλκὴν πορευόμενον τὸ θηρίον), τοὺς δὲ δράκοντα καταλαβόντας δεινοὺς ἐπιόντας ἔλεγον ἔσεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ τὴν ἀλώπεκα δολίους. Τήμενος μὲν οὖν παραπεμπόμενος τοὺς παῖδας Ἀγέλαον καὶ Εὐρύπυλον καὶ Καλλίαν, τῇ θυγατρὶ προσανεῖχεν Ὑρνηθοῖ καὶ τῷ ταύτης ἀνδρὶ Δηιφόντῃ. ὅθεν οἱ παῖδες πείθουσί τινας 4 -- ἐπὶ μισθῷ τὸν πατέρα αὐτῶν φονεῦσαι. γενομένου δὲ τοῦ φόνου τὴν βασιλείαν ὁ στρατὸς ἔχειν ἐδικαίωσεν Ὑρνηθὼ καὶ Δηιφόντην. 5 -- Κρεσφόντης δὲ οὐ πολὺν Μεσσήνης βασιλεύσας χρόνον μετὰ δύο παίδων φονευθεὶς ἀπέθανε. Πολυφόντης δὲ ἐβασίλευσεν, αὐτῶν 6 -- τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν ὑπάρχων, καὶ τὴν τοῦ φονευθέντος γυναῖκα Μερόπην ἄκουσαν ἔλαβεν. ἀνῃρέθη δὲ καὶ οὗτος. τρίτον γὰρ ἔχουσα παῖδα Μερόπη καλούμενον Αἴπυτον 1 -- ἔδωκε τῷ ἑαυτῆς πατρὶ τρέφειν. οὗτος ἀνδρωθεὶς καὶ κρύφα κατελθὼν ἔκτεινε Πολυφόντην καὶ τὴν πατρῴαν βασιλείαν ἀπέλαβεν. 3.13.5. αὖθις δὲ γαμεῖ Θέτιν τὴν Νηρέως, περὶ ἧς τοῦ γάμου Ζεὺς καὶ Ποσειδῶν ἤρισαν, Θέμιδος 1 -- δὲ θεσπιῳδούσης ἔσεσθαι τὸν ἐκ ταύτης γεννηθέντα κρείττονα τοῦ πατρὸς ἀπέσχοντο. ἔνιοι δέ φασι, Διὸς ὁρμῶντος ἐπὶ τὴν ταύτης συνουσίαν, εἰρηκέναι Προμηθέα τὸν ἐκ ταύτης αὐτῷ γεννηθέντα οὐρανοῦ δυναστεύσειν. 2 -- τινὲς δὲ λέγουσι Θέτιν μὴ βουληθῆναι Διὶ συνελθεῖν ὡς 3 -- ὑπὸ Ἥρας τραφεῖσαν, Δία δὲ ὀργισθέντα θνητῷ θέλειν αὐτὴν 4 -- συνοικίσαι. 5 -- Χείρωνος οὖν ὑποθεμένου Πηλεῖ συλλαβεῖν καὶ κατασχεῖν 6 -- αὐτὴν μεταμορφουμένην, ἐπιτηρήσας συναρπάζει, γινομένην δὲ ὁτὲ μὲν πῦρ ὁτὲ δὲ ὕδωρ ὁτὲ δὲ θηρίον οὐ πρότερον ἀνῆκε πρὶν ἢ τὴν ἀρχαίαν μορφὴν εἶδεν ἀπολαβοῦσαν. γαμεῖ δὲ ἐν τῷ Πηλίῳ, κἀκεῖ θεοὶ τὸν γάμον εὐωχούμενοι καθύμνησαν. καὶ δίδωσι Χείρων Πηλεῖ δόρυ μείλινον, Ποσειδῶν δὲ ἵππους Βαλίον καὶ Ξάνθον· ἀθάνατοι δὲ ἦσαν οὗτοι. 3.14.4. Ἄδωνις δὲ ἔτι παῖς ὢν Ἀρτέμιδος χόλῳ πληγεὶς ἐν θήρᾳ 1 -- ὑπὸ συὸς ἀπέθανεν. Ἡσίοδος δὲ αὐτὸν Φοίνικος καὶ Ἀλφεσιβοίας λέγει, Πανύασις 2 -- δέ φησι Θείαντος βασιλέως Ἀσσυρίων, ὃς ἔσχε θυγατέρα Σμύρναν. αὕτη κατὰ μῆνιν Ἀφροδίτης (οὐ γὰρ αὐτὴν ἐτίμα) ἴσχει τοῦ πατρὸς ἔρωτα, καὶ συνεργὸν λαβοῦσα τὴν τροφὸν ἀγνοοῦντι τῷ πατρὶ νύκτας δώδεκα συνευνάσθη. ὁ δὲ ὡς ᾔσθετο, σπασάμενος τὸ 1 -- ξίφος ἐδίωκεν αὐτήν· ἡ δὲ περικαταλαμβανομένη θεοῖς ηὔξατο ἀφανὴς γενέσθαι. θεοὶ δὲ κατοικτείραντες αὐτὴν εἰς δένδρον μετήλλαξαν, ὃ καλοῦσι σμύρναν. 2 -- δεκαμηνιαίῳ δὲ ὕστερον χρόνῳ τοῦ δένδρου ῥαγέντος γεννηθῆναι τὸν λεγόμενον Ἄδωνιν, ὃν Ἀφροδίτη διὰ κάλλος ἔτι νήπιον κρύφα θεῶν εἰς λάρνακα κρύψασα Περσεφόνῃ παρίστατο. ἐκείνη δὲ ὡς ἐθεάσατο, οὐκ ἀπεδίδου. κρίσεως δὲ ἐπὶ Διὸς γενομένης εἰς τρεῖς μοίρας διῃρέθη ὁ ἐνιαυτός, καὶ μίαν μὲν παρʼ ἑαυτῷ μένειν τὸν Ἄδωνιν, μίαν δὲ παρὰ Περσεφόνῃ προσέταξε, τὴν δὲ ἑτέραν παρʼ Ἀφροδίτῃ· ὁ δὲ Ἄδωνις ταύτῃ προσένειμε καὶ τὴν ἰδίαν μοῖραν. ὕστερον δὲ θηρεύων Ἄδωνις ὑπὸ συὸς πληγεὶς ἀπέθανε.
200. Plutarch, Placita Philosophorum (874D-911C), 40.20, 41.15, 55.20-55.27 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 53, 336, 338
201. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 4.8.2 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 181
4.8.2. τὸν δὲ τοῦ Διονύσου μὲν ἐν τῷ τότε ἀμελῆσαι λέγουσι, Διοσκούροιν δὲ θῦσαι, ἐξ ὅτου δὴ ἐπιφρασθέντα τοῖν Διοσκούροιν τὴν θυσίαν· πόρρω δὲ τοῦ πότου προϊόντος ʽκαὶ γὰρ καὶ τὰ τῶν πότων ἤδη Ἀλεξάνδρῳ ἐς τὸ βαρβαρικώτερον νενεωτέριστὀ ἀλλʼ ἐν γε τῷ πότῳ τότε ὑπὲρ τοῖν Διοσκούροιν λόγους γίγνεσθαι, ὅπως ἐς Δία ἀνηνέχθη αὐτοῖν ἡ γένεσις ἀφαιρεθεῖσα Τυνδάρεω.
202. Plutarch, Nicias, 13 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 151
203. Plutarch, On The E At Delphi, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 60
204. Plutarch, On The Sign of Socrates, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 167
205. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 2.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 282
2.2. ἡ μὲν οὖν νύμφη, πρὸ τῆς νυκτός ᾗ συνείρχθησαν εἰς τὸν θάλαμον, ἔδοξε βροντῆς γενομένης ἐμπεσεῖν αὐτῆς τῇ γαστρὶ κεραυνόν, ἐκ δὲ τῆς πληγῆς πολὺ πῦρ ἀναφθέν, εἶτα ῥηγνύμενον εἰς φλόγας πάντῃ φερομένας διαλυθῆναι. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ μετὰ τὸν γάμον εἶδεν ὄναρ αὑτὸν ἐπιβάλλοντα σφραγῖδα τῇ γαστρὶ τῆς γυναικός· ἡ δὲ γλυφὴ τῆς σφραγῖδος, ὡς ᾤετο, λέοντος εἶχεν εἰκόνα. 2.2. Well, then, the night before that on which the marriage was consummated, the bride dreamed that there was a peal of thunder and that a thunder-bolt fell upon her womb, and that thereby much fire was kindled, which broke into flames that travelled all about, and then was extinguished. At a later time, too, after the marriage, Philip dreamed that he was putting a seal upon his wife’s womb; and the device of the seal, as he thought, was the figure of a lion.
206. Plutarch, On Isis And Osiris, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 9
354e. Solon, Thales, Plato, Eudoxus, Pythagoras, who came to Egypt and consorted with the priests; and in this number some would include Lycurgus also. Eudoxus, they say, received instruction from Chonuphis of Memphis, Solon from Sonchis of Saïs, and Pythagoras from Oenuphis of Heliopolis. Pythagoras, it seems,
207. Plutarch, On The Obsolescence of Oracles, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 394
208. Plutarch, On The Birth of The Spirit In Timaeus, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 53
209. Plutarch, Letter of Condolence To Apollonius, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 149
210. Plutarch, Whether An Old Man Should Engage In Public Affairs, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 13
787b. that he may remain a friend, but constancy shown by small tokens always preserves his goodwill, and so likewise the friendship and confidence of the people do not constantly demand that a man pay for choruses, plead causes, or hold offices; no, they are maintained by his mere readiness to serve and by not failing or growing weary in care and concern for the people. For even wars do not consist entirely of pitched battles, fighting, and sieges, but they admit of occasional sacrifices, social gatherings in between, and abundant leisure for games and foolishness. Why, then, forsooth, is public life feared as inexorable, toilsome, and burdensome, when theatrical exhibitions, festive processions, distributions of food, "choruses and the Muse and Aglaïa,"
211. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 43.6-43.8, 50.3-50.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 22, 278
50.3. ἅπαντες οὖν ὀργῇ παρώξυνον ἐπὶ τὴν τιμωρίαν τοῦ Ἀρμενίου τὸν Ἀντώνιον. ὁ δὲ λογισμῷ χρησάμενος οὔτε ἐμέμψατο τὴν προδοσίαν οὔτε ἀφεῖλε τῆς συνήθους φιλοφροσύνης καὶ τιμῆς πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀσθενὴς τῷ στρατῷ καὶ ἄπορος γεγονώς. 50.4. ὕστερον μέντοι πάλιν ἐμβαλὼν εἰς Ἀρμενίαν, καὶ πολλαῖς ὑποσχέσεσι καὶ προκλήσεσι πείσας αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν εἰς χεῖρας, συνέλαβε, καὶ δέσμιον καταγαγὼν εἰς Ἀλεξάνδρειαν, ἐθριάμβευσεν. ᾧ μάλιστα Ῥωμαίους ἐλύπησεν, ὡς τὰ καλὰ καὶ σεμνὰ τῆς πατρίδος Αἰγυπτίοις διὰ Κλεοπάτραν χαριζόμενος. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὕστερον ἐπράχθη. 50.3. 50.4.
212. Plutarch, Aratus, 43.6-43.8, 50.3-50.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 22, 278
50.3. ἔστι γὰρ οὐχ ἧττον εὐερκὴς τοῦ Ἀκροκορίνθου, καὶ λαβὼν φρουρὰν γίνεται χαλεπὸς καὶ δυσεκβίαστος τοῖς παροικοῦσιν. ἀναβὰς δὲ καὶ θύσας, ὡς προσήνεγκεν αὐτῷ τὰ σπλάγχνα τοῦ βοὸς ὁ μάντις, ἀμφοτέραις ταῖς χερσὶν ὑπολαβὼν ἐδείκνυε τῷ τε Ἀράτῳ καὶ τῷ Φαρίῳ Δημητρίῳ, παρὰ μέρος ἀποκλίνων εἰς ἑκάτερον καὶ πυνθανόμενος τί καθορῶσιν ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς, κρατοῦντα τῆς ἄκρας αὐτόν ἢ τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις ἀποδιδόντα. 50.4. γελάσας οὖν ὁ Δημήτριος, εἰ μὲν, ἔφη, μάντεως ἔχεις ψυχήν, ἀφήσεις τὸν τόπον εἰ δὲ βασιλέως, ἀμφοτέρων τῶν κεράτων τὸν βοῦν καθέξεις, αἰνιττόμενος τὴν Πελοπόννησον, ὡς, εἰ προσλάβοι τὸν Ἰθωμάταν τῷ Ἀκροκορίνθῳ, παντάπασιν ἐσομένην ὑποχείριον καὶ ταπεινήν. 50.3. 50.4.
213. Plutarch, On The Education of Children, 3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Huffman (2019), A History of Pythagoreanism, 95
3. In this connexion we should speak of a matter which has not been overlooked by our predecessors. What is this? It is that husbands who approach their wives for the sake of issue should do so only when they have either not taken any wine at all, or at any rate, a very moderate portion. For children whose fathers have chanced to beget them in drunkenness are wont to be fond of wine, and to be given to excessive drinking. Wherefore Diogenes, observing an emotional and crack-brained youth, said, Young man, your father must have been drunk when he begot you ! So much for my views on the subject of birth. We must now speak of education.
214. Plutarch, Comparison of Numa With Lycurgus, 15.3-15.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 526
215. Aristides Quintilianus, On Music, 3.2 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 125
216. Aelian, Varia Historia, 4.17, 8.3 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 88; Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 9
217. Aelian, Fragments, 10.50, 11.4, 12.43 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 82, 86, 87
218. Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies, 1.2.2, 1.3.3, 2.6, 4.34.4, 4.44.3, 4.51.1-4.51.5, 5.13.6, 6.23.1-6.23.2, 6.26-6.27, 6.26.1-6.26.3, 6.27.2-6.27.5, 6.52.2 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. •burkert, walter Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 96, 166, 167, 327; Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 6, 9, 15
6.26. Ignorance, therefore, having arisen within the Pleroma in consequence of Sophia, and shapelessness in consequence of the offspring of Sophia, confusion arose in the Pleroma. (For all) the Aeons that were begotten (became overwhelmed with apprehension, imagining) that in like manner formless and incomplete progenies of the Aeons should be generated; and that some destruction, at no distant period, should l at length seize upon the Aeons. All the Aeons, then, betook themselves to supplication of the Father, that he would tranquillize the sorrowing Sophia; for she continued weeping and bewailing on account of the abortion produced by her - for so they, term it. The Father, then, compassionating the tears of Sophia, and accepting the supplication of the Aeons, orders a further projection. For he did not, (Valentinus) says, himself project, but Nous and Aletheia (projected) Christ and the Holy Spirit for the restoration of Form, and the destruction of the abortion, and (for) the consolation and cessation of the groans of Sophia. And thirty Aeons came into existence along with Christ and the Holy Spirit. Some of these (Valentinians) wish that this should be a triacontad of Aeons, whereas others desire that Sige should exist along with the Father, and that the Aeons should be reckoned along with them. Christ, therefore, being additionally projected, and the Holy Spirit, by Nous and Aletheia, immediately this abortion of Sophia, (which was) shapeless, (and) born of herself only, and generated without conjugal intercourse, separates from the entire of the Aeons, lest the perfect Aeons, beholding this (abortion), should be disturbed by reason of its shapelessness. In order, then, that the shapelessness of the abortion might not at all manifest itself to the perfect Aeons, the Father also again projects additionally one Aeon, viz., Staurus. And he being begotten great, as from a mighty and perfect father, and being projected for the guardianship and defense of the Aeons, becomes a limit of the Pleroma, having within itself all the thirty Aeons together, for these are they that had been projected. Now this (Aeon) is styled Horos, because he separates from the Pleroma the Hysterema that is outside. And (he is called) Metocheus, because he shares also in the Hysterema. And (he is denominated) Staurus, because he is fixed inflexibly and inexorably, so that nothing of the Hysterema can come near the Aeons who are within the Pleroma. Outside, then, Horos, (or) Metocheus, (or) Staurus, is the Ogdoad, as it is called, according to them, and is that Sophia which is outside the Pleroma, which (Sophia) Christ, who was additionally projected by Nous and Aletheia, formed and made a perfect Aeon so that in no respect she should be inferior in power to any of the Aeons within the Pleroma. Since, however, Sophia was formed outside, and it was not possible and equitable that Christ and the Holy Spirit, who were projected from Nous and Aletheia, should remain outside the Pleroma, Christ hurried away, and the Holy Spirit, from her who had had shape imparted to her, unto Nous and Aletheia within the Limit, in order that with the rest of the Aeons they might glorify the Father. 6.27. After, then, there ensued some one (treaty of) peace and harmony between all the Aeons within the Pleroma, it appeared expedient to them not only by a conjugal union to have magnified the Son, but also that by an offering of ripe fruits they should glorify the Father. Then all the thirty Aeons consented to project one Aeons, joint fruit of the Pleroma, that he might be (an earnest) of their union, and uimity, and peace. And he alone was projected by all the Aeons in honour of the Father. This (one) is styled among them Joint Fruit of the Pleroma. These (matters), then, took place within the Pleroma in this way. And the Joint Fruit of the Pleroma was projected, (that is,) Jesus, - for this is his name - the great High Priest. Sophia, however, who was outside the Pleroma in search of Christ, who had given her form, and of the Holy Spirit, became involved in great terror that she would perish, if he should separate from her, who had given her form and consistency. And she was seized with grief, and fell into a state of considerable perplexity, (while) reflecting who was he who had given her form, what the Holy Spirit was, whither he had departed, who it was that had hindered them from being present, who it was that had been envious of that glorious and blessed spectacle. While involved in sufferings such as these, she turns herself to prayer and supplication of him who had deserted her. During the utterance of her entreaties, Christ, who is within the Pleroma, had mercy upon (her), and all the rest of the Aeons (were similarly affected); and they send forth beyond the Pleroma the Joint Fruit of the Pleroma as a spouse for Sophia, who was outside, and as a rectifier of those sufferings which she underwent in searching after Christ. The Fruit, then, arriving outside the Pleroma, and discovering (Sophia) in the midst of those four primary passions, both fear and sorrow, and perplexity and entreaty he rectified her affections. While, however, correcting them, he observed that it would not be proper to destroy these, inasmuch as they are (in their nature) eternal, and peculiar to Sophia; and yet that neither was it seemly that Sophia should exist in the midst of such passions, in fear and sorrow, supplication (and) perplexity. He therefore, as an Aeons so great, and (as) offspring of the entire Pleroma, caused the passions to depart from her, and he made these substantially-existent essences. He altered fear into animal desire, and (made) grief material, and (rendered) perplexity (the passion) of demons. But conversion, and entreaty, and supplication, he constituted as a path to repentance and power over the animal essence, which is denominated right. The Creator (acted) from fear; (and) that is what, he says, Scripture affirms: The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom. For this is the beginning of the affections of Sophia, for she was seized with fear, next with grief, then with perplexity, and so she sought refuge in entreaty and supplication. And the animal essence is, he says, of a fiery nature, and is also termed by them the super-celestial Topos, and Hebdomad, and Ancient of Days. And whatever other such statements they advance respecting this (Aeon), these they allege to hold good of the animalish (one), whom they assert to be creator of the world. Now he is of the appearance of fire. Moses also, he says, expresses himself thus: The Lord your God is a burning and consuming fire. For he, likewise, wishes (to think) that it has been so written. There is, however, he says, a twofold power of the fire; for fire is all-consuming, (and) cannot he quenched. According, therefore, to this division, there exists, subject to death, a certain soul which is a sort of mediator, for it is a Hebdomad and Cessation. Genesis 2:2 For underneath the Ogdoad, where Sophia is, but above Matter, which is the Creator, a day has been formed, and the Joint Fruit of the Pleroma. If the soul has been fashioned in the image of those above, that is, the Ogdoad, it became immortal and repaired to the Ogdoad, which is, he says, heavenly Jerusalem. If, however, it has been fashioned in the image of Matter, that is, the corporeal passions, the soul is of a perishable nature, and is (accordingly) destroyed.
219. Apuleius, Apology, 56 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Belayche and Massa (2021), Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, 63
220. Tertullian, On The Soul, 28.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 167
221. Lucian, The Lover of Lies, 17.22-17.24 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter •burkert, w. Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 360; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 278
222. Lucian, Zeus Rants, 15 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 243
223. Sextus, Against The Mathematicians, 7.94, 10.258-10.284 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 53, 327, 355, 377
224. Justin, First Apology, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Belayche and Massa (2021), Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, 112
225. Justin, Dialogue With Trypho, 70 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Belayche and Massa (2021), Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, 112
70. So also the mysteries of Mithras are distorted from the prophecies of Daniel and Isaiah Justin: And when those who record the mysteries of Mithras say that he was begotten of a rock, and call the place where those who believe in him are initiated a cave, do I not perceive here that the utterance of Daniel, that a stone without hands was cut out of a great mountain, has been imitated by them, and that they have attempted likewise to imitate the whole of Isaiah's words? For they contrived that the words of righteousness be quoted also by them. But I must repeat to you the words of Isaiah referred to, in order that from them you may know that these things are so. They are these: 'Hear, you that are far off, what I have done; those that are near shall know my might. The sinners in Zion are removed; trembling shall seize the impious. Who shall announce to you the everlasting place? The man who walks in righteousness, speaks in the right way, hates sin and unrighteousness, and keeps his hands pure from bribes, stops the ears from hearing the unjust judgment of blood closes the eyes from seeing unrighteousness: he shall dwell in the lofty cave of the strong rock. Bread shall be given to him, and his water [shall be] sure. You shall see the King with glory, and your eyes shall look far off. Your soul shall pursue diligently the fear of the Lord. Where is the scribe? Where are the counsellors? Where is he that numbers those who are nourished — the small and great people? With whom they did not take counsel, nor knew the depth of the voices, so that they heard not. The people who have become depreciated, and there is no understanding in him who hears.' Isaiah 33:13-19 Now it is evident, that in this prophecy [allusion is made] to the bread which our Christ gave us to eat, in remembrance of His being made flesh for the sake of His believers, for whom also He suffered; and to the cup which He gave us to drink, in remembrance of His own blood, with giving of thanks. And this prophecy proves that we shall behold this very King with glory; and the very terms of the prophecy declare loudly, that the people foreknown to believe in Him were foreknown to pursue diligently the fear of the Lord. Moreover, these Scriptures are equally explicit in saying, that those who are reputed to know the writings of the Scriptures, and who hear the prophecies, have no understanding. And when I hear, Trypho, that Perseus was begotten of a virgin, I understand that the deceiving serpent counterfeited also this.
226. Zenobius, Proverbs of Lucillus Tarrhaeus And Didymus, 3.97 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 3
227. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 22.10, 48.32, 50.7 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Belayche and Massa (2021), Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, 12, 21
228. Lucian, Sacrifices, 13, 12 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 15, 20
229. Numenius of Apamea, Fragments, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 327
230. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 9, 15
231. Censorinus, De Die Natali, 1.10, 3.95 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 33
232. Chariton, Chaereas And Callirhoe, 6.2.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 113
233. Philostratus The Athenian, On Heroes, 294, 329 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 86, 87
234. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 5.5.27-5.5.31 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. •burkert, walter Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 86, 124, 135; Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 6, 9, 15
235. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.4.4, 1.14.3, 1.14.7, 1.28.10, 1.38.7, 2.17.7, 3.8.8-3.8.10, 3.9.4, 3.23.1, 4.24.5-4.24.6, 4.31.7-4.31.8, 5.4.5, 5.13.1-5.13.7, 5.14.10, 5.24.9-5.24.11, 5.26.2, 5.31.1, 6.11.2-6.11.9, 6.22.1, 7.4.19, 7.18, 8.42.5, 9.8.2, 9.33.4, 10.5.6, 10.11.2, 10.23.1-10.23.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Belayche and Massa (2021), Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, 24
1.14.3. ἔπη δὲ ᾄδεται Μουσαίου μέν, εἰ δὴ Μουσαίου καὶ ταῦτα, Τριπτόλεμον παῖδα Ὠκεανοῦ καὶ Γῆς εἶναι, Ὀρφέως δέ, οὐδὲ ταῦτα Ὀρφέως ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν ὄντα, Εὐβουλεῖ καὶ Τριπτολέμῳ Δυσαύλην πατέρα εἶναι, μηνύσασι δέ σφισι περὶ τῆς παιδὸς δοθῆναι παρὰ Δήμητρος σπεῖραι τοὺς καρπούς· Χοιρίλῳ δὲ Ἀθηναίῳ δρᾶμα ποιήσαντι Ἀλόπην ἔστ ιν εἰρημένα Κερκυόνα εἶναι καὶ Τριπτόλεμον ἀδελφούς, τεκεῖν δὲ σφᾶς θυγατέρα ς Ἀμφικτύονος, εἶναι δὲ πατέρα Τριπτολέμῳ μὲν Ῥᾶρον, Κερκυόνι δὲ Ποσειδῶνα. πρόσω δὲ ἰέναι με ὡρμημένον τοῦδε τοῦ λόγου καὶ †ὁπόσα ἐξήγησιν †ἔχει τὸ Ἀθήνῃσιν ἱερόν, καλούμενον δὲ Ἐλευσίνιον, ἐπέσχεν ὄψις ὀνείρατος· ἃ δὲ ἐς πάντας ὅσιον γράφειν, ἐς ταῦτα ἀποτρέψομαι. 1.14.3. Some extant verses of Musaeus, if indeed they are to be included among his works, say that Triptolemus was the son of Oceanus and Earth; while those ascribed to Orpheus (though in my opinion the received authorship is again incorrect) say that Eubuleus and Triptolemus were sons of Dysaules, and that because they gave Demeter information about her daughter the sowing of seed was her reward to them. But Choerilus, an Athenian, who wrote a play called Alope, says that Cercyon and Triptolemus were brothers, that their mother was the daughter of Amphictyon, while the father of Triptolemus was Rarus, of Cercyon, Poseidon. After I had intended to go further into this story, and to describe the contents of the sanctuary at Athens , called the Eleusinium, I was stayed by a vision in a dream. I shall therefore turn to those things it is lawful to write of to all men.
236. Achilles Tatius, The Adventures of Leucippe And Cleitophon, 2.15.1-2.15.3, 3.15-3.22 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 176, 181, 185, 201, 209; Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013), Anton Bierl? and Roger Beck?, Intende, Lector - Echoes of Myth, Religion and Ritual in the Ancient Novel, 9
237. Aelian, Nature of Animals, 4.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 98
238. Heliodorus, Ethiopian Story, 2.24-3.6, 2.34-3.6, 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4, 3.5.2, 3.5, 3.6 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 20
239. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 1.10 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 136
1.10. ἰδὼν δὲ ἀθρόον ποτὲ ἐν τῷ βωμῷ αἷμα καὶ διακείμενα ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ τὰ ἱερὰ τεθυμένους τε βοῦς Αἰγυπτίους καὶ σῦς μεγάλους, καὶ τὰ μὲν δέροντας αὐτούς, τὰ δὲ κόπτοντας, χρυσίδας τε ἀνακειμένας δύο καὶ λίθους ἐν αὐταῖς τῶν ἰνδικωτάτων καὶ θαυμασίων, προσελθὼν τῷ ἱερεῖ “τί ταῦτα;” ἔφη “λαμπρῶς γάρ τις χαρίζεται τῷ θεῷ”. ὁ δὲ “θαυμάσῃ” ἔφη “μᾶλλον, ὅτι μήτε ἱκετεύσας ποτὲ ἐνταῦθα μήτε διατρίψας, ὃν οἱ ἄλλοι χρόνον, μήτε ὑγιάνας πω παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ, μηδ' ἅπερ αἰτήσων ἦλθεν ἔχων, χθὲς γὰρ δὴ ἀφιγμένῳ ἔοικεν, ὁ δ' οὕτως ἀφθόνως θύει. φησὶ δὲ πλείω μὲν θύσειν, πλείω δὲ ἀναθήσειν, εἰ πρόσοιτο αὐτὸν ὁ ̓Ασκληπιός. ἔστι δὲ τῶν πλουσιωτάτων: κέκτηται γοῦν ἐν Κιλικίᾳ βίον πλείω ἢ Κίλικες ὁμοῦ πάντες: ἱκετεύει δὲ τὸν θεὸν ἀποδοῦναί οἱ τὸν ἕτερον τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἐξερρυηκότα.” ὁ δὲ ̓Απολλώνιος, ὥσπερ γεγηρακὼς εἰώθει, τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐς τὴν γῆν στήσας “τί δὲ ὄνομα αὐτῷ;” ἤρετο. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἤκουσε “δοκεῖ μοι,” ἔφη “ὦ ἱερεῦ, τὸν ἄνθρωπον τοῦτον μὴ προσδέχεσθαι τῷ ἱερῷ, μιαρὸς γάρ τις ἥκει καὶ κεχρημένος οὐκ ἐπὶ χρηστοῖς τῷ πάθει, καὶ αὐτὸ δὲ τὸ πρὶν εὑρέσθαί τι παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ πολυτελῶς θύειν οὐ θύοντός ἐστιν, ἀλλ' ἑαυτὸν παραιτουμένου σχετλίων τε καὶ χαλεπῶν ἔργων.” ταῦτα μὲν ὁ ̓Απολλώνιος. ὁ δ' ̓Ασκληπιὸς ἐπιστὰς νύκτωρ τῷ ἱερεῖ “ἀπίτω” ἔφη “ὁ δεῖνα τὰ ἑαυτοῦ ἔχων, ἄξιος γὰρ μηδὲ τὸν ἕτερον τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἔχειν.” ἀναμανθάνων οὖν ὁ ἱερεὺς τὸν ἄνθρωπον, γυνὴ μὲν τῷ Κίλικι τούτῳ ἐγεγόνει θυγατέρα ἔχουσα προτέρων γάμων, ὁ δὲ ἤρα τῆς κόρης καὶ ἀκολάστως εἶχε ξυνῆν τε οὐδ' ὡς λαθεῖν: ἐπιστᾶσα γὰρ ἡ μήτηρ τῇ εὐνῇ τῆς μὲν ἄμφω, τοῦ δὲ τὸν ἕτερον τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἐξέκοψεν ἐναράξασα τὰς περόνας. 1.10. One day he saw a flood of blood upon the altar, and there were victims laid out upon it, Egyptian bulls that had been sacrificed and great hogs, and some of them were being flayed and others were being cut up; and two gold vases had been dedicated set with jewels, the rarest and most beautiful that India can provide. So he went to the priest and said: What is all this; for someone is making a very handsome gift to the god? And the priest replied: You may rather be surprised at a man's offering all this without having first put up a prayer in our fane, and without having stayed with us as long as other people do, and without having gained his health from the god, and without obtaining all the things he came to ask for. For he appears to have come only yesterday, yet he is sacrificing on this lavish scale. And he declares that he will sacrifice more victims, and dedicate more gifts, if Asclepius will hearken to him. And he is one of the richest men in existence; at any rate he owns in Cilicia an estate bigger than all the Cilicians together possess. And he is supplicating the god to restore to him one of his eyes that has fallen out. But Apollonius fixed his eyes upon the ground, as he was accustomed to do in later life, and asked: What is his name? And when he heard it, he said: It seems to me, O Priest, that we ought not to welcome this fellow in the Temple: for he is some ruffian who has come here, and that he is afflicted in this way is due to some sinister reason: nay, his very conduct in sacrificing on such a magnificent scale before he has gained anything from the god is not that of a genuine votary, but rather of a man who is begging himself off for the penalty of some horrible and cruel deed. This was what Apollonius said: and Asclepius appeared to the priest by night, and said: Send away so and so at once with all his possessions, and let him keep them, for he deserves to lose the other eye as well. The priest accordingly made inquiries about the Cilician and learned that his wife by a former marriage borne a daughter, and he had fallen in love with the maiden and had seduced her, and was living with her in open sin. For the mother had surprised the two in bed, and had put out both her eyes and one of his by stabbing them with her brooch-pin.
240. Numenius of Apamea, Fragments, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 327
241. Anon., Leviticus Rabba, 22.8 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Klawans (2009), Purity, Sacrifice, and the Temple: Symbolism and Supersessionism in the Study of Ancient Judaism, 262, 266, 271
22.8. רַבִּי פִּנְחָס בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי לֵוִי אָמַר מָשָׁל לְבֶן מֶלֶךְ שֶׁגַּס לִבּוֹ עָלָיו וְהָיָה לָמֵד לֶאֱכֹל בְּשַׂר נְבֵלוֹת וּטְרֵפוֹת, אָמַר הַמֶּלֶךְ זֶה יִהְיֶה תָּדִיר עַל שֻׁלְחָנִי וּמֵעַצְמוֹ הוּא נָדוּר [גדור], כָּךְ לְפִי שֶׁהָיוּ יִשְׂרָאֵל לְהוּטִים אַחַר עֲבוֹדַת כּוֹכָבִים בְּמִצְרַיִם וְהָיוּ מְבִיאִים קָרְבָּנֵיהֶם לַשְּׂעִירִים, דִּכְתִיב (ויקרא יז, ז): וְלֹא יִזְבְּחוּ עוֹד אֶת זִבְחֵיהֶם לַשְּׂעִירִים, וְאֵין שְׂעִירִים אֵלּוּ אֶלָּא שֵׁדִים, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (דברים לב, יז): וַיִּזְבְּחוּ לַשֵּׁדִים, וְאֵין שֵׁדִים אֵלּוּ אֶלָּא שְׂעִירִים, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (ישעיה יג, כא): וּשְׂעִירִים יְרַקְּדוּ שָׁם, וְהָיוּ מַקְרִיבִין קָרְבָּנֵיהֶם בְּאִסּוּר בָּמָּה וּפֻרְעָנֻיּוֹת בָּאוֹת עֲלֵיהֶם, אָמַר הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא יִהְיוּ מַקְרִיבִין לְפָנַי בְּכָל עֵת קָרְבְּנוֹתֵיהֶן בְּאֹהֶל מוֹעֵד, וְהֵן נִפְרָשִׁים מֵעֲבוֹדַת כּוֹכָבִים וְהֵם נִיצוֹלִים, הֲדָא הוּא דִכְתִיב: אִישׁ אִישׁ מִבֵּית יִשְׂרָאֵל וגו'. 22.8. "Rabbi Pinhas in the name of Rabbi Levi stated: This is comparable to a king’s son who strayed and was accustomed to eat non-kosher meat. The king declared, “let him always eat at my table and on his own he will eventually become disciplined.” Similarly, because Israel was attached to idolatry in Egypt and would bring their sacrifices to the goat-demons, as it is written (Leviticus 17:7) \"No longer shall you sacrifice to goat-demons, which refer to the shedim they sacrificed to (Deuternomy 32:17) \"and they sacrificed to shedim\", and those shedim refer to the goat-demons, as it says, (Isaiah 13:21) \"and the goat [demons] shall prance there.\" And they would offer sacrifices on high places and retribution would befall them, the Holy One blessed be He said “let them offer sacrifices before Me at all times in the Tent of Meeting and they will be separated from idolatry and be saved.” This is the meaning of what is written (Leviticus 17:3-7): “Any man of the House of Israel who slaughters an ox or sheep or goat... and does not bring it to the entrance of the Tent of Meeting as a sacrifice to God.... that man will be cut off from among his people… so that they no longer offer their sacrifices to the goat-demons that they are wont to stray after.\"",
242. Aelius Aristides, Sacred Tales, 1.3.8, 1.7.18, 2.1.1, 4.2.1, 4.2.3-4.2.4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 259, 327, 329; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 151
243. Lucian, The Sky-Man, 27 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 113
244. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.76, 1.96, 1.120, 2.12, 2.22, 3.10-3.13, 3.37-3.38, 8.3-8.6, 8.10-8.11, 8.13, 8.15-8.19, 8.24-8.36, 8.46, 8.57, 9.12, 9.18 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. •burkert, walter Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 68, 84, 87, 91, 96, 97, 124, 157, 165, 167, 245, 327, 330, 357, 371, 377, 394, 454; Huffman (2019), A History of Pythagoreanism, 81, 279, 336; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 51, 153, 258; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 81; Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 153; Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 6, 9, 15, 702
1.76. Pamphila in the second book of her Memorabilia narrates that, as his son Tyrraeus sat in a barber's shop in Cyme, a smith killed him with a blow from an axe. When the people of Cyme sent the murderer to Pittacus, he, on learning the story, set him at liberty and declared that It is better to pardon now than to repent later. Heraclitus, however, says that it was Alcaeus whom he set at liberty when he had got him in his power, and that what he said was: Mercy is better than vengeance.Among the laws which he made is one providing that for any offence committed in a state of intoxication the penalty should be doubled; his object was to discourage drunkenness, wine being abundant in the island. One of his sayings is, It is hard to be good, which is cited by Simonides in this form: Pittacus's maxim, 'Truly to become a virtuous man is hard.' 1.96. Aristippus in the first book of his work On the Luxury of the Ancients accuses him of incest with his own mother Crateia, and adds that, when the fact came to light, he vented his annoyance in indiscriminate severity. Ephorus records his now that, if he won the victory at Olympia in the chariot-race, he would set up a golden statue. When the victory was won, being in sore straits for gold, he despoiled the women of all the ornaments which he had seen them wearing at some local festival. He was thus enabled to send the votive offering.There is a story that he did not wish the place where he was buried to be known, and to that end contrived the following device. He ordered two young men to go out at night by a certain road which he pointed out to them; they were to kill the man they met and bury him. He afterwards ordered four more to go in pursuit of the two, kill them and bury them; again, he dispatched a larger number in pursuit of the four. Having taken these measures, he himself encountered the first pair and was slain. The Corinthians placed the following inscription upon a cenotaph: 1.120. All knowledge that a man may have had I;Yet tell Pythagoras, were more thereby,That first of all Greeks is he; I speak no lie.Ion of Chios says of him:With manly worth endowed and modesty,Though he be dead, his soul lives happily,If wise Pythagoras indeed saw lightAnd read the destinies of men aright.There is also an epigram of my own in the Pherecratean metre:The famous Pherecydes, to whom Syros gave birth, 2.12. and says that Anaxagoras declared the whole firmament to be made of stones; that the rapidity of rotation caused it to cohere; and that if this were relaxed it would fall.of the trial of Anaxagoras different accounts are given. Sotion in his Succession of the Philosophers says that he was indicted by Cleon on a charge of impiety, because he declared the sun to be a mass of red-hot metal; that his pupil Pericles defended him, and he was fined five talents and banished. Satyrus in his Lives says that the prosecutor was Thucydides, the opponent of Pericles, and the charge one of treasonable correspondence with Persia as well as of impiety; and that sentence of death was passed on Anaxagoras by default. 2.22. Unlike most philosophers, he had no need to travel, except when required to go on an expedition. The rest of his life he stayed at home and engaged all the more keenly in argument with anyone who would converse with him, his aim being not to alter his opinion but to get at the truth. They relate that Euripides gave him the treatise of Heraclitus and asked his opinion upon it, and that his reply was, The part I understand is excellent, and so too is, I dare say, the part I do not understand; but it needs a Delian diver to get to the bottom of it.He took care to exercise his body and kept in good condition. At all events he served on the expedition to Amphipolis; and when in the battle of Delium Xenophon had fallen from his horse, he stepped in and saved his life. 3.10. The assumption is that the things from which you take away number are no longer equal nor determinate, nor have they quantity or quality. These are the things to which becoming always, and being never, belongs. But the object of thought is something constant from which nothing is subtracted, to which nothing is added. This is the nature of the eternal things, the attribute of which is to be ever alike and the same. And indeed Epicharmus has expressed himself plainly about objects of sense and objects of thought.a. But gods there always were; never at any time were they wanting, while things in this world are always alike, and are brought about through the same agencies.b. Yet it is said that Chaos was the first-born of the gods.a. How so? If indeed there was nothing out of which, or into which, it could come first.b. What! Then did nothing come first after all?a. No, by Zeus, nor second either, 3.11. at least of the things which we are thus talking about now; on the contrary, they existed from all eternity. . . .a. But suppose some one chooses to add a single pebble to a heap containing either an odd or an even number, whichever you please, or to take away one of those already there; do you think the number of pebbles would remain the same?b. Not I.a. Nor yet, if one chooses to add to a cubit-measure another length, or cut off some of what was there already, would the original measure still exist?b. of course not.a. Now consider mankind in this same way. One man grows, and another again shrinks; and they are all undergoing change the whole time. But a thing which naturally changes and never remains in the same state must ever be different from that which has thus changed. And even so you and I were one pair of men yesterday, are another to-day, and again will be another to-morrow, and will never remain ourselves, by this same argument. 3.12. Again, Alcimus makes this further statement: There are some things, say the wise, which the soul perceives through the body, as in seeing and hearing; there are other things which it discerns by itself without the aid of the body. Hence it follows that of existing things some are objects of sense and others objects of thought. Hence Plato said that, if we wish to take in at one glance the principles underlying the universe, we must first distinguish the ideas by themselves, for example, likeness, unity and plurality, magnitude, rest and motion; next we must assume the existence of 3.13. beauty, goodness, justice and the like, each existing in and for itself; in the third place we must see how many of the ideas are relative to other ideas, as are knowledge, or magnitude, or ownership, remembering that the things within our experience bear the same names as those ideas because they partake of them; I mean that things which partake of justice are just, things which partake of beauty are beautiful. Each one of the ideas is eternal, it is a notion, and moreover is incapable of change. Hence Plato says that they stand in nature like archetypes, and that all things else bear a resemblance to the ideas because they are copies of these archetypes. Now here are the words of Epicharmus about the good and about the ideas: 3.37. Nowhere in his writings does Plato mention himself by name, except in the dialogue On the Soul and the Apology. Aristotle remarks that the style of the dialogues is half-way between poetry and prose. And according to Favorinus, when Plato read the dialogue On the Soul, Aristotle alone stayed to the end; the rest of the audience got up and went away. Some say that Philippus of Opus copied out the Laws, which were left upon waxen tablets, and it is said that he was the author of the Epinomis. Euphorion and Panaetius relate that the beginning of the Republic was found several times revised and rewritten, and the Republic itself Aristoxenus declares to have been nearly all of it included in the Controversies of Protagoras. 3.38. There is a story that the Phaedrus was his first dialogue. For the subject has about it something of the freshness of youth. Dicaearchus, however, censures its whole style as vulgar.A story is told that Plato once saw some one playing at dice and rebuked him. And, upon his protesting that he played for a trifle only, But the habit, rejoined Plato, is not a trifle. Being asked whether there would be any memoirs of him as of his predecessors, he replied, A man must first make a name, and he will have no lack of memoirs. One day, when Xenocrates had come in, Plato asked him to chastise his slave, since he was unable to do it himself because he was in a passion. 8.3. Now he was in Egypt when Polycrates sent him a letter of introduction to Amasis; he learnt the Egyptian language, so we learn from Antiphon in his book On Men of Outstanding Merit, and he also journeyed among the Chaldaeans and Magi. Then while in Crete he went down into the cave of Ida with Epimenides; he also entered the Egyptian sanctuaries, and was told their secret lore concerning the gods. After that he returned to Samos to find his country under the tyranny of Polycrates; so he sailed away to Croton in Italy, and there he laid down a constitution for the Italian Greeks, and he and his followers were held in great estimation; for, being nearly three hundred in number, so well did they govern the state that its constitution was in effect a true aristocracy (government by the best). 8.4. This is what Heraclides of Pontus tells us he used to say about himself: that he had once been Aethalides and was accounted to be Hermes' son, and Hermes told him he might choose any gift he liked except immortality; so he asked to retain through life and through death a memory of his experiences. Hence in life he could recall everything, and when he died he still kept the same memories. Afterwards in course of time his soul entered into Euphorbus and he was wounded by Menelaus. Now Euphorbus used to say that he had once been Aethalides and obtained this gift from Hermes, and then he told of the wanderings of his soul, how it migrated hither and thither, into how many plants and animals it had come, and all that it underwent in Hades, and all that the other souls there have to endure. 8.5. When Euphorbus died, his soul passed into Hermotimus, and he also, wishing to authenticate the story, went up to the temple of Apollo at Branchidae, where he identified the shield which Menelaus, on his voyage home from Troy, had dedicated to Apollo, so he said: the shield being now so rotten through and through that the ivory facing only was left. When Hermotimus died, he became Pyrrhus, a fisherman of Delos, and again he remembered everything, how he was first Aethalides, then Euphorbus, then Hermotimus, and then Pyrrhus. But when Pyrrhus died, he became Pythagoras, and still remembered all the facts mentioned. 8.6. There are some who insist, absurdly enough, that Pythagoras left no writings whatever. At all events Heraclitus, the physicist, almost shouts in our ear, Pythagoras, son of Mnesarchus, practised inquiry beyond all other men, and in this selection of his writings made himself a wisdom of his own, showing much learning but poor workmanship. The occasion of this remark was the opening words of Pythagoras's treatise On Nature, namely, Nay, I swear by the air I breathe, I swear by the water I drink, I will never suffer censure on account of this work. Pythagoras in fact wrote three books. On Education, On Statesmanship, and On Nature. 8.10. He divides man's life into four quarters thus: Twenty years a boy, twenty years a youth, twenty years a young man, twenty years an old man; and these four periods correspond to the four seasons, the boy to spring, the youth to summer, the young man to autumn, and the old man to winter, meaning by youth one not yet grown up and by a young man a man of mature age. According to Timaeus, he was the first to say, Friends have all things in common and Friendship is equality; indeed, his disciples did put all their possessions into one common stock. For five whole years they had to keep silence, merely listening to his discourses without seeing him, until they passed an examination, and thenceforward they were admitted to his house and allowed to see him. They would never use coffins of cypress, because the sceptre of Zeus was made from it, so we are informed by Hermippus in his second book On Pythagoras. 8.11. Indeed, his bearing is said to have been most dignified, and his disciples held the opinion about him that he was Apollo come down from the far north. There is a story that once, when he was disrobed, his thigh was seen to be of gold; and when he crossed the river Nessus, quite a number of people said they heard it welcome him. According to Timaeus in the tenth book of his History, he remarked that the consorts of men bore divine names, being called first Virgins, then Brides, and then Mothers. He it was who brought geometry to perfection, while it was Moeris who first discovered the beginnings of the elements of geometry: Anticlides in his second book On Alexander affirms this, 8.13. Some say it was a certain trainer named Pythagoras who instituted this diet, and not our Pythagoras, who forbade even the killing, let alone the eating, of animals which share with us the privilege of having a soul. This was the excuse put forward; but his real reason for forbidding animal diet was to practise people and accustom them to simplicity of life, so that they could live on things easily procurable, spreading their tables with uncooked foods and drinking pure water only, for this was the way to a healthy body and a keen mind. of course the only altar at which he worshipped was that of Apollo the Giver of Life, behind the Altar of Horns at Delos, for thereon were placed flour and meal and cakes, without the use of fire, and there was no animal victim, as we are told by Aristotle in his Constitution of Delos. 8.15. Down to the time of Philolaus it was not possible to acquire knowledge of any Pythagorean doctrine, and Philolaus alone brought out those three celebrated books which Plato sent a hundred minas to purchase. Not less than six hundred persons went to his evening lectures; and those who were privileged to see him wrote to their friends congratulating themselves on a great piece of good fortune. Moreover, the Metapontines named his house the Temple of Demeter and his porch the Museum, so we learn from Favorinus in his Miscellaneous History. And the rest of the Pythagoreans used to say that not all his doctrines were for all men to hear, our authority for this being Aristoxenus in the tenth book of his Rules of Pedagogy, 8.16. where we are also told that one of the school, Xenophilus by name, asked by some one how he could best educate his son, replied, By making him the citizen of a well-governed state. Throughout Italy Pythagoras made many into good men and true, men too of note like the lawgivers Zaleucus and Charondas; for he had a great gift for friendship, and especially, when he found his own watchwords adopted by anyone, he would immediately take to that man and make a friend of him. 8.17. The following were his watchwords or precepts: don't stir the fire with a knife, don't step over the beam of a balance, don't sit down on your bushel, don't eat your heart, don't help a man off with a load but help him on, always roll your bed-clothes up, don't put God's image on the circle of a ring, don't leave the pan's imprint on the ashes, don't wipe up a mess with a torch, don't commit a nuisance towards the sun, don't walk the highway, don't shake hands too eagerly, don't have swallows under your own roof, don't keep birds with hooked claws, don't make water on nor stand upon your nail-and hair-trimmings, turn the sharp blade away, when you go abroad don't turn round at the frontier. 8.18. This is what they meant. Don't stir the fire with a knife: don't stir the passions or the swelling pride of the great. Don't step over the beam of a balance: don't overstep the bounds of equity and justice. Don't sit down on your bushel: have the same care of to-day and the future, a bushel being the day's ration. By not eating your heart he meant not wasting your life in troubles and pains. By saying do not turn round when you go abroad, he meant to advise those who are departing this life not to set their hearts' desire on living nor to be too much attracted by the pleasures of this life. The explanations of the rest are similar and would take too long to set out. 8.19. Above all, he forbade as food red mullet and blacktail, and he enjoined abstinence from the hearts of animals and from beans, and sometimes, according to Aristotle, even from paunch and gurnard. Some say that he contented himself with just some honey or a honeycomb or bread, never touching wine in the daytime, and with greens boiled or raw for dainties, and fish but rarely. His robe was white and spotless, his quilts of white wool, for linen had not yet reached those parts. 8.24. to respect all divination, to sing to the lyre and by hymns to show due gratitude to gods and to good men. To abstain from beans because they are flatulent and partake most of the breath of life; and besides, it is better for the stomach if they are not taken, and this again will make our dreams in sleep smooth and untroubled.Alexander in his Successions of Philosophers says that he found in the Pythagorean memoirs the following tenets as well. 8.25. The principle of all things is the monad or unit; arising from this monad the undefined dyad or two serves as material substratum to the monad, which is cause; from the monad and the undefined dyad spring numbers; from numbers, points; from points, lines; from lines, plane figures; from plane figures, solid figures; from solid figures, sensible bodies, the elements of which are four, fire, water, earth and air; these elements interchange and turn into one another completely, and combine to produce a universe animate, intelligent, spherical, with the earth at its centre, the earth itself too being spherical and inhabited round about. There are also antipodes, and our down is their up. 8.26. Light and darkness have equal part in the universe, so have hot and cold, and dry and moist; and of these, if hot preponderates, we have summer; if cold, winter; if dry, spring; if moist, late autumn. If all are in equilibrium, we have the best periods of the year, of which the freshness of spring constitutes the healthy season, and the decay of late autumn the unhealthy. So too, in the day, freshness belongs to the morning, and decay to the evening, which is therefore more unhealthy. The air about the earth is stagt and unwholesome, and all within it is mortal; but the uppermost air is ever-moved and pure and healthy, and all within it is immortal and consequently divine. 8.27. The sun, the moon, and the other stars are gods; for, in them, there is a preponderance of heat, and heat is the cause of life. The moon is illumined by the sun. Gods and men are akin, inasmuch as man partakes of heat; therefore God takes thought for man. Fate is the cause of things being thus ordered both as a whole and separately. The sun's ray penetrates through the aether, whether cold or dense – the air they call cold aether, and the sea and moisture dense aether – and this ray descends even to the depths and for this reason quickens all things. 8.28. All things live which partake of heat – this is why plants are living things – but all have not soul, which is a detached part of aether, partly the hot and partly the cold, for it partakes of cold aether too. Soul is distinct from life; it is immortal, since that from which it is detached is immortal. Living creatures are reproduced from one another by germination; there is no such thing as spontaneous generation from earth. The germ is a clot of brain containing hot vapour within it; and this, when brought to the womb, throws out, from the brain, ichor, fluid and blood, whence are formed flesh, sinews, bones, hairs, and the whole of the body, while soul and sense come from the vapour within. 8.29. First congealing in about forty days, it receives form and, according to the ratios of harmony, in seven, nine, or at the most ten, months, the mature child is brought forth. It has in it all the relations constituting life, and these, forming a continuous series, keep it together according to the ratios of harmony, each appearing at regulated intervals. Sense generally, and sight in particular, is a certain unusually hot vapour. This is why it is said to see through air and water, because the hot aether is resisted by the cold; for, if the vapour in the eyes had been cold, it would have been dissipated on meeting the air, its like. As it is, in certain [lines] he calls the eyes the portals of the sun. His conclusion is the same with regard to hearing and the other senses. 8.30. The soul of man, he says, is divided into three parts, intelligence, reason, and passion. Intelligence and passion are possessed by other animals as well, but reason by man alone. The seat of the soul extends from the heart to the brain; the part of it which is in the heart is passion, while the parts located in the brain are reason and intelligence. The senses are distillations from these. Reason is immortal, all else mortal. The soul draws nourishment from the blood; the faculties of the soul are winds, for they as well as the soul are invisible, just as the aether is invisible. 8.31. The veins, arteries, and sinews are the bonds of the soul. But when it is strong and settled down into itself, reasonings and deeds become its bonds. When cast out upon the earth, it wanders in the air like the body. Hermes is the steward of souls, and for that reason is called Hermes the Escorter, Hermes the Keeper of the Gate, and Hermes of the Underworld, since it is he who brings in the souls from their bodies both by land and sea; and the pure are taken into the uppermost region, but the impure are not permitted to approach the pure or each other, but are bound by the Furies in bonds unbreakable. 8.32. The whole air is full of souls which are called genii or heroes; these are they who send men dreams and signs of future disease and health, and not to men alone, but to sheep also and cattle as well; and it is to them that purifications and lustrations, all divination, omens and the like, have reference. The most momentous thing in human life is the art of winning the soul to good or to evil. Blest are the men who acquire a good soul; they can never be at rest, nor ever keep the same course two days together. 8.33. Right has the force of an oath, and that is why Zeus is called the God of Oaths. Virtue is harmony, and so are health and all good and God himself; this is why they say that all things are constructed according to the laws of harmony. The love of friends is just concord and equality. We should not pay equal worship to gods and heroes, but to the gods always, with reverent silence, in white robes, and after purification, to the heroes only from midday onwards. Purification is by cleansing, baptism and lustration, and by keeping clean from all deaths and births and all pollution, and abstaining from meat and flesh of animals that have died, mullets, gurnards, eggs and egg-sprung animals, beans, and the other abstinences prescribed by those who perform rites in the sanctuaries. 8.34. According to Aristotle in his work On the Pythagoreans, Pythagoras counselled abstinence from beans either because they are like the genitals, or because they are like the gates of Hades . . . as being alone unjointed, or because they are injurious, or because they are like the form of the universe, or because they belong to oligarchy, since they are used in election by lot. He bade his disciples not to pick up fallen crumbs, either in order to accustom them not to eat immoderately, or because connected with a person's death; nay, even, according to Aristophanes, crumbs belong to the heroes, for in his Heroes he says:Nor taste ye of what falls beneath the board !Another of his precepts was not to eat white cocks, as being sacred to the Month and wearing suppliant garb – now supplication ranked with things good – sacred to the Month because they announce the time of day; and again white represents the nature of the good, black the nature of evil. Not to touch such fish as were sacred; for it is not right that gods and men should be allotted the same things, any more than free men and slaves. 8.35. Not to break bread; for once friends used to meet over one loaf, as the barbarians do even to this day; and you should not divide bread which brings them together; some give as the explanation of this that it has reference to the judgement of the dead in Hades, others that bread makes cowards in war, others again that it is from it that the whole world begins.He held that the most beautiful figure is the sphere among solids, and the circle among plane figures. Old age may be compared to everything that is decreasing, while youth is one with increase. Health means retention of the form, disease its destruction. of salt he said it should be brought to table to remind us of what is right; for salt preserves whatever it finds, and it arises from the purest sources, sun and sea. 8.36. This is what Alexander says that he found in the Pythagorean memoirs. What follows is Aristotle's.But Pythagoras's great dignity not even Timon overlooked, who, although he digs at him in his Silli, speaks ofPythagoras, inclined to witching works and ways,Man-snarer, fond of noble periphrase.Xenophanes confirms the statement about his having been different people at different times in the elegiacs beginning:Now other thoughts, another path, I show.What he says of him is as follows:They say that, passing a belaboured whelp,He, full of pity, spake these words of dole:Stay, smite not ! 'Tis a friend, a human soul;I knew him straight whenas I heard him yelp ! 8.46. For the last of the Pythagoreans, whom Aristoxenus in his time saw, were Xenophilus from the Thracian Chalcidice, Phanton of Phlius, and Echecrates, Diocles and Polymnastus, also of Phlius, who were pupils of Philolaus and Eurytus of Tarentum.There were four men of the name of Pythagoras living about the same time and at no great distance from one another: (1) of Croton, a man with tyrannical leanings; (2) of Phlius, an athlete, some say a trainer; (3) of Zacynthus; (4) our subject, who discovered the secrets of philosophy, and to whom was applied the phrase, The Master said (Ipse dixit), which passed into a proverb of ordinary life. 8.57. Aristotle in his Sophist calls Empedocles the inventor of rhetoric as Zeno of dialectic. In his treatise On Poets he says that Empedocles was of Homer's school and powerful in diction, being great in metaphors and in the use of all other poetical devices. He also says that he wrote other poems, in particular the invasion of Xerxes and a hymn to Apollo, which a sister of his (or, according to Hieronymus, his daughter) afterwards burnt. The hymn she destroyed unintentionally, but the poem on the Persian war deliberately, because it was unfinished. 9.12. However, Seleucus the grammarian says that a certain Croton relates in his book called The Diver that the said work of Heraclitus was first brought into Greece by one Crates, who further said it required a Delian diver not to be drowned in it. The title given to it by some is The Muses, by others Concerning Nature; but Diodotus calls itA helm unerring for the rule of life;others a guide of conduct, the keel of the whole world, for one and all alike. We are told that, when asked why he kept silence, he replied, Why, to let you chatter. Darius, too, was eager to make his acquaintance, and wrote to him as follows: 9.18. 2. XENOPHANESXenophanes, a native of Colophon, the son of Dexius, or, according to Apollodorus, of Orthomenes, is praised by Timon, whose words at all events are:Xenophanes, not over-proud, perverter of Homer, castigator.He was banished from his native city and lived at Zancle in Sicily [and having joined the colony planted at Elea taught there]. He also lived in Catana. According to some he was no man's pupil, according to others he was a pupil of Boton of Athens, or, as some say, of Archelaus. Sotion makes him a contemporary of Anaximander. His writings are in epic metre, as well as elegiacs and iambics attacking Hesiod and Homer and denouncing what they said about the gods. Furthermore he used to recite his own poems. It is stated that he opposed the views of Thales and Pythagoras, and attacked Epimenides also. He lived to a very great age, as his own words somewhere testify:
245. Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 1.21 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 464
1.21. We have spoken of the gods themselves who are worshipped; we must now speak a few words respecting their sacrifices and mysteries. Among the people of Cyprus, Teucer sacrificed a human victim to Jupiter, and handed down to posterity that sacrifice which was lately abolished by Hadrian when he was emperor. There was a law among the people of Tauris, a fierce and inhuman nation, by which it was ordered that strangers should be sacrificed to Diana; and this sacrifice was practised through many ages. The Gauls used to appease Hesus and Teutas with human blood. Nor, indeed, were the Latins free from this cruelty, since Jupiter Latialis is even now worshipped with the offering of human blood. What benefit do they who offer such sacrifices implore from the gods? Or what are such deities able to bestow on the men by whose punishments they are propitiated? But this is not so much a matter of surprise with respect to barbarians, whose religion agrees with their character. But are not our countrymen, who have always claimed for themselves the glory of gentleness and civilization, found to be more inhuman by these sacrilegious rites? For these ought rather to be esteemed impious, who, though they are embellished with the pursuits of liberal training, turn aside from such refinement, than those who, being ignorant and inexperienced, glide into evil practices from their ignorance of those which are good. And yet it is plain that this rite of immolating human victims is ancient, since Saturn was honoured in Latium with the same kind of sacrifice; not indeed that a man was slain at the altar, but that he was thrown from the Milvian bridge into the Tiber. And Varro relates that this was done in accordance with an oracle; of which oracle the last verse is to this effect: And offer heads to Ades, and to the father a man. And because this appears ambiguous, both a torch and a man are accustomed to be thrown to him. But it is said that sacrifices of this kind were put an end to by Hercules when he returned from Spain; the custom still continuing, that instead of real men, images made from rushes were cast forth, as Ovid informs us in his Fasti: Until the Tirynthian came into these lands, gloomy sacrifices were annually offered in the Leucadian manner: he threw into the water Romans made of straw; do you, after the example of Hercules, cast in the images of human bodies. The Vestal virgins make these sacred offerings, as the same poet says: Then also a virgin is accustomed to cast from the wooden bridge the images of ancient men made from rushes. For I cannot find language to speak of the infants who were immolated to the same Saturn, on account of his hatred of Jupiter. To think that men were so barbarous, so savage, that they gave the name of sacrifice to the slaughter of their own children, that is, to a deed foul, and to be held in detestation by the human race; since, without any regard to parental affection, they destroyed tender and innocent lives, at an age which is especially pleasing to parents, and surpassed in brutality the savageness of all beasts, which - savage as they are - still love their offspring! O incurable madness! What more could those gods do to them, if they were most angry, than they now do when propitious, when they defile their worshippers with parricide, visit them with bereavements, and deprive them of the sensibilities of men? What can be sacred to these men? Or what will they do in profane places, who commit the greatest crimes amidst the altars of the gods? Pescennius Festus relates in the books of his History by a Satire, that the Carthaginians were accustomed to immolate human victims to Saturn; and when they were conquered by Agathocles, the king of the Sicilians, they imagined that the god was angry with them; and therefore, that they might more diligently offer an expiation, they immolated two hundred sons of their nobles: So great the ills to which religion could prompt, which has ofttimes produced wicked and impious deeds. What advantage, then, did the men propose by that sacrifice, when they put to death so large a part of the state, as not even Agathocles had slain when victorious? From this kind of sacrifices those public rites are to be judged signs of no less madness; some of which are in honour of the mother of the gods, in which men mutilate themselves; others are in honour of Virtus, whom they also call Bellona, in which the priests make offsprings not with the blood of another victim, but with their own. For, cutting their shoulders, and thrusting forth drawn swords in each hand, they run, they are beside themselves, they are frantic. Quintilian therefore says excellently in his Fanatic: If a god compels this, he does it in anger. Are even these things sacred? Is it not better to live like cattle, than to worship deities so impious, profane, and sanguinary? But we will discuss at the proper time the source from which these errors and deeds of such great disgrace originated. In the meantime, let us look also to other matters which are without guilt, that we may not seem to select the worse parts through the desire of finding fault. In Egypt there are sacred rites in honour of Isis, since she either lost or found her little son. For at first her priests, having made their bodies smooth, beat their breasts, and lament, as the goddess herself had done when her child was lost. Afterwards the boy is brought forward, as if found, and that mourning is changed into joy. Therefore Lucan says, And Osiris never sufficiently sought for. For they always lose, and they always find him. Therefore in the sacred rites there is a representation of a circumstance which really occurred; and which assuredly declares, if we have any intelligence, that she was a mortal woman, and almost desolate, had she not found one person. And this did not escape the notice of the poet himself; for he represents Pompey when a youth as thus speaking, on hearing the death of his father: I will now draw forth the deity Isis from the tomb, and send her through the nations; and I will scatter through the people Osiris covered with wood. This Osiris is the same whom the people call Serapis. For it is customary for the names of the dead who are deified to be changed, that no one, as I believe, may imagine them to be men. For Romulus after his death became Quirinus, and Leda became Nemesis, and Circe Marica; and Ino, when she had leapt into the sea, was called Leucothea; and the mother Matuta; and her son Melicerta was called Pal mon and Portumnus. And the sacred rites of the Eleusinian Ceres are not unlike these. For as in those which have been mentioned the boy Osiris is sought with the wailing of his mother, so in these Proserpine is carried away to contract an incestuous marriage with her uncle; and because Ceres is said to have sought for her in Sicily with torches lighted from the top of Etna, on this account her sacred rites are celebrated with the throwing of torches. At Lampsacus the victim to be offered to Priapus is an ass, and the cause of the sacrifice of this animal is thus set forth in the Fasti:- When all the deities had assembled at the festival of the Great Mother, and when, satiated with feasting, they were spending the night in sport, they say that Vesta had laid herself on the ground for rest, and had fallen asleep, and that Priapus upon this formed a design against her honour as she slept; but that she was aroused by the unseasonable braying of the ass on which Silenus used to ride, and that the design of the insidious plotter was frustrated. On this account they say that the people of Lampsacus were accustomed to sacrifice an ass to Priapus, as though it were in revenge; but among the Romans the same animal was crowned at the Vestalia (festival of Vesta) with loaves, in honour of the preservation of her chastity. What is baser, what more disgraceful, than if Vesta is indebted to an ass for the preservation of her purity? But the poet invented a fable. But was that more true which is related by those who wrote Phenomena, when they speak concerning the two stars of Cancer, which the Greeks call asses? That they were asses which carried across father Liber when he was unable to cross a river, and that he rewarded one of them with the power of speaking with human voice; and that a contest arose between him and Priapus; and Priapus, being worsted in the contest, was enraged, and slew the victor. This truly is much more absurd. But poets have the licence of saying what they will. I do not meddle with a mystery so odious; nor do I strip Priapus of his disguise, lest something deserving of ridicule should be brought to light. It is true the poets invented these fictions, but they must have been invented for the purpose of concealing some greater depravity. Let us inquire what this is. But in fact it is evident. For as the bull is sacrificed to Luna, because he also has horns as she has; and as Persia propitiates with a horse Hyperion surrounded with rays, that a slow victim may not be offered to the swift god; so in this case no more suitable victim could be found than that which resembled him to whom it is offered. At Lindus, which is a town of Rhodes, there are sacred rites in honour of Hercules, the observance of which differs widely from all other rites; for they are not celebrated with words of good omen (as the Greeks term it), but with revilings and cursing. And they consider it a violation of the sacred rites, if at any time during the celebration of the solemnities a good word shall have escaped from any one even inadvertently. And this is the reason assigned for this practice, if indeed there can be any reason in things utterly senseless. When Hercules had arrived at the place, and was suffering hunger, he saw a ploughman at work, and began to ask him to sell one of his oxen. But the ploughman replied that this was impossible, because his hope of cultivating the land depended altogether upon those two bullocks. Hercules, with his usual violence, because he was not able to receive one of them, killed both. But the unhappy man, when he saw that his oxen were slain, avenged the injury with revilings - a circumstance which afforded gratification to the man of elegance and refinement. For while he prepares a feast for his companions, and while he devours the oxen of another man, he receives with ridicule and loud laughter the bitter reproaches with which the other assails him. But when it had been determined that divine honours should be paid to Hercules in admiration of his excellence, an altar was erected in his honour by the citizens, which he named, from the circumstance, the yoke of oxen; and at this altar two yoked oxen were sacrificed, like those which he had taken from the ploughman. And he appointed the same man to be his priest, and directed him always to use the same revilings in offering sacrifice, because he said that he had never feasted more pleasantly. Now these things are not sacred, but sacrilegious, in which that is said to be enjoined, which, if it is done in other things, is punished with the greatest severity. What, moreover, do the rites of the Cretan Jupiter himself show, except the manner in which he was withdrawn from his father, or brought up? There is a goat belonging to the nymph Amalthea, which gave suck to the infant; and of this goat Germanicus C sar thus speaks, in his poem translated from Aratus: - She is supposed to be the nurse of Jupiter; if in truth the infant Jupiter pressed the faithful teats of the Cretan goat, which attests the gratitude of her lord by a bright constellation.Mus us relates that Jupiter, when fighting against the Titans, used the hide of this goat as a shield, from which circumstance he is called by the poets shield-bearer. Thus, whatever was done in concealing the boy, that also is done by way of representation in the sacred rites. Moreover, the mystery of his mother also contains the same story which Ovid sets forth in the Fasti:- Now the lofty Ida resounds with tinklings, that the boy may cry in safety with infant mouth. Some strike their shields with stakes, some beat their empty helmets. This is the employment of the Curetes, this of the Corybantes. The matter was concealed, and imitations of the ancient deed remain; the attendant goddesses shake instruments of brass, and hoarse hides. Instead of helmets they strike cymbals, and drums instead of shields; the flute gives Phrygian strains, as it gave before.Sallust rejected this opinion altogether, as though invented by the poets, and wished to give an ingenious explanation of the reasons for which the Curetes are said to have nourished Jupiter; and he speaks to this purport: Because they were the first to understand the worship of the deity, that therefore antiquity, which exaggerates all things, made them known as the nourishers of Jupiter. How much this learned man was mistaken, the matter itself at once declares. For if Jupiter holds the first place, both among the gods and in religious rites, if no gods were worshipped by the people before him, because they who are worshipped were not yet born; it appears that the Curetes, on the contrary, were the first who did not understand the worship of the deity, since all error was introduced by them, and the memory of the true God was taken away. They ought therefore to have understood from the mysteries and ceremonies themselves, that they were offering prayers to dead men. I do not then require that any one should believe the fictions of the poets. If any one imagines that these speak falsely, let him consider the writings of the pontiffs themselves, and weigh whatever there is of literature pertaining to sacred rites: he will perhaps find more things than we bring forward, from which he may understand that all things which are esteemed sacred are empty, vain, and fictitious. But if any one, having discovered wisdom, shall lay aside his error, he will assuredly laugh at the follies of men who are almost without understanding: I mean those who either dance with unbecoming gestures, or run naked, anointed, and crowned with chaplets, either wearing a mask or besmeared with mud. What shall I say about shields now putrid with age? When they carry these, they think that they are carrying gods themselves on their shoulders. For Furius Bibaculus is regarded among the chief examples of piety, who, though he was pr tor, nevertheless carried the sacred shield, preceded by the lictors, though his office as prœtor gave him an exemption from this duty. He was therefore not Furius, but altogether mad, who thought that he graced his pr torship by this service. Deservedly then, since these things are done by men not unskilful and ignorant, does Lucretius exclaim:- O foolish minds of men! O blinded breasts! In what darkness of life and in how great dangers is passed this term of life, whatever be its duration!Who that is possessed of any sense would not laugh at these mockeries, when he sees that men, as though bereft of intelligence, do those things seriously, which if any one should do in sport, he would appear too full of sport and folly?
246. Philostratus, Pictures, 2.7 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 278
247. Porphyry, Life of Pythagoras, 1, 105, 109, 15, 152-156, 18-19, 21-26, 30, 36-44, 46-57, 82-86, 88, 45 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 166; Long (2019), Immortality in Ancient Philosophy, 19; Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 707
45. He also wished men to abstain from other things, such as a swine's paunch, a mullet, and a sea-fish called a "nettle," and from nearly all other marine animals. He referred his origin to those of past ages, affirming that he was first Euphorbus, then Aethalides, then Hermotimus, then Pyrrhus, and last, Pythagoras. He showed to his disciples that the soul is immortal, and to those who were rightly purified he brought back the memory of the acts of their former lives. SPAN
248. Porphyry, In Ptolemaei Tetrabiblon, None (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 329
249. Iamblichus, Protrepticus, 21, 107.3, 107.14, 107.15, 107.16, 107.18, 107.19, 107.25, 108.1, 108.7, 108.14, 111.17, 111.18, 111.19, 111.20, 111.21, 111.22, 111.23, 111.24, 111.25, 111.26, 111.27, 111.28, 114.29-115.18, 119.14-120.2, 122.22-123.2 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 15
250. Porphyry, On The Cave of The Nymphs, 6 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 358
6. This world, then, is sacred and pleasant to souls wno nave now proceeded into nature, and to natal daemons, though it is essentially dark and obscure; from which some have suspected that souls also are of an obscure nature and essentially consist of air. Hence a cavern, which is both pleasant and dark, will be appropriately consecrated to souls on the earth, conformably to its similitude to the world, in which, as in the greatest of all temples, souls reside. To the nymphs likewise, who preside over waters, a cavern, in which there are perpetually flowing streams, is adapted. Let, therefore, this present cavern be consecrated to souls, and among the more partial powers, to nymphs that preside over streams and fountains, and who, on this account, are called fontal and naiades. Waat, therefore, are the different symbols, some of which are adapted to souls, but others to the aquatic powers, in order that we may apprehend that this cavern is consecrated in common to |19 both? Let the stony bowls, then, and the amphorae be symbols of the aquatic nymphs. For these are, indeed, the symbols of Bacchus, but their composition is fictile, i.e., consists of baked earth, and these are friendly to the vine, the gift of God; since the fruit of the vine is brought to a proper maturity by the celestial fire of the sun. But the stony bowls and amphorae are in the most eminent degree adapted to the nymphs who preside over the water that flows from rocks. And to souls that descend into generation and are occupied in corporeal energies, what symbol can be more appropriate than those instruments pertaining to weaving? Hence, also, the poet ventures to say, "that on these, the nymphs weave purple webs, admirable to the view." For the formation of the flesh is on and about the bones, which in the bodies of animals resemble stones. Hence these instruments of weaving consist of stone, and not of any other matter. But the purple webs will evidently be the flesh which is woven from the blood. For purple woollen garments are tinged from blood. and wool is dyed from animal juice. The generation of flesh, also, is through and from blood. Add, too, that |20 the body is a garment with which the soul is invested, a thing wonderful to the sight, whether this refers to the composition of the soul, or contributes to the colligation of the soul (to the whole of a visible essence). Thus, also, Proserpine, who is the inspective guardian of everything produced from seed, is represented by Orpheus as weaving a web (note 7), and the heavens are called by the ancients a veil, in consequence of being,as it were, the vestment of the celestial Gods.
251. Iamblichus, De Communi Mathematica Scientia, 25, 76.17-77.2 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 16
252. Iamblichus, Concerning The Mysteries, 32.8-33.11 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Harte (2017), Rereading Ancient Philosophy: Old Chestnuts and Sacred Cows, 119
253. Papyri, Papyri Graecae Magicae, 4.436-4.461, 4.1928-4.2144 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 141; Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 280, 282
254. Iamblichus, Life of Pythagoras, 77.27 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 135; Long (2019), Immortality in Ancient Philosophy, 19
32. With respect to fortitude, however, many of the particulars which have been already related, appropriately pertain to it; such as the admirable deeds of Timycha, and of those Pythagoreans who chose to die rather than transgress the decisions of Pythagoras concerning beans, and other things conformable 152to such-like pursuits. Such also are the deeds which Pythagoras himself generously accomplished, when he travelled everywhere alone, and underwent immense labors and dangers, choosing to leave his country, and dwell among strangers. Likewise, when he dissolved tyrannies, gave an orderly arrangement to confused polities, and emancipated cities. When also he caused illegality to cease, and impeded the operations of insolent and tyrannical men; exhibiting himself a benigt leader to the just and mild, but expelling savage and licentious men from his association, and refusing even to give them an answer; gladly, indeed, giving assistance to the former, but with all his might resisting the latter. Many instances therefore of these things might be adduced, and of upright actions frequently performed by him. But the greatest of all these, is what he said and did to Phalaris, with an invincible freedom of speech. For when he was detained in captivity by Phalaris, the most cruel of tyrants, a wise man of the Hyperborean race, whose name was Abaris, was his associate, who came to him for the sake of conversing with him, and asked him many questions, and especially such as were of a sacred nature, respecting statues and the most holy worship, the providence of the Gods, celestial and terrestrial natures, and many other things of a similar kind. But Pythagoras, being under the influence of divine 153inspiration, answered Abaris vehemently, and with all truth and persuasion, so as to convince those that heard him. Then, however, Phalaris was inflamed with anger against Abaris, because he praised Pythagoras, and was ferociously disposed towards Pythagoras himself. He also dared to utter blasphemies against the Gods themselves, and such as he was accustomed to pour forth. But Abaris gave Pythagoras thanks for what he said; and after this, learnt from him that all things are suspended from and governed by the heavens; which he evinced to be the case from many other things, and also from the energy of sacred rites. And Abaris was so far from thinking that Pythagoras, who taught these things, was an enchanter, that he beyond measure admired him as if he had been a God. To these things, however, Phalaris replied by endeavouring to subvert divination, and openly denying the efficacy of the things which are performed in sacred rites. But Abaris transferred the discourse from these particulars to such as are clearly apparent to all men; and endeavoured to persuade him that there is a divine providence, from those circumstances which transcend all human hope and power, whether they are immense wars, or incurable diseases, or the corruption of fruits, or the incursions of pestilence, or certain other things of the like kind, which are most difficult to be borne, and deplorable, arising from the beneficent 154energies of certain dæmoniacal and divine powers.[44]Phalaris, however, shamelessly and audaciously opposed what was said. Again therefore Pythagoras, suspecting that Phalaris intended to put him to death, but at the same time knowing that he was not destined to die by Phalaris, began to address him with great freedom of speech. For looking to Abaris he said, that a transition was naturally adapted to take place from the heavens to aerial and terrestrial beings. And again, he showed that all things follow the heavens, from instances most known to all men. He likewise indubitably demonstrated, that the [deliberative] power of the soul possesses freedom of will. And proceeding still farther, he amply discussed the perfect energy of reason and intellect. Afterwards also, with his [usual] freedom of speech, he spoke concerning tyranny, and all the prerogatives of fortune, and concerning injustice and human avarice, and solidly taught him that all these are of no worth. In the next place, he gave him a divine admonition concerning the most excellent life, and earnestly entered on a comparison of it with the most depraved 155life. He likewise most clearly unfolded to him, how the soul, and its powers and passions, subsist; and, what is the most beautiful thing of all, demonstrated to him that the Gods are not the causes of evils, and that diseases, and such things as are the calamities of the body, are the seals of intemperance; reprehending at the same time mythologists and poets for what they have badly said in fables [on this subject]. Confuting Phalaris also, he admonished him, and exhibited to him through works what the power of heaven is, and the magnitude of that power; and proved to him by many arguments, that legal punishment is reasonably established. He likewise clearly showed him what the difference is between men and other animals; and scientifically discussed internal and external speech. He also perfectly demonstrated the nature of intellect, and of the knowledge which descends from it; together with many other ethical dogmas consequent to these things.Farther still, he instructed him in what is most beneficial among the things that are useful in life; and in the mildest manner adapted admonitions harmonising with these; adding at the same time prohibitions of what ought not to be done. And that which is the greatest of all, he unfolded to him the distinction between the productions of fate, and those of intellect, and also the difference between what is done by destiny, and what is done by fate. 156He likewise wisely discussed many things concerning dæmons, and the immortality of the soul. These things however pertain to another treatise. But those particulars are more appropriate to our present purpose which belong to the cultivation of fortitude. For if, when situated in the midst of dreadful circumstances, Pythagoras appears to have philosophised with firmness of decision, if on all sides he resisted and repelled fortune, and strenuously endured its attacks, and if he employed the greatest freedom of speech towards him who brought his life into danger, it is evident that he perfectly despised those things which are thought to be dreadful, and that he considered them as undeserving of notice. If also, when he expected according to appearances to be put to death, he entirely despised this, and was not moved by the expectation of it, it is evident that he was perfectly free from the dread of death.[45]He performed however what is still more generous than this, by effecting the dissolution of tyranny, 157restraining the tyrant when he was about to bring the most deplorable calamities on mankind, and liberating Sicily from the most cruel and imperious power. But that it was Pythagoras who accomplished this, is evident from the oracles of Apollo, in which it is predicted that the domination of Phalaris would then be dissolved, when those that were governed by him should become better men, and be more concordant with each other; such as they then became, when Pythagoras was present with them, through the doctrines and instruction which he imparted to them. A greater proof however of the truth of this, is derived from the time in which it happened. For on the very same day in which Phalaris put Pythagoras and Abaris in danger of death, he himself was slain by stratagem. That also which happened to Epimenides may be an argument of the truth of these things. For as he, who was the disciple of Pythagoras, when certain persons intended to destroy him, invoked the Furies, and the avenging Gods, and by so doing caused all those that attempted his life, to destroy each other;—thus also Pythagoras, who gave assistance to mankind, after the manner and with the fortitude of Hercules, for the benefit of men, punished and occasioned the death of him who had acted in an insolent and disorderly manner towards others; and this through the oracles themselves of Apollo, to the series of which divinity 158both he and Epimenides spontaneously belonged from their very birth. And thus far, indeed, we have thought it requisite to mention this admirable and strenuous deed, the effect of his fortitude.We shall however adduce another example of it, viz. the salvation of legitimate opinion; for, preserving this, he performed that which appeared to him to be just, and which was dictated by right reason, not being diverted from his intention either by pleasure, or labor, or any other passion, or danger. His disciples also chose to die rather than transgress his mandates. And when they were exposed to all-various fortunes, they preserved invariably the same manners. When also they were involved in ten thousand calamities, they never deviated from his precepts. But it was a never-failing exhortation with them, always to give assistance to law, but to be hostile to illegality, and to be accustomed from their birth to a life of temperance and fortitude, in order to restrain and repel luxury. They had also certain melodies which were devised by them, as remedies against the passions of the soul, and likewise against despondency and lamentation, which Pythagoras invented, as affording the greatest assistance in these maladies. And again, they employed other melodies against rage and anger, through which they gave intension and remission to these passions, till they reduced them to moderation, and rendered them commensurate 159with fortitude. That, however, which afforded them the greatest support in generous endurance, was the persuasion that no human casualties ought to be unexpected by men who are in the possession of intellect, but that all things ought to be expected by them, over which they have no absolute power.Moreover, if at any time they happened to be angry, or sorrowful, they immediately separated themselves from the rest of their associates, and each by himself alone strenuously endeavoured to digest and heal the passion [by which he was oppressed]. They also conceived generally, that labor should be employed about disciplines and studies, and that they should be severely exercised in trials of the most various nature, in punishments and restraints by fire and sword, in order to be liberated from innate intemperance, and an inexhaustible avidity of possessing; and that for this purpose, no labors, nor any endurance should be spared. In order to accomplish this likewise, they generously exercised abstinence from all animals, and besides this, from certain other kinds of food. Hence also arose their detention of speech, and their perfect silence as preparatory to the subjugation of the tongue; in which for many years they exercised their fortitude. To which also may be added, their strenuous and assiduous investigation and resumption of the most difficult theorems; and on account of these things, their abstinence from wine, their paucity of food 160and sleep, and their contempt of glory, wealth, and the like. And in conjunction with all these particulars, they extended themselves to fortitude.It is likewise said, that these men expelled lamentations and tears, and every thing else of this kind. They also abstained from entreaty, from supplication, and from all such illiberal adulation, as being effeminate and abject.[46] To the same conception likewise the peculiarity of their manners must be referred, and that all of them perpetually preserved among their arcana, the most principal dogmas in which their discipline was chiefly contained, keeping them with the greatest silence from being divulged to strangers, committing them unwritten to the memory, and transmitting them orally to their successors, as if they were the mysteries of the Gods. Hence it happened, that nothing of their philosophy worth mentioning, was made public, and that though for a long time it had been taught and learnt, it was alone known within their walls. But to those out of their walls, and as I may say, to the profane, if they happened to be present, these men spoke obscurely to each other 161through symbols, of which the celebrated precepts that are now in circulation retain a vestige; such as, Dig not fire with a sword, and other symbols of the like kind, which, taken literally, resemble the tales of old women; but when unfolded, impart a certain admirable and venerable benefit to those that receive them.The precept, however, which is of the greatest efficacy of all others to the attainment of fortitude, is that which has for its most principal scope the being defended and liberated from those bonds which detain the intellect in captivity from infancy, and without which no one can learn or perceive any thing sane or true, through whatever sense he may energize. For according to the Pythagoreans,’Tis mind that all things sees and hears;What else exists is deaf and blind.But the precept which is next to this in efficacy is that which exhorts to be beyond measure studious of purifying the intellect, and by various methods adapting it through mathematical orgies to receive something divinely beneficial, so as neither to fear a separation from body, nor, when led to incorporeal natures, to be forced to turn away the eyes, through their most refulgent splendor,[47] nor to be 162converted to those passions which nail and fasten the soul to the body. And, in short, which urges the soul to be untamed by all those passions which are the progeny of the realms of generation, and which draw it to an inferior condition of being. For the exercise and ascent through all these, is the study of the most perfect fortitude. And such are the instances adduced by us of the fortitude of Pythagoras, and the Pythagoreans.
255. Iamblichus, In Nicomachi Arithmeticam Introductionem, 122.26-122.27 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 184
256. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation For The Gospel, 15.1.2, 15.37.6 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter •burkert, w. Found in books: Belayche and Massa (2021), Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, 28; Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 29
257. Origen, Against Celsus, 6.22 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Belayche and Massa (2021), Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, 112
6.22. After this, Celsus, desiring to exhibit his learning in his treatise against us, quotes also certain Persian mysteries, where he says: These things are obscurely hinted at in the accounts of the Persians, and especially in the mysteries of Mithras, which are celebrated among them. For in the latter there is a representation of the two heavenly revolutions - of the movement, viz., of the fixed stars, and of that which take place among the planets, and of the passage of the soul through these. The representation is of the following nature: There is a ladder with lofty gates, and on the top of it an eighth gate. The first gate consists of lead, the second of tin, the third of copper, the fourth of iron, the fifth of a mixture of metals, the sixth of silver, and the seventh of gold. The first gate they assign to Saturn, indicating by the 'lead' the slowness of this star; the second to Venus, comparing her to the splendour and softness of tin; the third to Jupiter, being firm and solid; the fourth to Mercury, for both Mercury and iron are fit to endure all things, and are money-making and laborious; the fifth to Mars, because, being composed of a mixture of metals, it is varied and unequal; the sixth, of silver, to the Moon; the seventh, of gold, to the Sun - thus imitating the different colors of the two latter. He next proceeds to examine the reason of the stars being arranged in this order, which is symbolized by the names of the rest of matter. Musical reasons, moreover, are added or quoted by the Persian theology; and to these, again, he strives to add a second explanation, connected also with musical considerations. But it seems to me, that to quote the language of Celsus upon these matters would be absurd, and similar to what he himself has done, when, in his accusations against Christians and Jews, he quoted, most inappropriately, not only the words of Plato; but, dissatisfied even with these, he adduced in addition the mysteries of the Persian Mithras, and the explanation of them. Now, whatever be the case with regard to these - whether the Persians and those who conduct the mysteries of Mithras give false or true accounts regarding them - why did he select these for quotation, rather than some of the other mysteries, with the explanation of them? For the mysteries of Mithras do not appear to be more famous among the Greeks than those of Eleusis, or than those in Ægina, where individuals are initiated in the rites of Hecate. But if he must introduce barbarian mysteries with their explanation, why not rather those of the Egyptians, which are highly regarded by many, or those of the Cappadocians regarding the Comanian Diana, or those of the Thracians, or even those of the Romans themselves, who initiate the noblest members of their senate? But if he deemed it inappropriate to institute a comparison with any of these, because they furnished no aid in the way of accusing Jews or Christians, why did it not also appear to him inappropriate to adduce the instance of the mysteries of Mithras?
258. Porphyry, On Abstinence, 1.25, 2.9, 2.54-2.55 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 464, 471; Hitch (2017), Animal sacrifice in the ancient Greek world, 147
1.25. 25.Moreover, the Gods themselves, for the sake of a remedy, have delivered mandates to many persons about sacrificing animals. For history is full of instances of the Gods having ordered certain persons to sacrifice animals, and, when sacrificed, to eat them. For, in the return of the Heraclidae, those who engaged in war against Lacedsemon, in conjunction with Eurysthenes and Proscles, through a want of necessaries, were compelled to eat serpents, which the land at that time afforded for the nutriment of the army. In Libya, also, a cloud of locusts fell for the relief of another army that was oppressed by hunger. The same thing likewise happened at Gades. Bogus was a king of the Mauritanians, who was slain by Agrippa in Mothone. He in that place attacked the temple of Hercules, which was most rich. But it was the custom of the priests daily to sprinkle the altar with blood. That this, however, was not effected by the decision of men, but by that of divinity, the occasion at that time demonstrated. For, the seige being continued for a long time, victims were wanting. But the priest being dubious how he should act, had the following vision in a dream. He seemed to himself to be standing in the middle of the pillars of the temple of Hercules, and afterwards to see a bird sitting opposite to the altar, and endeavouring to fly to it, but which at length flew into his hands. He also saw that the altar was sprinkled with its blood. Seeing this, he rose as soon as it was day, and went to the altar, and standing on the turret, as he thought he did in his dream, he looked round, and saw the very bird which he had seen in his sleep. Hoping, therefore, that his dream would be fulfilled, he stood still, saw the bird fly to the altar and sit upon it, and deliver itself into the hands of the high priest. Thus the bird was sacrificed, and the altar sprinkled with blood. That, however, which happened at Cyzicus, is still more celebrated than this |24 event. For Mithridates having besieged this city, the festival of Proserpine was then celebrated, in which it was requisite to sacrifice an ox. But the sacred herds, from which it was necessary the victim should be taken, fed opposite to the city, on the continent 11: and one of them was already marked for this purpose. When, therefore, the hour demanded the sacrifice, the ox lowed, and swam over the sea, and the guards of the city opened the gates to it. Then the ox directly ran into the city, and stood at the altar, and was sacrificed to the Goddess. Not unreasonably, therefore, was it thought to be most pious to sacrifice many animals, since it appeared that the sacrifice of them was pleasing to the Gods. SPAN 2.9. 9.The sacrifice, therefore, through animals is posterior and most recent, and originated from a cause which is not of a pleasing nature, like that of the sacrifice from fruits, but received its commencement either from famine, or some other unfortunate circumstance. The causes, indeed, of the peculiar mactations among the Athenians, had their beginning, either in ignorance, or anger, or fear. For the slaughter of swine is attributed to an involuntary error of Clymene, who, by unintentionally striking, slew the animal. Hence her husband, being terrified as if he had perpetrated an illegal deed, consulted the oracle of the Pythian God about it. But as the God did not condemn what had happened, the slaughter of animals was afterwards considered as a thing of an indifferent nature. The inspector, however, of sacred rites, who was the offspring of prophets, wishing to make an offering of first-fruits from sheep, was permitted to do so, it is said, by an oracle, but with much caution and fear. For the oracle was as follows:--- "offspring of prophets, sheep by force to slay, The Gods permit not thee: but with wash'd hands For thee 'tis lawful any sheep to kill, That dies a voluntary death." SPAN 2.54. 54.And that we do not carelessly assert these things, but that what we have said is abundantly confirmed by history, the following narrations sufficiently testify. For in Rhodes, on the sixth day of June, a man was sacrificed to Saturn; which custom having prevailed for a long time, was afterwards changed [into a more human mode of sacrificing]. For one of those men who, by the public decision, had been sentenced to death, was kept in prison till the Saturnalia commenced; but as soon as this festival began, they brought the man out of the gates of the city, opposite to the temple of Aristobulus, and giving him wine to drink, they cut his throat. But in the island which is now called Salamis, but was formerly denominated Coronis, in the month according to the Cyprians Aphrodisius, a man was sacrificed to Agraule, the daughter of Cecrops, and the nymph Agraulis. And this custom continued till the time of Diomed. Afterwards it was changed, so that a man was sacrificed to Diomed. But the temples of Minerva, of Agraule, and Diomed, were contained in one and the same enclosure. The man who was also about to be slain, was first led by young men thrice round the altar, afterwards the priest pierced him with a lance in the stomach, and thus being thrown on the pyre, he was entirely consumed. SPAN 2.55. 55.This sacred institute was, however, abolished by Diphilus, the king of Cyprus, who flourished about the time of Seleucus, the theologist. But Daemon substituted an ox for a man; thus causing the latter sacrifice to be of equal worth with the former. Amosis also abolished the law of sacrificing men in the Egyptian city Heliopolis; the truth of which is testified by Manetho in his treatise on Antiquity and Piety. But the sacrifice was made to Juno, and an investigation took place, as if they were endeavouring to find pure calves, and such as were marked by the impression of a seal. Three men also were sacrificed on the day appointed for this purpose, in the place of whom Amosis ordered them to substitute three waxen images. In Chios likewise, they sacrificed a man to Omadius Bacchus 23, the man being for this purpose torn in pieces; and the same custom, as Eulpis Carystius says, was adopted in |77 Tenedos. To which may be added, that the Lacedaemonians, as Apollodorus says, sacrificed a man to Mars. SPAN
259. Syrianus, In Aristotelis Metaphysica Commentaria, 10.2 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 274
260. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 19.12.14 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 280
19.12.14. For if anyone wore on his neck an amulet against the quartan ague or any other complaint, or was accused by the testimony of the evil-disposed of passing by a grave in the evening, on the ground that he was a dealer in poisons, or a gatherer of the horrors of tombs and the vain illusions of the ghosts that walk there, he was condemned to capital punishment and so perished.
261. Augustine, The City of God, 10.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •walter burkert Found in books: Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 42
10.9. These miracles, and many others of the same nature, which it were tedious to mention, were wrought for the purpose of commending the worship of the one true God, and prohibiting the worship of a multitude of false gods. Moreover, they were wrought by simple faith and godly confidence, not by the incantations and charms composed under the influence of a criminal tampering with the unseen world, of an art which they call either magic, or by the more abominable title necromancy, or the more honorable designation theurgy; for they wish to discriminate between those whom the people call magicians, who practise necromancy, and are addicted to illicit arts and condemned, and those others who seem to them to be worthy of praise for their practice of theurgy - the truth, however, being that both classes are the slaves of the deceitful rites of the demons whom they invoke under the names of angels. For even Porphyry promises some kind of purgation of the soul by the help of theurgy, though he does so with some hesitation and shame, and denies that this art can secure to any one a return to God; so that you can detect his opinion vacillating between the profession of philosophy and an art which he feels to be presumptuous and sacrilegious. For at one time he warns us to avoid it as deceitful, and prohibited by law, and dangerous to those who practise it; then again, as if in deference to its advocates, he declares it useful for cleansing one part of the soul, not, indeed, the intellectual part, by which the truth of things intelligible, which have no sensible images, is recognized, but the spiritual part, which takes cognizance of the images of things material. This part, he says, is prepared and fitted for intercourse with spirits and angels, and for the vision of the gods, by the help of certain theurgic consecrations, or, as they call them, mysteries. He acknowledges, however, that these theurgic mysteries impart to the intellectual soul no such purity as fits it to see its God, and recognize the things that truly exist. And from this acknowledgment we may infer what kind of gods these are, and what kind of vision of them is imparted by theurgic consecrations, if by it one cannot see the things which truly exist. He says, further, that the rational, or, as he prefers calling it, the intellectual soul, can pass into the heavens without the spiritual part being cleansed by theurgic art, and that this art cannot so purify the spiritual part as to give it entrance to immortality and eternity. And therefore, although he distinguishes angels from demons, asserting that the habitation of the latter is in the air, while the former dwell in the ether and empyrean, and although he advises us to cultivate the friendship of some demon, who may be able after our death to assist us, and elevate us at least a little above the earth - for he owns that it is by another way we must reach the heavenly society of the angels - he at the same time distinctly warns us to avoid the society of demons, saying that the soul, expiating its sin after death, execrates the worship of demons by whom it was entangled. And of theurgy itself, though he recommends it as reconciling angels and demons, he cannot deny that it treats with powers which either themselves envy the soul its purity, or serve the arts of those who do envy it. He complains of this through the mouth of some Chald an or other: A good man in Chald a complains, he says, that his most strenuous efforts to cleanse his soul were frustrated, because another man, who had influence in these matters, and who envied him purity, had prayed to the powers, and bound them by his conjuring not to listen to his request. Therefore, adds Porphyry, what the one man bound, the other could not loose. And from this he concludes that theurgy is a craft which accomplishes not only good but evil among gods and men; and that the gods also have passions, and are perturbed and agitated by the emotions which Apuleius attributed to demons and men, but from which he preserved the gods by that sublimity of residence, which, in common with Plato, he accorded to them.
262. Augustine, De Gratia Christi Et De Peccato Originali Contra Pelagium Et Coelestinum, a b c d\n0 4 15.78 4 15.78 4 15 78 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 135
263. Proclus, Theologia Platonica ( ), 1.5 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 143, 274
264. Proclus, In Platonis Timaeum Commentarii, None (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 143
265. Stobaeus, Anthology, 1.49.59, 3.1.199 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 7, 15
266. Jerome, Commentaria In Abacuc, 3.39.56-3.39.59 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 9, 15
267. Zosimus, New History, None (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 357
268. Proclus, In Primum Euclidis Librum Commentarius, None (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 436
269. Epigraphy, Lss, 129.7-129.11  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 14
270. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 1252.9-1252.12, 1255.9, 1259.6-1259.7, 1263.43-1263.45, 1273.21-1273.23, 1315.7, 1315.23-1315.25, 1325.18-1325.19, 1329.23-1329.28, 1421.112  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Belayche and Massa (2021), Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, 21; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 173; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 209
271. Epigraphy, Mylasa, 15.3-15.5, 17.10-17.22  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 209
272. Gregory of Nyssa, In Hexaemeron, 525  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Huffman (2019), A History of Pythagoreanism, 94
274. Archytas Huffman, Fr., None  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Huffman (2019), A History of Pythagoreanism, 100
276. Anon., Kn B, 4.837  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 270
278. Epigraphy, Seg, 4.9  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: McClay (2023), The Bacchic Gold Tablets and Poetic Tradition: Memory and Performance. 80
279. Epigraphy, Syll. , 589.46, 1014.2, 1025.20  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 60, 85, 89, 90
280. Pseudo Archytas, De Principiis, None  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 327
281. Anon., Anonymus Photii, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 327
282. Epigraphy, Lscg, 52.5  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 243
283. Pseudo Brontinus, De Intellectu, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan
284. Pseudo Callicratidas, Fragments, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan
286. Pythagorean School, Fragments, Dk 58, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 355
287. Anaxagoras, Commentary On Porphyry'S Introduction, None  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 341
288. Papyri, Parmenides (Dk 28), None  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 341
289. Iohannes Lydus, De Mensibus, 2.12, 33.8  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 125
290. Pseudo Archytas, De Educatione Ethica, 43.14  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 389
291. Pseudo Metopus, De Virtute, 117.12-117.14  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 389
292. Etymologicum Magnum Auctum, Etymologicum Magnum, None  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 165
293. Epigraphy, Lsam, 48.2  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 235
294. Emporos, Fr., None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 65
295. Aristotle, De Philosophia, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 157
296. Simplicius of Cilicia, In Aristotelis De Caelo Libros Commentaria, None (missingth cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 342
297. Simplicius of Cilicia, In Aristotelis Physicorum Libros Commentaria, None (missingth cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 243, 352
298. Strabo, Geography, 7.4.3, 10.3.12-10.3.14, 10.3.19-10.3.20, 14.1.23  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 594; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 61, 121, 159
7.4.3. This city was at first self-governing, but when it was sacked by the barbarians it was forced to choose Mithridates Eupator as protector. He was then leading an army against the barbarians who lived beyond the isthmus as far as the Borysthenes and the Adrias; this, however, was preparatory to a campaign against the Romans. So, then, in accordance with these hopes of his he gladly sent an army to Chersonesus, and at the same time carried on war against the Scythians, not only against Scilurus, but also the sons of Scilurus — Palacus and the rest — who, according to Poseidonius were fifty in number, but according to Apollonides were eighty. At the same time, also, he not only subdued all these by force, but also established himself as lord of the Bosporus, receiving the country as a voluntary gift from Parisades who held sway over it. So from that time on down to the present the city of the Chersonesites has been subject to the potentates of the Bosporus. Again, Ctenus Limen is equidistant from the city of the Chersonesites and Symbolon Limen. And after Symbolon Limen, as far as the city Theodosia, lies the Tauric seaboard, which is about one thousand stadia in length. It is rugged and mountainous, and is subject to furious storms from the north. And in front of it lies a promontory which extends far out towards the high sea and the south in the direction of Paphlagonia and the city Amastris; it is called Criumetopon. And opposite it lies that promontory of the Paphlagonians, Carambis, which, by means of the strait, which is contracted on both sides, divides the Euxine Pontus into two seas. Now the distance from Carambis to the city of the Chersonesites is two thousand five hundred stadia, but the number to Criumetopon is much less; at any rate, many who have sailed across the strait say that they have seen both promontories, on either side, at the same time. In the mountainous district of the Taurians is also the mountain, which has the same name as the city in the neighborhood of Tibarania and Colchis. And near the same mountainous district is also another mountain, Cimmerius, so called because the Cimmerians once held sway in the Bosporus; and it is because of this fact that the whole of the strait which extends to the mouth of Lake Maeotis is called the Cimmerian Bosporus. 10.3.12. But as for the Berecyntes, a tribe of Phrygians, and the Phrygians in general, and those of the Trojans who live round Ida, they too hold Rhea in honor and worship her with orgies, calling her Mother of the Gods and Agdistis and Phrygia the Great Goddess, and also, from the places where she is worshipped, Idaea and Dindymene and Sipylene and Pessinuntis and Cybele and Cybebe. The Greeks use the same name Curetes for the ministers of the goddess, not taking the name, however, from the same mythical story, but regarding them as a different set of Curetes, helpers as it were, analogous to the Satyri; and the same they also call Corybantes. 10.3.13. The poets bear witness to such views as I have suggested. For instance, when Pindar, in the dithyramb which begins with these words,In earlier times there marched the lay of the dithyrambs long drawn out, mentions the hymns sung in honor of Dionysus, both the ancient and the later ones, and then, passing on from these, says,To perform the prelude in thy honor, great Mother, the whirling of cymbals is at hand, and among them, also, the clanging of castanets, and the torch that blazeth beneath the tawny pine-trees, he bears witness to the common relationship between the rites exhibited in the worship of Dionysus among the Greeks and those in the worship of the Mother of the Gods among the Phrygians, for he makes these rites closely akin to one another. And Euripides does likewise, in his Bacchae, citing the Lydian usages at the same time with those of Phrygia, because of their similarity: But ye who left Mt. Tmolus, fortress of Lydia, revel-band of mine, women whom I brought from the land of barbarians as my assistants and travelling companions, uplift the tambourines native to Phrygian cities, inventions of mine and mother Rhea. And again,happy he who, blest man, initiated in the mystic rites, is pure in his life, . . . who, preserving the righteous orgies of the great mother Cybele, and brandishing the thyrsus on high, and wreathed with ivy, doth worship Dionysus. Come, ye Bacchae, come, ye Bacchae, bringing down Bromius, god the child of god, out of the Phrygian mountains into the broad highways of Greece. And again, in the following verses he connects the Cretan usages also with the Phrygian: O thou hiding-bower of the Curetes, and sacred haunts of Crete that gave birth to Zeus, where for me the triple-crested Corybantes in their caverns invented this hide-stretched circlet, and blent its Bacchic revelry with the high-pitched, sweet-sounding breath of Phrygian flutes, and in Rhea's hands placed its resounding noise, to accompany the shouts of the Bacchae, and from Mother Rhea frenzied Satyrs obtained it and joined it to the choral dances of the Trieterides, in whom Dionysus takes delight. And in the Palamedes the Chorus says, Thysa, daughter of Dionysus, who on Ida rejoices with his dear mother in the Iacchic revels of tambourines. 10.3.14. And when they bring Seilenus and Marsyas and Olympus into one and the same connection, and make them the historical inventors of flutes, they again, a second time, connect the Dionysiac and the Phrygian rites; and they often in a confused manner drum on Ida and Olympus as the same mountain. Now there are four peaks of Ida called Olympus, near Antandria; and there is also the Mysian Olympus, which indeed borders on Ida, but is not the same. At any rate, Sophocles, in his Polyxena, representing Menelaus as in haste to set sail from Troy, but Agamemnon as wishing to remain behind for a short time for the sake of propitiating Athena, introduces Menelaus as saying,But do thou, here remaining, somewhere in the Idaean land collect flocks of Olympus and offer them in sacrifice. 10.3.19. Further, one might also find, in addition to these facts concerning these genii and their various names, that they were called, not only ministers of gods, but also gods themselves. For instance, Hesiod says that five daughters were born to Hecaterus and the daughter of Phoroneus,from whom sprang the mountain-ranging nymphs, goddesses, and the breed of Satyrs, creatures worthless and unfit for work, and also the Curetes, sportive gods, dancers. And the author of Phoronis speaks of the Curetes as flute-players and Phrygians; and others as earth-born and wearing brazen shields. Some call the Corybantes, and not the Curetes, Phrygians, but the Curetes Cretes, and say that the Cretes were the first people to don brazen armour in Euboea, and that on this account they were also called Chalcidians; still others say that the Corybantes, who came from Bactriana (some say from among the Colchians), were given as armed ministers to Rhea by the Titans. But in the Cretan accounts the Curetes are called rearers of Zeus, and protectors of Zeus, having been summoned from Phrygia to Crete by Rhea. Some say that, of the nine Telchines who lived in Rhodes, those who accompanied Rhea to Crete and reared Zeus in his youth were named Curetes; and that Cyrbas, a comrade of these, who was the founder of Hierapytna, afforded a pretext to the Prasians for saying among the Rhodians that the Corybantes were certain genii, sons of Athena and Helius. Further, some call the Corybantes sons of Cronus, but others say that the Corybantes were sons of Zeus and Calliope and were identical with the Cabeiri, and that these went off to Samothrace, which in earlier times was called Melite, and that their rites were mystical. 10.3.20. But though the Scepsian, who compiled these myths, does not accept the last statement, on the ground that no mystic story of the Cabeiri is told in Samothrace, still he cites also the opinion of Stesimbrotus the Thasian that the sacred rites in Samothrace were performed in honor of the Cabeiri: and the Scepsian says that they were called Cabeiri after the mountain Cabeirus in Berecyntia. Some, however, believe that the Curetes were the same as the Corybantes and were ministers of Hecate. But the Scepsian again states, in opposition to the words of Euripides, that the rites of Rhea were not sanctioned or in vogue in Crete, but only in Phrygia and the Troad, and that those who say otherwise are dealing in myths rather than in history, though perhaps the identity of the place-names contributed to their making this mistake. For instance, Ida is not only a Trojan, but also a Cretan, mountain; and Dicte is a place in Scepsia and also a mountain in Crete; and Pytna, after which the city Hierapytna was named, is a peak of Ida. And there is a Hippocorona in the territory of Adramyttium and a Hippocoronium in Crete. And Samonium is the eastern promontory of the island and a plain in the territory of Neandria and in that of the Alexandreians. 14.1.23. After the completion of the temple of Artemis, which, he says, was the work of Cheirocrates (the same man who built Alexandreia and the same man who proposed to Alexander to fashion Mt. Athos into his likeness, representing him as pouring a libation from a kind of ewer into a broad bowl, and to make two cities, one on the right of the mountain and the other on the left, and a river flowing from one to the other) — after the completion of the temple, he says, the great number of dedications in general were secured by means of the high honor they paid their artists, but the whole of the altar was filled, one might say, with the works of Praxiteles. They showed me also some of the works of Thrason, who made the chapel of Hecate, the waxen image of Penelope, and the old woman Eurycleia. They had eunuchs as priests, whom they called Megabyzi. And they were always in quest of persons from other places who were worthy of this preferment, and they held them in great honor. And it was obligatory for maidens to serve as colleagues with them in their priestly office. But though at the present some of their usages are being preserved, yet others are not; but the sanctuary remains a place of refuge, the same as in earlier times, although the limits of the refuge have often been changed; for example, when Alexander extended them for a stadium, and when Mithridates shot an arrow from the corner of the roof and thought it went a little farther than a stadium, and when Antony doubled this distance and included within the refuge a part of the city. But this extension of the refuge proved harmful, and put the city in the power of criminals; and it was therefore nullified by Augustus Caesar.
299. Suidas Thessalius, Fragments, None  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 6
300. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.261-1.279, 3.111  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 96; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 121
1.261. distributed the spoil, with that rare wine 1.262. which good Acestes while in Sicily 1.263. had stored in jars, and prince-like sent away 1.264. with his Ioved guest;—this too Aeneas gave; 1.266. “Companions mine, we have not failed to feel 1.267. calamity till now. O, ye have borne 1.268. far heavier sorrow: Jove will make an end 1.269. also of this. Ye sailed a course hard by 1.270. infuriate Scylla's howling cliffs and caves. 1.271. Ye knew the Cyclops' crags. Lift up your hearts! 1.272. No more complaint and fear! It well may be 1.273. ome happier hour will find this memory fair. 1.274. Through chance and change and hazard without end, 1.275. our goal is Latium ; where our destinies 1.276. beckon to blest abodes, and have ordained 1.277. that Troy shall rise new-born! Have patience all! 1.279. Such was his word, but vexed with grief and care, 3.111. chained firmly where the crags of Gyaros
301. Vergil, Georgics, 1.166  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Belayche and Massa (2021), Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, 63
1.166. arbuteae crates et mystica vannus Iacchi.
302. Xenocrates Historicus, Fragments, None (missingth cent. CE - Unknownth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 341
303. Anon., Scholia On Argonautika, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huffman (2019), A History of Pythagoreanism, 15, 279
304. Stoic School, Stoicor. Veter. Fragm., 1.538  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 270
305. Epigraphy, Ig, None  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Tor (2017), Mortal and Divine in Early Greek Epistemology, 270
306. Various, Anthologia Palatina, 7.407  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 142
307. Anon., Scholia In Hesiodi Theogoniam, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huffman (2019), A History of Pythagoreanism, 279
308. Papyri, Derveni Papyrus, 11, 13-14, 12  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 3
309. Aristotle, De Pythagoreis, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan
310. [Pseudo-Aristotle], De Mirabilibus Auscultationibus, None  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 86, 87, 90
311. Photius, Bibliotheca (Library, Bibl.), None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 401
312. Stobaeus, Eclogues, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 125
313. Epigraphy, Rhodes & Osborne Ghi, 27.27-27.28, 62.13-62.14, 62.20  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter •burkert, w. Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 14; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 85
314. Epigraphy, Ml, 73.47-73.61  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 14
315. Epigraphy, Lscgsupp., 53.10-53.13  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 108, 229
316. Andocides, Orations, 4.16-4.17  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 258
317. Anon., Sortes Astrampsychi, 0  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 23
318. Alcmaeon, Fragments, Dk 14, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 259
319. Andocides, Orations, 4.16-4.17  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 258
320. Anon., Sortes Sangermanenses, 0  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 23
321. Demosthenes, Orations, 19.128, 21.22, 22.2-22.3, 43.62  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 108, 149, 151
324. Persius, Fragments, None  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 128
326. Various, Fgrh, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 282
331. Plutarch, Kimon, 8  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 388
333. Orphic Hymns., Fragments, 1, 403-405, 417-420, 424, 507, 650, 701, 889, 697  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 125
334. Heraclitus Lesbius, Fragments, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 9, 38, 54, 63, 65, 68, 87, 91, 97, 245
335. Epigraphy, Ccca, 3.31  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Belayche and Massa (2021), Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, 63
336. Plutarch, De Anima (Fr.178 Sandbach), 178  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Belayche and Massa (2021), Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, 12
337. Alexander Polyhistor, Apud D., 50.8.33-50.8.35  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 6
338. Androcydes, Apud Tryphon Trop. P., 193-194  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 6
339. Demetrius of Byzantium, Apud Ath., None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 9, 15
340. Favorinus, Fgrh, 91, 93  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Wolfsdorf (2020), Early Greek Ethics, 6
343. Clearchus of Soloi, Fr., None  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 293
344. Homer, H. Ap., 214-299, 30, 300-309, 31, 310-319, 32, 320-329, 33, 330-337, 339, 34, 340-349, 35, 350-359, 36, 360-369, 37, 370-379, 38, 380-389, 39, 390-399, 40, 400-409, 41, 410-419, 42, 420-429, 43, 430-439, 44, 440-449, 45, 450-459, 46, 460-469, 47, 470-479, 48, 480-489, 49, 490-499, 50, 500-509, 51, 510-519, 52, 520-529, 53, 530-539, 54, 540-546, 55-87, 338  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kirichenko (2022), Greek Literature and the Ideal: The Pragmatics of Space from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Age, 3
345. Plato, Nom., None  Tagged with subjects: •walter burkert Found in books: Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 42
347. Anon., Placita Philosophorum, None  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 96
348. Longus, Daphnis And Chloe, 2.1-2.2, 2.30-2.37  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 22
349. Plutarch, Ep., 2.3  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Ker and Wessels (2020), The Values of Nighttime in Classical Antiquity: Between Dusk and Dawn, 66
351. Alcaeus of Lesbos, Fr., 307  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 371
354. Anon., Scholia In Vergilii Aeneada, 6.119  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 124
355. Eudoxus Comicus, Fragments, None  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Cornelli (2013), In Search of Pythagoreanism: Pythagoreanism as an Historiographical Category, 50
356. Plu., Qg, None  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 60, 108
357. Plato, Nh, 32.17  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 113
358. Apollod., A. R., 1.415  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 86
360. Ephippos, Fgrh, None  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 275
364. Polycharmos, Fgrh, None  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, w. Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 113
365. Archilochus (Ed. West), Fragments, None  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 81
366. Zenobius, Cpg Leutsch-Schneidewin, 5.7  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 81
367. Anon., Fragments, 1  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 337
368. Anon., Fragments, 1  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 337
369. Anon., Fragments, 1  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 337
370. Anon., Fragments, 1  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 337
371. Anon., Fragments, 1  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 337
372. Demosthenes, Schol., 59.85-59.86  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 467
373. Isokrates, Ad Nikolem, 6  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 297
374. Papyri, P.Oxy., 7.25.10  Tagged with subjects: •burkert, walter Found in books: Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 13
380. Klitodemos, Fgrh, None  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 209