1. Hebrew Bible, Numbers, 31.2 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 523| 31.2. "נְקֹם נִקְמַת בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל מֵאֵת הַמִּדְיָנִים אַחַר תֵּאָסֵף אֶל־עַמֶּיךָ׃", 31.2. "וְכָל־בֶּגֶד וְכָל־כְּלִי־עוֹר וְכָל־מַעֲשֵׂה עִזִּים וְכָל־כְּלִי־עֵץ תִּתְחַטָּאוּ׃", | 31.2. "’Avenge the children of Israel of the Midianites; afterward shalt thou be gathered unto thy people.’", |
|
2. Hebrew Bible, Genesis, 25.8, 49.29, 50.26 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 523| 25.8. "וַיִּגְוַע וַיָּמָת אַבְרָהָם בְּשֵׂיבָה טוֹבָה זָקֵן וְשָׂבֵעַ וַיֵּאָסֶף אֶל־עַמָּיו׃", 49.29. "וַיְצַו אוֹתָם וַיֹּאמֶר אֲלֵהֶם אֲנִי נֶאֱסָף אֶל־עַמִּי קִבְרוּ אֹתִי אֶל־אֲבֹתָי אֶל־הַמְּעָרָה אֲשֶׁר בִּשְׂדֵה עֶפְרוֹן הַחִתִּי׃", 50.26. "וַיָּמָת יוֹסֵף בֶּן־מֵאָה וָעֶשֶׂר שָׁנִים וַיַּחַנְטוּ אֹתוֹ וַיִּישֶׂם בָּאָרוֹן בְּמִצְרָיִם׃", | 25.8. "And Abraham expired, and died in a good old age, an old man, and full of years; and was gathered to his people.", 49.29. "And be charged them, and said unto them: ‘I am to be gathered unto my people; bury me with my fathers in the cave that is in the field of Ephron the Hittite,", 50.26. "So Joseph died, being a hundred and ten years old. And they embalmed him, and he was put in a coffin in Egypt.", |
|
3. Hebrew Bible, Deuteronomy, 32.50 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 523 | 32.50. "and die in the mount whither thou goest up, and be gathered unto thy people; as Aaron thy brother died in mount Hor, and was gathered unto his people.", |
|
4. Hebrew Bible, Judges, 2.10 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 523 | 2.10. "And also all that generation were gathered to their fathers: and there arose another generation after them, which knew not the Lord, nor yet the work which he had done for Yisra᾽el.", |
|
5. Hebrew Bible, 2 Kings, 8.24, 21.18, 21.26 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs •provinces (of roman empire), burial customs Found in books: Galinsky (2016) 338, 339; Hachlili (2005) 523| 8.24. "וַיִּשְׁכַּב יוֹרָם עִם־אֲבֹתָיו וַיִּקָּבֵר עִם־אֲבֹתָיו בְּעִיר דָּוִד וַיִּמְלֹךְ אֲחַזְיָהוּ בְנוֹ תַּחְתָּיו׃", 21.18. "וַיִּשְׁכַּב מְנַשֶּׁה עִם־אֲבֹתָיו וַיִּקָּבֵר בְּגַן־בֵּיתוֹ בְּגַן־עֻזָּא וַיִּמְלֹךְ אָמוֹן בְּנוֹ תַּחְתָּיו׃", 21.26. "וַיִּקְבֹּר אֹתוֹ בִּקְבֻרָתוֹ בְּגַן־עֻזָּא וַיִּמְלֹךְ יֹאשִׁיָּהוּ בְנוֹ תַּחְתָּיו׃", | 8.24. "And Joram slept with his fathers, and was buried with his fathers in the city of David; and Ahaziah his son reigned in his stead.", 21.18. "And Manasseh slept with his fathers, and was buried in the garden of his own house, in the garden of Uzza; and Amon his son reigned in his stead.", 21.26. "And he was buried in his sepulchre in the garden of Uzza; and Josiah his son reigned in his stead.", |
|
6. Hebrew Bible, 1 Kings, 1.21, 11.43 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 523| 1.21. "וְהָיָה כִּשְׁכַב אֲדֹנִי־הַמֶּלֶךְ עִם־אֲבֹתָיו וְהָיִיתִי אֲנִי וּבְנִי שְׁלֹמֹה חַטָּאִים׃", 11.43. "וַיִּשְׁכַּב שְׁלֹמֹה עִם־אֲבֹתָיו וַיִּקָּבֵר בְּעִיר דָּוִד אָבִיו וַיִּמְלֹךְ רְחַבְעָם בְּנוֹ תַּחְתָּיו׃", | 1.21. "Otherwise it will come to pass, when my lord the king shall sleep with his fathers, that I and my son Solomon shall be counted offenders.’", 11.43. "And Solomon slept with his fathers, and was buried in the city of David his father; and Rehoboam his son reigned in his stead.", |
|
7. Herodotus, Histories, 1.2, 1.138, 1.173, 6.51-6.60, 7.19, 7.60-7.99 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Morrison (2020) 84, 94, 177 | 1.2. In this way, the Persians say (and not as the Greeks), was how Io came to Egypt , and this, according to them, was the first wrong that was done. Next, according to their story, some Greeks (they cannot say who) landed at Tyre in Phoenicia and carried off the king's daughter Europa. These Greeks must, I suppose, have been Cretans. So far, then, the account between them was balanced. But after this (they say), it was the Greeks who were guilty of the second wrong. ,They sailed in a long ship to Aea, a city of the Colchians, and to the river Phasis : and when they had done the business for which they came, they carried off the king's daughter Medea. ,When the Colchian king sent a herald to demand reparation for the robbery and restitution of his daughter, the Greeks replied that, as they had been refused reparation for the abduction of the Argive Io, they would not make any to the Colchians. 1.138. Furthermore, of what they may not do, they may not speak, either. They hold lying to be the most disgraceful thing of all and next to that debt; for which they have many other reasons, but this in particular: it is inevitable (so they say) that the debtor also speak some falsehood. The citizen who has leprosy or the white sickness may not come into town or mingle with other Persians. They say that he is so afflicted because he has sinned in some way against the sun. ,Every stranger who gets such a disease, many drive out of the country; and they do the same to white doves, for the reason given. Rivers they especially revere; they will neither urinate nor spit nor wash their hands in them, nor let anyone else do so. 1.173. Such are their ways. The Lycians were from Crete in ancient times (for in the past none that lived on Crete were Greek). ,Now there was a dispute in Crete about the royal power between Sarpedon and Minos, sons of Europa; Minos prevailed in this dispute and drove out Sarpedon and his partisans; who, after being driven out, came to the Milyan land in Asia . What is now possessed by the Lycians was in the past Milyan, and the Milyans were then called Solymi. ,For a while Sarpedon ruled them, and the people were called Termilae, which was the name that they had brought with them and that is still given to the Lycians by their neighbors; but after Lycus son of Pandion came from Athens —banished as well by his brother, Aegeus—to join Sarpedon in the land of the Termilae, they came in time to be called Lycians after Lycus. ,Their customs are partly Cretan and partly Carian. But they have one which is their own and shared by no other men: they take their names not from their fathers but from their mothers, ,and when one is asked by his neighbor who he is, he will say that he is the son of such a mother, and rehearse the mothers of his mother. Indeed, if a female citizen marries a slave, her children are considered pure-blooded; but if a male citizen, even the most prominent of them, takes an alien wife or concubine, the children are dishonored. 6.51. All this time Demaratus son of Ariston remained at Sparta and spread evil reports of Cleomenes. This Demaratus was also king of Sparta, but of the inferior house; not indeed inferior in any other regard (for they have a common ancestor), but the house of Eurysthenes has in some sort the greater honor by right of primogeniture. 6.52. The Lacedaemonians say (but no poet agrees) that it was Aristodemus son of Aristomachus son of Cleodaeus son of Hyllus, and not his sons, who led them to that land which they now possess. ,After no long time Aristodemus' wife, whose name was Argeia, bore him offspring; they say she was daughter of Autesion son of Tisamenus son of Thersander son of Polynices; she bore him twins; Aristodemus lived to see the children, then died of a sickness. ,The Lacedaemonians of that day planned to follow their custom and make the eldest of the children king. But the children were identical in all respects, so the Lacedaemonians did not know which to choose; when they could not judge between them, or perhaps even before this, they asked the mother. ,She said she knew no better than the Lacedaemonians which was the elder; she knew perfectly well, but she said this because she desired that by some means both might be made kings. The Lacedaemonians were at a loss, so they sent to Delphi to inquire how they should deal with the matter. ,The priestess bade them make both children kings but give greater honor to the elder. When the priestess gave this response, the Lacedaemonians knew no better than before how to discover the elder child, and a man of Messenia, whose name was Panites, gave them advice: ,he advised them to watch the mother and see which of the children she washed and fed before the other; if she was seen to do this always in the same order, they would then have all that they sought and desired to discover; but if she changed her practice haphazardly, then it would be manifest to the Lacedaemonians that she know no more than they did, and they must have recourse to some other means. ,Then the Spartans did as the Messenian advised; as they watched the mother of Aristodemus' children, they found her always preferring the elder when she fed and washed them, since she did not know why she was being watched. So they took the child that was preferred by its mother and brought it up at public expense as the first-born; and they called it Eurysthenes, and the other Procles. ,They say that when these two brothers grew to manhood, they feuded with each other as long as they lived, and their descendants continued to do likewise. 6.53. The Lacedaemonians are the only Greeks who tell this story. But in what I write I follow the Greek report, and hold that the Greeks correctly recount these kings of the Dorians as far back as Perseus son of Danae—they make no mention of the god —and prove these kings to be Greek; for by that time they had come to be classified as Greeks. ,I said as far back as Perseus, and I took the matter no further than that, because no one is named as the mortal father of Perseus, as Amphitryon is named father of Heracles. So I used correct reasoning when I said that the Greek record is correct as far back as Perseus; farther back than that, if the king's ancestors in each generation, from Danae daughter of Acrisius upward, be reckoned, then the leaders of the Dorians will be shown to be true-born Egyptians. 6.54. Thus have I traced their lineage according to the Greek story; but the Persian tale is that Perseus himself was an Assyrian, and became a Greek, which his forebears had not been; the Persians say that the ancestors of Acrisius had no bond of kinship with Perseus, and they indeed were, as the Greeks say, Egyptians. 6.55. Enough of these matters. Why and for what achievements these men, being Egyptian, won the kingship of the Dorians has been told by others, so I will let it go, and will make mention of matters which others have not touched. 6.56. These privileges the Spartans have given to their kings: two priesthoods, of Zeus called Lacedaemon and of Zeus of Heaven; they wage war against whatever land they wish, and no Spartan can hinder them in this on peril of being put under a curse; when the armies go forth the kings go out first and return last; one hundred chosen men guard them in their campaigns; they sacrifice as many sheep and goats as they wish at the start of their expeditions, and take the hides and backs of all sacrificed beasts. 6.57. Such are their rights in war; in peace the powers given them are as follows: at all public sacrifices the kings first sit down to the banquet and are first served, each of them receiving a portion double of what is given to the rest of the company; they make the first libations, and the hides of the sacrificed beasts are theirs. ,At each new moon and each seventh day of the first part of the month, a full-grown victim for Apollo's temple, a bushel of barley-meal, and a Laconian quart of wine are given to each from the public store, and chief seats are set apart for them at the games. ,It is their right to appoint whatever citizens they wish to be protectors of foreigners; and they each choose two Pythians. (The Pythians are the ambassadors to Delphi and eat with the kings at the public expense.) If the kings do not come to the public dinner, two choenixes of barley-meal and half a pint of wine are sent to their houses, but when they come, they receive a double share of everything; and the same honor shall be theirs when they are invited by private citizens to dinner. ,They keep all oracles that are given, though the Pythians also know them. The kings alone judge cases concerning the rightful possessor of an unwedded heiress, if her father has not betrothed her, and cases concerning public roads. ,If a man desires to adopt a son, it is done in the presence of the kings. They sit with the twenty-eight elders in council; if they do not come, the elders most closely related to them hold the king's privilege, giving two votes over and above the third which is their own. 6.58. The kings are granted these rights from the Spartan commonwealth while they live; when they die, their rights are as follows: Horsemen proclaim their death in all parts of Laconia, and in the city women go about beating on cauldrons. When this happens, two free persons from each house, a man and a woman, are required to wear mourning, or incur heavy penalties if they fail to do so. ,The Lacedaemonians have the same custom at the deaths of their kings as the foreigners in Asia; most foreigners use the same custom at their kings' deaths. When a king of the Lacedaemonians dies, a fixed number of their subject neighbors must come to the funeral from all Lacedaemon, besides the Spartans. ,When these and the helots and the Spartans themselves have assembled in one place to the number of many thousands, together with the women, they zealously beat their foreheads and make long and loud lamentation, calling that king that is most recently dead the best of all their kings. Whenever a king dies in war, they make an image of him and carry it out on a well-spread bier. For ten days after the burial there are no assemblies or elections, and they mourn during these days. 6.59. The Lacedaemonians also resemble the Persians in this: when one king is dead and another takes his office, this successor releases from debt any Spartan who owes a debt to the king or to the commonwealth. Among the Persians the king at the beginning of his reign forgives all cities their arrears of tribute. 6.60. The Lacedaemonians resemble the Egyptians in that their heralds and flute-players and cooks inherit the craft from their fathers, a flute-player's son being a flute-player, and a cook's son a cook, and a herald's son a herald; no others usurp their places, making themselves heralds by loudness of voice; they ply their craft by right of birth. Such is the way of these matters. 7.19. Xerxes was now intent on the expedition and then saw a third vision in his sleep, which the Magi interpreted to refer to the whole earth and to signify that all men should be his slaves. This was the vision: Xerxes thought that he was crowned with an olive bough, of which the shoots spread over the whole earth, and then the crown vanished from off his head where it was set. ,The Magi interpreted it in this way, and immediately every single man of the Persians who had been assembled rode away to his own province and there used all zeal to fulfill the kings command, each desiring to receive the promised gifts. Thus it was that Xerxes mustered his army, searching out every part of the continent. 7.60. I cannot give the exact number that each part contributed to the total, for there is no one who tells us that; but the total of the whole land army was shown to be one million and seven hundred thousand. ,They were counted in this way: ten thousand men were collected in one place, and when they were packed together as closely as could be a line was drawn around them; when this was drawn, the ten thousand were sent away and a wall of stones was built on the line reaching up to a man's navel; ,when this was done, others were brought into the walled space, until in this way all were numbered. When they had been numbered, they were marshalled by nations. 7.61. The men who served in the army were the following: the Persians were equipped in this way: they wore on their heads loose caps called tiaras, and on their bodies embroidered sleeved tunics, with scales of iron like the scales of fish in appearance, and trousers on their legs; for shields they had wicker bucklers, with quivers hanging beneath them; they carried short spears, long bows, and reed arrows, and daggers that hung from the girdle by the right thigh. ,Their commander was Otanes, son of Amestris and father of Xerxes' wife. They were formerly called by the Greeks Cephenes, but by themselves and their neighbors Artaei. ,When Perseus son of Danae and Zeus had come to Cepheus son of Belus and married his daughter Andromeda, a son was born to him whom he called Perses, and he left him there; for Cepheus had no male offspring; it was from this Perses that the Persians took their name. 7.62. The Medes in the army were equipped like the Persians; indeed, that fashion of armor is Median, not Persian. Their commander was Tigranes, an Achaemenid. The Medes were formerly called by everyone Arians, but when the Colchian woman Medea came from Athens to the Arians they changed their name, like the Persians. This is the Medes' own account of themselves. ,The Cissians in the army were equipped like the Persians, but they wore turbans instead of caps. Their commander was Anaphes son of Otanes. The Hyrcanians were armed like the Persians; their leader was Megapanus, who was afterwards the governor of Babylon. 7.63. The Assyrians in the army wore on their heads helmets of twisted bronze made in an outlandish fashion not easy to describe. They carried shields and spears and daggers of Egyptian fashion, and also wooden clubs studded with iron, and they wore linen breastplates. They are called by the Greeks Syrians, but the foreigners called them Assyrians. With them were the Chaldeans. Their commander was Otaspes son of Artachaees. 7.64. The Bactrians in the army wore a headgear very similar to the Median, carrying their native reed bows and short spears. ,The Sacae, who are Scythians, had on their heads tall caps, erect and stiff and tapering to a point; they wore trousers, and carried their native bows, and daggers, and also axes which they call “sagaris.” These were Amyrgian Scythians, but were called Sacae; that is the Persian name for all Scythians. The commander of the Bactrians and Sacae was Hystaspes, son of Darius and Cyrus' daughter Atossa. 7.65. The Indians wore garments of tree-wool, and carried reed bows and iron-tipped reed arrows. Such was their equipment; they were appointed to march under the command of Pharnazathres son of Artabates. 7.66. The Arians were equipped with Median bows, but in all else like the Bactrians; their commander was Sisamnes son of Hydarnes. The Parthians, Chorasmians, Sogdians, Gandarians, and Dadicae in the army had the same equipment as the Bactrians. ,The Parthians and Chorasmians had for their commander Artabazus son of Pharnaces, the Sogdians Azanes son of Artaeus, the Gandarians and Dadicae Artyphius son of Artabanus. 7.67. The Caspians in the army wore cloaks and carried their native reed bows and short swords. Such was their equipment; their leader was Ariomardus, brother of Artyphius. The Sarangae were conspicuous in their dyed garments and knee-high boots, carrying bows and Median spears. Their commander was Pherendates son of Megabazus. ,The Pactyes wore cloaks and carried their native bows and daggers; their commander was Artayntes son of Ithamitres. 7.68. The Utians and Mycians and Paricanians were equipped like the Pactyes; the Utians and Mycians had for their commander Arsamenes son of Darius, the Paricanians Siromitres son of Oeobazus. 7.69. The Arabians wore mantles girded up, and carried at their right side long bows curving backwards. The Ethiopians were wrapped in skins of leopards and lions, and carried bows made of palmwood strips, no less than four cubits long, and short arrows pointed not with iron but with a sharpened stone that they use to carve seals; furthermore, they had spears pointed with a gazelle's horn sharpened like a lance, and also studded clubs. ,When they went into battle they painted half their bodies with gypsum and the other half with vermilion. The Arabians and the Ethiopians who dwell above Egypt had as commander Arsames, the son of Darius and Artystone daughter of Cyrus, whom Darius loved best of his wives; he had an image made of her of hammered gold. 7.70. The Ethiopians above Egypt and the Arabians had Arsames for commander, while the Ethiopians of the east (for there were two kinds of them in the army) served with the Indians; they were not different in appearance from the others, only in speech and hair: the Ethiopians from the east are straight-haired, but the ones from Libya have the woolliest hair of all men. ,These Ethiopians of Asia were for the most part armed like the Indians; but they wore on their heads the skins of horses' foreheads, stripped from the head with ears and mane; the mane served them for a crest, and they wore the horses' ears stiff and upright; for shields they had bucklers of the skin of cranes. 7.71. The Libyans came in leather garments, using javelins of burnt wood. Their commander was Massages son of Oarizus. 7.72. The Paphlagonians in the army had woven helmets on their heads, and small shields and short spears, and also javelins and daggers; they wore their native shoes that reach midway to the knee. The Ligyes and Matieni and Mariandyni and Syrians were equipped like the Paphlagonians. These Syrians are called by the Persians Cappadocians. ,Dotus son of Megasidrus was commander of the Paphlagonians and Matieni, Gobryas son of Darius and Artystone of the Mariandyni and Ligyes and Syrians. 7.73. The Phrygian equipment was very similar to the Paphlagonian, with only a small difference. As the Macedonians say, these Phrygians were called Briges as long as they dwelt in Europe, where they were neighbors of the Macedonians; but when they changed their home to Asia, they changed their name also and were called Phrygians. The Armenians, who are settlers from Phrygia, were armed like the Phrygians. Both these together had as their commander Artochmes, who had married a daughter of Darius. 7.74. The Lydian armor was most similar to the Greek. The Lydians were formerly called Meiones, until they changed their name and were called after Lydus son of Atys. The Mysians wore on their heads their native helmets, carrying small shields and javelins of burnt wood. ,They are settlers from Lydia, and are called Olympieni after the mountain Olympus. The commander of the Lydians and Mysians was that Artaphrenes son of Artaphrenes, who attacked Marathon with Datis. 7.75. The Thracians in the army wore fox-skin caps on their heads, and tunics on their bodies; over these they wore embroidered mantles; they had shoes of fawnskin on their feet and legs; they also had javelins and little shields and daggers. ,They took the name of Bithynians after they crossed over to Asia; before that they were called (as they themselves say) Strymonians, since they lived by the Strymon; they say that they were driven from their homes by Teucrians and Mysians. The commander of the Thracians of Asia was Bassaces son of Artabanus. 7.76. The <Pisidians> had little shields of raw oxhide; each man carried two wolf-hunters' spears; they wore helmets of bronze, and on these helmets were the ears and horns of oxen wrought in bronze, and also crests; their legs were wrapped around with strips of purple rags. Among these men is a place of divination sacred to Ares. 7.77. The Cabelees, who are Meiones and are called Lasonii, had the same equipment as the Cilicians; when I come in my narrative to the place of the Cilicians, I will then declare what it was. The Milyae had short spears and garments fastened by brooches; some of them carried Lycian bows and wore caps of skin on their heads. The commander of all these was Badres son of Hystanes. 7.78. The Moschi wore wooden helmets on their heads, and carried shields and small spears with long points. The Tibareni and Macrones and Mossynoeci in the army were equipped like the Moschi. The commanders who marshalled them were, for the Moschi and Tibareni, Ariomardus son of Darius and Parmys, the daughter of Cyrus' son Smerdis; for the Macrones and Mossynoeci, Artayctes son of Cherasmis, who was governor of Sestus on the Hellespont. 7.79. The Mares wore on their heads their native woven helmets, and carried javelins and small hide shields. The Colchians had wooden helmets and small shields of raw oxhide and short spears, and also swords. The commander of the Mares and Colchians was Pharandates son of Teaspis. The Alarodians and Saspires in the army were armed like the Colchians; Masistius son of Siromitres was their commander. 7.80. The island tribes that came from the Red Sea, and from the islands where the king settles those who are called Exiles, wore dress and armor very similar to the Median. The commander of these islanders was Mardontes son of Bagaeus, who in the next year was general at Mykale and died in the battle. 7.81. These are the nations that marched by the mainland and had their places in the infantry. The commanders of this army were those whom I have mentioned, and they were the ones who marshalled and numbered them and appointed captains of thousands and ten thousands; the captains of ten thousands appointed the captains of hundreds and of tens. There were others who were leaders of companies and nations. 7.82. These were the commanders, as I have said; the generals of these and of the whole infantry were Mardonius son of Gobryas, Tritantaechmes son of that Artabanus who delivered the opinion that there should be no expedition against Hellas, Smerdomenes son of Otanes (these two latter were sons of Darius' brothers, and thus they were Xerxes' cousins), Masistes son of Darius and Atossa, Gergis son of Ariazus, and Megabyzus son of Zopyrus. 7.83. These were the generals of the whole infantry, except the Ten Thousand. Hydarnes son of Hydarnes was general of these picked ten thousand Persians, who were called Immortals for this reason: when any one of them was forced to fall out of the number by death or sickness, another was chosen so that they were never more or fewer than ten thousand. ,The Persians showed the richest adornment of all, and they were the best men in the army. Their equipment was such as I have said; beyond this they stood out by the abundance of gold that they had. They also brought carriages bearing concubines and many well-equipped servants; camels and beasts of burden carried food for them, apart from the rest of the army. 7.84. There are horsemen in these nations, but not all of them furnished cavalry. Only the following did so: the Persians, equipped like their infantry, except that some of them wore headgear of hammered bronze and iron. 7.85. There are also certain nomads called Sagartian; they are Persian in speech, and the fashion of their equipment is somewhat between the Persian and the Pactyan; they furnished eight thousand horsemen. It is their custom to carry no armor of bronze or iron, except only daggers, and to use ropes of twisted leather. ,They go to battle relying on these. This is the manner of fighting of these men: when they are at close quarters with their enemy, they throw their ropes, which have a noose at the end; whatever he catches, horse or man, each man drags to himself, and the enemy is entangled in the coils and slain. Such is their manner of fighting; they were marshalled with the Persians. 7.86. The Median cavalry were equipped like their infantry, and the Cissians similarly. The Indians were armed in the same manner as their infantry; they rode swift horses and drove chariots drawn by horses and wild asses. The Bactrians were equipped as were their foot, and the Caspians in the same manner. ,The Libyans, too, were armed like the men of their infantry, and all of them also drove chariots. In the same manner the Caspians and Paricanians were armed as the men of their infantry. The Arabians had the same equipment as the men of their infantry, and all of them rode on camels no less swift than horses. 7.87. These nations alone were on horseback; the number of the horsemen was shown to be eighty thousand, besides the camels and the chariots. All the rest of the horsemen were ranked with their companies, but the Arabians were posted last. Since horses cannot endure camels, their place was in the rear, so that the horses would not be frightened. 7.88. The captains of cavalry were Harmamithres and Tithaeus, sons of Datis; the third who was captain with them, Pharnuches, had been left behind sick at Sardis. As they set forth from Sardis, an unwelcome mishap befell him: a dog ran under the feet of the horse he was riding, and the horse was taken by surprise and frightened, so it reared up and threw Pharnuches; after his fall he vomited blood and began to waste away. ,The horse was immediately dealt with according to Pharnuces' command; his servants led it away to the place where it had thrown their master, and cut off its legs at the knee. Thus it was that Pharnuches lost his command. 7.89. The number of the triremes was twelve hundred and seven, and they were furnished by the following: the Phoenicians with the Syrians of Palestine furnished three hundred; for their equipment, they had on their heads helmets very close to the Greek in style; they wore linen breastplates, and carried shields without rims, and javelins. ,These Phoenicians formerly dwelt, as they themselves say, by the Red Sea; they crossed from there and now inhabit the seacoast of Syria. This part of Syria as far as Egypt is all called Palestine. ,The Egyptians furnished two hundred ships. They wore woven helmets and carried hollow shields with broad rims, and spears for sea-warfare, and great battle-axes. Most of them wore cuirasses and carried long swords. 7.90. Such was their armor. The Cyprians furnished a hundred and fifty ships; for their equipment, their princes wore turbans wrapped around their heads, and the people wore tunics, but in all else they were like the Greeks. These are their tribes: some are from Salamis and Athens, some from Arcadia, some from Cythnus, some from Phoenice, and some from Ethiopia, as the Cyprians themselves say. 7.91. The Cilicians furnished a hundred ships. They also wore on their heads their native helmets, carried bucklers of raw oxhide for shields, and were clad in woollen tunics; each had two javelins and a sword very close in style to the knives of Egypt. These Cilicians were formerly called Hypachaei, and took their name from Cilix son of Agenor, a Phoenician. The Pamphylians furnished a hundred ships: they were armed like the Greeks. These Pamphylians are descended from the Trojans of the diaspora who followed Amphilochus and Calchas. 7.92. The Lycians furnished fifty ships; they wore cuirasses and greaves, and carried cornel-wood bows and unfeathered arrows and javelins; goat-skins hung from their shoulders, and they wore on their heads caps crowned with feathers; they also had daggers and scimitars. The Lycians are from Crete and were once called Termilae; they took their name from Lycus son of Pandion, an Athenian. 7.93. The Dorians of Asia furnished thirty ships; their armor was Greek; they are of Peloponnesian descent. The Carians furnished seventy ships; they had scimitars and daggers, but the rest of their equipment was Greek. I have said in the beginning of my history what they were formerly called. 7.94. The Ionians furnished a hundred ships; their equipment was like the Greek. These Ionians, as long as they were in the Peloponnese, dwelt in what is now called Achaia, and before Danaus and Xuthus came to the Peloponnese, as the Greeks say, they were called Aegialian Pelasgians. They were named Ionians after Ion the son of Xuthus. 7.95. The islanders provided seventeen ships and were armed like Greeks; they were also of Pelasgian stock, which was later called Ionian for the same reason as were the Ionians of the twelve cities, who came from Athens. The Aeolians furnished sixty ships and were equipped like Greeks; formerly they were called Pelasgian, as the Greek story goes. ,of the people of the Hellespont, the people of Abydos had been charged by the king to remain at home and guard the bridges; the rest of the people from Pontus who came with the army furnished a hundred ships and were equipped like Greeks. They were settlers from the Ionians and Dorians. 7.96. Persians and Medes and Sacae served as soldiers on all the ships. The most seaworthy ships were furnished by the Phoenicians, and among them by the Sidonians. All of these, as with those who were marshalled in the infantry, each had their native leaders, whose names I do not record, since it is not necessary for the purpose of my history. ,The leaders of each nation are not worthy of mention, and every city of each nation had a leader of its own. These came not as generals but as slaves, like the rest of the expedition; I have already said who were the generals of supreme authority and the Persian commanders of each nation. 7.97. The admirals of the navy were Ariabignes son of Darius, Prexaspes son of Aspathines, Megabazus son of Megabates, and Achaemenes son of Darius. Ariabignes, son of Darius and Gobryas' daughter, was admiral of the Ionian and Carian fleet; the admiral of the Egyptians was Achaemenes, full brother of Xerxes; and the two others were admirals of the rest. The ships of thirty and of fifty oars, the light galleys, and the great transports for horses came to a total of three thousand all together. 7.98. After the admirals, the most famous of those on board were these: from Sidon, Tetramnestus son of Anysus; from Tyre, Matten son of Siromus; from Aradus, Merbalus son of Agbalus; from Cilicia, Syennesis son of Oromedon; from Lycia, Cyberniscus son of Sicas; from Cyprus, Gorgus son of Chersis and Timonax son of Timagoras; and from Caria, Histiaeus son of Tymnes, Pigres son of Hysseldomus, and Damasithymus son of Candaules. 7.99. I see no need to mention any of the other captains except Artemisia. I find it a great marvel that a woman went on the expedition against Hellas: after her husband died, she took over his tyranny, though she had a young son, and followed the army from youthful spirits and manliness, under no compulsion. ,Artemisia was her name, and she was the daughter of Lygdamis; on her fathers' side she was of Halicarnassian lineage, and on her mothers' Cretan. She was the leader of the men of Halicarnassus and Cos and Nisyrus and Calydnos, and provided five ships. ,Her ships were reputed to be the best in the whole fleet after the ships of Sidon, and she gave the king the best advice of all his allies. The cities that I said she was the leader of are all of Dorian stock, as I can show, since the Halicarnassians are from Troezen, and the rest are from Epidaurus. |
|
8. Hebrew Bible, Nehemiah, 3.16 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •provinces (of roman empire), burial customs Found in books: Galinsky (2016) 339| 3.16. "אַחֲרָיו הֶחֱזִיק נְחֶמְיָה בֶן־עַזְבּוּק שַׂר חֲצִי פֶּלֶךְ בֵּית־צוּר עַד־נֶגֶד קִבְרֵי דָוִיד וְעַד־הַבְּרֵכָה הָעֲשׂוּיָה וְעַד בֵּית הַגִּבֹּרִים׃", | 3.16. "After him repaired Nehemiah the son of Azbuk, the ruler of half the district of Beth-zur, unto the place over against the sepulchres of David, and unto the pool that was made, and unto the house of the mighty men.", |
|
9. Hebrew Bible, 2 Chronicles, 33.2 (5th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •provinces (of roman empire), burial customs Found in books: Galinsky (2016) 339| 33.2. "וַיַּעַשׂ הָרַע בְּעֵינֵי יְהוָה כְּתוֹעֲבוֹת הַגּוֹיִם אֲשֶׁר הוֹרִישׁ יְהוָה מִפְּנֵי בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל׃", 33.2. "וַיִּשְׁכַּב מְנַשֶּׁה עִם־אֲבֹתָיו וַיִּקְבְּרֻהוּ בֵּיתוֹ וַיִּמְלֹךְ אָמוֹן בְּנוֹ תַּחְתָּיו׃", | 33.2. "And he did that which was evil in the sight of the LORD, after the abominations of the nations, whom the LORD cast out before the children of Israel.", |
|
10. Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautica, 1.1138-1.1139, 2.1-2.153, 2.839-2.840, 2.1170-2.1174, 3.200-3.209, 4.475-4.476, 4.479-4.481, 4.1776-4.1781 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Morrison (2020) 84, 90, 94, 177, 199| 1.1138. κηδείῃ βασιλῆος ἀνέστενον. ἔνθεν ἐσαιεὶ 1.1139. ῥόμβῳ καὶ τυπάνῳ Ῥείην Φρύγες ἱλάσκονται. 2.1. 2.1. ἔνθα δʼ ἔσαν σταθμοί τε βοῶν αὖλίς τʼ Ἀμύκοιο, 2.2. Βεβρύκων βασιλῆος ἀγήνορος, ὅν ποτε νύμφη 2.3. τίκτε Ποσειδάωνι Γενεθλίῳ εὐνηθεῖσα 2.4. Βιθυνὶς Μελίη, ὑπεροπληέστατον ἀνδρῶν· 2.5. ὅς τʼ ἐπὶ καὶ ξείνοισιν ἀεικέα θεσμὸν ἔθηκεν, 2.6. μήτινʼ ἀποστείχειν, πρὶν πειρήσασθαι ἑοῖο 2.7. πυγμαχίης· πολέας δὲ περικτιόνων ἐδάιξεν. 2.8. καὶ δὲ τότε προτὶ νῆα κιών, χρειώ μιν ἐρέσθαι 2.9. ναυτιλίης, οἵ τʼ εἶεν, ὑπερβασίῃσιν ἄτισσεν, 2.10. τοῖον δʼ ἐν πάντεσσι παρασχεδὸν ἔκφατο μῦθον· 2.11. ‘Κέκλυθʼ, ἁλίπλαγκτοι, τάπερ ἴδμεναι ὔμμιν ἔοικεν. 2.12. οὔτινα θέσμιόν ἐστιν ἀφορμηθέντα νέεσθαι 2.13. ἀνδρῶν ὀθνείων, ὅς κεν Βέβρυξι πελάσσῃ, 2.14. πρὶν χείρεσσιν ἐμῇσιν ἑὰς ἀνὰ χεῖρας ἀεῖραι. 2.15. τῶ καί μοι τὸν ἄριστον ἀποκριδὸν οἶον ὁμίλου 2.16. πυγμαχίῃ στήσασθε καταυτόθι δηρινθῆναι. 2.17. εἰ δʼ ἂν ἀπηλεγέοντες ἐμὰς πατέοιτε θέμιστας, 2.18. ἧ κέν τις στυγερῶς κρατερὴ ἐπιέψετʼ ἀνάγκη.’ 2.19. ἦ ῥα μέγα φρονέων· τοὺς δʼ ἄγριος εἰσαΐοντας 2.20. εἷλε χόλος· περὶ δʼ αὖ Πολυδεύκεα τύψεν ὁμοκλη 2.21. αἶψα δʼ ἑῶν ἑτάρων πρόμος ἵστατο, φώνησέν τε· 2.22. ‘ἴσχεο νῦν, μηδʼ ἄμμι κακήν, ὅτις εὔχεαι εἶναι, 2.23. φαῖνε βίην· θεσμοῖς γὰρ ὑπείξομεν, ὡς ἀγορεύεις. 2.24. αὐτὸς ἑκὼν ἤδη τοι ὑπίσχομαι ἀντιάασθαι.’ 2.25. ὧς φάτʼ ἀπηλεγέως· ὁ δʼ ἐσέδρακεν ὄμμαθʼ ἑλίξας, 2.26. ὥστε λέων ὑπʼ ἄκοντι τετυμμένος, ὅν τʼ ἐν ὄρεσσιν 2.27. ἀνέρες ἀμφιπένονται· ὁ δʼ ἰλλόμενός περ ὁμίλῳ 2.28. τῶν μὲν ἔτʼ οὐκ ἀλέγει, ἐπὶ δʼ ὄσσεται οἰόθεν οἶον 2.29. ἄνδρα τόν, ὅς μιν ἔτυψε παροίτατος, οὐδʼ ἐδάμασσεν. 2.30. ἔνθʼ ἀπὸ Τυνδαρίδης μὲν ἐύστιπτον θέτο φᾶρος 2.31. λεπταλέον, τό ῥά οἵ τις ἑὸν ξεινήιον εἶναι 2.32. ὤπασε Λημνιάδων· ὁ δʼ ἐρεμνὴν δίπτυχα λώπην 2.33. αὐτῇσιν περόνῃσι καλαύροπά τε τρηχεῖαν 2.34. κάββαλε, τὴν φορέεσκεν, ὀριτρεφέος κοτίνοιο. 2.35. αὐτίκα δʼ ἐγγύθι χῶρον ἑαδότα παπτήναντες 2.36. ἷζον ἑοὺς δίχα πάντας ἐνὶ ψαμάθοισιν ἑταίρους, 2.37. οὐ δέμας, οὐδὲ φυὴν ἐναλίγκιοι εἰσοράασθαι. 2.38. ἀλλʼ ὁ μὲν ἢ ὀλοοῖο Τυφωέος, ἠὲ καὶ αὐτῆς 2.39. γαίης εἶναι ἔικτο πέλωρ τέκος, οἷα πάροιθεν 2.40. χωομένη Διὶ τίκτεν· ὁ δʼ οὐρανίῳ ἀτάλαντος 2.41. ἀστέρι Τυνδαρίδης, οὗπερ κάλλισται ἔασιν 2.42. ἑσπερίην διὰ νύκτα φαεινομένου ἀμαρυγαί. 2.43. τοῖος ἔην Διὸς υἱός, ἔτι χνοάοντας ἰούλους 2.44. ἀντέλλων, ἔτι φαιδρὸς ἐν ὄμμασιν. ἀλλά οἱ ἀλκὴ 2.45. καὶ μένος ἠύτε θηρὸς ἀέξετο· πῆλε δὲ χεῖρας 2.46. πειράζων, εἴθʼ ὡς πρὶν ἐυτρόχαλοι φορέονται, 2.47. μηδʼ ἄμυδις καμάτῳ τε καὶ εἰρεσίῃ βαρύθοιεν 2.48. οὐ μὰν αὖτʼ Ἄμυκος πειρήσατο· σῖγα δʼ ἄπωθεν 2.49. ἑστηὼς εἰς αὐτὸν ἔχʼ ὄμματα, καί οἱ ὀρέχθει 2.50. θυμὸς ἐελδομένῳ στηθέων ἐξ αἷμα κεδάσσαι. 2.51. τοῖσι δὲ μεσσηγὺς θεράπων Ἀμύκοιο Λυκωρεὺς 2.52. θῆκε πάροιθε ποδῶν δοιοὺς ἑκάτερθεν ἱμάντας 2.53. ὠμούς, ἀζαλέους, περὶ δʼ οἵγʼ ἔσαν ἐσκληῶτες. 2.54. αὐτὰρ ὁ τόνγʼ ἐπέεσσιν ὑπερφιάλοισι μετηύδα· 2.55. ‘τῶνδέ τοι ὅν κʼ ἐθέλῃσθα, πάλου ἄτερ ἐγγυαλίξω 2.56. αὐτὸς ἑκών, ἵνα μή μοι ἀτέμβηαι μετόπισθεν. 2.57. ἀλλὰ βάλευ περὶ χειρί· δαεὶς δέ κεν ἄλλῳ ἐνίσποις, 2.58. ὅσσον ἐγὼ ῥινούς τε βοῶν περίειμι ταμέσθαι 2.59. ἀζαλέας, ἀνδρῶν τε παρηίδας αἵματι φύρσαι.’ 2.60. ὧς ἔφατʼ· αὐτὰρ ὅγʼ οὔτι παραβλήδην ἐρίδηνεν. 2.61. ἦκα δὲ μειδήσας, οἵ οἱ παρὰ ποσσὶν ἔκειντο, 2.62. τοὺς ἕλεν ἀπροφάτως· τοῦ δʼ ἀντίος ἤλυθε Κάστωρ 2.63. ἠδὲ Βιαντιάδης Ταλαὸς μέγας· ὦκα δʼ ἱμάντας 2.64. ἀμφέδεον, μάλα πολλὰ παρηγορέοντες ἐς ἀλκήν. 2.65. τῷ δʼ αὖτʼ Ἄρητός τε καὶ Ὄρνυτος, οὐδέ τι ᾔδειν 2.66. νήπιοι ὕστατα κεῖνα κακῇ δήσαντες ἐν αἴσῃ. 2.67. οἱ δʼ ἐπεὶ οὖν ἱμᾶσι διασταδὸν ἠρτύναντο, 2.68. αὐτίκʼ ἀνασχόμενοι ῥεθέων προπάροιθε βαρείας 2.69. χεῖρας, ἐπʼ ἀλλήλοισι μένος φέρον ἀντιόωντες. 2.70. ἔνθα δὲ Βεβρύκων μὲν ἄναξ, ἅ τε κῦμα θαλάσσης 2.71. τρηχὺ θοὴν ἐπὶ νῆα κορύσσεται, ἡ δʼ ὑπὸ τυτθὸν 2.72. ἰδρείῃ πυκινοῖο κυβερνητῆρος ἀλύσκει, 2.73. ἱεμένου φορέεσθαι ἔσω τοίχοιο κλύδωνος, 2.74. ὧς ὅγε Τυνδαρίδην φοβέων ἕπετʼ, οὐδέ μιν εἴα 2.75. δηθύνειν. ὁ δʼ ἄρʼ αἰὲν ἀνούτατος ἣν διὰ μῆτιν 2.76. ἀίσσοντʼ ἀλέεινεν· ἀπηνέα δʼ αἶψα νοήσας 2.77. πυγμαχίην, ᾗ κάρτος ἀάατος, ᾗ τε χερείων, 2.78. στῆ ῥ̓ ἄμοτον καὶ χερσὶν ἐναντία χεῖρας ἔμιξεν. 2.79. ὡς δʼ ὅτε νήια δοῦρα θοοῖς ἀντίξοα γόμφοις 2.80. ἀνέρες ὑληουργοὶ ἐπιβλήδην ἐλάοντες 2.81. θείνωσι σφύρῃσιν, ἐπʼ ἄλλῳ δʼ ἄλλος ἄηται 2.82. δοῦπος ἄδην· ὧς τοῖσι παρήιά τʼ ἀμφοτέρωθεν 2.83. καὶ γένυες κτύπεον· βρυχὴ δʼ ὑπετέλλετʼ ὀδόντων 2.84. ἄσπετος, οὐδʼ ἔλληξαν ἐπισταδὸν οὐτάζοντες, 2.85. ἔστε περ οὐλοὸν ἆσθμα καὶ ἀμφοτέρους ἐδάμασσεν. 2.86. στάντε δὲ βαιὸν ἄπωθεν ἀπωμόρξαντο μετώπων 2.87. ἱδρῶ ἅλις, καματηρὸν ἀυτμένα φυσιόωντε. 2.88. ἂψ δʼ αὖτις συνόρουσαν ἐναντίοι, ἠύτε ταύρω 2.89. φορβάδος ἀμφὶ βοὸς κεκοτηότε δηριάασθον. 2.90. ἔνθα δʼ ἔπειτʼ Ἄμυκος μὲν ἐπʼ ἀκροτάτοισιν ἀερθείς, 2.91. βουτύπος οἷα, πόδεσσι τανύσσατο, κὰδ δὲ βαρεῖαν 2.92. χεῖρʼ ἐπὶ οἷ πελέμιξεν· ὁ δʼ ἀίξαντος ὑπέστη, 2.93. κρᾶτα παρακλίνας, ὤμῳ δʼ ἀνεδέξατο πῆχυν 2.94. τυτθόν· ὁ δʼ ἄγχʼ αὐτοῖο παρὲκ γόνυ γουνὸς ἀμσίβων 2.95. κόψε μεταΐγδην ὑπὲρ οὔατος, ὀστέα δʼ εἴσω 2.96. ῥῆξεν· ὁ δʼ ἀμφʼ ὀδύνῃ γνὺξ ἤριπεν· οἱ δʼ ἰάχησαν 2.97. ἥρωες Μινύαι· τοῦ δʼ ἀθρόος ἔκχυτο θυμός. 2.98. οὐδʼ ἄρα Βέβρυκες ἄνδρες ἀφείδησαν βασιλῆος· 2.99. ἀλλʼ ἄμυδις κορύνας ἀζηχέας ἠδὲ σιγύννους 2.100. ἰθὺς ἀνασχόμενοι Πολυδεύκεος ἀντιάασκον. 2.101. τοῦ δὲ πάρος κολεῶν εὐήκεα φάσγανʼ ἑταῖροι 2.102. ἔσταν ἐρυσσάμενοι. πρῶτός γε μὲν ἀνέρα Κάστωρ 2.103. ἤλασʼ ἐπεσσύμενον κεφαλῆς ὕπερ· ἡ δʼ ἑκάτερθεν 2.104. ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθʼ ὤμοισιν ἐπʼ ἀμφοτέροις ἐκεάσθη. 2.105. αὐτὸς δʼ Ἰτυμονῆα πελώριον ἠδὲ Μίμαντα, 2.106. τὸν μὲν ὑπὸ στέρνοιο θοῷ ποδὶ λὰξ ἐπορούσας 2.107. πλῆξε, καὶ ἐν κονίῃσι βάλεν· τοῦ δʼ ἆσσον ἰόντος 2.108. δεξιτερῇ σκαιῆς ὑπὲρ ὀφρύος ἤλασε χειρί, 2.109. δρύψε δέ οἱ βλέφαρον, γυμνὴ δʼ ὑπελείπετʼ ὀπωπή. 2.110. Ὠρεΐδης δʼ Ἀμύκοιο βίην ὑπέροπλος ὀπάων 2.111. οὖτα Βιαντιάδαο κατὰ λαπάρην Ταλαοῖο, 2.112. ἀλλά μιν οὐ κατέπεφνεν, ὅσον δʼ ἐπὶ δέρματι μοῦνον 2.113. νηδυίων ἄψαυστος ὑπὸ ζώνην θόρε χαλκός. 2.114. αὔτως δʼ Ἄρητος μενεδήιον Εὐρύτου υἷα 2.115. Ἴφιτον ἀζαλέῃ κορύνῃ στυφέλιξεν ἐλάσσας, 2.116. οὔπω κηρὶ κακῇ πεπρωμένον· ἦ τάχʼ ἔμελλεν 2.117. αὐτὸς δῃώσεσθαι ὑπὸ ξίφεϊ Κλυτίοιο. 2.118. καὶ τότʼ ἄρʼ Λ̓γκαῖος Λυκοόργοιο θρασὺς υἱὸς 2.119. αἶψα μάλʼ ἀντεταγὼν πέλεκυν μέγαν ἠδὲ κελαινὸν 2.120. ἄρκτου προσχόμενος σκαιῇ δέρος ἔνθορε μέσσῳ 2.121. ἐμμεμαὼς Βέβρυξιν· ὁμοῦ δέ οἱ ἐσσεύοντο 2.122. Αἰακίδαι, σὺν δέ σφιν ἀρήιος ὤρνυτʼ Ἰήσων. 2.123. ὡς δʼ ὅτʼ ἐνὶ σταθμοῖσιν ἀπείρονα μῆλʼ ἐφόβησαν 2.124. ἤματι χειμερίῳ πολιοὶ λύκοι ὁρμηθέντες 2.125. λάθρῃ ἐυρρίνων τε κυνῶν αὐτῶν τε νομήων, 2.126. μαίονται δʼ ὅ τι πρῶτον ἐπαΐξαντες ἕλωσιν, 2.127. πόλλʼ ἐπιπαμφαλόωντες ὁμοῦ· τὰ δὲ πάντοθεν αὔτως 2.128. στείνονται πίπτοντα περὶ σφίσιν· ὧς ἄρα τοίγε 2.129. λευγαλέως Βέβρυκας ὑπερφιάλους ἐφόβησαν. 2.130. ὡς δὲ μελισσάων σμῆνος μέγα μηλοβοτῆρες 2.131. ἠὲ μελισσοκόμοι πέτρῃ ἔνι καπνιόωσιν, 2.132. αἱ δʼ ἤτοι τείως μὲν ἀολλέες ᾧ ἐνὶ σίμβλῳ 2.133. βομβηδὸν κλονέονται, ἐπιπρὸ δὲ λιγνυόεντι 2.134. καπνῷ τυφόμεναι πέτρης ἑκὰς ἀίσσουσιν· 2.135. ὧς οἵγʼ οὐκέτι δὴν μένον ἔμπεδον, ἀλλʼ ἐκέδασθεν 2.136. εἴσω Βεβρυκίης, Ἀμύκου μόρον ἀγγελέοντες· 2.137. νήπιοι, οὐδʼ ἐνόησαν ὃ δή σφισιν ἐγγύθεν ἄλλο 2.138. πῆμʼ ἀίδηλον ἔην. πέρθοντο γὰρ ἠμὲν ἀλωαὶ 2.139. ἠδʼ οἶαι τῆμος δῄῳ ὑπὸ δουρὶ Λύκοιο 2.140. καὶ Μαριανδυνῶν ἀνδρῶν, ἀπεόντος ἄνακτος. 2.141. αἰεὶ γὰρ μάρναντο σιδηροφόρου περὶ γαίης. 2.142. οἱ δʼ ἤδη σταθμούς τε καὶ αὔλια δηιάασκον· 2.143. ἤδη δʼ ἄσπετα μῆλα περιτροπάδην ἐτάμοντο 2.144. ἥρωες, καὶ δή τις ἔπος μετὰ τοῖσιν ἔειπεν· 2.145. ‘Φράζεσθʼ ὅττι κεν ᾗσιν ἀναλκείῃσιν ἔρεξαν, 2.146. εἴ πως Ἡρακλῆα θεὸς καὶ δεῦρʼ ἐκόμισσε??. 2.147. ἤτοι μὲν γὰρ ἐγὼ κείνου παρεόντος ἔολπα 2.148. οὐδʼ ἂν πυγμαχίῃ κρινθήμεναι· ἀλλʼ ὅτε θεσμοὺς 2.149. ἤλυθεν ἐξερέων, αὐτοῖς ἄφαρ οἷς ἀγόρευεν 2.150. θεσμοῖσιν ῥοπάλῳ μιν ἀγηνορίης λελαθέσθαι. 2.151. ναὶ μὲν ἀκήδεστον γαίῃ ἔνι τόνγε λιπόντες 2.152. πόντον ἐπέπλωμεν· μάλα δʼ ἡμέων αὐτὸς ἕκαστος 2.153. εἴσεται οὐλομένην ἄτην, ἀπάνευθεν ἐόντος.’ 2.839. αὐτῷ ὁμοῦ βασιλῆι Λύκῳ· παρὰ δʼ ἄσπετα μῆλα, 2.840. ἣ θέμις οἰχομένοισι, ταφήια λαιμοτόμησαν. 2.1170. μῆλʼ ἱερευσόμενοι· περὶ δʼ ἐσχάρῃ ἐστήσαντο 2.1171. ἐσσυμένως, ἥ τʼ ἐκτὸς ἀνηρεφέος πέλε νηοῦ 2.1172. στιάων· εἴσω δὲ μέλας λίθος ἠρήρειστο 2.1173. ἱερός, ᾧ ποτε πᾶσαι Ἀμαζόνες εὐχετόωντο. 2.1174. οὐδέ σφιν θέμις ἦεν, ὅτʼ ἀντιπέρηθεν ἵκοιντο, 3.200. Κιρκαῖον τόδε που κικλήσκεται· ἔνθα δὲ πολλαὶ 3.201. ἑξείης πρόμαλοί τε καὶ ἰτέαι ἐκπεφύασιν, 3.202. τῶν καὶ ἐπʼ ἀκροτάτων νέκυες σειρῇσι κρέμανται 3.203. δέσμιοι. εἰσέτι νῦν γὰρ ἄγος Κόλχοισιν ὄρωρεν 3.204. ἀνέρας οἰχομένους πυρὶ καιέμεν· οὐδʼ ἐνὶ γαίῃ 3.205. ἔστι θέμις στείλαντας ὕπερθʼ ἐπὶ σῆμα χέεσθαι, 3.206. ἀλλʼ ἐν ἀδεψήτοισι κατειλύσαντε βοείαις 3.207. δενδρέων ἐξάπτειν ἑκὰς ἄστεος. ἠέρι δʼ ἴσην 3.208. καὶ χθὼν ἔμμορεν αἶσαν, ἐπεὶ χθονὶ ταρχύουσιν 3.209. θηλυτέρας· ἡ γάρ τε δίκη θεσμοῖο τέτυκται. 4.475. ὀξὺ δὲ πανδαμάτωρ λοξῷ ἴδεν οἷον ἔρεξαν 4.476. ὄμματι νηλειὴς ὀλοφώιον ἔργον Ἐρινύς. 4.479. ἣ θέμις αὐθέντῃσι δολοκτασίας ἱλάεσθαι. 4.480. ὑγρὸν δʼ ἐν γαίῃ κρύψεν νέκυν, ἔνθʼ ἔτι νῦν περ 4.481. κείαται ὀστέα κεῖνα μετʼ ἀνδράσιν Ἀψυρτεῦσιν. 4.1776. ὑμετέρων καμάτων· ἐπεὶ οὔ νύ τις ὔμμιν ἄεθλος 4.1777. αὖτις ἀπʼ Αἰγίνηθεν ἀνερχομένοισιν ἐτύχθη, 4.1778. οὔτʼ ἀνέμων ἐριῶλαι ἐνέσταθεν· ἀλλὰ ἕκηλοι 4.1779. γαῖαν Κεκροπίην παρά τʼ Αὐλίδα μετρήσαντες 4.1780. Εὐβοίης ἔντοσθεν Ὀπούντιά τʼ ἄστεα Λοκρῶν 4.1781. ἀσπασίως ἀκτὰς Παγασηίδας εἰσαπέβητε. | |
|
11. Septuagint, Ecclesiasticus (Siracides), 14.31, 15.24, 22.11-22.12, 38.16-38.23 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 481, 523 | 22.11. Weep for the dead, for he lacks the light;and weep for the fool, for he lacks intelligence;weep less bitterly for the dead, for he has attained rest;but the life of the fool is worse than death. 22.11. A man who swears many oaths will be filled with iniquity,and the scourge will not leave his house;if he offends, his sin remains on him,and if he disregards it, he sins doubly;if he has sworn needlessly, he will not be justified,for his house will be filled with calamities. 22.12. Mourning for the dead lasts seven days,but for a fool or an ungodly man it lasts all his life. 22.12. There is an utterance which is comparable to death;may it never be found in the inheritance of Jacob!For all these errors will be far from the godly,and they will not wallow in sins. 38.16. My son, let your tears fall for the dead,and as one who is suffering grievously begin the lament. Lay out his body with the honor due him,and do not neglect his burial. 38.17. Let your weeping be bitter and your wailing fervent;observe the mourning according to his merit,for one day, or two, to avoid criticism;then be comforted for your sorrow. 38.18. For sorrow results in death,and sorrow of heart saps ones strength. 38.19. In calamity sorrow continues,and the life of the poor man weighs down his heart. 38.21. Do not forget, there is no coming back;you do the dead no good, and you injure yourself. 38.22. "Remember my doom, for yours is like it:yesterday it was mine, and today it is yours." 38.23. When the dead is at rest, let his remembrance cease,and be comforted for him when his spirit is departed. |
|
12. Septuagint, 3 Maccabees, 6.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •burial practices/customs Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019) 409 | 6.18. Then the most glorious, almighty, and true God revealed his holy face and opened the heavenly gates, from which two glorious angels of fearful aspect descended, visible to all but the Jews. |
|
| 13. Dead Sea Scrolls, Damascus Covenant, 12.16-12.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 512 |
| 14. Dead Sea Scrolls, (Cairo Damascus Covenant) Cd-A, 12.16-12.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 512 |
15. Septuagint, 2 Maccabees, 3.33, 5.15-5.16, 6.18, 15.12 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •burial practices/customs Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019) 286, 409 | 3.33. While the high priest was making the offering of atonement, the same young men appeared again to Heliodorus dressed in the same clothing, and they stood and said, 'Be very grateful to Onias the high priest, since for his sake the Lord has granted you your life.' 5.15. Not content with this, Antiochus dared to enter the most holy temple in all the world, guided by Menelaus, who had become a traitor both to the laws and to his country.' 5.16. He took the holy vessels with his polluted hands, and swept away with profane hands the votive offerings which other kings had made to enhance the glory and honor of the place.' 6.18. Eleazar, one of the scribes in high position, a man now advanced in age and of noble presence, was being forced to open his mouth to eat swine's flesh.' 15.12. What he saw was this: Onias, who had been high priest, a noble and good man, of modest bearing and gentle manner, one who spoke fittingly and had been trained from childhood in all that belongs to excellence, was praying with outstretched hands for the whole body of the Jews.' |
|
| 16. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 40.3.3, 40.3.8 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •burial practices/customs Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019) 286 |
17. Josephus Flavius, Against Apion, 1.193 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •burial practices/customs Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019) 288 | 1.193. He adds farther, that “when the Macedonians came to them into that country, and demolished the [old] temples and the altars, they assisted them in demolishing them all; but [for not assisting them in rebuilding them] they either underwent losses, or sometimes obtained forgiveness.” He adds, farther, that “these men deserve to be admired on that account.” |
|
18. Mishnah, Berachot, 8.6 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 485| 8.6. "אֵין מְבָרְכִין לֹא עַל הַנֵּר וְלֹא עַל הַבְּשָׂמִים שֶׁל עוֹבְדֵי כוֹכָבִים, וְלֹא עַל הַנֵּר וְלֹא עַל הַבְּשָׂמִים שֶׁל מֵתִים, וְלֹא עַל הַנֵּר וְלֹא עַל הַבְּשָׂמִים שֶׁלִּפְנֵי עֲבוֹדָה זָרָה. אֵין מְבָרְכִין עַל הַנֵּר עַד שֶׁיֵּאוֹתוּ לְאוֹרוֹ: \n", | 8.6. "They do not bless over the candles or the spices of non-Jews; Or over the candles or the spices of the dead; Or over the candles or the spices of idolatry; And a blessing is not said over the light until they benefit from its light.", |
|
19. Mishnah, Kilayim, 9.4 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 481| 9.4. "תַּכְרִיכֵי הַמֵּת וּמַרְדַּעַת שֶׁל חֲמוֹר, אֵין בָּהֶם מִשּׁוּם כִּלְאָיִם. לֹא יִתֵּן הַמַּרְדַּעַת עַל כְּתֵפוֹ, אֲפִלּוּ לְהוֹצִיא עָלֶיהָ זֶבֶל: \n", | 9.4. "Shrouds for the dead, and the packsaddle of a donkey are not subject to the law of kilayim. One may not [however] place a packsaddle [made of kilayim] on one’s shoulder even for the purpose of carrying dung out on it.", |
|
| 20. Mishnah, Maasrot, 5.12 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 481 |
21. Josephus Flavius, Jewish War, 1.673, 4.450-4.451, 5.144, 5.146, 7.424 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs •provinces (of roman empire), burial customs •burial practices/customs Found in books: Galinsky (2016) 337; Hachlili (2005) 478, 479, 521; Piotrkowski (2019) 409 | 1.673. but the rest of the army went foremost, armed, and following their captains and officers in a regular manner; after whom five hundred of his domestic servants and freedmen followed, with sweet spices in their hands: and the body was carried two hundred furlongs, to Herodium, where he had given order to be buried. And this shall suffice for the conclusion of the life of Herod. 4.450. and on the day following he came to Jericho; on which day Trajan, one of his commanders, joined him with the forces he brought out of Perea, all the places beyond Jordan being subdued already. 4.451. 2. Hereupon a great multitude prevented their approach, and came out of Jericho, and fled to those mountainous parts that lay over against Jerusalem, while that part which was left behind was in a great measure destroyed; 5.144. Now that wall began on the north, at the tower called “Hippicus,” and extended as far as the “Xistus,” a place so called, and then, joining to the council-house, ended at the west cloister of the temple. 5.146. The second wall took its beginning from that gate which they called “Gennath,” which belonged to the first wall; it only encompassed the northern quarter of the city, and reached as far as the tower Antonia. 7.424. and when the king agreed to do it so far as he was able, he desired him to give him leave to build a temple somewhere in Egypt, and to worship God according to the customs of his own country; |
|
22. Mishnah, Shabbat, 23.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 441| 23.5. "עוֹשִׂין כָּל צָרְכֵי הַמֵּת, סָכִין וּמְדִיחִין אוֹתוֹ, וּבִלְבַד שֶׁלֹּא יָזִיזוּ בוֹ אֵבֶר. שׁוֹמְטִין אֶת הַכַּר מִתַּחְתָּיו וּמַטִּילִין אוֹתוֹ עַל הַחֹל בִּשְׁבִיל שֶׁיַּמְתִּין. קוֹשְׁרִים אֶת הַלֶּחִי, לֹא שֶׁיַּעֲלֶה, אֶלָּא שֶׁלֹּא יוֹסִיף. וְכֵן קוֹרָה שֶׁנִּשְׁבְּרָה, סוֹמְכִין אוֹתָהּ בְּסַפְסָל אוֹ בַּאֲרֻכּוֹת הַמִּטָּה, לֹא שֶׁתַּעֲלֶה, אֶלָּא שֶׁלֹּא תוֹסִיף. אֵין מְעַמְּצִין אֶת הַמֵּת בְּשַׁבָּת, וְלֹא בְחֹל עִם יְצִיאַת נֶפֶשׁ. וְהַמְעַמֵּץ עִם יְצִיאַת נֶפֶשׁ, הֲרֵי זֶה שׁוֹפֵךְ דָּמִים: \n", | 23.5. "One may perform all the needs of the dead:One may anoint him with oil and wash him, provided that no limb of his is moved. One may remove the pillow from under him, and [thereby] place him on sand, in order that he should be better preserved. One may tie up the jaw, not in order that it should close but that it should not further [open]. And likewise, if a beam is broken, one may support it with a bench or bed posts, not in order that it [the break] should close up, but that it should go [open] no further. One may not close [the eyes of] a corpse on Shabbat, nor on weekdays when he is about to die, and he who closes the eyes [of a dying person] at the point of death is a murderer.", |
|
23. New Testament, John, 11.44, 19.39-19.40 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 479, 481| 11.44. ἐξῆλθεν ὁ τεθνηκὼς δεδεμένος τοὺς πόδας καὶ τὰς χεῖρας κειρίαις, καὶ ἡ ὄψις αὐτοῦ σουδαρίῳ περιεδέδετο. λέγει [ὁ] Ἰησοῦς αὐτοῖς Λύσατε αὐτὸν καὶ ἄφετε αὐτὸν ὑπάγειν. 19.39. ἦλθεν δὲ καὶ Νικόδημος, ὁ ἐλθὼν πρὸς αὐτὸν νυκτὸς τὸ πρῶτον, φέρων ἕλιγμα σμύρνης καὶ ἀλόης ὡς λίτρας ἑκατόν. 19.40. ἔλαβον οὖν τὸ σῶμα τοῦ Ἰησοῦ καὶ ἔδησαν αὐτὸ ὀθονίοις μετὰ τῶν ἀρωμάτων, καθὼς ἔθος ἐστὶν τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις ἐνταφιάζειν. | 11.44. He who was dead came out, bound hand and foot with wrappings, and his face was wrapped around with a cloth. Jesus said to them, "Free him, and let him go." 19.39. Nicodemus, who at first came to Jesus by night, also came bringing a mixture of myrrh and aloes, about a hundred Roman pounds. 19.40. So they took Jesus' body, and bound it in linen cloths with the spices, as the custom of the Jews is to bury. |
|
24. New Testament, Luke, 23.56, 24.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 479| 23.56. ὑποστρέψασαι δὲ ἡτοίμασαν ἀρώματα καὶ μύρα. Καὶ τὸ μὲν σάββατον ἡσύχασαν κατὰ τὴν ἐντολήν, 24.1. τῇ δὲ μιᾷ τῶν σαββάτων ὄρθρου βαθέως ἐπὶ τὸ μνῆμα ἦλθαν φέρουσαι ἃ ἡτοίμασαν ἀρώματα. | 23.56. They returned, and prepared spices and ointments. On the Sabbath they rested according to the commandment. 24.1. But on the first day of the week, at early dawn, they and some others came to the tomb, bringing the spices which they had prepared. |
|
25. New Testament, Mark, 15.46, 16.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 479| 15.46. καὶ ἀγοράσας σινδόνα καθελὼν αὐτὸν ἐνείλησεν τῇ σινδόνι καὶ ἔθηκεν αὐτὸν ἐν μνήματι ὃ ἦν λελατομημένον ἐκ πέτρας, καὶ προσεκύλισεν λίθον ἐπὶ τὴν θύραντοῦ μνημείου. 16.1. Καὶ διαγενομένου τοῦ σαββάτου [ἡ] Μαρία ἡ Μαγδαληνὴ καὶ Μαρία ἡ [τοῦ] Ἰακώβου καὶ Σαλώμη ἠγόρασαν ἀρώματα ἱνα ἐλθοῦσαι ἀλείψωσιν αὐτόν. | 15.46. He bought a linen cloth, and taking him down, wound him in the linen cloth, and laid him in a tomb which had been cut out of a rock. He rolled a stone against the door of the tomb. 16.1. When the Sabbath was past, Mary Magdalene, and Mary the mother of James, and Salome, bought spices, that they might come and anoint him. |
|
26. New Testament, Matthew, 27.59-27.61 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 479| 27.59. καὶ λαβὼν τὸ σῶμα ὁ Ἰωσὴφ ἐνετύλιξεν αὐτὸ [ἐν] σινδόνι καθαρᾷ, 27.60. καὶ ἔθηκεν αὐτὸ ἐν τῷ καινῷ αὐτοῦ μνημείῳ ὃ ἐλατόμησεν ἐν τῇ πέτρᾳ, καὶ προσκυλίσας λίθον μέγαν τῇ θύρᾳ τοῦ μνημείου ἀπῆλθεν. 27.61. Ἦν δὲ ἐκεῖ Μαριὰμ ἡ Μαγδαληνὴ καὶ ἡ ἄλλη Μαρία καθήμεναι ἀπέναντι τοῦ τάφου. | 27.59. Joseph took the body, and wrapped it in a clean linen cloth, 27.60. and laid it in his own new tomb, which he had hewn out in the rock, and he rolled a great stone to the door of the tomb, and departed. 27.61. Mary Magdalene was there, and the other Mary, sitting opposite the tomb. |
|
27. Mishnah, Oholot, 17.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 476| 17.5. "שָׂדֶה שֶׁאָבַד קֶבֶר בְּתוֹכָהּ, וּבָנָה בָהּ בַּיִת וַעֲלִיָּה עַל גַּבָּיו, אִם הָיְתָה פִתְחָהּ שֶׁל עֲלִיָּה מְכֻוָּן כְּנֶגֶד פִּתְחוֹ שֶׁל בַּיִת, עֲלִיָּה טְהוֹרָה. וְאִם לָאו, עֲלִיָּה טְמֵאָה. עֲפַר בֵּית הַפְּרָס וַעֲפַר חוּצָה לָאָרֶץ שֶׁבָּא בְיָרָק, מִצְטָרְפִין כְּחוֹתַם הַמַּרְצוּפִים, דִּבְרֵי רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר. וַחֲכָמִים אוֹמְרִים, עַד שֶׁיִּהְיֶה בְמָקוֹם אֶחָד כְּחוֹתַם הַמַּרְצוּפִין. אָמַר רַבִּי יְהוּדָה, מַעֲשֶׂה שֶׁהָיוּ אִגְּרוֹת בָּאוֹת מִמְּדִינַת הַיָּם לִבְנֵי כֹהֲנִים גְּדוֹלִים, וְהָיוּ בָהֶם כִּסְאָה וּכְסָאתַיִם חוֹתָמוֹת, וְלֹא חָשׁוּ לָהֶם חֲכָמִים מִשּׁוּם טֻמְאָה: \n", | 17.5. "[With regard to] a field in which a grave had been lost, and upon which a house had been built with an upper story above it: If the entrance of the upper room was directly above the entrance of the house, the upper story remains clean; But if not the upper story becomes unclean. [With regard to] soil from a bet peras, or soil from a foreign country that came in with vegetables, the pieces of the soil combine together [to transmit impurity if they form a portion] the size of a packing-bag seal, the words of Rabbi Eliezer; But the sages say: there must be one portion of the size of a packing-bag seal. Rabbi Judah says: It happened once that letters came from overseas for the sons of the high priests and they had on them about a se'ah or two se'ahs of seals [of dirt], but the sages were not concerned on account of uncleanness.", |
|
28. New Testament, Acts, 5.6-5.10, 9.36-9.37 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 479| 5.6. καὶ ἐγένετο φόβος μέγας ἐπὶ πάντας τοὺς ἀκούοντας. ἀναστάντες δὲ οἱ νεώτεροι συνέστειλαν αὐτὸν καὶ ἐξενέγκαντες ἔθαψαν. 5.7. Ἐγένετο δὲ ὡς ὡρῶν τριῶν διάστημα καὶ ἡ γυνὴ αὐτοῦ μὴ εἰδυῖα τὸ γεγονὸς εἰσῆλθεν. 5.8. ἀπεκρίθη δὲ πρὸς αὐτὴν Πέτρος Εἰπέ μοι, εἰ τοσούτου τὸ χωρίον ἀπέδοσθε; ἡ δὲ εἶπεν Ναί, τοσούτου. 5.9. ὁ δὲ Πέτρος πρὸς αὐτήν Τί ὅτι συνεφωνήθη ὑμῖν πειράσαι τὸ πνεῦμα Κυρίου; ἰδοὺ οἱ πόδες τῶν θαψάντων τὸν ἄνδρα σου ἐπὶ τῇ θύρᾳ καὶ ἐξοίσουσίν σε. 5.10. ἔπεσεν δὲ παραχρῆμα πρὸς τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐξέψυξεν· εἰσελθόντες δὲ οἱ νεανίσκοι εὗρον αὐτὴν νεκράν, καὶ ἐξενέγκαντες ἔθαψαν πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα αὐτῆς. 9.36. Ἐν Ἰόππῃ δέ τις ἦν μαθήτρια ὀνόματι Ταβειθά, ἣ διερμηνευομένη λέγεται Δορκάς· αὕτη ἦν πλήρης ἔργων ἀγαθῶν καὶ ἐλεημοσυνῶν ὧν ἐποίει. 9.37. ἐγένετο δὲ ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις ἐκείναις ἀσθενήσασαν αὐτὴν ἀποθανεῖν· λούσαντες δὲ ἔθηκαν ἐν ὑπερῴῳ. | 5.6. The young men arose and wrapped him up, and they carried him out and buried him. 5.7. About three hours later, his wife, not knowing what had happened, came in. 5.8. Peter answered her, "Tell me whether you sold the land for so much."She said, "Yes, for so much." 5.9. But Peter asked her, "How is it that you have agreed together to tempt the Spirit of the Lord? Behold, the feet of those who have buried your husband are at the door, and they will carry you out." 5.10. She fell down immediately at his feet, and died. The young men came in and found her dead, and they carried her out and buried her by her husband. 9.36. Now there was at Joppa a certain disciple named Tabitha, which when translated, means Dorcas. This woman was full of good works and acts of mercy which she did. 9.37. It happened in those days that she fell sick, and died. When they had washed her, they laid her in an upper chamber. |
|
| 29. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 71 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •provinces (of roman empire), burial customs Found in books: Galinsky (2016) 338 |
| 30. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 71 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •provinces (of roman empire), burial customs Found in books: Galinsky (2016) 338 |
31. Tosefta, Nedarim, 2.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 481| 2.7. "אין בין המודר הנאה מחבירו סתם למודר הימנו מאכל אלא דריסת הרגל וכלים שאין עושין בהן אוכל נפש [המודר] הנאה מחבירו ומת מביא לו ארון ותכריכין חלילין ומקוננות שאין הנאה למתים [מעדות עדות ממון ועדות נפשות] חולה נכנס לבקרו היה לו חולה אינו נכנס ומבקרו [ושואל בשלומו] היה כהן זורק עליו דם חטאתו ודם אשמו מפני דרכי שלום ורוחץ עמו במרחץ וישן עמו במטה [ר' יהודה אומר על הקטנה בימות החמה ועל הגדולה בימות הגשמים] רוחץ עמו באמבטי גדולה ומזיע עמו במרחץ קטנה.", | |
|
| 32. Tosefta, Niddah, 9.16 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 481 |
| 33. Tosefta, Oholot, 15 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 476 |
| 34. Tosefta, Shabbat, 6.10, 6.12 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 512 |
35. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, 13.62-13.73, 13.372-13.383, 15.196-15.200, 15.368-15.378 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •burial practices/customs •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 478, 479; Piotrkowski (2019) 288, 409 | 13.62. 1. But then the son of Onias the high priest, who was of the same name with his father, and who fled to king Ptolemy, who was called Philometor, lived now at Alexandria, as we have said already. When this Onias saw that Judea was oppressed by the Macedonians and their kings, 13.63. out of a desire to purchase to himself a memorial and eternal fame he resolved to send to king Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra, to ask leave of them that he might build a temple in Egypt like to that at Jerusalem, and might ordain Levites and priests out of their own stock. 13.64. The chief reason why he was desirous so to do, was, that he relied upon the prophet Isaiah, who lived above six hundred years before, and foretold that there certainly was to be a temple built to Almighty God in Egypt by a man that was a Jew. Onias was elevated with this prediction, and wrote the following epistle to Ptolemy and Cleopatra: 13.65. “Having done many and great things for you in the affairs of the war, by the assistance of God, and that in Celesyria and Phoenicia, I came at length with the Jews to Leontopolis, and to other places of your nation, 13.66. where I found that the greatest part of your people had temples in an improper manner, and that on this account they bare ill-will one against another, which happens to the Egyptians by reason of the multitude of their temples, and the difference of opinions about divine worship. Now I found a very fit place in a castle that hath its name from the country Diana; this place is full of materials of several sorts, and replenished with sacred animals; 13.67. I desire therefore that you will grant me leave to purge this holy place, which belongs to no master, and is fallen down, and to build there a temple to Almighty God, after the pattern of that in Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions, that may be for the benefit of thyself, and thy wife and children, that those Jews which dwell in Egypt may have a place whither they may come and meet together in mutual harmony one with another, and he subservient to thy advantages; 13.68. for the prophet Isaiah foretold that, ‘there should be an altar in Egypt to the Lord God;’” and many other such things did he prophesy relating to that place. 13.69. 2. And this was what Onias wrote to king Ptolemy. Now any one may observe his piety, and that of his sister and wife Cleopatra, by that epistle which they wrote in answer to it; for they laid the blame and the transgression of the law upon the head of Onias. And this was their reply: 13.70. “King Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra to Onias, send greeting. We have read thy petition, wherein thou desirest leave to be given thee to purge that temple which is fallen down at Leontopolis, in the Nomus of Heliopolis, and which is named from the country Bubastis; on which account we cannot but wonder that it should be pleasing to God to have a temple erected in a place so unclean, and so full of sacred animals. 13.71. But since thou sayest that Isaiah the prophet foretold this long ago, we give thee leave to do it, if it may be done according to your law, and so that we may not appear to have at all offended God herein.” 13.72. 3. So Onias took the place, and built a temple, and an altar to God, like indeed to that in Jerusalem, but smaller and poorer. I do not think it proper for me now to describe its dimensions or its vessels, which have been already described in my seventh book of the Wars of the Jews. 13.73. However, Onias found other Jews like to himself, together with priests and Levites, that there performed divine service. But we have said enough about this temple. 13.372. 5. As to Alexander, his own people were seditious against him; for at a festival which was then celebrated, when he stood upon the altar, and was going to sacrifice, the nation rose upon him, and pelted him with citrons [which they then had in their hands, because] the law of the Jews required that at the feast of tabernacles every one should have branches of the palm tree and citron tree; which thing we have elsewhere related. They also reviled him, as derived from a captive, and so unworthy of his dignity and of sacrificing. 13.373. At this he was in a rage, and slew of them about six thousand. He also built a partition-wall of wood round the altar and the temple, as far as that partition within which it was only lawful for the priests to enter; and by this means he obstructed the multitude from coming at him. 13.374. He also maintained foreigners of Pisidiae and Cilicia; for as to the Syrians, he was at war with them, and so made no use of them. He also overcame the Arabians, such as the Moabites and Gileadites, and made them bring tribute. Moreover, he demolished Amathus, while Theodorus durst not fight with him; 13.375. but as he had joined battle with Obedas, king of the Arabians, and fell into an ambush in the places that were rugged and difficult to be traveled over, he was thrown down into a deep valley, by the multitude of the camels at Gadara, a village of Gilead, and hardly escaped with his life. From thence he fled to Jerusalem, 13.376. where, besides his other ill success, the nation insulted him, and he fought against them for six years, and slew no fewer than fifty thousand of them. And when he desired that they would desist from their ill-will to him, they hated him so much the more, on account of what had already happened; and when he had asked them what he ought to do, they all cried out, that he ought to kill himself. They also sent to Demetrius Eucerus, and desired him to make a league of mutual defense with them. 13.377. 1. So Demetrius came with an army, and took those that invited him, and pitched his camp near the city Shechem; upon which Alexander, with his six thousand two hundred mercenaries, and about twenty thousand Jews, who were of his party, went against Demetrius, who had three thousand horsemen, and forty thousand footmen. 13.378. Now there were great endeavors used on both sides,—Demetrius trying to bring off the mercenaries that were with Alexander, because they were Greeks, and Alexander trying to bring off the Jews that were with Demetrius. However, when neither of them could persuade them so to do, they came to a battle, and Demetrius was the conqueror; in which all Alexander’s mercenaries were killed, when they had given demonstration of their fidelity and courage. A great number of Demetrius’s soldiers were slain also. 13.379. 2. Now as Alexander fled to the mountains, six thousand of the Jews hereupon came together [from Demetrius] to him out of pity at the change of his fortune; upon which Demetrius was afraid, and retired out of the country; after which the Jews fought against Alexander, and being beaten, were slain in great numbers in the several battles which they had; 13.380. and when he had shut up the most powerful of them in the city Bethome, he besieged them therein; and when he had taken the city, and gotten the men into his power, he brought them to Jerusalem, and did one of the most barbarous actions in the world to them; for as he was feasting with his concubines, in the sight of all the city, he ordered about eight hundred of them to be crucified; and while they were living, he ordered the throats of their children and wives to be cut before their eyes. 13.381. This was indeed by way of revenge for the injuries they had done him; which punishment yet was of an inhuman nature, though we suppose that he had been never so much distressed, as indeed he had been, by his wars with them, for he had by their means come to the last degree of hazard, both of his life and of his kingdom, while they were not satisfied by themselves only to fight against him, but introduced foreigners also for the same purpose; 13.382. nay, at length they reduced him to that degree of necessity, that he was forced to deliver back to the king of Arabia the land of Moab and Gilead, which he had subdued, and the places that were in them, that they might not join with them in the war against him, as they had done ten thousand other things that tended to affront and reproach him. 13.383. However, this barbarity seems to have been without any necessity, on which account he bare the name of a Thracian among the Jews whereupon the soldiers that had fought against him, being about eight thousand in number, ran away by night, and continued fugitives all the time that Alexander lived; who being now freed from any further disturbance from them, reigned the rest of his time in the utmost tranquillity. 15.196. So when he had obtained such a kind reception, and had, beyond all his hopes, procured his crown to be more entirely and firmly settled upon him than ever by Caesar’s donation, as well as by that decree of the Romans, which Caesar took care to procure for his greater security, he conducted Caesar on his way to Egypt, and made presents, even beyond his ability, to both him and his friends, and in general behaved himself with great magimity. 15.197. He also desired that Caesar would not put to death one Alexander, who had been a companion of Antony; but Caesar had sworn to put him to death, and so he could not obtain that his petition. 15.198. And now he returned to Judea again with greater honor and assurance than ever, and affrighted those that had expectations to the contrary, as still acquiring from his very dangers greater splendor than before, by the favor of God to him. So he prepared for the reception of Caesar, as he was going out of Syria to invade Egypt; 15.199. and when he came, he entertained him at Ptolemais with all royal magnificence. He also bestowed presents on the army, and brought them provisions in abundance. He also proved to be one of Caesar’s most cordial friends, and put the army in array, and rode along with Caesar, and had a hundred and fifty men, well appointed in all respects, after a rich and sumptuous manner, for the better reception of him and his friends. 15.200. He also provided them with what they should want, as they passed over the dry desert, insomuch that they lacked neither wine nor water, which last the soldiers stood in the greatest need of; and besides, he presented Caesar with eight hundred talents, and procured to himself the good-will of them all, because he was assisting to them in a much greater and more splendid degree than the kingdom he had obtained could afford; 15.368. and as for those that could no way be reduced to acquiesce under his scheme of government, he prosecuted them all manner of ways; but for the rest of the multitude, he required that they should be obliged to take an oath of fidelity to him, and at the same time compelled them to swear that they would bear him good-will, and continue certainly so to do, in his management of the government; 15.369. and indeed a great part of them, either to please him, or out of fear of him, yielded to what he required of them; but for such as were of a more open and generous disposition, and had indignation at the force he used to them, he by one means or other made away, with them. 15.370. He endeavored also to persuade Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, and the greatest part of their scholars, to take the oath; but these would neither submit so to do, nor were they punished together with the rest, out of the reverence he bore to Pollio. 15.371. The Essenes also, as we call a sect of ours, were excused from this imposition. These men live the same kind of life as do those whom the Greeks call Pythagoreans, concerning whom I shall discourse more fully elsewhere. 15.372. However, it is but fit to set down here the reasons wherefore Herod had these Essenes in such honor, and thought higher of them than their mortal nature required; nor will this account be unsuitable to the nature of this history, as it will show the opinion men had of these Essenes. 15.373. 5. Now there was one of these Essenes, whose name was Manahem, who had this testimony, that he not only conducted his life after an excellent manner, but had the foreknowledge of future events given him by God also. This man once saw Herod when he was a child, and going to school, and saluted him as king of the Jews; 15.374. but he, thinking that either he did not know him, or that he was in jest, put him in mind that he was but a private man; but Manahem smiled to himself, and clapped him on his backside with his hand, and said, “However that be, thou wilt be king, and wilt begin thy reign happily, for God finds thee worthy of it. And do thou remember the blows that Manahem hath given thee, as being a signal of the change of thy fortune. 15.375. And truly this will be the best reasoning for thee, that thou love justice [towards men], and piety towards God, and clemency towards thy citizens; yet do I know how thy whole conduct will be, that thou wilt not be such a one, 15.376. for thou wilt excel all men in happiness, and obtain an everlasting reputation, but wilt forget piety and righteousness; and these crimes will not be concealed from God, at the conclusion of thy life, when thou wilt find that he will be mindful of them, and punish time for them.” 15.377. Now at that time Herod did not at all attend to what Manahem said, as having no hopes of such advancement; but a little afterward, when he was so fortunate as to be advanced to the dignity of king, and was in the height of his dominion, he sent for Manahem, and asked him how long he should reign. 15.378. Manahem did not tell him the full length of his reign; wherefore, upon that silence of his, he asked him further, whether he should reign ten years or not? He replied, “Yes, twenty, nay, thirty years;” but did not assign the just determinate limit of his reign. Herod was satisfied with these replies, and gave Manahem his hand, and dismissed him; and from that time he continued to honor all the Essenes. |
|
| 36. Palestinian Talmud, Avodah Zarah, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •burial practices/customs Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019) 409 |
37. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Batra, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 525| 100b. דרך הרבים שש עשרה אמות דרך ערי מקלט שלשים ושתים אמות א"ר הונא מאי קראה דכתיב (דברים יט, ג) תכין לך הדרך דרך הדרך:,דרך המלך אין לה שיעור: שהמלך פורץ גדר לעשות לו דרך ואין ממחין בידו:,דרך הקבר אין לה שיעור: משום יקרא דשכבא:,המעמד דייני ציפורי אמרו בת ד' קבין כו': ת"ר המוכר קברו דרך קברו מקום מעמדו ובית הספדו באין בני משפחה וקוברין אותו על כרחו משום פגם משפחה:,ת"ר אין פוחתין משבעה מעמדות ומושבות למת כנגד (קהלת א, ב) הבל הבלים אמר קהלת הבל הבלים הכל הבל,א"ל רב אחא בריה דרבא לרב אשי היכי עבדי א"ל כדתניא אמר רבי יהודה ביהודה בראשונה לא היו פוחתין משבעה מעמדות ומושבות למת כגון עמדו יקרים עמודו שבו יקרים שבו אמרו לו א"כ אף בשבת מותר לעשות כן,אחתיה דרמי בר פפא הוה נסיבא ליה לרב אויא שכיבא עבד לה מעמד ומושב א"ר יוסף טעה בתרתי טעה שאין עושין אלא בקרובים והוא עבד אפילו ברחוקים וטעה שאין עושין אלא ביום ראשון והוא עבד ביום שני,אביי אמר בהא נמי טעה שאין עושין אלא בבית הקברות והוא עשה בעיר רבא אמר בהא נמי טעה שאין עושין אלא במקום שנהגו והתם לא נהוג,מיתיבי אמרו לו אם כן אף בשבת מותר לעשות כן ואי אמרת בבית הקברות וביום א' בית הקברות בשבת מאי בעי בעיר הסמוכה לבית הקברות דאמטיוהו בין השמשות:, big strongמתני׳ /strong /big המוכר מקום לחברו לעשות לו קבר וכן המקבל מחברו לעשות לו קבר עושה תוכה של מערה ד' אמות על שש ופותח לתוכה שמונה כוכין שלש מכאן ושלש מכאן ושנים מכנגדן וכוכין ארכן ארבע אמות ורומן שבע | 100b. The standard width of b a public thoroughfare /b is b sixteen cubits. A road /b leading to one of the b cities of refuge /b must be at least b thirty-two cubits /b wide. b Rav Huna said: What is the verse /b from which this is derived? b As it is written /b with regard to the cities of refuge: b “You shall prepare for yourself the way, /b and divide the borders of your land that the Lord, your God, caused you to inherit, into three parts, so that every manslayer may flee there” (Deuteronomy 19:3). Instead of simply stating: b A way, /b the verse states: b “The way,” /b to indicate that the road must be twice as wide as a standard public thoroughfare.,The mishna teaches: b A king’s thoroughfare has no /b maximum b measure. /b The Gemara explains: This is b because /b the i halakha /i is b that a king may breach /b the b fence /b of an individual b in order to create a thoroughfare for himself, and none /b may b protest his /b actions.,The mishna teaches: The b path for /b those accompanying a deceased person to b a grave has no /b maximum b measure. /b The Gemara explains: This is b due to the honor of the deceased. /b ,§ The mishna teaches: With regard to the practice of b standing /b and comforting the mourners following a funeral, b the judges of Tzippori said /b that the standard requisite size is the b area required for sowing four i kav /i of seed. The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : With regard to a family burial plot, even if b one /b of the family b sells /b the land designated for b his /b own b grave /b to another, or sells b the path /b that will be used by the burial procession b to his grave, /b or sells b the place /b that will be used b for standing /b and comforting b his /b mourners, b or /b sells the b site /b that will be used b for his eulogy, /b his b family members may come and bury him /b in his grave b even against the will of /b the buyer, b due to /b the need to avoid b a family flaw, /b i.e., harm to the family name that would arise if one of the family members was not buried with the rest of his family., b The Sages taught /b in a i baraita /i : On their return from the burial, the mourners would stop after traveling a short distance and would sit to bewail the loss of the deceased. They would then stand and continue journeying for a short while and then repeat the procedure. The mourners perform b no fewer than seven standings and sittings /b in honor b of the deceased. /b These seven b correspond /b to the seven references to “vanity” in the verse: b “Vanity of vanities, says Kohelet; vanity of vanities, all is vanity” /b (Ecclesiastes 1:2), counting the plural term “vanities” as two references., b Rav Aḥa, son of Rava, said to Rav Ashi: How do they perform /b this ceremony? Rav Ashi b said to him /b that it is done b as it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Rabbi Yehuda said /b that b in Judea, initially they would /b perform b no fewer than seven standings and sittings /b in honor b of the deceased. /b One of the procession would make a statement b such as: Stand, dear /b friends, b stand, /b after which the mourners would continue on their journey to their home, and then he would say: b Sit down, dear /b friends, b sit down, /b at which point they would sit. The Rabbis b said to him: If so, /b that this is all that the practice entails, then it should be b permitted to do so even on Shabbat, /b since there is no explicit eulogy or mourning, whereas the custom is not to do so.,The Gemara relates: b The sister of Rami bar Pappa was married to Rav Avya. /b When b she died /b Rav Avya b performed /b the practice of b standing and sitting for her. Rav Yosef said: He erred in two /b matters. b He erred, /b as the ceremony is to be b performed only with /b the participation of b close /b family members, b and he performed /b it b even with a distant /b relative. b And /b he b erred /b again, b as /b mourners should b perform this /b ceremony b only on the first day /b of mourning, the day of the burial, b and he performed it on the second day. /b , b Abaye said: He also erred in this, as /b mourners should b perform /b the ceremony b only in /b the b cemetery, but he performed it in the city. Rava said: He also erred in this, as /b mourners should b perform it only in a locale where /b people b are accustomed do so, but there, /b where he performed it, b it was not the custom /b to do so.,The Gemara b raises an objection /b to the claims of Rav Yosef and Abaye from the i baraita /i cited above: The Rabbis b said to him: If so, /b that this is all that the practice entails, then it should be b permitted to do so even on Shabbat. /b The Gemara explains the objection: b And if you say, /b as Abaye did, that the ceremony should be performed only b in /b the b cemetery, or, /b as Rav Yosef did, b on the first day, /b then how could it occur that the ceremony would be performed on Shabbat; b what would /b anyone b want /b to be doing b in a cemetery on Shabbat, /b when it is prohibited to perform a burial? The Gemara explains: It could happen b in a city that is close to the cemetery, /b and this is a case b where they brought /b the deceased b for burial at twilight /b just before Shabbat began, so that the return journey took place on Shabbat itself., strong MISHNA: /strong There is the case of b one who sells a plot /b of land b to another /b in order for him b to construct for himself /b an underground b catacomb, and similarly /b the case of a contractor b who receives a plot /b of land b from another /b under a commission b to construct for him a catacomb. /b If the size of the catacomb was not specified, then b he should make the inside of /b each burial b chamber four cubits /b wide b by six /b cubits long b and open up into /b the chamber, by digging into its walls, b eight /b burial b niches [ i kukhin /i ] /b in which the coffins will rest. b Three /b niches should be opened up b from /b the wall b here, /b along the length of the chamber, b and three from there, /b along the other side, b and two /b niches b from /b the wall b facing /b the entrance. b And /b these b niches /b should be formed so that b their length /b is b four cubits and their height /b is b seven /b handbreadths, |
|
38. Babylonian Talmud, Menachot, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019) 409 | 109a. b But /b according to the opinion of Rabba bar Avuh, b why /b can the seller automatically give the purchaser the fallen house or the dead slave? b Let him see which /b house b fell, /b or b which /b slave b died, /b as according to Rabba bar Avuh, the sale should apply to the house or slave that was the most valuable at the time of the sale.,The Gemara answers: b Are you saying /b that the statement of Rabba bar Avuh applies in the case of b a purchaser? A purchaser is different, as /b there is a principle in the i halakhot /i of commerce that in a case involving a dispute between the seller and the purchaser, b the owner of the document /b of sale, i.e., the purchaser, b is at a disadvantage, /b as a document is always interpreted as narrowly as possible. Therefore, the seller can claim that he has sold the buyer the fallen house or the dead slave.,The Gemara adds: b Now that you have arrived at this /b explanation, the objection posed earlier to the statement of Rabba bar Avuh from the statement of Ulla can be rejected easily. Ulla said that if one says to another: I am selling you a house from among my houses, since he did not specify which house he is selling, he can show him an attic [ i aliyya /i ]. Although this was explained above as referring not to a loft but to the best [ i me’ula /i ] of his houses, now b you /b may b even say /b that it is referring to b a loft, which is the worst /b of his houses, due to the principle that b the owner of the document is at a disadvantage. /b , strong MISHNA: /strong One who says: b It /b is incumbent b upon me /b to bring b a burnt offering, must sacrifice it in the Temple /b in Jerusalem. b And if he sacrificed it in the temple of Onias /b in Egypt, b he has not fulfilled /b his obligation. One who says: It is incumbent b upon me /b to bring b a burnt offering that I will sacrifice in the temple of Onias, must sacrifice it in the Temple /b in Jerusalem, b but if he sacrificed it in the temple of Onias, he has fulfilled /b his obligation. b Rabbi Shimon says /b that if one says: It is incumbent upon me to bring a burnt offering that I will sacrifice in the temple of Onias, b it is not /b consecrated as b a burnt offering; /b such a statement does not consecrate the animal at all.,If one says: b I am hereby a nazirite, /b then when his term of naziriteship is completed b he must shave /b the hair of his head and bring the requisite offerings b in the Temple /b in Jerusalem; b and if he shaved in the temple of Onias, he has not fulfilled /b his obligation. If one says: b I am hereby a nazirite /b provided b that I will shave in the temple of Onias, he must shave in the Temple /b in Jerusalem; b but if he shaved in the temple of Onias, he has fulfilled /b his obligation. b Rabbi Shimon says /b that one who says: I am hereby a nazirite provided that I will shave in the temple of Onias, b is not a nazirite /b at all, as his vow does not take effect., strong GEMARA: /strong The mishna teaches that one who says: It is incumbent upon me to bring a burnt offering that I will sacrifice in the temple of Onias, and sacrifices it in the temple of Onias, has fulfilled his obligation. The Gemara asks: How has he b fulfilled /b his obligation? By sacrificing it in the temple of Onias, b hasn’t he /b merely b killed it /b without sacrificing it properly?, b Rav Hamnuna says: /b The mishna does not mean that he has fulfilled his vow to bring an offering. Rather, b he is rendered like one who says: It /b is incumbent b upon me /b to bring b a burnt offering on the condition that I will not be responsible for it /b if I kill it beforehand. When the mishna says that he has fulfilled his obligation it simply means that if the animal he consecrated is no longer alive, he does not have to bring another animal in its place., b Rava said to /b Rav Hamnuna: b If that is so, /b what about b the latter clause /b of the mishna, b which teaches /b that if one says: b I am hereby a nazirite /b provided b that I will shave in the temple of Onias, he must shave in the Temple /b in Jerusalem, b but if he shaved in the temple of Onias, he has fulfilled /b his obligation? In this case do you b also /b maintain b that he is rendered like one who says: I am hereby a nazirite on the condition that I will not be responsible for /b bringing b its offerings /b if I kill them beforehand? Such a condition cannot exempt b a nazirite /b from bringing his offerings, because b as long as he does not bring his offerings, he is not fit /b to conclude his term of naziriteship and is still bound by all of the restrictions of a nazirite., b Rather, Rava said /b there is a different explanation: The animal was never consecrated at all, as b this person intended /b merely b to /b bring the animal as b a gift [ i doron /i ], /b but not to consecrate it as an offering. He presumably lives closer to the temple of Onias than to the Temple in Jerusalem, and must have b said /b to himself: b If it is sufficient /b to sacrifice this animal b in the temple of Onias, I /b am prepared to b exert /b myself and bring it. But if it is necessary to do b more /b than that, i.e., to bring it to Jerusalem, b I am not able to afflict myself. /b The mishna teaches that although the person never intended to bring the offering to Jerusalem, ideally, he should sacrifice the animal properly, in the Temple in Jerusalem. If he did not bring it there, but sacrificed it in the temple of Onias, he has fulfilled his obligation, and is not required to bring any other offering in its place.,This is the explanation of the latter clause of the mishna b as well: /b If one said that he would be b a nazirite /b provided that he will shave in the temple of Onias, b this man /b did not intend to accept upon himself the halakhic status of naziriteship. Rather, he merely b intends to practice abstinence /b by not drinking wine, along with observing the other restrictions of a nazirite. Therefore, b he said /b to himself: b If it is sufficient /b to shave b in the temple of Onias, I /b am prepared to b exert /b myself and do so. But if it is necessary to do b more /b than that, i.e., to go to Jerusalem to shave and bring the required offerings, b I am not able to afflict myself. /b The mishna teaches that ideally, he should go to the Temple in Jerusalem to shave and bring all his offerings. If he shaved and brought his offerings in the temple of Onias, he has fulfilled his vow and has no further obligation., b And Rav Hamnuna /b could have b said to you /b in response to Rava’s challenge: With regard to the case of one who vowed to become b a nazirite /b on the condition that he would shave and bring his offerings in the temple of Onias, the interpretation of the mishna is b as you said. /b But with regard to one who vows to bring b a burnt offering /b in the temple of Onias, his intent is as I explained, and it is as if b he says: /b It is incumbent b upon me /b to bring b a burnt offering on the condition that I will not be responsible for it /b if I kill it beforehand., b And Rabbi Yoḥa also /b holds in accordance with b that which Rav Hamnuna /b said, b as Rabba bar bar Ḥana said /b that b Rabbi Yoḥa said /b that if one says: b It /b is incumbent b upon me /b to bring b a burnt offering /b on the condition b that I will sacrifice it in the temple of Onias, and he sacrificed it in Eretz Yisrael /b but not in the Temple, b he has fulfilled /b his obligation, b but /b his actions b are /b also b punishable by excision from the World-to-Come [ i karet /i ] /b because he sacrificed an offering outside of the Temple. This is in accordance with the opinion of Rav Hamnuna that the animal is consecrated., b This /b explanation of Rav Hamnuna and Rabbi Yoḥa b is also taught /b in a i baraita /i : If one says: b It /b is incumbent b upon me /b to bring b a burnt offering /b on the condition b that I will sacrifice it in the wilderness /b of Sinai, thinking that the wilderness of Sinai still has sanctity since the Tabernacle had been located there, b and he sacrificed it on /b the east b bank of the Jordan, he has fulfilled /b his obligation, b but /b his actions b are /b also b punishable by i karet /i /b because he sacrificed an offering outside of the Temple., strong MISHNA: /strong b The priests who served in the temple of Onias may not serve in the Temple in Jerusalem; and needless to say, /b if they served b for something else, /b a euphemism for idolatry, they are disqualified from service in the Temple. b As it is stated: “Nevertheless the priests of the private altars did not come up to the altar of the Lord in Jerusalem, but they did eat i matza /i among their brethren” /b (II Kings 23:9). The halakhic status of b these /b priests is b like /b that of b blemished /b priests in that b they receive a share /b in the distribution of the meat of the offerings b and partake /b of that meat, b but they do not sacrifice /b offerings or perform any of the sacrificial rites., strong GEMARA: /strong b Rav Yehuda says: /b With regard to b a priest who slaughtered /b an offering b for idol worship /b and who subsequently repented and came to the Temple in Jerusalem to serve, b his offering is /b acceptable and considered to be b an aroma pleasing /b to the Lord., b Rav Yitzḥak bar Avdimi says: What is the verse /b from which it is derived? The verse states: b “Because they served them before their idols and became a stumbling block of iniquity unto the house of Israel, therefore I have lifted up My hand against them, says the Lord God, and they shall bear their iniquity” /b (Ezekiel 44:12). b And it is written afterward: “And they shall not come near to Me, to serve Me in the priestly role” /b (Ezekiel 44:13). This indicates that b if /b a priest b performed a service /b for an idol that is considered a sacrificial rite in the Temple, he b is /b disqualified from serving in the Temple, but the b slaughter /b of an offering b is not /b considered b service, /b as it is not considered a sacrificial rite in the Temple and can be performed in the Temple even by a non-priest., b It was stated: /b If a priest b unwittingly /b performed the b sprinkling /b of the blood of an idolatrous offering and then repented and came to serve in the Temple, b Rav Naḥman says /b that b his offering /b is accepted and b is an aroma pleasing /b to the Lord. b Rav Sheshet says: His offering is not a pleasing aroma /b to the Lord, as he is not fit to serve in the Temple., b Rav Sheshet said: From where do I say /b that if a priest sprinkled blood unwittingly for idol worship he cannot serve in the Temple? b As it is written: “And they became a stumbling block of iniquity unto the house of Israel.” What, is it not /b referring to one who served in idol worship b either /b as b a stumbling block or /b as b an iniquity? /b Accordingly, neither may perform the service in the Temple. b And /b the term b “stumbling block” /b is a reference to one who sins b unwittingly, and /b the term b “iniquity” /b is a reference to b an intentional /b sinner. Therefore, even one who unwittingly served in idol worship may not subsequently serve in the Temple., b And Rav Naḥman /b interprets the verse to mean b a stumbling block of iniquity, /b i.e., only one who serves in idol worship intentionally is disqualified from serving in the Temple, but not one who serves in idol worship unwittingly., b Rav Naḥman said: From where do I say /b that if a priest sprinkled the blood of an idolatrous offering unwittingly his subsequent offering in the Temple is accepted? b As it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : The verse states with regard to one who unwittingly committed idolatry: “And if one person sin through error, then he shall offer a she-goat in its first year for a sin offering. b And the priest shall effect atonement for the soul that errs unwittingly, when he sins unwittingly, /b before the Lord, to effect atonement for him; and he shall be forgiven” (Numbers 15:27–28). The phrase: “For the soul that errs unwittingly” b teaches that a priest /b who sins unwittingly b may receive atonement /b by sacrificing his sin offering b on his own. /b ,Rav Naḥman clarifies: b In what /b manner did this priest commit idolatry? b If we say /b he sinned b through slaughtering /b an idolatrous offering, b why /b does the verse indicate b specifically /b that a priest who slaughtered an idolatrous offering b unwittingly /b can bring his own sin offering? This is obvious, as b even /b one who did so b intentionally /b may serve in the Temple after repentance. b Rather, is it not /b referring to a priest who committed idolatry b by sprinkling /b the blood of an idolatrous offering? Accordingly, if he did so unwittingly his subsequent service in the Temple is valid, but if he did so intentionally, he is disqualified from serving in the Temple., b And /b how does b Rav Sheshet /b interpret that i baraita /i ? He could have b said to you: Actually, /b the verse is referring to a case b where /b the priest sinned b through slaughtering /b an idolatrous offering. b And /b although Rav Yehuda said that a priest who slaughtered an idolatrous offering may serve in the Temple after repentance, that statement applies only to one who slaughtered an idolatrous offering unwittingly. But if he did so b intentionally, /b the priest is disqualified from serving in the Temple. Rav Yehuda’s reasoning is that slaughter is not a sacrificial rite in the Temple; but b does /b one who slaughters an idolatrous offering intentionally b not become a servant of idol worship? /b , b And /b Rav Naḥman and Rav Sheshet b follow their /b respective lines of b reasoning, as it was stated /b that if a priest acted b intentionally in /b the b slaughter /b of an idolatrous offering and subsequently repented, b Rav Naḥman says /b that b his offering /b in the Temple b is an aroma pleasing /b to the Lord, i.e., it is not disqualified, b and Rav Sheshet says /b that b his offering /b in the Temple b is not an aroma pleasing /b to the Lord, i.e., it is disqualified., b Rav Naḥman says /b that b his offering is an aroma pleasing /b to the Lord, b because he did not perform service /b for an idol that is considered a sacrificial rite in the Temple. And b Rav Sheshet says /b that b his offering is not an aroma pleasing /b to the Lord, |
|
39. Babylonian Talmud, Moed Qatan, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 481| 27b. בכליכה והיו עניים מתביישין התקינו שיהו הכל מוציאין בכליכה מפני כבודן של עניים,בראשונה היו מניחין את המוגמר תחת חולי מעים מתים והיו חולי מעים חיים מתביישין התקינו שיהו מניחין תחת הכל מפני כבודן של חולי מעים חיים,בראשונה היו מטבילין את הכלים על גבי נדות מתות והיו נדות חיות מתביישות התקינו שיהו מטבילין על גבי כל הנשים מפני כבודן של נדות חיות בראשונה מטבילין על גבי זבין מתים והיו זבין חיים מתביישין התקינו שיהו מטבילין על גב הכל מפני כבודן של זבין חיים,בראשונה היתה הוצאת המת קשה לקרוביו יותר ממיתתו עד שהיו קרוביו מניחין אותו ובורחין עד שבא רבן גמליאל ונהג קלות ראש בעצמו ויצא בכלי פשתן ונהגו העם אחריו לצאת בכלי פשתן אמר רב פפא והאידנא נהוג עלמא אפילו בצרדא בר זוזא:,אין מניחין את המטה ברחוב: אמר רב פפא אין מועד בפני תלמיד חכם וכל שכן חנוכה ופורים,והני מילי בפניו אבל שלא בפניו לא איני והא רב כהנא ספדיה לרב זביד מנהרדעא בפום נהרא אמר רב פפי יום שמועה הוה וכבפניו דמי,אמר עולא הספד על לב דכתיב (ישעיהו לב, יב) על שדים סופדים טיפוח ביד קילוס ברגל,תנו רבנן המקלס לא יקלס בסנדל אלא במנעל מפני הסכנה,אמר רבי יוחנן אבל כיון שניענע ראשו שוב אין מנחמין רשאין לישב אצלו,ואמר רבי יוחנן הכל חייבין לעמוד מפני נשיא חוץ מאבל וחולה ואמר ר' יוחנן לכל אומרים להם שבו חוץ מאבל וחולה,אמר רב יהודה אמר רב אבל יום ראשון אסור לאכול לחם משלו מדאמר ליה רחמנא ליחזקאל (יחזקאל כד, יז) ולחם אנשים לא תאכל רבה ורב יוסף מחלפי סעודתייהו להדדי,ואמר רב יהודה אמר רב מת בעיר כל בני העיר אסורין בעשיית מלאכה,רב המנונא איקלע לדרומתא שמע קול שיפורא דשכבא חזא הנך אינשי דקא עבדי עבידתא אמר להו ליהוו הנך אינשי בשמתא לא שכבא איכא במתא אמרו ליה חבורתא איכא במתא אמר להו אי הכי שריא לכו,ואמר רב יהודה אמר רב כל המתקשה על מתו יותר מדאי על מת אחר הוא בוכה ההיא איתתא דהות בשיבבותיה דרב הונא הוו לה שבעה בני מת חד מינייהו הוות קא בכיא ביתירתא עליה שלח לה רב הונא לא תעבדי הכי לא אשגחה ביה שלח לה אי צייתת מוטב ואי לא צבית זוודתא לאידך מית ומיתו כולהו לסוף אמר לה תימוש זוודתא לנפשיך ומיתא,(ירמיהו כב, י) אל תבכו למת ואל תנודו לו אל תבכו למת יותר מדאי ואל תנודו לו יותר מכשיעור הא כיצד שלשה ימים לבכי ושבעה להספד ושלשים לגיהוץ ולתספורת מכאן ואילך אמר הקדוש ברוך הוא אי אתם רחמנים בו יותר ממני,(ירמיהו כב, י) בכו בכו להולך אמר רב יהודה להולך בלא בנים רבי יהושע בן לוי לא אזל לבי אבלא אלא למאן דאזיל בלא בני דכתיב בכו בכו להולך כי לא ישוב עוד וראה את ארץ מולדתו רב הונא אמר זה שעבר עבירה ושנה בה,רב הונא לטעמיה דאמר רב הונא כיון שעבר אדם עבירה ושנה בה הותרה לו הותרה לו סלקא דעתך אלא אימא נעשית לו כהיתר,אמר רבי לוי אבל שלשה ימים הראשונים יראה את עצמו כאילו חרב מונחת לו בין שתי (יריכותיו) משלשה עד שבעה כאילו מונחת לו כנגדו בקרן זוית מכאן ואילך כאילו עוברת כנגדו בשוק:,ולא של נשים לעולם מפני הכבוד: אמרי נהרדעי לא שנו | 27b. b on a plain bier /b made from poles that were strapped together, b and the poor were embarrassed. /b The Sages b instituted that everyone should be taken out /b for burial b on a plain bier, due to the honor of the poor. /b ,Similarly, b at first they would place incense under /b the beds of b those who died with an intestinal disease, /b because the body emitted an especially unpleasant odor. b And those who were alive with an intestinal disease were embarrassed /b when they understood that they, too, would be treated in this manner after their death, and that everyone would know the cause of their death. The Sages b instituted that incense should be placed under everyone, due to the honor of those with an intestinal disease who were /b still b living. /b ,Moreover, b at first they would /b ritually b immerse /b all b the utensils /b that had been used b by /b women who b died /b while b menstruating, /b which had thereby contracted ritual impurity. b And /b due to this, b the living menstruating women were embarrassed. /b The Sages b instituted that /b the utensils that had been used b by all /b dying b women must be immersed, due to the honor of living menstruating women. /b And, b at first they would /b ritually b immerse /b all b the utensils /b that had been used by b i zavin /i , /b men suffering from gonorrhea, b who died, /b as the utensils had thereby contracted ritual impurity. b And /b due to this b the living i zavin /i felt embarrassed. /b The Sages b instituted that /b the utensils that had been used b by all /b men b must be immersed, due to the honor of the living i zavin /i . /b ,Likewise, b at first taking the dead out /b for burial b was more difficult for the relatives than the /b actual b death, /b because it was customary to bury the dead in expensive shrouds, which the poor could not afford. The problem grew b to the point that relatives would /b sometimes b abandon /b the corpse b and run away. /b This lasted b until Rabban Gamliel came and acted /b with b frivolity, /b meaning that he waived his dignity, by leaving instructions that he be b taken out /b for burial b in linen garments. And the people /b adopted this b practice after him /b and had themselves b taken out /b for burial b in linen garments. Rav Pappa said: And nowadays, everyone follows the practice /b of taking out the dead for burial b even in /b plain b hemp garments [ i tzerada /i ] /b that cost only b a dinar. /b ,It is taught in the mishna: b The bier /b of the deceased b is not set down in the street /b during the intermediate days of a Festival, b so as not to encourage eulogies. Rav Pappa said: /b There are b no /b restrictions on eulogizing on the intermediate days of b a Festival in the presence /b of a deceased b Torah scholar, /b and therefore he may be eulogized in the ordinary manner during the Festival week. b And all the more so /b a Torah scholar may be eulogized on the days of b Hanukkah and Purim, /b which have less sanctity than the intermediate days of a Festival.,The Gemara comments: b But this /b allowance to eulogize a Torah scholar during the intermediate days of a Festival b applies only /b when the eulogy is b in /b the b presence /b of the deceased, before the bier. b However, /b giving a eulogy that is b not in his presence /b is b not /b permitted. The Gemara asks: b Is that so? But didn’t Rav Kahana eulogize Rav Zevid from Neharde’a in /b his city b Pum Nahara /b during the intermediate days of a Festival? b Rav Pappa said: It was the day /b on which Rav Kahana received the b news /b of Rav Zevid’s death, b and /b a eulogy in such a situation b is considered as /b if it is b in his presence. /b ,The Gemara continues its discussion of the i halakhot /i of mourning: b Ulla said: /b Although i hesped /i usually refers to a eulogy, strictly speaking, b i hesped /i /b is referring to striking oneself b on the heart, as it is written: “Striking [ i sofedim /i ] the breasts” /b (Isaiah 32:12). The term b i tipuaḥ /i /b is referring to striking b with /b one b hand /b against the other hand, i.e., clapping. The term b i killus /i /b is referring to stomping b with /b one’s b foot /b on the ground., b The Sages taught /b a i baraita /i : b One who stomps his foot on the ground /b as a sign of mourning b should not stomp with a sandal, but rather /b he should do so wearing b a shoe, due to the danger /b of being hurt. Because a sandal is easily torn, it is possible that something sharp on the ground will puncture his foot, or that he will suffer some other injury., b Rabbi Yoḥa said: Once a mourner nods his head /b to show that his grief has slightly diminished, b the consolers may no longer sit next to him, /b as with his action the mourner shows that he no longer desires their presence., b Rabbi Yoḥa further said: All are obligated to stand /b in the b presence of the i Nasi /i , except for a mourner and one who is sick. Rabbi Yoḥa said: To all /b who stand before a great person b one says: Be seated, /b and only then may they sit down, b except for a mourner and one who is sick. /b If they stood up they do not need permission to sit down, but rather they may do so if they wish., b Rav Yehuda said in the name of Rav: A mourner /b on the b first day /b of his mourning b is prohibited from eating of his own bread. /b From where is this derived? b From /b what b the Merciful One says to Ezekiel /b when the latter is in mourning: b “Nor eat the bread of men” /b (Ezekiel 24:17), which indicates that other mourners must eat bread made by others. It was related that when b Rabba and Rav Yosef /b were in mourning they b would exchange their meals with each other. /b , b And Rav Yehuda said in the name of Rav: /b When a person b dies in a city, all of the residents of that city are prohibited from performing work /b until he has been buried.,The Gemara relates that when b Rav Hamnuna /b once b happened /b to come to a place called b Darumata he heard the sound of a i shofar /i /b announcing that a person b had died /b in the town. When b he saw some people doing work he said to them: Let these people be under an excommunication. Is there not a dead /b person b in town? They said to him: There are /b separate b groups in the town, /b each one responsible for its own dead. Knowing that the deceased was not from our group, we continued our work. b He said to them: If so, it is permitted /b to you, and he revoked his excommunication., b And Rav Yehuda said further in the name of Rav: Anyone who grieves excessively over his dead /b and does not allow himself to be consoled b will /b in the end b weep for another /b person. The Gemara relates that b a certain woman /b who lived b in the neighborhood of Rav Huna had seven sons. One of them died and she wept for him excessively. Rav Huna sent /b a message b to her: Do not do this. /b But b she took no heed of him. He /b then b sent /b another message b to her: If you listen to me, it is well, but if not, prepare shrouds for another death. /b But she would not listen b and they all died. In the end, /b when she continued with her excessive mourning, b he said to her: /b Since you are acting in this way, b prepare shrouds for yourself, and /b soon thereafter b she died. /b ,The Sages taught in a i baraita /i with regard to the verse that states: b “Weep not for the dead, neither bemoan him” /b (Jeremiah 22:10): b “Weep not for the dead” /b is referring to b excessive /b mourning; b “neither bemoan him” more than the /b appropriate b measure /b of time. b How so? /b What is the appropriate measure? b Three days for weeping, and seven for eulogizing, and thirty for /b the prohibition against b ironing /b clothing b and for /b the prohibition against b cutting hair. From this /b point b forward the Holy One, Blessed be He, says: Do not be more merciful with /b the deceased b than I am. /b If the Torah commands one to mourn for a certain period of time, then that suffices.,It is stated in the continuation of the verse: b “Weep sore for him that goes away.” Rav Yehuda said: /b This is referring b to one who leaves /b the world b without children /b to survive him, since mourning for him is much more intense. It was related that b Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi /b would b go to a house of mourning only for one who passed away without children, as it is written: “Weep sore for him that goes away; for he shall return [ i yashuv /i ] no more, nor see his native land” /b (Jeremiah 22:10). b Rav Huna /b disagreed with the interpretation of the verse and b said: /b “Him that goes” b is /b one b who committed a transgression and /b then b repeated it, /b i.e., one who sins constantly and does not repent [ i yashav /i ], and therefore loses his portion in the World-to-Come, his “native land.”,The Gemara notes that b Rav Huna /b conforms b to his /b standard line of b reasoning, /b as b Rav Huna said: Once a person commits a transgression and repeats it, it becomes permitted to him. /b The Gemara questions the wording used here: b Does it enter your mind /b that it is actually b permitted? /b How could it possibly be permitted for him to sin? b Rather, say /b instead: b It becomes as though it were permitted, /b for after doing it twice he no longer relates to his action as the violation of a serious prohibition., b Rabbi Levi said: A mourner /b during b the first three days /b of his mourning b should see himself as though a sword were lying between his two thighs, /b meaning that he too may be facing imminent death. During this period he should live in dread. b From the third to the seventh /b days he should conduct himself b as if /b the sword b were lying opposite him in the corner, /b but still threatening him. b From this /b point b forward it is as if /b the sword b was moving before him in the marketplace, /b and the fear is not as great.,§ The mishna teaches: b And /b the biers b of women /b are b never /b set down, b due to /b their b honor. /b The Sages of b Neharde’a say: They only taught /b thi |
|
| 40. Marinus, Vita Proclus, 10.10-10.12, 10.41, 11.19-11.23, 17.11-17.16, 22.29-22.37, 36.9-36.15 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022) 152 |
| 41. Papyri, P.Amh., 12 Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Morrison (2020) 94 |
| 42. Anon., Gospel of Peter, 6.24 Tagged with subjects: •provinces (of roman empire), burial customs Found in books: Galinsky (2016) 337 |
| 43. Papyri, Cpj, 18-26, 30, 33, 38, 9, 8 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019) 173 |
| 44. Epigraphy, Jigre, 33, 46, 70, 84, 93, 96, 30 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Piotrkowski (2019) 173 |
| 45. Anon., Semahot, 1.4, 8.7, 12.8, 13.8 Tagged with subjects: •burial customs Found in books: Hachlili (2005) 441, 485, 489 |
| 46. Hierocles, Synecdemus, 645.10 Tagged with subjects: •burial/funeral, burial customs Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022) 188 |
| 47. Min. Fel., Oct., 28.3-28.4 Tagged with subjects: •burial/funeral, burial customs Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022) 226 |
| 48. Epigraphy, Ig Ii, 1906 Tagged with subjects: •burial/funeral, burial customs Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022) 225 |
| 49. Epigraphy, Icg, 1958, 2053 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022) 224 |
