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175 results for "brutus"
1. Hebrew Bible, Psalms, 42.1, 84.10, 139.3 (9th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 232
42.1. "לַמְנַצֵּחַ מַשְׂכִּיל לִבְנֵי־קֹרַח׃", 42.1. "אוֹמְרָה לְאֵל סַלְעִי לָמָה שְׁכַחְתָּנִי לָמָּה־קֹדֵר אֵלֵךְ בְּלַחַץ אוֹיֵב׃", 139.3. "אָרְחִי וְרִבְעִי זֵרִיתָ וְכָל־דְּרָכַי הִסְכַּנְתָּה׃", 42.1. "For the Leader; Maschil of the sons of Korah.", 84.10. "Behold, O God our shield, and look upon the face of Thine anointed.", 139.3. "Thou measurest my going about and my lying down, And art acquainted with all my ways.",
2. Homer, Odyssey, 6.42-6.46 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 222
3. Homer, Iliad, 1.528-1.530, 6.297-6.311, 12.281-12.284 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 162, 164, 242
1.528. / no word of mine may be recalled, nor is false, nor unfulfilled, to which I bow my head. The son of Cronos spoke, and bowed his dark brow in assent, and the ambrosial locks waved from the king's immortal head; and he made great Olympus quake. 1.529. / no word of mine may be recalled, nor is false, nor unfulfilled, to which I bow my head. The son of Cronos spoke, and bowed his dark brow in assent, and the ambrosial locks waved from the king's immortal head; and he made great Olympus quake. 1.530. / 6.297. / and shone like a star, and lay undermost of all. Then she went her way, and the throng of aged wives hastened after her. 6.298. / and shone like a star, and lay undermost of all. Then she went her way, and the throng of aged wives hastened after her. 6.299. / and shone like a star, and lay undermost of all. Then she went her way, and the throng of aged wives hastened after her. Now when they were come to the temple of Athene in the citadel, the doors were opened for them by fair-cheeked Theano, daughter of Cisseus, the wife of Antenor, tamer of horses; 6.300. / for her had the Trojans made priestess of Athene. Then with sacred cries they all lifted up their hands to Athene; and fair-cheeked Theano took the robe and laid it upon the knees of fair-haired Athene, and with vows made prayer to the daughter of great Zeus: 6.301. / for her had the Trojans made priestess of Athene. Then with sacred cries they all lifted up their hands to Athene; and fair-cheeked Theano took the robe and laid it upon the knees of fair-haired Athene, and with vows made prayer to the daughter of great Zeus: 6.302. / for her had the Trojans made priestess of Athene. Then with sacred cries they all lifted up their hands to Athene; and fair-cheeked Theano took the robe and laid it upon the knees of fair-haired Athene, and with vows made prayer to the daughter of great Zeus: 6.303. / for her had the Trojans made priestess of Athene. Then with sacred cries they all lifted up their hands to Athene; and fair-cheeked Theano took the robe and laid it upon the knees of fair-haired Athene, and with vows made prayer to the daughter of great Zeus: 6.304. / for her had the Trojans made priestess of Athene. Then with sacred cries they all lifted up their hands to Athene; and fair-cheeked Theano took the robe and laid it upon the knees of fair-haired Athene, and with vows made prayer to the daughter of great Zeus: 6.305. / Lady Athene, that dost guard our city, fairest among goddesses, break now the spear of Diomedes, and grant furthermore that himself may fall headlong before the Scaean gates; to the end that we may now forthwith sacrifice to thee in thy temple twelve sleek heifers that have not felt the goad, if thou wilt take pity 6.306. / Lady Athene, that dost guard our city, fairest among goddesses, break now the spear of Diomedes, and grant furthermore that himself may fall headlong before the Scaean gates; to the end that we may now forthwith sacrifice to thee in thy temple twelve sleek heifers that have not felt the goad, if thou wilt take pity 6.307. / Lady Athene, that dost guard our city, fairest among goddesses, break now the spear of Diomedes, and grant furthermore that himself may fall headlong before the Scaean gates; to the end that we may now forthwith sacrifice to thee in thy temple twelve sleek heifers that have not felt the goad, if thou wilt take pity 6.308. / Lady Athene, that dost guard our city, fairest among goddesses, break now the spear of Diomedes, and grant furthermore that himself may fall headlong before the Scaean gates; to the end that we may now forthwith sacrifice to thee in thy temple twelve sleek heifers that have not felt the goad, if thou wilt take pity 6.309. / Lady Athene, that dost guard our city, fairest among goddesses, break now the spear of Diomedes, and grant furthermore that himself may fall headlong before the Scaean gates; to the end that we may now forthwith sacrifice to thee in thy temple twelve sleek heifers that have not felt the goad, if thou wilt take pity 6.310. / on Troy and the Trojans' wives and their little children. So spake she praying, but Pallas Athene denied the prayer.Thus were these praying to the daughter of great Zeus, but Hector went his way to the palace of Alexander, the fair palace that himself had builded with the men 6.311. / on Troy and the Trojans' wives and their little children. So spake she praying, but Pallas Athene denied the prayer.Thus were these praying to the daughter of great Zeus, but Hector went his way to the palace of Alexander, the fair palace that himself had builded with the men 12.281. / bestirreth him to snow, shewing forth to men these arrows of his, and he lulleth the winds and sheddeth the flakes continually, until he hath covered the peaks of the lofty mountains and the high headlands, and the grassy plains, and the rich tillage of men; aye, and over the harbours and shores of the grey sea is the snow strewn, 12.282. / bestirreth him to snow, shewing forth to men these arrows of his, and he lulleth the winds and sheddeth the flakes continually, until he hath covered the peaks of the lofty mountains and the high headlands, and the grassy plains, and the rich tillage of men; aye, and over the harbours and shores of the grey sea is the snow strewn, 12.283. / bestirreth him to snow, shewing forth to men these arrows of his, and he lulleth the winds and sheddeth the flakes continually, until he hath covered the peaks of the lofty mountains and the high headlands, and the grassy plains, and the rich tillage of men; aye, and over the harbours and shores of the grey sea is the snow strewn, 12.284. / bestirreth him to snow, shewing forth to men these arrows of his, and he lulleth the winds and sheddeth the flakes continually, until he hath covered the peaks of the lofty mountains and the high headlands, and the grassy plains, and the rich tillage of men; aye, and over the harbours and shores of the grey sea is the snow strewn,
4. Xenophon, Hellenica, 6.5.25 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, brutus Found in books: Oksanish (2019) 82, 84
5. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.138.4, 5.55.3 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, brutus Found in books: Oksanish (2019) 83, 84
1.138.4. νοσήσας δὲ τελευτᾷ τὸν βίον: λέγουσι δέ τινες καὶ ἑκούσιον φαρμάκῳ ἀποθανεῖν αὐτόν, ἀδύνατον νομίσαντα εἶναι ἐπιτελέσαι βασιλεῖ ἃ ὑπέσχετο. 5.55.3. ἐξεστράτευσαν δὲ καὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐς Καρύας,καὶ ὡς οὐδ’ ἐνταῦθα τὰ διαβατήρια αὐτοῖς ἐγένετο, ἐπανεχώρησαν. 1.138.4. Disease was the real cause of his death; though there is a story of his having ended his life by poison, on finding himself unable to fulfil his promises to the king. 5.55.3. The Lacedaemonians also marched out to Caryae; but the frontier sacrifices again proving unfavorable, they went back again,
6. Plato, Timaeus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 261
22b. καὶ Πύρρας ὡς διεγένοντο μυθολογεῖν, καὶ τοὺς ἐξ αὐτῶν γενεαλογεῖν, καὶ τὰ τῶν ἐτῶν ὅσα ἦν οἷς ἔλεγεν πειρᾶσθαι διαμνημονεύων τοὺς χρόνους ἀριθμεῖν· καί τινα εἰπεῖν τῶν ἱερέων εὖ μάλα παλαιόν· ὦ Σόλων, Σόλων, Ἕλληνες ἀεὶ παῖδές ἐστε, γέρων δὲ Ἕλλην οὐκ ἔστιν. ἀκούσας οὖν, πῶς τί τοῦτο λέγεις; φάναι. νέοι ἐστέ, εἰπεῖν, τὰς ψυχὰς πάντες· οὐδεμίαν γὰρ ἐν αὐταῖς ἔχετε διʼ ἀρχαίαν ἀκοὴν παλαιὰν δόξαν οὐδὲ μάθημα χρόνῳ πολιὸν οὐδέν. τὸ 22b. and by recounting the number of years occupied by the events mentioned he tried to calculate the periods of time. Whereupon one of the priests, a prodigiously old man, said, O Solon, Solon, you Greeks are always children: there is not such a thing as an old Greek. And on hearing this he asked, What mean you by this saying? And the priest replied, You are young in soul, every one of you. For therein you possess not a single belief that is ancient and derived from old tradition, nor yet one science that is hoary with age.
7. Euripides, Bacchae, 221 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 248
221. πλήρεις δὲ θιάσοις ἐν μέσοισιν ἑστάναι
8. Herodotus, Histories, 7.166 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, brutus Found in books: Oksanish (2019) 83, 84
7.166. They add this tale too—that Gelon and Theron won a victory over Amilcas the Carchedonian in Sicily on the same day that the Greeks defeated the Persian at Salamis. This Amilcas was, on his father's side, a Carchedonian, and a Syracusan on his mother's and had been made king of Carchedon for his virtue. When the armies met and he was defeated in the battle, it is said that he vanished from sight, for Gelon looked for him everywhere but was not able to find him anywhere on earth, dead or alive.
9. Aristotle, Soul, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 224
10. Aratus Solensis, Phaenomena, 10-16, 2-9, 1 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 224, 232
1. ἐκ Διὸς ἀρχώμεσθα, τὸν οὐδέποτʼ ἄνδρες ἐῶμεν
11. Ennius, Annales, 156 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 156
12. Plautus, Cistellaria, 149-195, 197-202, 196 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 201
13. Cicero, De Domo Sua, 101-102, 104, 106-107, 141, 144, 1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan
14. Cicero, On Old Age, 63 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 174
15. Cicero, On Fate, 15.34 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 182
16. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 5.2, 5.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 258
5.2. tum Piso: Naturane nobis hoc, inquit, datum dicam an errore quodam, ut, cum ea loca videamus, in quibus memoria dignos viros acceperimus multum esse versatos, magis moveamur, quam si quando eorum ipsorum aut facta audiamus aut scriptum aliquod aliquid R legamus? velut ego nunc moveor. venit enim mihi Platonis in mentem, quem accepimus primum hic disputare solitum; cuius etiam illi hortuli propinqui propinqui hortuli BE non memoriam solum mihi afferunt, sed ipsum videntur in conspectu meo ponere. hic Speusippus, hic Xenocrates, hic eius auditor Polemo, cuius illa ipsa sessio fuit, quam videmus. Equidem etiam curiam nostram—Hostiliam dico, non hanc novam, quae minor mihi esse esse mihi B videtur, posteaquam est maior—solebam intuens Scipionem, Catonem, Laelium, nostrum vero in primis avum cogitare; tanta vis admonitionis inest in locis; ut non sine causa ex iis memoriae ducta sit disciplina. 5.5. Tum Piso: Quoniam igitur aliquid omnes, quid Lucius noster? inquit. an eum locum libenter libenter diligenter R invisit, ubi Demosthenes et Aeschines inter se decertare soliti sunt? suo enim quisque enim unus quisque BE studio maxime ducitur. Et ille, cum erubuisset: Noli, inquit, ex me quaerere, qui in Phalericum etiam descenderim, quo in loco ad fluctum aiunt declamare solitum Demosthenem, ut fremitum assuesceret voce vincere. modo etiam paulum ad dexteram dextram RN de via declinavi, ut ad Pericli ad Pericli Gz. apicii R ad pericii BE ad peridis ( corr. in periclis) N ad periculis V sepulcrum sepulchrum BEV accederem. quamquam id quidem infinitum est in hac urbe; quacumque enim ingredimur, in aliqua historia vestigium ponimus. 5.2.  Thereupon Piso remarked: "Whether it is a natural instinct or a mere illusion, I can't say; but one's emotions are more strongly aroused by seeing the places that tradition records to have been the favourite resort of men of note in former days, than by hearing about their deeds or reading their writings. My own feelings at the present moment are a case in point. I am reminded of Plato, the first philosopher, so we are told, that made a practice of holding discussions in this place; and indeed the garden close at hand yonder not only recalls his memory but seems to bring the actual man before my eyes. This was the haunt of Speusippus, of Xenocrates, and of Xenocrates' pupil Polemo, who used to sit on the very seat we see over there. For my own part even the sight of our senate-house at home (I mean the Curia Hostilia, not the present new building, which looks to my eyes smaller since its enlargement) used to call up to me thoughts of Scipio, Cato, Laelius, and chief of all, my grandfather; such powers of suggestion do places possess. No wonder the scientific training of the memory is based upon locality." 5.5.  "Well, then," said Piso, "as we all have some association that appeals to us, what is it that interests our young friend Lucius? Does he enjoy visiting the spot where Demosthenes and Aeschines used to fight their battles? For we are all specially influenced by our own favourite study." "Pray don't ask me," answer Lucius with a blush; "I have actually made a pilgrimage down to the Bay of Phalerum, where they say Demosthenes used to practise declaiming on the beach, to learn to pitch his voice so as to overcome an uproar. Also only just now I turned off the road a little way on the right, to visit the tomb of Pericles. Though in fact there is no end to it in this city; wherever we go we tread historic ground."
17. Cicero, On Invention, 1.27 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, brutus Found in books: Oksanish (2019) 83
1.27. Narratio est rerum gestarum aut ut gestarum expo- sitio. narrationum genera tria sunt: unum genus est, in quo ipsa causa et omnis ratio controversiae con- tinetur; alterum, in quo digressio aliqua extra causam aut criminationis aut similitudinis aut delectationis non alienae ab eo negotio, quo de agitur, aut amplificationis causa interponitur. tertium genus est remotum a civi- libus causis, quod delectationis causa non inutili cum exercitatione dicitur et scribitur. eius partes sunt duae, quarum altera in negotiis, altera in personis maxime versatur. ea, quae in negotiorum expositione posita est, tres habet partes: fabulam, historiam, argumen- tum. fabula est, in qua nec verae nec veri similes res continentur, cuiusmodi est: Angues ingentes alites, iuncti iugo historia est gesta res, ab aetatis nostrae memoria remota; quod genus: Appius indixit Cartha- giniensibus bellum. argumentum est ficta res, quae tamen fieri potuit. huiusmodi apud Terentium: Nam is postquam excessit ex ephebis, Sosia illa autem narratio, quae versatur in personis, eiusmodi est, ut in ea simul cum rebus ipsis personarum sermones et animi perspici possint, hoc modo: Venit ad me saepe clam it ans: Quid agis, Micio? Cur perdis adulescentem nobis? cur amat? Cur potat? cur tu his rebus sumptum suggeris, Vestitu nimio indulges? nimium ineptus es. Nimium ipse est durus praeter aequumque et bonum. hoc in genere narrationis multa debet inesse festivitas, confecta ex rerum varietate, animorum dissimilitudine, gravitate, lenitate, spe, metu, suspicione, desiderio, dissimulatione, errore, misericordia, fortunae commu- tatione, insperato incommodo, subita laetitia, iucundo exitu rerum. verum haec ex iis, quae postea de elocu- tione praecipientur, ornamenta sumentur.
18. Cicero, De Lege Agraria, 2.70, 2.96 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 165, 179
19. Cicero, On Laws, 1.4, 2.3-2.4, 2.6, 2.22, 2.26-2.27, 2.35-2.36, 2.38-2.39, 2.62 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 37, 166, 210, 225, 251, 253, 254, 261
20. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 1.82, 2.5-2.6, 2.62, 2.67, 3.45, 3.48, 3.52, 3.63, 3.86-3.88, 3.94 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 197, 199, 200, 202, 207, 210, 231, 252, 253, 254
1.82. For we have often seen temples robbed and images of gods carried off from the holiest shrines by our fellow-countrymen, but no one ever even heard of an Egyptian laying profane hands on a crocodile or ibis or cat. What therefore do you infer? that the Egyptians do not believe their sacred bull Apis to be a god? Precisely as much as you believe the Saviour Juno of your native place to be a goddess. You never see her even in your dreams unless equipped with goat-skin, spear, buckler and slippers turned up at the toe. Yet that is not the aspect of the Argive Juno, nor of the Roman. It follows that Juno has one form for the Argives, another for the people of Lanuvium, and another for us. And indeed our Jupiter of the Capitol is not the same as the Africans' Juppiter Ammon. 2.5. how is the latter fact more evident than the former? Nothing but the presence in our minds of a firmly grasped concept of the deity could account for the stability and permanence of our belief in him, a belief which is only strengthened by the passage of the ages and grows more deeply rooted with each successive generation of mankind. In every other case we see that fictitious and unfounded opinions have dwindled away with lapse of time. Who believes that the Hippocentaur or the Chimaera ever existed? Where can you find an old wife senseless enough to be afraid of the monsters of the lower world that were once believed in? The years obliterate the inventions of the imagination, but confirm the judgements of nature. "Hence both in our own nation and among all others reverence for the gods and respect for religion grow continually stronger and more profound. 2.6. Nor is this unaccountable or accidental; it is the result, firstly, of the fact that the gods often manifest their power in bodily presence. For instance in the Latin War, at the critical battle of Lake Regillus between the dictator Aulus Postumius and Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum, Castor and Pollux were seen fighting on horseback in our ranks. And in more modern history likewise these sons of Tyndareus brought the news of the defeat of Perses. What happened was that Publius Vatinius, the grandfather of our young contemporary, was returning to Rome by night from Reate, of which he was governor, when he was informed by two young warriors on white horses that King Perses had that very day been taken prisoner. When Vatinius carried the news to the Senate, at first he was flung into gaol on the charge of spreading an unfounded report on a matter of national concern; but afterwards a dispatch arrived from Paulus, and the date was found to tally, so the Senate bestowed upon Vatinius both a grant of land and exemption from military service. It is also recorded in history that when the Locrians won their great victory over the people of Crotona at the important battle of the River Sagra, news of the engagement was reported at the Olympic Games on the very same day. often has the sound of the voices of the Fauns, often has the apparition of a divine form compelled anyone that is not either feeble-minded or impious to admit the real presence of the gods. 2.62. Those gods therefore who were the authors of various benefits owned their deification to the value of the benefits which they bestowed, and indeed the names that I just now enumerated express the various powers of the gods that bear them. "Human experience moreover and general custom have made it a practice to confer the deification of renown and gratitude upon of distinguished benefactors. This is the origin of Hercules, of Castor and Pollux, of Aesculapius, and also of Liber (I mean Liber the son of Semele, not the Liber whom our ancestors solemnly and devoutly consecrated with Ceres and Libera, the import of which joint consecration may be gathered from the mysteries; but Liber and Libera were so named as Ceres' offspring, that being the meaning of our Latin word liberi — a use which has survived in the case of Libera but not of Liber) — and this is also the origin of Romulus, who is believed to be the same as Quirinus. And these benefactors were duly deemed divine, as being both supremely good and immortal, because their souls survived and enjoyed eternal life. 2.67. The mother is Ceres, a corruption of 'Geres,' from gero, because she bears the crops; the same accidental change of the first letter is also seen in her Greek name Dēmētēr, a corruption of gē mētēr ('mother earth'). Mavors again is from magna vertere, 'the overturner of the great,' while Minerva is either 'she who minishes' or 'she who is minatory.' Also, as the beginning and the end are the most important parts of all affairs, they held that Janus is the leader in a sacrifice, the name being derived from ire ('to go'), hence the names jani for archways and januae for the front doors of secular buildings. Again, the name Vesta comes from the Greeks, for she is the goddess whom they call Hestia. Her power extends over altars and hearths, and therefore all prayers and all sacrifices end with this goddess, because she is the guardian of the innermost things. 3.45. Again, if you call Apollo, Vulcan, Mercury and the rest gods, will you have doubts about Hercules, Aesculapius, Liber, Castor and Pollux? But these are worshipped just as much as those, and indeed in some places very much more than they. Are we then to deem these gods, the sons of mortal mothers? Well then, will not Aristaeus, the reputed discoverer of the olive, who was the son of Apollo, Theseus the son of Neptune, and all the other sons of gods, also be reckoned as gods? What about the sons of goddesses? I think they have an even better claim; for just as by the civil law one whose mother is a freewoman is a Freeman, so by the law of nature one whose mother is a goddess must be a god. And in the island of Astypalaea Achilles is most devoutly worshipped by the inhabitants on these grounds; but if Achilles is a god, so are Orpheus and Rhesus, whose mother was a Muse, unless perhaps a marriage at the bottom of the sea counts higher than a marriage on dry land! If these are not gods, because they are nowhere worshipped, how can the others be gods? 3.48. What next? If Ino is to be deemed divine, under the title of Leucothea in Greece and Matuta at Rome, because she is the daughter of Cadmus, are Circe and Pasiphaë and Aeetes, the children of Perseis the daughter of Oceanus by the Sun, to be not counted in the list of gods? in spite of the fact that Circe too is devoutly worshipped at the Roman colony of Circei. If you therefore deem her divine, what answer will you give to Medea, who, as her father was Aeetes and her mother Idyia, had as her two grandfathers the Sun and Oceanus? or to her brother Absyrtus (who appears in Pacuvius as Aegialeus, though the former name is commoner in ancient literature)? if these are not divine, I have my fears as to what will become of Ino, for the claims of all of them derive from the same source. 3.52. Again, if the name of Ceres is derived from her bearing fruit, as you said, the earth itself is a goddess (and so she is believed to be, for she is the same as the deity Tellus). But if the earth is divine, so also is the sea, which you identified with Neptune; and therefore the rivers and springs too. This is borne out by the facts that Maso dedicated a Temple of Fons out of his Corsican spoils, and that the Augur's litany includes as we may see the names of Tiberinus, Spino, almo, Nodinus, and other rivers in the neighbourhood of Rome. Either therefore this process will go on indefinitely, or we shall admit none of these; nts unlimited claim of superstition will not be accepted; therefore none of these is to be accepted. 3.63. A great deal of quite unnecessary trouble was taken first by Zeno, then by Cleanthes and lastly by Chrysippus, to rationalize these purely fanciful myths and explain the reasons for the names by which the various deities are called. But in so doing you clearly admit that the facts are widely different from men's belief, since the so‑called gods are really properties of things, not divine persons at all. So far did this sort of error go, that even harmful things were not only given the names of gods but actually had forms of worship instituted in their honour: witness the temple to Fever on the Palatine, that of Orbona the goddess of bereavementa close to the shrine of the Lares, and the altar consecrated to Misfortune on the Esquiline. 3.86. " 'But,' it may be objected, 'the gods disregard smaller matters, and do not pay attention to the petty farms and paltry vines of individuals, and any trifling damage done by blight or hail cannot have been a matter for the notice of Jupiter; even kings do not attend to all the petty affairs in their kingdoms': this is how you argue. As if forsooth it was Publius Rutilius's estate at Formiae about which I complained a little time ago, and not his loss of all security! But this is the way with all mortals: their external goods, their vineyards, cornº-fields and olive-yards, with their abundant harvests and fruits, and in short all the comfort and prosperity of their lives, they think of as coming to them from the gods; but virtue no one ever imputed to a god's bounty. 3.87. And doubtless with good reason; for our virtue is a just ground for others' praise and a right reason for our own pride, and this would not be so if the gift of virtue came to us from a god and not from ourselves. On the other hand when we achieve some honour or some accession to our estate, or obtain any other of the goods or avoid any of the evils of fortune, it is then that we render thanks to the gods, and do not think that our credit has been enhanced. Did anyone ever render thanks to the gods because he was a good man? No, but because he was rich, honoured, secure. The reason why men give to Jupiter the titles of Best and Greatest is not that they the hand that he makes us just, temperate or wise, but safe, secure, wealthy and opulent. 3.88. Nor did anyone ever vow to pay a tithe to Hercules if he became a wise man! It is true there is a story that Pythagoras used to sacrifice an ox to the Muses when he had made a new discovery in geometry! but I don't believe it, since Pythagoras refused even to sacrifice a victim to Apollo of Delos, for fear of sprinkling the altar with blood. However, to return to my point, it is the considered belief of all mankind that they must pray to god for fortune but obtain wisdom for themselves. Let us dedicate temples as we will to Intellect, Virtue and Faith, yet we perceive that these things are within ourselves; hope, safety, wealth, victory are blessings which we must seek from the gods. Accordingly the prosperity and good fortune of the wicked, as Diogenes used to say, disprove the might and power of the gods entirely. 3.94. So saying, Cotta ended. But Lucilius said: "You have indeed made a slashing attack upon the most reverently and wisely constructed Stoic doctrine of the divine providence. But as evening is now approaching, you will assign us a day on which to make our answer to your views. For I have to fight against you on behalf of our altars and hearths, of the temples and shrines of the gods, and of the city-walls, which you as pontifes declare to be sacred and are more careful to hedge the city round with religious ceremonies than even with fortifications; and my conscience forbids me to abandon their cause so long as I yet can breathe."
21. Cicero, On Duties, 1.138-1.140, 3.102, 3.104, 5.2, 5.5 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 183, 184, 233, 258
1.138. Et quoniam omnia persequimur, volumus quidem certe, dicendum est etiam, qualem hominis honorati et principis domum placeat esse, cuius finis est usus, ad quem accommodanda est aedificandi descriptio et tamen adhibenda commoditatis dignitatisque diligentia. Cn. Octavio, qui primus ex illa familia consul factus est, honori fuisse accepimus, quod praeclaram aedificasset in Palatio et plenam dignitatis domum; quae cum vulgo viseretur, suffragata domino, novo homini, ad consulatum putabatur; hanc Scaurus demolitus accessionem adiunxit aedibus. Itaque ille in suam domum consulatum primus attulit, hic, summi et clarissimi viri filius, in domum multiplicatam non repulsam solum rettulit, sed ignominiam etiam et calamitatem. 1.139. Orda enim est dignitas domo, non ex domo tota quaerenda, nec domo dominus, sed domino domus honestanda est, et, ut in ceteris habenda ratio non sua solum, sed etiam aliorum, sic in domo clari hominis, in quam et hospites multi recipiendi et admittenda hominum cuiusque modi multitudo, adhibenda cura est laxitatis; aliter ampla domus dedecori saepe domino fit, si est in ea solitudo, et maxime, si aliquando alio domino solita est frequentari. Odiosum est enim, cum a praetereuntibus dicitur: O domus ántiqua, heu quam dispari domináre domino! quod quidem his temporibus in multis licet dicere. 1.140. Cavendum autem est, praesertim si ipse aedifices, ne extra modum sumptu et magnificentia prodeas; quo in genere multum mali etiam in exemplo est. Studiose enim plerique praesertim in hane partem facta principum imitantur, ut L. Luculli, summi viri, virtutem quis? at quam multi villarum magnificentiam imitati! quarum quidem certe est adhibendus modus ad mediocritatemque revocandus. Eademque mediocritas ad omnem usum cultumque vitae transferenda est. Sed haec hactenus. 3.102. Quid est igitur, dixerit quis, in iure iurando? num iratum timemus lovem? At hoc quidem commune est omnium philosophorum, non eorum modo, qui deum nihil habere ipsum negotii dicunt, nihil exhibere alteri, sed eorum etiam, qui deum semper agere aliquid et moliri volunt, numquam nec irasci deum nec nocere. Quid autem iratus Iuppiter plus nocere potuisset, quam nocuit sibi ipse Regulus Nulla igitur vis fuit religionis, quae tantam utilitatem perverteret. An ne turpiter faceret? Primum minima de malis. Num igitur tantum mali turpitude ista habebat, quantum ille cruciatus? Deinde illud etiam apud Accium: Fregistín fidem? Néque dedi neque do ínfideli cuíquam quamquam ab impio rege dicitur, luculente tamen dicitur. 3.104. Non fuit Iuppiter metuendus ne iratus noceret, qui neque irasci solet nec nocere. Haec quidem ratio non magis contra Reguli quam contra omne ius iurandum valet. Sed in iure iurando non qui metus, sed quae vis sit, debet intellegi; est enim ius iurandum affirmatio religiosa; quod autem affirmate quasi deo teste promiseris, id tenendum est. Iam enim non ad iram deorum, quae nulla est, sed ad iustitiam et ad fidem pertinet. Nam praeclare Ennius: Ó Fides alma ápta pinnis ét ius iurandúm Iovis! Qui ius igitur iurandum violat, is Fidem violat, quam in Capitolio vicinam Iovis optimi maximi, ut in Catonis oratione est, maiores nostri esse voluerunt. 1.138.  But since I am investigating this subject in all its phases (at least, that is my purpose), I must discuss also what sort of house a man of rank and station should, in my opinion, have. Its prime object is serviceableness. To this the plan of the building should be adapted; and yet careful attention should be paid to its convenience and distinction. We have heard that Gnaeus Octavius — the first of that family to be elected consul — distinguished himself by building upon the Palatine an attractive and imposing house. Everybody went to see it, and it was thought to have gained votes for the owner, a new man, in his canvass for the consulship. That house Scaurus demolished, and on its site he built an addition to his own house. Octavius, then, was the first of his family to bring the honour of a consulship to his house; Scaurus, thought the son of a very great and illustrious man, brought to the same house, when enlarged, not only defeat, but disgrace and ruin. 1.139.  The truth is, a man's dignity may be enhanced by the house he lives in, but not wholly secured by it; the owner should bring honour to his house, not the house to its owner. And, as in everything else a man must have regard not for himself alone but for others also, so in the home of a distinguished man, in which numerous guests must be entertained and crowds of every sort of people received, care must be taken to have it spacious. But if it is not frequented by visitors, if it has an air of lonesomeness, a spacious palace often becomes a discredit to its owner. This is sure to be the case if at some other time, when it had a different owner, it used to be thronged. For it is unpleasant, when passers-by remark: "O good old house, alas! how different The owner who now owneth thee!" And in these times that may be said of many a house! 1.140.  One must be careful, too, not to go beyond proper bounds in expense and display, especially if one is building for oneself. For much mischief is done in their way, if only in the example set. For many people imitate zealously the foibles of the great, particularly in this direction: for example, who copies the virtues of Lucius Lucullus, excellent man that he was? But how many there are who have copied the magnificence of his villas! Some limit should surely be set to this tendency and it should be reduced at least to a standard of moderation; and by that same standard of moderation the comforts and wants of life generally should be regulated. But enough on this part of my theme. 3.102.  "What significance, then," someone will say, "do we attach to an oath? It is not that we fear the wrath of Jove, is it? Not at all; it is the universally accepted view of all philosophers that God is never angry, never hurtful. This is the doctrine not only of those who teach that God is Himself free from troubling cares and that He imposes no trouble upon others, but also of those who believe that God is ever working and ever directing His world. Furthermore, suppose Jupiter had been wroth, what greater injury could He have inflicted upon Regulus than Regulus brought upon himself? Religious scruple, therefore, had no such preponderance as to outweigh so great expediency." "Or was he afraid that his act would be morally wrong? As to that, first of all, the proverb says, 'of evils choose the least.' Did that moral wrong, then, really involve as great an evil as did that awful torture? And secondly, there are the lines of Accius: Thyestes. Hast thou broke thy faith? Atreus. None have I given; none give I ever to the faithless. Although this sentiment is put into the mouth of a wicked king, still it is illuminating in its correctness." 3.104.  "He need not have been afraid that Jupiter in anger would inflict injury upon him; he is not wont to be angry or hurtful." This argument, at all events, has no more weight against Regulus's conduct than it has against the keeping of any other oath. But in taking an oath it is our duty to consider not what one may have to fear in case of violation but wherein its obligation lies: an oath is an assurance backed by religious sanctity; and a solemn promise given, as before God as one's witness, is to be sacredly kept. For the question no longer concerns the wrath of the gods (for there is no such thing) but the obligations of justice and good faith. For, as Ennius says so admirably: "Gracious Good Faith, on wings upborne; thou oath in Jupiter's great name!" Whoever, therefore, violates his oath violates Good Faith; and, as we find it stated in Cato's speech, our forefathers chose that she should dwell upon the Capitol "neighbour to Jupiter Supreme and Best."
22. Cicero, Brutus, 42, 41 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Oksanish (2019) 83
41. sed studium eius generis maiorque vis agnoscitur in Pisistrato. Denique hunc denique hunc L : demum. Hunc Bake : demum. quem Simon proximo saeculo Themistocles insecutus est, ut apud nos, perantiquus, ut apud Atheniensis, non ita sane vetus. Fuit enim regte iam Graecia Graeca maluit Jahn , nostra autem civitate non ita pridem dominatu regio liberata. Nam bellum Volscorum illud gravissimum, cui Coriolanus exsul interfuit, eodem fere tempore quo Persarum bellum fuit, similisque fortuna clarorum virorum;
23. Cicero, De Oratore, 2.62-2.64, 3.69 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, brutus •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 166; Oksanish (2019) 82
2.62. Sed illuc redeo: videtisne, quantum munus sit oratoris historia? Haud scio an flumine orationis et varietate maximum; neque eam reperio usquam separatim instructam rhetorum praeceptis; sita sunt enim ante oculos. Nam quis nescit primam esse historiae legem, ne quid falsi dicere audeat? Deinde ne quid veri non audeat? Ne quae suspicio gratiae sit in scribendo? Ne quae simultatis? 2.63. Haec scilicet fundamenta nota sunt omnibus, ipsa autem exaedificatio posita est in rebus et verbis: rerum ratio ordinem temporum desiderat, regionum descriptionem; vult etiam, quoniam in rebus magnis memoriaque dignis consilia primum, deinde acta, postea eventus exspectentur, et de consiliis significari quid scriptor probet et in rebus gestis declarari non solum quid actum aut dictum sit, sed etiam quo modo, et cum de eventu dicatur, ut causae explicentur omnes vel casus vel sapientiae vel temeritatis hominumque ipsorum non solum res gestae, sed etiam, qui fama ac nomine excellant, de cuiusque vita atque natura; 2.64. verborum autem ratio et genus orationis fusum atque tractum et cum lenitate quadam aequabiliter profluens sine hac iudiciali asperitate et sine sententiarum forensibus aculeis persequendum est. Harum tot tantarumque rerum videtisne nulla esse praecepta, quae in artibus rhetorum reperiantur? In eodem silentio multa alia oratorum officia iacuerunt, cohortationes, praecepta, consolationes, admonita, quae tractanda sunt omnia disertissime, sed locum suum in his artibus, quae traditae sunt, habent nullum. 3.69. Haec autem, ut ex Appennino fluminum, sic ex communi sapientiae iugo sunt doctrinarum facta divortia, ut philosophi tamquam in superum mare Ionium defluerent Graecum quoddam et portuosum, oratores autem in inferum hoc, Tuscum et barbarum, scopulosum atque infestum laberentur, in quo etiam ipse Ulixes errasset.
24. Cicero, Republic, 1.11, 2.10, 2.34, 5.1-5.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 166, 167, 181, 182, 266
1.11. Maximeque hoc in hominum doctorum oratione mihi mirum videri solet, quod, qui tranquillo mari gubernare se negent posse, quod nec didicerint nec umquam scire curaverint, iidem ad gubernacula se accessuros profiteantur excitatis maximis fluctibus. Isti enim palam dicere atque in eo multum etiam gloriari solent, se de rationibus rerum publicarum aut constituendarum aut tuendarum nihil nec didicisse umquam nec docere, earumque rerum scientiam non doctis hominibus ac sapientibus, sed in illo genere exercitatis concedendam putant. Quare qui convenit polliceri operam suam rei publicae tum denique, si necessitate cogantur? cum, quod est multo proclivius, nulla necessitate premente rem publicam regere nesciant. Equidem, ut verum esset sua voluntate sapientem descendere ad rationes civitatis non solere, sin autem temporibus cogeretur, tum id munus denique non recusare, tamen arbitrarer hanc rerum civilium minime neglegendam scientiam sapienti, propterea quod omnia essent ei praeparanda, quibus nesciret an aliquando uti necesse esset. 2.10. Qui potuit igitur divinius et utilitates conplecti maritimas Romulus et vitia vitare, quam quod urbem perennis amnis et aequabilis et in mare late influentis posuit in ripa? quo posset urbs et accipere a mari, quo egeret, et reddere, quo redundaret, eodemque ut flumine res ad victum cultumque maxime necessarias non solum mari †absorberet, sed etiam invectas acciperet ex terra, ut mihi iam tum divinasse ille videatur hanc urbem sedem aliquando et domum summo esse imperio praebituram; nam hanc rerum tantam potentiam non ferme facilius ulla in parte Italiae posita urbs tenere potuisset. 2.34. Sed hoc loco primum videtur insitiva quadam disciplina doctior facta esse civitas. Influxit enim non tenuis quidam e Graecia rivulus in hanc urbem, sed abundantissimus amnis illarum disciplinarum et artium. Fuisse enim quendam ferunt Demaratum Corinthium et honore et auctoritate et fortunis facile civitatis suae principem; qui cum Corinthiorum tyrannum Cypselum ferre non potuisset, fugisse cum magna pecunia dicitur ac se contulisse Tarquinios, in urbem Etruriae florentissimam. Cumque audiret dominationem Cypseli confirmari, defugit patriam vir liber ac fortis et adscitus est civis a Tarquiniensibus atque in ea civitate domicilium et sedes collocavit. Ubi cum de matre familias Tarquiniensi duo filios procreavisset, omnibus eos artibus ad Graecorum disciplinam eru diit 5.1. August. C.D. 2.21,Non. 417M Ennius Moribus antiquis res stat Romana virisque, quem quidem ille versum vel brevitate vel veritate tamquam ex oraculo mihi quodam esse effatus videtur. Nam neque viri, nisi ita morata civitas fuisset, neque mores, nisi hi viri praefuissent, aut fundare aut tam diu tenere potuissent tantam et tam fuse lateque imperantem rem publicam. Itaque ante nostram memoriam et mos ipse patrius praestantes viros adhibebat, et veterem morem ac maiorum instituta retinebant excellentes viri. Nostra vero aetas cum rem publicam sicut picturam accepisset egregiam, sed iam evanescentem vetustate, non modo eam coloribus eisdem, quibus fuerat, renovare neglexit, sed August. C.D. 2.21, Non. 417M ne id quidem curavit, ut formam saltem eius et extrema tamquam liniamenta servaret. Quid enim manet ex antiquis moribus, quibus ille dixit rem stare Romanam? quos ita oblivione obsoletos videmus, ut non modo non colantur, sed iam ignorentur. Nam de viris quid dicam? Mores enim ipsi interierunt virorum penuria, cuius tanti mali non modo reddenda ratio nobis, sed etiam tamquam reis capitis quodam modo dicenda causa est. Nostris enim vitiis, non casu aliquo, rem publicam verbo retinemus, re ipsa vero iam pridem amisimus.
25. Cicero, On Friendship, 97, 12 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 174
26. Cicero, Letters, 1.17.6-1.17.7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus (iunius) Found in books: Kaster(2005) 26, 27
27. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, 1.10-1.11 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 210
1.10. num nunc ex. num K 1 te illa terrent, triceps apud inferos Cerberus, Cocyti coyc ti R 1 fremitus, travectio traiectio ex trav. K 1 transv. V c mg. ('al trans') g Trag. inc.111 Acherontis, mento summam aquam aquam trisyll. cf. Lachm. ad Lucr. 6, 552 quam Nonii L 1 A A attingens amnem Bue. adtinget ( vel -it) senextus Nonii L 1 A A enectus siti Tantalus? summam... tantalus Non. 401,29 enectus ... Tantalus Prisc, GL 2, 470, 18 tantulus X ( corr. K 2 ) Nonii et Prisciani pars tum illud, quod Sisyphus sisyphius X ( sed 2. eras. in V. sis. K 1 aut c ) Nonii pars versat versus? cf. Marx ad Lucil. 1375 saxum sudans nitendo neque proficit hilum? tum ... hlium Non. 121,4; 353, 8. fortasse etiam inexorabiles iudices, Minos et Rhadamanthus? apud quos nec te L. Crassus defendet defendet om. RK 1 ( add. 2 ) nec M. Antonius nec, quoniam apud Graecos iudices res agetur, poteris adhibere Demosthenen; demostenen K tibi ipsi pro te erit maxima corona causa dicenda. dicenda causa K haec fortasse metuis et idcirco mortem censes esse sempiternum malum. Adeone me delirare censes, ut ista esse credam? An tu ante G 1 haec non an tu an non ( 2. an in r. ) V 1? credis? Minime vero. Male hercule narras. Cur? quaeso. Quia disertus dissertus KR 1 esse possem, si contra ista dicerem. Quis enim non in eius modi causa? aut quid negotii est haec poëtarum et pictorum portenta convincere? aut convincere Non. 375, 29 1.11. Atqui pleni libri sunt contra ista ipsa disserentium dissenentium G 1 (dissotium corr. G 1? ) RV 1 ( corr. ipse? ) diserentium K philosophorum. Inepte sane. quis enim est est om. K 1, add. c tam excors, quem ista moveant? commoveant V 2 Si ergo apud inferos miseri non sunt, ne sunt quidem apud inferos ulli. Ita prorsus prossus G existimo. Ubi sunt Inde ab ubi - 223, 24 iam sunt multa in K madore corrupta ergo i, quos miseros dicis, aut quem locum incolunt? si enim sunt, nusquam esse non possunt. Ego vero nusquam esse illos puto. Igitur ne esse quidem? Prorsus isto modo, et tamen miseros miseros cf. Serv. Aen. 4, 20 ob id ipsum quidem, quidem om. K quia nulli sint.
28. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 1.9.7, 2.16.2, 5.20.5, 6.3.3, 7.16.1, 7.32.2, 8.2.1, 8.11.4, 15.4.16 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 37, 164, 173, 183, 187, 227, 244, 258
29. Polybius, Histories, 6.53.1-6.53.3, 10.2.12-10.2.13, 10.4.6-10.4.7, 30.10.6 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 157, 242, 246
6.53.1. ὅταν γὰρ μεταλλάξῃ τις παρʼ αὐτοῖς τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἀνδρῶν, συντελουμένης τῆς ἐκφορᾶς κομίζεται μετὰ τοῦ λοιποῦ κόσμου πρὸς τοὺς καλουμένους ἐμβόλους εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ποτὲ μὲν ἑστὼς ἐναργής, σπανίως δὲ κατακεκλιμένος. 6.53.2. πέριξ δὲ παντὸς τοῦ δήμου στάντος, ἀναβὰς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐμβόλους, ἂν μὲν υἱὸς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ καταλείπηται καὶ τύχῃ παρών, οὗτος, εἰ δὲ μή, τῶν ἄλλων εἴ τις ἀπὸ γένους ὑπάρχει, λέγει περὶ τοῦ τετελευτηκότος τὰς ἀρετὰς καὶ τὰς ἐπιτετευγμένας ἐν τῷ ζῆν πράξεις. 6.53.3. διʼ ὧν συμβαίνει τοὺς πολλοὺς ἀναμιμνησκομένους καὶ λαμβάνοντας ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν τὰ γεγονότα, μὴ μόνον τοὺς κεκοινωνηκότας τῶν ἔργων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐκτός, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον γίνεσθαι συμπαθεῖς ὥστε μὴ τῶν κηδευόντων ἴδιον, ἀλλὰ κοινὸν τοῦ δήμου φαίνεσθαι τὸ σύμπτωμα. 10.2.12. Πόπλιος δὲ παραπλησίως ἐνεργαζόμενος αἰεὶ δόξαν τοῖς πολλοῖς ὡς μετά τινος θείας ἐπιπνοίας ποιούμενος τὰς ἐπιβολάς, εὐθαρσεστέρους καὶ προθυμοτέρους κατεσκεύαζε τοὺς ὑποταττομένους πρὸς τὰ δεινὰ τῶν ἔργων. 10.2.13. ὅτι δʼ ἕκαστα μετὰ λογισμοῦ καὶ προνοίας ἔπραττε, καὶ διότι πάντα κατὰ λόγον ἐξέβαινε τὰ τέλη τῶν πράξεων αὐτῷ, δῆλον ἔσται διὰ τῶν λέγεσθαι μελλόντων. 10.4.6. δοκεῖν γὰρ ἅμα τἀδελφῷ καθεσταμένος ἀγορανόμος ἀναβαίνειν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν, ἐκείνην δὲ συναντᾶν αὐτοῖς εἰς τὰς θύρας καὶ περιπτύξασαν ἀσπάσασθαι. 10.4.7. τῆς δὲ παθούσης τὸ γυναικεῖον πάθος καί τι προσεπιφθεγξαμένης "3Εἰ γὰρ ἐμοὶ ταύτην ἰδεῖν γένοιτο τὴν ἡμέραν"3 "3Βούλει"3 φησί " 30.10.6. Λεύκιος Αἰμίλιος παρῆν εἰς τὸ τέμενος τὸ ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ, καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα θεασάμενος ἐξεπλάγη καὶ τοσοῦτον εἶπεν ὅτι μόνος αὐτῷ δοκεῖ Φειδίας τὸν παρʼ Ὁμήρῳ Δία μεμιμῆσθαι, διότι μεγάλην ἔχων προσδοκίαν τῆς Ὀλυμπίας μείζω τῆς προσδοκίας εὑρηκὼς εἴη τὴν ἀλήθειαν. — 6.53.1.  Whenever any illustrious man dies, he is carried at his funeral into the forum to the so‑called rostra, sometimes conspicuous in an upright posture and more rarely reclined. 6.53.2.  Here with all the people standing round, a grown-up son, if he has left one who happens to be present, or if not some other relative mounts the rostra and discourses on the virtues and success­ful achievements of the dead. 6.53.3.  As a consequence the multitude and not only those who had a part in these achievements, but those also who had none, when the facts are recalled to their minds and brought before their eyes, are moved to such sympathy that the loss seems to be not confined to the mourners, but a public one affecting the whole people. 10.2.12.  while Scipio similarly made the men under his command more sanguine and more ready to face perilous enterprises by instilling into them the belief that his projects were divinely inspired. 10.2.13.  That everything he did was done with calculation and foresight, and that all his enterprises fell out as he had reckoned, will be clear from what I am about to say. 10.4.6.  He had dreamt that both he and his brother had been elected to the aedileship and were going up from the forum to their house, when she met him at the door and fell on their necks and kissed them. 10.4.7.  She was affected by this, as a woman would be, and exclaimed, "Would I might see that day" or something similar. "Then would you like us to try, mother?" he said. 30.10.6.  Lucius Aemilius visited the temple in Olympia, and when he saw the statue of Zeus was awestruck, and said simply that Pheidias seemed to him to have been the only artist who had made a likeness of Homer's Zeus; for he himself had come to Olympia with high expectations but the reality had far surpassed his expectations. State of Aetolia (Cp. Livy XLV.28.6)
30. Lucilius Gaius, Fragments, None (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 197
31. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 106, 124, 145, 147, 34, 45, 83, 95 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 160
32. Cicero, Pro S. Roscio Amerino, 23, 26 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 260
33. Cicero, Pro Rabirio Perduellionis Reo, 11 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 207
11. Which, then, of us, O Labienus, is attached to the best interests of the people? you who think that an executioner and chains ought to be put in operation against Roman citizens in the very assembly of the people; who order a gallows to be planted and erected for the execution of citizens in the Campus Martius, in the comitia centuriata in a place hallowed by the auspices, or I, who forbid the assembly to be polluted by the contagion of an executioner who think that the forum of the Roman people ought to be purified from all such traces of nefarious wickedness who urge that the assembly ought to be kept pure, the campus holy, the person of every Roman citizen inviolate, and the rights of liberty unimpaired?
34. Cicero, Pro Murena, 35-36, 44, 52, 70, 85, 79 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 190
79. ecquid Bake : a me (auiae S mg. ) quid codd. ego Catilinam metuam. nihil, et curavi ne quis metueret, sed copias illius quas hic video dico esse metuendas; nec tam timendus est nunc exercitus L. Lucii Catilinae quam isti qui illum exercitum deseruisse dicuntur. non enim deseruerunt sed ab illo in speculis speculis seculis S : speluncis x2y2 atque insidiis in insidiis Halm relicti in capite atque in cervicibus nostris restiterunt. hi et integrum consulem et bonum imperatorem et natura et fortuna cum rei publicae salute coniunctum deici de urbis praesidio et de custodia civitatis vestris sententiis deturbari volunt. quorum ego ferrum et audaciam reieci in campo, debilitavi in foro, compressi etiam domi meae saepe, iudices, his vos si alterum consulem tradideritis, plus multo erunt vestris sententiis quam suis gladiis consecuti. Magni interest, iudices, id quod ego multis repugtibus egi atque perfeci, esse Kalendis Ianuariis in re publica duo duo S : duos cett. consules.
35. Cicero, Letters, 1.3.2, 1.9.2, 1.16.6, 1.16.8 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus •cicero, marcus tullius, and brutus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 8, 182, 269
36. Cicero, Pro Milone, 38, 90-91 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 160
37. Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 93, 138 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 162
38. Cicero, Post Reditum In Senatu, 7 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 160
7. quo quidem tempore, cum is excessisset qui caedi et flammae vobis auctoribus restiterat, cum ferro et facibus homines tota urbe volitantis, magistratuum tecta impugnata, deorum templa inflammata, summi viri et clarissimi consulis fascis fractos, fortissimi atque optimi tribuni plebis sanctissimum corpus non tactum ac violatum manu sed vulneratum ferro confectumque vidistis. qua strage non nulli permoti magistratus partim metu mortis, partim desperatione rei publicae paululum a mea causa recesserunt: reliqui fuerunt quos neque terror nec vis, nec spes nec metus, nec promissa nec minae, nec tela nec faces a vestra auctoritate, a populi Romani dignitate, a mea salute depellerent.
39. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.26, 2.68, 2.110, 9.9, 9.14, 11.10, 13.9, 13.16, 14.14 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50, 174, 182, 184, 201, 266
40. Cicero, Orator, 238 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus (iunius) Found in books: Kaster(2005) 26
41. Cicero, In Pisonem, 51-53, 55, 60-61, 7, 9, 97, 26 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 160
42. Cicero, Letters To Quintus, 2.4.5, 2.5.3, 2.10.3, 2.15.2, 3.1.24, 3.2.2, 3.4.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 37, 164, 187, 188, 221
43. Cicero, Pro Lege Manilia, 40 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 243
40. quae quae H : qua p : quali y : qualis cett. sit temperantia considerate. Vnde illam tantam celeritatem et tam incredibilem cursum inventum putatis? non enim illum eximia vis remigum aut ars inaudita quaedam guberdi aut venti aliqui novi tam celeriter in ultimas terras pertulerunt, sed eae eae hae Eb s res quae ceteros remorari solent non retardarunt. non avaritia ab instituto cursu ad praedam aliquam devocavit, non libido ad voluptatem, non amoenitas ad delectationem, non nobilitas urbis urbis nobilitas H ad cognitionem, non denique labor ipse ad quietem; postremo signa et tabulas ceteraque ornamenta Graecorum oppidorum quae ceteri tollenda esse arbitrantur, ea sibi ille ne visenda quidem existimavit.
44. Cicero, In Verrem, 1.15.45, 1.17.18, 2.1.32, 2.1.47, 2.1.50, 2.1.129, 2.1.133, 2.2.167, 2.3.209-2.3.210, 2.4.53, 2.4.61-2.4.72, 2.4.106-2.4.109, 2.4.122, 2.4.127-2.4.131, 2.4.146, 2.5.41, 2.5.93, 2.5.106, 2.5.186-2.5.187, 4.4.146 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus •brutus, marcus junius Found in books: Bexley (2022) 105; Jenkyns (2013) 37, 50, 158, 160, 175, 226, 227, 228, 235, 241, 242, 252, 253, 255, 261, 262, 265
45. Pseudo-Cicero, In Sallustium, 16 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 165
46. Varro, Fragments, 7-10 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 209
47. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 2.226 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 169
2.226. rend=
48. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 34.2 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 195
49. Ovid, Amores, 1.1.6, 3.1.1-3.1.2, 3.13.7-3.13.10 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 172, 240
1.1.6. Pieridum vates, non tua turba sumus. 3.1.1. Stat vetus et multos incaedua silva per annos; 3.1.2. Credibile est illi numen inesse loco. 3.13.7. Stat vetus et densa praenubilus arbore lucus; 3.13.8. Adspice — concedas numen inesse loco. 3.13.9. Accipit ara preces votivaque tura piorum — 3.13.10. Ara per antiquas facta sine arte manus.
50. Propertius, Elegies, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 155
51. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, 10.5.8 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 240
10.5.8. Sparsi. Si ad succurrendum profectus es, queror quod unum emisti, si ad torquendum, queror quod ullum . Vtinam, Philippe, auctionem cum exceptione fecisses: ne quis Atheniensis emeret. Non uidit Phidias Iouem, fecit tamen uelut totem; nec stetit ante oculos eius Minerua, dignus tamen illa arte animus et concepit deos et exhibuit. Quid facturi sumus si bellum uolueris pingere? diuersas uirorum statuemus acies et in mutua uulnera armabimus manus? uictos sequentur uictores? reuertentur cruenti ? ne Parrhasii manus temere ludat coloribus, internecione humana emendum est?
52. Seneca The Elder, Suasoriae, 3.5 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 224
53. Ovid, Tristia, 1.1.1, 1.1.63, 1.1.69-1.1.74, 1.1.105-1.1.106, 1.1.127-1.1.128, 1.3, 1.8.37-1.8.38, 2.1.200, 3.1.1, 3.1.20, 3.1.27-3.1.28, 3.1.50, 4.6.44-4.6.46 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 176, 188, 190, 191
1.3. vade, sed incultus, qualem decet exulis esse 1.3. neve, precor, magni subscribite Caesaris irae! 1.3. cum repeto noctem, qua tot mihi cara reliqui, 1.3. nos tamen Ionium non nostra findimus aequor 1.3. attonitum qui me, memini, carissime, primus 1.3. pectoribus quantum tu nostris, uxor, inhaeres, 1.3. ista decent laetos felicia signa poetas : 1.3. terra feret stellas, caelum findetur aratro, 1.3. atque utinam pro te possent mea vota valere, 1.3. sive opus est velis, minimam bene currit ad auram, 1.3. aut haec me, gelido tremerem cum mense Decembri,
54. Horace, Odes, 1.4.1-1.4.12, 1.10, 1.34, 1.37.5-1.37.6, 2.4.7, 2.7.13-2.7.16, 2.17.29-2.17.30, 3.1.11, 3.11, 3.14, 4.2.5-4.2.8, 4.2.27-4.2.32 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus •brutus, marcus iunius •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, brutus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 182, 213, 214, 264; Oksanish (2019) 82; Rohland (2022) 104
55. Horace, Letters, 1.1.1-1.1.3, 1.1.100, 1.10.49, 2.1.22-2.1.27, 2.1.34, 2.1.54, 2.1.63-2.1.65, 2.1.76-2.1.78, 2.1.90-2.1.92, 2.2.72-2.2.76, 2.2.81-2.2.85 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 163, 169, 211, 214, 261, 262, 267
56. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.67, 1.79.11, 2.21.1, 2.50, 2.63.2, 4.13.3-4.13.4, 5.16.3, 5.19.1-5.19.2, 5.39.4, 5.48.3, 6.13.1-6.13.2, 6.46.1, 7.14.1, 7.15.3, 7.16.2, 7.26.1, 7.64.5, 8.39.1, 8.89.5, 9.24.2, 9.25.2, 9.40.3, 10.15.2, 10.55.3, 11.43.5, 12.2.9, 13.3 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 37, 157, 158, 159, 161, 167, 185, 186, 202, 224, 225, 233, 254, 262
1.67. 1.  While the city was building, a most remarkable prodigy is said to have occurred. A temple with an inner sanctuary had been built for the images of the gods which Aeneas had brought with him from the Troad and set up in Lavinium, and the statues had been removed from Lavinium to this sanctuary; but during the following night, although the doors were most carefully closed and the walls of the enclosure and the roof of the temple suffered no injury, the statues changed their position and were found upon their old pedestals.,2.  And after being brought back again from Lavinium with supplications and propitiatory sacrifices they returned in like manner to the same place. Upon this the people were for someone time in doubt what they should do, being unwilling either to live apart from their ancestral gods or to return again to their deserted habitation. But at last they hit upon an expedient which promised to meet satisfactorily both these difficulties. This was to let the images remain where they were and to conduct men back from Alba to Lavinium to live there and take care of them. Those who were sent to Lavinium to have charge of their rites were six hundred in number; they removed thither with their entire households, and Aegestus was appointed their chief.,3.  As for these gods, the Romans call them Penates. Some who translate the name into the Greek language render it Patrôoi, others Genethlioi, some Ktêsiori, others Mychioi, and still others Herkeioi. Each of these seems to be giving them their name from some one of their attributes, and it is probable that they are all expressing more or less the same idea.,4.  Concerning their figure and appearance, Timaeus, the historian, makes the statement that the holy objects preserved in the sanctuary at Lavinium are iron and bronze caducei or "heralds' wands," and a Trojan earthenware vessel; this, he says, he himself learned from the inhabitants. For my part, I believe that in the case of those things which it is not lawful for all to see I ought neither to hear about them from those who do see them nor to describe them; and I am indigt with every one else, too, who presumes to inquire into or to know more than what is permitted by law. 1.79.11.  But their life was that of herdsmen, and they lived by their own labour, generally upon the mountains in huts which they built, roofs and all, out of sticks and reeds. One of these, called the hut of Romulus, remained even to my day on the flank of the Palatine hill which faces towards the Circus, and it is preserved holy by those who have charge of these matters; they add nothing to it to render it more stately, but if any part of it is injured, either by storms or by the lapse of time, they repair the damage and restore the hut as nearly as possible to its former condition. 2.21.1.  But let the consideration of these matters be left to those who have set aside the theoretical part of philosophy exclusively for their contemplation. To return to the government established by Romulus, I have thought the following things also worthy the notice of history. In the first place, he appointed a great number of persons to carry on the worship of the gods. At any rate, no one could name any other newly-founded city in which so many priests and ministers of the gods were appointed from the beginning. 2.50. 1.  Romulus and Tatius immediately enlarged the city by adding to it two other hills, the Quirinal, as it is called, and the Caelian; and separating their habitations, each of them had his particular place of residence. Romulus occupied the Palatine and Caelian hills, the latter being next to the Palatine, and Tatius the Capitoline hill, which he had seized in the beginning, and the Quirinal.,2.  And cutting down the wood that grew on the plain at the foot of the Capitoline and filling up the greatest part of the lake, which, since it lay in a hollow, was kept well supplied by the waters that came down from the hills, they converted the plain into a forum, which the Romans continue to use even now; there they held their assemblies, transacting their business in the temple of Vulcan, which stands a little above the Forum.,3.  They built temples also and consecrated altars to those gods to whom they had addressed their vows during their battles: Romulus to Jupiter Stator, near the Porta Mugonia, as it is called, which leads to the Palatine hill from the Sacred Way, because this god had heard his vows and had caused his army to stop in its flight and to renew the battle; and Tatius to the Sun and Moon, to Saturn and to Rhea, and, besides these, to Vesta, Vulcan, Diana, Enyalius, and to other gods whose names are difficult to be expressed in the Greek language; and in every curia he dedicated tables to Juno called Quiritis, which remain even to this day.,4.  For five years, then, the kings reigned together in perfect harmony, during which time they engaged in one joint undertaking, the expedition against the Camerini; for these people, who kept sending out bands of robbers and doing great injury to the country of the Romans, would not agree to have the case submitted to judicial investigation, though often summoned by the Romans to do so. After conquering the Camerini in a pitched battle (for they came to blows with them) and later besieging and taking their town by storm, they disarmed the inhabitants and deprived them of a third part of their land, which they divided among their own people.,5.  And when the Camerini proceeded to harass the new settlers, they marched out against them, and having put them to flight, divided all their possessions among their own people, but permitted as many of the inhabitants as wished to so to live at Rome. These amounted to about four thousand, whom they distributed among the curiae, and they made their city a Roman colony. Cameria was a colony of the Albans planted long before the founding of Rome, and anciently one of the most celebrated habitations of the Aborigines. 2.63.2.  I should state, however, that all those rites which he found established by Romulus, either in custom or in law, he left untouched, looking upon them all as established in the best possible manner. But whatever he thought had been overlooked by his predecessor, he added, consecrating many precincts to those gods who had hitherto received no honours, erecting many altars and temples, instituting festivals in honour of each, and appointing priests to have charge of their sanctuaries and rites, and enacting laws concerning purifications, ceremonies, expiations and many other observances and honours in greater number than are to be found in any other city, either Greek or barbarian, even in those that have prided themselves the most at one time or another upon their piety. 4.13.3.  This king was the last who enlarged the circuit of the city, by adding these two hills to the other five, after he had first consulted the auspices, as the law directed, and performed the other religious rites. Farther than this the building of the city has not yet progressed, since the gods, they say, have not permitted it; but all the inhabited places round it, which are many and large, are unprotected and without walls, and very easy to be taken by any enemies who may come. 4.13.4.  If anyone wishes to estimate the size of Rome by looking at these suburbs he will necessarily be misled for want of a definite clue by which to determine up to what point it is still the city and where it ceases to be the city; so closely is the city connected with the country, giving the beholder the impression of a city stretching out indefinitely. 5.16.3.  For the Romans attribute panics to this divinity; and whatever apparitions come to men's sight, now in one shape and now in another, inspiring terror, or whatever supernatural voices come to their ears to disturb them are the work, they say, of this god. The voice of the divinity exhorted the Romans to be of good courage, as having gained the victory, and declared that the enemy's dead exceeded theirs by one man. They say that Valerius, encouraged by this voice, pushed on to the Tyrrhenians' entrenchments while it was still the dead of night, and having slain many of them and driven the rest out of the camp, made himself master of it. 5.19.1.  After the death of Brutus his colleague Valerius became suspected by the people of a design to make himself king. The first ground of their suspicion was his continuing alone in the magistracy, when he ought immediately to have chosen a colleague as Brutus had done after he had expelled Collatinus. Another reason was that he had built his house in an invidious place, having chosen for that purpose a fairly high and steep hill, called by the Romans Velia, which commands the Forum. 5.19.2.  But the consul, being informed by his friends that these things displeased the people, appointed a day for the election and chose for his colleague Spurius Lucretius, who died after holding the office for only a few days. In his place he then chose Marcus Horatius, and removed his house from the top to the bottom of the hill, in order that the Romans, as he himself said in one of his speeches to the people, might stone him from the hill above if they found him guilty of any wrongdoing. 5.39.4.  Then for the first time the commonwealth, recovering from the defeat received at the hands of the Tyrrhenians, recovered its former spirit and dared as before to aim at the supremacy over its neighbours. The Romans decreed a triumph jointly to both the consuls, and, as a special gratification to one of them, Valerius, ordered that a site should be given him for his habitation on the best part of the Palatine Hill and that the cost of the building should be defrayed from the public treasury. The folding doors of this house, near which stands the brazen bull, are the only doors in Rome either of public or private buildings that open outwards. 5.48.3.  A sure and incontestable proof of the frugality he had shown during his whole lifetime was the poverty that was revealed after his death. For in his whole estate he did not leave enough even to provide for his funeral and burial in such a manner as became a man of his dignity, but his relations were intending to carry his body out of the city in a shabby manner, and as one would that of an ordinary man, to be burned and buried. The senate, however, learning how impoverished they were, decreed that the expenses of his burial should be defrayed from the public treasury, and appointed a place in the city near the Forum, at the foot of the Velia, where his body was burned and buried, an honour paid to him alone of all the illustrious men down to my time. This place is, as it were, sacred and dedicated to his posterity as a place of burial, an advantage greater than any wealth or royalty, if one measures happiness, not by shameful pleasures, but by the standard of honour. 6.13.1.  It is said that in this battle two men on horseback, far excelling in both beauty and stature those our human stock produces, and just growing their first beard, appeared to Postumius, the dictator, and to those arrayed about him, and charged at the head of the Roman horse, striking with their spears all the Latins they encountered and driving them headlong before them. And after the flight of the Latins and the capture of their camp, the battle having come to an end in the late afternoon, two youths are said to have appeared in the same manner in the Roman Forum attired in military garb, very tall and beautiful and of the same age, themselves retaining on their counteces as having come from a battle, the look of combatants, and the horses they led being all in a sweat. 6.13.2.  And when they had each of them watered their horses and washed them at the fountain which rises near the temple of Vesta and forms a small but deep pool, and many people stood about them and inquired if they brought any news from the camp, they related how the battle had gone and that the Romans were the victors. And it is said that after they left the Forum they were not seen again by anyone, though great search was made for them by the man who had been left in command of the city. 6.46.1.  When these things were reported to those in the city, there was great tumult and lamentation and running through the streets, as the populace prepared to leave the city and the patricians endeavoured to dissuade them and offered violence to those who refused to obey. And there was great clamour and wailing at the gates, and hostile words were exchanged and hostile acts committed, as no one paid heed any longer to either age, comradeship, or the respect due to virtue. 7.14.1.  But nothing turned out according to the calculations of the patricians, insofar at least as their hope of appeasing the sedition was concerned; on the contrary, the people who were left at home were now more exasperated than before and clamoured violently against the senators in their groups and clubs. They met in small numbers at first, but afterwards, as the dearth became more severe, they assembled in a body, and rushing all together into the Forum, cried out for the tribunes. 7.15.3.  The chief proponent of this view was Appius, and it was this opinion that prevailed, after such violent strife among the senators that even the people, hearing their clamour at a great distance, rushed in alarm to the senate-house and the whole city was on tip-toe with expectation. 7.16.2.  And a violent contest ensued, each side insisting on not yielding to the other, as if their defeat on this single occasion would mean the giving up of their claims for all time to come. It was now near sunset and the rest of the population were running out of their houses to the Forum; and if night had descended upon their strife, they would have proceeded to blows and the throwing of stones. 7.26.1.  The senate being now embittered, the tribunes, finding that those who desired to take away the power granted to the people outnumbered those who advised adhering to the agreement, rushed out of the senate-house shouting and calling upon the gods who had been witnesses to their oaths. After this they assembled the people, and having acquainted them with the speech made by Marcius in the senate, they summoned him to make his defence. 7.64.5.  Such was the intention of Marcius in this affair; but to the festering anger and envy of enemies the action, when considered by itself, appeared a kind of flattery of the people and a bribery tending toward tyranny. As a result the whole Forum was full of clamour and tumult and neither Marcius himself nor the consul nor anyone else had any answer to make to the charge, so incredible and unexpected did it appear to them. 8.39.1.  In the meantime their wives, seeing the danger now at hand and abandoning the sense of propriety that kept them in the seclusion of their homes, ran to the shrines of the gods with lamentations and threw themselves at the feet of their statues. And every holy place, particularly the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, was filled with the cries and supplications of women. 8.89.5.  The pontiffs, having by tortures and other proofs found that the information was true, took from her head the fillets, and solemnly conducting her through the Forum, buried her alive inside the city walls. As for the two men who were convicted of violating her, they ordered them to be scourged in public and then put to death at once. Thereupon the sacrifices and the auguries became favourable, as if the gods had given up their anger against them. 9.24.2.  There was a disorderly running to and fro throughout the entire city and a confused clamour; on the roofs of the houses were the members of each household, prepared to defend themselves and give battle; and an uninterrupted succession of torches, as it was in the night and dark, blazed through lanterns and from roofs, so many in number that to those seeing them at a distance it seemed to be one continuous blaze and gave the impression of a city on fire. 9.25.2.  For of adult citizens there were more than 110,000, as appeared by the latest census; and the number of the women, children, domestics, foreign traders and artisans who plied the menial trades — for no Roman citizen was permitted to earn a livelihood as a tradesman or artisan — was not less than treble the number of the citizens. This multitude was not easy to placate; for they were exasperated at their misfortune, and gathering together in the Forum, clamoured against the magistrates, rushed in a body to the houses of the rich and endeavoured to seize without payment the provisions that were stored up by them. 9.40.3.  While the commonwealth was suffering from such a calamity, information was given to the pontiffs by a slave that one of the Vestal virgins who have the care of the perpetual fire, Urbinia by name, had lost her virginity and, though unchaste, was performing the public sacrifices. The pontiffs removed her from her sacred offices, brought her to trial, and after her guilt had been clearly established, they ordered her to be scourged with rods, to be carried through the city in solemn procession and then to be buried alive. 10.55.3.  The populace praising them for their goodwill and rushing in a body to the senate-house, Sestius was forced to assemble the senate alone, Menenius being unable to attend by reason of his illness, and proposed to them the consideration of the laws. Many speeches were made on this occasion also both by those who contended that the commonwealth ought to be governed by laws and by those who advised adhering to the customs of their ancestors. 11.43.5.  Those who departed from the camp marched throughout the entire day, and when evening came on, arrived in Rome, no one having announced their approach. Hence they caused the inhabitants no slight dismay, since they thought that a hostile army had entered the city; and there was shouting and disorderly running to and fro throughout the city. Nevertheless, the confusion did not last long enough to produce any mischief. For the soldiers, passing through the streets, called out that they were friends and had come for the good of the commonwealth; and they made their words match their deeds, as they did no harm to anyone. 12.2.9.  Thus Maelius, who craved greatness and came very close to gaining the leadership over the Roman people, came to an unenviable and bitter end. When his body had been carried into the Forum and exposed to the view of all the citizens, there was a rush thither and a clamour and uproar on the part of all who were in the Forum, as some bewailed his fate, others angrily protested, and still others were eager to come to blows with the perpetrators of the deed. 13.3. 1.  (3) This same Camillus, when conducting his campaign against Veii, made a vow to Queen Juno of the Veientes that if he should take the city he would set up her statue in Rome and establish costly rites in her honour.,2.  Upon the capture of the city, accordingly, he sent the most distinguished of the knights to remove the statue from its pedestal; and when those who had been sent came into the temple and one of them, either in jest and sport or desiring an omen, asked whether the goddess wished to remove to Rome, the statue answered in a loud voice that she did. This happened twice; for the young men, doubting whether it was the statue that had spoken, asked the same question again and heard the same reply.
57. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 1.515-1.518, 1.595-1.596, 2.451-2.452 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 211
1.515. quem fugias, ideoque fugis. Mihi Delphica tellus 1.516. et Claros et Tenedos Patareaque regia servit, 1.517. Iuppiter est genitor; per me quod eritque fuitque 1.518. estque patet; per me concordant carmina nervis. 1.595. nec de plebe deo, sed qui caelestia magna 1.596. sceptra manu teneo, sed qui vaga fulmina mitto. 2.451. et nisi quod virgo est poterat sentire Diana 2.452. mille notis culpam; nymphae sensisse feruntur.
58. Livy, History, 1.19.4, 1.33.8, 2.7.6-2.7.7, 2.7.10-2.7.12, 2.40.7, 2.49.3, 3.17.3, 3.17.11, 3.18.4, 3.26.11, 3.35.5, 3.56.2, 3.56.8, 3.58.1, 3.58.11, 4.14.1, 4.16.1, 4.20.7, 4.20.11, 5.22.7-5.22.8, 5.30.3, 5.39.12, 5.52.2, 6.4.3, 6.14.8, 6.17.4, 6.33.5, 7.6, 7.6.4, 8.33.21, 9.7.11, 9.30.5, 21.7.7, 21.34.6, 22.8.7, 22.9.10, 22.55.3, 22.55.6-22.55.7, 22.60.2, 23.7.12, 23.23.8, 23.25.1, 23.31.9, 24.7.3, 24.29.3, 24.39.8, 25.12.15, 25.24.11, 25.29.5, 25.40.1-25.40.2, 26.9.7, 26.18.6, 26.19.3-26.19.7, 27.37.7, 27.37.11-27.37.15, 27.50.4-27.50.5, 28.27.11, 29.8.9-29.8.11, 29.18.4-29.18.5, 29.18.18, 29.19.12, 30.17.6, 30.26.5, 30.33.11, 30.40.4, 31.12.9-31.12.10, 31.20.6, 31.24.13, 33.24.5, 33.27.1, 33.36.13, 34.2.9, 34.3.6, 34.4.4-34.4.5, 34.5.7, 34.52.10, 35.40.8, 36.35.12, 38.43.5, 39.2.8, 39.2.11, 39.8-39.19, 39.13.12, 39.15.2, 39.32.10, 40.34.4, 40.40.10, 42.6.8-42.6.12, 42.7.1, 42.28.12, 42.49.1-42.49.3, 42.49.6, 43.6.5-43.6.8, 43.13.2, 44.14.2, 44.29.2, 44.49.5, 45.1.2-45.1.4, 45.2.6, 45.27-45.28, 45.28.5, 45.35.3, 45.44.4-45.44.6 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus •cicero, marcus tullius, and brutus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 8, 37, 155, 156, 158, 160, 161, 162, 165, 172, 180, 182, 184, 185, 187, 188, 195, 196, 201, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 233, 239, 242, 244, 245, 246, 251, 253, 254, 261, 266, 268
42.49.1. per hos forte dies P. Licinius consul votis in Capitolio nuncupatis paludatus ab urbe profectus est. 42.49.2. semper quidem ea res cum magna dignitate ac maiestate agitur; praecipue convertit oculos animosque, cum ad magnum nobilemque aut virtute aut fortuna hostem euntem consulem prosecuntur. 42.49.3. contrahit enim non officii modo cura, sed etiam studium spectaculi, ut videant ducem suum, cuius imperio consilioque summam rem publicam tuendam permiserunt. 42.49.6. quem scire mortalium, utrius mentis, utrius fortunae consulem ad bellum mittant? triumphantemne mox cum exercitu victore scandentem in Capitolium ad eosdem deos, a quibus proficiscatur, visuri, an hostibus eam praebituri laetitiam sint ? Persei autem regi, adversus quem ibatur, famam et bello clara Macedonum gens et Philippus pater, inter multa prospere gesta Romano etiam nobilitatus bello, praebebat; 43.6.5. Alabandenses templum Urbis Romae se fecisse commemoravere ludosque anniversarios ei divae instituisse; 43.6.6. et coronam auream quinquaginta pondo, quam in Capitolio ponerent donum Iovi optimo maximo, attulisse et scuta equestria trecenta; ea, cui iussissent, tradituros. donum ut in Capitolio ponere et sacrificare liceret, petebant. 43.6.7. hoc et Lampsaceni, octoginta pondo coronam adferentes, 43.6.8. petebant, commemorantes discessisse se a Perseo, postquam Romanus exercitus in Macedoniam venisset, cum sub dicione Persei et ante Philippi fuissent. 43.13.2. ceterum et mihi vetustas res scribenti nescio quo pacto anticus fit animus, et quaedam religio tenet, quae illi prudentissimi viri publice suscipienda censuerint, ea pro indignis habere, quae in meos annales referam. 44.14.2. gratiae ab senatu actae muneraque missa, torquis aureus duo pondo et paterae aureae quattuor pondo, equus phaleratus armaque equestria. 44.29.2. sanctitas templi insulaeque inviolatos praestabat omnes. itaque permixti Romanique et Macedones et Eumenis navales socii et in templo indutias religione loci praebente versabantur. 45.1.2. quarto post die, quam cum rege est pugnatum, cum in circo ludi fierent, murmur repente populi tota spectacula pervasit pugnatum in Macedonia et devictum regem esse; 45.1.3. dein fremitus increvit; postremo clamor plaususque velut certo nuntio victoriae allato est exortus. 45.1.4. mirari magistratus et quaerere auctorem repentinae laetitiae; qui postquam nullus erat, evanuit quidem tamquam certae rei gaudium, omen tamen laetum insidebat animis. 45.2.6. eadem haec paulo post in contionem traducti exposuerunt; renovataque laetitia, cum consul edixisset, ut omnes aedes sacrae aperirentur, pro se quisque ex contione ad gratias agendas ire dis, 45.28.5. ubi et alia quidem spectanda ei visa: Iovem velut praesentem intuens motus animo est. itaque haud secus, quam si in Capitolio immolaturus esset, sacrificium amplius solito apparari iussit. 45.35.3. Paulus ipso post dies paucos regia nave ingentis magnitudinis, quam sedecim versus remorum agebant, ornata Macedonicis spoliis non insignium tantum armorum, sed etiam regiorum textilium, adverso Tiberi ad urbem est subvectus, conpletis ripis obviam effusa multitudine. 45.44.4. eo anno rex Prusia venit Romam cum filio Nicomede. is magno comitatu urbem ingressus ad forum a porta tribunalque Q. Cassi praetoris perrexit concursuque undique facto deos, 45.44.5. qui urbem Romam incolerent, senatumque et populum Romanum salutatum se dixit venisse et gratulatum, quod Persea Gentiumque reges vicissent, Macedonibusque et Illyriis in dicionem redactis auxissent imperium. 45.44.6. cum praetor senatum ei, si vellet, eo die daturum dixisset, biduum petit, quo templa deum urbemque et hospites amicosque viseret.
59. Ovid, Fasti, 1.7, 1.129-1.130, 1.181, 1.223-1.226, 1.591, 1.633, 2.61, 2.305-2.358, 2.525, 2.563, 2.572, 2.583, 3.199, 3.291-3.292, 3.429-3.430, 3.435-3.436, 3.601, 3.633-3.638, 3.657-3.668, 4.11, 4.91-4.114, 4.865-4.866, 4.905-4.936, 5.567-5.568, 6.201, 6.212-6.214, 6.251-6.256, 6.307, 6.319-6.344, 6.479, 6.547, 6.731 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus •brutus, marcus iunius Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50, 197, 211, 212, 218, 227, 261, 264; Rohland (2022) 104
1.7. sacra recognosces annalibus eruta priscis, 1.129. nomina ridebis; modo namque Patulcius idem 1.130. et modo sacrifico Clusius ore vocor. 1.181. templa patent auresque deum, nec lingua caducas 1.223. nos quoque templa iuvant, quamvis antiqua probemus, 1.224. aurea: maiestas convenit ista deo. 1.225. laudamus veteres, sed nostris utimur annis: 1.226. mos tamen est aeque dignus uterque coli.’ 1.591. perlege dispositas generosa per atria ceras: 1.633. Porrima placatur Postvertaque, sive sorores 2.61. sub quo delubris sentitur nulla senectus; 2.305. forte comes dominae iuvenis Tirynthius ibat: 2.306. vidit ab excelso Faunus utrumque iugo. 2.307. vidit et incaluit, montana que numina, dixit 2.308. nil mihi vobiscum est: hic meus ardor erit. 2.309. ibat odoratis humeros perfusa capillis 2.310. Maeonis aurato conspicienda sinu: 2.311. aurea pellebant tepidos umbracula soles, 2.312. quae tamen Herculeae sustinuere manus, 2.313. iam Bacchi nemus et Tmoli vineta tenebat, 2.314. Hesperos et fusco roscidus ibat equo. 2.315. antra subit tofis laqueata et pumice vivo; 2.316. garrulus in primo limine rivus erat. 2.317. dumque parant epulas potandaque vina ministri, 2.318. cultibus Alciden instruit illa suis. 2.319. dat tenuis tunicas Gaetulo murice tinctas, 2.320. dat teretem zonam, qua modo cincta fuit. 2.321. ventre minor zona est; tunicarum vincla relaxat, 2.322. ut posset magnas exeruisse manus, 2.323. fregerat armillas non illa ad brachia factas, 2.324. scindebant magni vincula parva pedes. 2.325. ipsa capit clavamque gravem spoliumque leonis 2.326. conditaque in pharetra tela minora sua. 2.327. sic epulis functi sic dant sua corpora somno, 2.328. et positis iuxta secubuere toris; 2.329. causa, repertori vitis quia sacra parabant, 2.330. quae facerent pure, cum foret orta dies. 2.331. noctis erat medium, quid non amor improbus audet? 2.332. roscida per tenebras Faunus ad antra venit, 2.333. utque videt comites somno vinoque solutos, 2.334. spem capit in dominis esse soporis idem. 2.335. intrat, et huc illuc temerarius errat adulter 2.336. et praefert cautas subsequiturque manus, 2.337. venerat ad strati captata cubilia lecti 2.338. et felix prima sorte futurus erat. 2.339. ut tetigit fulvi saetis hirsuta leonis 2.340. vellera, pertimuit sustinuitque manum 2.341. attonitusque metu rediit, ut saepe viator 2.342. turbatus viso rettulit angue pedem, 2.343. inde tori, qui iunctus erat, velamina tangit 2.344. mollia, mendaci decipiturque nota. 2.345. ascendit spondaque sibi propiore recumbit, 2.346. et tumidum cornu durius inguen erat. 2.347. interea tunicas ora subducit ab ima: 2.348. horrebant densis aspera crura pilis, 2.349. cetera temptantem subito Tirynthius heros 2.350. reppulit: e summo decidit ille toro. 2.351. fit sonus, inclamat comites et lumina poscit 2.352. Maeonis: inlatis ignibus acta patent. 2.353. ille gemit lecto graviter deiectus ab alto, 2.354. membraque de dura vix sua tollit humo. 2.355. ridet et Alcides et qui videre iacentem, 2.356. ridet amatorem Lyda puella suum. 2.357. veste deus lusus fallentes lumina vestes 2.358. non amat et nudos ad sua sacra vocat, 2.525. facta dea est Fornax: laeti Fornace coloni 2.563. di quoque templorum foribus celentur opertis, 2.572. sacra facit Tacitae (nec tamen ipsa tacet), 2.583. protinus a nobis, quae sit dea Muta, requires: 3.199. festa parat Conso. Consus tibi cetera dicet 3.291. sed poterunt ritum Picus Faunusque piandi 3.292. tradere, Romani numen utrumque soli. 3.429. Una nota est Marti Nonis, sacrata quod illis 3.430. templa putant lucos Vediovis ante duos. 3.435. ne tamen ignaro novitas tibi nominis obstet, 3.436. disce, quis iste deus, curque vocetur ita. 3.601. iam pius Aeneas regno nataque Latini 3.633. omnia promittit falsumque Lavinia volnus 3.634. mente premit tacita dissimulatque fremens; 3.635. donaque cum videat praeter sua lumina ferri 3.636. multa palam, mitti clam quoque multa putat, 3.637. non habet exactum, quid agat; furialiter odit 3.638. et parat insidias et cupit ulta mori. 3.657. sunt quibus haec Luna est, quia mensibus impleat annum; 3.658. pars Themin, Inachiam pars putat esse bovem. 3.659. invenies, qui te nymphen Atlantida dicant 3.660. teque Iovi primos, Anna, dedisse cibos. 3.661. haec quoque, quam referam, nostras pervenit ad aures 3.662. fama nec a veri dissidet illa fide. 3.663. plebs vetus et nullis etiam nunc tuta tribunis 3.664. fugit et in Sacri vertice montis erat; 3.665. iam quoque, quem secum tulerant, defecerat illos 3.666. victus et humanis usibus apta Ceres, 3.667. orta suburbanis quaedam fuit Anna Bovillis, 3.668. pauper, sed multae sedulitatis anus. 4.11. tempora cum causis annalibus eruta priscis 4.91. illa quidem totum dignissima temperat orbem; 4.92. illa tenet nullo regna minora deo, 4.93. iuraque dat caelo, terrae, natalibus undis, 4.94. perque suos initus continet omne genus. 4.95. illa deos omnes (longum est numerare) creavit: 4.96. illa satis causas arboribusque dedit: 4.97. illa rudes animos hominum contraxit in unum 4.98. et docuit iungi cum pare quemque sua. 4.99. quid genus omne creat volucrum, nisi blanda voluptas? 4.100. nec coeant pecudes, si levis absit amor. 4.101. cum mare trux aries cornu decertat; at idem 4.102. frontem dilectae laedere parcit ovis. 4.103. deposita sequitur taurus feritate iuvencam, 4.104. quem toti saltus, quem nemus omne tremit. 4.105. vis eadem, lato quodcumque sub aequore vivit, 4.106. servat et innumeris piscibus implet aquas. 4.107. prima feros habitus homini detraxit: ab illa 4.108. venerunt cultus mundaque cura sui. 4.109. primus amans carmen vigilatum nocte negata 4.110. dicitur ad clausas concinuisse fores, 4.111. eloquiumque fuit duram exorare puellam, 4.112. proque sua causa quisque disertus erat. 4.113. mille per hanc artes motae; studioque placendi 4.114. quae latuere prius, multa reperta ferunt. 4.865. numina volgares Veneris celebrate puellae: 4.866. multa professarum quaestibus apta Venus, 4.905. hac mihi Nomento Romam cum luce redirem, 4.906. obstitit in media candida turba via. 4.907. flamen in antiquae lucum Robiginis ibat, 4.908. exta canis flammis, exta daturus ovis. 4.909. protinus accessi, ritus ne nescius essem: 4.910. edidit haec flamen verba, Quirine, tuus: 4.911. ‘aspera Robigo, parcas Cerialibus herbis, 4.912. et tremat in summa leve cacumen humo. 4.913. tu sata sideribus caeli nutrita secundis 4.914. crescere, dum fiant falcibus apta, sinas. 4.915. vis tua non levis est: quae tu frumenta notasti, 4.916. maestus in amissis illa colonus habet, 4.917. nec venti tantum Cereri nocuere nec imbres, 4.918. nec sic marmoreo pallet adusta gelu, 4.919. quantum, si culmos Titan incalfacit udos: 4.920. tunc locus est irae, diva timenda, tuae. 4.921. parce, precor, scabrasque manus a messibus aufer 4.922. neve noce cultis: posse nocere sat est. 4.923. nec teneras segetes, sed durum amplectere ferrum, 4.924. quodque potest alios perdere, perde prior. 4.925. utilius gladios et tela nocentia carpes: 4.926. nil opus est illis, otia mundus agit. 4.927. sarcula nunc durusque bidens et vomer aduncus, 4.928. ruris opes, niteant; inquinet arma situs, 4.929. conatusque aliquis vagina ducere ferrum 4.930. adstrictum longa sentiat esse mora. 4.931. at tu ne viola Cererem, semperque colonus 4.932. absenti possit solvere vota tibi.’ 4.933. dixerat: a dextra villis mantele solutis 4.934. cumque meri patera turis acerra fuit. 4.935. tura focis vinumque dedit fibrasque bidentis 4.936. turpiaque obscenae (vidimus) exta canis. 5.567. spectat et Augusto praetextum nomine templum, 5.568. et visum lecto Caesare maius opus. 6.201. hac sacrata die Tusco Bellona duello 6.212. si titulum quaeris, Sulla probavit opus. 6.213. Quaerebam, Nonas Sanco Fidione referrem, 6.214. an tibi, Semo pater; tum mihi Sancus ait: 6.251. in prece totus eram: caelestia numina sensi, 6.252. laetaque purpurea luce refulsit humus, 6.253. non equidem vidi (valeant mendacia vatum) 6.254. te, dea, nec fueras aspicienda viro; 6.255. sed quae nescieram, quorumque errore tenebar, 6.256. cognita sunt nullo praecipiente mihi. 6.307. nunc quoque, cum fiunt antiquae sacra Vacunae, 6.319. praeteream referamne tuum, rubicunde Priape, 6.320. dedecus? est multi fabula parva loci. 6.321. turrigera frontem Cybele redimita corona 6.322. convocat aeternos ad sua festa deos. 6.323. convocat et satyros et, rustica numina, nymphas; 6.324. Silenus, quamvis nemo vocarat, adest. 6.325. nec licet et longum est epulas narrare deorum: 6.326. in multo nox est pervigilata mero. 6.327. hi temere errabant in opacae vallibus Idae, 6.328. pars iacet et molli gramine membra levat, 6.329. hi ludunt, hos somnus habet, pars brachia nectit 6.330. et viridem celeri ter pede pulsat humum. 6.331. Vesta iacet placidamque capit secura quietem, 6.332. sicut erat, positum caespite fulta caput, 6.333. at ruber hortorum custos nymphasque deasque 6.334. captat et errantes fertque refertque pedes. 6.335. aspicit et Vestam: dubium, nymphamne putant 6.336. an scient Vestam, scisse sed ipse negat. 6.337. spem capit obscenam furtimque accedere temptat 6.338. et fert suspensos corde micante gradus. 6.339. forte senex, quo vectus erat, Silenus asellum 6.340. liquerat ad ripas lene sotis aquae. 6.341. ibat, ut inciperet, longi deus Hellesponti, 6.342. intempestivo cum rudit ille sono. 6.343. territa voce gravi surgit dea; convolat omnis 6.344. turba, per infestas effugit ille manus. 6.479. hac ibi luce ferunt Matutae sacra parenti 6.547. quem nos Portunum, sua lingua Palaemona dicet. 6.731. reddita, quisquis is est, Summano templa feruntur, 1.7. Here you’ll revisit the sacred rites in the ancient texts, 1.129. With salt: on his sacrificial lips I’m Patulcius, 1.130. And then again I’m called Clusius. 1.181. When the temples and ears of the gods are open, 1.223. We too delight in golden temples, however much 1.224. We approve the antique: such splendour suits a god. 1.225. We praise the past, but experience our own times: 1.226. Yet both are ways worthy of being cultivated.’ 1.591. Such titles were never bestowed on men before. 1.633. Maenalian goddess, or companions in your exile: 2.61. Under whose rule the shrines are untouched by age: 2.305. By chance Tirynthian Hercules was walking with Omphale, 2.306. His mistress, and Faunus saw them from a high ridge. 2.307. He saw and burned. ‘Mountain spirits,’ he said, 2.308. ‘No more of your company: she will be my passion.’ 2.309. As the Maeonian girl went by her fragrant hair streamed 2.310. Over her shoulders, her breast was bright with gold: 2.311. A gilded parasol protected her from warm sunlight, 2.312. One Herculean hands, indeed, held over her. 2.313. Now she came to Bacchus’ grove, and Tmolus’ vineyard, 2.314. While dew-wet Hesperus rode his dusky steed. 2.315. She entered a cave roofed with tufa and natural rock, 2.316. And there was a babbling stream at its entrance. 2.317. While her attendants were preparing food and wine, 2.318. She clothed Hercules in her own garments. 2.319. She gave him thin vests dyed in Gaetulian purple, 2.320. Gave him the elegant zone that had bound her waist. 2.321. The zone was too small for his belly, and he unfastened 2.322. The clasps of the vests to thrust out his great hands. 2.323. He fractured her bracelets, not made for such arms, 2.324. And his giant feet split the little shoes. 2.325. She took up his heavy club, and the lion’s pelt, 2.326. And those lesser weapons lodged in their quiver. 2.327. So dressed, they feasted, and gave themselves to sleep, 2.328. Resting on separate couches set next to one another, 2.329. Because they were preparing to celebrate the rite 2.330. of the discoverer of the vine, with purity, at dawn. 2.331. It was midnight. What will unruly love not dare? 2.332. Faunus came through the dark to the dewy cave, 2.333. And seeing the servants lost in drunken slumber, 2.334. Had hopes of their master also being fast asleep. 2.335. Entering, as a reckless lover, he roamed around, 2.336. Following his cautious outstretched hands. 2.337. He reached the couches spread as beds, by touch, 2.338. And this first omen of the future was bright. 2.339. When he felt the bristling tawny lion-skin, 2.340. However, he drew back his hand in terror, 2.341. And recoiled, frozen with fear, as a traveller, troubled, 2.342. Will draw back his foot on seeing a snake. 2.343. Then he touched the soft coverings of the next couch, 2.344. And its deceptive feel misled him. 2.345. He climbed in, and reclined on the bed’s near side, 2.346. And his swollen cock was harder than horn. 2.347. But pulling up the lower hem of the tunic, 2.348. The legs there were bristling with thick coarse hair. 2.349. The Tirynthian hero fiercely repelled another attempt, 2.350. And down fell Faunus from the heights of the couch. 2.351. At the noise, Omphale called for her servants, and light: 2.352. Torches appeared, and events became clear. 2.353. Faunus groaned from his heavy fall from the high couch, 2.354. And could barely lift his limbs from the hard ground. 2.355. Hercules laughed, as did all who saw him lying there, 2.356. And the Lydian girl laughed too, at her lover. 2.357. Betrayed by his clothing: so the god hates clothe 2.358. That trick the eye, and calls the naked to his rites. 2.525. The oven was made a goddess, Fornax: the farmer 2.563. And hide the gods, closing those revealing temple doors, 2.572. of Tacita, the Silent (though she herself is not silent), 2.583. You’ll ask at once, who is the goddess Muta?: 3.199. He prepared a feast for the god, Consus. Consus will tell you 3.291. Can teach you the rites of expiation. But they won’t 3.292. Teach them unless compelled: so catch and bind them.’ 3.429. The temple of Veiovis was consecrated today before the two groves. 3.430. When Romulus ringed his grove with a high stone wall, 3.435. Learn who this god is, and why he is so called. 3.436. He is the young Jupiter: see his youthful face: 3.601. And his daughter too, and had merged both peoples. 3.633. Within her silent heart, and concealed her fears: 3.634. And though she saw many gifts given away openly, 3.635. She suspected many more were sent secretly. 3.636. She hadn’t yet decided what to do: she hated 3.637. With fury, prepared a plan, and wished to die avenged. 3.638. It was night: it seemed her sister Dido stood 3.657. The year (annus): others, Themis, or the Inachian heifer. 3.658. Anna, you’ll find some to say you’re a nymph, daughter 3.659. of Azan, and gave Jupiter his first nourishment. 3.660. I’ll relate another tale that’s come to my ears, 3.661. And it’s not so far away from the truth. 3.662. The Plebs of old, not yet protected by Tribunes, 3.663. Fled, and gathered on the Sacred Mount: 3.664. The food supplies they’d brought with them failed, 3.665. Also the stores of bread fit for human consumption. 3.666. There was a certain Anna from suburban Bovillae, 3.667. A poor woman, old, but very industrious. 3.668. With her grey hair bound up in a light cap, 4.11. From ancient texts I sing the days and reasons, 4.91. She rules the whole world too, and truly deserves to: 4.92. She owns a realm not inferior to any god’s, 4.93. Commands earth and heaven, and her native ocean, 4.94. And maintains all beings from her source. 4.95. She created the gods (too numerous to mention): 4.96. She gave the crops and trees their first roots: 4.97. She brought the crude minds of men together, 4.98. And taught them each to associate with a partner. 4.99. What but sweet pleasure creates all the race of birds? 4.100. Cattle wouldn’t mate, if gentle love were absent. 4.101. The wild ram butts the males with his horn, 4.102. But won’t hurt the brow of his beloved ewe. 4.103. The bull, that the woods and pastures fear, 4.104. Puts off his fierceness and follows the heifer. 4.105. The same force preserves whatever lives in the deep, 4.106. And fills the waters with innumerable fish. 4.107. That force first stripped man of his wild apparel: 4.108. From it he learned refinement and elegance. 4.109. It’s said a banished lover first serenaded 4.110. His mistress by night, at her closed door, 4.111. And eloquence then was the winning of a reluctant maid, 4.112. And everyone pleaded his or her own cause. 4.113. A thousand arts are furthered by the goddess: and the wish 4.114. To delight has revealed many things that were hidden. 4.865. Venus suits those who earn by your profession. 4.866. offer incense and pray for beauty and men’s favour, 4.905. A white-robed throng blocked my road. 4.906. A priest was going to the grove of old Mildew (Robigo), 4.907. To offer the entrails of a dog and a sheep to the flames. 4.908. I went with him, so as not to be ignorant of the rite: 4.909. Your priest, Quirinus, pronounced these words: 4.910. ‘Scaly Mildew, spare the blades of corn, 4.911. And let their tender tips quiver above the soil. 4.912. Let the crops grow, nurtured by favourable stars, 4.913. Until they’re ready for the sickle. 4.914. Your power’s not slight: the corn you blight 4.915. The grieving farmer gives up for lost. 4.916. Wind and showers don’t harm the wheat as much, 4.917. Nor gleaming frost that bleaches the yellow corn, 4.918. As when the sun heats the moist stalks: 4.919. Then, dreadful goddess, is the time of your wrath. 4.920. Spare us, I pray, take your blighted hands from the harvest, 4.921. And don’t harm the crop: it’s enough that you can harm. 4.922. Grip harsh iron rather than the tender wheat, 4.923. Destroy whatever can destroy others first. 4.924. Better to gnaw at swords and harmful spears: 4.925. They’re not needed: the world’s at peace. 4.926. Let the rural wealth gleam now, rakes, sturdy hoes, 4.927. And curved ploughshare: let rust stain weapons: 4.928. And whoever tries to draw his sword from its sheath, 4.929. Let him feel it wedded there by long disuse. 4.930. Don’t you hurt the corn, and may the farmer’ 4.931. Prayer to you always be fulfilled by your absence.’ 4.932. He spoke: to his right there was a soft towel, 4.933. And a cup of wine and an incense casket. 4.934. He offered the incense and wine on the hearth, 4.935. Sheep’s entrails, and (I saw him) the foul guts of a vile dog. 4.936. Then the priest said: ‘You ask why we offer an odd sacrifice 5.567. There he views Romulus carrying Acron’s weapon 5.568. And famous heroes’ deeds below their ranked statues. 6.201. On that day, they say, during the Tuscan War, Bellona’ 6.212. If you ask about the inscription, Sulla approved the work. 6.213. I asked whether I should assign the Nones to Sancus, 6.214. Or Fidius, or you Father Semo: Sancus answered me: 6.251. I was rapt in prayer: I felt the heavenly deity, 6.252. And the happy earth shone with radiant light. 6.253. Not that I saw you, goddess (away with poets’ lies!) 6.254. Nor were you to be looked on by any man: 6.255. But I knew what I’d not known, and the error 6.256. I’d held to were corrected without instruction. 6.307. Even now in sacrificing to ancient Vacuna, 6.319. Red-faced Priapus shall I tell of your shame or pass by? 6.320. It’s a brief tale but it’s a merry one. 6.321. Cybele, whose head is crowned with towers, 6.322. Called the eternal gods to her feast. 6.323. She invited the satyrs too, and those rural divinities, 6.324. The nymphs, and Silenus came, though no one asked him. 6.325. It’s forbidden, and would take too long, to describe the banquet 6.326. of the gods: the whole night was spent drinking deep. 6.327. Some wandered aimlessly in Ida’s shadowy vales, 6.328. Some lay, and stretched their limbs, on the soft grass. 6.329. Some played, some slept, others linked arm 6.330. And beat swift feet threefold on the grassy earth. 6.331. Vesta lay carelessly, enjoying a peaceful rest, 6.332. Her head reclining, resting on the turf. 6.333. But the red-faced keeper of gardens chased the nymph 6.334. And goddesses, and his roving feet turned to and fro. 6.335. He saw Vesta too: it’s doubtful whether he thought her 6.336. A nymph, or knew her as Vesta: he himself denied he knew. 6.337. He had wanton hopes, and tried to approach her in secret, 6.338. And walked on tiptoe, with a pounding heart. 6.339. Old Silenus had chanced to leave the mule 6.340. He rode by the banks of a flowing stream. 6.341. The god of the long Hellespont was about to start, 6.342. When the mule let out an untimely bray. 6.343. Frightened by the raucous noise, the goddess leapt up: 6.344. The whole troop gathered, and Priapus fled through their hands. 6.479. There, on this day, they say, Servius with his own 6.547. Your son will have complete command of harbours, 6.731. Now Laomedon, the wife of your son, Tithonus, rises, and rising
60. Lucretius Carus, On The Nature of Things, 1.38, 1.44-1.49, 1.62-1.79, 1.101-1.103, 1.108-1.109, 1.250-1.261, 1.596, 1.730, 1.737-1.738, 1.1014-1.1015, 1.1064, 2.7-2.13, 2.67-2.79, 2.434-2.435, 2.600-2.643, 2.645-2.651, 2.991-2.993, 2.998-2.1001, 2.1039, 2.1093, 3.18-3.22, 3.28-3.29, 3.371, 3.935-3.939, 3.964-3.965, 3.1003, 3.1024, 3.1045, 5.90, 5.111-5.112, 5.146-5.147, 5.328-5.329, 5.490-5.491, 5.521, 5.622, 5.795-5.796, 5.821-5.824, 5.1204, 6.66, 6.70, 6.76, 6.286, 6.388, 6.575, 6.644, 6.670, 6.1228 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, brutus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 181, 218, 219, 221, 222, 223, 233, 248, 251, 264, 267; Oksanish (2019) 82
1.38. hunc tu, diva, tuo recubantem corpore sancto 1.44. omnis enim per se divum natura necessest 1.45. immortali aevo summa cum pace fruatur 1.46. semota ab nostris rebus seiunctaque longe; 1.47. nam privata dolore omni, privata periclis, 1.48. ipsa suis pollens opibus, nihil indiga nostri, 1.49. nec bene promeritis capitur nec tangitur ira. 1.62. Humana ante oculos foede cum vita iaceret 1.63. in terris oppressa gravi sub religione, 1.64. quae caput a caeli regionibus ostendebat 1.65. horribili super aspectu mortalibus instans, 1.66. primum Graius homo mortalis tollere contra 1.67. est oculos ausus primusque obsistere contra; 1.68. quem neque fama deum nec fulmina nec minitanti 1.69. murmure compressit caelum, sed eo magis acrem 1.70. inritat animi virtutem, effringere ut arta 1.71. naturae primus portarum claustra cupiret. 1.72. ergo vivida vis animi pervicit et extra 1.73. processit longe flammantia moenia mundi 1.74. atque omne immensum peragravit mente animoque, 1.75. unde refert nobis victor quid possit oriri, 1.76. quid nequeat, finita potestas denique cuique 1.77. qua nam sit ratione atque alte terminus haerens. 1.78. quare religio pedibus subiecta vicissim 1.79. opteritur, nos exaequat victoria caelo. 1.101. tantum religio potuit suadere malorum. 1.102. Tutemet a nobis iam quovis tempore vatum 1.103. terriloquis victus dictis desciscere quaeres. 1.108. aerumnarum homines, aliqua ratione valerent 1.109. religionibus atque minis obsistere vatum. 1.250. postremo pereunt imbres, ubi eos pater aether 1.251. in gremium matris terrai praecipitavit; 1.252. at nitidae surgunt fruges ramique virescunt 1.253. arboribus, crescunt ipsae fetuque gravantur. 1.254. hinc alitur porro nostrum genus atque ferarum, 1.255. hinc laetas urbes pueris florere videmus 1.256. frondiferasque novis avibus canere undique silvas, 1.257. hinc fessae pecudes pinguis per pabula laeta 1.258. corpora deponunt et candens lacteus umor 1.259. uberibus manat distentis, hinc nova proles 1.260. artubus infirmis teneras lasciva per herbas 1.261. ludit lacte mero mentes perculsa novellas. 1.596. qua nam sit ratione atque alte terminus haerens, 1.730. nec sanctum magis et mirum carumque videtur. 1.737. ex adyto tam quam cordis responsa dedere 1.738. sanctius et multo certa ratione magis quam 1.1014. nec mare nec tellus neque caeli lucida templa 1.1015. nec mortale genus nec divum corpora sancta 1.1064. sponte sua possint in caeli templa volare; 2.7. sed nihil dulcius est, bene quam munita tenere 2.8. edita doctrina sapientum templa serena, 2.9. despicere unde queas alios passimque videre 2.10. errare atque viam palantis quaerere vitae, 2.11. certare ingenio, contendere nobilitate, 2.12. noctes atque dies niti praestante labore 2.13. ad summas emergere opes rerumque potiri. 2.67. nam certe non inter se stipata cohaeret 2.68. materies, quoniam minui rem quamque videmus 2.69. et quasi longinquo fluere omnia cernimus aevo 2.70. ex oculisque vetustatem subducere nostris, 2.71. cum tamen incolumis videatur summa manere 2.72. propterea quia, quae decedunt corpora cuique, 2.73. unde abeunt minuunt, quo venere augmine dot. 2.74. illa senescere, at haec contra florescere cogunt, 2.75. nec remorantur ibi. sic rerum summa novatur 2.76. semper, et inter se mortales mutua vivunt. 2.77. augescunt aliae gentes, aliae minuuntur, 2.78. inque brevi spatio mutantur saecla animantum 2.79. et quasi cursores vitai lampada tradunt. 2.434. tactus enim, tactus, pro divum numina sancta, 2.435. corporis est sensus, vel cum res extera sese 2.600. Hanc veteres Graium docti cecinere poetae 2.601. sedibus in curru biiugos agitare leones, 2.602. aeris in spatio magnam pendere docentes 2.603. tellurem neque posse in terra sistere terram. 2.604. adiunxere feras, quia quamvis effera proles 2.605. officiis debet molliri victa parentum. 2.606. muralique caput summum cinxere corona, 2.607. eximiis munita locis quia sustinet urbes. 2.608. quo nunc insigni per magnas praedita terras 2.609. horrifice fertur divinae matris imago. 2.610. hanc variae gentes antiquo more sacrorum 2.611. Idaeam vocitant matrem Phrygiasque catervas 2.612. dant comites, quia primum ex illis finibus edunt 2.613. per terrarum orbes fruges coepisse creari. 2.614. Gallos attribuunt, quia, numen qui violarint 2.615. Matris et ingrati genitoribus inventi sint, 2.616. significare volunt indignos esse putandos, 2.617. vivam progeniem qui in oras luminis edant. 2.618. tympana tenta tot palmis et cymbala circum 2.619. concava, raucisonoque mitur cornua cantu, 2.620. et Phrygio stimulat numero cava tibia mentis, 2.621. telaque praeportant, violenti signa furoris, 2.622. ingratos animos atque impia pectora volgi 2.623. conterrere metu quae possint numine divae. 2.624. ergo cum primum magnas invecta per urbis 2.625. munificat tacita mortalis muta salute, 2.626. aere atque argento sternunt iter omne viarum 2.627. largifica stipe ditantes ninguntque rosarum 2.628. floribus umbrantes matrem comitumque catervam. 2.629. hic armata manus, Curetas nomine Grai 2.630. quos memorant, Phrygias inter si forte catervas 2.631. ludunt in numerumque exultant sanguine laeti 2.632. terrificas capitum quatientes numine cristas, 2.633. Dictaeos referunt Curetas, qui Iovis illum 2.634. vagitum in Creta quondam occultasse feruntur, 2.635. cum pueri circum puerum pernice chorea 2.636. armat et in numerum pernice chorea 2.637. armati in numerum pulsarent aeribus aera, 2.638. ne Saturnus eum malis mandaret adeptus 2.639. aeternumque daret matri sub pectore volnus. 2.640. propterea magnam armati matrem comitantur, 2.641. aut quia significant divam praedicere ut armis 2.642. ac virtute velint patriam defendere terram 2.643. praesidioque parent decorique parentibus esse. 2.645. longe sunt tamen a vera ratione repulsa. 2.646. omnis enim per se divom natura necessest 2.647. inmortali aevo summa cum pace fruatur 2.648. semota ab nostris rebus seiunctaque longe; 2.649. nam privata dolore omni, privata periclis, 2.650. ipsa suis pollens opibus, nihil indiga nostri, 2.651. nec bene promeritis capitur neque tangitur ira. 2.991. / l 2.992. omnibus ille idem pater est, unde alma liquentis 2.993. umoris guttas mater cum terra recepit, 2.998. qua propter merito maternum nomen adepta est. 2.999. cedit item retro, de terra quod fuit ante, 2.1000. in terras, et quod missumst ex aetheris oris, 2.1001. id rursum caeli rellatum templa receptant. 2.1039. suspicere in caeli dignatur lucida templa. 2.1093. nam pro sancta deum tranquilla pectora pace 3.18. apparet divum numen sedesque quietae, 3.19. quas neque concutiunt venti nec nubila nimbis 3.20. aspergunt neque nix acri concreta pruina 3.21. cana cadens violat semper que innubilus aether 3.22. integit et large diffuso lumine ridet: 3.28. his ibi me rebus quaedam divina voluptas 3.29. percipit atque horror, quod sic natura tua vi 3.371. Democriti quod sancta viri sententia ponit, 3.935. nam si grata fuit tibi vita ante acta priorque 3.936. et non omnia pertusum congesta quasi in vas 3.937. commoda perfluxere atque ingrata interiere; 3.938. cur non ut plenus vitae conviva recedis 3.939. aequo animoque capis securam, stulte, quietem? 3.964. cedit enim rerum novitate extrusa vetustas 3.965. semper, et ex aliis aliud reparare necessest. 3.1003. deinde animi ingratam naturam pascere semper 3.1024. Hoc etiam tibi tute interdum dicere possis. 3.1045. tu vero dubitabis et indignabere obire? 5.90. qua nam sit ratione atque alte terminus haerens. 5.111. sanctius et multo certa ratione magis quam 5.112. Pythia quae tripode a Phoebi lauroque profatur, 5.146. Illud item non est ut possis credere, sedes 5.147. esse deum sanctas in mundi partibus ullis. 5.328. quo tot facta virum totiens cecidere neque usquam 5.329. aeternis famae monimentis insita florent? 5.490. corpora multa vaporis et aeris aëris altaque caeli 5.491. densabant procul a terris fulgentia templa. 5.521. passim per caeli volvunt summania templa, 5.622. Democriti quod sancta viri sententia ponit, 5.795. linquitur ut merito maternum nomen adepta 5.796. terra sit, e terra quoniam sunt cuncta creata. 5.821. Quare etiam atque etiam maternum nomen adepta 5.822. terra tenet merito, quoniam genus ipsa creavit 5.823. humanum atque animal prope certo tempore fudit 5.824. omne quod in magnis bacchatur montibus passim, 5.1204. nam cum suspicimus magni caelestia mundi 6.66. rursus in antiquas referuntur religionis 6.70. qua nam sit ratione atque alte terminus haerens; 6.76. possit, ut ex ira poenas petere inbibat acris, 6.286. opprimere ut caeli videantur templa superne. 6.388. terrifico quatiunt sonitu caelestia templa 6.575. hac igitur ratione vacillant omnia tecta, 6.644. fumida cum caeli scintillare omnia templa 6.670. id quoque enim fit et ardescunt caelestia templa 6.1228. volvere in ore licere et caeli templa tueri,
61. Tibullus, Elegies, 1.2.83-1.2.86, 1.2.93-1.2.96, 2.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 173, 217, 227, 240
62. Horace, Epodes, 9.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus iunius Found in books: Rohland (2022) 104
63. Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 14 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 183
64. Ovid, Epistulae (Heroides), 7.19-7.20 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 178
65. Ovid, Epistulae Ex Ponto, 1.1.3-1.1.6, 1.1.9-1.1.10, 2.2.83-2.2.84, 2.8.11-2.8.12, 2.8.61-2.8.62, 2.10.50, 3.1.132, 4.4.27-4.4.28, 4.4.35, 4.4.42, 4.5.1-4.5.16, 4.9.5, 4.9.21-4.9.22, 4.9.24-4.9.28, 4.9.31-4.9.32 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 176, 177, 191, 226, 227, 255
66. Julius Caesar, De Bello Civli, 3.105 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 249
67. Julius Caesar, De Bello Gallico, 6.13-6.21 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 248
68. Varro, Ap. Augustine, De Civitate Dei, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 199
69. Sallust, Catiline, 12.3, 31.1-31.3, 37.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus •cicero, marcus tullius, and brutus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 155, 165, 262
70. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Oksanish (2019) 82, 84
71. Catullus, Poems, 17.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 197
72. Plutarch, Brutus, 9.3, 14.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50, 183
9.3. βουλομένων δὲ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων τοῦ Φαύστου καὶ οἰκείων ἐπεξιέναι καὶ δικάζεσθαι Πομπήϊος ἐκώλυσε, καὶ συναγαγὼν εἰς ταὐτὸ τοὺς παῖδας ἀμφοτέρους ἀνέκρινε περὶ τοῦ πράγματος. 14.3. εἰς ταύτην οὖν ἡ σύγκλητος ἐκαλεῖτο τοῦ Μαρτίου μηνὸς μάλιστα μεσοῦντος ʽεἰδοὺς Μαρτίας τὴν ἡμέραν Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν̓, ὥστε καὶ δαίμων τις ἐδόκει τὸν ἄνδρα τῇ Πομπηΐου δίκῃ προσάξειν. 9.3. 14.3.
73. Plutarch, Camillus, 6.1, 42.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 37, 225
6.1. διαπορθήσας δὲ τὴν πόλιν ἔγνω τὸ ἄγαλμα τῆς Ἥρας μεταφέρειν εἰς Ῥώμην, ὥσπερ εὔξατο. καὶ συνελθόντων ἐπὶ τούτῳ τῶν τεχνιτῶν, ὁ μὲν ἔθυε καὶ προσεύχετο τῇ θεῷ δέχεσθαι τὴν προθυμίαν αὐτῶν καὶ εὐμενῆ γενέσθαι σύνοικον τοῖς λαχοῦσι τὴν Ῥώμην θεοῖς, τὸ δʼ ἄγαλμά φασιν ὑποφθεγξάμενον εἰπεῖν. ὅτι καὶ βούλεται καὶ συγκαταινεῖ. 42.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ προκαθημένου τοῦ Καμίλλου καὶ χρηματίζοντος ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ὑπηρέτης πεμφθεὶς παρὰ τῶν δημάρχων ἐκέλευσεν ἀκολουθεῖν καὶ τὴν χεῖρα τῷ σώματι προσῆγεν ὡς ἀπάξων, κραυγὴ δὲ καὶ θόρυβος, οἷος οὔπω, κατέσχε τὴν ἀγοράν, τῶν μὲν περὶ τὸν Κάμιλλον ὠθούντων ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος τὸν δημόσιον, τῶν δὲ πολλῶν κάτωθεν ἕλκειν ἐπικελευομένων, ἀπορούμενος τοῖς παροῦσι τὴν μὲν ἀρχὴν οὐ προήκατο, τοὺς δὲ βουλευτὰς ἀναλαβὼν ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ τὴν σύγκλητον. 6.1. After he had utterly sacked the city, he determined to transfer the image of Juno to Rome, in accordance with his vows. The workmen were assembled for the purpose, and Camillus was sacrificing and praying the goddess to accept of their zeal and to be a kindly co-dweller with the gods of Rome, when the image, they say, spoke in low tones and said she was ready and willing. 42.2. But once when Camillus was seated in state and despatching public business in the forum, an officer, sent by the tribunes of the people, ordered him to follow, actually laying hands upon him as though to hale him away. All at once such cries and tumult as had never been heard before filled the forum, the friends of Camillus thrusting the plebeian officer down from the tribunal, and the multitude below ordering him to drag the dictator away. Camillus, perplexed at the issue, did not renounce his office, but taking the senators with him, marched off to their place of meeting.
74. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Polybium (Ad Polybium De Consolatione) (Dialogorum Liber Xi), 4.2, 14.5 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 158, 172
75. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 24.3, 58.4, 75.3-75.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 156, 250
24.3. ἡ γὰρ Ἀσία πᾶσα, καθάπερ ἡ Σοφόκλειος ἐκείνη πόλις, ὁμοῦ μὲν θυμιαμάτων ἔγεμεν, ὁμοῦ δὲ παιάνων τε καὶ στεναγμάτων. εἰς γοῦν Ἔφεσον εἰσιόντος αὐτοῦ γυναῖκες μὲν εἰς Βάκχας, ἄνδρες δὲ καὶ παῖδες εἰς Σατύρους καὶ Πᾶνας ἡγοῦντο διεσκευασμένοι, κιττοῦ δὲ καὶ θύρσων καὶ ψαλτηρίων καὶ συρίγγων καὶ αὐλῶν ἡ πόλις ἦν πλέα, Διόνυσον αὐτὸν ἀνακαλουμένων χαριδότην καὶ μειλίχιον. 58.4. ἀλλόκοτον γὰρ ἔδοξεν εἶναι καὶ δεινόν, εὐθύνας τινὰ διδόναι ζῶντα περὶ ὧν ἐβουλήθη γενέσθαι μετὰ τὴν τελευτήν. ἐπεφύετο δὲ τῶν γεγραμμένων μάλιστα τῷ περὶ τῆς ταφῆς. ἐκέλευε γὰρ αὑτοῦ τὸ σῶμα, κἂν ἐν Ῥώμῃ τελευτήσῃ, δι’ ἀγορᾶς πομπευθὲν εἰς Ἀλεξάνδρειαν ὡς Κλεοπάτραν ἀποσταλῆναι. 75.3. ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ νυκτὶ λέγεται, μεσούσης σχεδόν, ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ καὶ κατηφείᾳ τῆς πόλεως διὰ φόβον καὶ προσδοκίαν τοῦ μέλλοντος οὔσης, αἰφνίδιον ὀργάνων τε παντοδαπῶν ἐμμελεῖς τινας φωνὰς ἀκουσθῆναι καὶ βοὴν ὄχλου μετὰ εὐασμῶν καὶ πηδήσεων σατυρικῶν, ὥσπερ θιάσου τινὸς οὐκ ἀθορύβως ἐξελαύνοντος· 75.4. εἶναι δὲ τὴν ὁρμὴν ὁμοῦ τι διὰ τῆς πόλεως μέσης ἐπὶ τὴν πύλην ἔξω τὴν τετραμμένην πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ ταύτῃ τὸν θόρυβον ἐκπεσεῖν πλεῖστον γενόμενον. ἐδόκει δὲ τοῖς ἀναλογιζομένοις τὸ σημεῖον ἀπολείπειν ὁ θεὸς Ἀντώνιον, ᾧ μάλιστα συνεξομοιῶν καὶ συνοικειῶν ἑαυτὸν διετέλεσεν. 24.3. 58.4. 75.3. 75.4.
76. Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 10.2, 25.3, 28.2, 32.2, 33.1, 34.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 37, 163, 182, 242, 254
10.2. οὗτος ἦν Παῦλος Αἰμίλιος, ἡλικίας μὲν ἤδη πρόσω καὶ περὶ ἑξήκοντα γεγονὼς ἔτη, ῥώμῃ δὲ σώματος ἀκμάζων, πεφραγμένος δὲ κηδεσταῖς καὶ παισὶ νεανίαις καὶ φίλων πλήθει καὶ συγγενῶν μέγα δυναμένων, οἳ πάντες αὐτὸν ὑπακοῦσαι καλοῦντι τῷ δήμῳ πρὸς τὴν ὑπατείαν ἔπειθον. 25.3. ὁ δʼ ἐντυχὼν πρῶτος αὐτοῖς κατʼ ἀγορὰν πρὸ τῆς κρήνης, ἀναψύχουσι τοὺς ἵππους ἱδρῶτι πολλῷ περιρρεομένους, ἐθαύμαζε τὸν περὶ τῆς νίκης λόγον. 28.2. ἐπιὼν γὰρ ἀνελάμβανε τοὺς δήμους καὶ τὰ πολιτεύματα καθίστατο, καὶ δωρεὰς ἐδίδου, ταῖς μὲν σῖτον ἐκ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ, ταὶς δʼ ἔλαιον. 32.2. πεμφθῆναι δʼ αὐτὸν οὕτω λέγουσιν. ὁ μὲν δῆμος ἔν τε τοῖς ἱππικοῖς θεάτροις, ἃ κίρκους καλοῦσι, περί τε τήν ἀγορὰν ἰκρία πηξάμενοι, καὶ τἆλλα τῆς πόλεως μέρη καταλαβόντες, ὡς ἕκαστα παρεῖχε τῆς πομπῆς ἔποψιν, ἐθεῶντο καθαραῖς ἐσθῆσι κεκοσμημένοι. 33.1. τῆς δὲ τρίτης ἡμέρας ἕωθεν μὲν εὐθὺς ἐπορεύοντο σαλπιγκταί μέλος οὐ προσόδιον καὶ πομπικόν, ἀλλʼ οἵῳ μαχομένους ἐποτρύνουσιν αὑτοὺς Ῥωμαῖοι, προσεγκελευόμενοι. 34.4. δηλῶν τὸν πρὸ αἰσχύνης θάνατον, ὃν οὐχ ὑπομείνας ὁ δείλαιος, ἀλλʼ ὑπʼ ἐλπίδων τινῶν ἀπομαλακισθείς ἐγεγόνει μέρος τῶν αὑτοῦ λαφύρων. 10.2. This man was Paulus Aemilius, now advanced in life and about sixty years of age, but in the prime of bodily vigour, and hedged about with youthful sons and sons-in-law, and with a host of friends and kinsmen of great influence, all of whom urged him to give ear to the people when it summoned him to the consulship. 25.3. The first man who met them in front of the spring in the forum, where they were cooling their horses, which were reeking with sweat, was amazed at their report of the victory. See the Coriolanus , iii. 4. 28.2. For in his progress he restored the popular governments and established their civil polities; he also gave gifts to the cities, to some grain from the royal stores, to others oil. 32.2. And it was conducted, In November, 167 B.C. they say, after the following fashion. The people erected scaffoldings in the theatres for equestrian contests, which they call circuses, and round the forum, occupied the other parts of the city which afforded a view of the procession, and witnessed the spectacle arrayed in white garments. 33.1. On the third day, as soon as it was morning, trumpeters led the way, sounding out no marching or processional strain, but such a one as the Romans use to rouse themselves to battle. 34.4. ignifying death in preference to disgrace; for this, however, the coward had not the heart, but was made weak by no one knows what hopes, and became a part of his own spoils.
77. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 5.1.6-5.1.7, 6.198, 35.157, 36.4.17, 36.4.26, 36.4.28, 36.25, 36.104, 36.106, 36.123 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 167, 179, 235, 236, 251, 259
78. New Testament, Matthew, 26.30 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 203
26.30. Καὶ ὑμνήσαντες ἐξῆλθον εἰς τὸ Ὄρος τῶν Ἐλαιῶν. 26.30. When they had sung a hymn, they went out to the Mount of Olives.
79. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 8.3, 14.7, 33.2, 67.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 37, 163
8.3. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν οὐκ οἶ δα ὅπως ὁ Κικέρων, εἴπερ ἦν ἀληθές, ἐν τῷ περὶ τῆς ὑπατείας οὐκ ἔγραψεν αἰτίαν δὲ εἶχεν ὕστερον ὡς ἄριστα τῷ καιρῷ τότε παρασχόντι κατὰ τοῦ Καίσαρος μὴ χρησάμενος, ἀλλʼ ἀποδειλιάσας τὸν δῆμον ὑπερφυῶς περιεχόμενον τοῦ Καίσαρος, ὅς γε καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας εἰς τὴν βουλὴν εἰσελθόντος αὐτοῦ καὶ περὶ ὧν ἐν ὑποψίαις ἦν ἀπολογουμένου καὶ περιπίπτοντος θορύβοις πονηροῖς, ἐπειδὴ πλείων τοῦ συνήθους ἐγίγνετο τῇ βουλῇ καθεζομένῃ χρόνος, ἐπῆλθε μετὰ κραυγῆς καὶ περιέστη τὴν σύγκλητον, ἀπαιτῶν τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ κελεύων ἀφεῖναι. 14.7. Κάτωνα μὲν οὖν ἐπιχειρήσαντα τούτοις ἀντιλέγειν ἀπῆγεν εἰς φυλακὴν ὁ Καῖσαρ, οἰόμενος αὐτὸν ἐπικαλέσεσθαι τοὺς δημάρχους· ἐκείνου δὲ ἀφώνου βαδίζοντος ὁρῶν ὁ Καῖσαρ οὐ μόνον τοὺς κρατίστους δυσφοροῦντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ δημοτικὸν αἰδοῖ τῆς Κάτωνος ἀρετῆς σιωπῇ καὶ μετὰ κατηφείας ἑπόμενον, αὐτὸς ἐδεήθη κρύφα τῶν δημάρχων ἑνὸς ἀφελέσθαι τὸν Κάτωνα. 33.2. τὴν δὲ Ῥώμην ὥσπερ ὑπὸ ῥευμάτων πιμπλαμένην φυγαῖς τῶν πέριξ δήμων καὶ μεταστάσεσιν, οὔτε ἄρχοντι πεῖσαι ῥᾳδίαν οὖσαν οὔτε λόγῳ καθεκτήν, ἐν πολλῷ κλύδωνι καὶ σάλῳ μικρὸν ἀπολιπεῖν αὐτὴν ὑφʼ αὑτῆς ἀνατετράφθαι. πάθη γὰρ ἀντίπαλα καὶ βίαια κατεῖχε κινήματα πάντα τόπον. 67.4. μεθʼ ἡμέραν δὲ τῶν περὶ Βροῦτον κατελθόντων καὶ ποιησαμένων λόγους, ὁ μὲν δῆμος οὔτε δυσχεραίνων οὔτε ὡς ἐπαινῶν τὰ πεπραγμένα τοῖς λεγομένοις προσεῖχεν, ἀλλʼ ὑπεδήλου τῇ πολλῇ σιωπῇ Καίσαρα μὲν οἰκτείρων, αἰδούμενος δὲ Βροῦτον, ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος ἀμνηστίας τινὰς καὶ συμβάσεις πράττουσα πᾶσι Καίσαρα μὲν ὡς θεὸν τιμᾶν ἐψηφίσατο καὶ κινεῖν μηδὲ τὸ μικρότατον ὧν ἐκεῖνος ἄρχων ἐβούλευσε, τοῖς δὲ περὶ Βροῦτον ἐπαρχίας τε διένειμε καὶ τιμὰς ἀπέδωκε πρεπούσας, ὥστε πάντας οἴεσθαι τὰ πράγματα κατάστασιν ἔχειν καὶ σύγκρασιν ἀπειληφέναι τὴν ἀρίστην. 8.3. 14.7. 33.2. 67.4.
80. Martial, Epigrams, 4.64.11-4.64.12, 5.10.5-5.10.6, 8.50.1-8.50.2, 8.80.5-8.80.8, 9.79.1-9.79.4, 10.20, 10.28, 10.58.7-10.58.8, 12.15, 12.18.1-12.18.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 163, 168, 178, 185, 227, 259, 262, 263
81. Persius, Saturae, 1.83-1.84 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kaster(2005) 93
82. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 123, 38, 60 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 197
83. Persius, Satires, 1.83-1.84 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kaster(2005) 93
84. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Marciam, 22.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 267
85. Seneca The Younger, De Consolatione Ad Helviam, 6.2, 12.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 165, 239
86. New Testament, Mark, 14.26 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 203
14.26. Καὶ ὑμνήσαντες ἐξῆλθον εἰς τὸ Ὄρος τῶν Ἐλαιῶν. 14.26. When they had sung a hymn, they went out to the Mount of Olives.
87. Seneca The Younger, De Clementia, 1.5.5, 1.6.1, 1.8.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 167, 173, 181
88. Seneca The Younger, De Brevitate Vitae (Dialogorum Liber X ), 2.4, 12.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 171, 172
89. New Testament, Acts, 14.28, 17.28 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 232
14.28. διέτριβον δὲ χρόνον οὐκ ὀλίγον σὺν τοῖς μαθηταῖς. 17.28. ἐν αὐτῷ γὰρ ζῶμεν καὶ κινούμεθα καὶ ἐσμέν, ὡς καί τινες τῶν καθʼ ὑμᾶς ποιητῶν εἰρήκασιν q type="spoken" 14.28. They stayed there with the disciples for a long time. 17.28. 'For in him we live, and move, and have our being.' As some of your own poets have said, 'For we are also his offspring.'
90. Juvenal, Satires, 1.30-1.33, 1.37-1.38, 1.63-1.65, 1.69, 1.84-1.86, 3.7-3.9, 3.17-3.20, 3.61-3.62, 3.190-3.196, 3.236-3.237, 3.239-3.240, 3.243-3.248, 3.254, 5.104-5.106, 8.76-8.77, 11.111, 13.219, 14.259-14.262 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 164, 165, 169, 170, 171, 189, 227, 233, 239, 240, 267
91. Martial, Epigrams, 4.64.11-4.64.12, 5.10.5-5.10.6, 8.50.1-8.50.2, 8.80.5-8.80.8, 9.79.1-9.79.4, 10.20, 10.28, 10.58.7-10.58.8, 12.15, 12.18.1-12.18.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 163, 168, 178, 185, 227, 259, 262, 263
92. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.450-1.458, 1.490-1.498, 2.28-2.35, 3.399-3.425, 5.28-5.29, 5.116-5.227, 7.404-7.405, 8.132-8.133, 9.215-9.216, 10.15-10.19 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 37, 162, 164, 233, 234, 244, 249, 269
93. Seneca The Younger, De Beneficiis, 3.28.2, 4.8.2, 4.19.1, 5.15.5, 6.15.7, 6.32.3, 6.34.4, 7.3.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50, 173, 179, 181, 201, 232, 233, 265
94. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 123, 38, 60 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 197
95. Epictetus, Discourses, 2.8.26 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 243
96. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 12.10.9 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 240, 241
97. Plutarch, Cato The Younger, 21.2, 27.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 174, 182
21.2. εἶναι γάρ ἀπὸ μὲν τοῦ Πόμπωνος τοὺς Πομπωνίους, ἀπὸ δὲ Πίνου τοὺς Πιναρίους, ἀπὸ δὲ Κάλπου τοὺς Καλπουρνίους, ἀπὸ δὲ Μαμέρκου τοὺς Μαμερκίους, οἷς διὰ τοῦτο καὶ Ῥῆγας γενέσθαι παρωνύμιον, ὅπερ ἐστὶ βασιλέας, τρίτοι δέ εἰσιν οἱ τούτων μὲν κατηγοροῦντες ὡς χαριζομένων τοῖς γένεσι καὶ προστιθέντων οὐκ ἀληθῆ στέμματα τῆς ἀπὸ Νομᾶ διαδοχῆς, τὴν δὲ Πομπιλίαν οὐκ ἐκ Τατίας γεγονέναι λέγοντες, ἀλλʼ ἐξ ἑτέρας γυναικός, ἣν ἤδη βασιλεύων ἔγημε, Λουκρητίας· 21.2.
98. Suetonius, Iulius, 84.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 156, 184
99. Suetonius, Nero, 10 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50
100. Suetonius, Titus, 11, 4, 8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 266
101. Suetonius, Vespasianus, 6-8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 266
102. Suetonius, Vitellius, 11 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 187
103. Tacitus, Agricola, 43, 40 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 189
104. Tacitus, Annals, 2.61, 2.82-2.83, 2.88, 3.4, 15.41, 15.43, 15.69 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50, 157, 159, 180, 244, 261, 265
2.61. Ceterum Germanicus aliis quoque miraculis intendit animum, quorum praecipua fuere Memnonis saxea effigies, ubi radiis solis icta est, vocalem sonum reddens, disiectasque inter et vix pervias arenas instar montium eductae pyramides certamine et opibus regum, lacusque effossa humo, superfluentis Nili receptacula; atque alibi angustiae et profunda altitudo, nullis inquirentium spatiis penetrabilis. exim ventum Elephantinen ac Syenen, claustra olim Romani imperii, quod nunc rubrum ad mare patescit. 2.82. At Romae, postquam Germanici valetudo percrebuit cunctaque ut ex longinquo aucta in deterius adferebantur, dolor ira, et erumpebant questus. ideo nimirum in extremas terras relegatum, ideo Pisoni permissam provinciam; hoc egisse secretos Augustae cum Plancina sermones. vera prorsus de Druso seniores locutos: displicere regtibus civilia filiorum ingenia, neque ob aliud interceptos quam quia populum Romanum aequo iure complecti reddita libertate agitaverint. hos vulgi sermones audita mors adeo incendit ut ante edictum magistratuum, ante senatus consultum sumpto iustitio desererentur fora, clauderentur domus. passim silentia et gemitus, nihil compositum in ostentationem; et quamquam neque insignibus lugentium abstinerent, altius animis maerebant. forte negotiatores vivente adhuc Germanico Syria egressi laetiora de valetudine eius attulere. statim credita, statim vulgata sunt: ut quisque obvius, quamvis leviter audita in alios atque illi in plures cumulata gaudio transferunt. cursant per urbem, moliuntur templorum foris; iuvat credulitatem nox et promptior inter tenebras adfirmatio. nec obstitit falsis Tiberius donec tempore ac spatio vanescerent: et populus quasi rursum ereptum acrius doluit. 2.83. Honores ut quis amore in Germanicum aut ingenio validus reperti decretique: ut nomen eius Saliari carmine caneretur; sedes curules sacerdotum Augustalium locis superque eas querceae coronae statuerentur; ludos circensis eburna effigies praeiret neve quis flamen aut augur in locum Germanici nisi gentis Iuliae crearetur. arcus additi Romae et apud ripam Rheni et in monte Syriae Amano cum inscriptione rerum gestarum ac mortem ob rem publicam obisse. sepulchrum Antiochiae ubi crematus, tribunal Epidaphnae quo in loco vitam finierat. statuarum locorumve in quis coleretur haud facile quis numerum inierit. cum censeretur clipeus auro et magni- tudine insignis inter auctores eloquentiae, adseveravit Tiberius solitum paremque ceteris dicaturum: neque enim eloquentiam fortuna discerni et satis inlustre si veteres inter scriptores haberetur. equester ordo cuneum Germanici appellavit qui iuniorum dicebatur, instituitque uti turmae idibus Iuliis imaginem eius sequerentur. pleraque manent: quaedam statim omissa sunt aut vetustas oblitteravit. 2.88. Reperio apud scriptores senatoresque eorundem temporum Adgandestrii principis Chattorum lectas in senatu litteras, quibus mortem Arminii promittebat si patrandae neci venenum mitteretur, responsumque esse non fraude neque occultis, sed palam et armatum populum Romanum hostis suos ulcisci. qua gloria aequabat se Tiberius priscis imperatoribus qui venenum in Pyrrum regem vetuerant prodiderantque. ceterum Arminius abscedentibus Romanis et pulso Maroboduo regnum adfectans libertatem popularium adversam habuit, petitusque armis cum varia fortuna certaret, dolo propinquorum cecidit: liberator haud dubie Germaniae et qui non primordia populi Romani, sicut alii reges ducesque, sed florentissi- mum imperium lacessierit, proeliis ambiguus, bello non victus. septem et triginta annos vitae, duodecim potentiae explevit, caniturque adhuc barbaras apud gentis, Graecorum annalibus ignotus, qui sua tantum mirantur, Romanis haud perinde celebris, dum vetera extollimus recentium incuriosi. 3.4. Dies quo reliquiae tumulo Augusti inferebantur modo per silentium vastus, modo ploratibus inquies; plena urbis itinera, conlucentes per campum Martis faces. illic miles cum armis, sine insignibus magistratus, populus per tribus concidisse rem publicam, nihil spei reliquum clamitabant, promptius apertiusque quam ut meminisse imperitantium crederes. nihil tamen Tiberium magis penetravit quam studia hominum accensa in Agrippinam, cum decus patriae, solum Augusti sanguinem, unicum antiquitatis specimen appellarent versique ad caelum ac deos integram illi subolem ac superstitem iniquorum precarentur. 3.4. Eodem anno Galliarum civitates ob magnitudinem aeris alieni rebellionem coeptavere, cuius extimulator acerrimus inter Treviros Iulius Florus, apud Aeduos Iulius Sacrovir. nobilitas ambobus et maiorum bona facta eoque Romana civitas olim data, cum id rarum nec nisi virtuti pretium esset. ii secretis conloquiis, ferocissimo quoque adsumpto aut quibus ob egestatem ac metum ex flagitiis maxima peccandi necessitudo, componunt Florus Belgas, Sacrovir propiores Gallos concire. igitur per conciliabula et coetus seditiosa disserebant de continuatione tributorum, gravitate faenoris, saevitia ac superbia praesidentium, et discordare militem audito Germanici exitio. egregium resumendae libertati tempus, si ipsi florentes quam inops Italia, quam inbellis urbana plebes, nihil validum in exercitibus nisi quod externum, cogitarent. 15.41. Domuum et insularum et templorum quae amissa sunt numerum inire haud promptum fuerit: sed vetustissima religione, quod Servius Tullius Lunae et magna ara fanumque quae praesenti Herculi Arcas Evander sacraverat, aedesque Statoris Iovis vota Romulo Numaeque regia et delubrum Vestae cum Penatibus populi Romani exusta; iam opes tot victoriis quaesitae et Graecarum artium decora, exim monumenta ingeniorum antiqua et incorrupta, ut quamvis in tanta resurgentis urbis pulchritudine multa seniores meminerint quae reparari nequibant. fuere qui adnotarent xiiii Kal. Sextilis principium incendii huius ortum, et quo Senones captam urbem inflammaverint. alii eo usque cura progressi sunt ut totidem annos mensisque et dies inter utraque incendia numerent. 15.43. Ceterum urbis quae domui supererant non, ut post Gallica incendia, nulla distinctione nec passim erecta, sed dimensis vicorum ordinibus et latis viarum spatiis cohibitaque aedificiorum altitudine ac patefactis areis additisque porticibus quae frontem insularum protegerent. eas porticus Nero sua pecunia extructurum purgatasque areas dominis traditurum pollicitus est. addidit praemia pro cuiusque ordine et rei familiaris copiis finivitque tempus intra quod effectis domibus aut insulis apiscerentur. ruderi accipiendo Ostiensis paludes destinabat utique naves quae frumentum Tiberi subvectassent onustae rudere decurrerent; aedificiaque ipsa certa sui parte sine trabibus saxo Gabino Albanove solidarentur, quod is lapis ignibus impervius est; iam aqua privatorum licentia intercepta quo largior et pluribus locis in publicum flueret, custodes; et subsidia reprimendis ignibus in propatulo quisque haberet; nec communione parietum, sed propriis quaeque muris ambirentur. ea ex utilitate accepta decorem quoque novae urbi attulere. erant tamen qui crederent veterem illam formam salubritati magis conduxisse, quoniam angustiae itinerum et altitudo tectorum non perinde solis vapore perrumperentur: at nunc patulam latitudinem et nulla umbra defensam graviore aestu ardescere. 15.69. Igitur non crimine, non accusatore existente, quia speciem iudicis induere non poterat, ad vim dominationis conversus Gerellanum tribunum cum cohorte militum immittit iubetque praevenire conatus consulis, occupare velut arcem eius, opprimere delectam iuventutem, quia Vestinus imminentis foro aedis decoraque servitia et pari aetate habebat. cuncta eo die munia consulis impleverat conviviumque celebrabat, nihil metuens an dissimulando metu, cum ingressi milites vocari eum a tribuno dixere. ille nihil demoratus exsurgit et omnia simul properantur: clauditur cubiculo, praesto est medicus, abscinduntur venae, vigens adhuc balneo infertur, calida aqua mersatur, nulla edita voce qua semet miseraretur. circumdati interim custodia qui simul discubuerant, nec nisi provecta nocte omissi sunt, postquam pavorem eorum, ex mensa exitium opperientium, et imaginatus et inridens Nero satis supplicii luisse ait pro epulis consularibus. 2.61.  But other marvels, too, arrested the attention of Germanicus: in especial, the stone colossus of Memnon, which emits a vocal sound when touched by the rays of the sun; the pyramids reared mountain high by the wealth of emulous kings among wind-swept and all but impassable sands; the excavated lake which receives the overflow of Nile; and, elsewhere, narrow gorges and deeps impervious to the plummet of the explorer. Then he proceeded to Elephantine and Syene, once the limits of the Roman Empire, which now stretches to the Persian Gulf. 2.82.  But at Rome, when the failure of Germanicus' health became current knowledge, and every circumstance was reported with the aggravations usual in news that has travelled far, all was grief and indignation. A storm of complaints burst out:— "So for this he had been relegated to the ends of earth; for this Piso had received a province; and this had been the drift of Augusta's colloquies with Plancina! It was the mere truth, as the elder men said of Drusus, that sons with democratic tempers were not pleasing to fathers on a throne; and both had been cut off for no other reason than because they designed to restore the age of freedom and take the Roman people into a partnership of equal rights." The announcement of his death inflamed this popular gossip to such a degree that before any edict of the magistrates, before any resolution of the senate, civic life was suspended, the courts deserted, houses closed. It was a town of sighs and silences, with none of the studied advertisements of sorrow; and, while there was no abstention from the ordinary tokens of bereavement, the deeper mourning was carried at the heart. Accidentally, a party of merchants, who had left Syria while Germanicus was yet alive, brought a more cheerful account of his condition. It was instantly believed and instantly disseminated. No man met another without proclaiming his unauthenticated news; and by him it was passed to more, with supplements dictated by joy. Crowds were running in the streets and forcing temple-doors. Credulity throve — it was night, and affirmation is boldest in the dark. Nor did Tiberius check the fictions, but left them to die out with the passage of time; and the people added bitterness for what seemed a second bereavement. 2.83.  Affection and ingenuity vied in discovering and decreeing honours to Germanicus: his name was to be chanted in the Saliar Hymn; curule chairs surmounted by oaken crowns were to be set for him wherever the Augustal priests had right of place; his effigy in ivory was to lead the procession at the Circus Games, and no flamen or augur, unless of the Julian house, was to be created in his room. Arches were added, at Rome, on the Rhine bank, and on the Syrian mountain of Amanus, with an inscription recording his achievements and the fact that he had died for his country. There was to be a sepulchre in Antioch, where he had been cremated; a funeral monument in Epidaphne, the suburb in which he had breathed his last. His statues, and the localities in which his cult was to be practised, it would be difficult to enumerate. When it was proposed to give him a gold medallion, as remarkable for the size as for the material, among the portraits of the classic orators, Tiberius declared that he would dedicate one himself "of the customary type, and in keeping with the rest: for eloquence was not measured by fortune, and its distinction enough if he ranked with the old masters." The equestrian order renamed the so‑called "junior section" in their part of the theatre after Germanicus, and ruled that on the fifteenth of July the cavalcade should ride behind his portrait. Many of these compliments remain: others were discontinued immediately, or have lapsed with the years. 2.88.  I find from contemporary authors, who were members of the senate, that a letter was read in the curia from the Chattan chief Adgandestrius, promising the death of Arminius, if poison were sent to do the work; to which the reply went back that "it was not by treason nor in the dark but openly and in arms that the Roman people took vengeance on their foes": a high saying intended to place Tiberius on a level with the old commanders who prohibited, and disclosed, the offer to poison King Pyrrhus. Arminius himself, encouraged by the gradual retirement of the Romans and the expulsion of Maroboduus, began to aim at kingship, and found himself in conflict with the independent temper of his countrymen. He was attacked by arms, and, while defending himself with chequered results, fell by the treachery of his relatives. Undoubtedly the liberator of Germany; a man who, not in its infancy as captains and kings before him, but in the high noon of its sovereignty, threw down the challenge to the Roman nation, in battle with ambiguous results, in war without defeat; he completed thirty-seven years of life, twelve of power, and to this day is sung in tribal lays, though he is an unknown being to Greek historians, who admire only the history of Greece, and receives less than his due from us of Rome, who glorify the ancient days and show little concern for our own. 3.4.  The day on which the remains were consigned to the mausoleum of Augustus was alternately a desolation of silence and a turmoil of laments. The city-streets were full, the Campus Martius alight with torches. There the soldier in harness, the magistrate lacking his insignia, the burgher in his tribe, iterated the cry that "the commonwealth had fallen and hope was dead" too freely and too openly for it to be credible that they remembered their governors. Nothing, however, sank deeper into Tiberius' breast than the kindling of men's enthusiasm for Agrippina — "the glory of her country, the last scion of Augustus, the peerless pattern of ancient virtue." So they styled her; and, turning to heaven and the gods, prayed for the continuance of her issue — "and might they survive their persecutors!" 15.41.  It would not be easy to attempt an estimate of the private dwellings, tenement-blocks, and temples, which were lost; but the flames consumed, in their old-world sanctity, the temple dedicated to Luna by Servius Tullius, the great altar and chapel of the Arcadian Evander to the Present Hercules, the shrine of Jupiter Stator vowed by Romulus, the Palace of Numa, and the holy place of Vesta with the Penates of the Roman people. To these must be added the precious trophies won upon so many fields, the glories of Greek art, and yet again the primitive and uncorrupted memorials of literary genius; so that, despite the striking beauty of the rearisen city, the older generation recollects much that it proved impossible to replace. There were those who noted that the first outbreak of the fire took place on the nineteenth of July, the anniversary of the capture and burning of Rome by the Senones: others have pushed their researches so far as to resolve the interval between the two fires into equal numbers of years, of months, and of days. 15.43.  In the capital, however, the districts spared by the palace were rebuilt, not, as after the Gallic fire, indiscriminately and piecemeal, but in measured lines of streets, with broad thoroughfares, buildings of restricted height, and open spaces, while colonnades were added as a protection to the front of the tenement-blocks. These colonnades Nero offered to erect at his own expense, and also to hand over the building-sites, clear of rubbish, to the owners. He made a further offer of rewards, proportioned to the rank and resources of the various claimants, and fixed a term within which houses or blocks of tenement must be completed, if the bounty was to be secured. As the receptacle of the refuse he settled upon the Ostian Marshes, and gave orders that vessels which had carried grain up the Tiber must run down-stream laden with débris. The buildings themselves, to an extent definitely specified, were to be solid, untimbered structures of Gabine or Alban stone, that particular stone being proof against fire. Again, there was to be a guard to ensure that the water-supply — intercepted by private lawlessness — should be available for public purposes in greater quantities and at more points; appliances for checking fire were to be kept by everyone in the open; there were to be no joint partitions between buildings, but each was to be surrounded by its own walls. These reforms, welcomed for their utility, were also beneficial to the appearance of the new capital. Still, there were those who held that the old form had been the more salubrious, as the narrow streets and high-built houses were not so easily penetrated by the rays of the sun; while now the broad expanses, with no protecting shadows, glowed under a more oppressive heat. 15.69.  Accordingly, with neither a charge nor an accuser forthcoming, Nero, precluded from assuming the character of judge, turned to plain despotic force, and sent out the tribune Gerellanus with a cohort of soldiers, under orders to "forestall the attempts of the consul, seize what might be termed his citadel, and suppress his chosen corps of youths": Vestinus maintained a house overlooking the forum, and a retinue of handsome slaves of uniform age. On that day, he had fulfilled the whole of his consular functions, and was holding a dinner-party, either apprehending nothing or anxious to dissemble whatever he apprehended, when soldiers entered and said the tribune was asking for him. He rose without delay, and all was hurried through in a moment. He shut himself in his bedroom, the doctor was at hand, the arteries were cut: still vigorous, he was carried into the bath and plunged in hot water, without letting fall a word of self-pity. In the meantime, the guests who had been at table with him were surrounded by guards; nor were they released till a late hour of the night, when Nero, laughing at the dismay, which he had been picturing in his mind's eye, of the diners who were awaiting destruction after the feast, observed that they had paid dearly enough for their consular banquet.
105. Tacitus, Germania (De Origine Et Situ Germanorum), 9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 247
106. Tacitus, Histories, 1.40, 1.72, 2.78, 2.89, 3.71, 3.84, 4.82, 5.5, 5.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 37, 179, 187, 225, 244, 245, 247
1.72.  Equal delight, but for different reasons, was felt when the destruction of Tigellinus was secured. ofonius Tigellinus was of obscure parentage; his youth had been infamous and in his old age he was profligate. Command of the city watch and of the praetorians and other prizes which belong to virtue he had obtained by vices as the quicker course; then, afterwards, he practised cruelty and later greed, offences which belong to maturity. He also corrupted Nero so that he was ready for any wickedness; he dared certain acts without Nero's knowledge and finally deserted and betrayed him. So no one was more persistently demanded for punishment from different motives, both by those who hated Nero and by those who regretted him. Under Galba Tigellinus had been protected by the influence of Titus Vinius, who claimed that Tigellinus had saved his daughter. He undoubtedly had saved her, not, however, prompted by mercy (he had killed so many victims!) but to secure a refuge for the future, since the worst of rascals in their distrust of the present and fear of a change always try to secure private gratitude as an off-set to public detestation, having no regard for innocence, but wishing to obtain mutual impunity in wrong-doing. These facts made the people more hostile toward him, and their old hatred was increased by their recent dislike for Titus Vinius. They rushed from every part of the city to the Palatine and the fora, and, pouring into the circus and theatres where the common people have the greatest licence, they broke out into seditious cries, until finally Tigellinus, at the baths of Sinuessa, receiving the message that the hour of his supreme necessity had come, amid the embraces and kisses of his mistresses, shamefully delaying his end, finally cut his throat with a razor, still further defiling a notorious life by a tardy and ignominious death. 2.78.  After Mucianus had spoken, the rest became bolder; they gathered about Vespasian, encouraged him, and recalled the prophecies of seers and the movements of the stars. Nor indeed was he wholly free from such superstitious belief, as was evident later when he had obtained supreme power, for he openly kept at court an astrologer named Seleucus, whom he regarded as his guide and oracle. Old omens came back to his mind: once on his country estate a cypress of conspicuous height suddenly fell, but the next day it rose again on the selfsame spot fresh, tall, and with wider expanse than before. This occurrence was a favourable omen of great significance, as the haruspices all agreed, and promised the highest distinctions for Vespasian, who was then still a young man. At first, however, the insignia of a triumph, his consulship, and his victory over Judea appeared to have fulfilled the promise given by the omen; yet after he had gained these honours, he began to think that it was the imperial throne that was foretold. Between Judea and Syria lies Carmel: this is the name given to both the mountain and the divinity. The god has no image or temple — such is the rule handed down by the fathers; there is only an altar and the worship of the god. When Vespasian was sacrificing there and thinking over his secret hopes in his heart, the priest Basilides, after repeated inspection of the victim's vitals, said to him: "Whatever you are planning, Vespasian, whether to build a house, or to enlarge your holdings, or to increase the number of your slaves, the god grants you a mighty home, limitless bounds, and a multitude of men." This obscure oracle rumour had caught up at the time, and now was trying to interpret; nothing indeed was more often on men's lips. It was discussed even more in Vespasian's presence — for men have more to say to those who are filled with hope. The two leaders now separated with clear purposes before them, Mucianus going to Antioch, Vespasian to Caesarea. Antioch is the capital of Syria, Caesarea of Judea. 2.89.  Vitellius, mounted on a handsome horse and wearing a general's cloak and arms, had set out from the Mulvian bridge, driving the senate and people before him; but he was dissuaded by his courtiers from entering Rome as if it were a captured city, and so he changed to a senator's toga, ranged his troops in good order, and made his entry on foot. The eagles of four legions were at the head of the line, while the colours of four other legions were to be seen on either side; then came the standards of twelve troops of cavalry, and after them foot and horse; next marched thirty-four cohorts distinguished by the names of their countries or by their arms. Before the eagles marched the prefects of camp, the tribunes, and the chief centurions, dressed in white; the other centurions, with polished arms and decorations gleaming, marched each with his century. The common soldiers' medals and collars were likewise bright and shining. It was an imposing sight and an army which deserved a better emperor than Vitellius. With this array he mounted the Capitol, where he embraced his mother and bestowed on her the name of Augusta. 3.71.  Martialis had hardly returned to the Capitol when the soldiers arrived in fury. They had no leader; each directed his own movements. Rushing through the Forum and past the temples that rise above it, they advanced in column up the hill, as far as the first gates of the Capitoline citadel. There were then some old colonnades on the right as you go up the slopes; the defenders came out on the roofs of these and showered stones and tiles on their assailants. The latter had no arms except their swords, and they thought that it would cost too much time to send for artillery and missiles; consequently they threw firebrands on a projecting colonnade, and then followed in the path of the flames; they actually burned the gates of the Capitol and would have forced their way through, if Sabinus had not torn down all the statues, memorials to the glory of our ancestors, and piled them up across the entrance as a barricade. Then the assailants tried different approaches to the Capitol, one by the grove of the asylum and another by the hundred steps that lead up to the Tarpeian Rock. Both attacks were unexpected; but the one by the asylum was closer and more threatening. Moreover, the defenders were unable to stop those who climbed through neighbouring houses, which, built high in time of peace, reached the level of the Capitol. It is a question here whether it was the besiegers or the besieged who threw fire on the roofs. The more common tradition says this was done by the latter in their attempts to repel their assailants, who were climbing up or had reached the top. From the houses the fire spread to the colonnades adjoining the temple; then the "eagles" which supported the roof, being of old wood, caught and fed the flames. So the Capitol burned with its doors closed; none defended it, none pillaged it. 3.84.  The greatest difficulty was met in taking the Praetorian Camp, which the bravest soldiers defended as their last hope. The resistance made the victors only the more eager, the old praetorian cohorts being especially determined. They employed at the same time every device that had ever been invented for the destruction of the strongest cities — the "tortoise," artillery, earthworks, and firebrands — shouting that all the labour and danger that they had suffered in all their battles would be crowned by this achievement. "We have given back the city to the senate and the Roman people," they cried; "we have restored the temples to the gods. The soldier's glory is in his camp: that is his native city, that his penates. If the camp is not at once recovered, we must spend the night under arms." On their side the Vitellians, unequal though they were in numbers and in fortune, by striving to spoil the victory, to delay peace, and to defile the houses and altars of the city with blood, embraced the last solace left to the conquered. Many, mortally wounded, breathed their last on the towers and battlements; when the gates were broken down, the survivors in a solid mass opposed the victors and to a man fell giving blow for blow, dying with faces to the foe; so anxious were they, even at the moment of death, to secure a glorious end. On the capture of the city Vitellius was carried on a chair through the rear of the palace to his wife's house on the Aventine, so that, in case he succeeded in remaining undiscovered during the day, he might escape to his brother and the cohorts at Tarracina. But his fickle mind and the very nature of terror, which makes the present situation always seem the worst to one who is fearful of everything, drew him back to the palace. This he found empty and deserted, for even the meanest of his slaves had slipped away or else avoided meeting him. The solitude and the silent spaces filled him with fright: he tried the rooms that were closed and shuddered to find them empty. Exhausted by wandering forlornly about, he concealed himself in an unseemly hiding-place; but Julius Placidus, tribune of a cohort, dragged him to the light. With his arms bound behind his back, his garments torn, he presented a grievous sight as he was led away. Many cried out against him, not one shed a tear; the ugliness of the last scene had banished pity. One of the soldiers from Germany met him and struck at him in rage, or else his purpose was to remove him the quicker from insult, or he may have been aiming at the tribune — no one could tell. He cut off the tribune's ear and was at once run through. 4.82.  These events gave Vespasian a deeper desire to visit the sanctuary of the god to consult him with regard to his imperial fortune: he ordered all to be excluded from the temple. Then after he had entered the temple and was absorbed in contemplation of the god, he saw behind him one of the leading men of Egypt, named Basilides, who he knew was detained by sickness in a place many days' journey distant from Alexandria. He asked the priests whether Basilides had entered the temple on that day; he questioned the passers-by whether he had been seen in the city; finally, he sent some cavalry and found that at that moment he had been eighty miles away: then he concluded that this was a supernatural vision and drew a prophecy from the name Basilides. 5.5.  Whatever their origin, these rites are maintained by their antiquity: the other customs of the Jews are base and abominable, and owe their persistence to their depravity. For the worst rascals among other peoples, renouncing their ancestral religions, always kept sending tribute and contributions to Jerusalem, thereby increasing the wealth of the Jews; again, the Jews are extremely loyal toward one another, and always ready to show compassion, but toward every other people they feel only hate and enmity. They sit apart at meals, and they sleep apart, and although as a race, they are prone to lust, they abstain from intercourse with foreign women; yet among themselves nothing is unlawful. They adopted circumcision to distinguish themselves from other peoples by this difference. Those who are converted to their ways follow the same practice, and the earliest lesson they receive is to despise the gods, to disown their country, and to regard their parents, children, and brothers as of little account. However, they take thought to increase their numbers; for they regard it as a crime to kill any late-born child, and they believe that the souls of those who are killed in battle or by the executioner are immortal: hence comes their passion for begetting children, and their scorn of death. They bury the body rather than burn it, thus following the Egyptians' custom; they likewise bestow the same care on the dead, and hold the same belief about the world below; but their ideas of heavenly things are quite the opposite. The Egyptians worship many animals and monstrous images; the Jews conceive of one god only, and that with the mind alone: they regard as impious those who make from perishable materials representations of gods in man's image; that supreme and eternal being is to them incapable of representation and without end. Therefore they set up no statues in their cities, still less in their temples; this flattery is not paid their kings, nor this honour given to the Caesars. But since their priests used to chant to the accompaniment of pipes and cymbals and to wear garlands of ivy, and because a golden vine was found in their temple, some have thought that they were devotees of Father Liber, the conqueror of the East, in spite of the incongruity of their customs. For Liber established festive rites of a joyous nature, while the ways of the Jews are preposterous and mean. 5.9.  The first Roman to subdue the Jews and set foot in their temple by right of conquest was Gnaeus Pompey; thereafter it was a matter of common knowledge that there were no representations of the gods within, but that the place was empty and the secret shrine contained nothing. The walls of Jerusalem were razed, but the temple remained standing. Later, in the time of our civil wars, when these eastern provinces had fallen into the hands of Mark Antony, the Parthian prince, Pacorus, seized Judea, but he was slain by Publius Ventidius, and the Parthians were thrown back across the Euphrates: the Jews were subdued by Gaius Sosius. Antony gave the throne to Herod, and Augustus, after his victory, increased his power. After Herod's death, a certain Simon assumed the name of king without waiting for Caesar's decision. He, however, was put to death by Quintilius Varus, governor of Syria; the Jews were repressed; and the kingdom was divided into three parts and given to Herod's sons. Under Tiberius all was quiet. Then, when Caligula ordered the Jews to set up his statue in their temple, they chose rather to resort to arms, but the emperor's death put an end to their uprising. The princes now being dead or reduced to insignificance, Claudius made Judea a province and entrusted it to Roman knights or to freedmen; one of the latter, Antonius Felix, practised every kind of cruelty and lust, wielding the power of king with all the instincts of a slave; he had married Drusilla, the grand-daughter of Cleopatra and Antony, and so was Antony's grandson-in‑law, while Claudius was Antony's grandson.
107. Plutarch, Coriolanus, 3.4, 15.1, 16.1, 17.1, 17.3, 21.3, 30.2, 32.1, 33.1, 37.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 159, 161, 163, 174, 227, 254
3.4. ἦν δὲ καὶ σιτίον ἀπʼ αὐτῆς ἡ βάλανος καὶ ποτὸν τὸ μελίτειον, ὄψον δὲ παρεῖχε τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν νεμομένων τε καὶ πτηνῶν, θήρας ὄργανον φέρουσα τὸν ἰξόν. ἐν ἐκείνῃ δὲ τῇ μάχῃ καὶ τοὺς Διοσκούρους ἐπιφανῆναι λέγουσι, καὶ μετὰ τὴν μάχην εὐθὺς ὀφθῆναι ῥεομένοις ἱδρῶτι τοῖς ἵπποις ἐν ἀγορᾷ τὴν νίκην ἀπαγγέλλοντας, οὗ νῦν παρὰ τὴν κρήνην νεώς ἐστιν αὐτοῖς ἱδρυμένος, ὅθεν καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν ἐπινίκιον οὖσαν, ἐν τῷ Ἰουλίῳ μηνὶ τὰς εἰδούς, Διοσκούροις ἀνιερώκασι. 15.1. ἀλλὰ τοῦ γε Μαρκίου πολλὰς ὑποφαίνοντος ὠτειλὰς ἀπὸ πολλῶν ἀγώνων, ἐν οἷς ἐπρώτευσεν ἑπτακαίδεκα ἔτη συνεχῶς στρατευόμενος, ἐδυσωποῦντο τὴν ἀρετὴν, καὶ λόγον ἀλλήλοις ἐδίδοσαν ὡς ἐκεῖνον ἀποδείξοντες. ἐπεὶ δέ, τῆς ἡμέρας ἐν ᾗ τὴν ψῆφον ἔδει φέρειν ἐνστάσης, ὁ Μάρκιος εἰς ἀγορὰν ἐνέβαλε σοβαρῶς ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς προπεμπόμενος, καὶ πάντες οἱ πατρίκιοι περὶ αὐτὸν ἐγένοντο φανεροὶ πρὸς μηδένʼ οὕτω μηδέποτε σπουδάσαντες, 16.1. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ σῖτος ἧκεν εἰς Ῥώμην, πολὺς μέν ὠνητὸς ἐξ Ἰταλίας, οὐκ ἐλάττων δὲ δωρητὸς ἐκ Συρακουσῶν, Γέλωνος τοῦ τυράννου πέμψαντος· ὥστε τοὺς πλείστους ἐν ἐλπίσι γενέσθαι χρησταῖς, ἅμα τῆς ἀπορίας καὶ τῆς διαφορᾶς τὴν πόλιν ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι προσδοκῶντας, εὐθὺς οὖν βουλῆς ἀθροισθείσης περιχυθεὶς ὁ δῆμος ἔξωθεν ἐκαραδόκει τό τέλος, ἐλπίζων ἀγορᾷ τε χρήσεσθαι φιλανθρώπῳ καὶ προῖκα τὰς δωρεὰς νεμήσεσθαι. καὶ γὰρ ἔνδον ἦσαν οἱ ταῦτα τὴν βουλὴν πείθοντες. 17.1. πολλὰ τοιαῦτα λέγων ὁ Μάρκιος ὑπερφυῶς εἶχε τοὺς νέους συνενθουσιῶντας αὐτῷ καὶ τοὺς πλουσίους ὀλίγου δεῖν ἅπαντας, μόνον ἐκεῖνον ἄνδρα τὴν πόλιν ἔχειν ἀήττητον καὶ ἀκολάκευτον βοῶντας, ἔνιοι δὲ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων ἠναντιοῦντο, ὑφορώμενοι τὸ ἀποβησόμενον. ἀπέβη δὲ χρηστὸν οὐδέν. οἱ γὰρ δήμαρχοι παρόντες, ὡς ᾔσθοντο τῇ γνώμῃ κρατοῦντα τὸν Μάρκιον, ἐξέδραμον εἰς τὸν ὄχλον μετὰ βοῆς παρακελευόμενοι συνίστασθαι καὶ βοηθεῖν αὐτοῖς τοὺς πολλούς. 17.3. τότε μὲν οὖν ἑσπέρα καταλαβοῦσα τὴν ταραχὴν διέλυσεν· ἅμα δὲʼ ἡμέρᾳ τὸν δῆμον ἐξηγριωμένον ὁρῶντες οἱ ὕπατοι καὶ συντρέχοντα πανταχόθεν εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν ἔδεισαν ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως, καὶ τὴν βουλὴν ἀθροίσαντες ἐκέλευον σκοπεῖν ὅπως ἐπιεικέσι λόγοις καὶ δόγμασι χρηστοῖς πραΰνωσι καὶ καταστήσωσι τοὺς πολλούς, ὡς οὐ φιλοτιμίας οὖσαν ὥραν, οὐδʼ ὑπὲρ δόξης ἅμιλλαν, εἰ σωφρονοῦσιν, ἀλλὰ καιρὸν ἐπισφαλῆ καὶ ὀξὺν, εὐγνώμονος πολιτείας καὶ φιλανθρώπου δεόμενον. 21.3. εἰσελθὼν γὰρ οἴκαδε, καὶ τὴν μητέρα καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα μετὰ κλαυθμοῦ καὶ βοῆς ὀλοφυρομένας ἀσπασάμενος καὶ κελεύσας μετρίως φέρειν τὸ συμβεβηκός, εὐθὺς ἀπιὼν ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ τὰς πύλας. ἐκεῖ δὲ τῶν πατρικίων ὁμοῦ πάντων προπεμπόντων αὐτὸν οὔτε τι λαβὼν οὔτε τινὸς δεηθεὶς ἀπηλλάττετο, τρεῖς ἢ τέτταρας πελάτας ἔχων περὶ αὑτόν. 30.2. ἀλλʼ ὁρῶντες ἐν τῇ πόλει διαδρομὰς γυναικῶν καὶ πρὸς ἱεροῖς ἱκεσίας καὶ δάκρυα πρεσβυτῶν καὶ δεήσεις, πάντα δʼ ἐνδεᾶ τόλμης καὶ σωτηρίων λογισμῶν, συνέγνωσαν ὀρθῶς τὸν δῆμον ἐπὶ τὰς διαλλαγὰς τοῦ Μαρκίου τραπέσθαι, τὴν δὲ βουλὴν τοῦ παντὸς ἁμαρτάνειν, ὅτε παύσασθαι καλῶς εἶχεν ὀργῆς καὶ μνησικακίας, ἀρχομένην. ἔδοξεν οὖν πᾶσι πρέσβεις ἀποστεῖλαι πρὸς τὸν Μάρκιον ἐκείνῳ τε κάθοδον διδόντας εἰς τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὸν πόλεμον αὐτοῖς λῦσαι δεομένους. 32.1. ἐπανελθόντων δὲ τῶν πρέσβεων ἀκούσασα ἡ βουλή, καθάπερ ἐν χειμῶνι πολλῷ καὶ κλύδωνι τῆς πόλεως, ἄρασα τὴν ἀφʼ· ἱερᾶς ἀφῆκεν. ὅσοι γὰρ ἦσαν ἱερεῖς θεῶν ἢ μυστηρίων ὀργιασταὶ ἢ φύλακες ἢ τὴν ἀπʼ οἰωνῶν πάτριον οὖσαν ἐκ παλαιῶν μαντικὴν ἔχοντες, τούτους πάντας ἀπιέναι πρὸς τὸν Μάρκιον ἐψηφίσαντο, κεκοσμημένους ὡς ἦν ἑκάστῳ νόμος ἐν ταῖς ἱερουργίαις· λέγειν δὲ ταὐτὰ, καὶ παρακαλεῖν ὅπως ἀπαλλάξας τὸν πόλεμον οὕτω διαλέγηται περὶ τῶν Οὐολούσκων τοῖς πολίταις. 33.1. ἐν δὲ τῇ Ῥώμῃ τότε τῶν γυναικῶν ἄλλαι μὲν πρὸς ἄλλοις ἱεροῖς, αἱ δὲ πλεῖσται καὶ δοκιμώταται περὶ τὸν τοῦ Καπιτωλίου Διὸς βωμὸν ἱκέτευον. ἐν δὲ ταύταις ἦν ἡ Ποπλικόλα τοῦ μεγάλα καὶ πολλὰ Ῥωμαίους ἔν τε πολέμοις καὶ πολιτείαις ὠφελήσαντος ἀδελφὴ Οὐαλερία. Ποπλικόλας μὲν οὖν ἐτεθνήκει πρότερον, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γεγραμμένοις ἱστορήκαμεν, ἡ δὲ Οὐαλερία δόξαν εἶχεν ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ τιμήν, δοκοῦσα τῷ βίῳ μὴ καταισχύνειν τὸ γένος. 37.1. ὁ δὲ Ῥωμαίων δῆμος ἐν ὅσῳ φόβῳ καί κινδύνῳ καθειστήκει τοῦ πολέμου παρόντος, αἴσθησιν παρέσχε μᾶλλον λυθέντος. ἅμα γὰρ ἀφεώρων τοὺς Οὐολούσκους ἀναζευγνύοντας οἱ περὶ τὰ τείχη, καί πᾶν εὐθὺς ἱερὸν ἀνεῴγει στεφανηφορούντων ὥσπερ ἐπὶ νίκῃ καί θυόντων. μάλιστα δὲ τῇ περὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ἀγαπήσει καί τιμῇ τῆς τε βουλῆς τοῦ τε πλήθους ἅπαντος ἔνδηλος ἦν ἡ χαρὰ τῆς πόλεως, καί λεγόντων καί νομιζόντων γεγονέναι τῆς σωτηρίας περὶφανῶς ἐκείνας αἰτίας. 3.4. In the battle of which I was speaking, it is said that Castor and Pollux appeared, and that immediately after the battle they were seen, their horses all a-drip with sweat, in the forum, announcing the victory, by the fountain where their temple now stands. Therefore the day on which this victory was won, the Ides of July, was consecrated to the Dioscuri. 15.1. 16.1. 17.1. With many such words as these Marcius was beyond measure successful in filling the younger senators, and almost all the wealthy ones, with his own fierce enthusiasm, and they cried out that he was the only man in the city who disdained submission and flattery. But some of the older senators opposed him, suspecting the outcome. And the outcome was wholly bad. For the tribunes were present, and when they saw that the proposal of Marcius was likely to prevail, they ran out among the crowd with loud cries, calling upon the plebeians to rally to their help. 17.3. 21.3. 30.2. 32.1. 33.1. Chapter xxiii. but Valeria was still enjoying her repute and honour in the city, where her life was thought to adorn her lineage. 37.1.
108. Plutarch, Marius, 32.1, 34.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 182, 183
32.1. ἐπανελθὼν δὲ εἰς Ῥώμην οἰκίαν ἐδείματο τῆς ἀγορᾶς πλησίον, εἴτε, ὡς αὐτὸς ἔλεγε, τοὺς θεραπεύοντας αὐτὸν ἐνοχλεῖσθαι μὴ βουλόμενος μακρὰν βαδίζοντας, εἴτε τοῦτο αἴτιον οἰόμενος εἶναι τοῦ μὴ πλείονας ἄλλων ἐπὶ θύρας αὐτοῦ φοιτᾶν. τὸ δ’ οὐκ ἦν ἄρα τοιοῦτον ἀλλʼ ὁμιλίας χάριτι καὶ πολιτικαῖς χρείαις ἑτέρων λειπόμενος ὥσπερ ὄργανον πολεμικὸν ἐπʼ εἰρήνης παρημεχεῖτο. 34.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ Μάριος φιλοτίμως πάνυ καὶ μειρακιωδῶς ἀποτριβόμενος τὸ γῆρας καὶ τὴν ἀσθένειαν ὁσημέραι κατέβαινεν εἰς τὸ πεδίον, καὶ μετὰ τῶν νεανίσκων γυμναζόμενος ἐπεδείκνυε τὸ σῶμα κοῦφον μὲν ὅπλοις, ἔποχον δὲ ταῖς ἱππασίαις, καίπερ οὐκ εὐσταλὴς γεγονώς ἐν γήρᾳ τὸν ὄγκον, ἀλλʼ εἰς σάρκα περιπληθῆ καὶ βαρεῖαν ἐνδεδωκώς. 32.1. 34.3.
109. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 2.4, 7.3, 8.7-8.8, 10.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 37, 157, 163, 182, 250
2.4. ἑτέρα δὲ ταραχὴ καὶ στάσις κατελάμβανε τὴν πόλιν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μέλλοντος ἀποδειχθήσεσθαι βασιλέως, οὔπω τῶν ἐπηλύδων κομιδῇ τοῖς πρώτοις συγκεκραμένων πολίταις, ἀλλʼ ἔτι τοῦ τε δήμου πολλὰ κυμαίνοντος ἐν ἑαυτῷ καὶ τῶν πατρικίων ἐν ὑποψίαις ἐκ τοῦ διαφόρου πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὄντων, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ βασιλεύεσθαι μὲν ἐδόκει πᾶσιν, ἤρισαν δὲ καὶ διέστησαν οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἀνδρὸς μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ γένους, ὁπότερον παρέξει τὸν ἡγεμόνα, καὶ γάρ οἱ μετὰ Ῥωμύλου· 7.3. σιγὴ δὲ ἄπιστος ἐν πλήθει τοσούτῳ τὴν ἀγορὰν κατεῖχε καραδοκούντων καὶ συναιωρουμένων τῷ μέλλοντι, μέχρι οὗ προὐφάνησαν ὄρνιθες ἀγαθοὶ καὶ δεξιοὶ ἐπέτρεψαν καὶ δεξιοὶ ἐπέτρεψαν with S: καὶ δεξιοὶ καὶ ἐπέτρεψαν . οὕτω δὲ τὴν βασιλικὴν ἀναλαβὼν ἐσθῆτα κατέβαινε Νομᾶς εἰς τὸ πλῆθος ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας, τότε δὲ καὶ φωναὶ καὶ δεξιώσεις ἦσαν ὡς εὐσεβέστατον καὶ θεοφιλέστατον δεχομένων. 8.7. ἔστι δὲ καὶ τὰ περὶ τῶν ἀφιδρυμάτων νομοθετήματα παντάπασιν ἀδελφὰ τῶν Πυθαγόρου δογμάτων, οὔτε γὰρ ἐκεῖνος αἰσθητὸν ἢ παθητόν, ἀόρατον δὲ καὶ ἄκτιστον ἄκτιστον Sintenis 1 with AC, followed by Bekker: ἀκήρατον ( unmixed ). καὶ νοητὸν ὑπελάμβανεν εἶναι τὸ πρῶτον, οὗτός τε διεκώλυσεν ἀνθρωποειδῆ καὶ ζῳόμορφον εἰκόνα θεοῦ Ῥωμαίους νομίζειν. οὐδʼ ἦν παρʼ αὑτοῖς οὔτε γραπτὸν οὔτε πλαστὸν εἶδος θεοῦ πρότερον, 8.8. ἀλλʼ ἐν ἑκατὸν ἑβδομήκοντα τοῖς πρώτοις ἔτεσι ναοὺς μὲν οἰκοδομού μεν οι καὶ καλιάδας ἱερὰς ἱστῶντες, ἄγαλμα δὲ οὐδὲν ἔμμορφον ποιούμενοι διετέλουν, ὡς οὔτε ὅσιον ἀφομοιοῦν τὰ βελτίονα τοῖς χείροσιν οὔτε ἐφάπτεσθαι θεοῦ δυνατὸν ἄλλως ἢ νοήσει, κομιδῆ δὲ καὶ τὰ τῶν θυσιῶν ἔχεται τῆς Πυθαγορικῆς ἁγιστείας· ἀναίμακτοι γάρ ἦσαν αἵ γε πολλαί, διʼ ἀλφίτου καὶ σπονδῆς καὶ τῶν εὐτελεστάτων πεποιημέναι. 10.6. αὐτὴν δὲ τὴν κολαζομένην εἰς φορεῖον ἐνθέμενοι καὶ καταστεγάσαντες ἔξωθεν καὶ καταλαβόντες ἱμᾶσιν, ὡς μηδὲ φωνὴν ἐξάκουστον γενέσθαι, κομίζουσι διʼ ἀγορᾶς, ἐξίστανται δὲ πάντες σιωπῇ καὶ παραπέμπουσιν ἄφθογγοι μετά τινος δεινῆς κατηφείας οὐδὲ ἔστιν ἕτερον θέαμα φρικτότερον, οὐδʼ ἡμέραν ἡ πόλις ἄλλην ἄγει στυγνοτέραν ἐκείνης. 2.4. The city was now beset with fresh disturbance and faction over the king to be appointed in his stead, for the new comers were not yet altogether blended with the original citizens, but the commonalty was still like a surging sea, and the patricians full of jealousy towards one another on account of their different nationalities. It is indeed true that it was the pleasure of all to have a king, but they wrangled and quarrelled, not only about the man who should be their leader, but also about the tribe which should furnish him. 2.4. The city was now beset with fresh disturbance and faction over the king to be appointed in his stead, for the new comers were not yet altogether blended with the original citizens, but the commonalty was still like a surging sea, and the patricians full of jealousy towards one another on account of their different nationalities. It is indeed true that it was the pleasure of all to have a king, but they wrangled and quarrelled, not only about the man who should be their leader, but also about the tribe which should furnish him. 7.3. Then an incredible silence fell upon the vast multitude in the forum, who watched in eager suspense for the issue, until at last auspicious birds appeared and approached the scene on the right. Then Numa put on his royal robes and went down from the citadel to the multitude, where he was received with glad cries of welcome as the most pious of men and most beloved of the gods. 8.7. Furthermore, his ordices concerning images are altogether in harmony with the doctrines of Pythagoras. For that philosopher maintained that the first principle of being was beyond sense or feeling, was invisible and uncreated, and discernible only by the mind. And in like manner Numa forbade the Romans to revere an image of God which had the form of man or beast. Nor was there among them in this earlier time any painted or graven likeness of Deity, 8.7. Furthermore, his ordices concerning images are altogether in harmony with the doctrines of Pythagoras. For that philosopher maintained that the first principle of being was beyond sense or feeling, was invisible and uncreated, and discernible only by the mind. And in like manner Numa forbade the Romans to revere an image of God which had the form of man or beast. Nor was there among them in this earlier time any painted or graven likeness of Deity, 8.8. but while for the first hundred and seventy years they were continually building temples and establishing sacred shrines, they made no statues in bodily form for them, convinced that it was impious to liken higher things to lower, and that it was impossible to apprehend Deity except by the intellect. Their sacrifices, too, were altogether appropriate to the Pythagorean worship; for most of them involved no bloodshed, but were made with flour, drink-offerings, and the least costly gifts. 10.6. Then the culprit herself is placed on a litter, over which coverings are thrown and fastened down with cords so that not even a cry can be heard from within, and carried through the forum. All the people there silently make way for the litter, and follow it without uttering a sound, in a terrible depression of soul. No other spectacle is more appalling, nor does any other day bring more gloom to the city than this. 10.6. Then the culprit herself is placed on a litter, over which coverings are thrown and fastened down with cords so that not even a cry can be heard from within, and carried through the forum. All the people there silently make way for the litter, and follow it without uttering a sound, in a terrible depression of soul. No other spectacle is more appalling, nor does any other day bring more gloom to the city than this.
110. Plutarch, Otho, 3.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 161
3.5. ἡ μὲν οὖν πόλις ὡς αὐτίκα διαρπαγησομένη θόρυβον εἶχε πολύν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς βασιλείοις ἦσαν διαδρομαί, καί τὸν Ὄθων α δεινὴ κατελάμβανεν ἀπορία. φοβούμενος γὰρ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀνδρῶν αὐτὸς ἦν φοβερὸς ἐκείνοις, καί πρὸς αὑτὸν ἀνηρτημένους ἑώρα ταῖς ὄψεσιν ἀναύδους καί περιδεεῖς, ἐνίους καί μετὰ γυναικῶν ἥκοντας ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον. 3.5. Accordingly, the city was in great commotion, expecting to be plundered at once; in the palace there were runnings to and fro; and a dire perplexity fell upon Otho. For while he had fears about the safety of his guests, he himself was an object of fear to them, and he saw that they kept their eyes fixed upon him in speechless terror, some of them having even brought their wives with them to the supper.
111. Plutarch, Pompey, 22.5, 23.3, 26.1, 27.3, 30.1, 43.3, 48.1, 52.2, 53.5, 61.2, 66.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 163, 173, 175, 182, 183, 188, 243
22.5. τότε δὴ προεκάθηντο μὲν οἱ τιμηταὶ Γέλλιος καὶ Λέντλος ἐν κόσμῳ, καὶ πάροδος ἦν τῶν ἱππέων ἐξεταζομένων, ὤφθη δὲ Πομπήϊος ἄνωθεν ἐπʼ ἀγορὰν κατερχόμενος, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα παράσημα τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔχων, αὐτὸς δὲ διὰ χειρὸς ἄγων τὸν ἵππον. ὡς δʼ ἐγγὺς ἦν καὶ καταφανὴς ἐγεγόνει, κελεύσας διασχεῖν τοὺς ῥαβδοφόρους τῷ βήματι προσήγαγε τὸν ἵππον. 23.3. καὶ Κράσσος μὲν ὅνπερ ἐξ ἀρχῆς εἵλετο τρόπον τοῦ βίου διεφύλαττε, Πομπήϊος δὲ τάς τε πολλὰς ἀνεδύετο συνηγορίας καὶ τὴν ἀγορὰν κατὰ μικρὸν ἀπέλειπε καὶ προῄει σπανίως εἰς τὸ δημόσιον, ἀεὶ δὲ μετὰ πλήθους, οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἔτι ῥᾴδιον ὄχλου χωρὶς ἐντυχεῖν οὐδʼ ἰδεῖν αὐτόν, ἀλλʼ ἥδιστος ὁμοῦ πολλοῖς καὶ ἀθρόοις ἐφαίνετο, σεμνότητα περιβαλλόμενος ἐκ τούτου τῇ ὄψει καὶ ὄγκον, ταῖς δὲ τῶν πολλῶν ἐντεύξεσι καὶ συνηθείαις ἄθικτον οἰόμενος δεῖν τὸ ἀξίωμα διατηρεῖν. 26.1. τότε μὲν οὖν διελύθησαν ᾗ δὲ ἡμέρᾳ τὴν ψῆφον ἐποίσειν ἔμελλον, ὑπεξῆλθεν ὁ Πομπήϊος εἰς ἀγρόν. ἀκούσας δὲ κεκυρῶσθαι τὸν νόμον εἰσῆλθε νύκτωρ εἰς τὴν πόλιν, ὡς ἐπιφθόνου τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπαντήσεως καὶ συνδρομῆς ἐσομένης. ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ προελθὼν ἔθυσε· καὶ γενομένης ἐκκλησίας αὐτῷ, διεπράξατο προσλαβεῖν ἕτερα πολλὰ τοῖς ἐψηφισμένοις ἤδη, μικροῦ διπλασιάσας τὴν παρασκευήν. 27.3. ἐπειγόμενος δὲ τῷ καιρῷ καὶ παραπλέων τὰς πόλεις ὑπὸ σπουδῆς, ὅμως οὐ παρῆλθε τὰς Ἀθήνας, ἀναβὰς δὲ καὶ θύσας τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ προσαγορεύσας τὸν δῆμον εὐθὺς ἀπιὼν ἀνεγίνωσκεν εἰς αὐτὸν ἐπιγεγραμμένα μονόστιχα, τὸ μὲν ἐντὸς τῆς πύλης· ἐφʼ ὅσον ὢν ἄνθρωπος οἶδας, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον εἶ θεός· τὸ δʼ ἐκτός· προσεδοκῶμεν, προσεκυνοῦμεν, εἴδομεν, προπέμπομεν. 30.1. ἀπαγγελθέντος δὲ εἰς Ῥώμην πέρας ἔχειν τὸν πειρατικὸν πόλεμον καὶ σχολὴν ἄγοντα τὸν Πομπήϊον ἐπέρχεσθαι τὰς πόλεις, γράφει νόμου εἷς τῶν δημάρχων Μάλλιος, ὅσης Λεύκολλος ἄρχει χώρας καὶ δυνάμεως, Πομπήϊον παραλαβόντα πᾶσαν, προσλαβόντα δὲ καὶ Βιθυνίαν, ἣν ἔχει Γλαβρίων, πολεμεῖν Μιθριδάτῃ καὶ Τιγράνῃ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν, ἔχοντα καὶ τὴν ναυτικὴν δύναμιν καὶ τὸ κράτος τῆς θαλάσσης ἐφʼ οἷς ἔλαβεν ἐξ ἀρχῆς. 43.3. ὁρῶσαι γὰρ αἱ πόλεις Πομπήϊον Μάγνον ἄνοπλον καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγων τῶν συνήθων ὥσπερ ἐξ ἄλλης ἀποδημίας διαπορευόμενον, ἐκχεόμεναι διʼ εὔνοιαν καὶ προπέμπουσαι μετὰ μείζονος δυνάμεως συγκατῆγον εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, εἴ τι κινεῖν διενοεῖτο καὶ νεωτερίζειν τότε, μηδὲν ἐκείνου δεόμενον τοῦ στρατεύματος. 48.1. ἐκ δὲ τούτου Πομπήϊος ἐμπλήσας στρατιωτῶν τὴν πόλιν ἅπαντα τὰ πράγματα βίᾳ κατεῖχε. βύβλῳ τε γὰρ εἰς ἀγορὰν τῷ ὑπάτῳ κατιόντι μετὰ Λευκόλλου καὶ Κάτωνος ἄφνω προσπεσόντες κατέκλασαν τὰς ῥάβδους, αὐτοῦ δέ τις κοπρίων κόφινον ἐκ κεφαλῆς τοῦ Βύβλου κατεσκέδασε, δύο δὲ δήμαρχοι τῶν συμπροπεμπόντων ἐτρώθησαν. 52.2. ἀλλʼ ἐπιπέμψαντες ἐνόπλους ἄνδρας ἀπέκτειναν μὲν τὸν προηγούμενον λυχνοφόρον, ἐτρέψαντο δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους· ἔσχατος δὲ Κάτων ἀνεχώρησε, τρωθεὶς τὸν δεξιὸν πῆχυν ἀμυνόμενος πρὸ τοῦ Δομετίου. τοιαύτῃ δὲ ὁδῷ παρελθόντες ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν οὐδὲ τἆλλα κοσμιώτερον ἔπραττον. ἀλλὰ πρῶτον μὲν τὸν Κάτωνα τοῦ δήμου στρατηγὸν αἱρουμένου καὶ τὴν ψῆφον ἐπιφέροντος, Πομπήϊος ἔλυσε τὴν ἐκκλησίαν οἰωνοὺς αἰτιώμενος, ἀντὶ δὲ Κάτωνος Βατίνιον ἀνηγόρευσαν, ἀργυρίῳ τὰς φυλὰς διαφθείραντες. 53.5. αὐτῶν δὲ ἐκείνων μεῖζον ἐδόκει μέρος ἀπόντι Καίσαρι νέμειν ὁ δῆμος ἢ Πομπηΐῳ παρόντι τῆς τιμῆς, εὐθὺς γὰρ ἐκύμαινεν ἡ πόλις, καὶ πάντα τὰ πράγματα σάλον εἶχε καὶ λόγους διαστατικούς, ὡς ἡ πρότερον παρακαλύπτουσα μᾶλλον ἢ κατείργουσα τῶν ἀνδρῶν τὴν φιλαρχίαν οἰκειότης ἀνῄρηται. 61.2. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἔξωθεν φερόμενοι φυγῇ πανταχόθεν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐνέπιπτον, οἱ δὲ τὴν Ῥώμην οἰκοῦντες ἐξέπιπτον αὐτοὶ καὶ ἀπέλειπον τὴν πόλιν, ἐν χειμῶνι καὶ ταράχῳ τοσούτῳ τὸ μὲν χρήσιμον ἀσθενὲς ἔχουσαν, τὸ δὲ ἀπειθὲς ἰσχυρὸν καὶ δυσμεταχείριστον τοῖς ἄρχουσιν. οὐ γὰρ ἦν παῦσαι τὸν φόβον, οὐδὲ εἴασέ τις χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ λογισμοῖς Πομπήϊον, ἀλλʼ ᾧ τις ἐνετύγχανε πάθει, φοβηθεὶς ἢ λυπηθεὶς ἢ διαπορήσας, τούτῳ φέρων ἐκεῖνον ἀνεπίμπλη· 66.3. ἀλλὰ φεύγειν Καίσαρα βοῶντες οἱ μὲν ἀκολουθεῖν καὶ διώκειν ἐκέλευον, οἱ δὲ διαβαίνειν εἰς Ἰταλίαν, οἱ δὲ θεράποντας εἰς Ῥώμην καὶ φίλους ἔπεμπον οἰκίας προκαταληψομένους ἐγγὺς ἀγορᾶς ὡς αὐτίκα μετιόντες ἀρχάς, ἐθελονταὶ δὲ πολλοὶ πρὸς Κορνηλίαν ἔπλεον εἰς Λέσβον εὐαγγελιζόμενοι πέρας ἔχειν τὸν πόλεμον· ἐκεῖ γὰρ αὐτὴν ὑπεξέπεμψεν ὁ Πομπήϊος. 22.5. 23.3. 26.1. 27.3. 30.1. 43.3. 48.1. 52.2. 53.5. 61.2. 66.3.
112. Plutarch, Publicola, 10.2, 10.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 182, 185
10.2. καίτοι τί δεῖ λόγῳ μὲν Βροῦτον ἐγκωμιάζειν, ἔργῳ δὲ μιμεῖσθαι Ταρκύνιον, ὑπὸ ῥάβδοις ὁμοῦ πάσαις καὶ πελέκεσι κατιόντα μόνον ἐξ οἰκίας τοσαύτης τὸ μέγεθος ὅσην οὐ καθεῖλε τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως; καὶ γὰρ ὄντως ὁ Οὐαλλέριος ᾤκει τραγικώτερον ὑπὲρ τὴν καλουμένην Οὐελίαν οἰκίαν ἐπικρεμαμένην τῇ ἀγορᾷ καὶ καθ ο ρ ῶς αν ἐξ ὕψους ἅπαντα, δυσπρόσοδον δὲ πελάσαι καὶ χαλεπὴν ἔξωθεν, ὥστε καταβαίνοντος αὐτοῦ τὸ σχῆμα μετέωρον εἶναι καὶ βασιλικὸν τῆς προπομπῆς τὸν ὄγκον. 10.4. ὥστε μεθʼ ἡμέραν τούς Ῥωμαίους ὁρῶντας καὶ συνισταμένους τοῦ μὲν ἀνδρὸς ἀγαπᾶν καὶ θαυμάζειν τὴν μεγαλοφροσύνην, ἄχθεσθαι δὲ τῆς οἰκίας καὶ ποθεῖν τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τὸ κάλλος, ὥσπερ ἀνθρώπου, διὰ φθόνον οὐ δικαίως καταλελυμένης, τοῦ δὲ ἄρχοντος, ὥσπερ ἀνεστίου, παρʼ ἑτέροις οἰκοῦντος. ἐδέχοντο γὰρ οἱ φίλοι τὸν Οὐαλλέριον ἄχρι οὗ τόπον ἔδωκεν ὁ δῆμος αὐτῷ καὶ κατεσκεύασεν οἰκίαν ἐκείνης μετριωτέραν, ὅπου νῦν ἱερόν ἐστιν Οὐίκας Πότας ὀνομαζό μενον. 10.2. Yet why should he extol Brutus in words, while in deeds he imitates Tarquin, descending to the forum alone, escorted by all the rods and axes together, from a house no less stately than the royal house which he demolished? For, as a matter of fact, Valerius was living in a very splendid house on the so-called Velia. An eminence of the Palatine hill. It hung high over the forum, commanded a view of all that passed there, and was surrounded by steeps and hard to get at, so that when he came down from it the spectacle was a lofty one, and the pomp of his procession worthy of a king. 10.4. In the morning, therefore, the Romans saw what had happened, and came flocking together. They were moved to love and admiration by the man’s magimity, but were distressed for the house, and mourned for its stately beauty, as if it had been human, now that envy had unjustly compassed its destruction. They were also distressed for their ruler, who, like a homeless man, was now sharing the homes of others. For Valerius was received into the houses of his friends until the people gave him a site and built him a house, of more modest dimensions than the one he had lived in before, where now stands the temple of Vica Pota, Victress Possessor, a name of the goddess of victory, whose temple was at the foot of the Velia ( Livy, ii. 7, 12 ). According to Livy, Valerius was building the house on the Velia, but in order to allay the people’s jealousy, brought the materials to the foot of the hill, and built the house there. so-called.
113. Plutarch, Sulla, 17.2, 26.1, 29.3, 33.4, 38.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50, 159, 161, 243
17.2. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον ἀνὴρ τῶν ἐν τάξει στρατευομένων ὄνομα Σαλουήνιος ἀνήνεγκε παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τέλος οἷον αἱ κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν πράξεις ἔμελλον ἕξειν. ἀμφότεροι δὲ ταὐτὰ περὶ τῆς ὀμφῆς ἔφραζον τῷ γὰρ Ὀλυμπίῳ Διῒ καὶ τὸ κάλλος καὶ τὸ μέγεθος παραπλήσιον ἰδεῖν ἔφασαν. 26.1. ἀναχθεὶς δὲ πάσαις ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐξ Ἐφέσου τριταῖος ἐν Πειραιεῖ καθωρμίσθη καὶ μυηθεὶς ἐξεῖλεν ἑαυτῷ τὴν Ἀπελλικῶνος τοῦ Τηΐου βιβλιοθήκην, ἐν ᾗ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν Ἀριστοτέλους καὶ Θεοφράστου βιβλίων ἦν, οὔπω τότε σαφῶς γνωριζόμενα τοῖς πολλοῖς, λέγεται δὲ κομισθείσης αὐτῆς εἰς Ῥώμην Τυραννίωνα τὸν γραμματικὸν ἐνσκευάσασθαι τὰ πολλά, καὶ παρʼ αὐτοῦ τὸν Ῥόδιον Ἀνδρόνικον εὐπορήσαντα τῶν ἀντιγράφων εἰς μέσον θεῖναι καὶ ἀναγράψαι τοὺς νῦν φερομένους πίνακας. 29.3. ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ τῶν λαμπροτάτων νέων ἐξιππασαμένων ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἄλλους τε πολλοὺς καὶ Κλαύδιον Ἄππιον, εὐγενῆ καὶ ἀγαθὸν ἄνδρα, κατέβαλε, θορύβου δʼ, οἷον εἰκός, ὄντος ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ βοῆς γυναικείας καὶ διαδρομῶν ὡς ἁλισκομένων κατὰ κράτος, πρῶτος ὤφθη Βάλβος ἀπὸ Σύλλα προσελαύνων ἀνὰ κράτος ἱππεῦσιν ἑπτακοσίοις. διαλιπὼν δὲ ὅσον ἀναψῦξαι τὸν ἱδρῶτα τῶν ἵππων, εἴτʼ αὖθις ἐγχαλινώσας διὰ ταχέων ἐξήπτετο τῶν πολεμίων. 33.4. Λουκρητίου δὲ Ὀφέλλα τοῦ Μάριον ἐκπολιορκήσαντος αἰτουμένου καὶ μετιόντος ὑπατείαν πρῶτον μὲν ἐκώλυεν ὡς δὲ ἐκεῖνος ὑπὸ πολλῶν σπουδαζόμενος εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐνέβαλε, πέμψας τινὰ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἑκατονταρχῶν ἀπέσφαξε τὸν ἄνδρα, καθεξόμενος αὐτὸς ἐπὶ βήματος ἐν τῷ Διοσκουρείῳ καὶ τὸν φόνον ἐφορῶν ἄνωθεν, τῶν δὲ ἀνθρώπων τὸν ἑκατοντάρχην συλλαβόντων καὶ προσαγαγόντων τῷ βήματι, σιωπῆσαι κελεύσας τοὺς θορυβοῦντας αὐτὸς ἔφη κελεῦσαι τοῦτο, καὶ τὸν ἑκατοντάρχην ἀφεῖναι προσέταξεν. 38.4. τὸ μὲν οὖν μνημεῖον ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τοῦ Ἄρεώς ἐστι τὸ δὲ ἐπίγραμμά φασιν αὐτὸν ὑπογραψάμενον καταλιπεῖν, οὗ κεφάλαιόν ἐστιν ὡς οὔτε τῶν φίλων τις αὐτὸν εὖ ποιῶν οὔτε τῶν ἐχθρῶν κακῶς ὑπερεβάλετο. 17.2. 26.1. 29.3. 33.4. 38.4.
114. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 1.1, 3.1, 6.4, 8.7, 12.1, 14.1, 14.3, 16.3, 17.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 37, 50, 159, 165, 172, 174, 182, 183, 184
115. Suetonius, Domitianus, 5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 266
116. Seneca The Younger, De Constantia Sapientis, 8.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 229
117. Suetonius, Claudius, 24.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 188, 266
118. Seneca The Younger, Thyestes, 454-456, 650-665, 667-682, 666 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 233
119. Plutarch, Cicero, 43.3-43.4, 44.3-44.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 159, 175, 182, 187
43.3. γενομένης δὲ περὶ τόν πλοῦν διατριβῆς, καί λόγων ἀπὸ Ῥώμης, οἷα φιλεῖ, καινῶν προσπεσόντων, μεταβεβλῆσθαι μὲν Ἀντώνιον θαυμαστὴν μεταβολὴν καί πάντα πράττειν καί πολιτεύεσθαι πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον, ἐνδεῖν δὲ τῆς ἐκείνου παρουσίας τὰ πράγματα μὴ τὴν ἀρίστην ἔχειν διάθεσιν, καταμεμψάμενος αὐτὸς αὐτοῦ τὴν πολλὴν εὐλάβειαν ἀνέστρεφεν αὖθις εἰς Ῥώμην. 43.4. καί τῶν πρώτων οὐ διημάρτανεν ἐλπίδων τοσοῦτο πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων ὑπὸ χαρᾶς καί πόθου πρὸς τὴν ἀπάντησιν ἐξεχύθη, καὶ σχεδὸν ἡμερήσιον ἀνήλωσαν χρόνον αἱ περὶ τὰς πύλας καί τὴν εἴσοδον αὐτοῦ δεξιώσεις καί φιλοφροσύναι. τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ βουλὴν συναγαγόντος Ἀντωνίου καί καλοῦντος αὐτόν οὐκ ἦλθεν, ἀλλὰ κατέκειτο μαλακῶς ἔχειν ἐκ τοῦ κόπου σκηπτόμενος. 44.3. τοὺς δὲ πολίτας ὑπὸ σπουδῆς θέοντας ἵστασθαι περὶ τὸν νεών, καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἐν ταῖς περιπορφύροις καθέζεσθαι σιωπὴν ἔχοντας, ἐξαίφνης δὲ τῶν θυρῶν ἀνοιχθεισῶν καθʼ ἕνα τῶν παίδων ἀνισταμένων κύκλῳ παρὰ τὸν θεὸν παραπορεύεσθαι, τὸν δὲ πάντας ἐπισκοπεῖν καὶ ἀποπέμπειν ἀχθομένους. ὡς δʼ οὗτος ἦν προσιὼν κατʼ αὐτόν, ἐκτεῖναι τὴν δεξιὰν καὶ εἰπεῖν ὦ Ῥωμαῖοι, πέρας ὑμῖν ἐμφυλίων πολέμων οὗτος ἡγεμὼν γενόμενος. 44.4. τοιοῦτόν φασιν ἐνύπνιον ἰδόντα τὸν Κικέρωνα τὴν μὲν ἰδέαν τοῦ παιδὸς ἐκμεμάχθαι καὶ κατέχειν ἐναργῶς, αὑτὸν δʼ οὐκ ἐπίστασθαι. μεθʼ ἡμέραν δὲ καταβαίνοντος εἰς τὸ πεδίον τὸ Ἄρειον αὐτοῦ, τοὺς παῖδας ἤδη γεγυμνασμένους ἀπέρχεσθαι, κἀκεῖνον ὀφθῆναι τῷ Κικέρωνι πρῶτον οἷος ὤφθη καθʼ ὕπνον, ἐκπλαγέντα δὲ πυνθάνεσθαι τίνων εἴη γονέων. 43.3. 43.4. 44.3. 44.4.
120. Plutarch, Crassus, 2.4, 7.3, 15.4, 16.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 174, 176, 182, 267
2.4. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ὁρῶν τὰς συγγενεῖς καὶ συνοίκους τῆς Ῥώμης κῆρας ἐμπρησμοὺς καὶ συνιζήσεις διὰ βάρος καὶ πλῆθος οἰκοδομημάτων, ἐωνεῖτο δούλους ἀρχιτέκτονας καὶ οἰκοδόμους, εἶτʼ ἔχων τούτους ὑπὲρ πεντακοσίους ὄντας, ἐξηγόραζε τὰ καιόμενα καὶ γειτνιῶντα τοῖς καιομένοις, διὰ φόβον καὶ ἀδηλότητα τῶν δεσποτῶν ἀπʼ ὀλίγης τιμῆς προϊεμένων, ὥστε τῆς Ῥώμης τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος ὑπʼ αὐτῷ γενέσθαι. 7.3. καί πρᾶγμα συνέβαινεν αὐτοῖς ἴδιον. μεῖζον γὰρ ἦν ἀπόντος ὄνομα τοῦ Πομπηίου καί κράτος ἐν τῇ πόλει διὰ τὰς στρατείας· παρὼν δὲ πολλάκις ἠλαττοῦτο τοῦ Κράσσου, διὰ τὸν ὄγκον καί τὸ πρόσχημα τοῦ βίου φεύγων τὰ πλήθη καί ἀναδυόμενος ἐξ ἀγορᾶς, καί τῶν δεομένων ὀλίγοις καί μὴ πάνυ προθύμως βοηθῶν, ὡς ἀκμαιοτέραν ἔχοι τὴν δύναμιν ὑπὲρ αὑτοῦ χρώμενος. 15.4. ἐκ τούτου δείσαντες οἱ περὶ Πομπήϊον οὐδενὸς ἀπείχοντο τῶν ἀκοσμοτάτων καί βιαιοτάτων, ἀλλὰ πρὸς πᾶσι τοῖς ἄλλοις λόχον ὑφέντες τῷ Δομιτίῳ νυκτὸς ἔτι μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων κατερχομένῳ κτείνουσι μὲν τὸν ἀνέχοντα τὸ φῶς πρὸ αὐτοῦ, συντιτρώκουσι δὲ πολλούς, ὧν ἦν καί Κάτων, τρεψάμενοι δὲ καί κατακλείσαντες εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν ἐκείνους ἀνηγορεύθησαν ὕπατοι· 16.3. καίτοι τῷ γραφέντι περὶ τούτων νόμῳ Παρθικὸς πόλεμος οὐ προσῆν. ᾔδεσαν δὲ πάντες ὅτι πρὸς τοῦτο τοῦτο Bekker adopts τοῦτον from Reiske. Κράσσος ἐπτόηται· καὶ Καῖσαρ ἐκ Γαλατίας ἔγραφεν αὐτῷ τὴν ὁρμὴν ἐπαινῶν καὶ παροξύνων ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον. ἐπεὶ δὲ δημαρχῶν Ἀτήιος ἔμελλε πρὸς τὴν ἔξοδον ἐναντιώσεσθαι, καὶ συνίσταντο πολλοὶ χαλεπαίνοντες εἴ τις ἀνθρώποις οὐδὲν ἀδικοῦσιν, ἀλλʼ ἐνσπόνδοις, πολεμήσων ἄπεισι, δείσας ὁ Κράσσος ἐδεήθη Πομπηΐου παραγενέσθαι καὶ συμπροπέμψαι· 2.4. 7.3. 15.4. 16.3.
121. Seneca The Younger, On Anger, 2.27.1, 3.6.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 169, 233
122. Seneca The Younger, On Leisure, 11.7 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 267
123. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 4.2, 14.17-14.18, 17.6, 29.12, 33.4, 41.1, 41.4, 51.10, 53.9, 53.11, 74.19, 82.5, 83.1, 89.21, 90.8, 90.28, 91.13.14, 94.60, 95.49, 103.1-103.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus •cicero, marcus tullius, and brutus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 155, 168, 169, 179, 180, 181, 183, 207, 230, 231, 232, 233, 265, 267
124. Seneca The Younger, Natural Questions, 1.2.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 175
125. Suetonius, Caligula, 6.1, 15.1, 22.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 8, 159, 243
126. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 25-26, 44, 47, 52, 54, 59-61, 74, 77, 85, 51 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 241
127. Plutarch, Galba, 24.4, 26.3, 26.27.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 159, 163, 182
24.4. εἰπὼν οὖν, ὅτι παλαιὰν ἐωνημένος οἰκίαν βούλεται τὰ ὕποπτα δεῖξαι τοῖς πωληταῖς, ἀπῆλθε, καὶ διὰ τῆς Τιβερίου καλουμένης οἰκίας καταβὰς ἐβάδιζεν εἰς ἀγοράν, οὗ χρυσοῦς εἱστήκει κίων, εἰς ὃν αἱ τετμημέναι τῆς Ἰταλίας ὁδοὶ πᾶσαι τελευτῶσιν. 26.3. οἷα δὲ ἐν πλήθει τοσούτῳ, τῶν μὲν ἀναστρέφειν, τῶν δὲ προϊέναι, τῶν δὲ θαρρεῖν, τῶν δὲ ἀπιστεῖν βοώντων, καὶ τοῦ φορείου, καθάπερ ἐν κλύδωνι, δεῦρο κἀκεῖ διαφερομένου καὶ πυκνὸν ἀπονεύοντος, ἐφαίνοντο πρῶτον ἱππεῖς, εἶτα ὁπλῖται διὰ τῆς Παύλου βασιλικῆς προσφερόμενοι, μιᾷ φωνῇ μέγα βοῶντες ἐκποδὼν ἵστασθαι τὸν ἰδιώτην. 24.4. 26.3.
128. Silius Italicus, Punica, 1.81-1.103, 1.167, 5.151-5.152, 8.131-8.133, 10.332, 10.349-10.350, 10.367-10.368, 11.259-11.261, 12.111-12.112, 12.567-12.571, 12.573, 14.66, 14.641-14.664 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus •cicero, marcus tullius, and brutus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 155, 178, 186, 187, 189, 227, 233, 242, 244, 268
129. Statius, Siluae, 1.2.232-1.2.234, 4.6.1-4.6.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 168, 171
130. Statius, Thebais, 4.32, 4.419-4.442, 10.870-10.872 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 178, 233, 261
131. Plutarch, Lucullus, 2.6, 13.4, 43.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 159, 233, 243
2.6. δαπάνην δὲ καὶ σύνταξιν οὐχ ὅσην ἐδίδου τοῖς ἄλλοις, ἀλλὰ τετραπλῆν ἐκείνῳ παρεῖχεν, οὐ προσιεμένῳ τῶν ἀναγκαίων πλέον οὐδὲν οὐδὲ δῶρον λαβόντι, καίπερ ὀγδοήκοντα ταλάντων ἄξια πέμψαντος αὐτῷ. λέγεται δὲ μήτʼ εἰς Μέμφιν ἀναβῆναι μήτʼ ἄλλο τῶν θαυμαζομένων ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ περιβοήτων ἱστορῆσαι· σχολάζοντος γὰρ εἶναι ταῦτα θεατοῦ καὶ τρυφῶντος, οὐχ, ὡς αὐτὸς, ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ τὸν αὐτοκράτορα σκηνοῦντα παρὰ ταῖς ἐπάλξεσι τῶν πολεμίων ἀπολελοιπότος. 13.4. Λουκούλλῳ δʼ ἀνεμέσητος ἡ πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ἀπέβη φιλοτιμία, ψηφιζομένης γὰρ αὐτῆς πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἀπὸ τρισχιλίων ταλάντων ἐξαρτύεσθαι ναυτικόν, ἐκώλυσε πέμψας γράμματα καὶ μεγαληγορήσας, ὡς ἄνευ δαπάνης καὶ τοσαύτης παρασκευῆς ταῖς τῶν συμμάχων ναυσὶ Μιθριδάτην ἐκβαλεῖ τῆς θαλάττης. καὶ τοῦτο ὑπῆρξεν αὐτῷ τοῦ θεοῦ συναγωνισαμένου. λέγεται γὰρ Ἀρτέμιδος χόλῳ Πριαπίνης ὁ χειμὼν ἐμπεσεῖν τοῖς Ποντικοῖς συλήσασιν αὐτῆς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τὸ ξόανον ἀνασπάσασι. 43.2. τὰ δὲ φάρμακα δοθῆναι μὲν, ὡς ἀγαπῷτο μᾶλλον ὁ Καλλισθένης ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, τοιαύτην ἔχειν δοκοῦντα τὴν δύναμιν, ἐκστῆσαι δὲ καὶ κατακλύσαι τὸν λογισμόν, ὥστʼ ἔτι ζῶντος αὐτοῦ τὴν οὐσίαν διοικεῖν τὸν ἀδελφόν· οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὡς ἀπέθανε, καθάπερ ἂν ἂν supplied by Reiske. ἐν ἀκμῇ τῆς στρατηγίας καὶ τῆς πολιτείας αὐτοῦ τελευτήσαντος, ὁ δῆμος ἠχθέσθη καὶ συνέδραμε, καὶ τὸ σῶμα κομισθὲν εἰς ἀγορὰν ὑπὸ τῶν εὐγενεστάτων νεανίσκων ἐβιάζετο θάπτειν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τοῦ Ἄρεως, ὅπου καὶ Σύλλαν ἔθαψεν. 2.6. 13.4. 43.2.
132. Suetonius, Augustus, 28.3, 30.2, 31.5, 53.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bexley (2022) 109; Jenkyns (2013) 171, 188, 227, 264
133. Plutarch, Fabius, 8.3, 9.4, 17.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus •cicero, marcus tullius, and brutus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 155, 159, 176
8.3. ταχὺ δὲ τοῦ ἔργου λόγος μείζων διεφοίτησεν εἰς Ῥώμην. καί Φάβιος μὲν ἀκούσας ἔφη μᾶλλον τοῦ Μινουκίου φοβεῖσθαι τήν εὐτυχίαν ἢ τήν ἀτυχίαν, ἢ τὴν ἀτυχίαν supplied by Sintenis, followed by Bekker. Cf. Morals , p. 195 d. Secunda se magis quam adversa timere, Livy, xxii. 25. ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἦρτο καί μετὰ χαρᾶς εἰς ἀγορὰν συνέτρεχε, καί Μετίλιος ὁ δήμαρχος ἐπί τοῦ βήματος καταστὰς ἐδημηγόρει μεγαλύνων τὸν Μινούκιον, τοῦ δὲ Φαβίου κατηγορῶν οὐ μαλακίαν οὐδʼ ἀνανδρίαν, ἀλλʼ ἤδη προδοσίαν, 9.4. καὶ γὰρ τότʼ ἐπὶ τῶν στρατοπέδων Μᾶρκος ἦν Ἰούνιος δικτάτωρ, καὶ κατὰ πόλιν τὸ βουλευτικὸν ἀναπληρῶσαι δεῆσαν, ἅτε δὴ πολλῶν ἐν τῇ. μάχῃ συγκλητικῶν ἀπολωλότων, ἕτερον εἵλοντο δικτάτορα Φάβιον Βουτεῶνα. πλὴν οὗτος μὲν, ἐπεὶ προῆλθε καὶ κατέλεξε τοὺς ἄνδρας καὶ συνεπλήρωσε τὴν βουλήν, αὐθημερὸν ἀφεὶς τοὺς ῥαβδούχους καὶ διαφυγὼν τοὺς προάγοντας, εἰς τὸν ὄχλον ἐμβαλὼν καὶ καταμίξας ἑαυτὸν ἤδη τι τῶν ἑαυτοῦ διοικῶν καὶ πραγματευόμενος ὥσπερ ἰδιώτης ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀνεστρέφετο. 17.5. ὁ γὰρ ἐν οἷς οὐδὲν ἐδόκει δεινὸν εἶναι καιροῖς εὐλαβὴς φαινόμενος καὶ δυσέλπιστος τότε πάντων καταβεβληκότων ἑαυτοὺς εἰς ἀπέραντα πένθη καὶ ταραχὰς ἀπράκτους, μόνος ἐφοίτα διὰ τῆς πόλεως πρᾴῳ βαδίσματι καὶ προσώπῳ καθεστῶτι καὶ φιλανθρώπῳ προσαγορεύσει, κοπετούς τε γυναικείους ἀφαιρῶν καὶ συστάσεις εἴργων τῶν εἰς τὸ δημόσιον ἐπὶ κοινοῖς ὀδυρμοῖς ἐκφερομένων, βουλήν τε συνελθεῖν ἔπεισε καὶ παρεθάρσυνε τὰς ἀρχάς, αὐτὸς ὢν καὶ ῥώμη καὶ δύναμις ἀρχῆς ἁπάσης πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἀποβλεπούσης. 8.3. An exaggerated version of the affair speedily made its way to Rome, and Fabius, when he heard it, said he was more afraid of the success of Minucius than he would be of his failure. But the people were exalted in spirit and joyfully ran to a meeting in the forum. There Metilius their tribune mounted the rostra and harangued them, extolling Minucius, but denouncing Fabius, not as a weakling merely, nor yet as a coward, but actually as a traitor. 8.3. An exaggerated version of the affair speedily made its way to Rome, and Fabius, when he heard it, said he was more afraid of the success of Minucius than he would be of his failure. But the people were exalted in spirit and joyfully ran to a meeting in the forum. There Metilius their tribune mounted the rostra and harangued them, extolling Minucius, but denouncing Fabius, not as a weakling merely, nor yet as a coward, but actually as a traitor. 9.4. At that time Marcus Junius the dictator was in the field, and at home it became necessary that the senate should be filled up, since many senators had perished in the battle. They therefore elected Fabius Buteo a second dictator. But he, after acting in that capacity and choosing the men to fill up the senate, at once dismissed his lictors, eluded his escort, plunged into the crowd, and straightway went up and down the forum arranging some business matter of his own and engaging in affairs like a private citizen. 17.5. For he who, in times of apparent security, appeared cautious and irresolute, then, when all were plunged in boundless grief and helpless confusion, was the only man to walk the city with calm step, composed countece, and gracious address, checking effeminate lamentation, and preventing those from assembling together who were eager to make public their common complaints. He persuaded the senate to convene, heartened up the magistrates, and was himself the strength and power of every magistracy, since all looked to him for guidance.
134. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 4.28 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 240
4.28. ἰδὼν δὲ ἐς τὸ ἕδος τὸ ἐν ̓Ολυμπίᾳ “χαῖρε,” εἶπεν “ἀγαθὲ Ζεῦ, σὺ γὰρ οὕτω τι ἀγαθός, ὡς καὶ σαυτοῦ κοινωνῆσαι τοῖς ἀνθρώποις.” ἐξηγήσατο δὲ καὶ τὸν χαλκοῦν Μίλωνα καὶ τὸν λόγον τοῦ περὶ αὐτὸν σχήματος. ὁ γὰρ Μίλων ἑστάναι μὲν ἐπὶ δίσκου δοκεῖ τὼ πόδε ἄμφω συμβεβηκώς, ῥόαν δὲ ξυνέχει τῇ ἀριστερᾷ, ἡ δεξιὰ δέ, ὀρθοὶ τῆς χειρὸς ἐκείνης οἱ δάκτυλοι καὶ οἷον διείροντες. οἱ μὲν δὴ κατ' ̓Ολυμπίαν τε καὶ ̓Αρκαδίαν λόγοι τὸν ἀθλητὴν ἱστοροῦσι τοῦτον ἄτρεπτον γενέσθαι καὶ μὴ ἐκβιβασθῆναί ποτε τοῦ χώρου, ἐν ᾧ ἔστη, δηλοῦσθαι δὲ τὸ μὲν ἀπρὶξ τῶν δακτύλων ἐν τῇ ξυνοχῇ τῆς ῥόας, τὸ δὲ μηδ' ἂν σχισθῆναί ποτ' ἀπ' ἀλλήλων αὐτούς, εἴ τις πρὸς ἕνα αὐτῶν ἁμιλλῷτο, τῷ τὰς διαφυὰς ἐν ὀρθοῖς τοῖς δακτύλοις εὖ ξυνηρμόσθαι, τὴν ταινίαν δέ, ἣν ἀναδεῖται, σωφροσύνης ἡγοῦνται ξύμβολον. ὁ δὲ ̓Απολλώνιος σοφῶς μὲν εἶπεν ἐπινενοῆσθαι ταῦτα, σοφώτερα δὲ εἶναι τὰ ἀληθέστερα. “ὡς δὲ γιγνώσκοιτε τὸν νοῦν τοῦ Μίλωνος, Κροτωνιᾶται τὸν ἀθλητὴν τοῦτον ἱερέα ἐστήσαντο τῆς ̔́Ηρας. τὴν μὲν δὴ μίτραν ὅ τι χρὴ νοεῖν, τί ἂν ἐξηγοίμην ἔτι, μνημονεύσας ἱερέως ἀνδρός; ἡ ῥόα δὲ μόνη φυτῶν τῇ ̔́Ηρᾳ φύεται, ὁ δὲ ὑπὸ τοῖς ποσὶ δίσκος, ἐπὶ ἀσπιδίου βεβηκὼς ὁ ἱερεὺς τῇ ̔́Ηρᾳ εὔχεται, τουτὶ δὲ καὶ ἡ δεξιὰ σημαίνει, τὸ δὲ ἔργον τῶν δακτύλων καὶ τὸ μήπω διεστὼς τῇ ἀρχαίᾳ ἀγαλματοποιίᾳ προσκείσθω.” 4.28. And looking at the statue set up at Olympia, he said: Hail, O thou good Zeus, for thou art so good that thou dost impart thine own nature unto mankind. And he also gave them an account of the brazen statue of Milo and explained the attitude of this figure. For this Milo is seen standing on a disk with his two feet close together, and in his left hand he grasps a pomegranate, whole of his right hand the fingers are extended and pressed together as if to pass through a chink. Now among the people of Olympia and Arcadia the story told about this athlete is, that he was so inflexible that he could never be induced to leave the spot on which he stood; and they infer the grip of the clenched fingers from the way he grasps the pomegranate, and that they could never be separated from another, however much you struggled with any one of them, because the intervals between the extended fingers are very close; and they say that the fillet with which his head is bound is a symbol of temperance and sobriety. Apollonius while admitting that this account was wisely conceived, said that the truth was still wiser. In order that you may know, said he, the meaning of the statue of Milo, the people of Croton made this athlete a priest of Hera. As to the meaning then of this mitre, I need not explain it further than by reminding you that the hero was a priest. But the pomegranate is the only fruit which is grown in honor of Hera; and the disk beneath his feet means that the priest is standing on a small shield to offer his prayer to Hera; and this is also indicated by his right hand. As for the artist's rendering the fingers and feet, between which he has left no interval, that you may ascribe to the antique style of the sculpture.
135. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 3.6.4-3.6.5, 3.21.2, 3.21.5, 4.16, 5.14, 7.3, 8.24, 9.39, 10.49-10.50, 10.96 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 168, 169, 185, 203, 207, 227, 266
4.16. To Valerius Paulinus. Rejoice, rejoice, rejoice, on my account, on your own, and on that of the public. The profession of oratory is still held in honour. Just recently, when I had to speak in the court of the centumviri, I could find no way in except by crossing the tribunal and passing through the judges, all the other places were so crowded and thronged. Moreover, a certain young man of fashion who had his tunic torn to pieces - as often happens in a crowd - kept his ground for seven long hours with only his toga thrown round him. For my speech lasted all that time; and though it cost me a great effort, the results were more than worth it. Let us therefore prosecute our studies, and not allow the idleness of other people to be an excuse for laziness on our part. We can still find an audience and readers, provided only that our compositions are worth hearing, and worth the paper they are written on. Farewell. 5.14. To Pontius. I had already retired to my township when the news was brought to me that Cornutus Tertullus had accepted the curatorship of the Aemilian Way. I cannot tell you how delighted I am, both for his own sake and for mine. I am pleased for his sake, because, though he is unquestionably entirely void of all ambitious aspirations, he cannot but be gratified at being offered a post without seeking it; and I am pleased on my own account, because I am all the more satisfied with my own employment now that Cornutus has had a position of equal eminence given to him. * For it is just as gratifying to be placed on an equality with worthy citizens as to receive a step up in one's official position. And where is there a better man than Cornutus, or a man of more noble life? Where will you find one who follows more closely the ancient pattern in all that is praiseworthy? I know his virtues not by hearsay alone, though he enjoys a richly deserved reputation everywhere, but from a personal experience extending over many years. We both of us entertain an affectionate regard, and have done for years, for all the worthy persons of both sexes whom our age has produced, and this community of friendships has thrown us together into the most intimate relations. Another link in the chain has been the closeness of our public connection. As you know, he was my colleague as prefect of the Treasury - thus realising, so to speak, my dearest wish - and again he was associated with me in the consulship. It was there that I obtained my clearest insight into the character and real greatness of the man, when I followed his judgment as a magistrate and reverenced him as a parent, while my veneration was inspired not so much by the ripeness of his years as by the ripeness of his general character. Hence it is that I congratulate both him and myself, for public reasons quite as much as for personal ones, in that now at last a virtuous life leads a man not to peril, as it used to do, but to public honours. I should let my pen run on for ever if I were to give my joy a free course, so I will turn back to tell you how I was engaged when the messenger came and found me. I was with my wife's grandfather and her aunt, and in the company of friends I had long wished to see. I was going the round of the estate, hearing no end of complaints from my tets, reading over with an unwilling eye and in a cursory fashion the accounts - for I have been consecrating my energies to papers and books of quite a different style - and I had even begun to make preparations for my journey. For I am rather pressed owing to the shortness of my leave, and I am reminded of my own public duties by hearing of those which have been entrusted to Cornutus. I hope that your Campanian villa may spare you about the same time, lest, when I return to town, I should lose a single day of your company. Farewell. 7.3. To Praesens. How is it that you persist in spending so much time first in Lucania and then in Campania ? "Oh," you say, "I belong to Lucania, and my wife to Campania." That is a sound reason for a rather protracted absence, but not for always being away. You really must come back to town, the only place where you can gain office, and dignities, and friendships, both with the great and the small. How long will you play the country despot, waking and sleeping at your own imperial will? How long will you leave your shoes unworn ? How long will leave your toga on holiday ? How long must you have all your days to yourself? It is high time you came back to look us up at our daily grind, if for no other reason than this, to prevent your pleasures from cloying from your having too much of them. Come and pay court to others for a little time, that you may get additional pleasure from someone paying court to you ; come and be hustled in the crowds here, that your solitude may charm you the more ! But how foolish of me to scare away the bird I am trying to coax to come to me ! For very likely my reasons only persuade you to wrap yourself up the tighter in the leisure which I wish you to forego for a while, but not to break with altogether. If I were to entertain you at dinner, I should mingle sharp and piquant dishes with the sweet ones, that the edge of your appetite, when blunted by the latter, might be whetted again by the former, and similarly now I heartily recommend you to season your present joyous mode of existence by an occasional dash of what I may term the bitters of life. Farewell. 9.39. To Mustius. I have been warned by the haruspices to put into better repair and enlarge the temple of Ceres, which stands on my estate, as it is very old and cramped for room, and on one day in the year attracts great crowds of people. For on the Ides of September all the population of the country-side flocks thither; much business is transacted, many vows are registered and paid, but there is no place near where people can take refuge either from storm or heat. I think, therefore, that I shall be showing my generosity, and at the same time display my piety, if I rebuild the temple as handsomely as possible and add to it a portico, the former for the use of the goddess, the latter for the people who attend there. So I should like you to buy me four columns of any kind of marble you think fit, as well as sufficient marble for the pavement and walls. I shall also have to get made or buy a statue of the goddess, for the old one, which was made of wood, has lost some of its limbs through age. As for the portico, I don't think there is anything that I need ask you for at present, unless it be that you should sketch me a plan to suit the situation of the place. The portico cannot be carried all round the temple, inasmuch as on one side of the floor of the building there is a river with very steep banks, and on the other there runs a road. Beyond the road, there is a spacious meadow which would be a very suitable place to build the portico, as it is right opposite the temple, unless you can think of a better plan - you who make a practice of overcoming natural difficulties by your professional skill. Farewell. 10.49. To Trajan. Before my arrival, Sir, the people of Nicomedia had commenced to make certain additions to their old forum, in one corner of which stands a very ancient shrine of the Great Mother, * which should either be restored or removed to another site, principally for this reason, that it is much less lofty than the new buildings, which are being run up to a good height. When I inquired whether the temple was protected by any legal enactments, I discovered that the form of dedication is different here from what it is with us in Rome. Consider therefore. Sir, whether you think that a temple can be removed without desecration when there has been no legal consecration of the site, for, if there are no religious objections, the removal would be a great convenience. 10.50. Trajan to Pliny. You may, my dear Pliny, without any religious scruples, if the site seems to require the change, remove the temple of the Mother of the Gods to a more suitable spot, nor need the fact that there is no record of legal consecration trouble you, for the soil of a foreign city may not be suitable for the consecration which our laws enjoin.
136. Pliny The Younger, Panegyric, 1.5, 47.4-47.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50, 226
137. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 5.10 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 259
138. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 26.6, 26.8, 26.11, 26.13, 26.62, 48.41 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 164, 166, 167, 178, 240
139. Lucian, Nigrinus, 17-18, 16 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 167
140. Anon., Mekhilta Derabbi Shimeon Ben Yohai, 1.2.9, 2.8.17, 4.3.8, 4.5.2, 6.5.1-6.5.2 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 177, 183, 184, 228
141. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 11.27.9 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 204
142. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 44.12, 51.16, 52.16, 54.25, 55.26 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus junius •brutus, marcus Found in books: Bexley (2022) 105, 106, 109; Jenkyns (2013) 163, 175, 188, 245, 266
44.12. 1.  Making the most of his having the same name as the great Brutus who overthrew the Tarquins, they scattered broadcast many pamphlets, declaring that he was not truly that man's descendant; for the older Brutus had put to death both his sons, the only ones he had, when they were mere lads, and left no offspring whatever.,2.  Nevertheless, the majority pretended to accept such a relationship, in order that Brutus, as a kinsman of that famous man, might be induced to perform deeds as great. They kept continually calling upon him, shouting out "Brutus, Brutus!" and adding further "We need a Brutus.",3.  Finally on the statue of the early Brutus they wrote "Would that thou wert living!" and upon the tribunal of the living Brutus (for he was praetor at the time and this is the name given to the seat on which the praetor sits in judgment) "Brutus, thou sleepest," and "Thou art not Brutus." 51.16. 1.  As for the rest who had been connected with Antony's cause up to this time, he punished some and pardoned others, either from personal motives or to oblige his friends. And since there were found at the court many children of princes and kings who were being kept there, some as hostages and others out of a spirit of arrogance, he sent some back to their homes, joined others in marriage with one another, and retained still others.,2.  I shall omit most of these cases and mention only two. of his own accord he restored Iotape to the Median king, who had found an asylum with him after his defeat; but he refused the request of Artaxes that his brothers be sent to him, because this prince had put to death the Romans left behind in Armenia.,3.  This was the disposition he made of such captives; and in the case of the Egyptians and the Alexandrians, he spared them all, so that none perished. The truth was that he did not see fit to inflict any irreparable injury upon a people so numerous, who might prove very useful to the Romans in many ways;,4.  nevertheless, he offered as a pretext for his kindness their god Serapis, their founder Alexander, and, in the third place, their fellow-citizen Areius, of whose learning and companionship he availed himself. The speech in which he proclaimed to them his pardon he delivered in Greek, so that they might understand him.,5.  After this he viewed the body of Alexander and actually touched it, whereupon, it is said, a piece of the nose was broken off. But he declined to view the remains of the Ptolemies, though the Alexandrians were extremely eager to show them, remarking, "I wished to see a king, not corpses." For this same reason he would not enter the presence of Apis, either, declaring that he was accustomed to worship gods, not cattle. 52.16. 1.  "Witness to the truth of my words is borne by our past. For while we were but few in number and differed in no important respect from our neighbours, we got along well with our government and subjugated almost all Italy;,2.  but ever since we were led outside the peninsula and crossed over to many continents and many islands, filling the whole sea and the whole earth with our name and power, nothing good has been our lot. At first it was only at home and within our walls that we broke up into factions and quarrelled, but afterwards we even carried this plague out into the legions.,3.  Therefore our city, like a great merchantman manned with a crew of every race and lacking a pilot, has now for many generations been rolling and plunging as it has drifted this way and that in a heavy sea, a ship as it were without ballast. Do not, then, allow her to be longer exposed to the tempest;,4.  for you see that she is waterlogged. And do not let her be pounded to pieces upon a reef; for her timbers are rotten and she will not be able to hold out much longer. But since the gods have taken pity on her and have set you over her as her arbiter and overseer, prove not false to her, to the end that, even as now she has received a little by your aid, so she may survive in safety for the ages to come. 54.25. 1.  Now when Augustus had finished all the business which occupied him in the several provinces of Gaul, of Germany and of Spain, having spent large sums from others, having bestowed freedom and citizenship upon some and taken them away from others, he left Drusus in Germany and returned to Rome himself in the consulship of Tiberius and Quintilius Varus.,2.  Now it chanced that the news of his coming reached the city during those days when Cornelius Balbus was celebrating with spectacles the dedication of theatre which is even to‑day called by his name; and Balbus accordingly began to put on airs, as if it were he himself that was going to bring Augustus back, — although he was unable even to enter his theatre, except by boat, on account of the flood of water caused by the Tiber, which had overflowed its banks, — and Tiberius put the vote to him first, in honour of his building the theatre.,3.  For the senate convened, and among its other decrees voted to place an altar in the senate-chamber itself, to commemorate the return of Augustus, and also voted that those who approached him as suppliants while he was inside the pomerium should not be punished. Nevertheless, he accepted neither of these honours, and even avoided encountering the people on this occasion also;,4.  for he entered the city at night. This he did nearly always when he went out to the suburbs or anywhere else, both on his way out and on his return, so that he might trouble none of the citizens. The next day he welcomed the people in the palace, and then, ascending the Capitol, took the laurel from around his fasces and placed it upon the knees of Jupiter; and he also placed baths and barbers at the service of the people free of charge on that day.,5.  After this he convened the senate, and though he made no address himself by reason of hoarseness, he gave his manuscript to the quaestor to read and thus enumerated his achievements and promulgated rules as to the number of years the citizens should serve in the army and as to the amount of money they should receive when discharged from service, in lieu of the land which they were always demanding.,6.  His object was that the soldiers, by being enlisted henceforth on certain definite terms, should find no excuse for revolt on this score. The number of years was twelve for the Pretorians and sixteen for the rest; and the money to be distributed was less in some cases and more in others. These measures caused the soldiers neither pleasure nor anger for the time being, because they neither obtained all they desired nor yet failed of all; but in the rest of the population the measures aroused confident hopes that they would not in future be robbed of their possessions. 55.26. 1.  This was not the only source of trouble to the Romans; for there was also a severe famine. In consequence of this, the gladiators, and the slaves who were for sale, were banished to a distance of one hundred miles, Augustus and the other officials dismissed the greater part of their retinues, a recess of the courts was taken, and senators were permitted to leave the city and to proceed wherever they pleased.,2.  And in order that their absence might not prevent decrees from being passed, a ruling was made that all decisions reached by those in attendance at any meeting should be valid. Moreover, ex-consuls were appointed to have oversight over the grain and bread supplies, so that only a fixed quantity should be sold to each person.,3.  Augustus, to be sure, gave free of cost to those who were receiving doles of corn as much again in every case as they were already receiving; but when even that did not suffice for their needs, he forbade even the holding of public banquets on his birthday.,4.  When many parts of the city were at this time destroyed by fire, he organized a company of freedmen, in seven divisions, to render assistance on such occasions, and appointed a knight in command over them, expecting to disband them in a short time.,5.  He did not do so, however; for he found by experience that the aid they gave was most valuable and necessary, and so retained them. These night-watchmen exist to the present day, as a special corps, one might say, recruited no longer from the freedmen only, but from the other classes as well. They have barracks in the city and draw pay from the public treasury.
143. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.5, 1.6.43-1.6.44, 1.6.78-1.6.79, 1.6.101-1.6.103, 2.6, 2.6.1-2.6.23, 2.6.27-2.6.32, 2.6.47-2.6.58, 2.6.99-2.6.100, 10.18 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 37, 169, 170, 172, 173, 188, 197, 213, 231
2.6. 3. ANAXAGORASAnaxagoras, the son of Hegesibulus or Eubulus, was a native of Clazomenae. He was a pupil of Anaximenes, and was the first who set mind above matter, for at the beginning of his treatise, which is composed in attractive and dignified language, he says, All things were together; then came Mind and set them in order. This earned for Anaxagoras himself the nickname of Nous or Mind, and Timon in his Silli says of him:Then, I ween, there is Anaxagoras, a doughty champion, whom they call Mind, because forsooth his was the mind which suddenly woke up and fitted closely together all that had formerly been in a medley of confusion.He was eminent for wealth and noble birth, and furthermore for magimity, in that he gave up his patrimony to his relations. 10.18. And from the revenues made over by me to Amynomachus and Timocrates let them to the best of their power in consultation with Hermarchus make separate provision (1) for the funeral offerings to my father, mother, and brothers, and (2) for the customary celebration of my birthday on the tenth day of Gamelion in each year, and for the meeting of all my School held every month on the twentieth day to commemorate Metrodorus and myself according to the rules now in force. Let them also join in celebrating the day in Poseideon which commemorates my brothers, and likewise the day in Metageitnion which commemorates Polyaenus, as I have done hitherto.
144. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.9.13, 3.10-3.12 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 216, 225
145. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 16.10.13-16.10.15 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 263
16.10.13. So then he entered Rome, the home of empire and of every virtue, and when he had come to the Rostra, the most renowned forum of ancient dominion, he stood amazed; and on every side on which his eyes rested he was dazzled by the array of marvellous sights. He addressed the nobles in the senate-house and the populace from the tribunal, and being welcomed to the palace with manifold attentions, he enjoyed a longed-for pleasure; and on several occasions, when holding equestrian games, he took delight in the sallies of the commons, who were neither presumptuous nor regardless of their old-time freedom, while he himself also respectfully observed the due mean. 16.10.14. For he did not (as in the case of other cities) permit the contests to be terminated at his own discretion, but left them (as the custom is) to various chances. Then, as he surveyed the sections of the city and its suburbs, lying within the summits of the seven hills, along their slopes, or on level ground, he thought that whatever first met his gaze towered above all the rest: the sanctuaries of Tarpeian Jove so far surpassing as things divine excel those of earth; the baths built up to the measure of provinces; the huge bulk of the amphitheatre, strengthened by its framework of Tiburtine stone, Travertine. to whose top human eyesight barely ascends; the Pantheon like a rounded city-district, Regio here refers to one of the regions, or districts, into which the city was divided. vaulted over in lofty beauty; and the exalted heights which rise with platforms to which one may mount, and bear the likenesses of former emperors; The columns of Trajan, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius. The platform at the top was reached by a stairway within the column. the Temple of the City, The double temple of Venus and Roma, built by Hadriian and dedicated in A.D. 135 the Forum of Peace, The Forum Pacis, or Vespasiani, was begun by Vespasian in A.D. 71, after the taking of Jerusalem, and dedicated in 75. It lay behind the basilica Aemilia. the Theatre of Pompey, Built in 55 B.C. in the Campus Martius. the Oleum, A building for musical performances, erected by Domitian, probably near his Stadium. the Stadium, The Stadium of Domitian in the Campus Martius, the shape and size of which is almost exactly preserved by the modern Piazza Navona. and amongst these the other adornments of the Eternal City. 16.10.15. But when he came to the Forum of Trajan, a construction unique under the heavens, as we believe, and admirable even in the uimous opinion of the gods, he stood fast in amazement, turning his attention to the gigantic complex about him, beggaring description and never again to be imitated by mortal men. Therefore abandoning all hope of attempting anything like it, he said that he would and could copy Trajan’s steed alone, which stands in the centre of the vestibule, carrying the emperor himself.
146. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 12.841 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 225
147. Servius, In Vergilii Georgicon Libros, 1.21 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 199
148. Nonnus, Dionysiaca, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, brutus Found in books: Oksanish (2019) 82
149. Augustine, The City of God, 4.11, 6.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 199
4.11. Let them therefore assert as many things as ever they please in physical reasonings and disputations. One while let Jupiter be the soul of this corporeal world, who fills and moves that whole mass, constructed and compacted out of four, or as many elements as they please; another while, let him yield to his sister and brothers their parts of it: now let him be the ether, that from above he may embrace Juno, the air spread out beneath; again, let him be the whole heaven along with the air, and impregnate with fertilizing showers and seeds the earth, as his wife, and, at the same time, his mother (for this is not vile in divine beings); and yet again (that it may not be necessary to run through them all), let him, the one god, of whom many think it has been said by a most noble poet, For God pervades all things, All lands, and the tracts of the sea, and the depth of the heavens, - let it be him who in the ether is Jupiter; in the air, Juno; in the sea, Neptune; in the lower parts of the sea, Salacia; in the earth, Pluto; in the lower part of the earth, Proserpine; on the domestic hearths, Vesta; in the furnace of the workmen, Vulcan; among the stars, Sol and Luna, and the Stars; in divination, Apollo; in merchandise, Mercury; in Janus, the initiator; in Terminus, the terminator; Saturn, in time; Mars and Bellona, in war; Liber, in vineyards; Ceres, in cornfields; Diana, in forests; Minerva, in learning. Finally, let it be him who is in that crowd, as it were, of plebeian gods: let him preside under the name of Liber over the seed of men, and under that of Libera over that of women: let him be Diespiter, who brings forth the birth to the light of day: let him be the goddess Mena, whom they set over the menstruation of women: let him be Lucina, who is invoked by women in childbirth: let him bring help to those who are being born, by taking them up from the bosom of the earth, and let him be called Opis: let him open the mouth in the crying babe, and be called the god Vaticanus: let him lift it from the earth, and be called the goddess Levana; let him watch over cradles, and be called the goddess Cunina: let it be no other than he who is in those goddesses, who sing the fates of the new born, and are called Carmentes: let him preside over fortuitous events, and be called Fortuna: in the goddess Rumina, let him milk out the breast to the little one, because the ancients termed the breast ruma: in the goddess Potina, let him administer drink: in the goddess Educa, let him supply food: from the terror of infants, let him be styled Paventia: from the hope which comes, Venilia: from voluptuousness, Volupia: from action, Agenor: from the stimulants by which man is spurred on to much action, let him be named the goddess Stimula: let him be the goddess Strenia, for making strenuous; Numeria, who teaches to number; Camoena, who teaches to sing: let him be both the god Consus for granting counsel, and the goddess Sentia for inspiring sentences: let him be the goddess Juventas, who, after the robe of boyhood is laid aside, takes charge of the beginning of the youthful age: let him be Fortuna Barbata, who endues adults with a beard, whom they have not chosen to honor; so that this divinity, whatever it may be, should at least be a male god, named either Barbatus, from barba, like Nodotus, from nodus; or, certainly, not Fortuna, but because he has beards, Fortunius: let him, in the god Jugatinus, yoke couples in marriage; and when the girdle of the virgin wife is loosed, let him be invoked as the goddess Virginiensis: let him be Mutunus or Tuternus, who, among the Greeks, is called Priapus. If they are not ashamed of it, let all these which I have named, and whatever others I have not named (for I have not thought fit to name all), let all these gods and goddesses be that one Jupiter, whether, as some will have it, all these are parts of him, or are his powers, as those think who are pleased to consider him the soul of the world, which is the opinion of most of their doctors, and these the greatest. If these things are so (how evil they may be I do not yet meanwhile inquire), what would they lose, if they, by a more prudent abridgment, should worship one god? For what part of him could be contemned if he himself should be worshipped? But if they are afraid lest parts of him should be angry at being passed by or neglected, then it is not the case, as they will have it, that this whole is as the life of one living being, which contains all the gods together, as if they were its virtues, or members, or parts; but each part has its own life separate from the rest, if it is so that one can be angered, appeased, or stirred up more than another. But if it is said that all together - that is, the whole Jove himself - would be offended if his parts were not also worshipped singly and minutely, it is foolishly spoken. Surely none of them could be passed by if he who singly possesses them all should be worshipped. For, to omit other things which are innumerable, when they say that all the stars are parts of Jove, and are all alive, and have rational souls, and therefore without controversy are gods, can they not see how many they do not worship, to how many they do not build temples or set up altars, and to how very few, in fact, of the stars they have thought of setting them up and offering sacrifice? If, therefore, those are displeased who are not severally worshipped, do they not fear to live with only a few appeased, while all heaven is displeased? But if they worship all the stars because they are part of Jove whom they worship, by the same compendious method they could supplicate them all in him alone. For in this way no one would be displeased, since in him alone all would be supplicated. No one would be contemned, instead of there being just cause of displeasure given to the much greater number who are passed by in the worship offered to some; especially when Priapus, stretched out in vile nakedness, is preferred to those who shine from their supernal abode. 6.9. And as to those very offices of the gods, so meanly and so minutely portioned out, so that they say that they ought to be supplicated, each one according to his special function - about which we have spoken much already, though not all that is to be said concerning it - are they not more consistent with mimic buffoonery than divine majesty? If any one should use two nurses for his infant, one of whom should give nothing but food, the other nothing but drink, as these make use of two goddesses for this purpose, Educa and Potina, he should certainly seem to be foolish, and to do in his house a thing worthy of a mimic. They would have Liber to have been named from liberation, because through him males at the time of copulation are liberated by the emission of the seed. They also say that Libera (the same in their opinion as Venus) exercises the same function in the case of women, because they say that they also emit seed; and they also say that on this account the same part of the male and of the female is placed in the temple, that of the male to Liber, and that of the female to Libera. To these things they add the women assigned to Liber, and the wine for exciting lust. Thus the Bacchanalia are celebrated with the utmost insanity, with respect to which Varro himself confesses that such things would not be done by the Bacchanals except their minds were highly excited. These things, however, afterwards displeased a saner senate, and it ordered them to be discontinued. Here, at length, they perhaps perceived how much power unclean spirits, when held to be gods, exercise over the minds of men. These things, certainly, were not to be done in the theatres; for there they play, not rave, although to have gods who are delighted with such plays is very like raving. But what kind of distinction is this which he makes between the religious and the superstitious man, saying that the gods are feared by the superstitious man, but are reverenced as parents by the religious man, not feared as enemies; and that they are all so good that they will more readily spare those who are impious than hurt one who is innocent? And yet he tells us that three gods are assigned as guardians to a woman after she has been delivered, lest the god Silvanus come in and molest her; and that in order to signify the presence of these protectors, three men go round the house during the night, and first strike the threshold with a hatchet, next with a pestle, and the third time sweep it with a brush, in order that these symbols of agriculture having been exhibited, the god Silvanus might be hindered from entering, because neither are trees cut down or pruned without a hatchet, neither is grain ground without a pestle, nor grain heaped up without a besom. Now from these three things three gods have been named: Intercidona, from the cut made by the hatchet; Pilumnus, from the pestle; Diverra, from the besom;- by which guardian gods the woman who has been delivered is preserved against the power of the god Silvanus. Thus the guardianship of kindly-disposed gods would not avail against the malice of a mischievous god, unless they were three to one, and fought against him, as it were, with the opposing emblems of cultivation, who, being an inhabitant of the woods, is rough, horrible, and uncultivated. Is this the innocence of the gods? Is this their concord? Are these the health-giving deities of the cities, more ridiculous than the things which are laughed at in the theatres? When a male and a female are united, the god Jugatinus presides. Well, let this be borne with. But the married woman must be brought home: the god Domiducus also is invoked. That she may be in the house, the god Domitius is introduced. That she may remain with her husband, the goddess Manturn is used. What more is required? Let human modesty be spared. Let the lust of flesh and blood go on with the rest, the secret of shame being respected. Why is the bed-chamber filled with a crowd of deities, when even the groomsmen have departed? And, moreover, it is so filled, not that in consideration of their presence more regard may be paid to chastity, but that by their help the woman, naturally of the weaker sex, and trembling with the novelty of her situation, may the more readily yield her virginity. For there are the goddess Virginiensis, and the god-father Subigus, and the goddess-mother Prema, and the goddess Pertunda, and Venus, and Priapus. What is this? If it was absolutely necessary that a man, laboring at this work, should be helped by the gods, might not some one god or goddess have been sufficient? Was Venus not sufficient alone, who is even said to be named from this, that without her power a woman does not cease to be a virgin? If there is any shame in men, which is not in the deities, is it not the case that, when the married couple believe that so many gods of either sex are present, and busy at this work, they are so much affected with shame, that the man is less moved, and the woman more reluctant? And certainly, if the goddess Virginiensis is present to loose the virgin's zone, if the god Subigus is present that the virgin may be got under the man, if the goddess Prema is present that, having been got under him, she may be kept down, and may not move herself, what has the goddess Pertunda to do there? Let her blush; let her go forth. Let the husband himself do something. It is disgraceful that any one but himself should do that from which she gets her name. But perhaps she is tolerated because she is said to be a goddess, and not a god. For if she were believed to be a male, and were called Pertundus, the husband would demand more help against him for the chastity of his wife than the newly-delivered woman against Silvanus. But why am I saying this, when Priapus, too, is there, a male to excess, upon whose immense and most unsightly member the newly-married bride is commanded to sit, according to the most honorable and most religious custom of matrons? Let them go on, and let them attempt with all the subtlety they can to distinguish the civil theology from the fabulous, the cities from the theatres, the temples from the stages, the sacred things of the priests from the songs of the poets, as honorable things from base things, truthful things from fallacious, grave from light, serious from ludicrous, desirable things from things to be rejected, we understand what they do. They are aware that that theatrical and fabulous theology hangs by the civil, and is reflected back upon it from the songs of the poets as from a mirror; and thus, that theology having been exposed to view which they do not dare to condemn, they more freely assail and censure that picture of it, in order that those who perceive what they mean may detest this very face itself of which that is the picture - which, however, the gods themselves, as though seeing themselves in the same mirror, love so much, that it is better seen in both of them who and what they are. Whence, also, they have compelled their worshippers, with terrible commands, to dedicate to them the uncleanness of the fabulous theology, to put them among their solemnities, and reckon them among divine things; and thus they have both shown themselves more manifestly to be most impure spirits, and have made that rejected and reprobated theatrical theology a member and a part of this, as it were, chosen and approved theology of the city, so that, though the whole is disgraceful and false, and contains in it fictitious gods, one part of it is in the literature of the priests, the other in the songs of the poets. Whether it may have other parts is another question. At present, I think, I have sufficiently shown, on account of the division of Varro, that the theology of the city and that of the theatre belong to one civil theology. Wherefore, because they are both equally disgraceful, absurd, shameful, false, far be it from religious men to hope for eternal life from either the one or the other. In fine, even Varro himself, in his account and enumeration of the gods, starts from the moment of a man's conception. He commences the series of those gods who take charge of man with Janus, carries it on to the death of the man decrepit with age, and terminates it with the goddess N nia, who is sung at the funerals of the aged. After that, he begins to give an account of the other gods, whose province is not man himself, but man's belongings, as food, clothing, and all that is necessary for this life; and, in the case of all these, he explains what is the special office of each, and for what each ought to be supplicated. But with all this scrupulous and comprehensive diligence, he has neither proved the existence, nor so much as mentioned the name, of any god from whom eternal life is to be sought - the one object for which we are Christians. Who, then, is so stupid as not to perceive that this man, by setting forth and opening up so diligently the civil theology, and by exhibiting its likeness to that fabulous, shameful, and disgraceful theology, and also by teaching that that fabulous sort is also a part of this other, was laboring to obtain a place in the minds of men for none but that natural theology, which he says pertains to philosophers, with such subtlety that he censures the fabulous, and, not daring openly to censure the civil, shows its censurable character by simply exhibiting it; and thus, both being reprobated by the judgment of men of right understanding, the natural alone remains to be chosen? But concerning this in its own place, by the help of the true God, we have to discuss more diligently.
150. Proclus, In Platonis Timaeum Commentarii, None (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 221
151. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.1.4-1.1.7  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 197, 215
152. Strabo, Geography, 5.3.7-5.3.8  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 167, 267, 268
5.3.7. In the interior, the first city above Ostia is Rome; it is the only city built on the Tiber. It has been remarked above, that its position was fixed, not by choice, but necessity; to this must be added, that those who afterwards enlarged it, were not at liberty to select a better site, being prevented by what was already built. The first [kings] fortified the Capitol, the Palatium, and the Collis Quirinalis, which was so easy of access, that when Titus Tatius came to avenge the rape of the [Sabine] virgins, he took it on the first assault. Ancus Marcius, who added Mount Caelius and the Aventine Mount with the intermediate plain, separated as these places were both from each other and from what had been formerly fortified, was compelled to do this of necessity; since he did not consider it proper to leave outside his walls, heights so well protected by nature, to whomsoever might have a mind to fortify themselves upon them, while at the same time he was not capable of enclosing the whole as far as Mount Quirinus. Servius perceived this defect, and added the Esquiline and Viminal hills. As these were both of easy access from without, a deep trench was dug outside them and the earth thrown up on the inside, thus forming a terrace of 6 stadia in length along the inner side of the trench. This terrace he surmounted with a wall flanked with towers, and extending from the Colline to the Esquiline gate. Midway along the terrace is a third gate, named after the Viminal hill. Such is the Roman rampart, which seems to stand in need of other ramparts itself. But it seems to me that the first [founders] were of opinion, both in regard to themselves and their successors, that Romans had to depend not on fortifications, but on arms and their individual valour, both for safety and for wealth, and that walls were not a defence to men, but men were a defence to walls. At the period of its commencement, when the large and fertile districts surrounding the city belonged to others, and while it lay easily open to assault, there was nothing in its position which could be looked upon as favourable; but when by valour and labour these districts became its own, there succeeded a tide of prosperity surpassing the advantages of every other place. Thus, notwithstanding the prodigious increase of the city, there has been plenty of food, and also of wood and stone for ceaseless building, rendered necessary by the falling down of houses, and on account of conflagrations, and of the sales, which seem never to cease. These sales are a kind of voluntary falling down of houses, each owner knocking down and rebuilding one part or another, according to his individual taste. For these purposes the numerous quarries, the forests, and the rivers which convey the materials, offer wonderful facilities. of these rivers, the first is the Teverone, which flows from Alba, a city of the Latins near to the country of the Marsi, and from thence through the plain below this [city], till it unites with the Tiber. After this come the Nera (Nar) and the Timia, which passing through Ombrica fall into the Tiber, and the Chiana, which flows through Tyrrhenia and the territory of Clusiumn. Augustus Caesar endeavoured to avert from the city damages of the kind alluded to, and instituted a company of freedmen, who should be ready to lend their assistance in cases of conflagration; whilst, as a preventive against the falling of houses, he decreed that all new buildings should not be carried so high as formerly, and that those erected along the public ways should not exceed seventy feet in height. But these improvements must have ceased only for the facilities afforded by the quarries, the forests, and the ease of transport. 5.3.8. These advantages accrued to the city from the nature of the country; but the foresight of the Romans added others besides. The Grecian cities are thought to have flourished mainly on account of the felicitous choice made by their founders, in regard to the beauty and strength of their sites, their proximity to some port, and the fineness of the country. But the Roman prudence was more particularly employed on matters which had received but little attention from the Greeks, such as paving their roads, constructing aqueducts, and sewers, to convey the sewage of the city into the Tiber. In fact, they have paved the roads, cut through hills, and filled up valleys, so that the merchandise may be conveyed by carriage from the ports. The sewers, arched over with hewn stones, are large enough in some parts for waggons loaded with hay to pass through; while so plentiful is the supply of water from the aqueducts, that rivers may be said to flow through the city and the sewers, and almost every house is furnished with water-pipes and copious fountains. To effect which Marcus Agrippa directed his special attention; he likewise bestowed upon the city numerous ornaments. We may remark, that the ancients, occupied with greater and more necessary concerns, paid but little attention to the beautifying of Rome. But their successors, and especially those of our own day, without neglecting these things, have at the same time embellished the city with numerous and splendid objects. Pompey, divus Caesar, and Augustus, with his children, friends, wife, and sister, have surpassed all others in their zeal and munificence in these decorations. The greater number of these may be seen in the Campus Martius, which to the beauties of nature adds those of art. The size of the plain is marvellous, permitting chariot-races and other feats of horsemanship without impediment, and multitudes to exercise themselves at ball, in the circus and the palaestra. The structures which surround it, the turf covered with herbage all the year round, the summits of the hills beyond the Tiber, extending from its banks with panoramic effect, present a spectacle which the eye abandons with regret. Near to this plain is another surrounded with columns, sacred groves, three theatres, an amphitheatre, and superb temples in close contiguity to each other; and so magnificent, that it would seem idle to describe the rest of the city after it. For this cause the Romans, esteeming it as the most sacred place, have there erected funeral monuments to the most illustrious persons of either sex. The most remarkable of these is that designated as the Mausoleum, which consists of a mound of earth raised upon a high foundation of white marble, situated near the river, and covered to the top with ever-green shrubs. Upon the summit is a bronze statue of Augustus Caesar, and beneath the mound are the ashes of himself, his relatives, and friends. Behind is a large grove containing charming promenades. In the centre of the plain, is the spot where this prince was reduced to ashes; it is surrounded with a double enclosure, one of marble, the other of iron, and planted within with poplars. If from hence you proceed to visit the ancient forum, which is equally filled with basilicas, porticos, and temples, you will there behold the Capitol, the Palatium, with the noble works which adorn them, and the promenade of Livia, each successive place causing you speedily to forget what you have before seen. Such is Rome.
153. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.28, 1.159-1.168, 1.419-1.420, 1.426, 1.437-1.440, 2.458-2.462, 3.90-3.98, 3.147-3.174, 3.302-3.305, 3.349-3.351, 4.88-4.89, 4.172, 4.198, 4.408-4.411, 6.9-6.12, 6.42-6.55, 6.77-6.82, 6.98-6.103, 6.236-6.264, 6.724-6.751, 6.850, 7.45-7.49, 7.81-7.95, 7.137, 7.177-7.182, 7.191, 7.219-7.221, 7.563-7.571, 8.306-8.400, 8.424-8.438, 8.473, 9.77-9.122, 11.142-11.147, 11.477-11.482  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50, 162, 166, 176, 178, 179, 199, 202, 207, 215, 216, 218, 233, 244, 254, 262, 269
1.28. that of the Trojan blood there was a breed 1.159. weapons of war, spars, planks, and treasures rare, 1.160. once Ilium 's boast, all mingled with the storm. 1.161. Now o'er Achates and Ilioneus, 1.162. now o'er the ship of Abas or Aletes, 1.163. bursts the tempestuous shock; their loosened seams 1.165. Meanwhile how all his smitten ocean moaned, 1.166. and how the tempest's turbulent assault 1.167. had vexed the stillness of his deepest cave, 1.168. great Neptune knew; and with indigt mien 1.419. upon him broke, resolved to take survey 1.420. of this strange country whither wind and wave 1.426. he left encircled in far-branching shade. 1.437. Over her lovely shoulders was a bow, 1.438. lender and light, as fits a huntress fair; 1.439. her golden tresses without wimple moved 1.440. in every wind, and girded in a knot 2.458. where grim Bellona called, and all the air 2.459. resounded high as heaven with shouts of war. 2.460. Rhipeus and Epytus of doughty arm 2.461. were at my side, Dymas and Hypanis, 2.462. een by a pale moon, join our little band; 3.90. But fit and solemn funeral rites were paid 3.91. to Polydorus. A high mound we reared 3.92. of heaped-up earth, and to his honored shade 3.93. built a perpetual altar, sadly dressed 3.94. in cypress dark and purple pall of woe. 3.95. Our Ilian women wailed with loosened hair; 3.96. new milk was sprinkled from a foaming cup, 3.97. and from the shallow bowl fresh blood out-poured 3.98. upon the sacred ground. So in its tomb 3.147. and his sons' sons, and all their house to be.” 3.148. So Phoebus spoke; and mighty joy uprose 3.149. from all my thronging people, who would know 3.150. where Phoebus' city lay, and whitherward 3.151. the god ordained the wandering tribe's return. 3.152. Then spake my father, pondering olden days 3.153. and sacred memories of heroes gone: 3.154. “Hear, chiefs and princes, what your hopes shall be! 3.155. The Isle of Crete , abode of lofty Jove, 3.156. rests in the middle sea. Thence Ida soars; 3.157. there is the cradle of our race. It boasts 3.158. a hundred cities, seats of fruitful power. 3.159. Thence our chief sire, if duly I recall 3.160. the olden tale, King Teucer sprung, who first 3.161. touched on the Trojan shore, and chose his seat 3.162. of kingly power. There was no Ilium then 3.163. nor towered Pergama; in lowly vales 3.164. their dwelling; hence the ancient worship given 3.165. to the Protectress of Mount Cybele, 3.166. mother of Gods, what time in Ida's grove 3.167. the brazen Corybantic cymbals clang, 3.168. or sacred silence guards her mystery, 3.169. and lions yoked her royal chariot draw. 3.170. Up, then, and follow the behests divine! 3.171. Pour offering to the winds, and point your keels 3.172. unto that realm of Minos. It is near. 3.173. if Jove but bless, the third day's dawn should see 3.174. our ships at Cretan land.” So, having said, 3.302. to islands in the broad Ionic main, — 3.303. the Strophades, where dread Celaeno bides, 3.304. with other Harpies, who had quit the halls 3.305. of stricken Phineus, and for very fear 3.349. ons of Laomedon, have ye made war? 3.350. And will ye from their rightful kingdom drive 3.351. the guiltless Harpies? Hear, O, hear my word 4.88. he strode among the richly laden shrines, 4.89. the eyes of gods upon her, worshipping 4.172. hall first unveil the world. But I will pour 4.198. meet in a golden clasp. To greet her come 4.408. at this resolve: he summoned to his side 4.409. Mnestheus, Sergestus, and Serestus bold, 4.410. and bade them fit the fleet, all silently 4.411. gathering the sailors and collecting gear, 6.9. To find the seed-spark hidden in its veins; 6.10. One breaks the thick-branched trees, and steals away 6.11. The shelter where the woodland creatures bide; 6.12. One leads his mates where living waters flow. 6.42. 0 Icarus, in such well-graven scene 6.43. How proud thy place should be! but grief forbade: 6.44. Twice in pure gold a father's fingers strove 6.45. To shape thy fall, and twice they strove in vain. 6.46. Aeneas long the various work would scan; 6.47. But now Achates comes, and by his side 6.48. Deiphobe, the Sibyl, Glaucus' child. 6.49. Thus to the prince she spoke : 6.50. “Is this thine hour 6.51. To stand and wonder? Rather go obtain 6.52. From young unbroken herd the bullocks seven, 6.53. And seven yearling ewes, our wonted way.” 6.54. Thus to Aeneas; his attendants haste 6.55. To work her will; the priestess, calling loud, 6.77. On great Achilles! Thou hast guided me 6.78. Through many an unknown water, where the seas 6.79. Break upon kingdoms vast, and to the tribes 6.80. of the remote Massyli, whose wild land 6.81. To Syrtes spreads. But now; because at last 6.82. I touch Hesperia's ever-fleeting bound, 6.98. I there will keep, to be my people's law; 6.99. And thee, benigt Sibyl for all time 6.100. A company of chosen priests shall serve. 6.101. O, not on leaves, light leaves, inscribe thy songs! 6.102. Lest, playthings of each breeze, they fly afar 6.103. In swift confusion! Sing thyself, I pray.” 6.236. 'mid surf-beat rocks and waves of whirling foam. 6.237. Now from all sides, with tumult and loud cry, 6.238. The Trojans came,—Aeneas leading all 6.239. In faithful grief; they hasten to fulfil 6.240. The Sibyl's mandate, and with many a tear 6.241. Build, altar-wise, a pyre, of tree on tree 6.242. Heaped high as heaven : then they penetrate 6.243. The tall, old forest, where wild creatures bide, 6.244. And fell pitch-pines, or with resounding blows 6.245. of axe and wedge, cleave oak and ash-tree through, 6.247. Aeneas oversees and shares the toil, 6.248. Cheers on his mates, and swings a woodman's steel. 6.249. But, sad at heart with many a doubt and care, 6.250. O'erlooks the forest wide; then prays aloud : 6.251. “0, that the Golden Bough from this vast grove 6.252. Might o'er me shine! For, 0 Aeolides, 6.253. The oracle foretold thy fate, too well!” 6.254. Scarce had he spoken, when a pair of doves 6.255. Before his very eyes flew down from heaven 6.256. To the green turf below; the prince of Troy 6.257. Knew them his mother's birds, and joyful cried, 6.258. “0, guide me on, whatever path there be! 6.259. In airy travel through the woodland fly, 6.260. To where yon rare branch shades the blessed ground. 6.261. Fail thou not me, in this my doubtful hour, 6.262. 0 heavenly mother!” So saying, his steps lie stayed, 6.263. Close watching whither they should signal give; 6.264. The lightly-feeding doves flit on and on, 6.724. Harries them thus? What wailing smites the air?” 6.725. To whom the Sibyl, “Far-famed prince of Troy , 6.726. The feet of innocence may never pass 6.727. Into this house of sin. But Hecate, 6.728. When o'er th' Avernian groves she gave me power, 6.729. Taught me what penalties the gods decree, 6.730. And showed me all. There Cretan Rhadamanth 6.731. His kingdom keeps, and from unpitying throne 6.732. Chastises and lays bare the secret sins 6.733. of mortals who, exulting in vain guile, 6.734. Elude till death, their expiation due. 6.735. There, armed forever with her vengeful scourge, 6.736. Tisiphone, with menace and affront, 6.737. The guilty swarm pursues; in her left hand 6.738. She lifts her angered serpents, while she calls 6.739. A troop of sister-furies fierce as she. 6.740. Then, grating loud on hinge of sickening sound, 6.741. Hell's portals open wide. 0, dost thou see 6.742. What sentinel upon that threshold sits, 6.744. Far, far within the dragon Hydra broods 6.745. With half a hundred mouths, gaping and black; 6.746. And Tartarus slopes downward to the dark 6.747. Twice the whole space that in the realms of light 6.748. Th' Olympian heaven above our earth aspires. — 6.749. Here Earth's first offspring, the Titanic brood, 6.750. Roll lightning-blasted in the gulf profound; 6.751. The twin Aloidae Aloïdae , colossal shades, 6.850. of laurel groves; and hence to earth outpours 7.46. Hail, Erato! while olden kings and thrones 7.47. and all their sequent story I unfold! 7.48. How Latium 's honor stood, when alien ships 7.49. brought war to Italy , and from what cause 7.81. Laurentian, which his realm and people bear. 7.82. Unto this tree-top, wonderful to tell, 7.83. came hosts of bees, with audible acclaim 7.84. voyaging the stream of air, and seized a place 7.85. on the proud, pointing crest, where the swift swarm, 7.86. with interlacement of close-clinging feet, 7.87. wung from the leafy bough. “Behold, there comes,” 7.88. the prophet cried, “a husband from afar! 7.89. To the same region by the self-same path 7.90. behold an arm'd host taking lordly sway 7.91. upon our city's crown!” Soon after this, 7.92. when, coming to the shrine with torches pure, 7.93. Lavinia kindled at her father's side 7.94. the sacrifice, swift seemed the flame to burn 7.95. along her flowing hair—O sight of woe! 7.137. of one great tree made resting-place, and set 7.177. in thunder spoke, and, with effulgent ray 7.178. from his ethereal tract outreaching far, 7.179. hook visibly the golden-gleaming air. 7.180. Swift, through the concourse of the Trojans, spread 7.181. news of the day at hand when they should build 7.182. their destined walls. So, with rejoicing heart 7.191. Anchises' son chose out from his brave band 7.219. Here kings took sceptre and the fasces proud 7.220. with omens fair; the selfsame sacred place 7.221. was senate-house and temple; here was found 7.563. which, while in night and slumber thou wert laid, 7.564. Saturnia 's godhead, visibly revealed, 7.565. bade me declare. Up, therefore, and array 7.566. thy warriors in arms! Swift sallying forth 7.567. from thy strong city-gates, on to the fray 7.568. exultant go! Assail the Phrygian chiefs 7.569. who tent them by thy beauteous river's marge, 7.570. and burn their painted galleys! 't is the will 7.571. of gods above that speaks. Yea, even the King 8.306. rolling this way and that his wrathful eyes, 8.307. gnashing his teeth. Three times his ire surveyed 8.308. the slope of Aventine ; three times he stormed 8.309. the rock-built gate in vain; and thrice withdrew 8.310. to rest him in the vale. But high above 8.311. a pointed peak arose, sheer face of rock 8.312. on every side, which towered into view 8.313. from the long ridge above the vaulted cave, 8.314. fit haunt for birds of evil-boding wing. 8.315. This peak, which leftward toward the river leaned, 8.316. he smote upon its right—his utmost blow — 8.317. breaking its bases Ioose; then suddenly 8.318. thrust at it: as he thrust, the thunder-sound 8.319. filled all the arching sky, the river's banks 8.320. asunder leaped, and Tiber in alarm 8.321. reversed his flowing wave. So Cacus' lair 8.322. lay shelterless, and naked to the day 8.323. the gloomy caverns of his vast abode 8.324. tood open, deeply yawning, just as if 8.325. the riven earth should crack, and open wide 8.326. th' infernal world and fearful kingdoms pale, 8.327. which gods abhor; and to the realms on high 8.328. the measureless abyss should be laid bare, 8.329. and pale ghosts shrink before the entering sun. 8.330. Now upon Cacus, startled by the glare, 8.331. caged in the rocks and howling horribly, 8.332. Alcides hurled his weapons, raining down 8.333. all sorts of deadly missiles—trunks of trees, 8.334. and monstrous boulders from the mountain torn. 8.335. But when the giant from his mortal strait 8.336. no refuge knew, he blew from his foul jaws 8.337. a storm of smoke—incredible to tell — 8.338. and with thick darkness blinding every eye, 8.339. concealed his cave, uprolling from below 8.340. one pitch-black night of mingled gloom and fire. 8.341. This would Alcides not endure, but leaped 8.342. headlong across the flames, where densest hung 8.343. the rolling smoke, and through the cavern surged 8.344. a drifting and impenetrable cloud. 8.345. With Cacus, who breathed unavailing flame, 8.346. he grappled in the dark, locked limb with limb, 8.347. and strangled him, till o'er the bloodless throat 8.348. the starting eyeballs stared. Then Hercules 8.349. burst wide the doorway of the sooty den, 8.350. and unto Heaven and all the people showed 8.351. the stolen cattle and the robber's crimes, 8.352. and dragged forth by the feet the shapeless corpse 8.353. of the foul monster slain. The people gazed 8.354. insatiate on the grewsome eyes, the breast 8.355. of bristling shag, the face both beast and man, 8.356. and that fire-blasted throat whence breathed no more 8.357. the extinguished flame. 'T is since that famous day 8.358. we celebrate this feast, and glad of heart 8.359. each generation keeps the holy time. 8.360. Potitius began the worship due, 8.361. and our Pinarian house is vowed to guard 8.362. the rites of Hercules. An altar fair 8.363. within this wood they raised; 't is called ‘the Great,’ 8.364. and Ara Maxima its name shall be. 8.365. Come now, my warriors, and bind your brows 8.366. with garlands worthy of the gift of Heaven. 8.367. Lift high the cup in every thankful hand, 8.368. and praise our people's god with plenteous wine.” 8.369. He spoke; and of the poplar's changeful sheen, 8.370. acred to Hercules, wove him a wreath 8.371. to shade his silvered brow. The sacred cup 8.372. he raised in his right hand, while all the rest 8.374. Soon from the travelling heavens the western star 8.375. glowed nearer, and Potitius led forth 8.376. the priest-procession, girt in ancient guise 8.377. with skins of beasts and carrying burning brands. 8.378. new feasts are spread, and altars heaped anew 8.379. with gifts and laden chargers. Then with song 8.380. the Salian choir surrounds the blazing shrine, 8.381. their foreheads wreathed with poplar. Here the youth, 8.382. the elders yonder, in proud anthem sing 8.383. the glory and the deeds of Hercules: 8.384. how first he strangled with strong infant hand 8.385. two serpents, Juno's plague; what cities proud, 8.386. Troy and Oechalia, his famous war 8.387. in pieces broke; what labors numberless 8.388. as King Eurystheus' bondman he endured, 8.389. by cruel Juno's will. “Thou, unsubdued, 8.390. didst strike the twy-formed, cloud-bred centaurs down, 8.391. Pholus and tall Hylaeus. Thou hast slain 8.392. the Cretan horror, and the lion huge 8.393. beneath the Nemean crag. At sight of thee 8.394. the Stygian region quailed, and Cerberus, 8.395. crouching o'er half-picked bones in gory cave. 8.396. Nothing could bid thee fear. Typhoeus towered 8.397. in his colossal Titan-panoply 8.398. o'er thee in vain; nor did thy cunning fail 8.399. when Lema's wonder-serpent round thee drew 8.400. its multudinous head. Hail, Jove's true son! 8.424. in flight from Jove's dread arms, his sceptre lost, 8.425. and he an exiled King. That savage race 8.426. he gathered from the mountain slopes; and gave 8.427. wise laws and statutes; so that latent land 8.428. was Latium , ‘hid land’, where he hid so long. 8.429. The golden centuries by legends told 8.430. were under that good King, whose equal sway 8.431. untroubled peace to all his peoples gave. 8.432. But after slow decline arrived an age 8.433. degenerate and of a darker hue, 8.434. prone to insensate war and greed of gain. 8.435. Then came Sicanian and Ausonian tribes, 8.436. and oft the land of Saturn lost its name. 8.437. New chieftains rose, and Thybris, giant King 8.438. and violent, from whom th' Italians named 8.473. two strongholds with dismantled walls, which now 9.77. tands howling at the postern all night long; 9.78. beneath the ewes their bleating lambs lie safe; 9.79. but he, with undesisting fury, more 9.80. rages from far, made frantic for his prey 9.81. by hunger of long hours, his foaming jaws 9.82. athirst for blood: not less the envy burned 9.83. of the Rutulian, as he scanned in vain 9.84. the stronghold of his foe. Indigt scorn 9.85. thrilled all his iron frame. But how contrive 9.86. to storm the fortress or by force expel 9.87. the Trojans from the rampart, and disperse 9.88. along the plain? Straightway he spied the ships, 9.89. in hiding near the camp, defended well 9.90. by mounded river-bank and fleeting wave. 9.91. On these he fell; while his exultant crew 9.92. brought firebrands, and he with heart aflame 9.93. grasped with a vengeful hand the blazing pine. 9.94. To the wild work his followers sped; for who 9.95. could prove him craven under Turnus' eye? 9.96. The whole troop for the weapon of their rage 9.97. eized smoking coals, of many a hearth the spoil; 9.98. red glare of fuming torches burned abroad, 9.100. What god, O Muses, saved the Trojans then 9.101. from wrathful flame? Who shielded then the fleet, 9.102. I pray you tell, from bursting storm of fire? 9.103. From hoary eld the tale, but its renown 9.104. ings on forever. When Aeneas first 9.105. on Phrygian Ida hewed the sacred wood 9.106. for rib and spar, and soon would put to sea, 9.107. that mighty mother of the gods, they say, 9.108. the Berecynthian goddess, thus to Jove 9.109. addressed her plea: “Grant, O my son, a boon, 9.110. which thy dear mother asks, who aided thee 9.111. to quell Olympian war. A grove I have 9.112. of sacred pine, long-loved from year to year. 9.113. On lofty hill it grew, and thither came 9.114. my worshippers with gifts, in secret gloom 9.115. of pine-trees dark and shadowing maple-boughs.; 9.116. these on the Dardan warrior at his need 9.117. I, not unwilling, for his fleet bestowed. 9.118. But I have fears. O, Iet a parent's prayer 9.119. in this prevail, and bid my care begone! 9.120. Let not rude voyages nor the shock of storm 9.121. my ships subdue, but let their sacred birth 9.122. on my charmed hills their strength and safety be!” 11.142. I sailed not hither save by Heaven's decree, 11.143. which called me to this land. I wage no war 11.144. with you, the people; 't was your King refused 11.145. our proffered bond of peace, and gave his cause 11.146. to Turnus' arms. More meet and just it were 11.147. had Turnus met this death that makes you mourn. 11.477. fling thy poor countrymen in danger's way, 11.478. O chief and fountain of all Latium 's pain? 11.479. War will not save us. Not a voice but sues 11.480. for peace, O Turnus! and, not less than peace, 11.481. its one inviolable pledge. Behold, 11.482. I lead in this petition! even I
154. Epigraphy, Illrp, 270  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 212
155. Vergil, Eclogues, 1.34, 2.73, 7.12  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50, 186, 269
156. Demosthenes, Orations, 39  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 264
157. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 1.11.7, 2.45, 2.59-2.60, 2.79, 2.92, 2.122.1, 2.130  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 37, 156, 175, 182, 184, 187, 227, 266
158. Epigraphy, Ils, 5047-5048, 2988  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 212
159. Anon., Appendix Vergiliana. Catalepton., 8, 5  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 217
160. Telephus, Trrf, 126  Tagged with subjects: •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, brutus Found in books: Oksanish (2019) 82
161. Diodorus of Sicily, Fr., 11.24.1  Tagged with subjects: •ciceromarcus tullius cicero, brutus Found in books: Oksanish (2019) 83
162. Dem., Synth., 22  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 264
163. Seneca The Younger, Nero, 57.1  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 159
164. Vergil, Georgics, 1.5-1.42, 1.168, 1.498-1.499, 2.73-2.82, 2.146-2.148, 2.157, 2.173-2.174, 2.472-2.486, 2.490-2.494, 3.15, 4.201, 4.214-4.216  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50, 166, 171, 207, 214, 216, 217, 221, 224, 254, 264
1.5. hinc canere incipiam. Vos, o clarissima mundi 1.6. lumina, labentem caelo quae ducitis annum, 1.7. Liber et alma Ceres, vestro si munere tellus 1.8. Chaoniam pingui glandem mutavit arista, 1.9. poculaque inventis Acheloia miscuit uvis; 1.10. et vos, agrestum praesentia numina, Fauni, 1.11. ferte simul Faunique pedem Dryadesque puellae: 1.12. Munera vestra cano. Tuque o, cui prima frementem 1.13. fudit equum magno tellus percussa tridenti, 1.14. Neptune; et cultor nemorum, cui pinguia Ceae 1.15. ter centum nivei tondent dumeta iuvenci; 1.16. ipse nemus linquens patrium saltusque Lycaei, 1.17. Pan, ovium custos, tua si tibi Maenala curae, 1.18. adsis, o Tegeaee, favens, oleaeque Minerva 1.19. inventrix, uncique puer monstrator aratri, 1.20. et teneram ab radice ferens, Silvane, cupressum, 1.21. dique deaeque omnes, studium quibus arva tueri, 1.22. quique novas alitis non ullo semine fruges, 1.23. quique satis largum caelo demittitis imbrem; 1.24. tuque adeo, quem mox quae sint habitura deorum 1.25. concilia, incertum est, urbisne invisere, Caesar, 1.26. terrarumque velis curam et te maximus orbis 1.27. auctorem frugum tempestatumque potentem 1.28. accipiat, cingens materna tempora myrto, 1.29. an deus inmensi venias maris ac tua nautae 1.30. numina sola colant, tibi serviat ultima Thule 1.31. teque sibi generum Tethys emat omnibus undis, 1.32. anne novum tardis sidus te mensibus addas, 1.33. qua locus Erigonen inter Chelasque sequentis 1.34. panditur—ipse tibi iam bracchia contrahit ardens 1.35. Scorpius et caeli iusta plus parte reliquit— 1.36. quidquid eris,—nam te nec sperant Tartara regem 1.37. nec tibi regdi veniat tam dira cupido, 1.38. quamvis Elysios miretur Graecia campos 1.39. nec repetita sequi curet Proserpina matrem— 1.40. da facilem cursum atque audacibus adnue coeptis 1.41. ignarosque viae mecum miseratus agrestis 1.42. ingredere et votis iam nunc adsuesce vocari. 1.168. si te digna manet divini gloria ruris. 1.498. Di patrii, Indigetes, et Romule Vestaque mater, 1.499. quae Tuscum Tiberim et Romana Palatia servas, 2.73. Nec modus inserere atque oculos inponere simplex. 2.74. Nam qua se medio trudunt de cortice gemmae 2.75. et tenuis rumpunt tunicas, angustus in ipso 2.76. fit nodo sinus: huc aliena ex arbore germen 2.77. includunt udoque docent inolescere libro. 2.78. Aut rursum enodes trunci resecantur et alte 2.79. finditur in solidum cuneis via, deinde feraces 2.80. plantae inmittuntur: nec longum tempus, et ingens 2.81. exsilit ad caelum ramis felicibus arbos 2.82. miraturque novas frondes et non sua poma. 2.146. hinc albi, Clitumne, greges et maxima taurus 2.147. victima, saepe tuo perfusi flumine sacro, 2.148. Romanos ad templa deum duxere triumphos. 2.157. fluminaque antiquos subter labentia muros. 2.173. Salve, magna parens frugum, Saturnia tellus, 2.174. magna virum; tibi res antiquae laudis et artem 2.472. et patiens operum exiguoque adsueta iuventus, 2.473. sacra deum sanctique patres; extrema per illos 2.474. iustitia excedens terris vestigia fecit. 2.475. Me vero primum dulces ante omnia Musae, 2.476. quarum sacra fero ingenti percussus amore, 2.477. accipiant caelique vias et sidera monstrent, 2.478. defectus solis varios lunaeque labores; 2.479. unde tremor terris, qua vi maria alta tumescant 2.480. obicibus ruptis rursusque in se ipsa residant, 2.481. quid tantum Oceano properent se tinguere soles 2.482. hiberni, vel quae tardis mora noctibus obstet. 2.483. Sin, has ne possim naturae accedere partis, 2.484. frigidus obstiterit circum praecordia sanguis: 2.485. rura mihi et rigui placeant in vallibus amnes, 2.486. flumina amem silvasque inglorius. O ubi campi 2.490. Felix, qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas, 2.491. atque metus omnis et inexorabile fatum 2.492. subiecit pedibus strepitumque Acherontis avari. 2.493. Fortunatus et ille, deos qui novit agrestis, 2.494. panaque Silvanumque senem Nymphasque sorores: 3.15. Mincius et tenera praetexit arundine ripas. 4.201. ore legunt, ipsae regem parvosque Quirites 4.214. diripuere ipsae et crates solvere favorum. 4.215. Ille operum custos, illum admiruntur et omnes 4.216. circumstant fremitu denso stipantque frequentes
165. Arch., Am., 18, 16  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 173
166. Epigraphy, Cil, 6.29436  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 169
167. Suetonius, Ben., 6.30.6  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus •cicero, marcus tullius, and brutus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 8
168. Arch., Cat., 1.2, 1.9, 2.1, 2.7  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 165, 190, 207
170. Varro, Ap Gell., None  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 199
171. Arch., Cael., 6  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 166
172. Arch., Att., 1.16.11, 1.18.1, 1.19.4, 2.1.5, 2.1.8, 2.4.7, 2.5.1, 2.15.3, 2.16.2, 2.19.3, 4.1.5, 4.15.6, 7.11.3, 7.21.2, 8.2.2, 8.3.3, 9.6.2, 9.9.2, 13.52, 14.16.2  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus •cicero, marcus tullius, and brutus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 37, 155, 164, 165, 172, 173, 175, 182, 187, 244, 253, 261, 267, 269
173. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 1.9.4, 1.13.13, 1.13.18, 2.20  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 50, 184, 226
174. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Or., 7.27.1, 12.2.10  Tagged with subjects: •brutus, marcus Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 182
175. Seneca The Younger, Oen., 530-531, 533-581, 532  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jenkyns (2013) 233