1. Hebrew Bible, 1 Samuel, 17.35 (8th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Bar Asher Siegal (2013), Early Christian Monastic Literature and the Babylonian Talmud, 88| 17.35. "וְיָצָאתִי אַחֲרָיו וְהִכִּתִיו וְהִצַּלְתִּי מִפִּיו וַיָּקָם עָלַי וְהֶחֱזַקְתִּי בִּזְקָנוֹ וְהִכִּתִיו וַהֲמִיתִּיו׃", | 17.35. "and I went out after it, and smote it, and delivered it out of its mouth: and when it arose against me, I caught it by its beard, and smote it, and slew it.", |
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| 2. Homeric Hymns, To Helios, 87-88 (8th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 73 |
| 3. Theophrastus, De Pietate, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •peter brown Found in books: Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 135 |
4. Polybius, Histories, 3.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 73 | 3.13. 1. The Carthaginians could ill bear their defeat in the war for Sicily, and, as I said above, they were additionally exasperated by the matter of Sardinia and the exorbitancy of the sum they had been last obliged to agree to pay.,2. Therefore, when they had subjugated the greater part of Iberia, they were quite ready to adopt any measures against Rome which suggested themselves.,3. On the death of Hasdrubal, to whom after that of Hamilcar they had entrusted the government of Iberia, they at first waited for a pronouncement on the part of the troops,,4. and when news reached them from their armies that the soldiers had uimously chosen Hannibal as their commander, they hastened to summon a general assembly of the commons, which uimously ratified the choice of the soldiers.,5. Hannibal on assuming the command, at once set forth with the view of subduing a tribe called the Olcades, and arriving before their most powerful city Althaea,,6. encamped there and soon made himself master of it by a series of vigorous and formidable assaults, upon which the rest of the tribe were overawed and submitted to the Carthaginians.,7. After exacting tribute from the towns and possessing himself of a considerable sum, he retired to winter quarters at New Carthage.,8. By the generosity he now displayed to the troops under his command, paying them in part and promising further payment, he inspired in them great good-will to himself and high hopes of the future. |
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5. Philo of Alexandria, On The Special Laws, 3.113 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 276 | 3.113. for those men are devoted to pleasure who are not influenced by the wish of propagating children, and of perpetuating their race, when they have connection with women, but who are only like boars or he-goats seeking the enjoyment that arises from such a connection. Again, who can be greater haters of their species than those who are the implacable and ferocious enemies of their own children? Unless, indeed, any one is so foolish as to imagine that these men can be humane to strangers who act in a barbarous manner to those who are united to them by ties of blood. |
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| 6. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 24.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Gardner (2015), The Origins of Organized Charity in Rabbinic Judaism, 148 |
| 7. Clement of Alexandria, Christ The Educator, 2.10.90-2.10.102 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 276 |
| 8. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 3.24 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 276 |
9. Anon., Leviticus Rabba, 5.4 (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Gardner (2015), The Origins of Organized Charity in Rabbinic Judaism, 9| 5.4. מַתָּן אָדָם יַרְחִיב לוֹ (משלי יח, טז), מַעֲשֶׂה בְּרַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר וְרַבִּי יְהוֹשֻׁעַ וְרַבִּי עֲקִיבָא שֶׁהָלְכוּ לְחוֹלוֹת אַנְטוֹכְיָא לְעֵסֶק מִגְבַת צְדָקָה לַחֲכָמִים, וַהֲוָה תַּמָּן חַד בַּר נָשׁ וַהֲוָה שְׁמֵיהּ אַבָּא יוּדָן, וַהֲוָה יָהֵיב פַּרְנָסָה בְּעַיִן טוֹבָה, פַּעַם אַחַת יָרַד מִנְּכָסָיו וְרָאָה רַבּוֹתֵינוּ שָׁם וְנִתְכַּרְכְּמוּ פָנָיו, הָלַךְ לוֹ אֵצֶל אִשְׁתּוֹ, אָמְרָה לוֹ אִשְׁתּוֹ מִפְּנֵי מָה פָּנֶיךָ חוֹלָנִיּוֹת, אָמַר לָהּ רַבּוֹתַי כָּאן וְאֵינִי יוֹדֵעַ מַה לַּעֲשׂוֹת, אִשְׁתּוֹ שֶׁהָיְתָה צַדֶּקֶת מִמֶּנּוּ אָמְרָה לוֹ לֹא נִשְׁתַּיֵּר לָנוּ אֶלָּא שָׂדֶה פְּלוֹנִי בִּלְבָד, לֵךְ מְכֹר חֶצְיָהּ וּתְנָהּ לָהֶן, הָלַךְ וּמָכַר חֶצְיָה וּנְתָנָהּ לָהֶן, נִתְפַּלְּלוּ עָלָיו וְאָמְרוּ הַמָּקוֹם יְמַלֵּא חֶסְרוֹנְךָ. לְאַחַר יָמִים הָלַךְ לַחֲרשׁ בַּחֲצִי שָׂדֵהוּ, עִם כְּשֶׁהוּא חוֹרֵשׁ נִפְתְּחָה הָאָרֶץ לְפָנָיו וְנָפְלָה פָּרָתוֹ שָׁם וְנִשְׁבְּרָה רַגְלָהּ, יָרַד לְהַעֲלוֹתָהּ וְהֵאִיר הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא עֵינוֹ וּמָצָא שָׁם סִימָה, אָמַר לְטוֹבָתִי נִשְׁבְּרָה רֶגֶל פָּרָתִי. בַּחֲזִירַת רַבּוֹתֵינוּ לְשָׁם שָׁאֲלוּ עָלָיו וְאָמְרוּ מָה אַבָּא יוּדָן עָבֵיד, אֲמַר לְהוֹן הוּא אַבָּא יוּדָן דְּעַבְדֵי, אַבָּא יוּדָן דְּעִזְּיָן, אַבָּא יוּדָן דִּגְמַלֵּי, אַבָּא יוּדָן דְּתוֹרֵי, מַן יָכוֹל לְמֶחֱמֵי סְבַר אַפּוֹיָא דְאַבָּא יוּדָן. כֵּיוָן שֶׁשָּׁמַע יָצָא לִקְרָאתָן, אָמְרוּ לֵיהּ מָה אַבָּא יוּדָן עָבֵיד, אֲמַר לָהֶן עָשְׂתָה תְּפִלַּתְכֶם פֵּרוֹת וּפֵרֵי פֵּרוֹת, אָמְרוּ לוֹ חַיֶּיךָ אַף עַל פִּי שֶׁנָּתְנוּ אֲחֵרִים יוֹתֵר מִמְּךָ לְךָ כָּתַבְנוּ בָּרֹאשׁ, נְטָלוּהוּ וְהוֹשִׁיבוּהוּ אֶצְלָן וְקָרְאוּ עָלָיו זֶה הַפָּסוּק: מַתָּן אָדָם יַרְחִיב לוֹ. רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן לָקִישׁ אָזַל לְבָצְרָה וַהֲוָה תַּמָּן חַד בַּר נָשׁ וַהֲוָה שְׁמֵיהּ אַבָּא יוּדָן רַמַּאי, וְחַס וְשָׁלוֹם לָא הֲוָה רַמַּאי, אֶלָּא דַּהֲוָה מְרַמֵּי בְּמִצְוָתָא, כַּד הַוְיָן פָּסְקִין כָּל עַמָּה, הֲוָה פָּסֵיק כָּל קֳבֵל כֻּלְּהוֹן, נְטָלוֹ רַבִּי שִׁמְעוֹן בֶּן לָקִישׁ וְהוֹשִׁיבוֹ אֶצְלוֹ וְקָרָא עָלָיו הַפָּסוּק הַזֶּה: מַתָּן אָדָם יַרְחִיב לוֹ. רַבִּי חִיָּא בַּר אַבָּא עָבֵיד פְּסִיקָה לְמִתַּן בְּבֵי מִדְרְשָׁא דִטְבֶרְיָא, וַהֲוָה תַּמָּן חַד בַּר נָשׁ מִן בְּנוֹ דְסִילְכָא וּפָסַק חָדָא לִיטְרָא דִּדְהַב, נְטָלוֹ רַבִּי חִיָא בַּר אַבָּא וְהוֹשִׁיבוֹ אֶצְלוֹ וְקָרָא עָלָיו הַפָּסוּק הַזֶּה: מַתָּן אָדָם יַרְחִיב לוֹ. אָמַר רַבִּי אַבָּהוּ כְּתִיב (דברים יב, יט): הִשָּׁמֶר לְךָ פֶּן תַּעֲזֹב אֶת הַלֵּוִי, וּכְתִיב בַּתְרֵיהּ (דברים יב, כ): כִּי יַרְחִיב ה' אֶת גְּבֻלְךָ, וְכִי מָה עִנְיָן זֶה לָזֶה, אֶלָּא אָמַר הַקָּדוֹשׁ בָּרוּךְ הוּא לְפִי מַתְּנוֹתֶיךָ מַרְחִיבִין לְךָ. רַבִּי אַחָא בְּשֵׁם רַבִּי הוֹשַׁעְיָא עֶבֶד מֵבִיא פָּר וְרַבּוֹ מֵבִיא פָּר, הָעֶבֶד קֹדֶם לְרַבּוֹ, דִּתְנַן תַּמָּן (גמרא הוריות יב, ב): פַּר הַמָּשִׁיחַ וּפַר הָעֵדָה עוֹמְדִים, פַּר הַמָּשִׁיחַ קוֹדֵם לְפַר הָעֵדָה לְכָל מַעֲשָׂיו. | |
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| 10. Justin, First Apology, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 276 |
| 11. Palestinian Talmud, Avodah Zarah, None (2nd cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Eliav (2023), A Jew in the Roman Bathhouse: Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Mediterranean, 179 |
12. Porphyry, Letter To Marcella, 33, 35 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 276 | 35. Try not to wrong thy slaves nor to correct them when thou art angry. And before correcting them, prove to them that thou dost this for their good, and give them an opportunity for excuse. When purchasing slaves, avoid the stubborn ones. Practise doing many things thyself, for our own labour is simple and easy. And men should use each limb for the purpose for which nature intended it to be used, for nature needs no more. They who do not use their own bodies, but make excessive use of others, commit a twofold wrong, and are ungrateful to nature that has given them these parts. Never use thy bodily parts merely for the sake of pleasure, for it is far better to die than to obscure thy soul by intemperance . . . . correct the vice of thy nature. . . . If thou give aught to thy slaves, distinguish the better ones by a share of honour . . . . for it is impossible that he who does wrong to man should honour God. But look on the love of mankind as the foundation of thy piety. And . . . . |
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13. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 4.15.7-4.15.8 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: de Ste. Croix et al. (2006), Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, and Orthodoxy, 157 | 4.15.7. And when a very great tumult arose in consequence of the cries, a certain Phrygian, Quintus by name, who was newly come from Phrygia, seeing the beasts and the additional tortures, was smitten with cowardice and gave up the attainment of salvation. 4.15.8. But the above-mentioned epistle shows that he, too hastily and without proper discretion, had rushed forward with others to the tribunal, but when seized had furnished a clear proof to all, that it is not right for such persons rashly and recklessly to expose themselves to danger. Thus did matters turn out in connection with them. |
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| 14. Papyri, Papyri Graecae Magicae, 4.12, 7.222-7.249, 8.64-8.110, 102.1-102.17 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 241, 242 |
15. Babylonian Talmud, Shabbat, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Bar Asher Siegal (2013), Early Christian Monastic Literature and the Babylonian Talmud, 164| 33b. על המעשר ר' אלעזר בר' יוסי אומר על לשון הרע אמר רבא ואיתימא ריב"ל מאי קראה (תהלים סג, יב) והמלך ישמח באלהים יתהלל כל הנשבע בו כי יסכר פי דוברי שקר,איבעיא להו רבי אלעזר ברבי יוסי על לשון הרע קאמר או דילמא אף על לשון הרע נמי קאמר ת"ש כשנכנסו רבותינו לכרם ביבנה היה שם רבי יהודה ור' אלעזר בר' יוסי ור"ש נשאלה שאלה זו בפניהם מכה זו מפני מה מתחלת בבני מעיים וגומרת בפה נענה רבי יהודה ברבי אלעאי ראש המדברים בכל מקום ואמר אע"פ שכליות יועצות ולב מבין ולשון מחתך פה גומר נענה רבי אלעזר ברבי יוסי ואמר מפני שאוכלין בה דברים טמאין דברים טמאים סלקא דעתך אלא שאוכלין בה דברים שאינן מתוקנים נענה ר' שמעון ואמר בעון ביטול תורה,אמרו לו נשים יוכיחו שמבטלות את בעליהן נכרים יוכיחו שמבטלין את ישראל תינוקות יוכיחו שמבטלין את אביהן תינוקות של בית רבן יוכיחו,התם כדרבי גוריון דאמר רבי גוריון ואיתימא רב יוסף ברבי שמעיה בזמן שהצדיקים בדור צדיקים נתפסים על הדור אין צדיקים בדור תינוקות של בית רבן נתפסים על הדור א"ר יצחק בר זעירי ואמרי לה א"ר שמעון בן נזירא מאי קראה (שיר השירים א, ח) אם לא תדעי לך היפה בנשים צאי לך בעקבי הצאן וגו' ואמרינן גדיים הממושכנין על הרועים ש"מ אף על לשון הרע נמי קאמר ש"מ,ואמאי קרו ליה ראש המדברים בכל מקום דיתבי רבי יהודה ורבי יוסי ורבי שמעון ויתיב יהודה בן גרים גבייהו פתח ר' יהודה ואמר כמה נאים מעשיהן של אומה זו תקנו שווקים תקנו גשרים תקנו מרחצאות ר' יוסי שתק נענה רשב"י ואמר כל מה שתקנו לא תקנו אלא לצורך עצמן תקנו שווקין להושיב בהן זונות מרחצאות לעדן בהן עצמן גשרים ליטול מהן מכס הלך יהודה בן גרים וסיפר דבריהם ונשמעו למלכות אמרו יהודה שעילה יתעלה יוסי ששתק יגלה לציפורי שמעון שגינה יהרג,אזל הוא ובריה טשו בי מדרשא כל יומא הוה מייתי להו דביתהו ריפתא וכוזא דמיא וכרכי כי תקיף גזירתא א"ל לבריה נשים דעתן קלה עליהן דילמא מצערי לה ומגליא לן אזלו טשו במערתא איתרחיש ניסא איברי להו חרובא ועינא דמיא והוו משלחי מנייהו והוו יתבי עד צוארייהו בחלא כולי יומא גרסי בעידן צלויי לבשו מיכסו ומצלו והדר משלחי מנייהו כי היכי דלא ליבלו איתבו תריסר שני במערתא אתא אליהו וקם אפיתחא דמערתא אמר מאן לודעיה לבר יוחי דמית קיסר ובטיל גזירתיה,נפקו חזו אינשי דקא כרבי וזרעי אמר מניחין חיי עולם ועוסקין בחיי שעה כל מקום שנותנין עיניהן מיד נשרף יצתה בת קול ואמרה להם להחריב עולמי יצאתם חיזרו למערתכם הדור אזול איתיבו תריסר ירחי שתא אמרי משפט רשעים בגיהנם י"ב חדש יצתה בת קול ואמרה צאו ממערתכם נפקו כל היכא דהוה מחי ר' אלעזר הוה מסי ר"ש אמר לו בני די לעולם אני ואתה,בהדי פניא דמעלי שבתא חזו ההוא סבא דהוה נקיט תרי מדאני אסא ורהיט בין השמשות אמרו ליה הני למה לך אמר להו לכבוד שבת ותיסגי לך בחד חד כנגד (שמות כ, ז) זכור וחד כנגד (דברים ה, יא) שמור א"ל לבריה חזי כמה חביבין מצות על ישראל יתיב דעתייהו,שמע ר' פנחס בן יאיר חתניה ונפק לאפיה עייליה לבי בניה הוה קא אריך ליה לבישריה חזי דהוה ביה פילי בגופיה הוה קא בכי וקא נתרו דמעת עיניה וקמצוחא ליה א"ל אוי לי שראיתיך בכך א"ל אשריך שראיתני בכך שאילמלא לא ראיתני בכך לא מצאת בי כך דמעיקרא כי הוה מקשי ר"ש בן יוחי קושיא הוה מפרק ליה ר' פנחס בן יאיר תריסר פירוקי לסוף כי הוה מקשי ר"פ בן יאיר קושיא הוה מפרק ליה רשב"י עשרין וארבעה פירוקי,אמר הואיל ואיתרחיש ניסא איזיל אתקין מילתא דכתיב (בראשית לג, יח) ויבא יעקב שלם ואמר רב שלם בגופו שלם בממונו שלם בתורתו (בראשית לג, יח) ויחן את פני העיר אמר רב מטבע תיקן להם ושמואל אמר שווקים תיקן להם ור' יוחנן אמר מרחצאות תיקן להם אמר איכא מילתא דבעי לתקוני אמרו ליה איכא דוכתא דאית ביה ספק טומאה | 33b. b for /b neglecting to separate b tithes. Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Yosei, says: /b i Askara /i comes as punishment for b slander. Rava said, and some say /b that it was b Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi /b who said it: b What is the verse /b that alludes to this? b “But the king shall rejoice in God; every one that swears by Him shall glory; for the mouth of them that speak lies shall be stopped” /b (Psalms 63:12). The punishment for lying is that the mouth will be stopped. i Askara /i affects the mouth along with other parts of the body., b A dilemma was raised before /b those who were sitting in the study hall: Did b Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Yosei, say /b that i askara /i comes as punishment only b for slander, or perhaps he said /b it was b also for slander? Come /b and b hear /b a resolution to this dilemma from that which was taught in a i baraita /i : b When our Sages entered the vineyard in Yavne, Rabbi Yehuda, and Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Yosei, and Rabbi Shimon were there, and a question was asked before them /b with regard to b this plague /b of i askara /i : b Why does it begin in the intestines and end in the mouth? Rabbi Yehuda, son of Rabbi Ila’i, /b who was b the head of the speakers in every place, responded and said: Even though the kidneys advise, and the heart understands, and the tongue shapes /b the voice that emerges from the mouth, still, b the mouth completes /b the formation of the voice. Therefore, the disease begins in the same place that slander begins and it ends in the mouth. b Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Yosei, responded and said: /b This disease ends in the mouth b because one eats with it non-kosher things. /b They immediately wondered about this: b Does it enter your mind /b to say that i askara /i is caused by eating b non-kosher food? /b Are those who eat non-kosher food so numerous? b Rather, /b it comes as a punishment b for eating /b foods b that were not /b ritually b prepared, /b i.e., were not tithed. b Rabbi Shimon responded and said: /b This disease comes as a punishment b for the sin of dereliction in /b the study of b Torah. /b , b They said to him: Women will prove /b that dereliction in the study of Torah is not the cause, as they are not obligated to study Torah and, nevertheless, they contract i askara /i . He answered them: They are punished because b they cause their husbands to be idle /b from the study of Torah. They said to him: b Gentiles will prove /b that this is not the cause, as they also contract i askara /i even though they are not obligated to study Torah. He answered them: They are also punished because b they cause Israel to be idle /b from the study of Torah. They said to him: b Children will prove /b that this is not the cause, for they are not at all obligated to study Torah and they also suffer from i askara /i . He answered them: They are punished because b they cause their fathers to be idle /b from the study of Torah. They said to him: b School children will prove /b that this is not the cause, as they study Torah and, nevertheless, they suffer from i askara /i .,The Gemara answers: b There /b , it must be understood b in accordance with /b the statement of b Rabbi Guryon, /b as b Rabbi Guryon said, and some say /b that it was b Rav Yosef, son of Rabbi Shemaya, /b who said it: b At a time when /b there are b righteous people in the generation, /b the b righteous are seized /b , i.e., they die or suffer, b for /b the sins of b the generation. If there are no righteous people in the generation, school children, /b who are also without sin, b are seized for /b the sins of b the generation /b . b Rabbi Yitzḥak bar Ze’iri said, and some say /b that b Rabbi Shimon ben Nezira said: What is the verse /b that alludes to this? b “If you know not, you fairest among women, go your way forth by the footsteps of the flock /b and feed your kids, beside the shepherds’ tents [ i mishkenot /i ] b ” ( /b Song of Songs 1:8). b And we say /b in explanation of this verse: They are the b lambs that are taken as collateral [ i hamemushkanin /i ], /b which is etymologically similar to the word i mishkenot /i , b in place of the shepherds. /b If the shepherds and leaders of the generation corrupt the multitudes, young children die because of their sins. With regard to the dilemma, b conclude from it /b that Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Yosei, b said /b that the illness of i askara /i b also /b results from b slander, /b as the i baraita /i provides an additional cause of the illness. The Gemara comments: Indeed, b conclude from it. /b ,In this i baraita /i Rabbi Yehuda is described as head of the speakers in every place. The Gemara asks: b And why did they call him head of the speakers in every place? /b The Gemara relates that this resulted due to an incident that took place b when Rabbi Yehuda and Rabbi Yosei and Rabbi Shimon were sitting, and Yehuda, son of converts, sat beside them. Rabbi Yehuda opened and said: How pleasant are the actions of this nation, /b the Romans, as b they established marketplaces, established bridges, /b and b established bathhouses. Rabbi Yosei was silent. Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai responded and said: Everything that they established, they established only for their own purposes. They established marketplaces, to place prostitutes in them; bathhouses, to pamper themselves; /b and b bridges, to collect taxes from /b all who pass over b them. Yehuda, son of converts, went and related their statements /b to his household, b and /b those statements continued to spread until b they were heard by the monarchy. They /b ruled and b said: Yehuda, who elevated /b the Roman regime, b shall be elevated /b and appointed as head of the Sages, the head of the speakers in every place. b Yosei, who remained silent, shall be exiled /b from his home in Judea as punishment, and sent b to /b the city of b Tzippori /b in the Galilee. b And Shimon, who denounced /b the government, b shall be killed. /b ,Rabbi Shimon bar Yoḥai b and his son, /b Rabbi Elazar, b went /b and b hid in the study hall. Every day /b Rabbi Shimon’s b wife would bring them bread and a jug of water and they would eat. When the decree intensified, /b Rabbi Shimon b said to his son: Women are easily impressionable /b and, therefore, there is room for concern b lest /b the authorities b torture her and she reveal our /b whereabouts. b They went and they hid in a cave. A miracle occurred /b and b a carob /b tree b was created for them as well as a spring of water. They would remove their clothes and sit /b covered b in sand up to their necks /b . b They would study /b Torah b all day /b in that manner. b At the time of prayer, they would dress, cover themselves, and pray, and they would again remove their clothes afterward so that they would not become tattered. They sat in the cave for twelve years. Elijah /b the Prophet b came and stood at the entrance to the cave /b and b said: Who will inform bar Yoḥai that /b the b emperor died and his decree has been abrogated? /b , b They emerged /b from the cave, and b saw people who were plowing and sowing. /b Rabbi Shimon bar Yoḥai b said: /b These people b abandon eternal life /b of Torah study b and engage in temporal life /b for their own sustece. The Gemara relates that b every place that /b Rabbi Shimon and his son Rabbi Elazar b directed their eyes was immediately burned. A Divine Voice emerged and said to them: /b Did b you emerge /b from the cave in order b to destroy My world? Return to your cave. They again went /b and b sat /b there b for twelve months. They said: The judgment of the wicked in Gehenna lasts /b for b twelve months. /b Surely their sin was atoned in that time. b A Divine Voice emerged and said /b to them: b Emerge from your cave. They emerged. Everywhere that Rabbi Elazar would strike, Rabbi Shimon would heal. /b Rabbi Shimon b said to /b Rabbi Elazar: b My son, you and I suffice for the /b entire b world, /b as the two of us are engaged in the proper study of Torah., b As the sun was setting on Shabbat eve, they saw an elderly man who was holding two bundles of myrtle branches and running at twilight. They said to him: Why do you have these? He said to them: In honor of Shabbat. /b They said to him: b And let one suffice. /b He answered them: b One /b is b corresponding to: “Remember /b the Shabbat day, to keep it holy” (Exodus 20:8), b and /b one is b corresponding to: “Observe /b the Shabbat day, to keep it holy” (Deuteronomy 5:12). Rabbi Shimon b said to his son: See how beloved the mitzvot are to Israel. Their minds were /b put b at ease /b and they were no longer as upset that people were not engaged in Torah study., b Rabbi Pineḥas ben Ya’ir, /b Rabbi Shimon’s b son-in-law /b , b heard and went out to /b greet b him. He brought him into the bathhouse and /b began b tending to his flesh. He saw that /b Rabbi Shimon b had cracks in /b the skin on b his body. He was crying, and the tears fell from his eyes and caused /b Rabbi Shimon b pain. /b Rabbi Pineḥas b said to /b Rabbi Shimon, his father-in-law: b Woe is me, that I have seen you like this. /b Rabbi Shimon b said to him: Happy are you that you have seen me like this, as had you not seen me like this, you would not have found in me this /b prominence in Torah, b as /b the Gemara relates: b At first, when Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai would raise a difficulty, Rabbi Pineḥas ben Ya’ir would respond /b to his question with b twelve answers. Ultimately, when Rabbi Pineḥas ben Ya’ir would raise a difficulty /b , b Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai would respond /b with b twenty-four answers. /b ,Rabbi Shimon b said: Since a miracle transpired /b for me, b I will go /b and b repair something /b for the sake of others in gratitude for God’s kindness, b as it is written: “And Jacob came whole /b to the city of Shechem, which is in the land of Canaan, when he came from Paddan-aram; and he graced the countece of the city” (Genesis 33:18). b Rav said, /b the meaning of: And Jacob came whole, is: b Whole in his body, whole in his money, whole in his Torah. /b And what did he do? b And he graced the countece of the city; /b he performed gracious acts to benefit the city. b Rav said: /b Jacob b established a currency for them. And Shmuel said: He established marketplaces for them. And Rabbi Yoḥa said: He established bathhouses for them. /b In any event, clearly one for whom a miracle transpires should perform an act of kindness for his neighbors as a sign of gratitude. b He said: Is there something that needs repair? They said to him: There is a place where there is uncertainty with regard to ritual impurity /b |
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16. Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Gardner (2015), The Origins of Organized Charity in Rabbinic Judaism, 150| 17b. ומה נחש שממית ומרבה טומאה טהור שרץ שאינו ממית ומרבה טומאה אינו דין שיהא טהור ולא היא מידי דהוה אקוץ בעלמא,אמר רב יהודה אמר רב כל עיר שאין בה שנים לדבר ואחד לשמוע אין מושיבין בה סנהדרי ובביתר הוו שלשה וביבנה ארבעה רבי אליעזר ורבי יהושע ור"ע ושמעון התימני דן לפניהם בקרקע,מיתיבי שלישית חכמה רביעית אין למעלה הימנה הוא דאמר כי האי תנא דתניא שניה חכמה שלישית אין למעלה הימנה,למידין לפני חכמים לוי מרבי דנין לפני חכמים שמעון בן עזאי ושמעון בן זומא וחנן המצרי וחנניא בן חכינאי רב נחמן בר יצחק מתני חמשה שמעון שמעון ושמעון חנן וחנניה,רבותינו שבבבל רב ושמואל רבותינו שבארץ ישראל רבי אבא דייני גולה קרנא דייני דארץ ישראל רבי אמי ורבי אסי דייני דפומבדיתא רב פפא בר שמואל דייני דנהרדעא רב אדא בר מניומי סבי דסורא רב הונא ורב חסדא סבי דפומבדיתא רב יהודה ורב עינא חריפי דפומבדיתא עיפה ואבימי בני רחבה אמוראי דפומבדיתא רבה ורב יוסף אמוראי דנהרדעי רב חמא,נהרבלאי מתנו רמי בר ברבי אמרי בי רב רב הונא והאמר רב הונא אמרי בי רב אלא רב המנונא אמרי במערבא רבי ירמיה שלחו מתם ר' יוסי בר חנינא מחכו עלה במערבא ר' אלעזר,והא שלחו מתם לדברי רבי יוסי בר חנינא אלא איפוך שלחו מתם ר' אלעזר מחכו עלה במערבא רבי יוסי בר חנינא:,וכמה יהא בעיר ויהא ראויה לסנהדרין מאה ועשרים וכו': מאה ועשרים מאי עבידתייהו עשרים ושלשה כנגד סנהדרי קטנה ושלש שורות של עשרים ושלשה הרי תשעים ותרתי ועשרה בטלנין של בית הכנסת הרי מאה ותרי,ושני סופרים ושני חזנין ושני בעלי דינין ושני עדים ושני זוממין ושני זוממי זוממין הרי מאה וארביסר,ותניא כל עיר שאין בה עשרה דברים הללו אין תלמיד חכם רשאי לדור בתוכה בית דין מכין ועונשין וקופה של צדקה נגבית בשנים ומתחלקת בשלשה ובית הכנסת ובית המרחץ וביהכ"ס רופא ואומן ולבלר (וטבח) ומלמד תינוקות משום ר' עקיבא אמרו אף מיני פירא מפני שמיני פירא מאירין את העינים:,ר' נחמיה אומר וכו': תניא רבי אומר | 17b. b If a snake, which kills /b other creatures whose carcasses are impure b and /b thereby b increases impurity /b in the world, is itself nevertheless b pure, /b as it is not included in the list of impure creeping animals, then concerning b a creeping animal that does not kill and /b does not b increase impurity, isn’t it logical that it should be pure? /b This argument is rejected: b But it is not so; /b the logic of the i halakha /i of a creeping animal is b just as it is /b concerning the i halakha /i b with regard to an ordinary thorn, /b which can injure people or animals and can even kill and thereby increase impurity, but is nevertheless pure. It is therefore apparent that this consideration is not relevant to the i halakhot /i of impurity.,§ b Rav Yehuda says /b that b Rav says: /b With regard to b any city that does not have /b among its residents b two /b men who are able b to speak /b all seventy languages b and one /b additional man who is able b to listen /b to and understand statements made in all the languages, even if he cannot speak all of them, b they do not place /b a lesser b Sanhedrin /b there. The members of the Sanhedrin do not all need to know all of the languages, but there must be at least this minimum number. b And in Beitar there were three /b individuals who were able to speak all seventy languages, b and in Yavne /b there were b four, /b and they were: b Rabbi Eliezer, and Rabbi Yehoshua, and Rabbi Akiva, and Shimon HaTimni, /b who was not an ordained Sage, and he would therefore b deliberate before /b the other judges while seated b on the ground, /b not among the rows of Sages.,The Gemara b raises an objection /b to this from a i baraita /i : b A third, /b i.e., a Sanhedrin that has three individuals who can speak all seventy languages, is b a wise /b Sanhedrin, and if it also has b a fourth /b such person, b there is no /b court b above it, /b meaning that there is no need for additional language experts. Apparently the minimum requirement is three people who can speak the languages, not two. The Gemara answers: Rav b states /b his opinion b in accordance with /b the opinion of b the following i tanna /i , as it is taught /b in a i baraita /i : A Sanhedrin that has b a second /b language expert b is wise; /b and if it also has b a third, there is no /b court b above it. /b ,§ Since the i baraita /i stated that Shimon HaTimni would deliberate before them on the ground, the Gemara now lists various standard formulations used to introduce the statements of various Sages throughout the generations. If a source says: b It was learned from the Sages, /b the intention is that this was a statement made by the Sage b Levi /b who sat before and learned b from Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi. If it says: They b deliberated before the Sages, /b this is referring to b Shimon ben Azzai, and Shimon ben Zoma, and Ḥa the Egyptian, and Ḥaya ben Ḥakhinai. Rav Naḥman bar Yitzḥak /b would b teach five /b names for this list: b Shimon /b ben Azzai, b Shimon /b ben Zoma, b and Shimon /b HaTimni, b Ḥa /b the Egyptian, b and Ḥaya /b ben Ḥakhinai.,The expression: b Our Rabbis that are in Babylonia, /b is referring to b Rav and Shmuel. /b The expression: b Our Rabbis that are in Eretz Yisrael, /b is referring to b Rabbi Abba. /b The expression: b The judges of the Diaspora, /b is a reference to the Sage b Karna. /b The phrase: b The judges of Eretz Yisrael, /b is a reference to b Rabbi Ami and Rabbi Asi. /b The phrase: b The judges of Pumbedita, /b is referring to b Rav Pappa bar Shmuel, /b who was the head of the court there, and: b The judges of Neharde’a, /b is a reference to the court headed by b Rav Adda bar Minyumi. /b The term: b The Elders of Sura, /b is referring to b Rav Huna and Rav Ḥisda, /b and: b The Elders of Pumbedita, /b is referring to b Rav Yehuda and Rav Eina. The sharp ones of Pumbedita /b are b Eifa and Avimi, the sons of Raḥava. /b The expression: b The i amora’im /i of Pumbedita, /b is referring to b Rabba and Rav Yosef, /b and the phrase: b The i amora’im /i of Neharde’a, /b is referring to b Rav Ḥama. /b ,If it says: The Sages b of Neharbela taught, /b this is referring to b Rami bar Berabi, /b and the statement: b They say /b in b the school of Rav, /b is a reference to b Rav Huna. /b The Gemara asks: b But doesn’t Rav Huna /b sometimes b say /b with regard to a given i halakha /i : b They say /b in b the school of Rav? /b From this, it is apparent that a statement introduced by that formula cannot be made by Rav Huna himself, as Rav Huna quotes someone else with that introduction. The Gemara responds: b Rather, /b the expression: They say in the school of Rav, must be referring to b Rav Hamnuna. /b The formula: b They say in the West, /b i.e., Eretz Yisrael, is referring to b Rabbi Yirmeya; /b the expression: b They sent /b a message b from there, /b meaning from Eretz Yisrael, is referring to b Rabbi Yosei bar Ḥanina; /b and the statement: b They laughed at it in the West, /b means that b Rabbi Elazar /b did not accept a particular opinion.,The Gemara asks: b But /b in one instance it is reported that: b They sent /b a message b from there /b that began: b According to the statement of Rabbi Yosei bar Ḥanina. /b This indicates that the expression: They sent from there, is not itself a reference to a statement of Rabbi Yosei bar Ḥanina. The Gemara answers: b Rather, reverse /b the statements. The phrase: b They sent from there, /b is a reference to b Rabbi Elazar, /b and: b They laughed at it in the West, /b means that b Rabbi Yosei bar Ḥanina /b did not accept a particular opinion.,§ The mishna teaches: b And how many /b men must b be in the city for /b it b to be eligible for /b a lesser b Sanhedrin? /b The opinion of the first i tanna /i is that there must be b 120 /b men. The Gemara asks: b What is the relevance of /b the number b 120? /b The Gemara explains that b 23 /b are needed to b correspond to /b the number of members of the b lesser Sanhedrin, and /b it is necessary for there to be b three rows of 23 /b students who sit before the lesser Sanhedrin to learn and also to advise them; that b is /b a total of b 92 /b people. b And /b since there also need to be b 10 idlers of the synagogue, /b people who are free from urgent work and are always sitting in the synagogue to take care of its repair and the other needs of the public, that b would be 102. /b , b And /b in addition there are b two scribes /b required for the Sanhedrin, b and two bailiffs, and two litigants /b who will come to be judged. b And /b there are b two witnesses /b for one side, b and two /b witnesses who could render those witnesses b conspiring /b witnesses by testifying that they were elsewhere at the time of the alleged incident, b and two /b additional witnesses could testify against the witnesses who rendered the first witnesses b conspiring /b witnesses, rendering the second pair b conspiring /b witnesses. All of these are necessary in order for a trial to take place, as is described in Deuteronomy 19:15–21. Therefore, b there are /b so far a total of b 114 /b men who must be in the city., b And /b it b is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b A Torah scholar is not permitted to reside in any city that does not have these ten things: A court that /b has the authority to b flog and punish /b transgressors; b and /b a charity b fund /b for which monies b are collected by two /b people b and distributed by three, /b as required by i halakha /i . This leads to a requirement for another three people in the city. b And a synagogue; and a bathhouse; and /b a public b bathroom; a doctor; and a bloodletter; and a scribe /b [ b i velavlar /i /b ] to write sacred scrolls and necessary documents; b and /b a ritual b slaughterer; and a teacher of young children. /b With these additional requirements there are a minimum of 120 men who must be residents of the city. b They said in the name of Rabbi Akiva: /b The city must b also /b have b varieties of fruit, because varieties of fruit illuminate the eyes. /b ,The mishna teaches that b Rabbi Neḥemya says: /b There must be 230 men in the city in order for it to be eligible for a lesser Sanhedrin, corresponding to the ministers of tens appointed in the wilderness by Moses at the suggestion of his father-in-law, Yitro (see Exodus 18:21). Each member of the Sanhedrin can be viewed as a judge with responsibility for ten men. It b is taught /b in a i baraita /i : b Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b says: /b |
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17. Babylonian Talmud, Bava Metzia, None (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Bar Asher Siegal (2013), Early Christian Monastic Literature and the Babylonian Talmud, 22| 84b. ואפילו הכי לא סמך רבי אלעזר ברבי שמעון אדעתיה קביל עליה יסורי באורתא הוו מייכי ליה שיתין נמטי לצפרא נגדי מתותיה שיתין משיכלי דמא וכיבא,למחר עבדה ליה דביתהו שיתין מיני לפדא ואכיל להו וברי ולא הות שבקא ליה דביתהו למיפק לבי מדרשא כי היכי דלא לדחקוהו רבנן,באורתא אמר להו אחיי ורעיי בואו בצפרא אמר להו זילו מפני ביטול תורה יומא חד שמעה דביתהו אמרה ליה את קא מייתית להו עילויך כלית ממון של בית אבא אימרדה אזלה לבית נשא,סליקו ואתו הנך [שיתין] ספונאי עיילו ליה שיתין עבדי כי נקיטי שיתין ארנקי ועבדו ליה שיתין מיני לפדא ואכיל להו,יומא חד אמרה לה לברתה זילי בקי באבוך מאי קא עביד האידנא אתיא אמר לה זילי אמרי לאמך שלנו גדול משלהם קרי אנפשיה (משלי לא, יד) היתה כאניות סוחר ממרחק תביא לחמה אכל ושתי וברי נפק לבי מדרשא,אייתו לקמיה שתין מיני דמא טהרינהו הוה קא מרנני רבנן ואמרי סלקא דעתך לית בהו חד ספק אמר להו אם כמותי הוא יהיו כולם זכרים ואם לאו תהא נקבה אחת ביניהם היו כולם זכרים ואסיקו להו ר' אלעזר על שמיה,תניא אמר רבי כמה פריה ורביה ביטלה רשעה זו מישראל,כי הוה קא ניחא נפשיה אמר לה לדביתהו ידענא בדרבנן דרתיחי עלי ולא מיעסקי בי שפיר אוגנין בעיליתאי ולא תידחלין מינאי א"ר שמואל בר נחמני אישתעיא לי אימיה דרבי יונתן דאישתעיא לה דביתהו דרבי אלעזר ברבי שמעון לא פחות מתמני סרי ולא טפי מעשרין ותרין שנין אוגניתיה בעיליתא,כי הוה סליקנא מעיננא ליה במזייה כי הוה משתמטא ביניתא מיניה הוה אתי דמא יומא חד חזאי ריחשא דקא נפיק מאוניה חלש דעתאי איתחזי לי בחלמא אמר לי לא מידי הוא יומא חד שמעי בזילותא דצורבא מרבנן ולא מחאי כדבעי לי,כי הוו אתו בי תרי לדינא הוו קיימי אבבא אמר מר מילתיה ומר מילתיה נפיק קלא מעיליתיה ואמר איש פלוני אתה חייב איש פלוני אתה זכאי יומא חד הוה קא מינציא דביתהו בהדי שבבתא אמרה לה תהא כבעלה שלא ניתן לקבורה אמרי רבנן כולי האי ודאי לאו אורח ארעא,איכא דאמרי רבי שמעון בן יוחאי איתחזאי להו בחלמא אמר להו פרידה אחת יש לי ביניכם ואי אתם רוצים להביאה אצלי אזול רבנן לאעסוקי ביה לא שבקו בני עכבריא דכל שני דהוה ניים רבי אלעזר ברבי שמעון בעיליתיה לא סליק חיה רעה למתייהו,יומא חד מעלי יומא דכיפורי הוה הוו טרידי שדרו רבנן לבני בירי ואסקוהו לערסיה ואמטיוה למערתא דאבוה אשכחוה לעכנא דהדרא לה למערתא אמרו לה עכנא עכנא פתחי פיך ויכנס בן אצל אביו פתח להו,שלח רבי לדבר באשתו שלחה ליה כלי שנשתמש בו קודש ישתמש בו חול תמן אמרין באתר דמרי ביתא תלא זייניה כולבא רעיא קולתיה תלא שלח לה נהי דבתורה גדול ממני אבל במעשים טובים מי גדול ממני שלחה ליה בתורה מיהא גדול ממך לא ידענא במעשים ידענא דהא קביל עליה יסורי,בתורה מאי היא דכי הוו יתבי רבן שמעון בן גמליאל ורבי יהושע בן קרחה אספסלי יתבי קמייהו רבי אלעזר בר' שמעון ורבי אארעא,מקשו ומפרקו אמרי מימיהן אנו שותים והם יושבים על גבי קרקע עבדו להו ספסלי אסקינהו,אמר להן רבן שמעון בן גמליאל פרידה אחת יש לי ביניכם ואתם מבקשים לאבדה הימני אחתוהו לרבי אמר להן רבי יהושע בן קרחה מי שיש לו אב יחיה ומי שאין לו אב ימות אחתוהו נמי לרבי אלעזר ברבי שמעון חלש דעתיה אמר קא חשביתו ליה כוותי,עד ההוא יומא כי הוה אמר רבי מילתא הוה מסייע ליה רבי אלעזר ברבי שמעון מכאן ואילך כי הוה אמר רבי יש לי להשיב אמר ליה רבי אלעזר ברבי שמעון כך וכך יש לך להשיב זו היא תשובתך השתא היקפתנו תשובות חבילות שאין בהן ממש,חלש דעתיה דרבי אתא א"ל לאבוה אמר ליה בני אל ירע לך שהוא ארי בן ארי ואתה ארי בן שועל,והיינו דאמר רבי שלשה ענוותנין הן ואלו הן אבא | 84b. § After this digression, the Gemara returns to the story of Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon. b And /b although his flesh did not putrefy, b even so Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, /b still b did not rely on his /b own b opinion, /b as he was worried that he may have erred in one of his decisions. b He accepted afflictions upon himself /b as atonement for his possible sins. b At night /b his attendants b would spread out sixty felt /b bed coverings b for him. In the morning, /b despite the bed coverings, b they would remove sixty basins of blood and pus from underneath him. /b , b The following day, /b i.e., every morning, b his wife would prepare for him sixty types of relish [ i lifda /i ] /b made from figs, b and he would eat them and become healthy. His wife, /b concerned for his health, b would not allow him to go to the study hall, so that the Rabbis would not push him /b beyond his limits., b In the evening, he /b would b say to /b his pains: b My brothers and my friends, come! In the morning he /b would b say to them: Go /b away, b due to /b the b dereliction /b of b Torah /b study that you cause me. b One day his wife heard him /b inviting his pains. b She said to him: You are bringing /b the pains b upon yourself. You have diminished the money of /b my b father’s home /b due to the costs of treating your self-imposed afflictions. b She rebelled /b against him and b went /b back b to her father’s home, /b and he was left with no one to care for him.,Meanwhile, there were b these sixty sailors /b who b came and entered /b to visit Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon. b They brought him sixty servants, /b each b bearing sixty purses, and prepared him sixty types of relish and he ate them. /b When they had encountered trouble at sea, these sailors had prayed to be saved in the merit of Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon. Upon returning to dry land, they presented him with these gifts., b One day, /b the wife of Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, b said to her daughter: Go /b and b check on your father /b and see b what he is doing now. /b The daughter b came /b to her father, who b said to her: Go /b and b tell your mother /b that b ours is greater than theirs, /b i.e., my current ficial status is greater than that of your father’s household. b He read /b the verse b about himself: “She is like the merchant-ships; she brings her food from afar” /b (Proverbs 31:14). As he was unhindered by his wife from going to the study hall, Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, b ate and drank and became healthy and went out to the study hall. /b ,The students b brought sixty /b questionable b samples of blood before him /b for inspection, to determine whether or not they were menstrual blood. b He deemed them /b all b ritually pure, /b thereby permitting the women to engage in intercourse with their husbands. b The Rabbis /b of the academy b were murmuring about /b Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, b and saying: /b Can it b enter your mind /b that b there is not one uncertain /b sample b among them? /b He must be mistaken. Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, b said to them: If /b the i halakha /i b is /b in accordance with b my /b ruling, b let all /b the children born from these women b be males. And if not, let there be one female among them. /b It turned out that b all /b of the children b were males, and /b they b were called Elazar in his name. /b , b It is taught /b in a i baraita /i that b Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi lamented and b said /b concerning the wife of Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon: b How much procreation /b has b this evil woman prevented from the Jewish people. /b She caused women not to have children by preventing her husband from going to the study hall and rendering his halakhic rulings., b As /b Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, b was dying, he said to his wife: I know that the Rabbis are angry at me /b for arresting several thieves who are their relatives, b and /b therefore b they will not properly tend to my /b burial. When I die, b lay me in my attic and do not be afraid of me, /b i.e., do not fear that anything will happen to my corpse. b Rabbi Shmuel bar Naḥmani said: Rabbi Yonatan’s mother told me that the wife of Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, told her: I laid him in the attic /b for b no less than eighteen /b years b and /b for b no more than twenty-two years. /b ,His wife continued: b When I would go up /b to the attic b I would check his hair, /b and b when a hair would fall out from /b his head, b blood would come /b and appear in its place, i.e., his corpse did not decompose. b One day I saw a worm emerging from his ear, /b and b I became /b very b distressed /b that perhaps his corpse had begun to decompose. My husband b appeared to me in a dream /b and b said to me: It is no matter /b for concern. Rather, this is a consequence for a sin of mine, as b one day I heard a Torah scholar being insulted and I did not protest as I should have. /b Therefore, I received this punishment in my ear, measure for measure.,During this period, b when two /b people b would come for adjudication of /b a dispute, b they would stand by the doorway /b to the home of Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon. b One /b litigant b would state his /b side of the b matter, and the other /b litigant would state b his /b side of the b matter. A voice would issue forth from his attic, saying: So-and-so, you are guilty; so-and-so, you are innocent. /b The Gemara relates: b One day, the wife of /b Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, b was quarreling with a neighbor. /b The neighbor b said to her /b as a curse: This woman b should be like her husband, who was not buried. /b When word spread that Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, had not been buried, b the Rabbis said: This much, /b i.e., now that the matter is known, to continue in this state is b certainly not proper conduct, /b and they decided to bury him., b There are /b those b who say /b that the Sages found out that Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, had not been buried when b Rabbi Shimon ben Yoḥai, /b his father, b appeared to them in a dream and said to them: I have a single fledgling among you, /b i.e., my son, b and you do not wish to bring it to me /b by burying him next to me. Consequently, b the Sages went to tend to /b his burial. b The residents of Akhbaria, /b the town where the corpse of Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, was resting, b did not allow /b them to do so, b as /b they realized that b all the years that Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, had been resting in his attic, no wild beast had entered their town. /b The townspeople attributed this phenomenon to his merit and they did not want to lose this protection., b One day, /b which b was Yom Kippur eve, /b everyone in the town b was preoccupied /b with preparations for the Festival. b The Rabbis sent /b a message b to the residents of /b the adjacent town b of Biri /b instructing them to help remove the body of Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, from the attic, b and they removed his bier and brought it to his father’s /b burial b cave. They found a serpent [ i le’akhna /i ] that /b had placed its tail in its mouth and completely b encircled /b the entrance to b the cave, /b denying them access. b They said to it: Serpent, serpent! Open your mouth to allow a son to enter next to his father. It opened /b its mouth b for them /b and uncoiled, and they buried Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, alongside his father.,The Gemara continues: After this incident, b Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b sent /b a messenger b to speak with the wife of /b Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, and propose marriage. b She sent /b a message b to him /b in response: Shall b a vessel used by /b someone b sacred, /b i.e., Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, b be used by /b someone who is, relative to him, b profane? There, /b in Eretz Yisrael, b they say /b that she used the colloquial adage: b In the location /b where b the master of the house hangs his sword, /b shall b the contemptible shepherd hang his basket [ i kultei /i ]? /b Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi b sent /b a message back b to her: Granted that in Torah he was greater than I, but was /b he b greater than I in pious deeds? She sent /b a message back b to him: Whether /b he was b greater than you in Torah I do not know; /b but b I do know /b that he was greater than you b in /b pious b deeds, as he accepted afflictions upon himself. /b ,The Gemara asks: b With regard to Torah /b knowledge, b what is /b the event that demonstrated the superiority of Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, over Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi? The Gemara answers: b When Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel and Rabbi Yehoshua ben Korḥa, /b the leading Sages of the generation, b were sitting on benches [ i asafselei /i ] /b teaching Torah along with the other Sages, the youthful pair b Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, and Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b would sit before them on the ground /b out of respect.,These two young students would engage in discussions with the Sages, in which they would b raise difficulties and answer /b them brilliantly. Seeing the young scholars’ brilliance, the leading Sages b said: From their waters we drink, /b i.e., we are learning from them, b and they are /b the ones b sitting on the ground? Benches were prepared for /b Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, and Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi, b and they were promoted /b to sit alongside the other Sages., b Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel said to /b the other Sages present: b I have a single fledgling among you, /b i.e., my son Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi, b and you are seeking to take it from me? /b By promoting my son to such a prestigious position at such a young age, his chances of being adversely affected by the evil eye are greatly increased. b They demoted Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi to sit on the ground, at his father’s request. b Rabbi Yehoshua ben Korḥa said to /b the Sages: Should b one who has a father /b to care for him, i.e., Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi, be demoted so that he may b live, while /b the other b one, who does not have a father /b to care for him, i.e., Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, should be allowed to b die? /b Upon hearing his argument, the Sages b also demoted Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, /b without explaining to him the reason for his demotion. b He became offended /b and b said /b to them: b You are equating /b Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi b to me, /b by demoting us together. In fact, I am much greater than he.,As a result of that incident, the relationship of Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, with Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi changed. Up b until that day, when Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b would state a matter /b of Torah, b Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, would support him /b by citing proofs for his opinion. b From this /b point b forward, when /b they were discussing a subject and b Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b would say: I have /b an argument b to respond, Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, would /b preempt him by b saying to him: Such and such is what you have to respond, /b and b this is the refutation of your /b claim. b Now /b that you asked these questions, b you have surrounded us with bundles of refutations that have no substance, /b i.e., you have forced us to give unnecessary answers. Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, would anticipate Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi’s comments and immediately dismiss them as having no value., b Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b became offended. He came /b and b told his father /b what had transpired. Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel b said /b to him: b My son, do not let /b his actions b offend /b you, b as he is a lion, son of a lion, and you are a lion, son of a fox. /b Rabbi Elazar’s father, Rabbi Shimon, was a renowned Sage, and therefore Rabbi Elazar’s sagacity is not surprising. In any event, this incident demonstrates the superiority of Rabbi Elazar, son of Rabbi Shimon, to Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi with regard to knowledge of Torah.,The Gemara concludes: b This /b incident b is /b the background to a statement b which Rabbi /b Yehuda HaNasi b said: There are three /b prototypical b modest /b people, b and they are: Father, /b i.e., Rabban Shimon ben Gamliel; |
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18. Porphyry, On Abstinence, 2.52 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 276 | 2.52. 52.Nevertheless, we permit those whose life is rolled about externals, having once acted impiously towards themselves, to be borne along to that which they tend; but we rightly say, that the man who we designate as a philosopher, and who is separated from externals, will not |75 be disturbed by daemons, nor be in want of diviners, nor of the viscera of animals. For he earnestly endeavours to be separated from those things for the sake of which divinations are effected. For he does not betake himself to nuptials, in order that he may molest the diviner about wedlock, or merchandise, or inquiries about a servant, or an increase of property, or any other object of vulgar pursuit. For the subjects of his investigation are not clearly indicated by any diviner or viscera of animals. But he, as we have said, approaching through himself to the [supreme] God, who is established in the true inward parts of himself, receives from thence the precepts of eternal life, tending thither by a conflux of the whole of himself, and instead of a diviner praying that he may become a confabulator of the mighty Jupiter. SPAN |
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| 19. Arnobius, Against The Gentiles, 7.1 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •peter brown Found in books: Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 135 |
| 20. Augustine, Contra Litteras Petiliani Donatistae Cirtensis Episcopi, 2.84.186, 3.16.19, 3.25.30 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter •brown, peter, Found in books: Beduhn (2013), Augustine's Manichaean Dilemma, vol. 1, 343, 347, 353; Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 254 |
| 21. Libanius, Orations, 1.143, 30.6-30.10, 45.2, 48.15-48.16 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hahn Emmel and Gotter (2008), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 91; Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 243; Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 127, 190 |
| 22. Augustine, Against Julian, 3.14.28, 3.21.43, 3.21.49 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 276 |
| 23. Anon., Alphabetical Collection, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bar Asher Siegal (2013), Early Christian Monastic Literature and the Babylonian Talmud, 164 |
| 24. Petrus Chrysologus, Sermones, 155.1-155.6 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 182, 183 |
| 25. Augustine, Confessions, 3.5.9, 3.7.12-3.7.13, 4.13.20, 5.3.3, 5.3.6, 5.6.11, 5.14.24, 6.2.2, 6.4.6, 6.5.7, 6.7.11-6.7.12, 6.11.20, 7.12.18, 9.3.6, 9.6.14, 9.8.17, 10.24.35 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Harrison (2006), Augustine's Way into the Will: The Theological and Philosophical Significance of De libero, 41 |
| 26. Basil of Caesarea, Letters, 237 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 254 |
| 27. Augustine, Contra Academicos, 2.1.1, 2.2.4-2.2.5, 2.3.8 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter, Found in books: Beduhn (2013), Augustine's Manichaean Dilemma, vol. 1, 343, 353 |
| 28. Augustine, Reply To Faustus, 13.7-13.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 190 |
| 29. Augustine, Against Fortunatus, 3, 21 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Beduhn (2013), Augustine's Manichaean Dilemma, vol. 1, 353 |
| 30. Augustine, Sermons, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 189 |
31. Augustine, The City of God, 10.16, 19.23 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter •brown, peter, Found in books: Beduhn (2013), Augustine's Manichaean Dilemma, vol. 1, 353; Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 190 | 10.16. What angels, then, are we to believe in this matter of blessed and eternal life?- those who wish to be worshipped with religious rites and observances, and require that men sacrifice to them; or those who say that all this worship is due to one God, the Creator, and teach us to render it with true piety to Him, by the vision of whom they are themselves already blessed, and in whom they promise that we shall be so? For that vision of God is the beauty of a vision so great, and is so infinitely desirable, that Plotinus does not hesitate to say that he who enjoys all other blessings in abundance, and has not this, is supremely miserable. Since, therefore, miracles are wrought by some angels to induce us to worship this God, by others, to induce us to worship themselves; and since the former forbid us to worship these, while the latter dare not forbid us to worship God, which are we to listen to? Let the Platonists reply, or any philosophers, or the theurgists, or rather, periurgists, - for this name is good enough for those who practise such arts. In short, let all men answer - if, at least, there survives in them any spark of that natural perception which, as rational beings, they possess when created, - let them, I say, tell us whether we should sacrifice to the gods or angels who order us to sacrifice to them, or to that One to whom we are ordered to sacrifice by those who forbid us to worship either themselves or these others. If neither the one party nor the other had wrought miracles, but had merely uttered commands, the one to sacrifice to themselves, the other forbidding that, and ordering us to sacrifice to God, a godly mind would have been at no loss to discern which command proceeded from proud arrogance, and which from true religion. I will say more. If miracles had been wrought only by those who demand sacrifice for themselves, while those who forbade this, and enjoined sacrificing to the one God only, thought fit entirely to forego the use of visible miracles, the authority of the latter was to be preferred by all who would use, not their eyes only, but their reason. But since God, for the sake of commending to us the oracles of His truth, has, by means of these immortal messengers, who proclaim His majesty and not their own pride, wrought miracles of surpassing grandeur, certainty, and distinctness, in order that the weak among the godly might not be drawn away to false religion by those who require us to sacrifice to them and endeavor to convince us by stupendous appeals to our senses, who is so utterly unreasonable as not to choose and follow the truth, when he finds that it is heralded by even more striking evidences than falsehood? As for those miracles which history ascribes to the gods of the heathen - I do not refer to those prodigies which at intervals happen from some unknown physical causes, and which are arranged and appointed by Divine Providence, such as monstrous births, and unusual meteorological phenomena, whether startling only, or also injurious, and which are said to be brought about and removed by communication with demons, and by their most deceitful craft - but I refer to these prodigies which manifestly enough are wrought by their power and force, as, that the household gods which Æneas carried from Troy in his flight moved from place to place; that Tarquin cut a whetstone with a razor; that the Epidaurian serpent attached himself as a companion to Æsculapius on his voyage to Rome; that the ship in which the image of the Phrygian mother stood, and which could not be moved by a host of men and oxen, was moved by one weak woman, who attached her girdle to the vessel and drew it, as proof of her chastity; that a vestal, whose virginity was questioned, removed the suspicion by carrying from the Tiber a sieve full of water without any of it dropping: these, then, and the like, are by no means to be compared for greatness and virtue to those which, we read, were wrought among God's people. How much less can we compare those marvels, which even the laws of heathen nations prohibit and punish - I mean the magical and theurgic marvels, of which the great part are merely illusions practised upon the senses, as the drawing down of the moon, that, as Lucan says, it may shed a stronger influence on the plants? And if some of these do seem to equal those which are wrought by the godly, the end for which they are wrought distinguishes the two, and shows that ours are incomparably the more excellent. For those miracles commend the worship of a plurality of gods, who deserve worship the less the more they demand it; but these of ours commend the worship of the one God, who, both by the testimony of His own Scriptures, and by the eventual abolition of sacrifices, proves that He needs no such offerings. If, therefore, any angels demand sacrifice for themselves, we must prefer those who demand it, not for themselves, but for God, the Creator of all, whom they serve. For thus they prove how sincerely they love us, since they wish by sacrifice to subject us, not to themselves, but to Him by the contemplation of whom they themselves are blessed, and to bring us to Him from whom they themselves have never strayed. If, on the other hand, any angels wish us to sacrifice, not to one, but to many, not, indeed, to themselves, but to the gods whose angels they are, we must in this case also prefer those who are the angels of the one God of gods, and who so bid us to worship Him as to preclude our worshipping any other. But, further, if it be the case, as their pride and deceitfulness rather indicate, that they are neither good angels nor the angels of good gods, but wicked demons, who wish sacrifice to be paid, not to the one only and supreme God, but to themselves, what better protection against them can we choose than that of the one God whom the good angels serve, the angels who bid us sacrifice, not to themselves, but to Him whose sacrifice we ourselves ought to be? 19.23. For in his book called ἐκ λογίων φιλοσοφίας, in which he collects and comments upon the responses which he pretends were uttered by the gods concerning divine things, he says - I give his own words as they have been translated from the Greek: To one who inquired what god he should propitiate in order to recall his wife from Christianity, Apollo replied in the following verses. Then the following words are given as those of Apollo: You will probably find it easier to write lasting characters on the water, or lightly fly like a bird through the air, than to restore right feeling in your impious wife once she has polluted herself. Let her remain as she pleases in her foolish deception, and sing false laments to her dead God, who was condemned by right-minded judges, and perished ignominiously by a violent death. Then after these verses of Apollo (which we have given in a Latin version that does not preserve the metrical form), he goes on to say: In these verses Apollo exposed the incurable corruption of the Christians, saying that the Jews, rather than the Christians, recognized God. See how he misrepresents Christ, giving the Jews the preference to the Christians in the recognition of God. This was his explanation of Apollo's verses, in which he says that Christ was put to death by right-minded or just judges, - in other words, that He deserved to die. I leave the responsibility of this oracle regarding Christ on the lying interpreter of Apollo, or on this philosopher who believed it or possibly himself invented it; as to its agreement with Porphyry's opinions or with other oracles, we shall in a little have something to say. In this passage, however, he says that the Jews, as the interpreters of God, judged justly in pronouncing Christ to be worthy of the most shameful death. He should have listened, then, to this God of the Jews to whom he bears this testimony, when that God says, He that sacrifices to any other god save to the Lord alone shall be utterly destroyed. But let us come to still plainer expressions, and hear how great a God Porphyry thinks the God of the Jews is. Apollo, he says, when asked whether word, i.e., reason, or law is the better thing, replied in the following verses. Then he gives the verses of Apollo, from which I select the following as sufficient: God, the Generator, and the King prior to all things, before whom heaven and earth, and the sea, and the hidden places of hell tremble, and the deities themselves are afraid, for their law is the Father whom the holy Hebrews honor. In this oracle of his god Apollo, Porphyry avowed that the God of the Hebrews is so great that the deities themselves are afraid before Him. I am surprised, therefore, that when God said, He that sacrifices to other gods shall be utterly destroyed, Porphyry himself was not afraid lest he should be destroyed for sacrificing to other gods. This philosopher, however, has also some good to say of Christ, oblivious, as it were, of that contumely of his of which we have just been speaking; or as if his gods spoke evil of Christ only while asleep, and recognized Him to be good, and gave Him His deserved praise, when they awoke. For, as if he were about to proclaim some marvellous thing passing belief, he says, What we are going to say will certainly take some by surprise. For the gods have declared that Christ was very pious, and has become immortal, and that they cherish his memory: that the Christians, however, are polluted, contaminated, and involved in error. And many other such things, he says, do the gods say against the Christians. Then he gives specimens of the accusations made, as he says, by the gods against them, and then goes on: But to some who asked Hecate whether Christ were a God, she replied, You know the condition of the disembodied immortal soul, and that if it has been severed from wisdom it always errs. The soul you refer to is that of a man foremost in piety: they worship it because they mistake the truth. To this so-called oracular response he adds the following words of his own: of this very pious man, then, Hecate said that the soul, like the souls of other good men, was after death dowered with immortality, and that the Christians through ignorance worship it. And to those who ask why he was condemned to die, the oracle of the goddess replied, The body, indeed, is always exposed to torments, but the souls of the pious abide in heaven. And the soul you inquire about has been the fatal cause of error to other souls which were not fated to receive the gifts of the gods, and to have the knowledge of immortal Jove. Such souls are therefore hated by the gods; for they who were fated not to receive the gifts of the gods, and not to know God, were fated to be involved in error by means of him you speak of. He himself, however, was good, and heaven has been opened to him as to other good men. You are not, then, to speak evil of him, but to pity the folly of men: and through him men's danger is imminent. Who is so foolish as not to see that these oracles were either composed by a clever man with a strong animus against the Christians, or were uttered as responses by impure demons with a similar design - that is to say, in order that their praise of Christ may win credence for their vituperation of Christians; and that thus they may, if possible, close the way of eternal salvation, which is identical with Christianity? For they believe that they are by no means counter working their own hurtful craft by promoting belief in Christ, so long as their calumniation of Christians is also accepted; for they thus secure that even the man who thinks well of Christ declines to become a Christian, and is therefore not delivered from their own rule by the Christ he praises. Besides, their praise of Christ is so contrived that whosoever believes in Him as thus represented will not be a true Christian but a Photinian heretic, recognizing only the humanity, and not also the divinity of Christ, and will thus be precluded from salvation and from deliverance out of the meshes of these devilish lies. For our part, we are no better pleased with Hecate's praises of Christ than with Apollo's calumniation of Him. Apollo says that Christ was put to death by right-minded judges, implying that He was unrighteous. Hecate says that He was a most pious man, but no more. The intention of both is the same, to prevent men from becoming Christians, because if this be secured, men shall never be rescued from their power. But it is incumbent on our philosopher, or rather on those who believe in these pretended oracles against the Christians, first of all, if they can, to bring Apollo and Hecate to the same mind regarding Christ, so that either both may condemn or both praise Him. And even if they succeeded in this, we for our part would notwithstanding repudiate the testimony of demons, whether favorable or adverse to Christ. But when our adversaries find a god and goddess of their own at variance about Christ the one praising, the other vituperating Him, they can certainly give no credence, if they have any judgment, to mere men who blaspheme the Christians. When Porphyry or Hecate praises Christ, and adds that He gave Himself to the Christians as a fatal gift, that they might be involved in error, he exposes, as he thinks, the causes of this error. But before I cite his words to that purpose, I would ask, If Christ did thus give Himself to the Christians to involve them in error, did He do so willingly, or against His will? If willingly, how is He righteous? If against His will, how is He blessed? However, let us hear the causes of this error. There are, he says, in a certain place very small earthly spirits, subject to the power of evil demons. The wise men of the Hebrews, among whom was this Jesus, as you have heard from the oracles of Apollo cited above, turned religious persons from these very wicked demons and minor spirits, and taught them rather to worship the celestial gods, and especially to adore God the Father. This, he said, the gods enjoin; and we have already shown how they admonish the soul to turn to God, and command it to worship Him. But the ignorant and the ungodly, who are not destined to receive favors from the gods, nor to know the immortal Jupiter, not listening to the gods and their messages, have turned away from all gods, and have not only refused to hate, but have venerated the prohibited demons. Professing to worship God, they refuse to do those things by which alone God is worshipped. For God, indeed, being the Father of all, is in need of nothing; but for us it is good to adore Him by means of justice, chastity, and other virtues, and thus to make life itself a prayer to Him, by inquiring into and imitating His nature. For inquiry, says he, purifies and imitation deifies us, by moving us nearer to Him. He is right in so far as he proclaims God the Father, and the conduct by which we should worship Him. of such precepts the prophetic books of the Hebrews are full, when they praise or blame the life of the saints. But in speaking of the Christians he is in error, and caluminates them as much as is desired by the demons whom he takes for gods, as if it were difficult for any man to recollect the disgraceful and shameful actions which used to be done in the theatres and temples to please the gods, and to compare with these things what is heard in our churches, and what is offered to the true God, and from this comparison to conclude where character is edified, and where it is ruined. But who but a diabolical spirit has told or suggested to this man so manifest and vain a lie, as that the Christians reverenced rather than hated the demons, whose worship the Hebrews prohibited? But that God, whom the Hebrew sages worshipped, forbids sacrifice to be offered even to the holy angels of heaven and divine powers, whom we, in this our pilgrimage, venerate and love as our most blessed fellow citizens. For in the law which God gave to His Hebrew people He utters this menace, as in a voice of thunder: He that sacrifices unto any god, save unto the Lord only, he shall be utterly destroyed. Exodus 22:20 And that no one might suppose that this prohibition extends only to the very wicked demons and earthly spirits, whom this philosopher calls very small and inferior - for even these are in the Scripture called gods, not of the Hebrews, but of the nations, as the Septuagint translators have shown in the psalm where it is said, For all the gods of the nations are demons, - that no one might suppose, I say, that sacrifice to these demons was prohibited, but that sacrifice might be offered to all or some of the celestials, it was immediately added, save unto the Lord alone. The God of the Hebrews, then, to whom this renowned philosopher bears this signal testimony, gave to His Hebrew people a law, composed in the Hebrew language, and not obscure and unknown, but published now in every nation, and in this law it is written, He that sacrifices unto any god, save unto the Lord alone, he shall be utterly destroyed. What need is there to seek further proofs in the law or the prophets of this same thing? Seek, we need not say, for the passages are neither few nor difficult to find; but what need to collect and apply to my argument the proofs which are thickly sown and obvious, and by which it appears clear as day that sacrifice may be paid to none but the supreme and true God? Here is one brief but decided, even menacing, and certainly true utterance of that God whom the wisest of our adversaries so highly extol. Let this be listened to, feared, fulfilled, that there may be no disobedient soul cut off. He that sacrifices, He says, not because He needs anything, but because it behooves us to be His possession. Hence the Psalmist in the Hebrew Scriptures sings, I have said to the Lord, You are my God, for You need not my good. For we ourselves, who are His own city, are His most noble and worthy sacrifice, and it is this mystery we celebrate in our sacrifices, which are well known to the faithful, as we have explained in the preceding books. For through the prophets the oracles of God declared that the sacrifices which the Jews offered as a shadow of that which was to be would cease, and that the nations, from the rising to the setting of the sun, would offer one sacrifice. From these oracles, which we now see accomplished, we have made such selections as seemed suitable to our purpose in this work. And therefore, where there is not this righteousness whereby the one supreme God rules the obedient city according to His grace, so that it sacrifices to none but Him, and whereby, in all the citizens of this obedient city, the soul consequently rules the body and reason the vices in the rightful order, so that, as the individual just man, so also the community and people of the just, live by faith, which works by love, that love whereby man loves God as He ought to be loved, and his neighbor as himself - there, I say, there is not an assemblage associated by a common acknowledgment of right, and by a community of interests. But if there is not this, there is not a people, if our definition be true, and therefore there is no republic; for where there is no people there can be no republic. |
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| 32. Theodoret of Cyrus, Religious History, 1.4, 14.4 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 334 |
| 33. Augustine, De Utilitate Credendi Ad Honoratum, 1.2, 8.20 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter, Found in books: Beduhn (2013), Augustine's Manichaean Dilemma, vol. 1, 107, 253 |
| 34. Augustine, De Consensu Evangelistarum Libri Quatuor, 4.10.20 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Harrison (2006), Augustine's Way into the Will: The Theological and Philosophical Significance of De libero, 22 |
| 35. Augustine, On The Good of Marriage, 5.5 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter, Found in books: Beduhn (2013), Augustine's Manichaean Dilemma, vol. 1, 313 |
| 36. Augustine, De Diversis Quaestionibus Octoginta Tribus, 25, 43 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Beduhn (2013), Augustine's Manichaean Dilemma, vol. 1, 353 |
| 37. Augustine, Commentary On Genesis, 1.19.39 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter, Found in books: Beduhn (2013), Augustine's Manichaean Dilemma, vol. 1, 326 |
| 38. Augustine, De Libero Arbitrio, 1.2.4, 1.12.25, 1.13.29, 2.2.6, 2.8.24, 2.11.30, 2.15.40, 2.16.41, 2.16.43, 2.17.45, 3.18.50-3.18.52, 3.19.53 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter, •brown, peter Found in books: Beduhn (2013), Augustine's Manichaean Dilemma, vol. 1, 313, 326, 327, 342, 343, 347, 353; Harrison (2006), Augustine's Way into the Will: The Theological and Philosophical Significance of De libero, 21, 23, 116 |
| 39. Augustine, De Continentia Liber, 5.14 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter, Found in books: Beduhn (2013), Augustine's Manichaean Dilemma, vol. 1, 326 |
| 40. Augustine, De Nuptiis Et Concupiscentia, 1.13.12, 2.37.22 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 276 |
| 41. Augustine, De Ordine Libri Duo, 1.10.28, 1.11.32 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter, Found in books: Beduhn (2013), Augustine's Manichaean Dilemma, vol. 1, 353 |
| 42. Augustine, De Quantitate Animae, 7.12, 33.76, 34.77 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter, Found in books: Beduhn (2013), Augustine's Manichaean Dilemma, vol. 1, 347, 353 |
| 43. Augustine, De Sermone Domini In Monte Secundum Matthaeum, 1.2.9 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Harrison (2006), Augustine's Way into the Will: The Theological and Philosophical Significance of De libero, 22 |
| 44. Augustine, On The Morals of The Manichaeans, 13.22, 18.65, 33.71-33.73 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter, Found in books: Beduhn (2013), Augustine's Manichaean Dilemma, vol. 1, 253, 313, 353 |
| 45. Jerome, Letters, 107.1, 133.12 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 117, 190 |
| 46. Theodosius Ii Emperor of Rome, Theodosian Code, 11.20.6, 14.18.1, 16.5.7, 16.7.5 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Gardner (2015), The Origins of Organized Charity in Rabbinic Judaism, 148; Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 245; Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 35, 36 |
| 47. Zosimus, New History, a b c d\n0 2. 2. 2 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Dijkstra and Raschle (2020), Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, 2 |
| 48. Justinian, Digest, 47.1.3 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 245 |
| 49. Jerome, On Illustrious Men, 106 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 183 |
| 50. Augustine, Letters, 22.3-22.6, 31.6 (7th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Harrison (2006), Augustine's Way into the Will: The Theological and Philosophical Significance of De libero, 41; Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 189; Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 276 |
| 51. Salvian of Marseilles, Gub., 6.2 Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 183 |
| 52. Leo of Rome, Ep., 2, 1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 118 |
| 53. Julian, C. Gal., None Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 190 |
| 54. Maximus of Turin, Serm., 105.2 Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 183 |
| 55. Ambrose, Expos. In Psalm. 118 Serm. 16.45 123,, 118 Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 183 |
| 57. Augustine, In Ep. Ioh., 4.4 Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 190 |
| 63. Caesarius of Arles, Serm., 192.2 Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 183 |
| 64. Sextus, The Sentences of Sextus, 13, 232, 70, 87, 97, 116 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 276 |
| 65. Augustine, Mor. Eccl., 1.34.75 Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 190 |
| 66. Augustine, Enarr. Ps., 25.2.14, 90.1 Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 182, 183 |
| 67. Anon., Sortes Astrampsychi, 0 Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 23 |
| 68. Ambrose, Obit. Theod., 38 Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 190 |
| 69. Horsiesius, Reg., 20 Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 73 |
| 70. Anon., Sortes Sangermanenses, 0 Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 23 |
| 71. Antipater of Tarsus, Svf, 3.254.23-257.10 Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Gardner (2015), The Origins of Organized Charity in Rabbinic Judaism, 148 |
| 72. Anthemius, Collatio Legum Mosaicarum Et Romanorum, 15.3 Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 245 |
| 73. Chirius Fortunatianus, Ars Rhetorica, 1.1-1.3 Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 107 |
| 74. Anon., Piacenza Pilgrim, 5 Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 140 |
| 75. Musonius Rufus, Ed.Hense, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 276 |
| 76. Paulinus of Nola, Epithalamium Carmen, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 276 |
| 77. Theodosius, Constitutiones Sirmondianae, 12 Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 35 |
| 78. Augustine, New Sermon, Mainz, Ed.Dolbeau, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 276 |
| 79. Valerius Pinianus, Life of Saint Melania, Ed.Gorce, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 276 |
| 80. Anon., Scholia In Lycophronem, 4.3, 4.7 Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Dilley (2019), Monasteries and the Care of Souls in Late Antique Christianity: Cognition and Discipline, 73 |
| 82. Anon., Pesiqta De Rav Kahana, None Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Bar Asher Siegal (2013), Early Christian Monastic Literature and the Babylonian Talmud, 22 |
| 83. Papyri, Papyri Demoticae Magicae, 14.627-14.635 Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Johnston and Struck (2005), Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination, 242 |
| 84. Cyril of Scythopolis, Life of Euthymius, 2 Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Klein and Wienand (2022), City of Caesar, City of God: Constantinople and Jerusalem in Late Antiquity, 29 |
| 85. Theophrastus, Varro See Arnob. Adv. Nat., 7.1 Tagged with subjects: •peter brown Found in books: Bloch (2022), Ancient Jewish Diaspora: Essays on Hellenism, 135 |
| 86. Ambrose, Iob, 2.1.5 Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Kahlos (2019), Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350-450, 183 |
| 87. Pseudo‐Ocellus, On The Nature of The Universe, 4 Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Sorabji (2000), Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 276 |
| 88. Optatus Milevitianus, Against The Donatists, None Tagged with subjects: •brown, peter Found in books: Humfress (2007), Oppian's Halieutica: Charting a Didactic Epic, 244 |
