1. Homer, Iliad, 14.214 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 368; Verhagen (2022) 368
14.214. ἦ, καὶ ἀπὸ στήθεσφιν ἐλύσατο κεστὸν ἱμάντα''. None | 14.214. ever should I be called dear by them and worthy of reverence. To her again spake in answer laughter-loving Aphrodite:It may not be that I should say thee nay, nor were it seemly; for thou sleepest in the arms of mightiest Zeus. She spake, and loosed from her bosom the broidered zone, ''. None |
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2. Plato, Symposium, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 366; Verhagen (2022) 366
213d. ἠράσθην, οὐκέτι ἔξεστίν μοι οὔτε προσβλέψαι οὔτε διαλεχθῆναι καλῷ οὐδʼ ἑνί, ἢ οὑτοσὶ ζηλοτυπῶν με καὶ φθονῶν θαυμαστὰ ἐργάζεται καὶ λοιδορεῖταί τε καὶ τὼ χεῖρε μόγις ἀπέχεται. ὅρα οὖν μή τι καὶ νῦν ἐργάσηται, ἀλλὰ διάλλαξον ἡμᾶς, ἢ ἐὰν ἐπιχειρῇ βιάζεσθαι, ἐπάμυνε, ὡς ἐγὼ τὴν τούτου μανίαν τε καὶ φιλεραστίαν πάνυ ὀρρωδῶ.''. None | 213d. either to look upon or converse with a single handsome person, but the fellow flies into a spiteful jealousy which makes him treat me in a monstrous fashion, girding at me and hardly keeping his hands to himself. So take care that he does no mischief now: pray reconcile us; or if he sets about using force, protect me, for I shudder with alarm at his amorous frenzy.''. None |
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3. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 362, 363; Verhagen (2022) 362, 363
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4. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 362, 366; Verhagen (2022) 362, 366
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5. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 352, 353, 359, 367; Verhagen (2022) 352, 353, 359, 367
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6. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 357, 362; Verhagen (2022) 357, 362
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7. None, None, nan (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 350; Verhagen (2022) 350
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8. Cicero, On Divination, 1.5, 2.1, 2.33, 2.124 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius Cotta, C (cos. • Aurelius Cotta, C. • Cotta C. Aurelius • Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Maso (2022) 80; Rosa and Santangelo (2020) 113, 142; Santangelo (2013) 12; Stanton (2021) 164
1.5. Atque haec, ut ego arbitror, veteres rerum magis eventis moniti quam ratione docti probaverunt. Philosophorum vero exquisita quaedam argumenta, cur esset vera divinatio, collecta sunt; e quibus, ut de antiquissumis loquar, Colophonius Xenophanes unus, qui deos esse diceret, divinationem funditus sustulit; reliqui vero omnes praeter Epicurum balbutientem de natura deorum divinationem probaverunt, sed non uno modo. Nam cum Socrates omnesque Socratici Zenoque et ii, qui ab eo essent profecti, manerent in antiquorum philosophorum sententia vetere Academia et Peripateticis consentientibus, cumque huic rei magnam auctoritatem Pythagoras iam ante tribuisset, qui etiam ipse augur vellet esse, plurumisque locis gravis auctor Democritus praesensionem rerum futurarum conprobaret, Dicaearchus Peripateticus cetera divinationis genera sustulit, somniorum et furoris reliquit, Cratippusque, familiaris noster, quem ego parem summis Peripateticis iudico, isdem rebus fidem tribuit, reliqua divinationis genera reiecit.' '
2.1. Quaerenti mihi multumque et diu cogitanti, quanam re possem prodesse quam plurimis, ne quando intermitterem consulere rei publicae, nulla maior occurrebat, quam si optimarum artium vias traderem meis civibus; quod conpluribus iam libris me arbitror consecutum. Nam et cohortati sumus, ut maxime potuimus, ad philosophiae studium eo libro, qui est inscriptus Hortensius, et, quod genus philosophandi minime adrogans maximeque et constans et elegans arbitraremur, quattuor Academicis libris ostendimus.
2.33. Haec observari certe non potuerunt, ut supra docui. Sunt igitur artis inventa, non vetustatis, si est ars ulla rerum incognitarum; cum rerum autem natura quam cognationem habent? quae ut uno consensu iuncta sit et continens, quod video placuisse physicis, eisque maxume, qui omne, quod esset, unum esse dixerunt, quid habere mundus potest cum thesauri inventione coniunctum? Si enim extis pecuniae mihi amplificatio ostenditur idque fit natura, primum exta sunt coniuncta mundo, deinde meum lucrum natura rerum continetur. Nonne pudet physicos haec dicere? Ut enim iam sit aliqua in natura rerum contagio, quam esse concedo (multa enim Stoici colligunt; nam et musculorum iecuscula bruma dicuntur augeri, et puleium aridum florescere brumali ipso die, et inflatas rumpi vesiculas, et semina malorum, quae in iis mediis inclusa sint, in contrarias partis se vertere, iam nervos in fidibus aliis pulsis resonare alios, ostreisque et conchyliis omnibus contingere, ut cum luna pariter crescant pariterque decrescant, arboresque ut hiemali tempore cum luna simul senescente, quia tum exsiccatae sint, tempestive caedi putentur.
2.124. Sed haec quoque in promptu fuerint; nunc interiora videamus. Aut enim divina vis quaedam consulens nobis somniorum significationes facit, aut coniectores ex quadam convenientia et coniunctione naturae, quam vocant sumpa/qeian, quid cuique rei conveniat ex somniis, et quid quamque rem sequatur, intellegunt, aut eorum neutrum est, sed quaedam observatio constans atque diuturna est, cum quid visum secundum quietem sit, quid evenire et quid sequi soleat. Primum igitur intellegendum est nullam vim esse divinam effectricem somniorum. Atque illud quidem perspicuum est, nulla visa somniorum proficisci a numine deorum; nostra enim causa di id facerent, ut providere futura possemus.''. None | 1.5. Now my opinion is that, in sanctioning such usages, the ancients were influenced more by actual results than convinced by reason. However certain very subtle arguments to prove the trustworthiness of divination have been gathered by philosophers. of these — to mention the most ancient — Xenophanes of Colophon, while asserting the existence of gods, was the only one who repudiated divination in its entirety; but all the others, with the exception of Epicurus, who babbled about the nature of the gods, approved of divination, though not in the same degree. For example, Socrates and all of the Socratic School, and Zeno and his followers, continued in the faith of the ancient philosophers and in agreement with the Old Academy and with the Peripatetics. Their predecessor, Pythagoras, who even wished to be considered an augur himself, gave the weight of his great name to the same practice; and that eminent author, Democritus, in many passages, strongly affirmed his belief in a presentiment of things to come. Moreover, Dicaearchus, the Peripatetic, though he accepted divination by dreams and frenzy, cast away all other kinds; and my intimate friend, Cratippus, whom I consider the peer of the greatest of the Peripatetics, also gave credence to the same kinds of divination but rejected the rest.
1.5. We read in a history by Agathocles that Hamilcar, the Carthaginian, during his siege of Syracuse heard a voice in his sleep telling him that he would dine the next day in Syracuse. At daybreak the following day a serious conflict broke out in his camp between the troops of the Carthaginians and their allies, the Siculi. When the Syracusans saw this they made a sudden assault on the camp and carried Hamilcar off alive. Thus the event verified the dream.History is full of such instances, and so is everyday life.
2.1. Book IIAfter serious and long continued reflection as to how I might do good to as many people as possible and thereby prevent any interruption of my service to the State, no better plan occurred to me than to conduct my fellow-citizens in the ways of the noblest learning — and this, I believe, I have already accomplished through my numerous books. For example, in my work entitled Hortensius, I appealed as earnestly as I could for the study of philosophy. And in my Academics, in four volumes, I set forth the philosophic system which I thought least arrogant, and at the same time most consistent and refined.
2.1. The same rule applies in literature and in other departments of learning. And do you really believe that those who are credited with powers of divining, can, for that reason, tell whether the sun is larger than the earth, and whether it is as big as it seems to be? Or whether the moon shines by its own light or by that of the sun? Or do you think that they understand the motions of the sun and moon and of the five stars, which are called planets? Your reputed diviners do not claim that they can answer any of these questions; nor will they profess to tell whether geometrical figures are correctly drawn or not, for that is the business of mathematicians, not of seers.4 Now let us consider matters within the purview of philosophy: When the question is as to what is morally right, or morally wrong, or as to what is neither the one nor the other, do we usually have our doubts resolved by diviners? In fact, do we often consult them in such a case?
2.1. There remain the two kinds of divination which we are said to derive from nature and not from art — vaticination and dreams, — these, my dear Quintus, if agreeable to you, let us now discuss.Delighted, I assure you, said he, for I am in entire accord with the views which you have so far expressed. To be quite frank, your argument has merely strengthened the opinion which I already had, for my own reasoning had convinced me that the Stoic view of divination smacked too much of superstition. I was more impressed by the reasoning of the Peripatetics, of Dicaearchus, of ancient times, and of Cratippus, who still flourishes. According to their opinion there is within the human soul some sort of power — oracular, I might call it — by which the future is foreseen when the soul is inspired by a divine frenzy, or when it is released by sleep and is free to move at will. I should like very much to learn your views of these two classes of divination and by what arguments you disprove them. 49
2.33. Such signs, as I have shown before, certainly could not come within your classification of the kinds of divination dependent on observation. Therefore they are not the result of immemorial usage, but they are the inventions of art — if there can be any art in the occult. But what relationship have they with the laws of nature? Assuming that all the works of nature are firmly bound together in a harmonious whole (which, I observe, is the view of the natural philosophers and especially of those men who maintain that the universe is a unit), what connexion can there be between the universe and the finding of a treasure? For instance, if the entrails foretell an increase in my fortune and they do so in accordance with some law of nature, then, in the first place, there is some relationship between them and the universe, and in the second place, my ficial gain is regulated by the laws of nature. Are not the natural philosophers ashamed to utter such nonsense? And yet a certain contact between the different parts of nature may be admitted and I concede it. The Stoics have collected much evidence to prove it. They claim, for example, that the livers of mice become larger in winter; that the dry pennyroyal blooms the very day of the winter solstice, and that its seed-pods become inflated and burst and the seeds enclosed thither are sent in various directions; that at times when certain strings of the lyre are struck others sound; that it is the habit of oysters and of all shell-fish to grow with the growth of the moon and to become smaller as it wanes; and that trees are considered easiest to cut down in winter and in the dark of the moon, because they are then free from sap.
2.124. But, though the conclusion just stated is obvious, let us now look deeper into the question. Surely you must assume, either that there is a Divine Power which, in planning for our good, gives us information by means of dreams; or that, because of some natural connexion and association — the Greeks call it συμπάθεια — interpreters of dreams know what sort of a dream is required to fit any situation and what sort of a result will follow any dream; or that neither of these suppositions is true, but that the usual result or consequence of every dream is known by a consistent system of rules based on long-continued observation. In the first place, then, it must be understood that there is no divine power which creates dreams. And indeed it is perfectly clear that none of the visions seen in dreams have their origin in the will of the gods; for the gods, for our sakes, would so interpose that we might be able to foresee the future.''. None |
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9. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 1.28, 2.8, 2.18, 2.73-2.75, 2.77, 2.87, 2.97-2.98, 2.118, 2.154, 2.162, 3.92 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius Cotta, C (cos. • Aurelius Cotta, C., death when old scar reopened • Cotta C. Aurelius • Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Inwood and Warren (2020) 151; Maso (2022) 35, 36, 67, 125; Rosa and Santangelo (2020) 113; Stanton (2021) 107, 164; Vazques and Ross (2022) 210; Walters (2020) 61
| 1.28. Again, if the soul of man is divine, why is it not omniscient? Moreover, if the Pythagorean god is pure soul, how is he implanted in, or diffused throughout, the world? Next, Xenophanes endowed the universe with mind, and held that, as being infinite, it was god. His view of mind is as open to objection as that of the rest; but on the subject of infinity he incurs still severer criticism, for the infinite can have no sensation and no contact with anything outside. As for Parmenides, he invents a purely fanciful something resembling a crown — stephanè is his name for it —, an unbroken ring of glowing lights, encircling the sky, which he entitles god; but no one can imagine this to possess divine form, or sensation. He also has many other portentous notions; he deifies war, strife, lust and the like, things which can be destroyed by disease or sleep or forgetfulness or lapse of time; and he also deifies the stars, but this has been criticized in another philosopher and need not be dealt with now in the case of Parmenides.
2.8. Caelius writes that Gaius Flaminius after ignoring the claims of religion fell at the battle of Trasimene, when a serious blow was inflicted on the state. The fate of these men may serve to indicate that our empire was won by those commanders who obeyed the dictates of religion. Moreover if we care to compare our national characteristics with those of foreign peoples, we shall find that, while in all other respects we are only the equals or even the inferiors of others, yet in the sense of religion, that is, in reverence for the gods, we are far superior. ' "
2.18. Yet even man's intelligence must lead us to infer the existence of a mind in the universe, and that a mind of surpassing ability, and in fact divine. Otherwise, whence did man 'pick up' (as Socrates says in Xenophon) the intelligence that he possesses? If anyone asks the question, whence do we get the moisture and the heat diffused throughout the body, and the actual earthy substance of the flesh, and lastly the breath of life within us, it is manifest that we have derived the one from earth, the other from water, and the other from the air which we inhale in breathing. But where did we find, whence did we abstract, that other part of us which surpasses all of these, I mean our reason, or, if you like to employ several terms to denote it, our intelligence, deliberation, thought, wisdom? Is the world to contain each of the other elements but not this one, the most precious of them all? Yet beyond question nothing exists among all things that is superior to the world, nothing that is more excellent or more beautiful; and not merely does nothing superior to it exist, but nothing superior can even be conceived. And if there be nothing superior to reason and wisdom, these faculties must necessarily be possessed by that being which we admit to be superior to all others. " '
2.73. "Next I have to show that the world is governed by divine providence. This is of course a vast topic; the doctrine is hotly contested by your school, Cotta, and it is they no doubt that are my chief adversaries here. As for you and your friends, Velleius, you scarcely understand the vocabulary of the subject; for you only read your own writings, and are so enamoured of them that you pass judgement against all the other schools without giving them a hearing. For instance, you yourself told us yesterday that the Stoics present Pronoia or providence in the guise of an old hag of a fortune-teller; this was due to your mistaken notion that they imagine providence as a kind of special deity who rules and governs the universe. But as a matter of fact \'providence\' is an elliptical expression; ' "2.74. when one says 'the Athenian state is ruled by the council,' the words 'of the Areopagus' are omitted: so when we speak of the world as governed by providence, you must understand the words 'of the gods' zzz conceive that the full and complete statement would be 'the world is governed by the providence of the gods.' So do not you and your friends waste your wit on making fun of us, — your tribe is none too well off for that commodity. Indeed if your school would take my advice you would give up all attempts at humour; it sits ill upon you, for it is not your forte and you can't bring it off. This does not, it is true, apply to you in particular, — you have the polished manners of your family and the urbanity of a Roman; but it does apply to all the rest of you, and especially to the parent of the system, an uncultivated, illiterate person, who tilts at everybody and is entirely devoid of penetration, authority or charm. " '2.75. I therefore declare that the world and all its parts were set in order at the beginning and have been governed for all time by converse providence: a thesis which our school usually divides into three sections. The first is based on the argument proving that the gods exist; if this be granted, it must be admitted that the world is governed by their wisdom. The second proves that all things are under the sway of sentient nature, and that by it the universe is carried on in the most beautiful manner; and this proved, it follows that the universe was generated from living first causes. The third topic is the argument from the wonder that we feel at the marvel of creation, celestial and terrestrial. ' "
2.77. in that case the nature of the gods is not superior to all else in power, inasmuch as it is subject to a necessity or nature that rules the sky, sea and land. But as a matter of fact nothing exists that is superior to god; it follows therefore that the world is ruled by him; therefore god is not obedient or subject to any form of nature, and therefore he himself rules all nature. In fact if we concede divine intelligence, we concede also divine providence, and providence exercised in things of the highest moment. Are then the gods ignorant what things are of the highest moment and how these are to be directed and upheld, or do they lack the strength to undertake and to perform duties so vast? But ignorance is foreign the time of divine nature, and weakness, with a consequent incapacity to perform one's office, in no way suits with the divine majesty. This proves our thesis that the world is governed by divine providence. " '
2.87. Let someone therefore prove that it could have been better. But no one will ever prove this, and anyone who essays to improve some detail will either make it worse or will be demanding an improvement impossible in the nature of things. "But if the structure of the world in all its parts is such that it could not have been better whether in point of utility or beauty, let us consider js is the result of chance, or whether on the contrary the parts of the world are in such a condition that they could not possibly have cohered together if they were not controlled by intelligence and by divine providence. If then that produces of nature are better than those of art, and if art produces nothing without reason, nature too cannot be deemed to be without reason. When you see a statue or a painting, you recognize the exercise of art; when you observe from a distance the course of a ship, you do not hesitate to assume that its motion is guided by reason and by art; when you look at a sun‑dial or a water-clock, you infer that it tells the time by art and not by chance; how then can it be consistent to suppose that the world, which includes both the works of art in question, the craftsmen who made them, and everything else besides, can be devoid of purpose and of reason?
2.97. Who would not deny the name of human being to a man who, on seeing the regular motions of the heaven and the fixed order of the stars and the accurate interconnexion and interrelation of all things, can deny that these things possess any rational design, and can maintain that phenomena, the wisdom of whose ordering transcends the capacity of our wisdom to understand it, take place by chance? When we see something moved by machinery, like an orrery or clock or many other such things, we do not doubt that these contrivances are the work of reason; when therefore we behold the whole compass of the heaven moving with revolutions of marvellous velocity and executing with perfect regularity the annual changes of the seasons with absolute safety and security for all things, how can we doubt that all this is effected not merely by reason, but by a reason that is transcendent and divine? 2.98. "For we may now put aside elaborate argument and gaze as it were with our eyes upon the beauty of the creations of divine providence, as we declare them to be. And first let us behold the whole earth, situated in the centre of the world, a solid spherical mass gathered into a globe by the natural gravitation of all its parts, clothed with flowers and grass and trees and corn,º forms of vegetation all of them incredibly numerous and inexhaustibly varied and diverse. Add to these cool fountains ever flowing, transparent streams and rivers, their banks clad in brightest verdure, deep vaulted caverns, craggy rocks, sheer mountain heights and plains of immeasurable extent; add also the hidden veins of gold and silver, and marble in unlimited quantity.
2.118. But the stars are of a fiery substance, and for this reason they are nourished by the vapours of the earth, the sea and the waters, which are raised up by the sun out of the fields which it warms and out of the waters; and when nourished and renewed by these vapours the stars and the whole aether shed them back again, and then once more draw them up from the same source, with the loss of none of their matter, or only of an extremely small part which is consumed by the fire of the stars and the flame of the aether. As a consequence of this, so our school believe, though it used to be said that Panaetius questioned the doctrine, there will ultimately occur a conflagration of the whole while, because when the moisture has been used up neither can the earth be nourished nor will the air continue to flow, being unable to rise upward after it has drunk up all the water; thus nothing will remain but fire, by which, as a living being and a god, once again a new world may be created and the ordered universe be restored as before.
2.154. "It remains for me to show, in coming finally to a conclusion, that all the things in this world which men employ have been created and provided for the sake of men. "In the first place the world itself was created for the sake of gods and men, and the things that it contains were provided and contrived for the enjoyment of men. For the world is as it were the common dwelling-place of gods and men, or the city that belongs to both; for they alone have the use of reason and live by justice and by law. As therefore Athens and Sparta must be deemed to have been founded for the sake of the Athenians and the Spartans, and all the things contained in those cities are rightly said to belong to those peoples, so whatever things are contained in all the world must be deemed to belong to the gods and to men.
2.162. Nor only on the surface of the earth, but also in its darkest recesses there lurks an abundance of commodities which were created for men\'s use and which men alone discover. "The next subject is one which each of you perhaps will seize upon for censure, Cotta because Carneades used to enjoy tilting at the Stoics, Velleius because nothing provokes the ridicule of Epicurus so much as the art of prophecy; but in my view it affords the very strongest proof that man\'s welfare is studied by divine providence. I refer of course to Divination, which we see practised in many regions and upon various matters and occasions both private and more especially public. ' "
3.92. But at all events a god could have come to the aid of those great and splendid cities and have preserved them — for you yourselves are fond of saying that there is nothing that a god cannot accomplish, and that without any toil; as man's limbs are effortlessly moved merely by his mind and will, so, as you say, the god's power can mould and move and alter all things. Nor do you say this as some superstitious fable or old wives' tale, but you give a scientific and systematic account of it: you allege that matter, which constitutes and contains all things, is in its entirety flexible and subject to change, so that there is nothing that cannot be moulded and transmuted out of it however suddenly, but the moulder and manipulator of this universal substance is divine providence, and therefore providence, whithersoever it moves, is able to perform whatever it will. Accordingly either providence does not know its own powers, or it does not regard human affairs, or it lacks power of judgement to discern what is the best. "'. None |
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10. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 369; Verhagen (2022) 369
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11. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius Cotta, proconsul • Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 227; Marek (2019) 297
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12. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Gazis and Hooper (2021) 173; Konig and Wiater (2022) 232; König and Wiater (2022) 232
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13. Catullus, Poems, 13.11-13.14, 23.12-23.14, 95.4-95.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 352, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 366, 368, 370, 371; Verhagen (2022) 352, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 366, 368, 370, 371
| 13.11. I'll give thee unguent lent my girl to scent" '13.12. By every Venus and all Cupids sent, 13.13. Which, as thou savour, pray Gods interpose 13.14. And thee, Fabúllus, make a Naught-but-nose.
23.12. Your frames are hard and dried like horn, 23.13. Or if more arid aught ye know 23.14. By suns and frosts and hunger-throe. 95.5. "Zmyrna" shall travel afar as the hollow breakers of Satrax, 95.6. "Zmyrna" by ages grey lastingly shall be perused.' "95.7. But upon Padus' brink shall die Volusius his annal" ". None |
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14. Horace, Sermones, 1.2, 1.4.11, 1.10.50 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 352, 366; Verhagen (2022) 352, 366
| 1.2. However, since I observe a considerable number of people giving ear to the reproaches that are laid against us by those who bear ill will to us, and will not believe what I have written concerning the antiquity of our nation, while they take it for a plain sign that our nation is of a late date, because they are not so much as vouchsafed a bare mention by the most famous historiographers among the Grecians,
1.2. Moreover, he attests that we Jews, went as auxiliaries along with king Alexander, and after him with his successors. I will add farther what he says he learned when he was himself with the same army, concerning the actions of a man that was a Jew. His words are these:—
1.2. for if we remember, that in the beginning the Greeks had taken no care to have public records of their several transactions preserved, this must for certain have afforded those that would afterward write about those ancient transactions, the opportunity of making mistakes, and the power of making lies also;
1.4.11. As for the witnesses whom I shall produce for the proof of what I say, they shall be such as are esteemed to be of the greatest reputation for truth, and the most skilful in the knowledge of all antiquity, by the Greeks themselves. I will also show, that those who have written so reproachfully and falsely about us, are to be convicted by what they have written themselves to the contrary.
1.4.11. but as to the time from the death of Moses till the reign of Artaxerxes, king of Persia, who reigned after Xerxes, the prophets, who were after Moses, wrote down what was done in their times in thirteen books. The remaining four books contain hymns to God, and precepts for the conduct of human life. ' '. None |
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15. Ovid, Ars Amatoria, 1.137-1.138 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 360; Verhagen (2022) 360
1.137. Nil opus est digitis, per quos arcana loquaris, 1.138. rend=''. None | 1.137. Their fear was one, but not one face of fear: 1.138. Some rend the lovely tresses of the hair:''. None |
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16. Ovid, Fasti, 3.260-3.392 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 369; Verhagen (2022) 369
3.260. arma ferant Salii Mamuriumque cat? 3.261. nympha, mone, nemori stagnoque operata Dianae; 3.262. nympha, Numae coniunx, ad tua facta veni. 3.263. vallis Aricinae silva praecinctus opaca 3.264. est lacus, antiqua religione sacer. 3.265. hic latet Hippolytus loris direptus equorum, 3.266. unde nemus nullis illud aditur equis. 3.267. licia dependent longas velantia saepes, 3.268. et posita est meritae multa tabella deae. 3.269. saepe potens voti, frontem redimita coronis, 3.270. femina lucentes portat ab urbe faces. 3.271. regna tenent fortes manibus pedibusque fugaces, 3.272. et perit exemplo postmodo quisque suo. 3.273. defluit incerto lapidosus murmure rivus: 3.274. saepe, sed exiguis haustibus, inde bibi. 3.275. Egeria est, quae praebet aquas, dea grata Camenis; 3.276. illa Numae coniunx consiliumque fuit. 3.277. principio nimium promptos ad bella Quirites 3.278. molliri placuit iure deumque metu; 3.279. inde datae leges, ne firmior omnia posset, 3.280. coeptaque sunt pure tradita sacra coli. 3.281. exuitur feritas, armisque potentius aequum est, 3.282. et cum cive pudet conseruisse manus; 3.283. atque aliquis, modo trux, visa iam vertitur ara 3.284. vinaque dat tepidis farraque salsa focis. 3.285. ecce deum genitor rutilas per nubila flammas 3.286. spargit et effusis aethera siccat aquis; 3.287. non alias missi cecidere frequentius ignes: 3.288. rex pavet et volgi pectora terror habet, 3.289. cui dea ‘ne nimium terrere! piabile fulmen 3.290. est,’ ait ‘et saevi flectitur ira Iovis, 3.291. sed poterunt ritum Picus Faunusque piandi 3.292. tradere, Romani numen utrumque soli. 3.293. nec sine vi tradent: adhibe tu vincula captis.’ 3.294. atque ita qua possint edidit arte capi. 3.295. lucus Aventino suberat niger ilicis umbra, 3.296. quo posses viso dicere numen inest. 3.297. in medio gramen, muscoque adoperta virenti 3.298. manabat saxo vena perennis aquae: 3.299. inde fere soli Faunus Picusque bibebant. 3.300. huc venit et fonti rex Numa mactat ovem, 3.301. plenaque odorati disponit pocula Bacchi, 3.302. cumque suis antro conditus ipse latet, 3.303. ad solitos veniunt silvestria numina fontes 3.304. et relevant multo pectora sicca mero. 3.305. vina quies sequitur; gelido Numa prodit ab antro 3.306. vinclaque sopitas addit in arta manus, 3.307. somnus ut abscessit, pugdo vincula temptant 3.308. rumpere: pugtes fortius illa tenent. 3.309. tunc Numa: ‘di nemorum, factis ignoscite nostris, 3.310. si scelus ingenio scitis abesse meo; 3.311. quoque modo possit fulmen, monstrate, piari.’ 3.312. sic Numa; sic quatiens cornua Faunus ait: 3.313. ‘magna petis nec quae monitu tibi discere nostro 3.314. fas sit: habent finis numina nostra suos. 3.315. di sumus agrestes et qui dominemur in altis 3.316. montibus: arbitrium est in sua tela Iovi. 3.317. hunc tu non poteris per te deducere caelo, 3.318. at poteris nostra forsitan usus ope.’ 3.319. dixerat haec Faunus; par est sententia Pici: 3.320. deme tamen nobis vincula, Picus ait: 3.321. ‘Iuppiter huc veniet, valida perductus ab arte. 3.322. nubila promissi Styx mihi testis erit.’ 3.323. emissi laqueis quid agant, quae carmina dicant, 3.324. quaque trahant superis sedibus arte Iovem, 3.325. scire nefas homini: nobis concessa canentur 3.326. quaeque pio dici vatis ab ore licet, 3.327. eliciunt caelo te, Iuppiter, unde minores 3.328. nunc quoque te celebrant Eliciumque vocant, 3.329. constat Aventinae tremuisse cacumina silvae, 3.330. terraque subsedit pondere pressa Iovis, 3.331. corda micant regis, totoque e corpore sanguis 3.332. fugit, et hirsutae deriguere comae, 3.333. ut rediit animus, da certa piamina dixit 3.334. ‘fulminis, altorum rexque paterque deum, 3.335. si tua contigimus manibus donaria puris, 3.336. hoc quoque, quod petitur, si pia lingua rogat.’ 3.337. adnuit oranti, sed verum ambage remota 3.338. abdidit et dubio terruit ore virum. 3.339. caede caput dixit: cui rex parebimus, inquit 3.340. caedenda est hortis eruta caepa meis. 3.341. addidit, hic hominis: sumes ait ille capillos. 3.342. postulat hic animam, cui Numa piscis ait. 3.343. risit et his inquit ‘facito mea tela procures, 3.344. o vir conloquio non abigende deum. 3.345. sed tibi, protulerit cum totum crastinus orbem 3.346. Cynthius, imperii pignora certa dabo.’ 3.347. dixit et ingenti tonitru super aethera motum 3.348. fertur, adorantem destituitque Numam, 3.349. ille redit laetus memoratque Quiritibus acta: 3.350. tarda venit dictis difficilisque fides. 3.351. at certe credemur, ait ‘si verba sequetur 3.352. exitus: en audi crastina, quisquis ades. 3.353. protulerit terris cum totum Cynthius orbem, 3.354. Iuppiter imperii pignora certa dabit.’ 3.355. discedunt dubii, promissaque tarda videntur, 3.356. dependetque fides a veniente die. 3.357. mollis erat tellus rorata mane pruina: 3.358. ante sui populus limina regis adest, 3.359. prodit et in solio medius consedit acerno. 3.360. innumeri circa stantque silentque viri. 3.361. ortus erat summo tantummodo margine Phoebus: 3.362. sollicitae mentes speque metuque pavent, 3.363. constitit atque caput niveo velatus amictu 3.364. iam bene dis notas sustulit ille manus, 3.365. atque ita tempus adest promissi muneris, inquit 3.366. pollicitam dictis, Iuppiter, adde fidem. 3.367. dum loquitur, totum iam sol emoverat orbem, 3.368. et gravis aetherio venit ab axe fragor. 3.369. ter tonuit sine nube deus, tria fulmina misit. 3.370. credite dicenti: mira, sed acta, loquor, 3.371. a media caelum regione dehiscere coepit; 3.372. summisere oculos cum duce turba suo. 3.373. ecce levi scutum versatum leniter aura 3.374. decidit, a populo clamor ad astra venit. 3.375. tollit humo munus caesa prius ille iuvenca, 3.376. quae dederat nulli colla premenda iugo, 3.377. idque ancile vocat, quod ab omni parte recisum est, 3.378. quemque notes oculis, angulus omnis abest, 3.379. tum, memor imperii sortem consistere in illo, 3.380. consilium multae calliditatis init. 3.381. plura iubet fieri simili caelata figura, 3.382. error ut ante oculos insidiantis eat. 3.383. Mamurius (morum fabraene exactior artis, 3.384. difficile est ulli dicere) clausit opus. 3.385. cui Numa munificus facti pete praemia, dixit; 3.386. si mea nota fides, inrita nulla petes. 3.387. iam dederat Saliis a saltu nomina dicta 3.388. armaque et ad certos verba canenda modos. 3.389. tum sic Mamurius: ‘merces mihi gloria detur, 3.390. nominaque extremo carmine nostra sonent.’ 3.391. inde sacerdotes operi promissa vetusto 3.392. praemia persolvunt Mamuriumque vocant,''. None | 3.260. Teach me, nymph, who serves Diana’s lake and grove: 3.261. Nymph, Egeria, wife to Numa, speak of your actions. 3.262. There is a lake in the vale of Aricia, ringed by dense woods, 3.263. And sacred to religion from ancient times. 3.264. Here Hippolytus hides, who was torn to piece 3.265. By his horses, and so no horse may enter the grove. 3.266. The long hedge is covered with hanging threads, 3.267. And many tablets witness the goddess’s merit. 3.268. often a woman whose prayer is answered, brow wreathed 3.269. With garlands, carries lighted torches from the City. 3.270. One with strong hands and swift feet rules there, 3.271. And each is later killed, as he himself killed before. 3.272. A pebble-filled stream flows down with fitful murmurs: 3.273. often I’ve drunk there, but in little draughts. 3.274. Egeria, goddess dear to the Camenae, supplies the water: 3.275. She who was wife and counsellor to Numa. 3.276. The Quirites were too prompt to take up arms, 3.277. And Numa quietened them with justice, and fear of the gods. 3.278. So laws were made, that the stronger might not take all, 3.279. And traditional rights were properly observed. 3.280. They left off being savages, justice superseded arms, 3.281. And citizens were ashamed to fight each other: 3.282. Those who had once been violent were transformed, on seeing 3.283. An altar, offering wine and salted meal on the warm hearths. 3.284. See, the father of the gods scatters red lightning through 3.285. The clouds, and clears the sky with showers of rain: 3.286. The forked flames never fell thicker: 3.287. The king was fearful, the people filled with terror. 3.288. The goddess said: ‘Don’t be so afraid! Lightning 3.289. Can be placated, and fierce Jupiter’s anger averted. 3.290. Picus and Faunus, each a deity native to Roman soil, 3.291. Can teach you the rites of expiation. But they won’t 3.292. Teach them unless compelled: so catch and bind them.’ 3.293. And she revealed the arts by which they could be caught. 3.294. There was a grove, dark with holm-oaks, below the Aventine, 3.295. At sight of which you would say: ‘There’s a god within.’ 3.296. The centre was grassy, and covered with green moss, 3.297. And a perennial stream of water trickled from the rock. 3.298. Faunus and Picus used to drink there alone. 3.299. Numa approached and sacrificed a sheep to the spring, 3.300. And set out cups filled with fragrant wine. 3.301. Then he hid with his people inside the cave. 3.302. The woodland spirits came to their usual spring, 3.303. And quenched their dry throats with draughts of wine. 3.304. Sleep succeeded wine: Numa emerged from the icy cave 3.305. And clasped the sleepers’ hands in tight shackles. 3.306. When sleep vanished, they fought and tried to burst 3.307. Their bonds, which grew tighter the more they struggled. 3.308. Then Numa spoke: ‘Gods of the sacred groves, if you accept 3.309. My thoughts were free of wickedness, forgive my actions: 3.310. And show me how the lightning may be averted.’ 3.311. So Numa: and, shaking his horns, so Faunus replied: 3.312. ‘You seek great things, that it’s not right for you to know 3.313. Through our admission: our powers have their limits. 3.314. We are rural gods who rule in the high mountains: 3.315. Jupiter has control of his own weapons. 3.316. You could never draw him from heaven by yourself, 3.317. But you may be able, by making use of our aid.’ 3.318. Faunus spoke these words: Picus too agreed, 3.319. ‘But remove our shackles,’ Picus added: 3.320. ‘Jupiter will arrive here, drawn by powerful art. 3.321. Cloudy Styx will be witness to my promise.’ 3.322. It’s wrong for men to know what the gods enacted when loosed 3.323. From the snare, or what spells they spoke, or by what art 3.324. They drew Jupiter from his realm above. My song will sing 3.325. of lawful things, such as a poet may speak with pious lips. 3.326. The drew you (eliciunt) from the sky, Jupiter, and later 3.327. Generations now worship you, by the name of Elicius. 3.328. It’s true that the crowns of the Aventine woods trembled, 3.329. And the earth sank under the weight of Jove. 3.330. The king’s heart shook, the blood fled from his body, 3.331. And the bristling hair stood up stiffly on his head. 3.332. When he regained his senses, he said: ‘King and father 3.333. To the high gods, if I have touched your offering 3.334. With pure hands, and if a pious tongue, too, asks for 3.335. What I seek, grant expiation from your lightning,’ 3.336. The god accepted his prayer, but hid the truth with deep 3.337. Ambiguities, and terrified him with confusing words. 3.338. ‘Sever a head,’ said the god: the king replied; ‘I will, 3.339. We’ll sever an onion’s, dug from my garden.’ 3.340. The god added: ‘of a man’: ‘You’ll have the hair,’ 3.341. Said the king. He demanded a life, Numa replied: ‘A fish’s’. 3.342. The god laughed and said: ‘Expiate my lightning like this, 3.343. O man who cannot be stopped from speaking with gods. 3.344. And when Apollo’s disc is full tomorrow, 3.345. I’ll give you sure pledges of empire.’ 3.346. He spoke, and was carried above the quaking sky, 3.347. In loud thunder, leaving Numa worshipping him. 3.348. The king returned joyfully, and told the Quirite 3.349. What had happened: they were slow to believe his words. 3.350. ‘It will surely be believed,’ he said, ‘if the event follow 3.351. My speech: listen, all you here, to what tomorrow brings. 3.352. When Apollo’s disc has lifted fully above the earth, 3.353. Jupiter will grant me sure pledges of empire.’ 3.354. The left, doubtful, considering it long to wait, 3.355. But setting their hopes on the following day. 3.356. The ground was soft at dawn, with a frost of dew: 3.357. When the crowd gathered at the king’s threshold. 3.358. He emerged, and sat in the midst on a maple wood throne. 3.359. Countless warriors stood around him in silence. 3.360. Phoebus had scarcely risen above the horizon: 3.361. Their anxious minds trembled with hope and fear. 3.362. The king stood, his head covered with a white cloth 3.363. Raising his hands, that the god now knew so well. 3.364. He spoke as follows: ‘The time is here for the promised gift, 3.365. Jupiter, make true the words of your pledge.’ 3.366. As he spoke, the sun’s full disc appeared, 3.367. And a loud crash came from the depths of the sky. 3.368. Three times the god thundered, and hurled his lightning, 3.369. From cloudless air, believe what I say, wonderful but true. 3.370. The sky began to split open at the zenith: 3.371. The crowd and its leader lifted their eyes. 3.372. Behold, a shield fell, trembling in the light breeze. 3.373. The sound of the crowd’s shouting reached the stars. 3.374. The king first sacrificed a heifer that had never known 3.375. The yoke, then raised the gift from the ground, 3.376. And called it ancile, because it was cut away (recisum) 3.377. All round, and there wasn’t a single angle to note. 3.378. Then, remembering the empire’s fate was involved, 3.379. He thought of a very cunning idea. 3.380. He ordered many shields cut in the same shape, 3.381. In order to confuse the eyes of any traitor. 3.382. Mamurius carried out the task: whether he was superior 3.383. In his craft or his character it would be hard to say. 3.384. Gracious Numa said to him: ‘Ask a reward for your work, 3.385. You’ll not ask in vain of one known for honesty.’ 3.386. He’d already given the Salii, named from their leaping (saltus), 3.387. Weapons: and words to be sung to a certain tune. 3.388. Mamurius replied: ‘Give me glory as my prize, 3.389. And let my name be sounded at the song’s end.’ 3.390. So the priests grant the reward promised for hi 3.391. Ancient work, and now call out ‘Mamurius’. 3.392. Girl if you’d marry, delay, however eager both are:''. None |
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17. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 7.365, 8.549-8.559 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 366, 367; Verhagen (2022) 366, 367
7.365. Phoebeamque Rhodon et Ialysios Telchinas,
8.549. Clausit iter fecitque moras Achelous eunti 8.550. imbre tumens. “Succede meis,” ait “inclite, tectis, 8.551. Cecropida, nec te committe rapacibus undis: 8.552. ferre trabes solidas obliquaque volvere magno 8.553. murmure saxa solent. Vidi contermina ripae 8.555. profuit armentis, nec equis velocibus esse. 8.556. Multa quoque hic torrens nivibus de monte solutis 8.557. corpora turbineo iuvenalia flumine mersit. 8.558. Tutior est requies, solito dum flumina currant 8.559. limite, dum tenues capiat suus alveus undas.”' '. None | 7.365. the flying dragons, harnessed by their necks,
8.549. with fatal onset rushed among this band 8.550. of noble lads, and stretched upon the ground 8.551. Eupalamon and Pelagon whose guard 8.552. was on the right; and their companions bore 8.553. their bodies from the field. 8.555. the brave son of Hippocoon received 8.556. a deadly wound—while turning to escape, 8.557. the sinew of his thigh was cut and failed 8.558. to bear his tottering steps.— 8.559. And Nestor might' '. None |
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18. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 366, 367; Verhagen (2022) 366, 367
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19. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 371; Verhagen (2022) 371
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20. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius Cotta, C.
Found in books: Konrad (2022) 115; Rutledge (2012) 300
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21. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 366; Verhagen (2022) 366
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22. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 367; Verhagen (2022) 367
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23. Epictetus, Discourses, 1.14.6, 1.14.11, 2.8.11-2.8.14 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Marcus Aurelius • Marcus Aurelius, Stoic
Found in books: Esler (2000) 65; Frey and Levison (2014) 51; Long (2006) 369; Stanton (2021) 132, 136, 164, 244
| 1.14.6. WHEN a person asked him how a man could be convinced that all his actions are under the inspection of God, he answered, Do you not think that all things are united in one? do, the person replied. Well, do you not think that earthly things have a natural agreement and union with heavenly things? I do. And how else so regularly as if by God’s command, when He bids the plants to flower, do they flower? when He bids them to send forth shoots, do they shoot? when He bids them to produce fruit, how else do they produce fruit? when He bids the fruit to ripen, does it ripen? when again He bids them to cast down the fruits, how else do they cast them down? and when to shed the leaves, do they shed the leaves? and when He bids them to fold themselves up and to remain quiet and rest, how else do they remain quiet and rest? And how else at the growth and the wane of the moon, and at the approach and recession of the sun, are so great an alteration and change to the contrary seen in earthly things? But are plants and our bodies so bound up and united with the whole, and are not our souls much more? and our souls so bound up and in contact with God as parts of Him and portions of Him; and does not God perceive every motion of these parts as being his own motion connate with himself? Now are you able to think of the divine administration, and about all things divine, and at the same time also about human affairs, and to be moved by ten thousand things at the same time in your senses and in your understanding, and to assent to some, and to dissent from others, and again as to some things to suspend your judgment; and do you retain in your soul so many impressions from so many and various things, and being moved by them, do you fall upon notions similar to those first impressed, and do you retain numerous arts and the memories of ten thousand things; and is not God able to oversee all things, and to be present with all, and to receive from all a certain communication? And is the sun able to illuminate so large a part of the All, and to leave so little not illuminated, that part only which is occupied by the earth’s shadow; and He who made the sun itself and makes it go round, being a small part of himself compared with the whole, cannot He perceive all things? But I cannot, the man may reply, comprehend all these things at once. But who tells you that you have equal power with Zeus? Nevertheless he has placed by every man a guardian, every man’s Daemon, to whom he has committed the care of the man, a guardian who never sleeps, is never deceived. For to what better and more careful guardian could He have intrusted each of us? When then you have shut the doors and made darkness within, remember never to say that you are alone, for you are not; but God is within, and your Daemon is within, and what need have they of light to see what you are doing? To this God you ought to swear an oath just as the soldiers do to Caesar. But they who are hired for pay swear to regard the safety of Caesar before all things; and you who have received so many and such great favors, will you not swear, or when you have sworn, will you not abide by your oath? And what shall you swear? Never to be disobedient, never to make any charges, never to find fault with any thing that he has given, and never unwillingly to do or to suffer any thing that is necessary. Is this oath like the soldier’s oath? The soldiers swear not to prefer any man to Cæsar: in this oath men swear to honour themselves before all.
2.8.11. GOD is beneficial. But the Good also is beneficial. It is consistent then that where the nature of God is, there also the nature of the good should be. What then is the nature of God? Flesh? Certainly not. An estate in land? By no means. Fame? No. Is it intelligence, knowledge, right reason? Yes. Herein then simply seek the nature of the good; for I suppose that you do not seek it in a plant. No. Do you seek it in an irrational animal? No. If then you seek it in a rational animal, why do you still seek it any where except in the superiority of rational over irrational animals? Now plants have not even the power of using appearances, and for this reason you do not apply the term good to them. The good then requires the use of appearances. Does it require this use only? For if you say that it requires this use only, say that the good, and that happiness and unhappiness are in irrational animals also. But you do not say this, and you do right; for if they possess even in the highest degree the use of appearances, yet they have not the faculty of understanding the use of appearances; and there is good reason for this, for they exist for the purpose of serving others, and they exercise no superiority. For the ass, I suppose, does not exist for any superiority over others. No; but because we had need of a back which is able to bear something; and in truth we had need also of his being able to walk, and for this reason he received also the faculty of making use of appearances, for other wise he would not have been able to walk. And here then the matter stopped. For if he had also received the faculty of comprehending the use of appearances, it is plain that consistently with reason he would not then have beer subjected to us, nor would he have done us these services, but he would have been equal to us and like to us. Will you not then seek the nature of good in the rational animal? for if it is not there, you will not choose to say that it exists in any other thing (plant or animal). What then? are not plants and animals also the works of God? They are; but they are not superior things, nor yet parts of the Gods. But you are a superior thing; you are a portion separated from the deity; you have in yourself a certain portion of him. Why then are you ignorant of your own noble descent? Why do you not know whence you came? will you not remember when you are eating, who you are who eat and whom you feed? When you are in conjunction with a woman, will you not remember who you are who do this thing? When you are in social intercourse, when you are exercising yourself, when you are engaged in discussion, know you not that you are nourishing a god, that you are exercising a god? Wretch, you are carrying about a god with you, and you know it not. Mrs. Carter has a note here. See 1 Cor. vi. 19, 2 Cor. vi. 16, 2 Tim. i. 14, 1 John iii. 24, iv. 12, 13. But though the simple expression of carrying God about with us may seem to have some nearly parallel to it in the New Testament, yet those represent the Almighty in a more venerable manner, as taking the hearts of good men for a temple to dwell in. But the other expressions here of feeding and exercising God, and the whole of the paragraph, and indeed of the Stoic system, show the real sense of even its more decent phrases to be vastly different from that of Scripture. The passage in 1 Cor. vi. 19 is, What? know ye not that your body is the temple of the Holy Ghost which is in you, which ye have of God and ye are not your own ? This follows v. 18, which is an exhortation to flee fornication . The passage in 2 Cor. vi. 16 is And what agreement hath the temple of God with idols? for ye are the temple of the living God; as God hath said, I will dwell in them and walk in them, etc. Mrs. Carter has not correctly stated the sense of these two passages. It is certain that Epictetus knew nothing of the writers of the Epistles in the New Testament; but whence did these writers learn such forms of expression as we find in the passages cited by Mrs. Carter? I believe that they drew them from the Stoic philosophers who wrote before Epictetus and that they applied them to the new religion which they were teaching. The teaching of Paul and of Epictetus does not differ: the spirit of God is in man. Swedenborg says, In these two faculties (rationality and liberty) the Lord resides with every man, whether he be good or evil, they being the Lord’s mansions in the human race. But the mansion of the Lord is nearer with a man, in proportion as the man opens the superior degrees by these faculties; for by the opening thereof he comes into superior degrees of love and wisdom, and consequently nearer to the Lord. Hence it may appear that as these degrees are opened, so a man is in the Lord and the Lord in him. Swedeuborg, Angelic Wisdom, 240. Again, the faculty of thinking rationally, viewed in itself, is not man’s, but God’s in man. I am not quite sure in what sense the administration of the Eucharist ought to be understood in the church of England service. Some English divines formerly understood, and perhaps some now understand, the ceremony as a commemoration of the blood of Christ shed for us and of his body which was broken; as we see in T. Burnet’s Posthumous work (de Fide et officiis Christianorum, p. 80). It was a commemoration of the last supper of Jesus and the Apostles. But this does not appear to be the sense in which the ceremony is now understood by some priests and by some members of the church of England, whose notions approach near to the doctrine of the Catholic mass. Nor does it appear to be the sense of the prayer made before delivering the bread and wine to the Communicants, for the prayer is Grant us, gracious Lord, so to eat the flesh of thy dear son Jesus Christ and to drink his blood that our sinful bodies may be made clean by his body and our souls washed through his most precious blood and that we may evermore dwell in him and he in us. This is a different thing from Epictetus’ notion of God being in man, and also different, as I understand it, from the notion contained in the two passages of Paul; for it is there said generally that the Holy Ghost is in man or God in man, not that God is in man by virtue of a particular ceremony. It should not be omitted that there is after the end of the Communion service an admonition that the sacramental bread and wine remain what they were, and that the natural body and blood of our Saviour Christ are in heaven and not here; it being against the truth of Christ’s natural body to be at one time in more places than one. It was affirmed by the Reformers and the best writers of the English church that the presence of Christ in the Eucharist is a spiritual presence, and in this opinion they followed Calvin and the Swiss divines: and yet in the Prayer book we have the language that I have quoted; and even Calvin, who only maintained a spiritual presence, said, that the verity is nevertheless joined to the signs, and that in the sacrament we have true Communion in Christ’s body and blood (Contemporary Review, p. 464, August 1874 ). What would Epictetus have thought of the subtleties of our days? Do you think that I mean some God of silver or of gold, and external? You carry him within yourself, and you perceive not that you are polluting him by impure thoughts and dirty deeds. And if an image of God were present, you would not dare to do any of the things which you are doing: but when God himself is present within and sees all and hears all, you are not ashamed of thinking such things and doing such things, ignorant as you are of your own nature and subject to the anger of God. Then why do we fear when we are sending a young man from the school into active life, lest he should do anything improperly, eat improperly, have improper intercourse with women; and lest the rags in which he is wrapped should debase him, lest fine garments should make him proud? This youth (if he acts thus) does not know his own God: he knows not with whom he sets out (into the world). But can we endure when he says I wish I had you (God) with me. Have you not God with you? and do you seek for any other, when you have him? or will God tell you any thing else than this? If you were a statue of Phidias, either Athena or Zeus, you would think both of yourself and of the artist, an if you had any understanding (power of perception) you would try to do nothing unworthy of him who made you or of yourself, and try not to appear in an unbecoming dress (attitude) to those who look on you. But now because Zeus has made you, for this reason do you care not how you shall appear? And yet is the artist (in the one case) like the artist in the other? or the work in the one case like the other? And what work of an artist, for instance, has in itself the faculties, which the artist shows in making it? Is it not marble or bronze, or gold or ivory? and the Athena of Phidias when she has once extended the hand and received in it the figure of Victory stands in that attitude for ever. But the works of God have power of motion, they breathe, they have the faculty of using the appearances of things, and the power of examining them. Being the work of such an artist do you dishonour him? And what shall I say, not only that he made you, but also entrusted you to yourself and made you a deposit to yourself? Will you not think of this too, but do you also dishonour your guardianship? But if God had entrusted an orphan to you, would you thus neglect him? He has delivered yourself to your own care, and says, I had no one fitter to intrust him to than yourself: keep him for me such as he is by nature, modest, faithful, erect, unterrifled, free from passion and perturbation. And then you do not keep him such. But some will say, whence has this fellow got the arrogance which he displays and these supercilious looks?—I have not yet so much gravity as befits a philosopher; for I do not yet feel confidence in what I have learned and in what I have assented to: I still fear my own weakness. Let me get confidence and then you shall see a countece such as I ought to have and an attitude such as I ought to have: then I will show to you the statue, when it is perfected, when it is polished. What do you expect? a supercilious countece? Does the Zeus at Olympia lift up his brow? No, his look is fixed as becomes him who is ready to say Irrevocable is my word and shall not fail. —Iliad, i. 526. Such will I show myself to you, faithful, modest, noble, free from perturbation—What, and immortal too, exempt from old age, and from sickness? No, but dying as becomes a god, sickening as becomes a god. This power I possess; this I can do. But the rest I do not possess, nor can I do. I will show the nerves (strength) of a philosopher. What Lerves are these? A desire never disappointed, an aversion which never falls on that which it would avoid, a proper pursuit ( ὁρμήν ), a diligent purpose, an assent which is not rash. These you shall see. 2.8.14. GOD is beneficial. But the Good also is beneficial. It is consistent then that where the nature of God is, there also the nature of the good should be. What then is the nature of God? Flesh? Certainly not. An estate in land? By no means. Fame? No. Is it intelligence, knowledge, right reason? Yes. Herein then simply seek the nature of the good; for I suppose that you do not seek it in a plant. No. Do you seek it in an irrational animal? No. If then you seek it in a rational animal, why do you still seek it any where except in the superiority of rational over irrational animals? Now plants have not even the power of using appearances, and for this reason you do not apply the term good to them. The good then requires the use of appearances. Does it require this use only? For if you say that it requires this use only, say that the good, and that happiness and unhappiness are in irrational animals also. But you do not say this, and you do right; for if they possess even in the highest degree the use of appearances, yet they have not the faculty of understanding the use of appearances; and there is good reason for this, for they exist for the purpose of serving others, and they exercise no superiority. For the ass, I suppose, does not exist for any superiority over others. No; but because we had need of a back which is able to bear something; and in truth we had need also of his being able to walk, and for this reason he received also the faculty of making use of appearances, for other wise he would not have been able to walk. And here then the matter stopped. For if he had also received the faculty of comprehending the use of appearances, it is plain that consistently with reason he would not then have beer subjected to us, nor would he have done us these services, but he would have been equal to us and like to us. Will you not then seek the nature of good in the rational animal? for if it is not there, you will not choose to say that it exists in any other thing (plant or animal). What then? are not plants and animals also the works of God? They are; but they are not superior things, nor yet parts of the Gods. But you are a superior thing; you are a portion separated from the deity; you have in yourself a certain portion of him. Why then are you ignorant of your own noble descent? Why do you not know whence you came? will you not remember when you are eating, who you are who eat and whom you feed? When you are in conjunction with a woman, will you not remember who you are who do this thing? When you are in social intercourse, when you are exercising yourself, when you are engaged in discussion, know you not that you are nourishing a god, that you are exercising a god? Wretch, you are carrying about a god with you, and you know it not. Mrs. Carter has a note here. See 1 Cor. vi. 19, 2 Cor. vi. 16, 2 Tim. i. 14, 1 John iii. 24, iv. 12, 13. But though the simple expression of carrying God about with us may seem to have some nearly parallel to it in the New Testament, yet those represent the Almighty in a more venerable manner, as taking the hearts of good men for a temple to dwell in. But the other expressions here of feeding and exercising God, and the whole of the paragraph, and indeed of the Stoic system, show the real sense of even its more decent phrases to be vastly different from that of Scripture. The passage in 1 Cor. vi. 19 is, What? know ye not that your body is the temple of the Holy Ghost which is in you, which ye have of God and ye are not your own ? This follows v. 18, which is an exhortation to flee fornication . The passage in 2 Cor. vi. 16 is And what agreement hath the temple of God with idols? for ye are the temple of the living God; as God hath said, I will dwell in them and walk in them, etc. Mrs. Carter has not correctly stated the sense of these two passages. It is certain that Epictetus knew nothing of the writers of the Epistles in the New Testament; but whence did these writers learn such forms of expression as we find in the passages cited by Mrs. Carter? I believe that they drew them from the Stoic philosophers who wrote before Epictetus and that they applied them to the new religion which they were teaching. The teaching of Paul and of Epictetus does not differ: the spirit of God is in man. Swedenborg says, In these two faculties (rationality and liberty) the Lord resides with every man, whether he be good or evil, they being the Lord’s mansions in the human race. But the mansion of the Lord is nearer with a man, in proportion as the man opens the superior degrees by these faculties; for by the opening thereof he comes into superior degrees of love and wisdom, and consequently nearer to the Lord. Hence it may appear that as these degrees are opened, so a man is in the Lord and the Lord in him. Swedeuborg, Angelic Wisdom, 240. Again, the faculty of thinking rationally, viewed in itself, is not man’s, but God’s in man. I am not quite sure in what sense the administration of the Eucharist ought to be understood in the church of England service. Some English divines formerly understood, and perhaps some now understand, the ceremony as a commemoration of the blood of Christ shed for us and of his body which was broken; as we see in T. Burnet’s Posthumous work (de Fide et officiis Christianorum, p. 80). It was a commemoration of the last supper of Jesus and the Apostles. But this does not appear to be the sense in which the ceremony is now understood by some priests and by some members of the church of England, whose notions approach near to the doctrine of the Catholic mass. Nor does it appear to be the sense of the prayer made before delivering the bread and wine to the Communicants, for the prayer is Grant us, gracious Lord, so to eat the flesh of thy dear son Jesus Christ and to drink his blood that our sinful bodies may be made clean by his body and our souls washed through his most precious blood and that we may evermore dwell in him and he in us. This is a different thing from Epictetus’ notion of God being in man, and also different, as I understand it, from the notion contained in the two passages of Paul; for it is there said generally that the Holy Ghost is in man or God in man, not that God is in man by virtue of a particular ceremony. It should not be omitted that there is after the end of the Communion service an admonition that the sacramental bread and wine remain what they were, and that the natural body and blood of our Saviour Christ are in heaven and not here; it being against the truth of Christ’s natural body to be at one time in more places than one. It was affirmed by the Reformers and the best writers of the English church that the presence of Christ in the Eucharist is a spiritual presence, and in this opinion they followed Calvin and the Swiss divines: and yet in the Prayer book we have the language that I have quoted; and even Calvin, who only maintained a spiritual presence, said, that the verity is nevertheless joined to the signs, and that in the sacrament we have true Communion in Christ’s body and blood (Contemporary Review, p. 464, August 1874 ). What would Epictetus have thought of the subtleties of our days? Do you think that I mean some God of silver or of gold, and external? You carry him within yourself, and you perceive not that you are polluting him by impure thoughts and dirty deeds. And if an image of God were present, you would not dare to do any of the things which you are doing: but when God himself is present within and sees all and hears all, you are not ashamed of thinking such things and doing such things, ignorant as you are of your own nature and subject to the anger of God. Then why do we fear when we are sending a young man from the school into active life, lest he should do anything improperly, eat improperly, have improper intercourse with women; and lest the rags in which he is wrapped should debase him, lest fine garments should make him proud? This youth (if he acts thus) does not know his own God: he knows not with whom he sets out (into the world). But can we endure when he says I wish I had you (God) with me. Have you not God with you? and do you seek for any other, when you have him? or will God tell you any thing else than this? If you were a statue of Phidias, either Athena or Zeus, you would think both of yourself and of the artist, an if you had any understanding (power of perception) you would try to do nothing unworthy of him who made you or of yourself, and try not to appear in an unbecoming dress (attitude) to those who look on you. But now because Zeus has made you, for this reason do you care not how you shall appear? And yet is the artist (in the one case) like the artist in the other? or the work in the one case like the other? And what work of an artist, for instance, has in itself the faculties, which the artist shows in making it? Is it not marble or bronze, or gold or ivory? and the Athena of Phidias when she has once extended the hand and received in it the figure of Victory stands in that attitude for ever. But the works of God have power of motion, they breathe, they have the faculty of using the appearances of things, and the power of examining them. Being the work of such an artist do you dishonour him? And what shall I say, not only that he made you, but also entrusted you to yourself and made you a deposit to yourself? Will you not think of this too, but do you also dishonour your guardianship? But if God had entrusted an orphan to you, would you thus neglect him? He has delivered yourself to your own care, and says, I had no one fitter to intrust him to than yourself: keep him for me such as he is by nature, modest, faithful, erect, unterrifled, free from passion and perturbation. And then you do not keep him such. But some will say, whence has this fellow got the arrogance which he displays and these supercilious looks?—I have not yet so much gravity as befits a philosopher; for I do not yet feel confidence in what I have learned and in what I have assented to: I still fear my own weakness. Let me get confidence and then you shall see a countece such as I ought to have and an attitude such as I ought to have: then I will show to you the statue, when it is perfected, when it is polished. What do you expect? a supercilious countece? Does the Zeus at Olympia lift up his brow? No, his look is fixed as becomes him who is ready to say Irrevocable is my word and shall not fail. —Iliad, i. 526. Such will I show myself to you, faithful, modest, noble, free from perturbation—What, and immortal too, exempt from old age, and from sickness? No, but dying as becomes a god, sickening as becomes a god. This power I possess; this I can do. But the rest I do not possess, nor can I do. I will show the nerves (strength) of a philosopher. What Lerves are these? A desire never disappointed, an aversion which never falls on that which it would avoid, a proper pursuit ( ὁρμήν ), a diligent purpose, an assent which is not rash. These you shall see.''. None |
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24. New Testament, Romans, 6.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelian • Marcus Aurelius • Stoicism, Aurelius
Found in books: Engberg-Pedersen (2010) 226; Lampe (2003) 55
6.4. συνετάφημεν οὖν αὐτῷ διὰ τοῦ βαπτίσματος εἰς τὸν θάνατον, ἵνα ὥσπερ ἠγέρθη Χριστὸς ἐκ νεκρῶν διὰ τῆς δόξης τοῦ πατρός, οὕτως καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐν καινότητι ζωῆς περιπατήσωμεν.''. None | 6.4. We were buried therefore with him through baptism to death, that just like Christ was raised from the dead through the glory of the Father, so we also might walk in newness of life. ''. None |
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25. Plutarch, Numa Pompilius, 13.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 369; Verhagen (2022) 369
13.3. τούτοις μὲν οὖν μαρτυρῆσαι λέγουσι καὶ τὰ τῆς νόσου παραχρῆμα παυσάμενα. τὴν δὲ πέλτην προθέντος αὐτοῦ καὶ κελεύσαντος ἁμιλλᾶσθαι τοὺς τεχνίτας ὑπὲρ τῆς ὁμοιότητος, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἀπειπεῖν, Οὐετούριον δὲ Μαμούριον ἕνα α τῶν ἄκρων δημιουργῶν οὕτως ἐφικέσθαι τῆς ἐμφερείας, καὶ κατασκευάσαι πάσας ὁμοίας, ὥστε μηδʼ αὐτὸν ἔτι τὸν Νομᾶν διαγινώσκειν. τούτων οὖν φύλακας καὶ ἀμφιπόλους ἀπέδειξε τοὺς Σαλίους ἱερεῖς.''. None | 13.3. Moreover, they say that the truth of all this was attested by the immediate cessation of the pestilence. When Numa showed the buckler to the artificers and bade them do their best to make others like it, they all declined, except Veturius Mamurius, a most excellent workman, who was so happy in his imitation of it, and made all the eleven so exactly like it, that not even Numa himself could distinguish them. For the watch and care of these bucklers, then, he appointed the priesthood of the Salii.
13.3. Moreover, they say that the truth of all this was attested by the immediate cessation of the pestilence. When Numa showed the buckler to the artificers and bade them do their best to make others like it, they all declined, except Veturius Mamurius, a most excellent workman, who was so happy in his imitation of it, and made all the eleven so exactly like it, that not even Numa himself could distinguish them. For the watch and care of these bucklers, then, he appointed the priesthood of the Salii.''. None |
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26. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 21.9, 41.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Ando (2013) 157; Frey and Levison (2014) 51; Long (2006) 369; Stanton (2021) 250
| 21.9. There is no reason why you should hold that these words belong to Epicurus alone; they are public property. I think we ought to do in philosophy as they are wont to do in the Senate: when someone has made a motion, of which I approve to a certain extent, I ask him to make his motion in two parts, and I vote for the part which I approve. So I am all the more glad to repeat the distinguished words of Epicurus, in order that I may prove to those who have recourse to him through a bad motive, thinking that they will have in him a screen for their own vices, that they must live honourably, no matter what school they follow.
41.2. This is what I mean, Lucilius: a holy spirit indwells within us, one who marks our good and bad deeds, and is our guardian. As we treat this spirit, so are we treated by it. Indeed, no man can be good without the help of God. Can one rise superior to fortune unless God helps him to rise? He it is that gives noble and upright counsel. In each good man A god doth dwell, but what god know we not.1 ''. None |
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27. Suetonius, Nero, 25.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelian • Aurelian, triumph over Goths • Aurelian, triumph over Zenobia
Found in books: Ando (2013) 255; Rutledge (2012) 134
| 25.1. Returning from Greece, since it was at Naples that he had made his first appearance, he entered that city with white horses through a part of the wall which had been thrown down, as is customary with victors in the sacred games. In like manner he entered Antium, then Albanum, and finally Rome; but at Rome he rode in the chariot which Augustus had used in his triumphs in days gone by, and wore a purple robe and a Greek cloak adorned with stars of gold, bearing on his head the Olympic crown and in his right hand the Pythian, while the rest were carried before him with inscriptions telling where he had won them and against what competitors, and giving the titles of the songs or of the subject of the plays. His car was followed by his claque as by the escort of a triumphal procession, who shouted that they were the attendants of Augustus and the soldiers of his triumph.''. None |
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28. Tacitus, Annals, 2.83, 3.22, 15.22 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius Cotta Maximus Messalinus, M. • Aurelius Cotta, M. • Aurelius, M.,, honors • Marcus Aurelius • Marcus Aurelius,
Found in books: Ando (2013) 159; Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 354; Edmonds (2019) 263; Talbert (1984) 204, 259, 388
2.83. Honores ut quis amore in Germanicum aut ingenio validus reperti decretique: ut nomen eius Saliari carmine caneretur; sedes curules sacerdotum Augustalium locis superque eas querceae coronae statuerentur; ludos circensis eburna effigies praeiret neve quis flamen aut augur in locum Germanici nisi gentis Iuliae crearetur. arcus additi Romae et apud ripam Rheni et in monte Syriae Amano cum inscriptione rerum gestarum ac mortem ob rem publicam obisse. sepulchrum Antiochiae ubi crematus, tribunal Epidaphnae quo in loco vitam finierat. statuarum locorumve in quis coleretur haud facile quis numerum inierit. cum censeretur clipeus auro et magni- tudine insignis inter auctores eloquentiae, adseveravit Tiberius solitum paremque ceteris dicaturum: neque enim eloquentiam fortuna discerni et satis inlustre si veteres inter scriptores haberetur. equester ordo cuneum Germanici appellavit qui iuniorum dicebatur, instituitque uti turmae idibus Iuliis imaginem eius sequerentur. pleraque manent: quaedam statim omissa sunt aut vetustas oblitteravit.
3.22. At Romae Lepida, cui super Aemiliorum decus L. Sulla et Cn. Pompeius proavi erant, defertur simulavisse partum ex P. Quirinio divite atque orbo. adiciebantur adulteria venena quaesitumque per Chaldaeos in domum Caesaris, defendente ream Manio Lepido fratre. Quirinius post dictum repudium adhuc infensus quamvis infami ac nocenti miserationem addiderat. haud facile quis dispexerit illa in cognitione mentem principis: adeo vertit ac miscuit irae et clementiae signa. deprecatus primo senatum ne maiestatis crimina tractarentur, mox M. Servilium e consularibus aliosque testis inlexit ad proferenda quae velut reicere voluerat. idemque servos Lepidae, cum militari custodia haberentur, transtulit ad consules neque per tormenta interrogari passus est de iis quae ad domum suam pertinerent. exemit etiam Drusum consulem designatum dicendae primo loco sententiae; quod alii civile rebantur, ne ceteris adsentiendi necessitas fieret, quidam ad saevitiam trahebant: neque enim cessurum nisi damdi officio.
15.22. Magno adsensu celebrata sententia. non tamen senatus consultum perfici potuit, abnuentibus consulibus ea de re relatum. mox auctore principe sanxere ne quis ad concilium sociorum referret agendas apud senatum pro praetoribus prove consulibus grates, neu quis ea legatione fungeretur. Isdem consulibus gymnasium ictu fulminis conflagravit effigiesque in eo Neronis ad informe aes liquefacta. et motu terrae celebre Campaniae oppidum Pompei magna ex parte proruit; defunctaque virgo Vestalis Laelia, in cuius locum Cornelia ex familia Cossorum capta est.''. None | 2.83. \xa0Affection and ingenuity vied in discovering and decreeing honours to Germanicus: his name was to be chanted in the Saliar Hymn; curule chairs surmounted by oaken crowns were to be set for him wherever the Augustal priests had right of place; his effigy in ivory was to lead the procession at the Circus Games, and no flamen or augur, unless of the Julian house, was to be created in his room. Arches were added, at Rome, on the Rhine bank, and on the Syrian mountain of Amanus, with an inscription recording his achievements and the fact that he had died for his country. There was to be a sepulchre in Antioch, where he had been cremated; a\xa0funeral monument in Epidaphne, the suburb in which he had breathed his last. His statues, and the localities in which his cult was to be practised, it would be difficult to enumerate. When it was proposed to give him a gold medallion, as remarkable for the size as for the material, among the portraits of the classic orators, Tiberius declared that he would dedicate one himself "of the customary type, and in keeping with the rest: for eloquence was not measured by fortune, and its distinction enough if he ranked with the old masters." The equestrian order renamed the soâ\x80\x91called "junior section" in their part of the theatre after Germanicus, and ruled that on the fifteenth of July the cavalcade should ride behind his portrait. Many of these compliments remain: others were discontinued immediately, or have lapsed with the years. <' "
3.22. \xa0At Rome, in the meantime, Lepida, who, over and above the distinction of the Aemilian family, owned Sulla and Pompey for great-grandsires, was accused of feigning to be a mother by Publius Quirinius, a rich man and childless. There were complementary charges of adulteries, of poisonings, and of inquiries made through the astrologers with reference to the Caesarian house. The defence was in the hands of her brother, Manius Lepidus. Despite her infamy and her guilt, Quirinius, by persisting in his malignity after divorcing her, had gained her a measure of sympathy. It is not easy to penetrate the emperor's sentiments during this trial: so adroitly did he invert and confuse the symptoms of anger and of mercy. He began by requesting the senate not to deal with the charges of treason; then he lured the former consul, Marcus Servilius, with a\xa0number of other witnesses, into stating the very facts he had apparently wished to have suppressed. Lepida's slaves, again, were being held in military custody; he transferred them to the consuls, and would not allow them to be questioned under torture upon the issues concerning his own family. Similarly, he exempted Drusus, who was consul designate, from speaking first to the question. By some this was read as a concession relieving the rest of the members from the need of assenting: others took it to mark a sinister purpose on the ground that he would have ceded nothing save the duty of condemning. <" '
15.22. \xa0The proposal was greeted with loud assent: it proved impossible, however, to complete a decree, as the consuls declined to admit that there was a motion on the subject. Later, at the suggestion of the emperor, a rule was passed that no person should at a provincial diet propose the presentation in the senate of an address of thanks to a Caesarian or senatorial governor, and that no one should undertake the duties of such a deputation. In the same consulate, the Gymnasium was struck by lightning and burned to the ground, a statue of Nero, which it contained, being melted into a shapeless piece of bronze. An earthquake also demolished to a large extent the populous Campanian town of Pompeii; and the debt of nature was paid by the Vestal Virgin Laelia, whose place was filled by the appointment of Cornelia, from the family of the Cossi. <''. None |
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29. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Bowen and Rochberg (2020) 617; Long (2006) 134
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30. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 349, 367; Verhagen (2022) 349, 367
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31. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 352, 367, 368; Verhagen (2022) 352, 367, 368
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32. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Marcus Aurelius • Marcus Aurelius (Emperor) • Marcus Aurelius (Emperor), and pantomime
Found in books: Borg (2008) 55; Csapo (2022) 110; Trapp et al (2016) 120, 130
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33. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 349, 350, 351, 352, 354, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 371; Verhagen (2022) 349, 350, 351, 352, 354, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 371
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34. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 352, 366; Verhagen (2022) 352, 366
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35. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 54.7.2, 71.2, 71.8, 71.10.5, 72.8, 77.15.6-77.15.7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Asklepios, and Marcus Aurelius • Aurelius, M.,, honors • Aurelius, M.,, relationship • Aurelius, Marcus • Aurelius, Marcus; column of • Dreams (in Greek and Latin literature), Herodian, History of Rome from the Death of Marcus Aurelius • Dreams (in Greek and Latin literature), Marcus Aurelius, Meditations • Emperors and Egypt, Marcus Aurelius • Marcus Aurelius • Marcus Aurelius (emperor), • Marcus Aurelius, emperor • Rome; column of Marcus Aurelius in • Verus, Lucius; adopted brother of, co-regent with, Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022) 66; Czajkowski et al (2020) 227; Dignas (2002) 134; Huttner (2013) 232, 233, 234; Manolaraki (2012) 228; Marek (2019) 350; Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019) 55; Pinheiro et al (2018) 43; Renberg (2017) 120; Sider (2001) 18; Talbert (1984) 364; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 241
| 54.7.2. \xa0He honoured the Lacedaemonians by giving them Cythera and attending their public mess, because Livia, when she fled from Italy with her husband and son, had spent some time there. But from the Athenians he took away Aegina and Eretria, from which they received tribute, because, as some say, they had espoused the cause of Antony; and he furthermore forbade them to make anyone a citizen for money.
71.2. 2. \xa0Lucius, accordingly, went to Antioch and collected a large body of troops; then, keeping the best of the leaders under his personal command, he took up his own headquarters in the city, where he made all the dispositions and assembled the supplies for the war, while he entrusted the armies to Cassius.,3. \xa0The latter made a noble stand against the attack of Vologaesus, and finally, when the king was deserted by his allies and began to retire, he pursued him as far as Seleucia and Ctesiphon, destroying Seleucia by fire and razing to the ground the palace of Vologaesus at Ctesiphon.,4. \xa0In returning, he lost a great many of his soldiers through famine and disease, yet he got back to Syria with the survivors. Lucius gloried in these exploits and took great pride in them, yet his extreme good fortune did him no good; \xa0<
71.2. \xa0Vologaesus, it seems, had begun the war by hemming in on all sides the Roman legion under Severianus that was stationed at Elegeia, a place in Armenia, and then shooting down and destroying the whole force, leaders and all; and he was now advancing, powerful and formidable, against the cities of Syria.
77.15.6. 1. \xa0When the inhabitants of the island again revolted, he summoned the soldiers and ordered them to invade the rebels\' country, killing everybody they met; and he quoted these words: "Let no one escape sheer destruction, No one our hands, not even the babe in the womb of the mother, If it be male; let it nevertheless not escape sheer destruction.",2. \xa0When this had been done, and the Caledonians had joined the revolt of the Maeatae, he began preparing to make war upon them in person. While he was thus engaged, his sickness carried him off on the fourth of February, not without some help, they say, from Antoninus. At all events, before Severus died, he is reported to have spoken thus to his sons (I\xa0give his exact words without embellishment): "Be harmonious, enrich the soldiers, and scorn all other men.",3. \xa0After this his body, arrayed in military garb, was placed upon a pyre, and as a mark of honour the soldiers and his sons ran about it; and as for the soldiers\' gifts, those who had things at hand to offer as gifts threw them upon it, and his sons applied the fire.,4. \xa0Afterwards his bones were put in an urn of purple stone, carried to Rome, and deposited in the tomb of the Antonines. It is said that Severus sent for the urn shortly before his death, and after feeling of it, remarked: "Thou shalt hold a man that the world could not hold." 77.15.7. 1. \xa0When the inhabitants of the island again revolted, he summoned the soldiers and ordered them to invade the rebels\' country, killing everybody they met; and he quoted these words: "Let no one escape sheer destruction, No one our hands, not even the babe in the womb of the mother, If it be male; let it nevertheless not escape sheer destruction.",2. \xa0When this had been done, and the Caledonians had joined the revolt of the Maeatae, he began preparing to make war upon them in person. While he was thus engaged, his sickness carried him off on the fourth of February, not without some help, they say, from Antoninus. At all events, before Severus died, he is reported to have spoken thus to his sons (I\xa0give his exact words without embellishment): "Be harmonious, enrich the soldiers, and scorn all other men.",3. \xa0After this his body, arrayed in military garb, was placed upon a pyre, and as a mark of honour the soldiers and his sons ran about it; and as for the soldiers\' gifts, those who had things at hand to offer as gifts threw them upon it, and his sons applied the fire.,4. \xa0Afterwards his bones were put in an urn of purple stone, carried to Rome, and deposited in the tomb of the Antonines. It is said that Severus sent for the urn shortly before his death, and after feeling of it, remarked: "Thou shalt hold a man that the world could not hold."' '. None |
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36. Irenaeus, Refutation of All Heresies, 5.26.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Osborne (2001) 136; Stanton (2021) 177
| 5.26.1. In a still clearer light has John, in the Apocalypse, indicated to the Lord\'s disciples what shall happen in the last times, and concerning the ten kings who shall then arise, among whom the empire which now rules the earth shall be partitioned. He teaches us what the ten horns shall be which were seen by Daniel, telling us that thus it had been said to him: "And the ten horns which thou sawest are ten kings, who have received no kingdom as yet, but shall receive power as if kings one hour with the beast. These have one mind, and give their strength and power to the beast. These shall make war with the Lamb, and the Lamb shall overcome them, because He is the Lord of lords and the King of kings." It is manifest, therefore, that of these potentates, he who is to come shall slay three, and subject the remainder to his power, and that he shall be himself the eighth among them. And they shall lay Babylon waste, and burn her with fire, and shall give their kingdom to the beast, and put the Church to flight. After that they shall be destroyed by the coming of our Lord. For that the kingdom must be divided, and thus come to ruin, the Lord declares when He says: "Every kingdom divided against itself is brought to desolation, and every city or house divided against itself shall not stand." It must be, therefore, that the kingdom, the city, and the house be divided into ten; and for this reason He has already foreshadowed the partition and division which shall take place. Daniel also says particularly, that the end of the fourth kingdom consists in the toes of the image seen by Nebuchadnezzar, upon which came the stone cut out without hands; and as he does himself say: "The feet were indeed the one part iron, the other part clay, until the stone was cut out without hands, and struck the image upon the iron and clay feet, and dashed them into pieces, even to the end." Then afterwards, when interpreting this, he says: "And as thou sawest the feet and the toes, partly indeed of clay, and partly of iron, the kingdom shall be divided, and there shall be in it a root of iron, as thou sawest iron mixed with baked clay. And the toes were indeed the one part iron, but the other part clay." The ten toes, therefore, are these ten kings, among whom the kingdom shall be partitioned, of whom some indeed shall be strong and active, or energetic; others, again, shall be sluggish and useless, and shall not agree; as also Daniel says: "Some part of the kingdom shall be strong, and part shall be broken from it. As thou sawest the iron mixed with the baked clay, there shall be minglings among the human race, but no cohesion one with the other, just as iron cannot be welded on to pottery ware." And since an end shall take place, he says: "And in the days of these kings shall the God of heaven raise up a kingdom which shall never decay, and His kingdom shall not be left to another people. It shall break in pieces and shatter all kingdoms, and shall itself be exalted for ever. As thou sawest that the stone was cut without hands from the mountain, and brake in pieces the baked clay, the iron, the brass, the silver, and the gold, God has pointed out to the king what shall come to pass after these things; and the dream is true, and the interpretation trustworthy."''. None |
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37. Justin, First Apology, 4, 68 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 829; Lampe (2003) 271; Tabbernee (2007) 170, 176; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006) 119
| 4. By the mere application of a name, nothing is decided, either good or evil, apart from the actions implied in the name; and indeed, so far at least as one may judge from the name we are accused of, we are most excellent people. But as we do not think it just to beg to be acquitted on account of the name, if we be convicted as evil-doers, so, on the other hand, if we be found to have committed no offense, either in the matter of thus naming ourselves, or of our conduct as citizens, it is your part very earnestly to guard against incurring just punishment, by unjustly punishing those who are not convicted. For from a name neither praise nor punishment could reasonably spring, unless something excellent or base in action be proved. And those among yourselves who are accused you do not punish before they are convicted; but in our case you receive the name as proof against us, and this although, so far as the name goes, you ought rather to punish our accusers. For we are accused of being Christians, and to hate what is excellent (Chrestian) is unjust. Again, if any of the accused deny the name, and say that he is not a Christian, you acquit him, as having no evidence against him as a wrong-doer; but if any one acknowledge that he is a Christian, you punish him on account of this acknowledgment. Justice requires that you inquire into the life both of him who confesses and of him who denies, that by his deeds it may be apparent what kind of man each is. For as some who have been taught by the Master, Christ, not to deny Him, give encouragement to others when they are put to the question, so in all probability do those who lead wicked lives give occasion to those who, without consideration, take upon them to accuse all the Christians of impiety and wickedness. And this also is not right. For of philosophy, too, some assume the name and the garb who do nothing worthy of their profession; and you are well aware, that those of the ancients whose opinions and teachings were quite diverse, are yet all called by the one name of philosophers. And of these some taught atheism; and the poets who have flourished among you raise a laugh out of the uncleanness of Jupiter with his own children. And those who now adopt such instruction are not restrained by you; but, on the contrary, you bestow prizes and honours upon those who euphoniously insult the gods. '
68. And if these things seem to you to be reasonable and true, honour them; but if they seem nonsensical, despise them as nonsense, and do not decree death against those who have done no wrong, as you would against enemies. For we forewarn you, that you shall not escape the coming judgment of God, if you continue in your injustice; and we ourselves will invite you to do that which is pleasing to God. And though from the letter of the greatest and most illustrious Emperor Adrian, your father, we could demand that you order judgment to be given as we have desired, yet we have made this appeal and explanation, not on the ground of Adrian's decision, but because we know that what we ask is just. And we have subjoined the copy of Adrian's epistle, that you may know that we are speaking truly about this. And the following is the copy:- " '". None |
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38. Justin, Second Apology, 2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius Primus • Marcus Aurelius • Marcus Aurelius, as Stoic • Prosenes, Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Lampe (2003) 271, 312, 351, 418; Moss (2012) 95
| 2. A certain woman lived with an intemperate husband; she herself, too, having formerly been intemperate. But when she came to the knowledge of the teachings of Christ she became sober-minded, and endeavoured to persuade her husband likewise to be temperate, citing the teaching of Christ, and assuring him that there shall be punishment in eternal fire inflicted upon those who do not live temperately and conformably to right reason. But he, continuing in the same excesses, alienated his wife from him by his actions. For she, considering it wicked to live any longer as a wife with a husband who sought in every way means of indulging in pleasure contrary to the law of nature, and in violation of what is right, wished to be divorced from him. And when she was overpersuaded by her friends, who advised her still to continue with him, in the idea that some time or other her husband might give hope of amendment, she did violence to her own feeling and remained with him. But when her husband had gone into Alexandria, and was reported to be conducting himself worse than ever, she - that she might not, by continuing in matrimonial connection with him, and by sharing his table and his bed, become a partaker also in his wickednesses and impieties - gave him what you call a bill of divorce, and was separated from him. But this noble husband of hers - while he ought to have been rejoicing that those actions which formerly she unhesitatingly committed with the servants and hirelings, when she delighted in drunkenness and every vice, she had now given up, and desired that he too should give up the same - when she had gone from him without his desire, brought an accusation against her, affirming that she was a Christian. And she presented a paper to you, the Emperor, a very bold apostrophe, like that of Huss to the Emperor Sigismund, which crimsoned his forehead with a blush of shame.}-- requesting that first she be permitted to arrange her affairs, and afterwards to make her defense against the accusation, when her affairs were set in order. And this you granted. And her quondam husband, since he was now no longer able to prosecute her, directed his assaults against a man, Ptolem us, whom Urbicus punished, and who had been her teacher in the Christian doctrines. And this he did in the following way. He persuaded a centurion - who had cast Ptolem us into prison, and who was friendly to himself - to take Ptolem us and interrogate him on this sole point: whether he were a Christian? And Ptolem us, being a lover of truth, and not of a deceitful or false disposition, when he confessed himself to be a Christian, was bound by the centurion, and for a long time punished in the prison And, at last, when the man came to Urbicus, he was asked this one question only: whether he was a Christian? And again, being conscious of his duty, and the nobility of it through the teaching of Christ, he confessed his discipleship in the divine virtue. For he who denies anything either denies it because he condemns the thing itself, or he shrinks from confession because he is conscious of his own unworthiness or alienation from it, neither of which cases is that of the true Christian. And when Urbicus ordered him to be led away to punishment, one Lucius, who was also himself a Christian, seeing the unreasonable judgment that had thus been given, said to Urbicus: What is the ground of this judgment? Why have you punished this man, not as an adulterer, nor fornicator, nor murderer, nor thief, nor robber, nor convicted of any crime at all, but who has only confessed that he is called by the name of Christian? This judgment of yours, O Urbicus, does not become the Emperor Pius, nor the philosopher, the son of C sar, nor the sacred senate. And he said nothing else in answer to Lucius than this: You also seem to me to be such an one. And when Lucius answered, Most certainly I am, he again ordered him also to be led away. And he professed his thanks, knowing that he was delivered from such wicked rulers, and was going to the Father and King of the heavens. And still a third having come forward, was condemned to be punished. ''. None |
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39. Lucian, Alexander The False Prophet, 27 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Marcus Aurelius • Marcus Aurelius, emperor
Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 102; Marek (2019) 350
| 27. It was an autophone which was given to Severian1 regarding the invasion of Armenia. He encouraged him with these lines:Armenia and Parthia are beaten down by your fierce spear,To Rome, and Tiber’s shining waves, you arrived,Your brow with leaves and radiant gold encircled.Then when the foolish Gaul took his advice and invaded, to the total destruction of himself and his army by Othryades, the adviser expunged that oracle from his archives and substituted the following:Vex not the Armenian land;it shall not thrive;One in soft raiment clad shall from his bowLaunch death, and cut you off from life and light. 1 Severian | A Roman governor.''. None |
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40. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 1.3 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius Diogenes • Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Borg (2008) 20; Tuori (2016) 284
1.3. ἐγένετο Δάμις ἀνὴρ οὐκ ἄσοφος τὴν ἀρχαίαν ποτὲ οἰκῶν Νῖνον: οὗτος τῷ ̓Απολλωνίῳ προσφιλοσοφήσας ἀποδημίας τε αὐτοῦ ἀναγέγραφεν, ὧν κοινωνῆσαι καὶ αὐτός φησι, καὶ γνώμας καὶ λόγους καὶ ὁπόσα ἐς πρόγνωσιν εἶπε. καὶ προσήκων τις τῷ Δάμιδι τὰς δέλτους τῶν ὑπομνημάτων τούτων οὔπω γιγνωσκομένας ἐς γνῶσιν ἤγαγεν ̓Ιουλίᾳ τῇ βασιλίδι. μετέχοντι δέ μοι τοῦ περὶ αὐτὴν κύκλου — καὶ γὰρ τοὺς ῥητορικοὺς πάντας λόγους ἐπῄνει καὶ ἠσπάζετο — μεταγράψαι τε προσέταξε τὰς διατριβὰς ταύτας καὶ τῆς ἀπαγγελίας αὐτῶν ἐπιμεληθῆναι, τῷ γὰρ Νινίῳ σαφῶς μέν, οὐ μὴν δεξιῶς γε ἀπηγγέλλετο. ἐνέτυχον δὲ καὶ Μαξίμου τοῦ Αἰγιέως βιβλίῳ ξυνειληφότι τὰ ἐν Αἰγαῖς ̓Απολλωνίου πάντα, καὶ διαθῆκαι δὲ τῷ ̓Απολλωνίῳ γεγράφαται, παρ' ὧν ὑπάρχει μαθεῖν, ὡς ὑποθειάζων τὴν φιλοσοφίαν ἐγένετο. οὐ γὰρ Μοιραγένει γε προσεκτέον βιβλία μὲν ξυνθέντι ἐς ̓Απολλώνιον τέτταρα, πολλὰ δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν ἄνδρα ἀγνοήσαντι. ὡς μὲν οὖν ξυνήγαγον ταῦτα διεσπασμένα καὶ ὡς ἐπεμελήθην τοῦ ξυνθεῖναι αὐτά, εἴρηκα, ἐχέτω δὲ ὁ λόγος τῷ τε ἀνδρὶ τιμήν, ἐς ὃν ξυγγέγραπται, τοῖς τε φιλομαθεστέροις ὠφέλειαν: ἦ γὰρ ἂν μάθοιεν, ἃ μήπω γιγνώσκουσιν." "
1.3. εἰσῄει μὲν δὴ παραπεμπόμενος ὑπὸ πλειόνων, τουτὶ γὰρ ᾤοντο καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ χαρίζεσθαι μαθόντες ὡς χαίροι ἀφιγμένῳ, διιὼν δὲ ἐς τὰ βασίλεια οὐ διέβλεψεν ἐς οὐδὲν τῶν θαυμαζομένων, ἀλλ' ὥσπερ ὁδοιπορῶν διῄει αὐτά, καὶ καλέσας τὸν Δάμιν “ἤρου με” ἔφη “πρώην, ὅ τι ὄνομα ἦν τῇ Παμφύλῳ γυναικί, ἣ δὴ Σαπφοῖ τε ὁμιλῆσαι λέγεται καὶ τοὺς ὕμνους, οὓς ἐς τὴν ̓́Αρτεμιν τὴν Περγαίαν ᾅδουσι, ξυνθεῖναι τὸν Αἰολέων τε καὶ Παμφύλων τρόπον.” “ἠρόμην,” ἔφη “τὸ δὲ ὄνομα οὐκ εἶπας.” “οὐκ, ὦ χρηστέ, εἶπον, ἀλλ' ἐξηγούμην σοι τοὺς νόμους τῶν ὕμνων καὶ τὰ ὀνόματα καὶ ὅπη τὰ Αἰολέων ἐς τὸ ἀκρότατόν τε καὶ τὸ ἴδιον Παμφύλων παρήλλαξε: πρὸς ἄλλῳ μετὰ ταῦτα ἐγενόμεθα, καὶ οὐκέτ' ἤρου με περὶ τοῦ ὀνόματος: καλεῖται τοίνυν ἡ σοφὴ αὕτη Δαμοφύλη, καὶ λέγεται τὸν Σαπφοῦς τρόπον παρθένους τε ὁμιλητρίας κτήσασθαι ποιήματά τε ξυνθεῖναι τὰ μὲν ἐρωτικά, τὰ δὲ ὕμνους. τά τοι ἐς τὴν ̓́Αρτεμιν καὶ παρῴδηται αὐτῇ καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν Σαπφῴων ᾖσται.” ὅσον μὲν δὴ ἀπεῖχε τοῦ ἐκπεπλῆχθαι βασιλέα τε καὶ ὄγκον, ἐδήλου τῷ μηδὲ ὀφθαλμῶν ἄξια ἡγεῖσθαι τὰ τοιαῦτα, ἀλλὰ ἑτέρων πέρι διαλέγεσθαι κἀκεῖνα δήπου ἡγεῖσθαι ὁρᾶν."". None | 1.3. There was a man, Damis, by no means stupid, who formerly dwelt in the ancient city of Nineveh. He resorted to Apollonius in order to study wisdom, and having shared, by his own account, his wanderings abroad, wrote an account of them. And he records his opinions and discourses and all his prophecies. And a certain kinsmen of Damis drew the attention of the empress Julia to the documents containing these documents hitherto unknown. Now I belonged to the circle of the empress, for she was a devoted admirer of all rhetorical exercises; and she commanded me to recast and edit these essays, at the same time paying more attention to the style and diction of them; for the man of Nineveh had told his story clearly enough, yet somewhat awkwardly. And I also read the book of Maximus of Aegae, which comprised all the life of Apollonius in Aegae; and furthermore a will was composed by Apollonius, from which one can learn how rapturous and inspired a sage he really was. For we must not pay attention anyhow to Moeragenes, who composed four books about Apollonius, and yet was ignorant of many circumstances of his life. That then I combined these scattered sources together and took trouble over my composition, I have said; but let my work, I pray, redound to the honor of the man who is the subject of my compilation, and also be of use to those who love learning. For assuredly, they will here learn things of which as yet they were ignorant.''. None |
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41. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 4.23, 6.19.4, 10.49-10.50, 10.96-10.97 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelian, emperor • Aurelius, M.,, measures • Aurelius, Marcus; protected Christians • Emperors, Marcus Aurelius • Fronto advice to M. Aurelius,, and senate attends • Marcus Aurelius • Prosenes, Marcus Aurelius • Questenberg, Jacob Aurelius
Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 811; Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022) 103; Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 31; Dijkstra (2020) 51; Lampe (2003) 315; Malherbe et al (2014) 786; Marek (2019) 536; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 39; Sider (2001) 17; Talbert (1984) 142, 153; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006) 146
| 4.23. To Pomponius Bassus. I have been delighted to hear from our mutual friends that you map out and bear your retirement in a way that is worthy of your ripe wisdom, that you live in a charming spot, that you take exercise on both sea and land, that you have plenty of good conversation, that you read a great deal and listen to others reading, and that, though your stock of knowledge is vast, you yet add thereto every day. That is just the way a man should spend his later years after filling the highest magistracies, after commanding armies, and devoting himself wholly to the service of the State for as long as it became him to do so. For we owe our early and middle manhood to our country, our last years are due to ourselves - as indeed the laws direct which enforce retirement when we reach a certain age. When will that appointed time come to me? When shall I attain the age at which I may honourably retire and imitate the example of beautiful and perfect peace that you set me? When shall I be able to enjoy calm retreat without people calling it not peaceful tranquillity but laziness and sloth? Farewell.
6.19.4. To Nepos. You know that the price of land, especially in the suburbs of Rome, has gone up. The cause of this sudden increase in value has been the theme of general discussion. At the last elections the senate passed the following wholesome resolutions; "That no candidates should provide public entertainments, send presents, and deposit sums of money.\'\' The first two practices had gone on openly, and been carried beyond all reasonable lengths ; the last-named had been indulged in secretly, but still to every one\'s knowledge. So our friend Homullus clearly availed himself of the uimity of the senate, and, instead of making a speech, he asked that the consuls should acquaint the Emperor with the wishes of the whole body of senators, and beg him to take steps to devise means to put a stop to this evil, as he had already done to other scandals. He has done so, for by means of the Corrupt Practices Act he has restricted the shameful and scandalous expenses which candidates used to incur, and he has issued orders that all candidates shall have invested a third of their patrimony in land. He very justly took the view that it was disgraceful that candidates for public offices should regard Rome and Italy, not as their mother country, but as a mere inn or lodging-place, in which they were staying as travellers. So the candidates are busy running about buying up whatever they hear is on sale, and they are forcing a number of estates into the market. Consequently if you are tired of your Italian estates, now is the real good time to sell them and buy others in the provinces, for the candidates have to sell their provincial properties to enable them to purchase here. Farewell.
10.49. To Trajan. Before my arrival, Sir, the people of Nicomedia had commenced to make certain additions to their old forum, in one corner of which stands a very ancient shrine of the Great Mother, * which should either be restored or removed to another site, principally for this reason, that it is much less lofty than the new buildings, which are being run up to a good height. When I inquired whether the temple was protected by any legal enactments, I discovered that the form of dedication is different here from what it is with us in Rome. Consider therefore. Sir, whether you think that a temple can be removed without desecration when there has been no legal consecration of the site, for, if there are no religious objections, the removal would be a great convenience. 10.50. Trajan to Pliny. You may, my dear Pliny, without any religious scruples, if the site seems to require the change, remove the temple of the Mother of the Gods to a more suitable spot, nor need the fact that there is no record of legal consecration trouble you, for the soil of a foreign city may not be suitable for the consecration which our laws enjoin. ' '. None |
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42. Tertullian, To Scapula, 5.1 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelian, emperor • Marcus Aurelius • Marcus Aurelius, emperor
Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 829; Lampe (2003) 119; Marek (2019) 536, 539; Tabbernee (2007) 172
| 3. However, as we have already remarked, it cannot but distress us that no state shall bear unpunished the guilt of shedding Christian blood; as you see, indeed, in what took place during the presidency of Hilarian, for when there had been some agitation about places of sepulture for our dead, and the cry arose, No are - no burial-grounds for the Christians, it came that their own are, their threshing-floors, were a-wanting, for they gathered in no harvests. As to the rains of the bygone year, it is abundantly plain of what they were intended to remind men - of the deluge, no doubt, which in ancient times overtook human unbelief and wickedness; and as to the fires which lately hung all night over the walls of Carthage, they who saw them know what they threatened; and what the preceding thunders pealed, they who were hardened by them can tell. All these things are signs of God's impending wrath, which we must needs publish and proclaim in every possible way; and in the meanwhile we must pray it may be only local. Sure are they to experience it one day in its universal and final form, who interpret otherwise these samples of it. That sun, too, in the metropolis of Utica, with light all but extinguished, was a portent which could not have occurred from an ordinary eclipse, situated as the lord of day was in his height and house. You have the astrologers, consult them about it. We can point you also to the deaths of some provincial rulers, who in their last hours had painful memories of their sin in persecuting the followers of Christ. Vigellius Saturninus, who first here used the sword against us, lost his eyesight. Claudius Lucius Herminianus in Cappadocia, enraged that his wife had become a Christian, had treated the Christians with great cruelty: well, left alone in his palace, suffering under a contagious malady, he boiled out in living worms, and was heard exclaiming, Let nobody know of it, lest the Christians rejoice, and Christian wives take encouragement. Afterwards he came to see his error in having tempted so many from their steadfastness by the tortures he inflicted, and died almost a Christian himself. In that doom which overtook Byzantium, C cilius Capella could not help crying out, Christians, rejoice! Yes, and the persecutors who seem to themselves to have acted with impunity shall not escape the day of judgment. For you we sincerely wish it may prove to have been a warning only, that, immediately after you had condemned Mavilus of Adrumetum to the wild beasts, you were overtaken by those troubles, and that even now for the same reason you are called to a blood-reckoning. But do not forget the future. "
5.1. Your cruelty is our glory. Only see you to it, that in having such things as these to endure, we do not feel ourselves constrained to rush forth to the combat, if only to prove that we have no dread of them, but on the contrary, even invite their infliction. When Arrius Antoninus was driving things hard in Asia, the whole Christians of the province, in one united band, presented themselves before his judgment-seat; on which, ordering a few to be led forth to execution, he said to the rest, O miserable men, if you wish to die, you have precipices or halters. If we should take it into our heads to do the same thing here, what will you make of so many thousands, of such a multitude of men and women, persons of every sex and every age and every rank, when they present themselves before you? How many fires, how many swords will be required? What will be the anguish of Carthage itself, which you will have to decimate, as each one recognises there his relatives and companions, as he sees there it may be men of your own order, and noble ladies, and all the leading persons of the city, and either kinsmen or friends of those of your own circle? Spare yourself, if not us poor Christians! Spare Carthage, if not yourself! Spare the province, which the indication of your purpose has subjected to the threats and extortions at once of the soldiers and of private enemies. We have no master but God. He is before you, and cannot be hidden from you, but to Him you can do no injury. But those whom you regard as masters are only men, and one day they themselves must die. Yet still this community will be undying, for be assured that just in the time of its seeming overthrow it is built up into greater power. For all who witness the noble patience of its martyrs, as struck with misgivings, are inflamed with desire to examine into the matter in question; and as soon as they come to know the truth, they straightway enrol themselves its disciples. <' "'. None |
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43. Tertullian, Apology, 5.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Marcus Aurelius • Marcus Aurelius, • Marcus Aurelius, Roman Emperor • Marcus Aurelius, spurious letter in favor of Christianity
Found in books: Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 810, 829; Binder (2012) 68; Del Lucchese (2019) 187; Lampe (2003) 118, 134; Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019) 16; Rizzi (2010) 135
| 5.6. To say a word about the origin of laws of the kind to which we now refer, there was an old decree that no god should be consecrated by the emperor till first approved by the senate. Marcus Æmilius had experience of this in reference to his god Alburnus. And this, too, makes for our case, that among you divinity is allotted at the judgment of human beings. Unless gods give satisfaction to men, there will be no deification for them: the god will have to propitiate the man. Tiberius accordingly, in whose days the Christian name made its entry into the world, having himself received intelligence from Palestine of events which had clearly shown the truth of Christ's divinity, brought the matter before the senate, with his own decision in favour of Christ. The senate, because it had not given the approval itself, rejected his proposal. C sar held to his opinion, threatening wrath against all accusers of the Christians. Consult your histories; you will there find that Nero was the first who assailed with the imperial sword the Christian sect, making progress then especially at Rome. But we glory in having our condemnation hallowed by the hostility of such a wretch. For any one who knows him, can understand that not except as being of singular excellence did anything bring on it Nero's condemnation. Domitian, too, a man of Nero's type in cruelty, tried his hand at persecution; but as he had something of the human in him, he soon put an end to what he had begun, even restoring again those whom he had banished. Such as these have always been our persecutors - men unjust, impious, base, of whom even you yourselves have no good to say, the sufferers under whose sentences you have been wont to restore. But among so many princes from that time to the present day, with anything of divine and human wisdom in them, point out a single persecutor of the Christian name. So far from that, we, on the contrary, bring before you one who was their protector, as you will see by examining the letters of Marcus Aurelius, that most grave of emperors, in which he bears his testimony that that Germanic drought was removed by the rains obtained through the prayers of the Christians who chanced to be fighting under him. And as he did not by public law remove from Christians their legal disabilities, yet in another way he put them openly aside, even adding a sentence of condemnation, and that of greater severity, against their accusers. What sort of laws are these which the impious alone execute against us - and the unjust, the vile, the bloody, the senseless, the insane? Which Trajan to some extent made naught by forbidding Christians to be sought after; which neither a Hadrian, though fond of searching into all things strange and new, nor a Vespasian, though the subjugator of the Jews, nor a Pius, nor a Verus, ever enforced? It should surely be judged more natural for bad men to be eradicated by good princes as being their natural enemies, than by those of a spirit kindred with their own. " '12. But I pass from these remarks, for I know and I am going to show what your gods are not, by showing what they are. In reference, then, to these, I see only names of dead men of ancient times; I hear fabulous stories; I recognize sacred rites founded on mere myths. As to the actual images, I regard them as simply pieces of matter akin to the vessels and utensils in common use among us, or even undergoing in their consecration a hapless change from these useful articles at the hands of reckless art, which in the transforming process treats them with utter contempt, nay, in the very act commits sacrilege; so that it might be no slight solace to us in all our punishments, suffering as we do because of these same gods, that in their making they suffer as we do themselves. You put Christians on crosses and stakes: what image is not formed from the clay in the first instance, set on cross and stake? The body of your god is first consecrated on the gibbet. You tear the sides of Christians with your claws; but in the case of your own gods, axes, and planes, and rasps are put to work more vigorously on every member of the body. We lay our heads upon the block; before the lead, and the glue, and the nails are put in requisition, your deities are headless. We are cast to the wild beasts, while you attach them to Bacchus, and Cybele, and C lestis. We are burned in the flames; so, too, are they in their original lump. We are condemned to the mines; from these your gods originate. We are banished to islands; in islands it is a common thing for your gods to have their birth or die. If it is in this way a deity is made, it will follow that as many as are punished are deified, and tortures will have to be declared divinities. But plain it is these objects of your worship have no sense of the injuries and disgraces of their consecrating, as they are equally unconscious of the honours paid to them. O impious words! O blasphemous reproaches! Gnash your teeth upon us - foam with maddened rage against us - you are the persons, no doubt, who censured a certain Seneca speaking of your superstition at much greater length and far more sharply! In a word, if we refuse our homage to statues and frigid images, the very counterpart of their dead originals, with which hawks, and mice, and spiders are so well acquainted, does it not merit praise instead of penalty, that we have rejected what we have come to see is error? We cannot surely be made out to injure those who we are certain are nonentities. What does not exist, is in its nonexistence secure from suffering. '37. If we are enjoined, then, to love our enemies, as I have remarked above, whom have we to hate? If injured, we are forbidden to retaliate, lest we become as bad ourselves: who can suffer injury at our hands? In regard to this, recall your own experiences. How often you inflict gross cruelties on Christians, partly because it is your own inclination, and partly in obedience to the laws! How often, too, the hostile mob, paying no regard to you, takes the law into its own hand, and assails us with stones and flames! With the very frenzy of the Bacchanals, they do not even spare the Christian dead, but tear them, now sadly changed, no longer entire, from the rest of the tomb, from the asylum we might say of death, cutting them in pieces, rending them asunder. Yet, banded together as we are, ever so ready to sacrifice our lives, what single case of revenge for injury are you able to point to, though, if it were held right among us to repay evil by evil, a single night with a torch or two could achieve an ample vengeance? But away with the idea of a sect divine avenging itself by human fires, or shrinking from the sufferings in which it is tried. If we desired, indeed, to act the part of open enemies, not merely of secret avengers, would there be any lacking in strength, whether of numbers or resources? The Moors, the Marcomanni, the Parthians themselves, or any single people, however great, inhabiting a distinct territory, and confined within its own boundaries, surpasses, forsooth, in numbers, one spread over all the world! We are but of yesterday, and we have filled every place among you - cities, islands, fortresses, towns, market-places, the very camp, tribes, companies, palace, senate, forum - we have left nothing to you but the temples of your gods. For what wars should we not be fit, not eager, even with unequal forces, we who so willingly yield ourselves to the sword, if in our religion it were not counted better to be slain than to slay? Without arms even, and raising no insurrectionary banner, but simply in enmity to you, we could carry on the contest with you by an ill-willed severance alone. For if such multitudes of men were to break away from you, and betake themselves to some remote corner of the world, why, the very loss of so many citizens, whatever sort they were, would cover the empire with shame; nay, in the very forsaking, vengeance would be inflicted. Why, you would be horror-struck at the solitude in which you would find yourselves, at such an all-prevailing silence, and that stupor as of a dead world. You would have to seek subjects to govern. You would have more enemies than citizens remaining. For now it is the immense number of Christians which makes your enemies so few - almost all the inhabitants of your various cities being followers of Christ. Yet you choose to call us enemies of the human race, rather than of human error. Nay, who would deliver you from those secret foes, ever busy both destroying your souls and ruining your health? Who would save you, I mean, from the attacks of those spirits of evil, which without reward or hire we exorcise? This alone would be revenge enough for us, that you were henceforth left free to the possession of unclean spirits. But instead of taking into account what is due to us for the important protection we afford you, and though we are not merely no trouble to you, but in fact necessary to your well-being, you prefer to hold us enemies, as indeed we are, yet not of man, but rather of his error. ". None |
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44. Tertullian, On Idolatry, 18 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius Daphnos (M.) • Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Heller and van Nijf (2017) 483; Lampe (2003) 134
| 18. But we must now treat of the garb only and apparatus of office. There is a dress proper to every one, as well for daily use as for office and dignity. That famous purple, therefore, and the gold as an ornament of the neck, were, among the Egyptians and Babylonians, ensigns of dignity, in the same way as bordered, or striped, or palm-embroidered togas, and the golden wreaths of provincial priests, are now; but not on the same terms. For they used only to be conferred, under the name of honour, on such as deserved the familiar friendship of kings (whence, too, such used to be styled the purpled-men of kings, just as among us, some, from their white toga, are called candidates ); but not on the understanding that that garb should be tied to priesthoods also, or to any idol-ceremonies. For if that were the case, of course men of such holiness and constancy would instantly have refused the defiled dresses; and it would instantly have appeared that Daniel had been no zealous slave to idols, nor worshipped Bel, nor the dragon, which long after did appear. That purple, therefore, was simple, and used not at that time to be a mark of dignity among the barbarians, but of nobility. For as both Joseph, who had been a slave, and Daniel, who through captivity had changed his state, attained the freedom of the states of Babylon and Egypt through the dress of barbaric nobility; so among us believers also, if need so be, the bordered toga will be proper to be conceded to boys, and the stole to girls, as ensigns of birth, not of power; of race, not of office; of rank, not of superstition. But the purple, or the other ensigns of dignities and powers, dedicated from the beginning to idolatry engrafted on the dignity and the powers, carry the spot of their own profanation; since, moreover, bordered and striped togas, and broad-barred ones, are put even on idols themselves; and fasces also, and rods, are borne before them; and deservedly, for demons are the magistrates of this world: they bear the fasces and the purples, the ensigns of one college. What end, then, will you advance if you use the garb indeed, but administer not the functions of it? In things unclean, none can appear clean. If you put on a tunic defiled in itself, it perhaps may not be defiled through you; but you, through it, will be unable to be clean. Now by this time, you who argue about Joseph and Daniel, know that things old and new, rude and polished, begun and developed, slavish and free, are not always comparable. For they, even by their circumstances, were slaves; but you, the slave of none, in so far as you are the slave of Christ alone, who has freed you likewise from the captivity of the world, will incur the duty of acting after your Lord's pattern. That Lord walked in humility and obscurity, with no definite home: for the Son of man, said He, has not where to lay His head; unadorned in dress, for else He had not said, Behold, they who are clad in soft raiment are in kings' houses: in short, inglorious in countece and aspect, just as Isaiah withal had fore-announced. Isaiah 53:2 If, also, He exercised no right of power even over His own followers, to whom He discharged menial ministry; if, in short, though conscious of His own kingdom, He shrank back from being made a king, John 6:15 He in the fullest manner gave His own an example for turning coldly from all the pride and garb, as well of dignity as of power. For if they were to be used, who would rather have used them than the Son of God? What kind and what number of fasces would escort Him? What kind of purple would bloom from His shoulders? What kind of gold would beam from His head, had He not judged the glory of the world to be alien both to Himself and to His? Therefore what He was unwilling to accept, He has rejected; what He rejected, He has condemned; what He condemned, He has counted as part of the devil's pomp. For He would not have condemned things, except such as were not His; but things which are not God's, can be no other's but the devil's. If you have forsworn the devil's pomp, know that whatever there you touch is idolatry. Let even this fact help to remind you that all the powers and dignities of this world are not only alien to, but enemies of, God; that through them punishments have been determined against God's servants; through them, too, penalties prepared for the impious are ignored. But both your birth and your substance are troublesome to you in resisting idolatry. For avoiding it, remedies cannot be lacking; since, even if they be lacking, there remains that one by which you will be made a happier magistrate, not in the earth, but in the heavens. "". None |
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45. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Lampe (2003) 281; Moss (2012) 89
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46. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius, Marcus • Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022) 20; Griffiths (1975) 12
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47. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Aristides, and Marcus Aurelius • Faustina II, wife of Marcus Aurelius • Marcus Aurelius • Marcus Aurelius, emperor • Maximian (Marcus Aurelius Valerius Maximianus) • portrait, Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Ando (2013) 372; Blum and Biggs (2019) 232; Borg (2008) 15, 366, 369, 370, 371, 373; Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 77, 79; Marek (2019) 352; Stanton (2021) 34, 89, 132; Trapp et al (2016) 4, 62, 123; Tuori (2016) 196, 202, 205
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48. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 362; Verhagen (2022) 362
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49. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius Victor • Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Ando (2013) 404; Tacoma (2020) 147
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50. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Asklepios, and Marcus Aurelius • Aurelius, Marcus, emperor (A.D . • Dreams (in Greek and Latin literature), Herodian, History of Rome from the Death of Marcus Aurelius • Dreams (in Greek and Latin literature), Marcus Aurelius, Meditations • Marcus Aurelius • Marcus Aurelius generally • Marcus Aurelius, • Marcus Aurelius, Stoic, Roman emperor, author of Meditations, Present only of concern • will (βούλησις, voluntas), Marcus Aurelius on • ἕπεσθαι, in Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Borg (2008) 284; Bowersock (1997) 78; Brouwer and Vimercati (2020) 44; Corrigan and Rasimus (2013) 336; Del Lucchese (2019) 187, 204; Dürr (2022) 46, 129; Engberg-Pedersen (2010) 235; Gazis and Hooper (2021) 172, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187; Hayes (2015) 61; Inwood and Warren (2020) 142; Konig and Wiater (2022) 249; König and Wiater (2022) 249; Long (2006) 134, 217, 281, 337, 369; Long (2019) 169, 170, 171, 172, 173; Renberg (2017) 120; Sorabji (2000) 239; Stanton (2021) 79, 93, 107, 108, 109, 114, 115, 116, 117, 139, 144, 150, 151, 152, 153, 166, 171, 172, 232, 233, 244; Tabbernee (2007) 175; Trapp et al (2016) 130; Vazques and Ross (2022) 210; Wilson (2022) 62; Xenophontos and Marmodoro (2021) 103; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006) 146, 192, 193
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51. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius Flavianus Sulpicius, philosopher and galatarch • Aurelius, Marcus • Faustina II, wife of Marcus Aurelius • Marcus Aurelius • Marcus Aurelius (emperor), • Marcus Aurelius, emperor
Found in books: Borg (2008) 360; Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022) 90; Huttner (2013) 240; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022) 296, 298; Marek (2019) 352, 492, 494; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 228; Trapp et al (2016) 3, 63
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52. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 7.174 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Erler et al (2021) 68; Inwood and Warren (2020) 151
| 7.174. To the solitary man who talked to himself he remarked, You are not talking to a bad man. When some one twitted him on his old age, his reply was, I too am ready to depart; but when again I consider that I am in all points in good health and that I can still write and read, I am content to wait. We are told that he wrote down Zeno's lectures on oyster-shells and the blade-bones of oxen through lack of money to buy paper. Such was he; and yet, although Zeno had many other eminent disciples, he was able to succeed him in the headship of the school.He has left some very fine writings, which are as follows:of Time.of Zeno's Natural Philosophy, two books.Interpretations of Heraclitus, four books.De Sensu.of Art.A Reply to Democritus.A Reply to Aristarchus.A Reply to Herillus.of Impulse, two books."". None |
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53. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 3.33, 4.9, 4.9.1-4.9.3, 4.15, 4.15.7-4.15.8, 4.26, 4.26.5-4.26.8, 4.26.10, 5.1, 5.5, 5.5.1-5.5.4, 5.24.5, 6.34, 8.2, 9.9 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelian (emperor) • Aurelius Quirinus • Aurelius Victor • Marcus Aurelius • Marcus Aurelius (emperor) • Marcus Aurelius (emperor), • Marcus Aurelius, emperor • Marcus Aurelius, spurious letter in favor of Christianity
Found in books: Ando (2013) 39; Ayres and Ward (2021) 73; Bickerman and Tropper (2007) 810, 811, 814, 815, 824, 829; Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022) 19, 109; Dijkstra (2020) 178; Dijkstra and Raschle (2020) 182; Huttner (2013) 232, 233, 237, 241, 334; Lampe (2003) 134; Malherbe et al (2014) 790; Marek (2019) 497, 528, 539, 541; Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019) 16; Tabbernee (2007) 23, 168, 170, 174, 175; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006) 120, 157, 166, 170
| 4.9.1. To Minucius Fundanus. I have received an epistle, written to me by Serennius Granianus, a most illustrious man, whom you have succeeded. It does not seem right to me that the matter should be passed by without examination, lest the men be harassed and opportunity be given to the informers for practicing villainy.' "
4.9.2. If, therefore, the inhabitants of the province can clearly sustain this petition against the Christians so as to give answer in a court of law, let them pursue this course alone, but let them not have resort to men's petitions and outcries. For it is far more proper, if any one wishes to make an accusation, that you should examine into it." "
4.9.3. If any one therefore accuses them and shows that they are doing anything contrary to the laws, do you pass judgment according to the heinousness of the crime. But, by Hercules! If any one bring an accusation through mere calumny, decide in regard to his criminality, and see to it that you inflict punishment.Such are the contents of Hadrian's rescript." '
4.15.7. And when a very great tumult arose in consequence of the cries, a certain Phrygian, Quintus by name, who was newly come from Phrygia, seeing the beasts and the additional tortures, was smitten with cowardice and gave up the attainment of salvation.
4.15.8. But the above-mentioned epistle shows that he, too hastily and without proper discretion, had rushed forward with others to the tribunal, but when seized had furnished a clear proof to all, that it is not right for such persons rashly and recklessly to expose themselves to danger. Thus did matters turn out in connection with them.
4.26.5. But in his book addressed to the emperor he records that the following events happened to us under him: For, what never before happened, the race of the pious is now suffering persecution, being driven about in Asia by new decrees. For the shameless informers and coveters of the property of others, taking occasion from the decrees, openly carry on robbery night and day, despoiling those who are guilty of no wrong. And a little further on he says: If these things are done by your command, well and good. For a just ruler will never take unjust measures; and we indeed gladly accept the honor of such a death.
4.26.6. But this request alone we present to you, that you would yourself first examine the authors of such strife, and justly judge whether they be worthy of death and punishment, or of safety and quiet. But if, on the other hand, this counsel and this new decree, which is not fit to be executed even against barbarian enemies, be not from you, much more do we beseech you not to leave us exposed to such lawless plundering by the populace.
4.26.7. Again he adds the following: For our philosophy formerly flourished among the Barbarians; but having sprung up among the nations under your rule, during the great reign of your ancestor Augustus, it became to your empire especially a blessing of auspicious omen. For from that time the power of the Romans has grown in greatness and splendor. To this power you have succeeded, as the desired possessor, and such shall you continue with your son, if you guard the philosophy which grew up with the empire and which came into existence with Augustus; that philosophy which your ancestors also honored along with the other religions.' "
4.26.8. And a most convincing proof that our doctrine flourished for the good of an empire happily begun, is this — that there has no evil happened since Augustus' reign, but that, on the contrary, all things have been splendid and glorious, in accordance with the prayers of all." '
4.26.10. But your pious fathers corrected their ignorance, having frequently rebuked in writing many who dared to attempt new measures against them. Among them your grandfather Hadrian appears to have written to many others, and also to Fundanus, the proconsul and governor of Asia. And your father, when you also were ruling with him, wrote to the cities, forbidding them to take any new measures against us; among the rest to the Larissaeans, to the Thessalonians, to the Athenians, and to all the Greeks. 5.
5.1. It is reported that Marcus Aurelius Caesar, brother of Antoninus, being about to engage in battle with the Germans and Sarmatians, was in great trouble on account of his army suffering from thirst. But the soldiers of the so-called Melitene legion, through the faith which has given strength from that time to the present, when they were drawn up before the enemy, kneeled on the ground, as is our custom in prayer, and engaged in supplications to God.
5.5.2. This was indeed a strange sight to the enemy, but it is reported that a stranger thing immediately followed. The lightning drove the enemy to flight and destruction, but a shower refreshed the army of those who had called on God, all of whom had been on the point of perishing with thirst.
5.5.3. This story is related by non-Christian writers who have been pleased to treat the times referred to, and it has also been recorded by our own people. By those historians who were strangers to the faith, the marvel is mentioned, but it is not acknowledged as an answer to our prayers. But by our own people, as friends of the truth, the occurrence is related in a simple and artless manner.
5.5.4. Among these is Apolinarius, who says that from that time the legion through whose prayers the wonder took place received from the emperor a title appropriate to the event, being called in the language of the Romans the Thundering Legion.
5.24.5. Why need I mention the bishop and martyr Sagaris who fell asleep in Laodicea, or the blessed Papirius, or Melito, the Eunuch who lived altogether in the Holy Spirit, and who lies in Sardis, awaiting the episcopate from heaven, when he shall rise from the dead?' '. None |
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54. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 23.6.24 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Pinheiro et al (2018) 44; Trapp et al (2016) 141
| 23.6.24. When this city was stormed by the generals of Verus Caesar (as I have related before), In a lost book; cf. Capitolinus, Verus, 8, 3. the statue of Apollo Comaeus was torn from its place and taken to Rome, where the priests of the gods set it up in the temple of the Palatine Apollo. And it is said that, after this same statue had been carried off and the city burned, the soldiers in ransacking the temple found a narrow crevice; this they widened in the hope of finding something valuable; but from a kind of shrine, closed by the occult arts of the Chaldaeans, the germ of that pestilence burst forth, which after generating the virulence of incurable diseases, in the time of the same Verus and of Marcus Antoninus polluted everything with contagion and death, from the frontiers of Persia all the way to the Rhine and to Gaul. Cf. Capitol., Marcus Ant. 13, 3-6.''. None |
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55. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius, M.,, legislation under • Aurelius, M.,, measures • Fronto advice to M. Aurelius,, removal to Italy • Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Lampe (2003) 118; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 39; Talbert (1984) 56, 142, 449
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56. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Symmachus, Q. Aurelius • Symmachus, Quintus Aurelius, in altar of Victory debate
Found in books: Kahlos (2019) 56; O, Daly (2020) 14, 15
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57. None, None, nan (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius, M.,, legislation under • Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Czajkowski et al (2020) 431; Lampe (2003) 120; Tabbernee (2007) 175; Talbert (1984) 449; de Ste. Croix et al. (2006) 119
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58. Strabo, Geography, 5.3.8, 10.3.7, 12.3.37, 17.1.36
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius • Aurelius Chrysenius Demetrius, official • Aurelius Diogenes • Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 368; Borg (2008) 20; Konig and Wiater (2022) 249; König and Wiater (2022) 249; Marek (2019) 450; Verhagen (2022) 368
| 5.3.8. These advantages accrued to the city from the nature of the country; but the foresight of the Romans added others besides. The Grecian cities are thought to have flourished mainly on account of the felicitous choice made by their founders, in regard to the beauty and strength of their sites, their proximity to some port, and the fineness of the country. But the Roman prudence was more particularly employed on matters which had received but little attention from the Greeks, such as paving their roads, constructing aqueducts, and sewers, to convey the sewage of the city into the Tiber. In fact, they have paved the roads, cut through hills, and filled up valleys, so that the merchandise may be conveyed by carriage from the ports. The sewers, arched over with hewn stones, are large enough in some parts for waggons loaded with hay to pass through; while so plentiful is the supply of water from the aqueducts, that rivers may be said to flow through the city and the sewers, and almost every house is furnished with water-pipes and copious fountains. To effect which Marcus Agrippa directed his special attention; he likewise bestowed upon the city numerous ornaments. We may remark, that the ancients, occupied with greater and more necessary concerns, paid but little attention to the beautifying of Rome. But their successors, and especially those of our own day, without neglecting these things, have at the same time embellished the city with numerous and splendid objects. Pompey, divus Caesar, and Augustus, with his children, friends, wife, and sister, have surpassed all others in their zeal and munificence in these decorations. The greater number of these may be seen in the Campus Martius, which to the beauties of nature adds those of art. The size of the plain is marvellous, permitting chariot-races and other feats of horsemanship without impediment, and multitudes to exercise themselves at ball, in the circus and the palaestra. The structures which surround it, the turf covered with herbage all the year round, the summits of the hills beyond the Tiber, extending from its banks with panoramic effect, present a spectacle which the eye abandons with regret. Near to this plain is another surrounded with columns, sacred groves, three theatres, an amphitheatre, and superb temples in close contiguity to each other; and so magnificent, that it would seem idle to describe the rest of the city after it. For this cause the Romans, esteeming it as the most sacred place, have there erected funeral monuments to the most illustrious persons of either sex. The most remarkable of these is that designated as the Mausoleum, which consists of a mound of earth raised upon a high foundation of white marble, situated near the river, and covered to the top with ever-green shrubs. Upon the summit is a bronze statue of Augustus Caesar, and beneath the mound are the ashes of himself, his relatives, and friends. Behind is a large grove containing charming promenades. In the centre of the plain, is the spot where this prince was reduced to ashes; it is surrounded with a double enclosure, one of marble, the other of iron, and planted within with poplars. If from hence you proceed to visit the ancient forum, which is equally filled with basilicas, porticos, and temples, you will there behold the Capitol, the Palatium, with the noble works which adorn them, and the promenade of Livia, each successive place causing you speedily to forget what you have before seen. Such is Rome.
10.3.7. The accounts which are more remotely related, however, to the present subject, but are wrongly, on account of the identity of the names, brought into the same connection by the historians — I mean those accounts which, although they are called Curetan History and History of the Curetes, just as if they were the history of those Curetes who lived in Aitolia and Acaria, not only are different from that history, but are more like the accounts of the Satyri, Sileni, Bacchae, and Tityri; for the Curetes, like these, are called genii or ministers of gods by those who have handed down to us the Cretan and the Phrygian traditions, which are interwoven with certain sacred rites, some mystical, the others connected in part with the rearing of the child Zeus in Crete and in part with the orgies in honor of the Mother of the Gods which are celebrated in Phrygia and in the region of the Trojan Ida. But the variation in these accounts is so small that, whereas some represent the Corybantes, the Cabeiri, the Idaean Dactyli, and the Telchines as identical with the Curetes, others represent them as all kinsmen of one another and differentiate only certain small matters in which they differ in respect to one another; but, roughly speaking and in general, they represent them, one and all, as a kind of inspired people and as subject to Bacchic frenzy, and, in the guise of ministers, as inspiring terror at the celebration of the sacred rites by means of war-dances, accompanied by uproar and noise and cymbals and drums and arms, and also by flute and outcry; and consequently these rites are in a way regarded as having a common relationship, I mean these and those of the Samothracians and those in Lemnos and in several other places, because the divine ministers are called the same. However, every investigation of this kind pertains to theology, and is not foreign to the speculation of the philosopher.
12.3.37. The whole of the country around is held by Pythodoris, to whom belong, not only Phanaroea, but also Zelitis and Megalopolitis. Concerning Phanaroea I have already spoken. As for Zelitis, it has a city Zela, fortified on a mound of Semiramis, with the sanctuary of Anaitis, who is also revered by the Armenians. Now the sacred rites performed here are characterized by greater sanctity; and it is here that all the people of Pontus make their oaths concerning their matters of greatest importance. The large number of temple-servants and the honors of the priests were, in the time of the kings, of the same type as I have stated before, but at the present time everything is in the power of Pythodoris. Many persons had abused and reduced both the multitude of temple-servants and the rest of the resources of the sanctuary. The adjacent territory, also, was reduced, having been divided into several domains — I mean Zelitis, as it is called (which has the city Zela on a mound); for in, early times the kings governed Zela, not as a city, but as a sacred precinct of the Persian gods, and the priest was the master of the whole thing. It was inhabited by the multitude of temple-servants, and by the priest, who had an abundance of resources; and the sacred territory as well as that of the priest was subject to him and his numerous attendants. Pompey added many provinces to the boundaries of Zelitis, and named Zela, as he did Megalopolis, a city, and he united the latter and Culupene and Camisene into one state; the latter two border on both Lesser Armenia and Laviansene, and they contain rock-salt, and also an ancient fortress called Camisa, now in ruins. The later Roman prefects assigned a portion of these two governments to the priests of Comana, a portion to the priest of Zela, and a portion to Ateporix, a dynast of the family of tetrarchs of Galatia; but now that Ateporix has died, this portion, which is not large, is subject to the Romans, being called a province (and this little state is a political organization of itself, the people having incorporated Carana into it, from which fact its country is called Caranitis), whereas the rest is held by Pythodoris and Dyteutus.
17.1.36. We have treated these subjects at length in the First Book of the Geography. At present we shall make a few remarks on the operations of nature and of Providence conjointly. On the operations of nature, that all things converge to a point, namely, the centre of the whole, and assume a spherical shape around it. The earth is the densest body, and nearer the centre than all others: the less dense and next to it is water; but both land and water are spheres, the first solid, the second hollow, containing the earth within it.— On the operations of Providence, that it has exercised a will, is disposed to variety, and is the artificer of innumerable works. In the first rank, as greatly surpassing all the rest, is the generation of animals, of which the most excellent are gods and men, for whose sake the rest were formed. To the gods Providence assigned heaven; and the earth to men, the extreme parts of the world; for the extreme parts of the sphere are the centre and the circumference. But since water encompasses the earth, and man is not an aquatic, but a land-animal, living in the air, and requiring much light, Providence formed many eminences and cavities in the earth, so that these cavities should receive the whole or a great part of the water which covers the land beneath it; and that the eminences should rise and conceal the water beneath them, except so much as was necessary for the use of the human race, the animals and plants about it.But as all things are in constant motion, and undergo great changes, (for it is not possible that things of such a nature, so numerous and vast, could be otherwise regulated in the world,) we must not suppose the earth or the water always to continue in this state, so as to retain perpetually the same bulk, without increase or diminution, or that each preserves the same fixed place, particularly as the reciprocal change of one into the other is most consot to nature from their proximity; but that much of the land is changed into water, and a great portion of water becomes land, just as we observe great differences in the earth itself. For one kind of earth crumbles easily, another is solid and rocky, and contains iron; and so of others. There is also a variety in the quality of water; for some waters are saline, others sweet and potable, others medicinal, and either salutary or noxious, others cold or hot Is it therefore surprising that some parts of the earth which are now inhabited should formerly have been occupied by sea, and that what are now seas should formerly have been inhabited land ? so also fountains once existing have failed, and others have burst forth; and similarly in the case of rivers and lakes: again, mountains and plains have been converted reciprocally one into the other. On this subject I have spoken before at length, and now let this be said:''. None |
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59. Vergil, Aeneis, 8.440, 11.263
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 367; Verhagen (2022) 367
8.440. Aetnaei Cyclopes, et huc advertite mentem:
11.263. exsulat, Aetnaeos vidit Cyclopas Ulixes.''. None | 8.440. the Albula, its true and ancient style.
11.263. behold their comrades burning, and keep guard ''. None |
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60. Vergil, Eclogues, 6.4-6.5
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 357, 362; Verhagen (2022) 357, 362
| 6.4. of battles and of kings, the Cynthian god 6.5. plucked at mine ear and warned me: “Tityrus,' '. None |
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61. Vergil, Georgics, 3.3-3.4, 3.37
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 351, 352, 367; Verhagen (2022) 351, 352, 367
3.3. Cetera, quae vacuas tenuissent carmine mentes, 3.4. omnia iam volgata: quis aut Eurysthea durum
3.37. Invidia infelix Furias amnemque severum''. None | 3.3. You, woods and waves Lycaean. All themes beside, 3.4. Which else had charmed the vacant mind with song,
3.37. Surging with war, and hugely flowing, the |
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62. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 362, 364, 365, 366, 367, 370; Verhagen (2022) 362, 364, 365, 366, 367, 370
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63. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius Prosenes, M., imperial freedman • Marcus Aurelius • Prosenes, Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 547, 562; Katzoff(2005) 41; Lampe (2003) 332, 334; Tacoma (2020) 152
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64. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius Daphnos (M.) • Aurelius Daphnus, M. • Aurelius Nikon
Found in books: Heller and van Nijf (2017) 483; Kalinowski (2021) 224, 225, 226
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65. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020) 97; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020) 51
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66. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius, M.,, measures • Fronto advice to M. Aurelius,, estimate of • Marcus Aurelius • Marcus Aurelius (emperor), • Marcus Aurelius, emperor
Found in books: Bruun and Edmondson (2015) 547; Huttner (2013) 241; Marek (2019) 350; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 40; Talbert (1984) 36, 399
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67. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius, M.,, legislation under • Marcus Aurelius
Found in books: Talbert (1984) 448; Tuori (2016) 215, 220
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68. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 353, 361, 366; Verhagen (2022) 353, 361, 366
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69. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Aurelius
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 365, 370; Verhagen (2022) 365, 370
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70. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Marcus Aurelius • Meditations (Marcus Aurelius)
Found in books: Binder (2012) 68; Bird and Harrower (2021) 312
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