| 1. Ennius, Scenica (Palliatae, Praetexta, Tragoediae), 284, 286, 285 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hickson (1993) 87 |
2. Cato, Marcus Porcius, On Agriculture, 141.5 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan nan | 13. Now Antiochus had blocked up the narrow pass of Thermopylae with his army, adding trenches and walls to the natural defences of the place, and sat there, thinking he had locked the war out of Greece. And the Romans did indeed despair utterly of forcing a direct passage. But Cato, calling to mind the famous compass and circuit of the pass which the Persians had once made, took a considerable force and set out under cover of darkness. They climbed the heights, but their guide, who was a prisoner of war, lost the way, and wandered about in impracticable and precipitous places until he had filled the soldiers with dreadful dejection and fear. Cato, seeing their peril, bade the rest remain quietly where they were, while he himself, with a certain Lucius Manlius, an expert mountain-climber, made his way along, with great toil and hazard, in the dense darkness of a moonless night, his vision much impeded and obscured by wild olive trees and rocky peaks, until at last they came upon a path. This, they thought, led down to the enemy's camp. So they put marks and signs on some conspicuous cliffs which towered over Mount Callidromus, and then made their way back again to the main body. This too they conducted to the marks and signs, struck into the path indicated by these, and started forward. But when they had gone on a little way, the path failed them, and a ravine yawned to receive them. Once more dejection and fear were rife. They did not know and could not see that they were right upon the enemy whom they sought. But presently gleams of daylight came, here and there a man thought he heard voices, and soon they actually saw a Greek outpost entrenched at the foot of the cliffs. So then Cato halted his forces there, and summoned the men of Firmum to a private conference. These soldiers he had always found trusty and zealous in his service. When they had run up and stood grouped about him, he said: "I must take one of the enemy's men alive, and learn from him who they are that form this advance guard, what their number is, and with what disposition and array their main body awaits us. But the task demands the swift and bold leap of lions fearlessly rushing all unarmed upon the timorous beasts on which they prey." So spake Cato, and the Firmians instantly started, just as they were, rushed down the mountain-side, and ran upon the enemy's sentinels. Falling upon them unexpectedly, they threw them all into confusion and scattered them in flight; one of them they seized, arms and all, and delivered him over to Cato. From the captive Cato learned that the main force of the enemy was encamped in the pass with the king himself, and that the detachment guarding the pass over the mountains was composed of six hundred picked Aetolians. Despising their small numbers and their carelessness, he led his troops against them at once, with bray of trumpet and battle-cry, being himself first to draw his sword. But when the enemy saw his men pouring down upon them from the cliffs, they fled to the main army, and filled them all with confusion. 13. In Syria, too, as we are told, he had a laughable experience. As he was walking into Antioch, he saw at the gates outside a multitude of people drawn up on either side of the road, among whom stood, in one group, young men with military cloaks, and in another, boys with gala robes, while some had white raiment and crowns, being priests or magistrates. Cato, accordingly, thinking that this could only be some honourable reception which the city was preparing for him, was angry with his servants who had been sent on in advance, because they had not prevented it; but he ordered his friends to dismount, and went forward on foot with them. When, however, they were near the gate, he who was arranging all these ceremonies and marshalling the crowd, a man now well on in years, holding a wand and a crown in his hand, advanced to meet Cato, and without even greeting him asked where they had left Demetrius and when he would be there. Now, Demetrius had once been a slave of Pompey, but at this time, when all mankind, so to speak, had their eyes fixed upon Pompey, he was courted beyond his deserts, since he had great influence with Pompey. Cato's friends accordingly, were seized with such a fit of laughter that they could not recover themselves even when they were walking through the crowd; but Cato was greatly disturbed at the time, and said: "O the unhappy city!" and not a word besides. In after times, however, he was wont to laugh at the incident himself also, both when he told it and when he called it to mind. 49. But Caesar, though he devoted himself to his armies in Gaul and was busy with arms, nevertheless employed gifts, money, and above all friends, to increase his power in the city. Presently, therefore, the admonitions of Cato roused Pompey from the great incredulity which he had indulged in up to this time, so that he had forebodings of his peril. However, he was still given to hesitation and spiritless delay in checking or attacking the threatening evil, and therefore Cato determined to stand for the consulship, that he might at once deprive Caesar of his armed forces, or convict him of hostile designs. But his competitors were both acceptable men, and Sulpicius had actually derived much benefit from Cato's repute and power in the city, and was therefore thought to be acting in an improper and even thankless manner. But Cato had no fault to find with him. "Pray, what wonder is it," said he, "if a man will not surrender to another what he regards as the greatest of all good things?" However, by persuading the senate to pass a decree that candidates for office should canvass the people in person, and not solicit nor confer with the citizens through the agency of another going about in their behalf, Cato still more exasperated the common folk, in that he deprived them, not only of getting money, but also of bestowing favour, and so made them at once poor and without honour. And besides this, he was not persuasive himself in canvassings for himself, but wished to preserve in his manners the dignity of his life, rather than to acquire that of the consulship by making the customary salutations; neither would he permit his friends to do the things by which the multitude is courted and captivated. He therefore failed to obtain the office. 54. Feed for cattle should be prepared and fed as follows: When the sowing is over, gather the acorns and soak them in water. A half-modius of this should be fed each ox per day, though if the oxen are not working it will be better to let them forage; or feed a modius of the grape husks which you have stored in jars. During the day let them forage, and at night feed 25 pounds of hay a head; if you have no hay, feed ilex and ivy leaves. Store wheat and barley straw, husks of beans, of vetch, of lupines, and of all other crops. In storing litter, bring under cover that which has most leaves, sprinkle it with salt, and feed it instead of hay. When you begin feeding in spring, feed a modius of mast, or grape husks, or soaked lupine, and 15 pounds of hay. When clover is in season feed it first; pull it by hand and it will grow again, for if you cut it with the hook it will not. Continue to feed clover until it dries out, after which feed it in limited quantities; then feed vetch, then panic grass, and after this elm leaves. If you have poplar leaves, mix them with the elm to make the latter hold out; and failing elm, feed oak and fig leaves. There is nothing more profitable than to take good care of cattle. They should not be pastured except in winter, when they are not ploughing; for when they once eat green food they are always expecting it; and so they have to be muzzled to keep them from biting at the grass while ploughing. 54. When Cato was dispatched to Asia, that he might help those who were collecting transports and soldiers there, he took with him Servilia his sister and her young child by Lucullus. For Servilia had followed Cato, now that she was a widow, and had put an end to much of the evil report about her dissolute conduct by submitting to Cato's guardianship and sharing his wanderings and his ways of life of her own accord. But Caesar did not spare abuse of Cato even on the score of his relations with Servilia. Now, in other ways, as it would seem, Pompey's commanders in Asia had no need of Cato, and therefore, after persuading Rhodes into allegiance, he left Servilia and her child there, and returned to Pompey, who now had a splendid naval and military force assembled. Here, indeed, and most clearly, Pompey was thought to have made his opinion of Cato manifest. For he determined to put the command of his fleet into the hands of Cato, and there were no less than five hundred fighting ships, besides Liburnian craft, look-out ships, and open boats in great numbers. But he soon perceived, or was shown by his friends, that the one chief object of Cato's public services was the liberty of his country, and that if he should be made master of so large a force, the very day of Caesar's defeat would find Cato demanding that Pompey also lay down his arms and obey the laws. Pompey therefore changed his mind, although he had already conferred with Cato about the matter, and appointed Bibulus admiral. Notwithstanding, he did not find that in consequence of this the zeal of Cato was blunted; nay, it is even said that when Pompey himself was trying to incite his forces to a battle before Dyrrhachium, and bidding each of the other commanders to say something to inspire the men, the soldiers listened to them sluggishly and in silence; but that when Cato, after all the other speakers, had rehearsed with genuine emotion all the appropriate sentiments to be drawn from philosophy concerning freedom, virtue, death and fame, and finally passed into an invocation of the gods as eye-witnesses of their struggle in behalf of their country, there was such a shouting and so great a stir among all the soldiers thus aroused that all the commanders were full of hope as they hastened to confront the peril. They overcame and routed their enemies, but were robbed of a complete and perfect victory by the good genius of Caesar, which took advantage of Pompey's caution and distrust of his good fortune. These details, however, have been given in the Life of Pompey. But while all the rest were rejoicing and magnifying their achievement, Cato was weeping for his country, and bewailing the love of power that had brought such misfortune and destruction, as he saw that many brave citizens had fallen by one another's hands. 55. Store firewood for the master's use on flooring, and cut olive sticks and roots and pile them out of doors. 55. When Pompey, in pursuit of Caesar, was breaking camp to march into Thessaly, he left behind him at Dyrrhachium a great quantity of arms and stores, and many kindred and friends, and over all these he appointed Cato commander and guardian, with fifteen cohorts of soldiers, because he both trusted and feared him. For in case of defeat, he thought that Cato would be his surest support, but in case of a victory, that he would not, if present, permit him to manage matters as he chose. Many prominent men were also ignored by Pompey and left behind at Dyrrhachium with Cato. When the defeat at Pharsalus came, Cato resolved that, if Pompey were dead, he would take over to Italy those who were still with him, but would himself live in exile as far as possible from the tyranny of Caesar; if, on the contrary, Pompey were alive, he would by all means keep his forces intact for him. Accordingly, having crossed over to Corcyra, where the fleet was, he offered to give up the command to Cicero, who was of consular rank, while he himself had been only a praetor. But Cicero would not accept the command, and set out for Italy. Then Cato, seeing that the younger Pompey was led by his obstinacy and unseasonable pride into a desire to punish all those who were about to sail away, and was going to lay violent hands on Cicero first of all, admonished him in private and calmed him down, thus manifestly saving Cicero from death and procuring immunity for the rest. 6. Once more, that temperance which Cato always decked out with the fairest praises, Aristides maintained and practised in unsullied purity; whereas Cato, by marrying unworthily and unseasonably, fell under no slight or insignificant censure in this regard. It was surely quite indecent that a man of his years should bring home as stepmother to his grownâup son and that son's bride, a girl whose father was his assistant and served the public for hire. Whether he did this merely for his own pleasure, or in anger, to punish his son for objecting to his mistress, both what he did and what led him to do it were disgraceful. And the sarcastic reason for it which he gave his son was not a true one. For had he wished to beget more sons as good, he should have planned at the outset to marry a woman of family, instead of contenting himself, as long as he could do so secretly, with the society of a low concubine, and when he was discovered, making a man his father-inâlaw whom he could most easily persuade, rather than one whose alliance would bring him most honour. 6. But in other matters, his self-restraint was beyond measure admirable. For instance, when he was in command of an army, he took for himself and his retinue not more than three Attic bushels of wheat a month, and for his beasts of burden, less than a bushel and a half of barley a day. He received Sardinia as his province, and whereas his predecessors were wont to charge the public treasury with their pavilions, couches, and apparel, while they oppressed the province with the cost of their large retinues of servants and friends, and of their lavish and elaborate banquets, his simple economy stood out in an incredible contrast. He made no demands whatever upon the public treasury, and made his circuit of the cities on foot, followed by a single public officer, who carried his robe and chalice for sacrifices. And yet, though in such matters he showed himself mild and sparing to those under his authority, in other ways he displayed a dignity and severity which fully corresponded, for in the administration of justice he was inexorable, and in carrying out the edicts of the government was direct and masterful, so that the Roman power never inspired its subjects with greater fear or affection. 6. At suppers, he would throw dice for the choice of portions; and if he lost, and his friends bade him choose first, he would say it was not right, since Venus was unwilling. At first, also, he would drink once after supper and then leave the table; but as time went on he would allow himself to drink very generously, so that he often tarried at his wine till early morning. His friends used to say that the cause of this was his civic and public activities; he was occupied with these all day, and so prevented from literary pursuits, wherefore he would hold intercourse with the philosophers at night and over the cups. For this reason, too, when a certain Memmius remarked in company that Cato spent his entire nights in drinking, Cicero answered him by saying: "Thou shouldst add that he spends his entire days in throwing dice." And, in general, Cato thought he ought to take a course directly opposed to the life and practices of the time, feeling that these were bad and in need of great change. For instance, when he saw that a purple which was excessively red and vivid was much in vogue, he himself would wear out the dark shade. Again, he would often go out into the streets after breakfast without shoes or tunic. He was not hunting for notoriety by this strange practice, but accustoming himself to be ashamed only of what was really shameful, and to ignore men's low opinion of other things. When an inheritance worth a hundred talents fell to him from his cousin Cato, he turned it into money, and allowed any friend who needed it to have the use of it without interest. And some of his friends actually pledged to the public treasury both lands and slaves which he offered for this purpose himself, and made good his offer. 61. What is good cultivation? Good ploughing. What next? Ploughing. What third? Manuring. The planter who works his olives very often and very deep will plough up the very slender roots; while bad ploughing will cause the roots to come to the surface and grow too large, and the strength of the tree will waste into the roots. When you plough grain land do it well and at the proper season, and do not plough with an irregular furrow. The rest of the cultivation consists in hoeing often, taking up shoots carefully, and transplanting, at the proper time, as many roots as possible, with their soil. When you have covered the roots well, trample them firmly so that the water will not harm them. If one should ask what is the proper time for planting olives, I should say, at seed-time in dry ground, and in spring in rich ground. 61. Accordingly, Cato decided to detain the bearers of the letters until he felt sure of the attitude of the three hundred. For the Romans of senatorial rank were eager in his cause, and after promptly manumitting their slaves, were arming them; but as for the three hundred, since they were men engaged in navigation and money-lending and had the greater part of their property in slaves, the words of Cato did not long abide in their minds, but lapsed away. For just as porous bodies readily receive heat and as readily yield it up again and grow cold when the fire is removed, in like manner these men, when they saw Cato, were filled with warmth and kindled into flame; but, when they came to think matters over by themselves, their fear of Caesar drove away their regard for Cato and for honour. "Who, pray, are we," they said, "and who is he whose commands we are refusing to obey? Is he not Caesar, upon whom the whole power of Rome has devolved? And not one of us is a Scipio, or a Pompey, or a Cato. But at a time when all men are led by fear to think more humbly than they ought to think, at such a time shall we fight in defence of the liberty of Rome, and wage war in Utica against a man before whom Cato, with Pompey the Great, fled and gave up Italy? And shall we give our slaves freedom in opposition to Caesar, we who ourselves have only as much freedom as he may wish to give us? Nay, before it is too late, poor wretches, let us know ourselves, crave the conqueror's grace, and send men to entreat him." This was the course which the more moderate of the three hundred advised; but the majority of them were laying a plot against the men of senatorial rank, in the hope that by seizing these they might mitigate Caesar's wrath against themselves. 70. Remedy for oxen: If you have reason to fear sickness, give the oxen before they get sick the following remedy: 3 grains of salt, 3 laurel leaves, 3 leek leaves, 3 spikes of leek, 3 of garlic, 3 grains of incense, 3 plants of Sabine herb, 3 leaves of rue, 3 stalks of bryony, 3 white beans, 3 live coals, and 3 pints of wine. You must gather, macerate, and administer all these while standing, and he who administers the remedy must be fasting. Administer to each ox for three days, and divide it in such a way that when you have administered three doses to each you will have used it all. See that the ox and the one who administers are both standing, and use a wooden vessel. 70. Without making any reply to this, but bursting into tears, Demetrius and Apollonides slowly withdrew. Then the sword was sent in, carried by a little child, and Cato took it, drew it from his sheath, and examined it. And when he saw that its point was keen and its edge still sharp, he said: "Now I am my own master." Then he laid down the sword and resumed his book, and he is said to have read it through twice. Afterwards he fell into so deep a sleep that those outside the chamber heard him. But about midnight he called two of his freedmen, Cleanthes the physician, and Butas, who was his chief agent in public matters. Butas he sent down to the sea, to find out whether all had set sail successfully, and bring him word; while to the physician he gave his hand to bandage, since it was inflamed by the blow that he had given the slave. This made everybody more cheerful, since they thought he had a mind to live. In a little while Butas came with tidings that all had set sail except Crassus, who was detained by some business or other, and he too was on the point of embarking; Butas reported also that a heavy storm and a high wind prevailed at sea. On hearing this, Cato groaned with pity for those in peril on the sea, and sent Butas down again, to find out whether anyone had been driven back by the storm and wanted any necessaries, and to report to him. And now the birds were already beginning to sing, when he fell asleep again for a little while. And when Butas came and told him that harbours were very quiet, he ordered him to close the door, throwing himself down upon his couch as if he were going to rest there for what still remained of the night. But when Butas had gone out, Cato drew his sword from its sheath and stabbed himself below the breast. His thrust, however, was somewhat feeble, owing to the inflammation in his hand, and so he did not at once dispatch himself, but in his death struggle fell from the couch and made a loud noise by overturning a geometrical abacus that stood near. His servants heard the noise and cried out, and his son at once ran in, together with his friends. They saw that he was smeared with blood, and that most of his bowels were protruding, but that he still had his eyes open and was alive; and they were terribly shocked. But the physician went to him and tried to replace his bowels, which remained uninjured, and to sew up the wound. Accordingly, when Cato recovered and became aware of this, he pushed the physician away, tore his bowels with his hands, rent the wound still more, and so died. |
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| 3. Ennius, Palliatae, 284, 286, 285 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hickson (1993) 87 |
| 4. Plautus, Pseudolus, 13-14 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hickson (1993) 87 |
| 5. Ennius, Annales, 255 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 60 |
| 6. Plautus, Aulularia, 611 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 87 |
| 7. Plautus, Persa, 753, 755-756, 754 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hickson (1993) 77 |
8. Terence, Andria, 568 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 87| 568. Si eveniat quod Di prohibeant, discessio. | |
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9. Cicero, On Divination, 1.12, 1.27, 2.42, 2.82 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 53, 57, 60| 1.12. Quae est autem gens aut quae civitas, quae non aut extispicum aut monstra aut fulgora interpretantium aut augurum aut astrologorum aut sortium (ea enim fere artis sunt) aut somniorum aut vaticinationum (haec enim duo naturalia putantur) praedictione moveatur? Quarum quidem rerum eventa magis arbitror quam causas quaeri oportere. Est enim vis et natura quaedam, quae tum observatis longo tempore significationibus, tum aliquo instinctu inflatuque divino futura praenuntiat. Quare omittat urguere Carneades, quod faciebat etiam Panaetius requirens, Iuppiterne cornicem a laeva, corvum ab dextera canere iussisset. Observata sunt haec tempore inmenso et in significatione eventis animadversa et notata. Nihil est autem, quod non longinquitas temporum excipiente memoria prodendisque monumentis efficere atque adsequi possit. 1.27. Itaque, ut ex ipso audiebam, persaepe revertit ex itinere, cum iam progressus esset multorum dierum viam. Cuius quidem hoc praeclarissimum est, quod, posteaquam a Caesare tetrarchia et regno pecuniaque multatus est, negat se tamen eorum auspiciorum, quae sibi ad Pompeium proficiscenti secunda evenerint, paenitere; senatus enim auctoritatem et populi Romani libertatem atque imperii dignitatem suis armis esse defensam, sibique eas aves, quibus auctoribus officium et fidem secutus esset, bene consuluisse; antiquiorem enim sibi fuisse possessionibus suis gloriam. Ille mihi videtur igitur vere augurari. Nam nostri quidem magistratus auspiciis utuntur coactis; necesse est enim offa obiecta cadere frustum ex pulli ore, cum pascitur; 2.42. Atque hac extispicum divinatione sublata omnis haruspicina sublata est. Ostenta enim sequuntur et fulgura. Valet autem in fulguribus observatio diuturna, in ostentis ratio plerumque coniecturaque adhibetur. Quid est igitur, quod observatum sit in fulgure? Caelum in sedecim partis diviserunt Etrusci. Facile id quidem fuit, quattuor, quas nos habemus, duplicare, post idem iterum facere, ut ex eo dicerent, fulmen qua ex parte venisset. Primum id quid interest? deinde quid significat? Nonne perspicuum est ex prima admiratione hominum, quod tonitrua iactusque fulminum extimuissent, credidisse ea efficere rerum omnium praepotentem Iovem? Itaque in nostris commentariis scriptum habemus: Iove tote, fulgurante comitia populi habere nefas. 2.82. Quae autem est inter augures conveniens et coniuncta constantia? Ad nostri augurii consuetudinem dixit Ennius: Tum tonuit laevum bene tempestate serena. At Homericus Aiax apud Achillem querens de ferocitate Troianorum nescio quid hoc modo nuntiat: Prospera Iuppiter his dextris fulgoribus edit. Ita nobis sinistra videntur, Graiis et barbaris dextra meliora. Quamquam haud ignoro, quae bona sint, sinistra nos dicere, etiamsi dextra sint; sed certe nostri sinistrum nominaverunt externique dextrum, quia plerumque id melius videbatur. | 1.12. Now — to mention those almost entirely dependent on art — what nation or what state disregards the prophecies of soothsayers, or of interpreters of prodigies and lightnings, or of augurs, or of astrologers, or of oracles, or — to mention the two kinds which are classed as natural means of divination — the forewarnings of dreams, or of frenzy? of these methods of divining it behoves us, I think, to examine the results rather than the causes. For there is a certain natural power, which now, through long-continued observation of signs and now, through some divine excitement and inspiration, makes prophetic announcement of the future. [7] Therefore let Carneades cease to press the question, which Panaetius also used to urge, whether Jove had ordered the crow to croak on the left side and the raven on the right. Such signs as these have been observed for an unlimited time, and the results have been checked and recorded. Moreover, there is nothing which length of time cannot accomplish and attain when aided by memory to receive and records to preserve. 1.27. This is why, as he told me himself, he had time and again abandoned a journey even though he might have been travelling for many days. By the way, that was a very noble utterance of his which he made after Caesar had deprived him of his tetrarchy and kingdom, and had forced him to pay an indemnity too. Notwithstanding what has happened, said he, I do not regret that the auspices favoured my joining Pompey. By so doing I enlisted my military power in defence of senatorial authority, Roman liberty, and the supremacy of the empire. The birds, at whose instance I followed the course of duty and of honour, counselled well, for I value my good name more than riches. His conception of augury, it seems to me, is the correct one.For with us magistrates make use of auspices, but they are forced auspices, since the sacred chickens in eating the dough pellets thrown must let some fall from their beaks. 2.42. In demolishing divination by means of entrails we have utterly demolished the soothsayers art; for the same fate awaits divination by means of lightnings and portents. According to your view, long-continued observation is employed in the case of lightnings, and reason and conjecture are generally employed in the case of portents. But what is it that has been observed in the case of lightnings? The Etruscans divided the sky into sixteen parts. of course it was easy enough for them to double the four parts into which we divide it and then double that total and tell from which one of those divisions a bolt of lightning had come. In the first place, what difference does its location make? and, in the second place, what does it foretell? It is perfectly evident that, out of the wonder and fear excited in primitive man by lightning and thunderbolts, sprang his belief that those phenomena were caused by omnipotent Jove. And so we find it recorded in our augural annals: When Jove thunders or lightens it is impious to hold an election. 2.82. Moreover, there is no uniformity, and no consistent and constant agreement between augurs. Ennius, speaking with reference to the Roman system of augury, said:Then on the left, from out a cloudless sky,Joves thunder rolled its goodly omen forth.But Homers Ajax, in complaining to Achilles of some ferocious deed or other of the Trojans, speaks in this wise:For their success Jove thunders on the right.So we regard signs on the left as best — Greeks and barbarians, those on the right. And yet I am aware that we call favourable signs sinistra, or left-hand signs, even though they may be on the right. Undoubtedly our ancestors in choosing the left side and foreign nations the right were both influenced by what experience had shown them was the more favourable quarter in most cases. |
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| 10. Cicero, On The Nature of The Gods, 4.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 67 |
| 11. Cicero, Letters, 1.16.1, 6.6.1 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 53, 77 |
| 12. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 1.9.19, 2.15.2, 2.18.3, 10.22.1, 10.33.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 53, 87 |
| 13. Cicero, In Verrem, 5.37, 5.49 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 53, 60 |
| 14. Cicero, Pro S. Roscio Amerino, 151 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 87 |
15. Ovid, Fasti, 1.6, 1.67, 1.69 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 57| 1.6. en tibi devoto numine dexter ades. 1.67. dexter ades ducibus, quorum secura labore 1.69. dexter ades patribusque tuis populoque Quirini, | 1.6. Receiving with favour the homage I pay you. 1.67. Be favourable to the leaders, whose labours win 1.69. Be favourable to the senate and Roman people, |
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| 16. Livy, History, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hickson (1993) 66, 67 |
| 17. Catullus, Poems, 61.196, 62.5, 66.18 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 67, 77 |
| 18. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.635 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 79 |
| 19. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 74 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 60 |
| 20. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon, 74 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 60 |
| 21. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 57 |
22. Tacitus, Annals, 16.35 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 87| 16.35. Tum progressus in porticum illic a quaestore reperitur, laetitiae propior, quia Helvidium generum suum Italia tantum arceri cognoverat. accepto dehinc senatus consulto Helvidium et Demetrium in cubiculum inducit; porrectisque utriusque brachii venis, postquam cruorem effudit, humum super spargens, propius vocato quaestore 'libamus' inquit 'Iovi liberatori. specta, iuvenis; et omen quidem dii prohibeant, ceterum in ea tempora natus es quibus firmare animum expediat constantibus exemplis.' post lentitudine exitus gravis cruciatus adferente, obversis in Demetrium | 16.35. He now walked on to the colonnade; where the quaestor found him nearer to joy than to sorrow, because he had ascertained that Helvidius, his son-inâlaw, was merely debarred from Italy. Then, taking the decree of the senate, he led Helvidius and Demetrius into his bedroom, offered the arteries of both arms to the knife, and, when the blood had begun to flow, sprinkled it upon the ground, and called the quaestor nearer: "We are making a libation," he said, "to Jove the Liberator. Look, young man, and â may Heaven, indeed, avert the omen, but you have been born into times now it is expedient to steel the mind with instances of firmness." Soon, as the slowness of his end brought excruciating pain, turning his gaze upon Demetrius . . . |
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| 23. Statius, Achilleis, 1.738 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 79 |
| 24. Silius Italicus, Punica, 8.124, 8.227-8.228 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 79 |
| 25. Seneca The Younger, Hercules Furens, 645 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 79 |
| 26. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 10.21 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 67 |
| 27. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hickson (1993) 57 |
| 28. Gellius, Attic Nights, 7.6.8, 13.23.13 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 66, 67 |
| 29. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 8.72, 8.302 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 60, 67 |
30. Vergil, Georgics, 4.397 Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 79| 4.397. expediat morbi causam eventusque secundet. | |
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| 31. Epigraphy, Cil, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Hickson (1993) 87 |
| 32. Pacuv., Trag., 1.59 Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 79 |
| 33. Jul. Max., Sat., 1.73, 12.176 Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 60, 77, 87 |
| 34. Scip. Min., Orat., 1164 Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 57 |
35. Vergil, Aeneis, 2.388, 2.701-2.703, 3.34-3.36, 3.85-3.89, 3.265-3.266, 3.528-3.529, 4.576-4.579, 6.63, 6.264-6.267, 7.259-7.260, 8.70-8.78, 8.302, 10.252-10.255, 10.459-10.463, 10.773-10.776, 12.176-12.194, 12.646-12.649 Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 53, 57, 60, 67, 77, 79, 87 | 2.388. hosts of thy kindred die, and fateful change 2.701. our Hector's self. O, yield thee, I implore! 2.702. This altar now shall save us one and all, 2.703. or we must die together.” With these words 3.34. a mound was seen, and on the summit grew 3.35. a copse of corner and a myrtle tree, 3.36. with spear-like limbs outbranched on every side. 3.85. and bade them speak their reverend counsel forth. 3.86. All found one voice; to leave that land of sin, 3.87. where foul abomination had profaned 3.88. a stranger's right; and once more to resign 3.89. our fleet unto the tempest and the wave. 3.265. then spoke: “O son, in Ilium 's doom severe 3.266. afflicted ever! To my ears alone 3.528. find thee a fixed abode. Than this no more 3.529. the Sister Fates to Helenus unveil, 4.576. was thine, when from the towering citadel 4.577. the whole shore seemed alive, the sea itself 4.578. in turmoil with loud cries! Relentless Love, 4.579. to what mad courses may not mortal hearts 6.63. So saying, from her face its color flew, 6.264. The lightly-feeding doves flit on and on, 6.265. Ever in easy ken of following eyes, 6.266. Till over foul Avernus' sulphurous throat 6.267. Swiftly they lift them through the liquid air, 7.259. are Saturn's sons, whose equitable minds, 7.260. not chained by statute or compulsion, keep 8.70. within this land are men of Arcady, 8.71. of Pallas' line, who, following in the train 8.72. of King Evander and his men-at-arms, 8.73. built them a city in the hills, and chose 8.74. (honoring Pallas, their Pelasgian sire), 8.75. the name of Pallanteum. They make war 8.76. incessant with the Latins. Therefore call 8.77. this people to thy side and bind them close 8.78. in federated power. My channel fair 8.302. and dropped the huge rock which was pendent there 10.252. close lined, with bristling spears, of Pisa all, 10.253. that Tuscan city of Alpheus sprung. 10.254. Then Astur followed, a bold horseman he, 10.255. Astur in gorgeous arms, himself most fair: 10.459. brother Alcanor came, and lifted up 10.460. with strong right hand his brother as he fell: 10.461. but through his arm a second skilful shaft 10.462. made bloody way, and by the sinews held 10.463. the lifeless right hand from the shoulder swung. 10.773. upreared in panic, and reversing spilled 10.774. their captain to the ground, and bore away 10.776. Meanwhile, with two white coursers to their car, 12.176. equipped with arms of steel, as if they heard 12.177. tern summons to the fight. Their captains, too, 12.178. emerging from the multitude, in pride 12.179. of gold and purple, hurried to and fro: 12.180. Mnestheus of royal stem, Asilas brave; 12.181. and Neptune's offspring, tamer of the steed, 12.182. Messapus. Either host, at signal given, 12.183. to its own ground retiring, fixed in earth 12.184. the long shafts of the spears and stacked the shields. 12.185. Then eagerly to tower and rampart fly 12.186. the women, the infirm old men, the throng 12.187. of the unarmed, and sit them there at gaze, 12.189. But Juno, peering from that summit proud 12.190. which is to-day the Alban (though that time 12.191. nor name nor fame the hallowed mountain knew), 12.192. urveyed the plain below and fair array 12.193. of Trojan and Laurentine, by the walls 12.194. of King Latinus. Whereupon straightway 12.646. ome scanty morsel for her twittering brood, 12.647. round empty corridors or garden-pools 12.648. noisily flitting: so Juturna roams 12.649. among the hostile ranks, and wings her way |
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| 36. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.5.1, 4.1.10 Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 67, 87 |
| 37. Anon., Martyrdom of Montanus And Lucius, 34.2 Tagged with subjects: •augural usage Found in books: Hickson (1993) 67 |
