1. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 1185 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticism • tragedy, Attic/Greek
Found in books: Bowie (2023), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels. 855; Gianvittorio-Ungar and Schlapbach (2021), Choreonarratives: Dancing Stories in Greek and Roman Antiquity and Beyond, 135, 136
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1185 ῥινηλατούσῃ τῶν πάλαι πεπραγμένων.'' None | sup>
1185 Done long ago, I nosing track the footstep! '' None |
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2. Euripides, Bacchae, 58-59, 78-82, 123-134, 139, 704-708 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Acharnae, deme of Attica • Attica • Attica, Attic • Mother of the Gods, in Attic drama • Neo-Attic, Neo-Atticism • vases,Attic
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 167, 179, 543; Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 48; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 27; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 56, 61
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58 αἴρεσθε τἀπιχώριʼ ἐν πόλει Φρυγῶν 59 τύμπανα, Ῥέας τε μητρὸς ἐμά θʼ εὑρήματα,
78 τά τε ματρὸς μεγάλας ὄργια 79 Κυβέλας θεμιτεύων, 80 ἀνὰ θύρσον τε τινάσσων, 81 κισσῷ τε στεφανωθεὶς 82 Διόνυσον θεραπεύει.
123 ἔνθα τρικόρυθες ἄντροις'124 βυρσότονον κύκλωμα τόδε 125 μοι Κορύβαντες ηὗρον· 126 βακχείᾳ δʼ ἀνὰ συντόνῳ 127 κέρασαν ἁδυβόᾳ Φρυγίων 128 αὐλῶν πνεύματι ματρός τε Ῥέας ἐς 129 χέρα θῆκαν, κτύπον εὐάσμασι Βακχᾶν· 130 παρὰ δὲ μαινόμενοι Σάτυροι 131 ματέρος ἐξανύσαντο θεᾶς, 132 ἐς δὲ χορεύματα 133 συνῆψαν τριετηρίδων, 134 αἷς χαίρει Διόνυσος. Χορός
139 αἷμα τραγοκτόνον, ὠμοφάγον χάριν, ἱέμενος
704 θύρσον δέ τις λαβοῦσʼ ἔπαισεν ἐς πέτραν, 705 ὅθεν δροσώδης ὕδατος ἐκπηδᾷ νοτίς· 706 ἄλλη δὲ νάρθηκʼ ἐς πέδον καθῆκε γῆς, 707 καὶ τῇδε κρήνην ἐξανῆκʼ οἴνου θεός· 708 ὅσαις δὲ λευκοῦ πώματος πόθος παρῆν, ' None | sup>
58 But, you women who have left Tmolus, the bulwark of Lydia , my sacred band, whom I have brought from among the barbarians as assistants and companions to me, take your drums, native instruments of the city of the Phrygians, the invention of mother Rhea and myself,
78 has his soul initiated into the Bacchic revels, dancing in inspired frenzy over the mountains with holy purifications, and who, revering the mysteries of great mother Kybele, 80 brandishing the thyrsos, garlanded with ivy, serves Dionysus.Go, Bacchae, go, Bacchae, escorting the god Bromius, child of a god,
123 O secret chamber of the Kouretes and you holy Cretan caves, parents to Zeus, where the Korybantes with triple helmet invented for me in their caves this circle,'124 O secret chamber of the Kouretes and you holy Cretan caves, parents to Zeus, where the Korybantes with triple helmet invented for me in their caves this circle, 125 covered with stretched hide; and in their excited revelry they mingled it with the sweet-voiced breath of Phrygian pipes and handed it over to mother Rhea, resounding with the sweet songs of the Bacchae; 130 nearby, raving Satyrs were fulfilling the rites of the mother goddess, and they joined it to the dances of the biennial festivals, in which Dionysus rejoices. Choru
139 He is sweet in the mountains cf. Dodds, ad loc. , whenever after the running dance he falls on the ground, wearing the sacred garment of fawn skin, hunting the blood of the slain goat, a raw-eaten delight, rushing to the
704 wolf-pup, gave them white milk, as many as had abandoned their new-born infants and had their breasts still swollen. They put on garlands of ivy, and oak, and flowering yew. One took her thyrsos and struck it against a rock, 705 from which a dewy stream of water sprang forth. Another let her thyrsos strike the ground, and there the god sent forth a fountain of wine. All who desired the white drink scratched the earth with the tips of their fingers and obtained streams of milk; ' None |
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3. Herodotus, Histories, 1.60, 1.148, 6.105, 9.27.3-9.27.4, 9.73 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Amazons, Attic Amazonomachy • Antiope, role in the Attic Amazonomachy • Aphidna, Attica • Athens, Attica, • Attica • Heracles, in Attic vase painting • Mother of the Gods, in Attic drama • Pan, cult in Attica • Seven against Thebes, burial place in Attica • festivals, Attic abundance of
Found in books: Barbato (2020), The Ideology of Democratic Athens: Institutions, Orators and the Mythical Past, 115, 146, 184; Edmunds (2021), Greek Myth, 25; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 274; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 96; Lupu (2005), Greek Sacred Law: A Collection of New Documents (NGSL) 173; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 311; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 255; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 160; Rutter and Sparkes (2012), Word and Image in Ancient Greece, 66
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1.60 μετὰ δὲ οὐ πολλὸν χρόνον τὠυτὸ φρονήσαντες οἵ τε τοῦ Μεγακλέος στασιῶται καὶ οἱ τοῦ Λυκούργου ἐξελαύνουσί μιν. οὕτω μὲν Πεισίστρατος ἔσχε τὸ πρῶτον Ἀθήνας, καὶ τὴν τυραννίδα οὔκω κάρτα ἐρριζωμένην ἔχων ἀπέβαλε. οἳ δὲ ἐξελάσαντες Πεισίστρατον αὖτις ἐκ νέης ἐπʼ ἀλλήλοισι ἐστασίασαν. περιελαυνόμενος δὲ τῇ στάσι ὁ Μεγακλέης ἐπεκηρυκεύετο Πεισιστράτῳ, εἰ βούλοιτό οἱ τὴν θυγατέρα ἔχειν γυναῖκα ἐπὶ τῇ τυραννίδι. ἐνδεξαμένου δὲ τὸν λόγον καὶ ὁμολογήσαντος ἐπὶ τούτοισι Πεισιστράτου, μηχανῶνται δὴ ἐπὶ τῇ κατόδῳ πρῆγμα εὐηθέστατον, ὡς ἐγὼ εὑρίσκω, μακρῷ, ἐπεί γε ἀπεκρίθη ἐκ παλαιτέρου τοῦ βαρβάρου ἔθνεος τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν ἐὸν καὶ δεξιώτερον καὶ εὐηθείης ἠλιθίου ἀπηλλαγμένον μᾶλλον, εἰ καὶ τότε γε οὗτοι ἐν Ἀθηναίοισι τοῖσι πρώτοισι λεγομένοισι εἶναι Ἑλλήνων σοφίην μηχανῶνται τοιάδε. ἐν τῷ δήμῳ τῷ Παιανιέι ἦν γυνὴ τῇ οὔνομα ἦν Φύη, μέγαθος ἀπὸ τεσσέρων πηχέων ἀπολείπουσα τρεῖς δακτύλους καὶ ἄλλως εὐειδής· ταύτην τὴν γυναῖκα σκευάσαντες πανοπλίῃ, ἐς ἅρμα ἐσβιβάσαντες καὶ προδέξαντες σχῆμα οἷόν τι ἔμελλε εὐπρεπέστατον φανέεσθαι ἔχουσα, ἤλαυνον ἐς τὸ ἄστυ, προδρόμους κήρυκας προπέμψαντες· οἳ τὰ ἐντεταλμένα ἠγόρευον ἀπικόμενοι ἐς τὸ ἄστυ, λέγοντες τοιάδε· “ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, δέκεσθε ἀγαθῷ νόῳ Πεισίστρατον, τὸν αὐτὴ ἡ Ἀηθναίη τιμήσασα ἀνθρώπων μάλιστα κατάγει ἐς τὴν ἑωυτῆς ἀκρόπολιν.” οἳ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα διαφοιτέοντες ἔλεγον· αὐτίκα δὲ ἔς τε τοὺς δήμους φάτις ἀπίκετο ὡς Ἀθηναίη Πεισίστρατον κατάγει, καὶ οἱ ἐν τῷ ἄστεϊ πειθόμενοι τὴν γυναῖκα εἶναι αὐτὴν τὴν θεὸν προσεύχοντό τε τὴν ἄνθρωπον καὶ ἐδέκοντο Πεισίστρατον.
1.148 τὸ δὲ Πανιώνιον ἐστὶ τῆς Μυκάλης χῶρος ἱρὸς πρὸς ἄρκτον τετραμμένος, κοινῇ ἐξαραιρημένος ὑπὸ Ἰώνων Ποσειδέωνι Ἑλικωνίῳ. ἡ δὲ Μυκάλη ἐστὶ τῆς ἠπείρου ἄκρη πρὸς ζέφυρον ἄνεμον κατήκουσα Σάμῳ καταντίον, ἐς τὴν συλλεγόμενοι ἀπὸ τῶν πολίων Ἴωνες ἄγεσκον ὁρτὴν τῇ ἔθεντο οὔνομα Πανιώνια. πεπόνθασι δὲ οὔτι μοῦναι αἱ Ἰώνων ὁρταὶ τοῦτο, ἀλλὰ καὶ Ἑλλήνων πάντων ὁμοίως πᾶσαι ἐς τὠυτὸ γράμμα τελευτῶσι, κατά περ τῶν Περσέων τὰ οὐνόματα. 1
6.105 καὶ πρῶτα μὲν ἐόντες ἔτι ἐν τῷ ἄστεϊ οἱ στρατηγοὶ ἀποπέμπουσι ἐς Σπάρτην κήρυκα Φειδιππίδην Ἀθηναῖον μὲν ἄνδρα, ἄλλως δὲ ἡμεροδρόμην τε καὶ τοῦτο μελετῶντα· τῷ δή, ὡς αὐτός τε ἔλεγε Φειδιππίδης καὶ Ἀθηναίοισι ἀπήγγελλε, περὶ τὸ Παρθένιον ὄρος τὸ ὑπὲρ Τεγέης ὁ Πὰν περιπίπτει· βώσαντα δὲ τὸ οὔνομα τοῦ Φειδιππίδεω τὸν Πᾶνα Ἀθηναίοισι κελεῦσαι ἀπαγγεῖλαι, διʼ ὅ τι ἑωυτοῦ οὐδεμίαν ἐπιμελείην ποιεῦνται ἐόντος εὐνόου Ἀθηναίοισι καὶ πολλαχῇ γενομένου σφι ἤδη χρησίμου, τὰ δʼ ἔτι καὶ ἐσομένου. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι, καταστάντων σφι εὖ ἤδη τῶν πρηγμάτων, πιστεύσαντες εἶναι ἀληθέα ἱδρύσαντο ὑπὸ τῇ ἀκροπόλι Πανὸς ἱρόν, καὶ αὐτὸν ἀπὸ ταύτης τῆς ἀγγελίης θυσίῃσι ἐπετείοισι καὶ λαμπάδι ἱλάσκονται.' 9.73 Ἀθηναίων δὲ λέγεται εὐδοκιμῆσαι Σωφάνης ὁ Εὐτυχίδεω, ἐκ δήμου Δεκελεῆθεν, Δεκελέων δὲ τῶν κοτὲ ἐργασαμένων ἔργον χρήσιμον ἐς τὸν πάντα χρόνον, ὡς αὐτοὶ Ἀθηναῖοι λέγουσι. ὡς γὰρ δὴ τὸ πάλαι κατὰ Ἑλένης κομιδὴν Τυνδαρίδαι ἐσέβαλον ἐς γῆν τὴν Ἀττικὴν σὺν στρατοῦ πλήθεϊ καὶ ἀνίστασαν τοὺς δήμους, οὐκ εἰδότες ἵνα ὑπεξέκειτο ἡ Ἑλένη, τότε λέγουσι τοὺς Δεκελέας, οἳ δὲ αὐτὸν Δέκελον ἀχθόμενόν τε τῇ Θησέος ὕβρι καὶ δειμαίνοντα περὶ πάσῃ τῇ Ἀθηναίων χώρῃ, ἐξηγησάμενόν σφι τὸ πᾶν πρῆγμα κατηγήσασθαι ἐπὶ τὰς Ἀφίδνας, τὰς δὴ Τιτακὸς ἐὼν αὐτόχθων καταπροδιδοῖ Τυνδαρίδῃσι. τοῖσι δὲ Δεκελεῦσι ἐν Σπάρτῃ ἀπὸ τούτου τοῦ ἔργου ἀτελείη τε καὶ προεδρίη διατελέει ἐς τόδε αἰεὶ ἔτι ἐοῦσα, οὕτω ὥστε καὶ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον τὸν ὕστερον πολλοῖσι ἔτεσι τούτων γενόμενον Ἀθηναίοισί τε καὶ Πελοποννησίοισι, σινομένων τὴν ἄλλην Ἀττικὴν Λακεδαιμονίων, Δεκελέης ἀπέχεσθαι.'' None | sup>
1.60 But after a short time the partisans of Megacles and of Lycurgus made common cause and drove him out. In this way Pisistratus first got Athens and, as he had a sovereignty that was not yet firmly rooted, lost it. Presently his enemies who together had driven him out began to feud once more. ,Then Megacles, harassed by factional strife, sent a message to Pisistratus offering him his daughter to marry and the sovereign power besides. ,When this offer was accepted by Pisistratus, who agreed on these terms with Megacles, they devised a plan to bring Pisistratus back which, to my mind, was so exceptionally foolish that it is strange (since from old times the Hellenic stock has always been distinguished from foreign by its greater cleverness and its freedom from silly foolishness) that these men should devise such a plan to deceive Athenians, said to be the subtlest of the Greeks. ,There was in the Paeanian deme a woman called Phya, three fingers short of six feet, four inches in height, and otherwise, too, well-formed. This woman they equipped in full armor and put in a chariot, giving her all the paraphernalia to make the most impressive spectacle, and so drove into the city; heralds ran before them, and when they came into town proclaimed as they were instructed: ,“Athenians, give a hearty welcome to Pisistratus, whom Athena herself honors above all men and is bringing back to her own acropolis.” So the heralds went about proclaiming this; and immediately the report spread in the demes that Athena was bringing Pisistratus back, and the townsfolk, believing that the woman was the goddess herself, worshipped this human creature and welcomed Pisistratus.
1.148 The Panionion is a sacred ground in Mykale, facing north; it was set apart for Poseidon of Helicon by the joint will of the Ionians. Mykale is a western promontory of the mainland opposite Samos ; the Ionians used to assemble there from their cities and keep the festival to which they gave the name of
6.105 While still in the city, the generals first sent to Sparta the herald Philippides, an Athenian and a long-distance runner who made that his calling. As Philippides himself said when he brought the message to the Athenians, when he was in the Parthenian mountain above Tegea he encountered Pan. ,Pan called out Philippides' name and bade him ask the Athenians why they paid him no attention, though he was of goodwill to the Athenians, had often been of service to them, and would be in the future. ,The Athenians believed that these things were true, and when they became prosperous they established a sacred precinct of Pan beneath the Acropolis. Ever since that message they propitiate him with annual sacrifices and a torch-race. " 9.27.3 Furthermore, when the Argives who had marched with Polynices against Thebes had there made an end of their lives and lay unburied, know that we sent our army against the Cadmeans and recovered the dead and buried them in Eleusis. 9.27.4 We also have on record our great victory against the Amazons, who once came from the river Thermodon and broke into Attica, and in the hard days of Troy we were second to none. But since it is useless to recall these matters—for those who were previously valiant may now be of lesser mettle, and those who lacked mettle then may be better men now—
9.73 of the Athenians, Sophanes son of Eutychides is said to have won renown, a man from the town of Decelea, whose people once did a deed that was of eternal value, as the Athenians themselves say. ,For in the past when the sons of Tyndarus were trying to recover Helen, after breaking into Attica with a great host, they turned the towns upside down because they did not know where Helen had been hidden, then (it is said) the Deceleans (and, as some say, Decelus himself, because he was angered by the pride of Theseus and feared for the whole land of Attica) revealed the whole matter to the sons of Tyndarus, and guided them to Aphidnae, which Titacus, one of the autochthonoi, handed over to to the Tyndaridae. ,For that deed the Deceleans have always had and still have freedom at Sparta from all dues and chief places at feasts. In fact, even as recently as the war which was waged many years after this time between the Athenians and Peloponnesians, the Lacedaemonians laid no hand on Decelea when they harried the rest of Attica.'' None |
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4. Plato, Timaeus, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticus • Atticus (Middle Platonist) • Atticus, on interpreting Plato
Found in books: Erler et al. (2021), Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition, 144; Fowler (2014), Plato in the Third Sophistic, 268, 269; Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 132, 134; Marmodoro and Prince (2015), Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity, 38, 39; Osborne (2001), Irenaeus of Lyons, 70; d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 102
| 28b οὕτως ἀποτελεῖσθαι πᾶν· οὗ δʼ ἂν εἰς γεγονός, γεννητῷ παραδείγματι προσχρώμενος, οὐ καλόν. ὁ δὴ πᾶς οὐρανὸς —ἢ κόσμος ἢ καὶ ἄλλο ὅτι ποτὲ ὀνομαζόμενος μάλιστʼ ἂν δέχοιτο, τοῦθʼ ἡμῖν ὠνομάσθω—σκεπτέον δʼ οὖν περὶ αὐτοῦ πρῶτον, ὅπερ ὑπόκειται περὶ παντὸς ἐν ἀρχῇ δεῖν σκοπεῖν, πότερον ἦν ἀεί, γενέσεως ἀρχὴν ἔχων οὐδεμίαν, ἢ γέγονεν, ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς τινος ἀρξάμενος. γέγονεν· ὁρατὸς γὰρ ἁπτός τέ ἐστιν καὶ σῶμα ἔχων, πάντα δὲ τὰ τοιαῦτα αἰσθητά, τὰ' 29e τόδε ὁ συνιστὰς συνέστησεν. ἀγαθὸς ἦν, ἀγαθῷ δὲ οὐδεὶς περὶ οὐδενὸς οὐδέποτε ἐγγίγνεται φθόνος· τούτου δʼ ἐκτὸς ὢν πάντα ὅτι μάλιστα ἐβουλήθη γενέσθαι παραπλήσια ἑαυτῷ. ΤΙ. ταύτην δὴ γενέσεως καὶ κόσμου μάλιστʼ ἄν τις ἀρχὴν κυριωτάτην ' None | 28b be beautiful; but whenever he gazes at that which has come into existence and uses a created model, the object thus executed is not beautiful. Now the whole Heaven, or Cosmos, or if there is any other name which it specially prefers, by that let us call it,—so, be its name what it may, we must first investigate concerning it that primary question which has to be investigated at the outset in every case,—namely, whether it has existed always, having no beginning of generation, or whether it has come into existence, having begun from some beginning. It has come into existence; for it is visible and tangible and possessed of a body; and all such things are sensible' 29e constructed Becoming and the All. He was good, and in him that is good no envy ariseth ever concerning anything; and being devoid of envy He desired that all should be, so far as possible, like unto Himself. Tim. This principle, then, we shall be wholly right in accepting from men of wisdom as being above all the supreme originating principle of Becoming and the Cosmos. ' None |
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5. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 2.15.2, 2.37.1, 4.89 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Amphiaraos, and Attic-Boiotian relations • Atticism • Thespiai, atticizing • ceramics, Attic painted • martyria (of strife for Attica) • strife (for Attica) • synoecism of Attica
Found in books: Bierl (2017), Time and Space in Ancient Myth, Religion and Culture, 189; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 220; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 389; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 220; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 149, 233; Sweeney (2013), Foundation Myths and Politics in Ancient Ionia, 13; Wilding (2022), Reinventing the Amphiareion at Oropos, 36
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2.15.2 ἐπειδὴ δὲ Θησεὺς ἐβασίλευσε, γενόμενος μετὰ τοῦ ξυνετοῦ καὶ δυνατὸς τά τε ἄλλα διεκόσμησε τὴν χώραν καὶ καταλύσας τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων τά τε βουλευτήρια καὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐς τὴν νῦν πόλιν οὖσαν, ἓν βουλευτήριον ἀποδείξας καὶ πρυτανεῖον, ξυνῴκισε πάντας, καὶ νεμομένους τὰ αὑτῶν ἑκάστους ἅπερ καὶ πρὸ τοῦ ἠνάγκασε μιᾷ πόλει ταύτῃ χρῆσθαι, ἣ ἁπάντων ἤδη ξυντελούντων ἐς αὐτὴν μεγάλη γενομένη παρεδόθη ὑπὸ Θησέως τοῖς ἔπειτα: καὶ ξυνοίκια ἐξ ἐκείνου Ἀθηναῖοι ἔτι καὶ νῦν τῇ θεῷ ἑορτὴν δημοτελῆ ποιοῦσιν.
2.37.1 ‘χρώμεθα γὰρ πολιτείᾳ οὐ ζηλούσῃ τοὺς τῶν πέλας νόμους, παράδειγμα δὲ μᾶλλον αὐτοὶ ὄντες τισὶν ἢ μιμούμενοι ἑτέρους. καὶ ὄνομα μὲν διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐς ὀλίγους ἀλλ’ ἐς πλείονας οἰκεῖν δημοκρατία κέκληται: μέτεστι δὲ κατὰ μὲν τοὺς νόμους πρὸς τὰ ἴδια διάφορα πᾶσι τὸ ἴσον, κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἀξίωσιν, ὡς ἕκαστος ἔν τῳ εὐδοκιμεῖ, οὐκ ἀπὸ μέρους τὸ πλέον ἐς τὰ κοινὰ ἢ ἀπ’ ἀρετῆς προτιμᾶται, οὐδ’ αὖ κατὰ πενίαν, ἔχων γέ τι ἀγαθὸν δρᾶσαι τὴν πόλιν, ἀξιώματος ἀφανείᾳ κεκώλυται.' ' None | sup>
2.15.2 In Theseus, however, they had a king of equal intelligence and power; and one of the chief features in his organization of the country was to abolish the council chambers and magistrates of the petty cities, and to merge them in the single council-chamber and town-hall of the present capital. Individuals might still enjoy their private property just as before, but they were henceforth compelled to have only one political center, viz. Athens ; which thus counted all the inhabitants of Attica among her citizens, so that when Theseus died he left a great state behind him. Indeed, from him dates the Synoecia, or Feast of Union; which is paid for by the state, and which the Athenians still keep in honor of the goddess.
2.37.1 Our constitution does not copy the laws of neighboring states; we are rather a pattern to others than imitators ourselves. Its administration favors the many instead of the few; this is why it is called a democracy. If we look to the laws, they afford equal justice to all in their private differences; if to social standing, advancement in public life falls to reputation for capacity, class considerations not being allowed to interfere with merit; nor again does poverty bar the way, if a man is able to serve the state, he is not hindered by the obscurity of his condition. ' ' None |
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6. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Attica • comedy, Attic and Athenian religion
Found in books: Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 96; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 149, 150
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7. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Attica • Attica, Attic • comedy, Attic and Athenian religion
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 381; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 33; Lipka (2021), Epiphanies and Dreams in Greek Polytheism: Textual Genres and 'Reality' from Homer to Heliodorus, 125; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 148
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8. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Athens, Attica, • Attica
Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 188, 189; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 307; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 43
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9. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Attica • festivals, Attic common to Athens and demes • festivals, Attic confined to demes
Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 531; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 75
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10. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticism
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 220; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 220
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11. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticus
Found in books: Corrigan and Rasimus (2013), Gnosticism, Platonism and the Late Ancient World, 280; Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 134
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12. Aeschines, Letters, 3.182 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Attic oratory • oratory, Attic,
Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 344; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 218, 220
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3.182 But, by the Olympian gods, I think one ought not to name those men on the same day with this monster! Now let Demosthenes show if anywhere stands written an order to crown any one of those men. Was the democracy, then, ungrateful? No, but noble-minded, and those men were worthy of their city. For they thought that their honor should be conferred, not in written words, but in the memory of those whom they had served; and from that time until this day it abides, immortal. But what rewards they did receive, it is well to recall.'' None |
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13. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Attic oratory • Boeotian raids on Attica • oratory, Attic,
Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 358, 360; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 211, 213; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 79
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14. Cicero, On Divination, 2.1-2.4, 2.72-2.74 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticus • Atticus T. Pomponius • Atticus, Titus Pomponius • Pomponius Atticus, T.
Found in books: Gilbert, Graver and McConnell (2023), Power and Persuasion in Cicero's Philosophy. 49; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 80; Rosa and Santangelo (2020), Cicero and Roman Religion: Eight Studies, 38; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 27; Wynne (2019), Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage, 25
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2.1 Quaerenti mihi multumque et diu cogitanti, quanam re possem prodesse quam plurimis, ne quando intermitterem consulere rei publicae, nulla maior occurrebat, quam si optimarum artium vias traderem meis civibus; quod conpluribus iam libris me arbitror consecutum. Nam et cohortati sumus, ut maxime potuimus, ad philosophiae studium eo libro, qui est inscriptus Hortensius, et, quod genus philosophandi minime adrogans maximeque et constans et elegans arbitraremur, quattuor Academicis libris ostendimus. 2.2 Cumque fundamentum esset philosophiae positum in finibus bonorum et malorum, perpurgatus est is locus a nobis quinque libris, ut, quid a quoque, et quid contra quemque philosophum diceretur, intellegi posset. Totidem subsecuti libri Tusculanarum disputationum res ad beate vivendum maxime necessarias aperuerunt. Primus enim est de contemnenda morte, secundus de tolerando dolore, de aegritudine lenienda tertius, quartus de reliquis animi perturbationibus, quintus eum locum conplexus est, qui totam philosophiam maxime inlustrat; docet enim ad beate vivendum virtutem se ipsa esse contentam. 2.3 Quibus rebus editis tres libri perfecti sunt de natura deorum, in quibus omnis eius loci quaestio continetur. Quae ut plane esset cumulateque perfecta, de divinatione ingressi sumus his libris scribere; quibus, ut est in animo, de fato si adiunxerimus, erit abunde satis factum toti huic quaestioni. Atque his libris adnumerandi sunt sex de re publica, quos tum scripsimus, cum gubernacula rei publicae tenebamus. Magnus locus philosophiaeque proprius a Platone, Aristotele, Theophrasto totaque Peripateticorum familia tractatus uberrime. Nam quid ego de Consolatione dicam? quae mihi quidem ipsi sane aliquantum medetur, ceteris item multum illam profuturam puto. Interiectus est etiam nuper liber is, quem ad nostrum Atticum de senectute misimus; in primisque, quoniam philosophia vir bonus efficitur et fortis, Cato noster in horum librorum numero ponendus est. 2.4 Cumque Aristoteles itemque Theophrastus, excellentes viri cum subtilitate, tum copia, cum philosophia dicendi etiam praecepta coniunxerint, nostri quoque oratorii libri in eundem librorum numerum referendi videntur. Ita tres erunt de oratore, quartus Brutus, quintus orator. Adhuc haec erant; ad reliqua alacri tendebamus animo sic parati, ut, nisi quae causa gravior obstitisset, nullum philosophiae locum esse pateremur, qui non Latinis litteris inlustratus pateret. Quod enim munus rei publicae adferre maius meliusve possumus, quam si docemus atque erudimus iuventutem? his praesertim moribus atque temporibus, quibus ita prolapsa est, ut omnium opibus refreda atque coe+rcenda sit.
2.72 Hoc intellegere perfecti auguris est; illi autem, qui in auspicium adhibetur, cum ita imperavit is, qui auspicatur: dicito, si silentium esse videbitur, nec suspicit nec circumspicit; statim respondet silentium esse videri. Tum ille: dicito, si pascentur .— Pascuntur .— Quae aves? aut ubi? Attulit, inquit, in cavea pullos is, qui ex eo ipso nominatur pullarius. Haec sunt igitur aves internuntiae Iovis! quae pascantur necne, quid refert? Nihil ad auspicia; sed quia, cum pascuntur, necesse est aliquid ex ore cadere et terram pavire (terripavium primo, post terripudium dictum est; hoc quidem iam tripudium dicitur)—cum igitur offa cecidit ex ore pulli, tum auspicanti tripudium solistimum nuntiatur. 2.73 Ergo hoc auspicium divini quicquam habere potest, quod tam sit coactum et expressum? Quo antiquissumos augures non esse usos argumento est, quod decretum collegii vetus habemus omnem avem tripudium facere posse. Tum igitur esset auspicium (si modo esset ei liberum) se ostendisse; tum avis illa videri posset interpres et satelles Iovis; nunc vero inclusa in cavea et fame enecta si in offam pultis invadit, et si aliquid ex eius ore cecidit, hoc tu auspicium aut hoc modo Romulum auspicari solitum putas? 2.74 Iam de caelo servare non ipsos censes solitos, qui auspicabantur? Nunc imperant pullario; ille renuntiat. Fulmen sinistrum auspicium optumum habemus ad omnis res praeterquam ad comitia; quod quidem institutum rei publicae causa est, ut comitiorum vel in iudiciis populi vel in iure legum vel in creandis magistratibus principes civitatis essent interpretes. At Ti. Gracchi litteris Scipio et Figulus consules, cum augures iudicassent eos vitio creatos esse, magistratu se abdicaverunt. Quis negat augurum disciplinam esse? divinationem nego. At haruspices divini; quos cum Ti. Gracchus propter mortem repentinam eius, qui in praerogativa referenda subito concidisset, in senatum introduxisset, non iustum rogatorem fuisse dixerunt.' ' None | sup>
2.1 Book IIAfter serious and long continued reflection as to how I might do good to as many people as possible and thereby prevent any interruption of my service to the State, no better plan occurred to me than to conduct my fellow-citizens in the ways of the noblest learning — and this, I believe, I have already accomplished through my numerous books. For example, in my work entitled Hortensius, I appealed as earnestly as I could for the study of philosophy. And in my Academics, in four volumes, I set forth the philosophic system which I thought least arrogant, and at the same time most consistent and refined.
2.1 The same rule applies in literature and in other departments of learning. And do you really believe that those who are credited with powers of divining, can, for that reason, tell whether the sun is larger than the earth, and whether it is as big as it seems to be? Or whether the moon shines by its own light or by that of the sun? Or do you think that they understand the motions of the sun and moon and of the five stars, which are called planets? Your reputed diviners do not claim that they can answer any of these questions; nor will they profess to tell whether geometrical figures are correctly drawn or not, for that is the business of mathematicians, not of seers.4 Now let us consider matters within the purview of philosophy: When the question is as to what is morally right, or morally wrong, or as to what is neither the one nor the other, do we usually have our doubts resolved by diviners? In fact, do we often consult them in such a case?
2.1 There remain the two kinds of divination which we are said to derive from nature and not from art — vaticination and dreams, — these, my dear Quintus, if agreeable to you, let us now discuss.Delighted, I assure you, said he, for I am in entire accord with the views which you have so far expressed. To be quite frank, your argument has merely strengthened the opinion which I already had, for my own reasoning had convinced me that the Stoic view of divination smacked too much of superstition. I was more impressed by the reasoning of the Peripatetics, of Dicaearchus, of ancient times, and of Cratippus, who still flourishes. According to their opinion there is within the human soul some sort of power — oracular, I might call it — by which the future is foreseen when the soul is inspired by a divine frenzy, or when it is released by sleep and is free to move at will. I should like very much to learn your views of these two classes of divination and by what arguments you disprove them. 49 2.2 And, since the foundation of philosophy rests on the distinction between good and evil, I exhaustively treated that subject in five volumes and in such a way that the conflicting views of the different philosophers might be known. Next, and in the same number of volumes, came the Tusculan Disputations, which made plain the means most essential to a happy life. For the first volume treats of indifference to death, the second of enduring pain, the third of the alleviation of sorrow, the fourth of other spiritual disturbances; and the fifth embraces a topic which sheds the brightest light on the entire field of philosophy since it teaches that virtue is sufficient of itself for the attainment of happiness. 2.2 of what advantage to me is divination if everything is ruled by Fate? On that hypothesis what the diviner predicts is bound to happen. Hence I do not know what to make of the fact that an eagle recalled our intimate friend Deiotarus from his journey; for if he had not turned back he must have been sleeping in the room when it was destroyed the following night, and, therefore, have been crushed in the ruins. And yet, if Fate had willed it, he would not have escaped that calamity; and vice versa. Hence, I repeat, what is the good of divination? Or what is it that lots, entrails, or any other means of prophecy warn me to avoid? For, if it was the will of Fate that the Roman fleets in the First Punic War should perish — the one by shipwreck and the other at the hands of the Carthaginians — they would have perished just the same even if the sacred chickens had made a tripudium solistimum in the consulship of Lucius Junius and Publius Claudius! On the other hand, if obedience to the auspices would have prevented the destruction of the fleets, then they did not perish in accordance with Fate. But you insist that all things happen by Fate; therefore there is no such thing as divination. 2.3 After publishing the works mentioned I finished three volumes On the Nature of the Gods, which contain a discussion of every question under that head. With a view of simplifying and extending the latter treatise I started to write the present volume On Divination, to which I plan to add a work on Fate; when that is done every phase of this particular branch of philosophy will be sufficiently discussed. To this list of works must be added the six volumes which I wrote while holding the helm of state, entitled On the Republic — a weighty subject, appropriate for philosophic discussion, and one which has been most elaborately treated by Plato, Aristotle, Theophrastus, and the entire peripatetic school. What need is there to say anything of my treatise On Consolation? For it is the source of very great comfort to me and will, I think, be of much help to others. I have also recently thrown in that book On Old Age, which I sent my friend Atticus; and, since it is by philosophy that a man is made virtuous and strong, my Cato is especially worthy of a place among the foregoing books. 2.3 Nevertheless Democritus jests rather prettily for a natural philosopher — and there is no more arrogant class — when he says:No one regards the things before his feet,But views with care the regions of the sky.And yet Democritus gives his approval to divination by means of entrails only to the extent of believing that their condition and colour indicate whether hay and other crops will be abundant or the reverse, and he even thinks that the entrails give signs of future health or sickness. O happy mortal! He never failed to have his joke — that is absolutely certain. But was he so amused with petty trifles as to fail to see that his theory would be plausible only on the assumption that the entrails of all cattle changed to the same colour and condition at the same time? But if at the same instant the liver of one ox is smooth and full and that of another is rough and shrunken, what inference can be drawn from the condition and colour of the entrails? 2.4 And they can laugh with the better grace because Epicurus, to make the gods ridiculous, represents them as transparent, with the winds blowing through them, and living between two worlds (as if between our two groves) from fear of the downfall. He further says that the gods have limbs just as we have, but make no use of them. Hence, while he takes a roundabout way to destroy the gods, he does not hesitate to take a short road to destroy divination. At any rate Epicurus is consistent, but the Stoics are not; for his god, who has no concern for himself or for anybody else, cannot impart divination to men. And neither can your Stoic god impart divination, although he rules the world and plans for the good of mankind. 2.4 Inasmuch as Aristotle and Theophrastus, too, both of whom were celebrated for their keenness of intellect and particularly for their copiousness of speech, have joined rhetoric with philosophy, it seems proper also to put my rhetorical books in the same category; hence we shall include the three volumes On Oratory, the fourth entitled Brutus, and the fifth called The Orator.2 I have named the philosophic works so far written: to the completion of the remaining books of this series I was hastening with so much ardour that if some most grievous cause had not intervened there would not now be any phase of philosophy which I had failed to elucidate and make easily accessible in the Latin tongue. For what greater or better service can I render to the commonwealth than to instruct and train the youth — especially in view of the fact that our young men have gone so far astray because of the present moral laxity that the utmost effort will be needed to hold them in check and direct them in the right way?
2.72 To understand that belongs to a perfect augur.) After the celebrant has said to his assistant, Tell me when silence appears to exist, the latter, without looking up or about him, immediately replies, Silence appears to exist. Then the celebrant says, Tell me when the chickens begin to eat. They are eating now, is the answer. But what are these birds they are talking about, and where are they? Someone replies, Its poultry. Its in a cage and the person who brought it is called a poulterer, because of his business. These, then, are the messengers of Jove! What difference does it make whether they eat or not? None, so far as the auspices are concerned. But, because of the fact that, while they eat, some food must necessarily fall from their mouths and strike upon the ground (terram pavire), — this at first was called terripavium, and later, terripudium; now it is called tripudium — therefore, when a crumb of food falls from a chickens mouth a tripudium solistimum is announced to the celebrant. 35 2.73 Then, how can there be anything divine about an auspice so forced and so extorted? That such a practice did not prevail with the augurs of ancient times is proven by an old ruling of our college which says, Any bird may make a tripudium. There might be an auspice if the bird were free to show itself outside its cage. In that case it might be called the interpreter and satellite of Jove. But now, when shut up inside a cage and tortured by hunger, if it seizes greedily upon its morsel of pottage and something falls from its mouth, do you consider that is an auspice? Or do you believe that this was the way in which Romulus used to take the auspices? 2.74 Again, do you not think that formerly it was the habit of the celebrants themselves to make observation of the heavens? Now they order the poulterer, and he gives responses! We regard lightning on the left as a most favourable omen for everything except for an election, and this exception was made, no doubt, from reasons of political expediency so that the rulers of the State would be the judges of the regularity of an election, whether held to pass judgements in criminal cases, or to enact laws, or to elect magistrates.The consuls, Scipio and Figulus, you say, resigned their office when the augurs rendered a decision based on a letter written by Tiberius Gracchus, to the effect that those consuls had not been elected according to augural law. Who denies that augury is an art? What I deny is the existence of divination. But you say: Soothsayers have the power of divination; and you mention the fact that, on account of the unexpected death of the person who had suddenly fallen while bringing in the report of the vote of the prerogative century, Tiberius Gracchus introduced the soothsayers into the Senate and they declared that the president had violated augural law.'' None |
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15. Cicero, De Finibus, 3.74, 5.1, 5.1.1-5.1.3, 5.2.4-5.2.5, 5.3-5.4 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticism • Atticus • Atticus (Middle Platonist) • Atticus, • Pomponius Atticus, T., admires Epicurus • Pomponius Atticus, T., admires Pythagoras • Pomponius Atticus, T., and Athens • Pomponius Atticus, T., visits Metapontum • Pomponius Atticus, Titus
Found in books: Atkins (2021), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy 13; Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 132; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 213, 214, 215, 216, 226; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 213, 214, 215, 216, 226; Motta and Petrucci (2022), Isagogical Crossroads from the Early Imperial Age to the End of Antiquity, 34; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 128; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
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3.74 \xa0"However I\xa0begin to perceive that I\xa0have let myself be carried beyond the requirements of the plan that I\xa0set before me. The fact is that I\xa0have been led on by the marvellous structure of the Stoic system and the miraculous sequence of its topics; pray tell me seriously, does it not fill you with admiration? Nothing is more finished, more nicely ordered, than nature; but what has nature, what have the products of handicraft to show that is so well constructed, so firmly jointed and welded into one? Where do you find a conclusion inconsistent with its premise, or a discrepancy between an earlier and a later statement? Where is lacking such close interconnexion of the parts that, if you alter a single letter, you shake the whole structure? Though indeed there is nothing that it would be possible to alter. <' "
5.1.3 \xa0My dear Brutus, â\x80\x94 Once I\xa0had been attending a lecture of Antiochus, as I\xa0was in the habit of doing, with Marcus Piso, in the building called the School of Ptolemy; and with us were my brother Quintus, Titus Pomponius, and Lucius Cicero, whom I\xa0loved as a brother but who was really my first cousin. We arranged to take our afternoon stroll in the Academy, chiefly because the place would be quiet and deserted at that hour of the day. Accordingly at the time appointed we met at our rendezvous, Piso's lodgings, and starting out beguiled with conversation on various subjects the three-quarters of a\xa0mile from the Dipylon Gate. When we reached the walks of the Academy, which are so deservedly famous, we had them entirely to ourselves, as we had hoped. <" 5.1 \xa0My dear Brutus, â\x80\x94 Once I\xa0had been attending a lecture of Antiochus, as I\xa0was in the habit of doing, with Marcus Piso, in the building called the School of Ptolemy; and with us were my brother Quintus, Titus Pomponius, and Lucius Cicero, whom I\xa0loved as a brother but who was really my first cousin. We arranged to take our afternoon stroll in the Academy, chiefly because the place would be quiet and deserted at that hour of the day. Accordingly at the time appointed we met at our rendezvous, Piso's lodgings, and starting out beguiled with conversation on various subjects the three-quarters of a\xa0mile from the Dipylon Gate. When we reached the walks of the Academy, which are so deservedly famous, we had them entirely to ourselves, as we had hoped. <" "
5.2.4 \xa0Thereupon Piso remarked: "Whether it is a natural instinct or a mere illusion, I\xa0can\'t say; but one\'s emotions are more strongly aroused by seeing the places that tradition records to have been the favourite resort of men of note in former days, than by hearing about their deeds or reading their writings. My own feelings at the present moment are a case in point. I\xa0am reminded of Plato, the first philosopher, so we are told, that made a practice of holding discussions in this place; and indeed the garden close at hand yonder not only recalls his memory but seems to bring the actual man before my eyes. This was the haunt of Speusippus, of Xenocrates, and of Xenocrates\' pupil Polemo, who used to sit on the very seat we see over there. For my own part even the sight of our senate-house at home (I\xa0mean the Curia Hostilia, not the present new building, which looks to my eyes smaller since its enlargement) used to call up to me thoughts of Scipio, Cato, Laelius, and chief of all, my grandfather; such powers of suggestion do places possess. No wonder the scientific training of the memory is based upon locality." <
5.3 \xa0"Perfectly true, Piso," rejoined Quintus. "I\xa0myself on the way here just now noticed yonder village of Colonus, and it brought to my imagination Sophocles who resided there, and who is as you know my great admiration and delight. Indeed my memory took me further back; for I\xa0had a vision of Oedipus, advancing towards this very spot and asking in those most tender verses, \'What place is this?\' â\x80\x94 a\xa0mere fancy no doubt, yet still it affected me strongly." "For my part," said Pomponius, "you are fond of attacking me as a devotee of Epicurus, and I\xa0do spend much of my time with Phaedrus, who as you know is my dearest friend, in Epicurus\'s Gardens which we passed just now; but I\xa0obey the old saw: I\xa0\'think of those that are alive.\' Still I\xa0could not forget Epicurus, even if I\xa0wanted; the members of our body not only have pictures of him, but even have his likeness on their drinking-cups and rings." < 5.4 \xa0"As for our friend Pomponius," I\xa0interposed, "I\xa0believe he is joking; and no doubt he is a licensed wit, for he has so taken root in Athens that he is almost an Athenian; in fact I\xa0expect he will get the surname of Atticus! But I, Piso, agree with you; it is a common experience that places do strongly stimulate the imagination and vivify our ideas of famous men. You remember how I\xa0once came with you to Metapontum, and would not go to the house where we were to stay until I\xa0had seen the very place where Pythagoras breathed his last and the seat he sat in. All over Athens, I\xa0know, there are many reminders of eminent men in the actual place where they lived; but at the present moment it is that alcove over there which appeals to me, for not long ago it belonged to Carneades. I\xa0fancy I\xa0see him now (for his portrait is familiar), and I\xa0can imagine that the very place where he used to sit misses the sound of his voice, and mourns the loss of that mighty intellect." <'' None |
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16. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 3.74, 5.1-5.4, 5.1.1-5.1.3, 5.2.4-5.2.5, 5.22 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticism • Atticus • Atticus (Middle Platonist) • Atticus T. Pomponius • Atticus, • Pomponius Atticus, T., admires Epicurus • Pomponius Atticus, T., admires Pythagoras • Pomponius Atticus, T., and Athens • Pomponius Atticus, T., visits Metapontum • Pomponius Atticus, Titus
Found in books: Atkins (2021), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy 13; Fowler (2014), Plato in the Third Sophistic, 184; Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 132; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 213, 214, 215, 216, 226; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 213, 214, 215, 216, 226; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 30; Motta and Petrucci (2022), Isagogical Crossroads from the Early Imperial Age to the End of Antiquity, 34; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 128; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 85
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3.74 Sed iam sentio me esse longius provectum, quam proposita ratio postularet. verum admirabilis compositio disciplinae incredibilisque rerum me rerum me R me rerum BE rerum ANV traxit ordo; quem, per deos inmortales! nonne miraris? quid enim aut in natura, qua nihil est aptius, nihil descriptius, aut in operibus manu factis tam compositum tamque compactum et coagmentatum coagmentatum ed. princ. Colon. cocicmentatum A cociom tatū R coaugmentatum BEN coagumentatum V inveniri potest? quid posterius priori non convenit? quid sequitur, quod non respondeat superiori? quid non sic aliud ex alio nectitur, ut, si ut si ' aliquis apud Bentl. ' Mdv. ut non si ABERN aut non si V ullam litteram moveris, labent omnia? nec tamen quicquam est, quod quod BE quo moveri possit." 5.1 Cum audissem audivissem ER Antiochum, Brute, ut solebam, solebam Vict. solebat cum M. Pisone in eo gymnasio, quod Ptolomaeum vocatur, unaque nobiscum Q. frater et T. Pomponius Luciusque Cicero, frater noster cognatione patruelis, amore germanus, constituimus inter nos ut ambulationem postmeridianam conficeremus in Academia, maxime quod is locus ab omni turba id temporis vacuus esset. itaque ad tempus ad Pisonem omnes. inde sermone vario sex illa a Dipylo stadia confecimus. cum autem venissemus in Academiae non sine causa nobilitata spatia, solitudo erat ea, quam volueramus. 5.2 tum Piso: Naturane nobis hoc, inquit, datum dicam an errore quodam, ut, cum ea loca videamus, in quibus memoria dignos viros acceperimus multum esse versatos, magis moveamur, quam si quando eorum ipsorum aut facta audiamus aut scriptum aliquod aliquid R legamus? velut ego nunc moveor. venit enim mihi Platonis in mentem, quem accepimus primum hic disputare solitum; cuius etiam illi hortuli propinqui propinqui hortuli BE non memoriam solum mihi afferunt, sed ipsum videntur in conspectu meo ponere. hic Speusippus, hic Xenocrates, hic eius auditor Polemo, cuius illa ipsa sessio fuit, quam videmus. Equidem etiam curiam nostram—Hostiliam dico, non hanc novam, quae minor mihi esse esse mihi B videtur, posteaquam est maior—solebam intuens Scipionem, Catonem, Laelium, nostrum vero in primis avum cogitare; tanta vis admonitionis inest in locis; ut non sine causa ex iis memoriae ducta sit disciplina. 5.3 Tum Quintus: Est plane, Piso, ut dicis, inquit. nam me ipsum huc modo venientem convertebat ad sese Coloneus ille locus, locus lucus Valckenarius ad Callimach. p. 216 cf. Va. II p. 545 sqq. cuius incola Sophocles ob oculos versabatur, quem scis quam admirer quamque eo delecter. me quidem ad altiorem memoriam Oedipodis huc venientis et illo mollissimo carmine quaenam essent ipsa haec hec ipsa BE loca requirentis species quaedam commovit, iiter scilicet, sed commovit tamen. Tum Pomponius: At ego, quem vos ut deditum Epicuro insectari soletis, sum multum equidem cum Phaedro, quem unice diligo, ut scitis, in Epicuri hortis, quos modo praeteribamus, praeteribamus edd. praeteriebamus sed veteris proverbii admonitu vivorum memini, nec tamen Epicuri epicureum Non. licet oblivisci, si cupiam, cuius imaginem non modo in tabulis nostri familiares, sed etiam in poculis et in anulis nec tamen ... anulis habent Non. p. 70 anulis anellis Non. anelis R ambus anulis V habent. habebant Non. 5.4 Hic ego: Pomponius quidem, inquam, noster iocari videtur, et fortasse suo iure. ita enim se Athenis collocavit, ut sit paene unus ex Atticis, ut id etiam cognomen videatur habiturus. Ego autem tibi, Piso, assentior usu hoc venire, ut acrius aliquanto et attentius de claris viris locorum admonitu admonitum Non. cogitemus. ut acrius...cogitemus Non. p. 190, 191 scis enim me quodam tempore Metapontum venisse tecum neque ad hospitem ante devertisse, devertisse Lambini vetus cod. in marg. ed. rep. ; divertisse quam Pythagorae ipsum illum locum, ubi vitam ediderat, sedemque viderim. hoc autem tempore, etsi multa in omni parte Athenarum sunt in ipsis locis indicia summorum virorum, tamen ego illa moveor exhedra. modo enim fuit Carneadis, Carneadis Mdv. carneades quem videre videor—est enim nota imago—, a sedeque ipsa tanta tanti RN ingenii magnitudine orbata desiderari illam vocem puto.
5.22 nec vero alia sunt quaerenda contra Carneadeam illam sententiam. quocumque enim modo summum bonum sic exponitur, ut id vacet honestate, nec officia nec virtutes in ea ratione nec amicitiae constare possunt. coniunctio autem cum honestate vel voluptatis vel non dolendi id ipsum honestum, quod amplecti vult, id id ( post vult) om. RNV efficit turpe. ad eas enim res referre, quae agas, quarum una, si quis malo careat, in summo eum bono dicat esse, altera versetur in levissima parte naturae, obscurantis est omnem splendorem honestatis, ne dicam inquitis. Restant Stoici, qui cum a Peripateticis et Academicis omnia transtulissent, nominibus aliis easdem res secuti sunt. hos contra singulos dici est melius. sed nunc, quod quod quid BE quid (= quidem) R agimus;'" None | sup>
3.74 \xa0"However I\xa0begin to perceive that I\xa0have let myself be carried beyond the requirements of the plan that I\xa0set before me. The fact is that I\xa0have been led on by the marvellous structure of the Stoic system and the miraculous sequence of its topics; pray tell me seriously, does it not fill you with admiration? Nothing is more finished, more nicely ordered, than nature; but what has nature, what have the products of handicraft to show that is so well constructed, so firmly jointed and welded into one? Where do you find a conclusion inconsistent with its premise, or a discrepancy between an earlier and a later statement? Where is lacking such close interconnexion of the parts that, if you alter a single letter, you shake the whole structure? Though indeed there is nothing that it would be possible to alter. <' "
5.1.3 \xa0My dear Brutus, â\x80\x94 Once I\xa0had been attending a lecture of Antiochus, as I\xa0was in the habit of doing, with Marcus Piso, in the building called the School of Ptolemy; and with us were my brother Quintus, Titus Pomponius, and Lucius Cicero, whom I\xa0loved as a brother but who was really my first cousin. We arranged to take our afternoon stroll in the Academy, chiefly because the place would be quiet and deserted at that hour of the day. Accordingly at the time appointed we met at our rendezvous, Piso's lodgings, and starting out beguiled with conversation on various subjects the three-quarters of a\xa0mile from the Dipylon Gate. When we reached the walks of the Academy, which are so deservedly famous, we had them entirely to ourselves, as we had hoped. <" 5.1 \xa0My dear Brutus, â\x80\x94 Once I\xa0had been attending a lecture of Antiochus, as I\xa0was in the habit of doing, with Marcus Piso, in the building called the School of Ptolemy; and with us were my brother Quintus, Titus Pomponius, and Lucius Cicero, whom I\xa0loved as a brother but who was really my first cousin. We arranged to take our afternoon stroll in the Academy, chiefly because the place would be quiet and deserted at that hour of the day. Accordingly at the time appointed we met at our rendezvous, Piso's lodgings, and starting out beguiled with conversation on various subjects the three-quarters of a\xa0mile from the Dipylon Gate. When we reached the walks of the Academy, which are so deservedly famous, we had them entirely to ourselves, as we had hoped. <" "5.2 \xa0Thereupon Piso remarked: "Whether it is a natural instinct or a mere illusion, I\xa0can\'t say; but one\'s emotions are more strongly aroused by seeing the places that tradition records to have been the favourite resort of men of note in former days, than by hearing about their deeds or reading their writings. My own feelings at the present moment are a case in point. I\xa0am reminded of Plato, the first philosopher, so we are told, that made a practice of holding discussions in this place; and indeed the garden close at hand yonder not only recalls his memory but seems to bring the actual man before my eyes. This was the haunt of Speusippus, of Xenocrates, and of Xenocrates\' pupil Polemo, who used to sit on the very seat we see over there. For my own part even the sight of our senate-house at home (I\xa0mean the Curia Hostilia, not the present new building, which looks to my eyes smaller since its enlargement) used to call up to me thoughts of Scipio, Cato, Laelius, and chief of all, my grandfather; such powers of suggestion do places possess. No wonder the scientific training of the memory is based upon locality." < 5.3 \xa0"Perfectly true, Piso," rejoined Quintus. "I\xa0myself on the way here just now noticed yonder village of Colonus, and it brought to my imagination Sophocles who resided there, and who is as you know my great admiration and delight. Indeed my memory took me further back; for I\xa0had a vision of Oedipus, advancing towards this very spot and asking in those most tender verses, \'What place is this?\' â\x80\x94 a\xa0mere fancy no doubt, yet still it affected me strongly." "For my part," said Pomponius, "you are fond of attacking me as a devotee of Epicurus, and I\xa0do spend much of my time with Phaedrus, who as you know is my dearest friend, in Epicurus\'s Gardens which we passed just now; but I\xa0obey the old saw: I\xa0\'think of those that are alive.\' Still I\xa0could not forget Epicurus, even if I\xa0wanted; the members of our body not only have pictures of him, but even have his likeness on their drinking-cups and rings." < 5.4 \xa0"As for our friend Pomponius," I\xa0interposed, "I\xa0believe he is joking; and no doubt he is a licensed wit, for he has so taken root in Athens that he is almost an Athenian; in fact I\xa0expect he will get the surname of Atticus! But I, Piso, agree with you; it is a common experience that places do strongly stimulate the imagination and vivify our ideas of famous men. You remember how I\xa0once came with you to Metapontum, and would not go to the house where we were to stay until I\xa0had seen the very place where Pythagoras breathed his last and the seat he sat in. All over Athens, I\xa0know, there are many reminders of eminent men in the actual place where they lived; but at the present moment it is that alcove over there which appeals to me, for not long ago it belonged to Carneades. I\xa0fancy I\xa0see him now (for his portrait is familiar), and I\xa0can imagine that the very place where he used to sit misses the sound of his voice, and mourns the loss of that mighty intellect." <
5.22 \xa0Nor need we look for other arguments to refute the opinion of Carneades; for any conceivable account of the Chief Good which does not include the factor of Moral Worth gives a system under which there is no room either for duty, virtue or friendship. Moreover the combination with Moral Worth either of pleasure or of freedom from pain debases the very morality that it aims at supporting. For to uphold two standards of conduct jointly, one of which declares freedom from evil to be the Supreme Good, while the other is a thing concerned with the most frivolous part of our nature, is to dim, if not to defile, all the radiance of Moral Worth. There remain the Stoics, who took over their whole system from the Peripatetics and the Academics, adopting the same ideas under other names. "The best way to deal with these different schools would be to refute each separately; but for the present we must keep to the business in hand; we will discuss these other schools at our leisure. <'' None |
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17. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticism • Atticus • Atticus (Titus Pomponius) • Atticus, T. Pomponius • Cicero, and Atticism
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 3; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 158; Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 60; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 221; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 221; Zanker (1996), The Mask of Socrates: The Image of the Intellectual in Antiquity, 205
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18. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticus • Atticus,
Found in books: Atkins (2021), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy 296; Nijs (2023), The Epicurean Sage in the Ethics of Philodemus. 72
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19. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticus • Atticus the Middle Platonist
Found in books: Frede and Laks (2001), Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath, 190; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 314
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20. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticus • Atticus (Titus Pomponius)
Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 158; Zanker (1996), The Mask of Socrates: The Image of the Intellectual in Antiquity, 205
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21. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticus T. Pomponius • Atticus,
Found in books: Atkins (2021), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy 293, 295; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 37
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22. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Attica (daughter of Atticus) • Atticus • Atticus (Cicero’s friend) • Atticus (Titus Pomponius Atticus), and the revision of Cicero’s speeches • Atticus (Titus Pomponius) • Atticus T. Pomponius • Atticus, • Atticus, T. Pomponius • Atticus, Titus Pomponius • Atticus, as Aristarchus of Ciceros speeches • Pomponius Atticus, T. • Pomponius Atticus, T., agent for Cicero • T. Pomponius Atticus
Found in books: Allen and Dunne (2022), Ancient Readers and their Scriptures: Engaging the Hebrew Bible in Early Judaism and Christianity, 14; Atkins (2021), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy 48, 49, 299; Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 48, 49; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 158; Geljon and Vos (2020), Rituals in Early Christianity: New Perspectives on Tradition and Transformation, 53; Gorain (2019), Language in the Confessions of Augustine, 22; Johnson and Parker (2009), ?Ancient Literacies: The Culture of Reading in Greece and Rome, 203; Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 294; Long (2006), From Epicurus to Epictetus Studies in Hellenistic and Roman Philosophy, 313, 316; Maso (2022), CIcero's Philosophy, 18, 70, 114; Motta and Petrucci (2022), Isagogical Crossroads from the Early Imperial Age to the End of Antiquity, 68; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 109, 110; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 132; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 240; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 60; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 61; Wynne (2019), Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage, 20, 25, 29; Zanker (1996), The Mask of Socrates: The Image of the Intellectual in Antiquity, 205
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23. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticus • Atticus (Titus Pomponius) • Atticus, Titus Pomponius • Neo-Attic, Neo-Atticism
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 3; Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 544; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 158; Gorain (2019), Language in the Confessions of Augustine, 22; Oksanish (2019), Benedikt Eckhardt, and Meret Strothmann, Law in the Roman Provinces, 111, 114, 115
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24. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticism • Atticus • Atticus (Titus Pomponius) • Cicero, and Atticism
Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 158; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 221, 222; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 221, 222; Zanker (1996), The Mask of Socrates: The Image of the Intellectual in Antiquity, 205
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25. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 15.49.1 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Attica
Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 274; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 43
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15.49.1 \xa0In Ionia nine cities were in the habit of holding sacrifices of great antiquity on a large scale to Poseidon in a lonely region near the place called Mycalê. Later, however, as a result of the outbreak of wars in this neighbourhood, since they were unable to hold the Panionia there, they shifted the festival gathering to a safe place near Ephesus. Having sent an embassy to Delphi, they received an oracle telling them to take copies of the ancient ancestral altars at Helicê, which was situated in what was then known as Ionia, but is now known as Achaïa.'' None |
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26. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 1.5.1, 1.89.2 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticism • Pomponius Atticus, Titus
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 212, 217, 219; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 212, 217, 219
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1.5.1 \xa0In order, therefore, to remove these erroneous impressions, as I\xa0have called them, from the minds of many and to substitute true ones in their room, I\xa0shall in this Book show who the founders of the city were, at what periods the various groups came together and through what turns of fortune they left their native countries. <
1.89.2 \xa0and remembers those who joined with them in their settlement, the Pelasgians who were Argives by descent and came into Italy from Thessaly; and recalls, moreover, the arrival of Evander and the Arcadians, who settled round the Palatine hill, after the Aborigines had granted the place to them; and also the Peloponnesians, who, coming along with Hercules, settled upon the Saturnian hill; and, last of all, those who left the Troad and were intermixed with the earlier settlers. For one will find no nation that is more ancient or more Greek than these. <'' None |
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27. Philo of Alexandria, On The Creation of The World, 8, 16-18, 21 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticus • Atticus the Middle Platonist
Found in books: Ayres and Ward (2021), The Rise of the Early Christian Intellectual, 132; Frede and Laks (2001), Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath, 292; Geljon and Runia (2019), Philo of Alexandria: On Planting: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 167; Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 134; Iricinschi et al. (2013), Beyond the Gnostic Gospels: Studies Building on the Work of Elaine Pagels, 114
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8 But Moses, who had early reached the very summits of philosophy, and who had learnt from the oracles of God the most numerous and important of the principles of nature, was well aware that it is indispensable that in all existing things there must be an active cause, and a passive subject; and that the active cause is the intellect of the universe, thoroughly unadulterated and thoroughly unmixed, superior to virtue and superior to science, superior even to abstract good or abstract beauty;
16 for God, as apprehending beforehand, as a God must do, that there could not exist a good imitation without a good model, and that of the things perceptible to the external senses nothing could be faultless which wax not fashioned with reference to some archetypal idea conceived by the intellect, when he had determined to create this visible world, previously formed that one which is perceptible only by the intellect, in order that so using an incorporeal model formed as far as possible on the image of God, he might then make this corporeal world, a younger likeness of the elder creation, which should embrace as many different genera perceptible to the external senses, as the other world contains of those which are visible only to the intellect. '17 But that world which consists of ideas, it were impious in any degree to attempt to describe or even to imagine: but how it was created, we shall know if we take for our guide a certain image of the things which exist among us. When any city is founded through the exceeding ambition of some king or leader who lays claim to absolute authority, and is at the same time a man of brilliant imagination, eager to display his good fortune, then it happens at times that some man coming up who, from his education, is skilful in architecture, and he, seeing the advantageous character and beauty of the situation, first of all sketches out in his own mind nearly all the parts of the city which is about to be completed--the temples, the gymnasia, the prytanea, and markets, the harbour, the docks, the streets, the arrangement of the walls, the situations of the dwelling houses, and of the public and other buildings. 1
8 Then, having received in his own mind, as on a waxen tablet, the form of each building, he carries in his heart the image of a city, perceptible as yet only by the intellect, the images of which he stirs up in memory which is innate in him, and, still further, engraving them in his mind like a good workman, keeping his eyes fixed on his model, he begins to raise the city of stones and wood, making the corporeal substances to resemble each of the incorporeal ideas.
21 And the power and faculty which could be capable of creating the world, has for its origin that good which is founded on truth; for if any one were desirous to investigate the cause on account of which this universe was created, I think that he would come to no erroneous conclusion if he were to say as one of the ancients did say: "That the Father and Creator was good; on which account he did not grudge the substance a share of his own excellent nature, since it had nothing good of itself, but was able to become everything." ' None |
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28. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticism
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 346; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 346
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29. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticism • Cicero, and Atticism
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 25, 221, 345, 347; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 25, 221, 345, 347
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30. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticism
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 345, 346; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 345, 346
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31. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Cicero, and Atticism
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 358; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 358
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32. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticus • Atticus, as model for Senecas correspondence • Pomponius Atticus, T.
Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 138, 142; Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 215; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 177
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33. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Attica • Attica, Attic
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 227; Konig (2022), The Folds of Olympus: Mountains in Ancient Greek and Roman Culture, 154
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34. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 18.11-18.13 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticism
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 346, 347, 348; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 346, 347, 348
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18.11 \xa0When it comes to the orators, however, who does not know which are the best â\x80\x94 Demosthenes for the vigour of his style, the impressiveness of his thought, and the copiousness of his vocabulary, qualities in which he surpasses all other orators; and Lysias for his brevity, the simplicity and coherence of his thought, and for his well concealed cleverness. However, I\xa0should not advise you to read these two chiefly, but Hypereides rather and Aeschines; for the faculties in which they excel are simpler, their rhetorical embellishments are easier to grasp, and the beauty of their diction is not one whit inferior to that of the two who are ranked first. But I\xa0should advise you to read Lycurgus as well, since he has a lighter touch than those others and reveals a certain simplicity and nobility of character in his speeches. < 18.12 \xa0At this point I\xa0say it is advisable â\x80\x94 even if some one, after reading my recommendation of the consummate masters of oratory, is going to find fault â\x80\x94 also not to remain unacquainted with the more recent orators, those who lived a little before our time; I\xa0refer to the works of such men as Antipater, Theodorus, Plution, and Conon, and to similar material. For the powers they display can be more useful to us because, when we read them, our judgment is not fettered and enslaved, as it is when we approach the ancients. For when we find that we are able to criticize what has been said, we are most encouraged to attempt the same things ourselves, and we find more pleasure in comparing ourselves with others < 18.13 \xa0when we are convinced that in the comparison we should be found to be not inferior to them, with the chance, occasionally, of being even superior. I\xa0shall now turn to the Socratics, writers who, I\xa0affirm, are quite indispensable to every man who aspires to become an orator. For just as no meat without salt will be gratifying to the taste, so no branch of literature, as it seems to me, could possibly be pleasing to the ear if it lacked the Socratic grace. It would be a long task to eulogize the others; even to read them is no light thing. <'' None |
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35. New Testament, Acts, 17.16, 17.18 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Attica • Philo of Alexandria, Judaism in Attica
Found in books: Potter Suh and Holladay (2021), Hellenistic Jewish Literature and the New Testament: Collected Essays, 612; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 174
sup>
17.16 Ἐν δὲ ταῖς Ἀθήναις ἐκδεχομένου αὐτοὺς τοῦ Παύλου, παρωξύνετο τὸ πνεῦμα αὐτοῦ ἐν αὐτῷ θεωροῦντος κατείδωλον οὖσαν τὴν πόλιν.
17.18 τινὲς δὲ καὶ τῶν Ἐπικουρίων καὶ Στωικῶν φιλοσόφων συνέβαλλον αὐτῷ, καί τινες ἔλεγον Τί ἂν θέλοι ὁ σπερμολόγος οὗτος λέγειν; οἱ δέ Ξένων δαιμονίων δοκεῖ καταγγελεὺς εἶναι·'' None | sup>
17.16 Now while Paul waited for them at Athens, his spirit was provoked within him as he saw the city full of idols.
17.18 Some of the Epicurean and Stoic philosophers also encountered him. Some said, "What does this babbler want to say?"Others said, "He seems to be advocating foreign demons," because he preached Jesus and the resurrection. '' None |
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36. New Testament, Luke, 22.47-22.48 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Attica (daughter of Atticus) • Atticus • Dialect, Attic
Found in books: Geljon and Vos (2020), Rituals in Early Christianity: New Perspectives on Tradition and Transformation, 53; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun (2014), The History of Religions School Today : Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts 223
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22.47 Ἔτι αὐτοῦ λαλοῦντος ἰδοὺ ὄχλος, καὶ ὁ λεγόμενος Ἰούδας εἷς τῶν δώδεκα προήρχετο αὐτούς, καὶ ἤγγισεν τῷ Ἰησοῦ φιλῆσαι αὐτόν. 22.48 Ἰησοῦς δὲ εἶπεν αὐτῷ Ἰούδα, φιλήματι τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου παραδίδως;'' None | sup>
22.47 While he was still speaking, behold, a multitude, and he who was called Judas, one of the twelve, was leading them. He came near to Jesus to kiss him. 22.48 But Jesus said to him, "Judas, do you betray the Son of Man with a kiss?"'' None |
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37. New Testament, Mark, 14.44-14.45 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Attica (daughter of Atticus) • Atticus • Dialect, Attic
Found in books: Geljon and Vos (2020), Rituals in Early Christianity: New Perspectives on Tradition and Transformation, 53; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun (2014), The History of Religions School Today : Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts 223
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14.44 δεδώκει δὲ ὁ παραδιδοὺς αὐτὸν σύσσημον αὐτοῖς λέγων Ὃν ἂν φιλήσω αὐτός ἐστιν· κρατήσατε αὐτὸν καὶ ἀπάγετε ἀσφαλῶς. 14.45 καὶ ἐλθὼν εὐθὺς προσελθὼν αὐτῷ λέγει Ῥαββεί, καὶ κατεφίλησεν αὐτόν.'' None | sup>
14.44 Now he who betrayed him had given them a sign, saying, "Whoever I will kiss, that is he. Seize him, and lead him away safely." 14.45 When he had come, immediately he came to him, and said, "Rabbi! Rabbi!" and kissed him. '' None |
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38. New Testament, Matthew, 26.48-26.49 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Attica (daughter of Atticus) • Atticus • Dialect, Attic
Found in books: Geljon and Vos (2020), Rituals in Early Christianity: New Perspectives on Tradition and Transformation, 53; Rothschold, Blanton and Calhoun (2014), The History of Religions School Today : Essays on the New Testament and Related Ancient Mediterranean Texts 223
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26.48 ὁ δὲ παραδιδοὺς αὐτὸν ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς σημεῖον λέγων Ὃν ἂν φιλήσω αὐτός ἐστιν· κρατήσατε αὐτόν. 26.49 καὶ εὐθέως προσελθὼν τῷ Ἰησοῦ εἶπεν Χαῖρε, ῥαββεί· καὶ κατεφίλησεν αὐτόν.'' None | sup>
26.48 Now he who betrayed him gave them a sign, saying, "Whoever I kiss, he is the one. Seize him." 26.49 Immediately he came to Jesus, and said, "Hail, Rabbi!" and kissed him. '' None |
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39. Plutarch, Pericles, 32.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Attica • Mother of the Gods, in Attic drama
Found in books: Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 341; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 218
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32.1 περὶ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον Ἀσπασία δίκην ἔφευγεν ἀσεβείας, Ἑρμίππου τοῦ κωμῳδοποιοῦ διώκοντος καὶ προσκατηγοροῦντος ὡς Περικλεῖ γυναῖκας ἐλευθέρας εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ φοιτώσας ὑποδέχοιτο. καὶ ψήφισμα Διοπείθης ἔγραψεν εἰσαγγέλλεσθαι τοὺς τὰ θεῖα μὴ νομίζοντας ἢ λόγους περὶ τῶν μεταρσίων διδάσκοντας, ἀπερειδόμενος εἰς Περικλέα διʼ Ἀναξαγόρου τὴν ὑπόνοιαν.'' None | sup>
32.1 About this time also Aspasia was put on trial for impiety, Hermippus the comic poet being her prosecutor, who alleged further against her that she received free-born women into a place of assignation for Pericles. And Diopeithes brought in a bill providing for the public impeachment of such as did not believe in gods, or who taught doctrines regarding the heavens, directing suspicion against Pericles by means of Anaxagoras.'' None |
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40. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 6.5, 21.4, 64.9-64.10, 118.1-118.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticus • Atticus (Titus Pomponius) • Atticus, Ciceros letters preserve fame of • Atticus, T. Pomponius • Atticus, as indolent pen-pal • Atticus, as model for Senecas correspondence
Found in books: Ayres and Ward (2021), The Rise of the Early Christian Intellectual, 28; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 158; Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 208, 215, 309; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 48; Zanker (1996), The Mask of Socrates: The Image of the Intellectual in Antiquity, 205
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6.5 I shall therefore send to you the actual books; and in order that you may not waste time in searching here and there for profitable topics, I shall mark certain passages, so that you can turn at once to those which I approve and admire. of course, however, the living voice and the intimacy of a common life will help you more than the written word. You must go to the scene of action, first, because men put more faith in their eyes than in their ears,1 and second, because the way is long if one follows precepts, but short and helpful, if one follows patterns. ' "
21.4 Did Epicurus speak falsely? Who would have known of Idomeneus, had not the philosopher thus engraved his name in those letters of his? All the grandees and satraps, even the king himself, who was petitioned for the title which Idomeneus sought, are sunk in deep oblivion. Cicero's letters keep the name of Atticus from perishing. It would have profited Atticus nothing to have an Agrippa for a son-in-law, a Tiberius for the husband of his grand-daughter, and a Drusus Caesar for a great-grandson; amid these mighty names his name would never be spoken, had not Cicero bound him to himself.2" 64.9 Our predecessors have worked much improvement, but have not worked out the problem. They deserve respect, however, and should be worshipped with a divine ritual. Why should I not keep statues of great men to kindle my enthusiasm, and celebrate their birthdays? Why should I not continually greet them with respect and honour? The reverence which I owe to my own teachers I owe in like measure to those teachers of the human race, the source from which the beginnings of such great blessings have flowed. 64.10 If I meet a consul or a praetor, I shall pay him all the honour which his post of honour is wont to receive: I shall dismount, uncover, and yield the road. What, then? Shall I admit into my soul with less than the highest marks of respect Marcus Cato, the Elder and the Younger, Laelius the Wise, Socrates and Plato, Zeno and Cleanthes? I worship them in very truth, and always rise to do honour to such noble names. Farewell.
118.1 You have been demanding more frequent letters from me. But if we compare the accounts, you will not be on the credit side.1 We had indeed made the agreement that your part came first, that you should write the first letters, and that I should answer. However, I shall not be disagreeable; I know that it is safe to trust you, so I shall pay in advance, and yet not do as the eloquent Cicero bids Atticus do:2 "Even if you have nothing to say, write whatever enters your head." ' "118.2 For there will always be something for me to write about, even omitting all the kinds of news with which Cicero fills his correspondence: what candidate is in difficulties, who is striving on borrowed resources and who on his own; who is a candidate for the consulship relying on Caesar, or on Pompey, or on his own strong-box; what a merciless usurer is Caecilius,3 out of whom his friends cannot screw a penny for less than one per cent each month. But it is preferable to deal with one's own ills, rather than with another's – to sift oneself and see for how many vain things one is a candidate, and cast a vote for none of them. "' None |
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41. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticus • Atticus, T. Pomponius
Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009), ?Ancient Literacies: The Culture of Reading in Greece and Rome, 203; Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 141
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42. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticus (Titus Pomponius) • Pomponius Atticus, T.
Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 157, 158; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 106
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43. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticus
Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 192; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 192
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44. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Attica • Lycurgus (Attic orator)
Found in books: Gagarin and Cohen (2005), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, 371; Naiden (2013), Smoke Signals for the Gods: Ancient Greek Sacrifice from the Archaic through Roman Periods, 218
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45. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.31.4, 8.37.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Attica, Athens • Attica, Attic • demes (Attic) • demes (Attic), Aixone • demes (Attic), Marathon • demes (Attic), Myrrhinous • demes (Attic), Paiania • demes (Attic), Phaleron • demes (Attic), Phrearrhioi • demes (Attic), Thorikos
Found in books: Belayche and Massa (2021), Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, 44; Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 75, 111, 401; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 61
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1.31.4 ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτω λέγεται, Φλυεῦσι δέ εἰσι καὶ Μυρρινουσίοις τοῖς μὲν Ἀπόλλωνος Διονυσοδότου καὶ Ἀρτέμιδος Σελασφόρου βωμοὶ Διονύσου τε Ἀνθίου καὶ νυμφῶν Ἰσμηνίδων καὶ Γῆς, ἣν Μεγάλην θεὸν ὀνομάζουσι· ναὸς δὲ ἕτερος ἔχει βωμοὺς Δήμητρος Ἀνησιδώρας καὶ Διὸς Κτησίου καὶ Τιθρωνῆς Ἀθηνᾶς καὶ Κόρης Πρωτογόνης καὶ Σεμνῶν ὀνομαζομένων θεῶν· τὸ δὲ ἐν Μυρρινοῦντι ξόανόν ἐστι Κολαινίδος. Ἀθμονεῖς δὲ τιμῶσιν Ἀμαρυσίαν Ἄρτεμιν·
8.37.5 πρὸς δὲ τῆς Δεσποίνης τῷ ἀγάλματι ἕστηκεν Ἄνυτος σχῆμα ὡπλισμένου παρεχόμενος· φασὶ δὲ οἱ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τραφῆναι τὴν Δέσποιναν ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἀνύτου, καὶ εἶναι τῶν Τιτάνων καλουμένων καὶ τὸν Ἄνυτον. Τιτᾶνας δὲ πρῶτος ἐς ποίησιν ἐσήγαγεν Ὅμηρος, θεοὺς εἶναι σφᾶς ὑπὸ τῷ καλουμένῳ Ταρτάρῳ, καὶ ἔστιν ἐν Ἥρας ὅρκῳ τὰ ἔπη· παρὰ δὲ Ὁμήρου Ὀνομάκριτος παραλαβὼν τῶν Τιτάνων τὸ ὄνομα Διονύσῳ τε συνέθηκεν ὄργια καὶ εἶναι τοὺς Τιτᾶνας τῷ Διονύσῳ τῶν παθημάτων ἐποίησεν αὐτουργούς.'' None | sup>
1.31.4 Such is the legend. Phlya and Myrrhinus have altars of Apollo Dionysodotus, Artemis Light-bearer, Dionysus Flower-god, the Ismenian nymphs and Earth, whom they name the Great goddess; a second temple contains altars of Demeter Anesidora (Sender-up of Gifts), Zeus Ctesius (God of Gain), Tithrone Athena, the Maid First-born and the goddesses styled August. The wooden image at Myrrhinus is of Colaenis.' "
8.37.5 By the image of the Mistress stands Anytus, represented as a man in armour. Those about the sanctuary say that the Mistress was brought up by Anytus, who was one of the Titans, as they are called. The first to introduce Titans into poetry was Homer, See Hom. Il. 14.279 . representing them as gods down in what is called Tartarus; the lines are in the passage about Hera's oath. From Homer the name of the Titans was taken by Onomacritus, who in the orgies he composed for Dionysus made the Titans the authors of the god's sufferings."' None |
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46. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticus • Atticus (Middle Platonist) • Atticus on Demiurge • Atticus the Middle Platonist
Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 276; Erler et al. (2021), Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition, 113, 166, 219; Fowler (2014), Plato in the Third Sophistic, 185; Frede and Laks (2001), Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath, 25, 26; Motta and Petrucci (2022), Isagogical Crossroads from the Early Imperial Age to the End of Antiquity, 29, 101; Vazques and Ross (2022), Time and Cosmology in Plato and the Platonic Tradition, 48; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 276; d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 105
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47. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticus • Atticus (Middle Platonist) • Atticus on Demiurge • Atticus the Middle Platonist
Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 276; Erler et al. (2021), Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition, 166; Frede and Laks (2001), Traditions of Theology: Studies in Hellenistic Theology, its Background and Aftermath, 36; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 276; d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 105
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48. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Attica, Agra • Attica, Athens • Attica, Attic
Found in books: Belayche and Massa (2021), Mystery Cults in Visual Representation in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, 13; Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 111
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49. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Herodes Atticus • grammarian, in Gelliuss Attic Nights
Found in books: Johnson and Parker (2009), ?Ancient Literacies: The Culture of Reading in Greece and Rome, 322; König (2012), Saints and Symposiasts: The Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture, 28
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50. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Attica, Attic • martyria (of strife for Attica) • strife (for Attica)
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 111; Bierl (2017), Time and Space in Ancient Myth, Religion and Culture, 186
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51. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticus • Atticus (Middle Platonist)
Found in books: Motta and Petrucci (2022), Isagogical Crossroads from the Early Imperial Age to the End of Antiquity, 101; Vazques and Ross (2022), Time and Cosmology in Plato and the Platonic Tradition, 50
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52. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Achilles, τρόφιμος of Herodes Atticus • Atticism • Herodes Atticus • Herodes Atticus, • Herodes Atticus, poetry • Herodes Atticus, sophist • Memnon, τρόφιμος of Herodes Atticus • Old Comedy (Attic) • Old Comedy (Attic), countering arrogance of elites • Old Comedy (Attic), freedom of speech in • Regilla, wife of Herodes Atticus • demes (Attic), Gargettos • demes (Attic), Marathon • demes (Attic), Pallene • demes (Attic), Sounion • genos (Attic), Eumolpidai
Found in books: Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 67, 69, 73, 74, 82, 245; Bowie (2021), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, 603, 700; Bowie (2023), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels. 244, 245, 246, 413; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 169; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 295, 296, 299, 300, 302, 304, 306; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 25, 316; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 25, 316; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 158; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 442, 495; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 70; Zanker (1996), The Mask of Socrates: The Image of the Intellectual in Antiquity, 235
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53. Porphyry, Life of Plotinus, 17 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticus
Found in books: Gerson and Wilberding (2022), The New Cambridge Companion to Plotinus, 132; Vazques and Ross (2022), Time and Cosmology in Plato and the Platonic Tradition, 50; d'Hoine and Martijn (2017), All From One: A Guide to Proclus, 35
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17 Some of the Greeks began to accuse Plotinus of appropriating the ideas of Numenius. Amelius, being informed of this charge by the Stoic and Platonist Trypho, challenged it in a treatise which he entitled The Difference between the Doctrines of Plotinus and Numenius. He dedicated the work to me, under the name of Basileus (or King). This really is my name; it is equivalent to Porphyry (Purple-robed) and translates the name I bear in my own tongue; for I am called Malchos, like my father, and 'Malchos' would give 'Basileus' in Greek. Longinus, in dedicating his work On Impulse to Cleodamus and myself, addressed us as 'Cleodamus and Malchus', just as Numenius translated the Latin 'Maximus' into its Greek equivalent 'Megalos'. Here followed Amelius' letter: 'Amelius to Basileus, with all good wishes. 'You have been, in your own phrase, pestered by the persistent assertion that our friend's doctrine is to be traced to Numenius of Apamea. 'Now, if it were merely for those illustrious personages who spread this charge, you may be very sure I would never utter a word in reply. It is sufficiently clear that they are actuated solely by the famous and astonishing facility of speech of theirs when they assert, at one moment, that he is an idle babbler, next that he is a plagiarist, and finally that his plagiarisms are feeble in the extreme. Clearly in all this we have nothing but scoffing and abuse. 'But your judgement has persuaded me that we should profit by this occasion firstly to provide ourselves with a useful memorandum of the doctrines that have won our adhesion, and secondly to bring about a more complete knowledge of the system--long celebrated thought it be--to the glory of our friend, a man so great as Plotinus. 'Hence I now bring you the promised Reply, executed, as you and your self know, in three days. You must judge it with reasonable indulgence; this is no orderly and elaborate defence composed in step-by-step correspondence with the written indictment: I have simply set down, as they occurred to me, my recollections of our frequent discussions. You will admit, also, that it is by no means easy to grasp the meaning of a writer who (like Numenius), now credited with the opinion we also hold, varies in the terms he uses to express the one idea. 'If I have falsified any essential of the doctrine, I trust to your good nature to set me right: I am reminded of the phrase in the tragedy: A busy man and far from the teachings of our master I must needs correct and recant. Judge how much I wish to give you pleasure. Good health.' "" None |
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54. None, None, nan (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Atticus • Atticus (Middle Platonist) • Atticus, on interpreting Plato
Found in books: Bryan (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 276; Erler et al. (2021), Authority and Authoritative Texts in the Platonist Tradition, 144, 166; Fowler (2014), Plato in the Third Sophistic, 174; Marmodoro and Prince (2015), Causation and Creation in Late Antiquity, 39; Wardy and Warren (2018), Authors and Authorities in Ancient Philosophy, 276
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55. Aeschines, Or., 3.182
Tagged with subjects: • Attic oratory • oratory, Attic,
Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 344; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 218, 220
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3.182 But, by the Olympian gods, I think one ought not to name those men on the same day with this monster! Now let Demosthenes show if anywhere stands written an order to crown any one of those men. Was the democracy, then, ungrateful? No, but noble-minded, and those men were worthy of their city. For they thought that their honor should be conferred, not in written words, but in the memory of those whom they had served; and from that time until this day it abides, immortal. But what rewards they did receive, it is well to recall.'' None |
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56. Epigraphy, Ig I , 78, 255-256
Tagged with subjects: • Athens, Attica, • Attica • Boeotian raids on Attica • Peloponnesian War, Attica ravaged • demes (Attic) • demes (Attic), Paiania
Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 103; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 59; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 313; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 279
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255 Face A . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . for Aphrodi?te . . . (5) . . . for Eros . . . . . . strew a couch? . . . a table . . . . . . for Hippolytos . . . . . . each . . . the . . . . . . trittys . . . (10) . . . at the Posidea . . . for Apollo Apo?tropaios in Kynosoura . . . for Herakles in Elaious, a table . . . for Xouthos, a lamb _ for Glaukos, a lamb (15) for Apollo Pythios . . . strew a couch?, . . . a table . . . _ hold up (?) a lamb (arna anasches-) . . . _ For Poseidon a goat with budding horns . . . for the Nymphs and Acheloos . . . . . . Face B . . . . . . . . . from the flayed . . . from each? cow five . . . dining room (?) . . . (5) . . . the portions . . . the priest shall take for each offering . . . from the flayed animals? the skins; . . . shall provide . . . the tongue (?) for the Founder-hero (Archegetei) . . . just as the (10) . . . for the perquisites (apometra), 10 dr. . . . let the priestess of -a take . . . 1 dr. for each offering (?) . . . but if a bovine is sacrificed, flesh (?) . . . but the priestess shall provide (15) . . . from the flayed private offerings the skin . . . from those not flayed the leg; the priestess of Artemis . . . from the public flayed offerings the skin . . . for each offering (?), but from the . . . the leg, but from the unflayed (20) . . . shall take, like the one of Artemis . . . shall take from the public sacrifices . . . 1 dr. for each offering . . . . . . text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG I3
255 - Sacrifices and perquisites ' ' None |
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57. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 1177, 1275, 1672, 3173, 5161
Tagged with subjects: • Attica, cultivable area • Attica, grain production • Attica, grain production in • Attica, percentage of cultivable land • Attica, percentage of sacred landed property • Attica, productivity • Herodes Atticus • Herodes Atticus, Claudius, • Ti. Claudius Atticus • demes (Attic) • demes (Attic), Aixone • demes (Attic), Gargettos • demes (Attic), Marathon • demes (Attic), Myrrhinous • demes (Attic), Oion • demes (Attic), Paiania • demes (Attic), Pallene • demes (Attic), Phaleron • demes (Attic), Phrearrhioi • demes (Attic), Sounion • demes (Attic), Thorikos • genos (Attic), Eumolpidai • grain production, in Attica • phratry, non-Attic
Found in books: Connelly (2007), Portrait of a Priestess: Women and Ritual in Ancient Greece, 211, 215; Gabrielsen and Paganini (2021), Private Associations in the Ancient Greek World: Regulations and the Creation of Group Identity, 147; Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 325; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 59, 61, 151, 153, 154, 158; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 108, 271; Parkins and Smith (1998), Trade, Traders and the Ancient City, 107
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1177 . . . the demarch in office at any time shall take care of the Thesmophorion together with the priestess, that no-one releases anything or gathers a thiasos or installs sacred objects (5) or performs purification rites or approaches the altars or the pit (megaron) without the priestess except when it is the festival of the Thesmophoria or the Plerosia or the Kalamaia (10) or the Skira or another day on which the women come together according to ancestral tradition; that the Piraeans shall resolve: if anyone does any of these things in contravention of these provisions, the demarch (15) shall impose a penalty and bring him before a law court under the laws that are in place with respect to these things; and concerning the gathering of wood in the sanctuaries, if anyone gathers wood, may the old laws (archaious nomous) (20) be valid, those that are in place with respect to these matters; and the boundary officers (horistas) shall inscribe this decree together with the demarch and stand it by the way up to the Thesmophorion. text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG II2
1177 - Decree of deme Piraeus concerning the Thesmophorion '
1275 . . . . . . and if anyone . . . . . . the thiasos members . . . and if one of them dies, (5) either the son or brother or father or whoever is the closest relative in the thiasos shall declare? it, and both they (scil. the thiasos members) and all the friends shall attend the funeral procession; and if anyone is wronged, they and all the friends shall help him, so that everyone may know that we are (10) pious towards the gods and the friends; and may many good things befall those who do these things and their descendants and ancestors; and when the thiasos members have ratified this law, nothing shall have greater force than the law; and if anyone contravenes the law either in word or deed, (15) anyone of the thiasos members who wishes may make an accusation against him, and if he convicts him they shall penalise him in whatever way the association decides. text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG II2
1275 - Law of a thiasos
3173 The People (dedicated this temple) to the Goddess Roma and Augustus Caesar, when the hoplite general was Pammenes, son of Zenon, of Marathon, priest of the Goddess Roma and Augustus Soter on the Acropolis, when the priestess of Athena Polias was Megiste, daughter of Asklepiades of Halai, (5) in the archonship of Areios, son of Dorion, of Paiania. text from Attic Inscriptions Online, IG II2
3173 - Dedicatory inscription on the temple of Roma and Augustus ' None |
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58. Epigraphy, Seg, 33.147, 34.103, 52.48
Tagged with subjects: • Attica • Boeotian raids on Attica • Boeotian raids on Attica, Koroneia • Boeotian raids on Attica, cult of Athena Itonia • Dionysia festivals, outside Attica • Peloponnesian War, Attica ravaged • demes (Attic) • demes (Attic), Erchia • demes (Attic), Paiania • demes (Attic), Rhamnous • demes (Attic), Thorikos • demes of Attica • genos (Attic), Eumolpidai • sanctuaries in Attica
Found in books: Benefiel and Keegan (2016), Inscriptions in the Private Sphere in the Greco-Roman World, 34; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 102, 189; Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 151; Liapis and Petrides (2019), Greek Tragedy After the Fifth Century: A Survey from ca, 174; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 64, 65; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 26, 50, 278, 282; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 59
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33.147 Face A (front) . . . Hekatombaion: . . . and for the . . . to provide lunch (aristom) . . . a drachma each (5) . . . the Proerosia offering (?) (tēn prēro-), . . . the Delphinion, a goat . . . for Hekate . . . _ . . . a full-grown victim (teleom), to be sold (praton). (10) Metageitnion: for Zeus Kataibates in the sacred enclosure (sēkōi) by the Delphini?on, a full-grown victim (teleon), to be sold (praton). _ An oath victim (horkōmosion) is to be provided for the audits (euthunas). Boedromion: the Proerosia; for Zeus Polieus, a select (kriton) sheep, a select piglet; at Automenai (?) (ep&' None |
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59. Strabo, Geography, 10.3.13
Tagged with subjects: • Attica, Attic • Mother of the Gods, in Attic drama
Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 110; Munn (2006), The Mother of the Gods, Athens, and the Tyranny of Asia: A Study of Sovereignty in Ancient Religion. 61
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10.3.13 The poets bear witness to such views as I have suggested. For instance, when Pindar, in the dithyramb which begins with these words,In earlier times there marched the lay of the dithyrambs long drawn out, mentions the hymns sung in honor of Dionysus, both the ancient and the later ones, and then, passing on from these, says,To perform the prelude in thy honor, great Mother, the whirling of cymbals is at hand, and among them, also, the clanging of castanets, and the torch that blazeth beneath the tawny pine-trees, he bears witness to the common relationship between the rites exhibited in the worship of Dionysus among the Greeks and those in the worship of the Mother of the Gods among the Phrygians, for he makes these rites closely akin to one another. And Euripides does likewise, in his Bacchae, citing the Lydian usages at the same time with those of Phrygia, because of their similarity: But ye who left Mt. Tmolus, fortress of Lydia, revel-band of mine, women whom I brought from the land of barbarians as my assistants and travelling companions, uplift the tambourines native to Phrygian cities, inventions of mine and mother Rhea. And again,happy he who, blest man, initiated in the mystic rites, is pure in his life, . . . who, preserving the righteous orgies of the great mother Cybele, and brandishing the thyrsus on high, and wreathed with ivy, doth worship Dionysus. Come, ye Bacchae, come, ye Bacchae, bringing down Bromius, god the child of god, out of the Phrygian mountains into the broad highways of Greece. And again, in the following verses he connects the Cretan usages also with the Phrygian: O thou hiding-bower of the Curetes, and sacred haunts of Crete that gave birth to Zeus, where for me the triple-crested Corybantes in their caverns invented this hide-stretched circlet, and blent its Bacchic revelry with the high-pitched, sweet-sounding breath of Phrygian flutes, and in Rhea's hands placed its resounding noise, to accompany the shouts of the Bacchae, and from Mother Rhea frenzied Satyrs obtained it and joined it to the choral dances of the Trieterides, in whom Dionysus takes delight. And in the Palamedes the Chorus says, Thysa, daughter of Dionysus, who on Ida rejoices with his dear mother in the Iacchic revels of tambourines."" None |
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60. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • calendar, Attic demes • demes of Attica • festivals, Attic confined to Athens • festivals, Attic confined to demes
Found in books: Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 133, 142, 151, 161, 162, 163, 240, 316, 320, 321; Lupu (2005), Greek Sacred Law: A Collection of New Documents (NGSL) 67, 68, 124; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 74
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61. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Attica • calendar, Attic demes • demes (Attic) • demes (Attic), Aixone • demes (Attic), Erchia • demes (Attic), Marathon • demes (Attic), Myrrhinous • demes (Attic), Paiania • demes (Attic), Phaleron • demes (Attic), Phrearrhioi • demes (Attic), Rhamnous • demes (Attic), Thorikos • demes of Attica • genos (Attic), Eumolpidai
Found in books: Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 32; Ekroth (2013), The Sacrificial Rituals of Greek Hero-Cults in the Archaic to the Early Hellenistic Period, 133, 141, 147, 151, 163, 166; Lupu (2005), Greek Sacred Law: A Collection of New Documents (NGSL) 67, 68, 124, 125; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68
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62. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Athens, Attica, • Attica • Boeotian raids on Attica • Peloponnesian War, Attica ravaged • demes (Attic) • demes (Attic), Paiania
Found in books: Gygax and Zuiderhoek (2021), Benefactors and the Polis: The Public Gift in the Greek Cities from the Homeric World to Late Antiquity, 103; Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 59; Marincola et al. (2021), Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones and Calum Maciver, Greek Notions of the Past in the Archaic and Classical Eras: History Without Historians, 313; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 279
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