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40 results for "ateius"
1. Plato, Republic, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •capito, ateius Found in books: Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 108
2. Philochorus, Fragments, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 249
3. Cicero, Pro Sestio, 71 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 155
4. Cicero, Pro Balbo, 28 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288
5. Cicero, Letters To His Friends, 10.12.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288
6. Cicero, Brutus, 135 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288
135. Q. Metellus Numidicus et eius conlega M. Silanus dicebant de re publica quod esset illis viris et consulari dignitati satis. M. Aurelius Scaurus non saepe dicebat sed polite; Latine vero in primis est eleganter locutus. Quae laus eadem in A. Albino bene loquendi bene loquendi secl. Kayser fuit; nam flamen Albinus etiam in numero est habitus disertorum. Q. etiam Caepio, vir acer et fortis, cui fortuna cui fortuna O2B : qui fortuna L belli crimini, invidia populi calamitati fuit.
7. Cicero, On Divination, 1.29-1.30, 2.84 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 155, 288
1.29. Ut P. Claudius, Appii Caeci filius, eiusque collega L. Iunius classis maxumas perdiderunt, cum vitio navigassent. Quod eodem modo evenit Agamemnoni; qui, cum Achivi coepissent . inter se strépere aperteque ártem obterere extíspicum, Sólvere imperát secundo rúmore adversáque avi. Sed quid vetera? M. Crasso quid acciderit, videmus, dirarum obnuntiatione neglecta. In quo Appius, collega tuus, bonus augur, ut ex te audire soleo, non satis scienter virum bonum et civem egregium censor C. Ateium notavit, quod ementitum auspicia subscriberet. Esto; fuerit hoc censoris, si iudicabat ementitum; at illud minime auguris, quod adscripsit ob eam causam populum Romanum calamitatem maximam cepisse. Si enim ea causa calamitatis fuit, non in eo est culpa, qui obnuntiavit, sed in eo, qui non paruit. Veram enim fuisse obnuntiationem, ut ait idem augur et censor, exitus adprobavit; quae si falsa fuisset, nullam adferre potuisset causam calamitatis. Etenim dirae, sicut cetera auspicia, ut omina, ut signa, non causas adferunt, cur quid eveniat, sed nuntiant eventura, nisi provideris. 1.30. Non igitur obnuntiatio Ateii causam finxit calamitatis, sed signo obiecto monuit Crassum, quid eventurum esset, nisi cavisset. Ita aut illa obnuntiatio nihil valuit aut, si, ut Appius iudicat, valuit, id valuit, ut peccatum haereat non in eo, qui monuerit, sed in eo, qui non obtemperarit. Quid? lituus iste vester, quod clarissumum est insigne auguratus, unde vobis est traditus? Nempe eo Romulus regiones direxit tum, cum urbem condidit. Qui quidem Romuli lituus, id est incurvum et leviter a summo inflexum bacillum, quod ab eius litui, quo canitur, similitudine nomen invenit, cum situs esset in curia Saliorum, quae est in Palatio, eaque deflagravisset, inventus est integer. 2.84. Cum M. Crassus exercitum Brundisii inponeret, quidam in portu caricas Cauno advectas vendens Cauneas clamitabat. Dicamus, si placet, monitum ab eo Crassum, caveret ne iret; non fuisse periturum, si omini paruisset. Quae si suscipiamus, pedis offensio nobis et abruptio corrigiae et sternumenta erunt observanda. 1.29. For example, Publius Claudius, son of Appius Caecus, and his colleague Lucius Junius, lost very large fleets by going to sea when the auguries were adverse. The same fate befell Agamemnon; for, after the Greeks had begun toRaise aloft their frequent clamours, showing scorn of augurs art,Noise prevailed and not the omen: he then bade the ships depart.But why cite such ancient instances? We see what happened to Marcus Crassus when he ignored the announcement of unfavourable omens. It was on the charge of having on this occasion falsified the auspices that Gaius Ateius, an honourable man and a distinguished citizen, was, on insufficient evidence, stigmatized by the then censor Appius, who was your associate in the augural college, and an able one too, as I have often heard you say. I grant you that in pursuing the course he did Appius was within his rights as a censor, if, in his judgement, Ateius had announced a fraudulent augury. But he showed no capacity whatever as an augur in holding Ateius responsible for that awful disaster which befell the Roman people. Had this been the cause then the fault would not have been in Ateius, who made the announcement that the augury was unfavourable, but in Crassus, who disobeyed it; for the issue proved that the announcement was true, as this same augur and censor admits. But even if the augury had been false it could not have been the cause of the disaster; for unfavourable auguries — and the same may be said of auspices, omens, and all other signs — are not the causes of what follows: they merely foretell what will occur unless precautions are taken. 1.30. Therefore Ateius, by his announcement, did not create the cause of the disaster; but having observed the sign he simply advised Crassus what the result would be if the warning was ignored. It follows, then, that the announcement by Ateius of the unfavourable augury had no effect; or if it did, as Appius thinks, then the sin is not in him who gave the warning, but in him who disregarded it.[17] And whence, pray, did you augurs derive that staff, which is the most conspicuous mark of your priestly office? It is the very one, indeed with which Romulus marked out the quarter for taking observations when he founded the city. Now this staffe is a crooked wand, slightly curved at the top, and, because of its resemblance to a trumpet, derives its name from the Latin word meaning the trumpet with which the battle-charge is sounded. It was placed in the temple of the Salii on the Palatine hill and, though the temple was burned, the staff was found uninjured. 2.84. When Marcus Crassus was embarking his army at Brundisium a man who was selling Caunian figs at the harbour, repeatedly cried out Cauneas, Cauneas. Let us say, if you will, that this was a warning to Crassus to bid him Beware of going, and that if he had obeyed the omen he would not have perished. But if we are going to accept chance utterances of this kind as omens, we had better look out when we stumble, or break a shoe-string, or sneeze![41] Lots and the Chaldean astrologers remain to be discussed before we come to prophets and to dreams.
8. Cicero, On Laws, 2.31 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288
9. Cicero, De Oratore, 2.124-2.125, 2.164, 2.167, 2.197-2.203 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288
2.124. Tum Crassus, 'tu vero,' inquit 'Antoni, perge, ut instituisti; neque enim est boni neque liberalis parentis, quem procrearis et eduxeris, eum non et vestire et ornare, praesertim cum te locupletem esse negare non possis. Quod enim ornamentum, quae vis, qui animus, quae dignitas illi oratori defuit, qui in causa peroranda non dubitavit excitare reum consularem et eius diloricare tunicam et iudicibus cicatrices adversas senis imperatoris ostendere? qui idem, hoc accusante Sulpicio, cum hominem seditiosum furiosumque defenderet, non dubitavit seditiones ipsas ornare ac demonstrare gravissimis verbis multos saepe impetus populi non iniustos esse, quos praestare nemo posset; multas etiam e re publica seditiones saepe esse factas, ut cum reges essent exacti, ut cum tribunicia potestas esset constituta; illam Norbani seditionem ex luctu civium et ex Caepionis odio, qui exercitum amiserat, neque reprimi potuisse et iure esse conflatam? 2.125. Potuit hic locus tam anceps, tam inauditus, tam lubricus, tam novus sine quadam incredibili vi ac facultate dicendi tractari? Quid ego de Cn. Manli, quid de Q. Regis commiseratione dicam? Quid de aliis innumerabilibus? In quibus hoc non maxime enituit quod tibi omnes dant, acumen quoddam singulare, sed haec ipsa, quae nunc ad me delegare vis, ea semper in te eximia et praestantia fuerunt.' 2.164. Si res tota quaeritur, definitione universa vis explicanda est, sic: "si maiestas est amplitudo ac dignitas civitatis, is eam minuit, qui exercitum hostibus populi Romani tradidit, non qui eum, qui id 2.167. Ex coniunctis sic argumenta ducuntur: "si pietati summa tribuenda laus est, debetis moveri, cum Q. Metellum tam pie lugere videatis." Ex genere autem: "si magistratus in populi Romani esse potestate debent, quid Norbanum accusas, cuius tribunatus 2.197. Quamquam te quidem quid hoc doceam, qui in accusando sodali meo tantum incendium non oratione solum, sed etiam multo magis vi et dolore et ardore animi concitaras, ut ego ad id restinguendum vix conarer accedere? Habueras enim tu omnia in causa superiora: vim, fugam, lapidationem, crudelitatem tribuniciam in Caepionis gravi miserabilique casu in iudicium vocabas; deinde principem et senatus et civitatis, M. Aemilium, lapide percussum esse constabat; vi pulsum e templo L. Cottam et T. Didium, cum intercedere vellent rogationi, nemo poterat negare. 2.198. Accedebat ut haec tu adulescens pro re publica queri summa cum dignitate existimarere; ego, homo censorius, vix satis honeste viderer seditiosum civem et in hominis consularis calamitate crudelem posse defendere. Erant optimi cives iudices, bonorum virorum plenum forum, vix ut mihi tenuis quaedam venia daretur excusationis, quod tamen eum defenderem, qui mihi quaestor fuisset. Hic ego quid dicam me artem aliquam adhibuisse? Quid fecerim, narrabo; si placuerit, vos meam defensionem in aliquo artis loco reponetis. 2.199. Omnium seditionum genera, vitia, pericula conlegi eamque orationem ex omni rei publicae nostrae temporum varietate repetivi conclusique ita, ut dicerem, etsi omnes semper molestae seditiones fuissent, iustas tamen fuisse non nullas et prope necessarias. Tum illa, quae modo Crassus commemorabat, egi: neque reges ex hac civitate exigi neque tribunos plebis creari neque plebiscitis totiens consularem potestatem minui neque provocationem, patronam illam civitatis ac vindicem libertatis, populo Romano dari sine nobilium dissensione potuisse; ac, si illae seditiones saluti huic civitati fuissent, non continuo, si quis motus populi factus esset, id C. Norbano in nefario crimine atque in fraude capitali esse ponendum. Quod si umquam populo Romano concessum esset ut iure incitatus videretur, id quod docebam saepe esse concessum, nullam illa causa iustiorem fuisse. Tum omnem orationem traduxi et converti in increpandam Caepionis fugam, in deplorandum interitum exercitus: sic et eorum dolorem, qui lugebant suos, oratione refricabam et animos equitum Romanorum, apud quos tum iudices causa agebatur, ad Q. Caepionis odium, a quo erant ipsi propter iudicia abalienati, renovabam. 2.200. Quod ubi sensi me in possessionem iudici ac defensionis meae constitisse, quod et populi benevolentiam mihi conciliaram, cuius ius etiam cum seditionis coniunctione defenderam, et iudicum animos totos vel calamitate civitatis vel luctu ac desiderio propinquorum vel odio proprio in Caepionem ad causam nostram converteram, tum admiscere huic generi orationis vehementi atque atroci genus illud alterum, de quo ante disputavi, lenitatis et mansuetudinis coepi: me pro meo sodali, qui mihi in liberum loco more maiorum esse deberet, et pro mea omni fama prope fortunisque decernere; nihil mihi ad existimationem turpius, nihil ad dolorem acerbius accidere posse, quam si is, qui saepe alienissimis a me, sed meis tamen civibus saluti existimarer fuisse, sodali meo auxilium ferre non potuissem. 2.201. Petebam a iudicibus ut illud aetati meae, ut honoribus, ut rebus gestis, si iusto, si pio dolore me esse adfectum viderent, concederent; praesertim si in aliis causis intellexissent omnia me semper pro amicorum periculis, nihil umquam pro me ipso deprecatum. Sic in illa omni defensione atque causa, quod esse in arte positum videbatur, ut de lege Appuleia dicerem, ut quid esset minuere maiestatem explicarem, perquam breviter perstrinxi atque attigi; his duabus partibus orationis, quarum altera commendationem habet, altera concitationem, quae minime praeceptis artium sunt perpolitae, omnis est a me illa causa tractata, ut et acerrimus in Caepionis invidia renovanda et in meis moribus erga meos necessarios declarandis mansuetissimus viderer: ita magis adfectis animis iudicum quam doctis, tua, Sulpici, est a nobis tum accusatio victa.' 2.202. Hic Sulpicius, 'vere hercle,' inquit 'Antoni, ista commemoras; nam ego nihil umquam vidi, quod tam e manibus elaberetur, quam mihi tum est elapsa illa ipsa causa. Cum enim, quem ad modum dixisti, tibi ego non iudicium, sed incendium tradidissem, quod tuum principium, di immortales, fuit! qui timor! quae dubitatio, quanta haesitatio tractusque verborum! Ut tu illud initio, quod tibi unum ad ignoscendum homines dabant, tenuisti, te pro homine pernecessario, quaestore tuo, dicere! Quam tibi primum munisti ad te audiendum viam. 2.203. Ecce autem, cum te nihil aliud profecisse arbitrarer, nisi ut homines tibi civem improbum defendenti ignoscendum propter necessitudinem arbitrarentur, serpere occulte coepisti, nihil dum aliis suspicantibus, me vero iam pertimescente, ut illam non Norbani seditionem, sed populi Romani iracundiam neque eam iniustam, sed meritam ac debitam fuisse defenderes. Deinde qui locus a te praetermissus est in Caepionem? Ut tu illa omnia odio, invidia, misericordia miscuisti! Neque haec solum in defensione, sed etiam in Scauro ceterisque meis testibus, quorum testimonia non refellendo, sed ad eundem impetum populi confugiendo refutasti;
10. Anon., Rhetorica Ad Herennium, 1.24 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288
11. Livy, Per., 67 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288
12. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 2.6.4 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 155
2.6.4.  Because of such men many armies of the Romans have been utterly destroyed on land, many fleets have been lost with all their people at sea, and other great and dreadful reverses have befallen the commonwealth, some in foreign wars and others in civil dissensions. But the most remarkable and the greatest instance happened in my time when Licinius Crassus, a man inferior to no commander of his age, led his army against the Parthian nation contrary to the will of Heaven and in contempt of the innumerable omens that opposed his expedition. But to tell about the contempt of the divine power that prevails among some people in these days would be a long story.
13. Mishnah, Gittin, 4.5 (1st cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito Found in books: Sigal (2007), The Halakhah of Jesus of Nazareth According to the Gospel of Matthew, 90
4.5. "מִי שֶׁחֶצְיוֹ עֶבֶד וְחֶצְיוֹ בֶן חוֹרִין, עוֹבֵד אֶת רַבּוֹ יוֹם אֶחָד וְאֶת עַצְמוֹ יוֹם אֶחָד, דִּבְרֵי בֵית הִלֵּל. אָמְרוּ לָהֶם בֵּית שַׁמַּאי, תִּקַּנְתֶּם אֶת רַבּוֹ, וְאֶת עַצְמוֹ לֹא תִקַּנְתֶּם. לִשָּׂא שִׁפְחָה אִי אֶפְשָׁר, שֶׁכְּבָר חֶצְיוֹ בֶן חוֹרִין. בַּת חוֹרִין אִי אֶפְשָׁר, שֶׁכְּבָר חֶצְיוֹ עָבֶד. יִבָּטֵל, וַהֲלֹא לֹא נִבְרָא הָעוֹלָם אֶלָּא לִפְרִיָּה וְלִרְבִיָּה, שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר (ישעיה מה) לֹא תֹהוּ בְרָאָהּ, לָשֶׁבֶת יְצָרָהּ. אֶלָּא מִפְּנֵי תִקּוּן הָעוֹלָם, כּוֹפִין אֶת רַבּוֹ וְעוֹשֶׂה אוֹתוֹ בֶן חוֹרִין, וְכוֹתֵב שְׁטָר עַל חֲצִי דָמָיו. וְחָזְרוּ בֵית הִלֵּל לְהוֹרוֹת כְּדִבְרֵי בֵית שַׁמָּאי: \n", 4.5. "One who is half a slave and half free works for his master one day and for himself one day, the words of Beth Hillel. Beth Shammai said to them: you have set things right for the master but you have not set things right for the slave. He cannot marry a female slave because he is already half free, and he cannot marry a free woman because he is half a slave. Shall he then decease [from having children]? But wasn’t the world only made to be populated, as it says, “He did not create it as a waste, he formed it to be inhabited” (Isaiah 45:18)? Rather because of tikkun olam we compel his master to emancipate him and he writes a document for half his purchase price. Beth Hillel retracted [their opinion and] ruled like Beth Shammai.",
14. Lucan, Pharsalia, 3.126-3.127 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 155
15. Plutarch, Crassus, 16.4-16.8, 18.5, 19.4-19.8, 23.1-23.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 155, 288
16.4. μέγα γὰρ ἦν ἐκείνου τὸ πρὸς τὸν ὄχλον ἀξίωμα· καὶ τότε παρεσκευασμένους πολλοὺς ἐνίστασθαι καὶ καταβοᾶν ὁρώμενος πρὸ αὐτοῦ φαιδρῷ βλέμματι καὶ προσώπῳ κατεπράυνεν ὁ Πομπήιος, ὥσθʼ ὑπείκειν σιωπῇ διʼ αὐτῶν προϊοῦσιν. ὁ δʼ Ἀτήιος ἀπαντήσας πρῶτον μὲν ἀπὸ φωνῆς ἐκώλυε καὶ διεμαρτύρετο μὴ βαδίζειν, ἔπειτα τὸν ὑπηρέτην ἐκέλευεν ἁψάμενον τοῦ σώματος κατέχειν. 16.5. ἄλλων δὲ δημάρχων οὐκ ἐώντων, ὁ μὲν ὑπηρέτης ἀφῆκε τὸν Κράσσον, ὁ δʼ Ἀτήιος προδραμὼν ἐπὶ τὴν πύλην ἔθηκεν ἐσχαρίδα καιομένην, καὶ τοῦ Κράσσου γενομένου κατʼ αὐτήν ἐπιθυμιῶν καὶ κατασπένδων ἀρὰς ἐπηρᾶτο δεινὰς μὲν αὐτὰς καὶ φρικώδεις, δεινοὺς δέ τινας θεοὺς καὶ ἀλλοκότους ἐπʼ αὐταῖς καλῶν καὶ ὀνομάζων· 16.6. ταύτας φασὶ Ῥωμαῖοι τὰς ἀρὰς ἀποθέτους καὶ παλαιὰς τοιαύτην ἔχειν δύναμιν ὡς περιφυγεῖν μηδένα τῶν ἐνσχεθέντων αὐταῖς, κακῶς δὲ πράσσειν καὶ τὸν χρησάμενον, ὅθεν οὐκ ἐπὶ τοῖς τυχοῦσιν αὐτὰς οὐδʼ ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἀρᾶσθαι. καὶ τότʼ οὖν ἐμέμφοντο τὸν Ἀτήιον, εἰ διʼ ἣν ἐχαλέπαινε τῷ Κράσσῳ πόλιν, εἰς αὐτήν ἀρὰς ἀφῆκε καὶ δεισιδαιμονίαν τοσαύτην. 18.5. ἡσυχῇ δὲ παρεδήλουν καί οἱ μάντεις ὡς ἀεὶ πονηρὰ σημεῖα καί δυσέκθυτα προφαίνοιτο τῷ Κράσσῳ διὰ τῶν ἱερῶν, ἀλλʼ οὔτε τούτοις προσεῖχεν οὔτε τοῖς ἕτερόν τι πλὴν ἐπείγεσθαι παραινοῦσιν. 19.4. ἐβλήθη δὲ καὶ κεραυνοῖς δυσὶν ὁ χῶρος οὗ στρατοπεδεύειν ἔμελλεν. ἵππος δὲ τῶν στρατηγικῶν ἐπιφανῶς κεκοσμημένος βίᾳ συνεπισπάσας τὸν ἡνίοχον εἰς τὸ ῥεῖθρον ὑποβρύχιος ἠφανίσθη. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀετῶν ὁ πρῶτος ἀρθεὶς ἀπὸ ταὐτομάτου μεταστραφῆναι. 19.5. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις συνέπεσε μετὰ τὴν διάβασιν μετρουμένοις τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τοῖς στρατιώταις πρῶτα πάντων δοθῆναι φακοὺς καὶ ἃλας, ἃ νομίζουσι Ῥωμαῖοι πένθιμα καὶ προτίθενται τοῖς νέκυσιν, αὐτοῦ τε Κράσσου δημηγοροῦντος ἐξέπεσε φωνή δεινῶς συγχέασα τὸν στρατόν. ἔφη γὰρ τὸ ζεῦγμα τοῦ ποταμοῦ διαλύειν ὅπως μηδεὶς αὐτῶν ἐπανέλθῃ. καὶ δέον, ὡς ᾔσθετο τοῦ ῥήματος τὴν ἀτοπίαν, ἀναλαβεῖν καὶ διασαφῆσαι πρὸς τοὺς ἀποδειλιῶντας τὸ εἰρημένον, ἠμέλησεν ὑπὸ αὐθαδείας. 19.6. τέλος δὲ τὸν εἰθισμένον καθαρμὸν ἐσφαγιάζετο, καὶ τὰ σπλάγχνα τοῦ μάντεως αὐτῷ προσδόντος ἐξέβαλε τῶν χειρῶν ἐφʼ ᾧ καὶ μάλιστα δυσχεραίνοντας ἰδὼν τοὺς παρόντας ἐμειδίασε καὶ τοιοῦτον, ἔφη, τὸ γῆρας· ἀλλὰ τῶν γε ὅπλων οὐδὲν ἂν ἐκφύγοι τὰς χεῖρας. 23.1. λέγεται δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης τὸν Κράσσον οὐχ ὥσπερ ἔθος ἐστὶ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοῖς ἐν φοινικίδι προελθεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἐν ἱματίῳ μέλανι, καὶ τοῦτο μὲν εὐθὺς ἀλλάξαι προνήσαντα, τῶν δὲ σημαιῶν ἐνίας μόλις ὥσπερ πεπηγυίας πολλὰ παθόντας ἀνελέσθαι τοὺς φέροντας. 23.2. ὧν ὁ Κράσσος καταγελῶν ἐπετάχυνε τὴν πορείαν, προσβιαζόμενος ἀκολουθεῖν τὴν φάλαγγα τοῖς ἱππεῦσι, πρίν γε δὴ τῶν ἐπὶ κατασκοπὴν ἀποσταλέντων ὀλίγοι προσπελάσαντες ἀπήγγειλαν ἀπολωλέναι τοὺς ἄλλους ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, αὐτοὺς δὲ μόλις ἐκφυγεῖν, ἐπιέναι δὲ μαχουμένους πλήθει πολλῷ καὶ θάρσει τοὺς ἄνδρας. 16.4. 16.5. 16.6. 18.5. 19.4. 19.5. 19.6. 23.1. 23.2.
16. Tacitus, Germania (De Origine Et Situ Germanorum), 37.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288
17. Suetonius, Tiberius, 49 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, as praiseworthy Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 186
18. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.6.11, 4.7.3 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288
19. Appian, Civil Wars, 2.18.66 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 155
20. Tacitus, Annals, 1.74, 1.76.1, 2.27, 2.27.1, 2.30-2.31, 3.54.2, 3.70, 3.70.3, 4.6.4, 4.6.6, 4.16.4, 4.16.6, 4.58.1, 6.10.3, 6.27.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito •ateius capito, as praiseworthy •capito, ateius Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 186; Fertik (2019), The Ruler's House: Contesting Power and Privacy in Julio-Claudian Rome, 161; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 108, 109; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 25
1.74. Nec multo post Granium Marcellum praetorem Bithyniae quaestor ipsius Caepio Crispinus maiestatis postulavit, subscribente Romano Hispone: qui formam vitae iniit, quam postea celebrem miseriae temporum et audaciae hominum fecerunt. nam egens, ignotus, inquies, dum occultis libellis saevitiae principis adrepit, mox clarissimo cuique periculum facessit, potentiam apud unum, odium apud omnis adeptus dedit exemplum, quod secuti ex pauperibus divites, ex contemptis metuendi perniciem aliis ac postremum sibi invenere. sed Marcellum insimulabat sinistros de Tiberio sermones habuisse, inevitabile crimen, cum ex moribus principis foedissima quaeque deligeret accusator obiectaretque reo. nam quia vera erant, etiam dicta credebantur. addidit Hispo statuam Marcelli altius quam Caesarum sitam, et alia in statua amputato capite Augusti effigiem Tiberii inditam. ad quod exarsit adeo, ut rupta taciturnitate proclamaret se quoque in ea causa laturum sententiam palam et iuratum, quo ceteris eadem necessitas fieret. manebant etiam tum vestigia morientis libertatis. igitur Cn. Piso 'quo' inquit 'loco censebis, Caesar? si primus, habebo quod sequar: si post omnis, vereor ne inprudens dissentiam.' permotus his, quantoque incautius efferverat, paenitentia patiens tulit absolvi reum criminibus maiestatis: de pecuniis repetundis ad reciperatores itum est. 2.27. Sub idem tempus e familia Scriboniorum Libo Drusus defertur moliri res novas. eius negotii initium, ordinem, finem curatius disseram, quia tum primum reperta sunt quae per tot annos rem publicam exedere. Firmius Catus senator, ex intima Libonis amicitia, iuvenem inprovi- dum et facilem iibus ad Chaldaeorum promissa, magorum sacra, somniorum etiam interpretes impulit, dum proavum Pompeium, amitam Scriboniam, quae quondam Augusti coniunx fuerat, consobrinos Caesares, plenam imaginibus domum ostentat, hortaturque ad luxum et aes alienum, socius libidinum et necessitatum, quo pluribus indiciis inligaret. 2.31. Responsum est ut senatum rogaret. cingebatur interim milite domus, strepebant etiam in vestibulo ut audiri, ut aspici possent, cum Libo ipsis quas in novissimam voluptatem adhibuerat epulis excruciatus vocare percussorem, prensare servorum dextras, inserere gladium. atque illis, dum trepidant, dum refugiunt, evertentibus adpositum cum mensa lumen, feralibus iam sibi tenebris duos ictus in viscera derexit. ad gemitum conlabentis adcurrere liberti, et caede visa miles abstitit. accusatio tamen apud patres adseveratione eadem peracta, iuravitque Tiberius petiturum se vitam quamvis nocenti, nisi voluntariam mortem properavisset. 1.74.  Before long, Granius Marcellus, praetor of Bithynia, found himself accused of treason by his own quaestor, Caepio Crispinus, with Hispo Romanus to back the charge. Caepio was the pioneer in a walk of life which the miseries of the age and effronteries of men soon rendered popular. Indigent, unknown, unresting, first creeping, with his private reports, into the confidence of his pitiless sovereign, then a terror to the noblest, he acquired the favour of one man, the hatred of all, and set an example, the followers of which passed from beggary to wealth, from being despised to being feared, and crowned at last the ruin of others by their own. He alleged that Marcellus had retailed sinister anecdotes about Tiberius: a damning indictment, when the accuser selected the foulest qualities of the imperial character, and attributed their mention to the accused. For, as the facts were true, they were also believed to have been related! Hispo added that Marcellus' own statue was placed on higher ground than those of the Caesars, while in another the head of Augustus had been struck off to make room for the portrait of Tiberius. This incensed the emperor to such a degree that, breaking through his taciturnity, he exclaimed that, in this case, he too would vote, openly and under oath, — the object being to impose a similar obligation on the rest. There remained even yet some traces of dying liberty. Accordingly Gnaeus Piso inquired: "In what order will you register your opinion, Caesar? If first, I shall have something to follow: if last of all, I fear I may inadvertently find myself on the other side." The words went home; and with a meekness that showed how profoundly he rued his unwary outburst, he voted for the acquittal of the defendant on the counts of treason. The charge of peculation went before the appropriate commission. 2.27.  Nearly at the same time, a charge of revolutionary activities was laid against Libo Drusus, a member of the Scribonian family. I shall describe in some detail the origin, the progress, and the end of this affair, as it marked the discovery of the system destined for so many years to prey upon the vitals of the commonwealth. Firmius Catus, a senator, and one of Libo's closest friends, had urged that short-sighted youth, who had a foible for absurdities, to resort to the forecasts of astrologers, the ritual of magicians, and the society of interpreters of dreams; pointing to his great-grandfather Pompey, to his great-aunt Scribonia (at one time the consort of Augustus), to his cousinship with the Caesars, and to his mansion crowded with ancestral portraits; encouraging him in his luxuries and loans; and, to bind him in a yet stronger chain of evidence, sharing his debaucheries and his embarrassments. 2.30.  Besides Trio and Catus, Fonteius Agrippa and Gaius Vibius had associated themselves with the prosecution, and it was disputed which of the four should have the right of stating the case against the defendant. Finally, Vibius announced that, as no one would give way and Libo was appearing without legal representation, he would take the counts one by one. He produced Libo's papers, so fatuous that, according to one, he had inquired of his prophets if he would be rich enough to cover the Appian Road as far as Brundisium with money. There was more in the same vein, stolid, vacuous, or, if indulgently read, pitiable. In one paper, however, the accuser argued, a set of marks, sinister or at least mysterious, had been appended by Libo's hand to the names of the imperial family and a number of senators. As the defendant denied the allegation, it was resolved to question the slaves, who recognized the handwriting, under torture; and, since an old decree prohibited their examination in a charge affecting the life of their master, Tiberius, applying his talents to the discovery of a new jurisprudence, ordered them to be sold individually to the treasury agent: all to procure servile evidence against a Libo, without overriding a senatorial decree! In view of this, the accused asked for an adjournment till the next day, and left for home, after commissioning his relative, Publius Quirinius, to make a final appeal to the emperor. 2.31.  The reply ran, that he must address his petitions to the senate. Meanwhile, his house was picketed by soldiers; they were tramping in the portico itself, within eyeshot and earshot, when Libo, thus tortured at the very feast which he had arranged to be his last delight on earth, called out for a slayer, clutched at the hands of his slaves, strove to force his sword upon them. They, as they shrank back in confusion, overturned lamp and table together; and he, in what was now for him the darkness of death, struck two blows into his vitals. He collapsed with a moan, and his freedmen ran up: the soldiers had witnessed the bloody scene, and retired. In the senate, however, the prosecution was carried through with unaltered gravity, and Tiberius declared on oath that, guilty as the defendant might have been, he would have interceded for his life, had he not laid an over-hasty hand upon himself. 3.70.  Later, an audience was given to the Cyrenaeans, and Caesius Cordus was convicted of extortion on the arraignment of Ancharius Priscus. Lucius Ennius, a Roman knight, found himself indicted for treason on the ground that he had turned a statuette of the emperor to the promiscuous uses of household silver. The Caesar forbade the entry of the case for trial, though Ateius Capito protested openly and with a display of freedom: for "the right of decision ought not to be snatched from the senate, nor should so grave an offence pass without punishment. By all means let the sovereign be easy-tempered in a grievance of his own; but injuries to the state he must not condone!" Tiberius understood this for what it was, rather than for what it purported to be, and persisted in his veto. The degradation of Capito was unusually marked, since, authority as he was on secular and religious law, he was held to have dishonoured not only the fair fame of the state but his personal good qualities.
21. Minucius Felix, Octavius, 7 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 155
22. Festus Sextus Pompeius, De Verborum Significatione, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 155
23. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 39.39.5-39.39.7, 40.18.1-40.18.5, 40.19.1-40.19.3, 91.1-91.4 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288
24. Anon., Sifra, None (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito Found in books: Sigal (2007), The Halakhah of Jesus of Nazareth According to the Gospel of Matthew, 90
25. Gellius, Attic Nights, None (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Howley (2018), The Single Life in the Roman and Later Roman World, 74
26. Babylonian Talmud, Horayot, 17.8-17.9 (3rd cent. CE - 6th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 249
27. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.17, 3.17.14-3.17.18, 7.13.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •capito, ateius •ateius capito, as praiseworthy Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 186; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 109
28. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 3.17, 3.17.14-3.17.18, 7.13.11 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •capito, ateius •ateius capito, as praiseworthy Found in books: Davies (2004), Rome's Religious History: Livy, Tacitus and Ammianus on their Gods, 186; Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 109
29. Orosius Paulus, Historiae Adversum Paganos, 5.16.1-5.16.7 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288
30. Servius, Commentary On The Aeneid, 7.606, 11.19 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288
31. Eutropius, Breviarium Ab Urbe Condita (Paeanii Translatio), 6.18.1 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288
33. Zosimus, Extracts of History’ ¢‚¬„¢’¢‚¬Å¡Š‚£’¢¢Š¬…¡’‚¢¢¢‚¬Å¡‚¬¦‚¡, 2.4, 2.4.2  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 249
34. Florus Lucius Annaeus, Epitome Bellorum Omnium Annorum Dcc, 1.34.8, 1.46.3-1.46.4  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 155, 288
35. Iulius Obsequens, Prodigiorum Liber, 54  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288
36. Plutarch, Synkr., a b c d\n0 5(38).3 5(38).3 5(38) 3  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288
37. Anon., Scholia Bernensia Ad Georg., 4.108  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288
38. Eutropius, Breviarium Historiae Romanae, 6.18.1  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288
39. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.12.2, 2.46.3  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 155, 288
40. Granius Licinianus., Annales, 33.1-33.17, 33.24  Tagged with subjects: •ateius capito, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 288