1. Homer, Iliad, 1.258 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 65 | 1.258. / rejoice, and the rest of the Trojans would be most glad at heart, were they to hear all this of you two quarrelling, you who are chief among the Danaans in counsel and chief in war. Listen to me, for you are both younger than I. In earlier times I moved among men more warlike than you, |
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2. Hesiod, Works And Days, 29, 28 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 74 | 28. My verse, don’t let the evil Strife invite |
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| 3. Solon, Fragments, None (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 60, 61, 63, 142, 143, 144 |
| 4. Tyrtaeus, Fragments, 4.9 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 144 |
5. Aeschylus, Eumenides, 762, 683 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 112, 148| 683. ἔσται δὲ καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν Αἰγέως στρατῷ | |
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| 6. Pindar, Olympian Odes, 9.95 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 112, 148 |
| 7. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 2.86-2.88 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 107, 112, 148 |
8. Aeschylus, Suppliant Women, 366-375, 398-401, 407-417, 468-479, 483-485, 600-624, 698-700 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 113| 700. προμαθὶς εὐκοινόμητις ἀρχά. | 700. a prudent government counselling wisely for the public prosperity. And should they have recourse to arms may they inflict no loss, but grant just rights of covet to the stranger within their gates. Chorus |
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9. Aeschylus, Persians, 213 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 63| 213. κακῶς δὲ πράξας, οὐχ ὑπεύθυνος πόλει, | |
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10. Herodotus, Histories, 1.59.3-1.59.4, 3.80.2, 3.80.6, 3.82.2, 3.142, 4.161.3, 5.72.1, 5.73.1, 5.74.1, 6.89, 6.92.1, 6.129, 6.131.1, 6.132-6.136, 7.142-7.144 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 63, 64, 74, 79, 88, 135, 136, 142, 145, 165 | 1.59.3. Hippocrates refused to follow the advice of Chilon; and afterward there was born to him this Pisistratus, who, when there was a feud between the Athenians of the coast under Megacles son of Alcmeon and the Athenians of the plain under Lycurgus son of Aristolaides, raised up a third faction, as he coveted the sovereign power. He collected partisans and pretended to champion the uplanders, and the following was his plan. 1.59.4. Wounding himself and his mules, he drove his wagon into the marketplace, with a story that he had escaped from his enemies, who would have killed him (so he said) as he was driving into the country. So he implored the people to give him a guard: and indeed he had won a reputation in his command of the army against the Megarians, when he had taken Nisaea and performed other great exploits. 3.80.2. Otanes was for turning the government over to the Persian people: “It seems to me,” he said, “that there can no longer be a single sovereign over us, for that is not pleasant or good. You saw the insolence of Cambyses, how far it went, and you had your share of the insolence of the Magus. 3.80.6. But the rule of the multitude has in the first place the loveliest name of all, equality, and does in the second place none of the things that a monarch does. It determines offices by lot, and holds power accountable, and conducts all deliberating publicly. Therefore I give my opinion that we make an end of monarchy and exalt the multitude, for all things are possible for the majority.” 3.82.2. One could describe nothing better than the rule of the one best man; using the best judgment, he will govern the multitude with perfect wisdom, and best conceal plans made for the defeat of enemies. 3.142. Now Samos was ruled by Maeandrius, son of Maeandrius, who had authority delegated by Polycrates. He wanted to be the justest of men, but that was impossible. ,For when he learned of Polycrates' death, first he set up an altar to Zeus the Liberator and marked out around it that sacred enclosure which is still to be seen in the suburb of the city; when this had been done, he called an assembly of all the citizens, and addressed them thus: ,“To me, as you know, have come Polycrates' scepter and all of his power, and it is in my power now to rule you. But I, so far as it lies in me, shall not do myself what I blame in my neighbor. I always disliked it that Polycrates or any other man should lord it over men like himself. Polycrates has fulfilled his destiny, and inviting you to share his power I proclaim equality. ,Only I claim for my own privilege that six talents of Polycrates' wealth be set apart for my use, and that I and my descendants keep the priesthood of Zeus the Liberator, whose temple I have founded, and now I give you freedom.” ,Such was Maeandrius' promise to the Samians. But one of them arose and answered: “But you are not even fit to rule us, low-born and vermin, but you had better give an account of the monies that you have handled.” 4.161.3. When this man came to Cyrene and learned everything, he divided the people into three tribes; of which the Theraeans and dispossessed Libyans were one, the Peloponnesians and Cretans the second, and all the islanders the third; furthermore, he set apart certain domains and priesthoods for their king Battus, but all the rest, which had belonged to the kings, were now to be held by the people in common. 5.72.1. When Cleomenes had sent for and demanded the banishment of Cleisthenes and the Accursed, Cleisthenes himself secretly departed. Afterwards, however, Cleomenes appeared in Athens with no great force. Upon his arrival, he, in order to take away the curse, banished seven hundred Athenian families named for him by Isagoras. Having so done he next attempted to dissolve the Council, entrusting the offices of government to Isagoras' faction. 5.73.1. These men, then, were bound and put to death. After that, the Athenians sent to bring back Cleisthenes and the seven hundred households banished by Cleomenes. Then, desiring to make an alliance with the Persians, they despatched envoys to Sardis, for they knew that they had provoked the Lacedaemonians and Cleomenes to war. 5.74.1. Cleomenes, however, fully aware that the Athenians had done him wrong in word and deed, mustered an army from the whole of the Peloponnesus. He did not declare the purpose for which he mustered it, namely to avenge himself on the Athenian people and set up Isagoras, who had come with him out of the acropolis, as tyrant. 6.89. Later Nicodromus, according to his agreement with the Athenians, took possession of the Old City, as it was called; but the Athenians were not there at the right time, for they did not have ships worthy to fight the Aeginetans. While they were asking the Corinthians to lend them ships, the affair was ruined. The Corinthians at that time were their close friends, so they consented to the Athenians' plea and gave them twenty ships, at a price of five drachmas apiece; by their law they could not make a free gift of them. Taking these ships and their own, the Athenians manned seventy in all and sailed for Aegina, but they came a day later than the time agreed. 6.92.1. Thus the Aeginetans dealt with each other. When the Athenians came, they fought them at sea with seventy ships; the Aeginetans were defeated in the sea-fight and asked for help from the Argives, as they had done before. But this time the Argives would not aid them, holding a grudge because ships of Aegina had been taken by force by Cleomenes and put in on the Argolid coast, where their crews landed with the Lacedaemonians; men from ships of Sicyon also took part in the same invasion. 6.129. When the appointed day came for the marriage feast and for Cleisthenes' declaration of whom he had chosen out of them all, Cleisthenes sacrificed a hundred oxen and gave a feast to the suitors and to the whole of Sicyon. ,After dinner the suitors vied with each other in music and in anecdotes for all to hear. As they sat late drinking, Hippocleides, now far outdoing the rest, ordered the flute-player to play him a dance-tune; the flute-player obeyed and he began to dance. I suppose he pleased himself with his dancing, but Cleisthenes saw the whole business with much disfavor. ,Hippocleides then stopped for a while and ordered a table to be brought in; when the table arrived, he danced Laconian figures on it first, and then Attic; last of all he rested his head on the table and made gestures with his legs in the air. ,Now Cleisthenes at the first and the second bout of dancing could no more bear to think of Hippocleides as his son-in-law, because of his dancing and his shamelessness, but he had held himself in check, not wanting to explode at Hippocleides; but when he saw him making gestures with his legs, he could no longer keep silence and said, “son of Tisandrus, you have danced away your marriage.” Hippocleides said in answer, “It does not matter to Hippocleides!” Since then this is proverbial. 6.131.1. Such is the tale of the choice among the suitors; and thus the fame of the Alcmeonidae resounded throughout Hellas. From this marriage was born that Cleisthenes, named after his mother's father from Sicyon, who gave the Athenians their tribes and their democracy; 6.132. After the Persian disaster at Marathon, the reputation of Miltiades, already great at Athens, very much increased. He asked the Athenians for seventy ships, an army, and money, not revealing against what country he would lead them, but saying that he would make them rich if they followed him; he would bring them to a country from which they could easily carry away an abundance of gold; so he said when he asked for the ships. The Athenians were induced by these promises and granted his request. 6.133. Miltiades took his army and sailed for Paros, on the pretext that the Parians had brought this on themselves by first sending triremes with the Persian fleet to Marathon. Such was the pretext of his argument, but he had a grudge against the Parians because Lysagoras son of Tisias, a man of Parian descent, had slandered him to Hydarnes the Persian. ,When he reached his voyage's destination, Miltiades with his army drove the Parians inside their walls and besieged them; he sent in a herald and demanded a hundred talents, saying that if they did not give it to him, his army would not return home before it had stormed their city. ,The Parians had no intention of giving Miltiades any money at all, and they contrived how to defend their city. They did this by building their wall at night to double its former height where it was most assailable, and also by other devices. 6.134. All the Greeks tell the same story up to this point; after this the Parians themselves say that the following happened: as Miltiades was in a quandary, a captive woman named Timo, Parian by birth and an under-priestess of the goddesses of the dead, came to talk with him. ,Coming before Miltiades, she advised him, if taking Paros was very important to him, to do whatever she suggested. Then, following her advice, he passed through to the hill in front of the city and jumped over the fence of the precinct of Demeter the Lawgiver, since he was unable to open the door. After leaping over, he went to the shrine, whether to move something that should not be moved, or with some other intention. When he was right at the doors, he was immediately seized with panic and hurried back by the same route; leaping down from the wall he twisted his thigh, but some say he hit his knee. 6.135. So Miltiades sailed back home in a sorry condition, neither bringing money for the Athenians nor having won Paros; he had besieged the town for twenty-six days and ravaged the island. ,The Parians learned that Timo the under-priestess of the goddesses had been Miltiades' guide and desired to punish her for this. Since they now had respite from the siege, they sent messengers to Delphi to ask if they should put the under-priestess to death for guiding their enemies to the capture of her native country, and for revealing to Miltiades the rites that no male should know. ,But the Pythian priestess forbade them, saying that Timo was not responsible: Miltiades was doomed to make a bad end, and an apparition had led him in these evils. 6.136. Such was the priestess' reply to the Parians. The Athenians had much to say about Miltiades on his return from Paros, especially Xanthippus son of Ariphron, who prosecuted Miltiades before the people for deceiving the Athenians and called for the death penalty. ,Miltiades was present but could not speak in his own defense, since his thigh was festering; he was laid before the court on a couch, and his friends spoke for him, often mentioning the fight at Marathon and the conquest of Lemnos: how Miltiades had punished the Pelasgians and taken Lemnos, delivering it to the Athenians. ,The people took his side as far as not condemning him to death, but they fined him fifty talents for his wrongdoing. Miltiades later died of gangrene and rot in his thigh, and the fifty talents were paid by his son Cimon. 7.142. This answer seemed to be and really was more merciful than the first, and the envoys, writing it down, departed for Athens. When the messengers had left Delphi and laid the oracle before the people, there was much inquiry concerning its meaning, and among the many opinions which were uttered, two contrary ones were especially worthy of note. Some of the elder men said that the gods answer signified that the acropolis should be saved, for in old time the acropolis of Athens had been fenced by a thorn hedge, ,which, by their interpretation, was the wooden wall. But others supposed that the god was referring to their ships, and they were for doing nothing but equipping these. Those who believed their ships to be the wooden wall were disabled by the two last verses of the oracle: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" Divine Salamis, you will bring death to women's sons /l l When the corn is scattered, or the harvest gathered in. /l /quote ,These verses confounded the opinion of those who said that their ships were the wooden wall, for the readers of oracles took the verses to mean that they should offer battle by sea near Salamis and be there overthrown. 7.143. Now there was a certain Athenian, by name and title Themistocles son of Neocles, who had lately risen to be among their chief men. He claimed that the readers of oracles had incorrectly interpreted the whole of the oracle and reasoned that if the verse really pertained to the Athenians, it would have been formulated in less mild language, calling Salamis “cruel” rather than “divine ” seeing that its inhabitants were to perish. ,Correctly understood, the gods' oracle was spoken not of the Athenians but of their enemies, and his advice was that they should believe their ships to be the wooden wall and so make ready to fight by sea. ,When Themistocles put forward this interpretation, the Athenians judged him to be a better counsellor than the readers of oracles, who would have had them prepare for no sea fight, and, in short, offer no resistance at all, but leave Attica and settle in some other country. 7.144. The advice of Themistocles had prevailed on a previous occasion. The revenues from the mines at Laurium had brought great wealth into the Athenians' treasury, and when each man was to receive ten drachmae for his share, Themistocles persuaded the Athenians to make no such division but to use the money to build two hundred ships for the war, that is, for the war with Aegina. ,This was in fact the war the outbreak of which saved Hellas by compelling the Athenians to become seamen. The ships were not used for the purpose for which they were built, but later came to serve Hellas in her need. These ships, then, had been made and were already there for the Athenians' service, and now they had to build yet others. ,In their debate after the giving of the oracle they accordingly resolved that they would put their trust in the god and meet the foreign invader of Hellas with the whole power of their fleet, ships and men, and with all other Greeks who were so minded. |
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| 11. Euripides, Suppliant Women, 406-407, 352 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 106 |
12. Euripides, Cyclops, 119 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 106| 119. τίνος κλύοντες; ἢ δεδήμευται κράτος; | |
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| 13. Xenophon, Hiero, 5.3, 6.4-6.5, 6.11, 10.3-10.8 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 100 |
14. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.102, 2.37.1, 2.37.3, 2.40, 2.40.2, 8.66 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 78, 113, 161, 191| 2.37.1. ‘χρώμεθα γὰρ πολιτείᾳ οὐ ζηλούσῃ τοὺς τῶν πέλας νόμους, παράδειγμα δὲ μᾶλλον αὐτοὶ ὄντες τισὶν ἢ μιμούμενοι ἑτέρους. καὶ ὄνομα μὲν διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐς ὀλίγους ἀλλ’ ἐς πλείονας οἰκεῖν δημοκρατία κέκληται: μέτεστι δὲ κατὰ μὲν τοὺς νόμους πρὸς τὰ ἴδια διάφορα πᾶσι τὸ ἴσον, κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἀξίωσιν, ὡς ἕκαστος ἔν τῳ εὐδοκιμεῖ, οὐκ ἀπὸ μέρους τὸ πλέον ἐς τὰ κοινὰ ἢ ἀπ’ ἀρετῆς προτιμᾶται, οὐδ’ αὖ κατὰ πενίαν, ἔχων γέ τι ἀγαθὸν δρᾶσαι τὴν πόλιν, ἀξιώματος ἀφανείᾳ κεκώλυται. 2.37.3. ἀνεπαχθῶς δὲ τὰ ἴδια προσομιλοῦντες τὰ δημόσια διὰ δέος μάλιστα οὐ παρανομοῦμεν, τῶν τε αἰεὶ ἐν ἀρχῇ ὄντων ἀκροάσει καὶ τῶν νόμων, καὶ μάλιστα αὐτῶν ὅσοι τε ἐπ’ ὠφελίᾳ τῶν ἀδικουμένων κεῖνται καὶ ὅσοι ἄγραφοι ὄντες αἰσχύνην ὁμολογουμένην φέρουσιν. 2.40.2. ἔνι τε τοῖς αὐτοῖς οἰκείων ἅμα καὶ πολιτικῶν ἐπιμέλεια, καὶ ἑτέροις πρὸς ἔργα τετραμμένοις τὰ πολιτικὰ μὴ ἐνδεῶς γνῶναι: μόνοι γὰρ τόν τε μηδὲν τῶνδε μετέχοντα οὐκ ἀπράγμονα, ἀλλ’ ἀχρεῖον νομίζομεν, καὶ οἱ αὐτοὶ ἤτοι κρίνομέν γε ἢ ἐνθυμούμεθα ὀρθῶς τὰ πράγματα, οὐ τοὺς λόγους τοῖς ἔργοις βλάβην ἡγούμενοι, ἀλλὰ μὴ προδιδαχθῆναι μᾶλλον λόγῳ πρότερον ἢ ἐπὶ ἃ δεῖ ἔργῳ ἐλθεῖν. | 2.37.1. Our constitution does not copy the laws of neighboring states; we are rather a pattern to others than imitators ourselves. Its administration favors the many instead of the few; this is why it is called a democracy. If we look to the laws, they afford equal justice to all in their private differences; if to social standing, advancement in public life falls to reputation for capacity, class considerations not being allowed to interfere with merit; nor again does poverty bar the way, if a man is able to serve the state, he is not hindered by the obscurity of his condition. 2.37.3. But all this ease in our private relations does not make us lawless as citizens. Against this fear is our chief safeguard, teaching us to obey the magistrates and the laws, particularly such as regard the protection of the injured, whether they are actually on the statute book, or belong to that code which, although unwritten, yet cannot be broken without acknowledged disgrace. 2.40.2. Our public men have, besides politics, their private affairs to attend to, and our ordinary citizens, though occupied with the pursuits of industry, are still fair judges of public matters; for, unlike any other nation, regarding him who takes no part in these duties not as unambitious but as useless, we Athenians are able to judge at all events if we cannot originate, and instead of looking on discussion as a stumbling-block in the way of action, we think it an indispensable preliminary to any wise action at all. |
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| 15. Plato, Republic, 8.558 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 175 |
| 16. Aristophanes, Fragments, 101 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 79 |
| 17. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 4.4, 4.6, 5, 5.2, 6, 6.2, 7, 7.3, 7.4, 8, 8.1, 8.4, 8.5, 9, 9.1, 10, 11, 12, 12.1, 12.2, 12.3, 12.4, 13, 13.4, 13.5, 14.1, 20.4, 21.3, 21.4, 22.1, 22.3, 22.5, 24.3, 25.1, 25.2, 25.3, 25.4, 26.2, 26.4, 28.3, 28.5, 31.1, 34, 35.2, 41.2, 42, 43, 43.1, 44, 44.4, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50-55.1, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 113 |
| 18. Aeschines, Letters, 1.23, 3.2-3.4, 3.183-3.185 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 65, 78 |
| 19. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 74 |
20. Plutarch, Cimon, 8.1, 14.3-14.5, 15.1-15.3, 16.4-16.10, 17.1-17.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 78, 113, 114, 115, 145| 8.1. ταῦτα καίπερ οὐδαμοῦ τὸ Κίμωνος ὄνομα δηλοῦντα τιμῆς ὑπερβολὴν ἔχειν ἐδόκει τοῖς τότε ἀνθρώποις. οὔτε γὰρ Θεμιστοκλῆς τοιούτου τινὸς οὔτε Μιλτιάδης ἔτυχεν, ἀλλὰ τούτῳ γε θαλλοῦ στέφανον αἰτοῦντι Σωφάνης ὁ Δεκελεὺς ἐκ μέσου τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἀναστὰς ἀντεῖπεν, οὐκ εὐγνώμονα μέν, ἀρέσασαν δὲ τῷ δήμῳ τότε φωνὴν ἀφείς· ὅταν γάρ, ἔφη, μόνος ἀγωνισάμενος, ὦ Μιλτιάδη, νικήσῃς τοὺς βαρβάρους, τότε καὶ τιμᾶσθαι μόνος ἀξίου. 14.3. ἀπολογούμενος δὲ πρὸς τοὺς δικαστὰς οὐκ Ἰώνων ἔφη προξενεῖν οὐδὲ Θεσσαλῶν, πλουσίων ὄντων, ὥσπερ ἑτέρους, ἵνα θεραπεύωνται καὶ λαμβάνωσιν, ἀλλὰ Λακεδαιμονίων, μιμούμενος καὶ ἀγαπῶν τὴν παρʼ αὐτοῖς εὐτέλειαν καὶ σωφροσύνην, ἧς οὐδένα προτιμᾶν πλοῦτον, ἀλλὰ πλουτίζων ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμίων τὴν πόλιν ἀγάλλεσθαι. 14.4. μνησθεὶς δὲ τῆς κρίσεως ἐκείνης ὁ Στησίμβροτός φησι τὴν Ἐλπινίκην ὑπὲρ τοῦ Κίμωνος δεομένην ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας τοῦ Περικλέους (οὗτος γὰρ ἦν τῶν κατηγόρων ὁ σφοδρότατος), τὸν δὲ μειδιάσαντα γραῦς εἶ, φάναι, γραῦς, ὦ Ἐλπινίκη, ὡς τηλικαῦτα διαπράττεσθαι πράγματα· πλὴν ἔν γε τῇ δίκῃ πρᾳότατον γενέσθαι τῷ Κίμωνι καὶ πρὸς τὴν κατηγορίαν ἅπαξ ἀναστῆναι μόνον, ὥσπερ ἀφοσιούμενον. 15.1. ἐκείνην μὲν οὖν ἀπέφυγε τὴν δίκην· ἐν δὲ τῇ λοιπῇ πολιτείᾳ παρὼν μὲν ἐκράτει καὶ συνέστελλε τὸν δῆμον ἐπιβαίνοντα τοῖς ἀρίστοις καὶ περισπῶντα τὴν πᾶσαν εἰς ἑαυτὸν ἀρχὴν καὶ δύναμιν· ὡς δὲ πάλιν ἐπὶ στρατείαν ἐξέπλευσε, τελέως ἀνεθέντες οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ συγχέαντες τὸν καθεστῶτα τῆς πολιτείας κόσμον τά τε πάτρια νόμιμα, οἷς ἐχρῶντο πρότερον, 15.2. Ἐφιάλτου προεστῶτος ἀφείλοντο τῆς ἐξ Ἀρείου πάγου βουλῆς τὰς κρίσεις πλὴν ὀλίγων ἁπάσας, καὶ τῶν δικαστηρίων κυρίους ἑαυτοὺς ποιήσαντες εἰς ἄκρατον δημοκρατίαν ἐνέβαλον τὴν πόλιν, ἤδη καὶ Περικλέους δυναμένου καὶ τὰ τῶν πολλῶν φρονοῦντος. διὸ καὶ τοῦ Κίμωνος, ὡς ἐπανῆλθεν, ἀγανακτοῦντος ἐπὶ τῷ προπηλακίζεσθαι τὸ ἀξίωμα τοῦ συνεδρίου, καὶ πειρωμένου πάλιν ἄνω τὰς δίκας ἀνακαλεῖσθαι καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ Κλεισθένους ἐγείρειν ἀριστοκρατίαν, κατεβόων συνιστάμενοι καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἐξηρέθιζον, 15.3. ἐκεῖνά τε τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἀνανεούμενοι καὶ Λακωνισμὸν ἐπικαλοῦντες. εἰς ἃ καὶ τὰ Εὐπόλιδος διατεθρύληται περὶ Κίμωνος, ὅτι 16.4. ὅθεν φθόνον ἑαυτῷ συνῆγε καὶ δυσμένειάν τινα παρὰ τῶν πολιτῶν. ἡ δʼ οὖν ἰσχύσασα μάλιστα κατʼ αὐτοῦ τῶν διαβολῶν αἰτίαν ἔσχε τοιαύτην. Ἀρχιδάμου τοῦ Ζευξιδάμου τέταρτον τέταρτον Bekker adopted Niebuhr’s correction to τεσσαρεσκαιδέκατον fourteenth. ἔτος ἐν Σπάρτῃ βασιλεύοντος ὑπὸ σεισμοῦ μεγίστου δὴ τῶν μνημονευομένων πρότερον ἥ τε χώρα τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων χάσμασιν ἐνώλισθε πολλοῖς καὶ τῶν Ταϋγέτων τιναχθέντων κορυφαί τινες ἀπερράγησαν, αὐτὴ δʼ ἡ πόλις ὅλη συνεχύθη πλὴν οἰκιῶν πέντε, τὰς δʼ ἄλλας ἤρειψεν ὁ σεισμός. 16.5. ἐν δὲ μέσῃ τῇ στοᾷ γυμναζομένων ὁμοῦ τῶν ἐφήβων καὶ τῶν νεανίσκων λέγεται μικρὸν πρὸ τοῦ σεισμοῦ λαγὼν παραφανῆναι, καὶ τοὺς μὲν νεανίσκους, ὥσπερ ἦσαν ἀληλιμμένοι, μετὰ παιδιᾶς ἐκδραμεῖν καὶ διώκειν, τοῖς δʼ ἐφήβοις ὑπολειφθεῖσιν ἐπιπεσεῖν τὸ γυμνάσιον καὶ πάντας ὁμοῦ τελευτῆσαι. τὸν δὲ τάφον αὐτῶν ἔτι νῦν Σεισματίαν προσαγορεύουσι. 16.6. ταχὺ δὴ συνιδὼν ἀπὸ τοῦ παρόντος τὸν μέλλοντα κίνδυνον ὁ Ἀρχίδαμος, καὶ τοὺς πολίτας ὁρῶν ἐκ τῶν οἰκιῶν τὰ τιμιώτατα πειρωμένους σώζειν, ἐκέλευσε τῇ σάλπιγγι σημαίνειν, ὡς πολεμίων ἐπιόντων, ὅπως ὅτι τάχιστα μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἀθροίζωνται πρὸς αὐτόν. ὃ δὴ καὶ μόνον ἐν τῷ τότε καιρῷ τὴν Σπάρτην διέσωσεν. οἱ γὰρ εἵλωτες ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν συνέδραμον πανταχόθεν ὡς ἀναρπασόμενοι τοὺς σεσωσμένους τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν. 16.7. ὡπλισμένους δὲ καὶ συντεταγμένους εὑρόντες ἀνεχώρησαν ἐπὶ τὰς πόλεις καὶ φανερῶς ἐπολέμουν, τῶν τε περιοίκων ἀναπείσαντες οὐκ ὀλίγους, καὶ Μεσσηνίων ἅμα τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις συνεπιθεμένων. πέμπουσιν οὖν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι Περικλείδαν εἰς Ἀθήνας δεόμενοι βοηθεῖν, ὅν φησι κωμῳδῶν Ἀριστοφάνης καθεζόμενον ἐπὶ τοῖς βωμοῖς ὠχρὸν ἐν φοινικίδι στρατιὰν ἐπαιτεῖν. 16.8. Ἐφιάλτου δὲ κωλύοντος καὶ διαμαρτυρομένου μὴ βοηθεῖν μηδʼ ἀνιστάναι πόλιν ἀντίπαλον ἐπὶ τὰς Ἀθήνας, ἀλλʼ ἐᾶν κεῖσθαι καὶ πατηθῆναι τὸ φρόνημα τῆς Σπάρτης, Κίμωνά φησι Κριτίας τὴν τῆς πατρίδος αὔξησιν ἐν ὑστέρῳ θέμενον τοῦ Λακεδαιμονίων συμφέροντος ἀναπείσαντα τὸν δῆμον ἐξελθεῖν βοηθοῦντα μετὰ πολλῶν ὁπλιτῶν. ὁ δʼ Ἴων ἀπομνημονεύει καὶ τὸν λόγον, ᾧ μάλιστα τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐκίνησε, παρακαλῶν μήτε τὴν Ἑλλάδα χωλὴν μήτε τὴν πόλιν ἑτερόζυγα περιϊδεῖν γεγενημένην. 17.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ βοηθήσας τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἀπῄει διὰ Κορίνθου τὴν στρατιὰν ἄγων, ἐνεκάλει Λάχαρτος αὐτῷ πρὶν ἐντυχεῖν τοῖς πολίταις εἰσαγαγόντι τὸ στράτευμα· καὶ γὰρ θύραν κόψαντας ἀλλοτρίαν οὐκ εἰσιέναι πρότερον ἢ τὸν κύριον κελεῦσαι. καὶ ὁ Κίμων ἀλλʼ οὐχ ὑμεῖς, εἶπεν, ὦ Λάχαρτε, τὰς Κλεωναίων καὶ Μεγαρέων πύλας κόψαντες, ἀλλὰ κατασχίσαντες εἰσεβιάσασθε μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἀξιοῦντες ἀνεῳγέναι πάντα τοῖς μεῖζον δυναμένοις. οὕτω μὲν ἐθρασύνατο πρὸς τὸν Κορίνθιον ἐν δέοντι, καὶ μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς διεξῆλθεν. 17.2. οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τοὺς Ἀθηναίους αὖθις ἐκάλουν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν Ἰθώμῃ Μεσσηνίους καὶ εἵλωτας, ἐλθόντων δὲ τὴν τόλμαν καὶ τὴν λαμπρότητα δείσαντες ἀπεπέμψαντο μόνους τῶν συμμάχων ὡς νεωτεριστάς. οἱ δὲ πρὸς ὀργὴν ἀπελθόντες ἤδη τοῖς λακωνίζουσι φανερῶς ἐχαλέπαινον, καὶ τὸν Κίμωνα μικρᾶς ἐπιλαβόμενοι προφάσεως ἐξωστράκισαν εἰς ἔτη δέκα· τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἦν χρόνου τεταγμένον ἅπασι τοῖς ἐξοστρακιζομένοις. 17.3. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, ὡς ἐπανήρχοντο Δελφοὺς ἀπὸ Φωκέων ἐλευθερώσαντες, ἐν Τανάγρᾳ καταστρατοπεδευσάντων Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν ἀπήντων διαμαχούμενοι, Κίμων δὲ μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἧκεν εἰς τὴν αὑτοῦ φυλὴν τὴν Οἰνηΐδα, πρόθυμος ὢν ἀμύνεσθαι τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους μετὰ τῶν πολιτῶν. | 8.1. 14.3. 14.4. 15.1. 15.2. 15.3. 16.4. 16.5. 16.6. 16.7. 16.8. 17.1. 17.2. 17.3. |
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| 21. Plutarch, Lycurgus, 6.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 144 |
| 22. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 65 |
23. Plutarch, Solon, 13.1-13.2, 18.6, 19.1-19.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 60, 64, 74| 13.1. οἱ δʼ Ἀθηναῖοι τῆς Κυλωνείου πεπαυμένης ταραχῆς καὶ μεθεστώτων, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, τῶν ἐναγῶν, τὴν παλαιᾶν αὖθις στάσιν ὑπὲρ τῆς πολιτείας ἐστασίαζον, ὅσας ἡ χώρα διαφορὰς εἶχεν, εἰς τοσαῦτα μέρη τῆς πόλεως διαστάσης. ἦν γὰρ τὸ μὲν τῶν Διακρίων γένος δημοκρατικώτατον, ὀλιγαρχικώτατον δὲ τὸ τῶν Πεδιέων· τρίτοι δʼ οἱ Πάραλοι μέσον τινὰ καὶ μεμιγμένον αἱρούμενοι πολιτείας τρόπον, ἐμποδὼν ἦσαν καὶ διεκώλυον τοὺς ἑτέρους κρατῆσαι. 13.2. τότε δὲ τῆς τῶν πενήτων πρὸς τοὺς πλουσίους ἀνωμαλίας ὥσπερ ἀκμὴν λαβούσης παντάπασιν ἐπισφαλῶς ἡ πόλις διέκειτο, καὶ μόνως ἂν ἐδόκει καταστῆναι καὶ παύσασθαι ταραττομένη τυραννίδος γενομένης. ἅπας μὲν γὰρ ὁ δῆμος ἦν ὑπόχρεως τῶν πλουσίων. ἢ γὰρ ἐγεώργουν ἐκείνοις ἕκτα τῶν γινομένων τελοῦντες, ἑκτημόριοι προσαγορευόμενοι καὶ θῆτες, ἢ χρέα λαμβάνοντες ἐπὶ τοῖς σώμασιν ἀγώγιμοι τοῖς δανείζουσιν ἦσαν, οἱ μὲν αὐτοῦ δουλεύοντες, οἱ δʼ ἐπὶ τὴν ξένην πιπρασκόμενοι. 19.1. συστησάμενος δὲ τὴν ἐν Ἀρείῳ πάγῳ βουλὴν ἐκ τῶν κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν ἀρχόντων, ἧς διὰ τὸ ἄρξαι καὶ αὐτὸς μετεῖχεν, ἔτι δʼ ὁρῶν τὸν δῆμον οἰδοῦντα καὶ θρασυνόμενον τῇ τῶν χρεῶν ἀφέσει, δευτέραν προσκατένειμε βουλήν, ἀπὸ φυλῆς ἑκάστης, τεττάρων οὐσῶν, ἑκατὸν ἄνδρας ἐπιλεξάμενος, οὓς προβουλεύειν ἔταξε τοῦ δήμου καὶ μηδὲν ἐᾶν ἀπροβούλευτον εἰς ἐκκλησίαν εἰσφέρεσθαι. 19.2. τὴν δʼ ἄνω βουλὴν ἐπίσκοπον πάντων καὶ φύλακα τῶν νόμων ἐκάθισεν, οἰόμενος ἐπὶ δυσὶ βουλαῖς ὥσπερ ἀγκύραις ὁρμοῦσαν ἧττον ἐν σάλῳ τὴν πόλιν ἔσεσθαι καὶ μᾶλλον ἀτρεμοῦντα τὸν δῆμον παρέξειν. οἱ μὲν οὖν πλεῖστοι τὴν ἐξ Ἀρείου πάγου βουλήν, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, Σόλωνα συστήσασθαί φασι· καὶ μαρτυρεῖν αὐτοῖς δοκεῖ μάλιστα τὸ μηδαμοῦ τὸν Δράκοντα λέγειν μηδʼ ὀνομάζειν Ἀρεοπαγίτας, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἐφέταις ἀεὶ διαλέγεσθαι περὶ τῶν φονικῶν. | 13.1. But the Athenians, now that the Cylonian disturbance was over and the polluted persons banished, as described, Plut. Sol. 12.3 . relapsed into their old disputes about the form of government, the city being divided into as many parties as there were diversities in its territory. The Hill-men favoured an extreme democracy; the Plain-men an extreme oligarchy; the Shore-men formed a third party, Cf. Aristotle, Const. Ath. 13.4 which preferred an intermediate and mixed form of government, was opposed to the other two, and prevented either from gaining the ascendancy. 13.2. At that time, too, the disparity between the rich and the poor had culminated, as it were, and the city was in an altogether perilous condition; it seemed as if the only way to settle its disorders and stop its turmoils was to establish a tyranny. All the common people were in debt to the rich. For they either tilled their lands for them, paying them a sixth of the increase (whence they were called Hectemoiroi and Thetes), or else they pledged their persons for debts and could be seized by their creditors, some becoming slaves at home, and others being sold into foreign countries. 19.1. After he had established the council of the Areiopagus, consisting of those who had been archons year by year (and he himself was a member of this body since he had been archon), he observed that the common people were uneasy and bold in consequence of their release from debt, and therefore established another council besides, consisting of four hundred men, one hundred chosen from each of the four tribes. Cf. Aristot. Const. Ath. 8.4 . These were to deliberate on public matters before the people did, and were not to allow any matter to come before the popular assembly without such previous deliberation. 19.2. Then he made the upper council a general overseer in the state, and guardian of the laws, thinking that the city with its two councils, riding as it were at double anchor, would be less tossed by the surges, and would keep its populace in greater quiet. Now most writers say that the council of the Areiopagus, as I have stated, was established by Solon. And their view seems to be strongly supported by the fact that Draco nowhere makes any mention whatsoever of Areiopagites, but always addresses himself to the ephetai in cases of homicide. |
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24. Plutarch, Pericles, 7.3-7.4, 9.1, 9.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 114, 115| 7.3. ἀλλʼ, ὡς ἔοικε, δεδιὼς μὲν ὑποψίᾳ περιπεσεῖν τυραννίδος, ὁρῶν δʼ ἀριστοκρατικὸν τὸν Κίμωνα καὶ διαφερόντως ὑπὸ τῶν καλῶν κἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀγαπώμενον, ὑπῆλθε τοὺς πολλούς, ἀσφάλειαν μὲν ἑαυτῷ, δύναμιν δὲ κατʼ ἐκείνου παρασκευαζόμενος. 7.4. εὐθὺς δὲ καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὴν δίαιταν ἑτέραν τάξιν ἐπέθηκεν. ὁδόν τε γὰρ ἐν ἄστει μίαν ἑωρᾶτο τὴν ἐπʼ ἀγορὰν καὶ τὸ βουλευτήριον πορευόμενος, κλήσεις τε δείπνων καὶ τὴν τοιαύτην ἅπασαν φιλοφροσύνην καὶ συνήθειαν ἐξέλιπεν, ὡς ἐν οἷς ἐπολιτεύσατο χρόνοις μακροῖς γενομένοις πρὸς μηδένα τῶν φίλων ἐπὶ δεῖπνον ἐλθεῖν, πλὴν Εὐρυπτολέμου τοῦ ἀνεψιοῦ γαμοῦντος ἄχρι τῶν σπονδῶν παραγενόμενος εὐθὺς ἐξανέστη. 9.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ Θουκυδίδης μὲν ἀριστοκρατικήν τινα τὴν τοῦ Περικλέους ὑπογράφει πολιτείαν, λόγῳ μὲν οὖσαν δημοκρατίαν, ἔργῳ δʼ ὑπὸ τοῦ πρώτου ἀνδρὸς ἀρχήν, ἄλλοι δὲ πολλοὶ πρῶτον ὑπʼ ἐκείνου φασὶ τὸν δῆμον ἐπὶ κληρουχίας καὶ θεωρικὰ καὶ μισθῶν διανομὰς προαχθῆναι, κακῶς ἐθισθέντα καὶ γενόμενον πολυτελῆ καὶ ἀκόλαστον ὑπὸ τῶν τότε πολιτευμάτων ἀντὶ σώφρονος καὶ αὐτουργοῦ, θεωρείσθω διὰ τῶν πραγμάτων αὐτῶν ἡ αἰτία τῆς μεταβολῆς. | 7.3. But he feared, as it would seem, to encounter a suspicion of aiming at tyranny, and when he saw that Cimon was very aristocratic in his sympathies, and was held in extraordinary affection by the party of the Good and True, he began to court the favour of the multitude, thereby securing safety for himself, and power to wield against his rival. 7.4. Straightway, too, he made a different ordering in his way of life. On one street only in the city was he to be seen walking,—the one which took him to the market-place and the council-chamber. Invitations to dinner, and all such friendly and familiar intercourse, he declined, so that during the long period that elapsed while he was at the head of the state, there was not a single friend to whose house he went to dine, except that when his kinsman Euryptolemus gave a wedding feast, he attended until the libations were made, That is, until the wine for the symposium was brought in,and drinking began. and then straightway rose up and departed. 9.1. Thucydides describes In the encomium on Pericles, Thuc. 2.65.9 . the administration of Pericles as rather aristocratic,— in name a democracy, but in fact a government by the greatest citizen. But many others say that the people was first led on by him into allotments of public lands, festival-grants, and distributions of fees for public services, thereby falling into bad habits, and becoming luxurious and wanton under the influence of his public measures, instead of frugal and self-sufficing. Let us therefore examine in detail the reason for this change in him. The discussion of this change in Pericles from the methods of a demagogue to the leadership described by Thucydides, continues through chapter 15. |
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25. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.49-1.54 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 64, 65 | 1.49. Thereafter the people looked up to him, and would gladly have had him rule them as tyrant; he refused, and, early perceiving the designs of his kinsman Pisistratus (so we are told by Sosicrates), did his best to hinder them. He rushed into the Assembly armed with spear and shield, warned them of the designs of Pisistratus, and not only so, but declared his willingness to render assistance, in these words: Men of Athens, I am wiser than some of you and more courageous than others: wiser than those who fail to understand the plot of Pisistratus, more courageous than those who, though they see through it, keep silence through fear. And the members of the council, who were of Pisistratus' party, declared that he was mad: which made him say the lines:A little while, and the event will showTo all the world if I be mad or no. 1.50. That he foresaw the tyranny of Pisistratus is proved by a passage from a poem of his:On splendid lightning thunder follows straight,Clouds the soft snow and flashing hail-stones bring;So from proud men comes ruin, and their stateFalls unaware to slavery and a king.When Pisistratus was already established, Solon, unable to move the people, piled his arms in front of the Strategeion, and exclaimed, My country, I have served thee with my word and sword! Thereupon he sailed to Egypt and to Cyprus, and thence proceeded to the court of Croesus. There Croesus put the question, Whom do you consider happy? and Solon replied, Tellus of Athens, and Cleobis and Biton, and went on in words too familiar to be quoted here. 1.51. There is a story that Croesus in magnificent array sat himself down on his throne and asked Solon if he had ever seen anything more beautiful. Yes, was the reply, cocks and pheasants and peacocks; for they shine in nature's colours, which are ten thousand times more beautiful. After leaving that place he lived in Cilicia and founded a city which he called Soli after his own name. In it he settled some few Athenians, who in process of time corrupted the purity of Attic and were said to solecize. Note that the people of this town are called Solenses, the people of Soli in Cyprus Solii. When he learnt that Pisistratus was by this time tyrant, he wrote to the Athenians on this wise: 1.52. If ye have suffered sadly through your own wickedness, lay not the blame for this upon the gods. For it is you yourselves who gave pledges to your foes and made them great; this is why you bear the brand of slavery. Every one of you treadeth in the footsteps of the fox, yet in the mass ye have little sense. Ye look to the speech and fair words of a flatterer, paying no regard to any practical result.Thus Solon. After he had gone into exile Pisistratus wrote to him as follows:Pisistratus to Solon 1.53. I am not the only man who has aimed at a tyranny in Greece, nor am I, a descendant of Codrus, unfitted for the part. That is, I resume the privileges which the Athenians swore to confer upon Codrus and his family, although later they took them away. In everything else I commit no offence against God or man; but I leave to the Athenians the management of their affairs according to the ordices established by you. And they are better governed than they would be under a democracy; for I allow no one to extend his rights, and though I am tyrant I arrogate to myself no undue share of reputation and honour, but merely such stated privileges as belonged to the kings in former times. Every citizen pays a tithe of his property, not to me but to a fund for defraying the cost of the public sacrifices or any other charges on the State or the expenditure on any war which may come upon us. 1.54. I do not blame you for disclosing my designs; you acted from loyalty to the city, not through any enmity to me, and further, in ignorance of the sort of rule which I was going to establish; since, if you had known, you would perhaps have tolerated me and not gone into exile. Wherefore return home, trusting my word, though it be not sworn, that Solon will suffer no harm from Pisistratus. For neither has any other enemy of mine suffered; of that you may be sure. And if you choose to become one of my friends, you will rank with the foremost, for I see no trace of treachery in you, nothing to excite mistrust; or if you wish to live at Athens on other terms, you have my permission. But do not on my account sever yourself from your country. |
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| 26. Iamblichus, Life of Pythagoras, 257 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 63 |
| 27. Lysias, Orations, 34 Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 177 |
| 28. Solon, Fr ., 36.18-36.20 Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 142 |
| 29. Aeschines, Or., 1.23, 3.2-3.4, 3.183-3.185 Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 65, 78 |
| 30. Andocides, Orations, 1.83-1.84 Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 66 |
| 31. Aristophanes Boeotus, Fragments, 101 Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 79 |
| 32. Andocides, Orations, 1.83-1.84 Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 66 |
| 33. Epigraphy, Seg, 30.380 Tagged with subjects: •assembly,, athenian (ekklesia) Found in books: Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 63 |
