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67 results for "asinius"
1. Hesiod, Works And Days, 103-104 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 133
104. Within its firm sides, Hope alone was then
2. Theocritus, Epigrams, 18 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio (politician and writer), library of Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 157
3. Ennius, Annales, "52", 164 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 100
4. Cicero, On Divination, 1.119 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 237
1.119. Quod ne dubitare possimus, maximo est argumento, quod paulo ante interitum Caesaris contigit. Qui cum immolaret illo die, quo primum in sella aurea sedit et cum purpurea veste processit, in extis bovis opimi cor non fuit. Num igitur censes ullum animal, quod sanguinem habeat, sine corde esse posse? †Qua ille rei novitate perculsus, cum Spurinna diceret timendum esse, ne et consilium et vita deficeret; earum enim rerum utramque a corde proficisci. Postero die caput in iecore non fuit. Quae quidem illi portendebantur a dis immortalibus, ut videret interitum, non ut caveret. Cum igitur eae partes in extis non reperiuntur, sine quibus victuma illa vivere nequisset, intellegendum est in ipso immolationis tempore eas partes, quae absint, interisse. 1.119. Conclusive proof of this fact, sufficient to put it beyond the possibility of doubt, is afforded by incidents which happened just before Caesars death. While he was offering sacrifices on the day when he sat for the first time on a golden throne and first appeared in public in a purple robe, no heart was found in the vitals of the votive ox. Now do you think it possible for any animal that has blood to exist without a heart? Caesar was unmoved by this occurrence, even though Spurinna warned him to beware lest thought and life should fail him — both of which, he said, proceeded from the heart. On the following day there was no head to the liver of the sacrifice. These portents were sent by the immortal gods to Caesar that he might foresee his death, not that he might prevent it. Therefore, when those organs, without which the victim could not have lived, are found wanting in the vitals, we should understand that the absent organs disappeared at the very moment of immolation. [53]
5. Cicero, Letters, 9.15.2 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135
6. Cicero, Philippicae, 2.62 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135
7. Varro, On The Latin Language, 5.17-5.18 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 158
8. Vergil, Aeneis, 1.257-1.296 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 123
1.257. in panic through the leafy wood, nor ceased 1.258. the victory of his bow, till on the ground 1.259. lay seven huge forms, one gift for every ship. 1.260. Then back to shore he sped, and to his friends 1.261. distributed the spoil, with that rare wine 1.262. which good Acestes while in Sicily 1.263. had stored in jars, and prince-like sent away 1.264. with his Ioved guest;—this too Aeneas gave; 1.266. “Companions mine, we have not failed to feel 1.267. calamity till now. O, ye have borne 1.268. far heavier sorrow: Jove will make an end 1.269. also of this. Ye sailed a course hard by 1.270. infuriate Scylla's howling cliffs and caves. 1.271. Ye knew the Cyclops' crags. Lift up your hearts! 1.272. No more complaint and fear! It well may be 1.273. ome happier hour will find this memory fair. 1.274. Through chance and change and hazard without end, 1.275. our goal is Latium ; where our destinies 1.276. beckon to blest abodes, and have ordained 1.277. that Troy shall rise new-born! Have patience all! 1.279. Such was his word, but vexed with grief and care, 1.280. feigned hopes upon his forehead firm he wore, 1.281. and locked within his heart a hero's pain. 1.282. Now round the welcome trophies of his chase 1.283. they gather for a feast. Some flay the ribs 1.284. and bare the flesh below; some slice with knives, 1.285. and on keen prongs the quivering strips impale, 1.286. place cauldrons on the shore, and fan the fires. 1.287. Then, stretched at ease on couch of simple green, 1.288. they rally their lost powers, and feast them well 1.289. on seasoned wine and succulent haunch of game. 1.290. But hunger banished and the banquet done, 1.291. in long discourse of their lost mates they tell, 1.292. 'twixt hopes and fears divided; for who knows 1.293. whether the lost ones live, or strive with death, 1.294. or heed no more whatever voice may call? 1.295. Chiefly Aeneas now bewails his friends, 1.296. Orontes brave and fallen Amycus,
9. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, a b c d\n0 "5.58.1" "5.58.1" "5 58 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •c. asinius pollio Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 137
10. Horace, Odes, 2.1, 2.1.6-2.1.8 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, collection of •asinius pollio, his ‘republicanism’ •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 13, 224; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 43
11. Livy, History, 8.17.3, 9.7.13, 22.8.6, 25.5.16-25.5.19, 27.5.10 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135
12. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, None (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, collection of •asinius pollio, his ‘republicanism’ Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 224
13. Livy, Per., 121 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 42
14. Nepos, Atticus, 18.6 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio (politician and writer), library of Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 157
15. Ovid, Tristia, 3.1.70-3.1.72 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, collection of •asinius pollio (politician and writer), library of Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 157; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 223
16. Seneca The Elder, Suasoriae, 6.14-6.15, 6.17, 6.21-6.22, 6.24, 6.26, 7.8 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, on cicero Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 107, 109, 110, 111; Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 135, 136, 137
17. Seneca The Elder, Controversies, None (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 111
2.4.4. putaueram illi omnia praestare fratrem, cum subito nuntiatum est in ultimis esse filium, nec hoc a fratre. 0 me miserum quod solum nepotem recepi! ALBVCI SILI. Vt uidit uxorem, uidit patrem, circumspiciebat et fratrem. IVLII BASSI. Tibi debeo. mulier, quod habuit filius meus in qua domo aegrotaret. Pudet dicere: ut nepotem agnoscerem rogatus sum. Non potest uno crimine dementia intellegi. nemo sine uitio est: in Catone moderatio, in Cicerone constantia, in Sulla clementia desideratur . ad summam, tres fuimus, omnes peccauimus: ego quod abdicaui, frater quod tacuit, tu quod pro fratre non rogasti. Non sum uno herede contentus, duos habere uolo et, quo magis concupiscam, habui. Misit ad me adfectus, aeger. non ibo? Mihi crede, aliter tu audis de coherede. Cogitate quis roget, pro quo roget, quem roget; uidebitis neminem negare posse, nisi qui accusare possit et patrem.
18. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 1.186, 7.115, 35.9-35.11, 35.14, 35.85-35.86, 35.155, 36.23, 36.33-36.35 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. •asinius pollio (politician and writer), library of •asinius pollio, collection of •asinius pollio, his ‘republicanism’ •pollio, c. asinius Found in books: Bowie (2023), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels. 358; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 157; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 13, 223, 224; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 237
19. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 17 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 237
20. Plutarch, Julius Caesar, 51.1, 63.8-63.9 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 237
51.1. ἐκ τούτου διαβαλὼν εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἀνέβαινεν εἰς Ῥώμην, τοῦ μὲν ἐνιαυτοῦ καταστρέφοντος εἰς ὃν ᾕρητο δικτάτωρ τὸ δεύτερον, οὐδέποτε τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκείνης πρότερον ἐνιαυσίου γενομένης· εἰς δὲ τοὐπιὸν ὕπατος ἀπεδείχθη, καὶ κακῶς ἤκουσεν ὅτι τῶν στρατιωτῶν στασιασάντων καὶ δύο στρατηγικοὺς ἄνδρας ἀνελόντων, Κοσκώνιον καὶ Γάλβαν, ἐπετίμησε μὲν αὐτοῖς τοσοῦτον ὅσον ἀντὶ στρατιωτῶν πολίτας προσαγορεῦσαι, χιλίας δὲ διένειμεν ἑκάστῳ δραχμὰς καὶ χώραν τῆς Ἰταλίας ἀπεκλήρωσε πολλήν. 51.1.
21. Plutarch, Lucullus, a b c d\n0 "17.1" "17.1" "17 1" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •c. asinius pollio Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 137
22. Plutarch, Moralia, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, his ‘republicanism’ Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 13
23. Plutarch, Pompey, a b c d\n0 "68.2" "68.2" "68 2" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •c. asinius pollio Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 137
24. Plutarch, Sulla, 33.1-33.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135
33.1. ἔξω δὲ τῶν φονικῶν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐλύπει. δικτάτορα μὲν γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ἀνηγόρευσε, διʼ ἐτῶν ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι τοῦτο τὸ γένος τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀναλαβών. ἐψηφίσθη δὲ αὐτῷ πάντων ἄδεια τῶν γεγονότων, πρὸς δὲ τὸ μέλλον ἐξουσία θανάτου, δημεύσεως, κληρουχιῶν, κτίσεως, πορθήσεως, ἀφελέσθαι βασιλείαν, καὶ ᾧ καὶ ᾧ with Bekker, after Reiske: ᾧ . βούλοιτο χαρίσασθαι. 33.2. τὰς δὲ διαπράσεις τῶν δεδημευμένων οἴκων οὕτως ὑπερηφάνως ἐποιεῖτο καὶ δεσποτικῶς ἐπὶ βήματος καθεζόμενος, ὥστε τῶν ἀφαιρέσεων ἐπαχθεστέρας αὐτοῦ τὰς δωρεὰς εἶναι, καὶ γυναιξὶν εὐμόρφοις καὶ λυρῳδοῖς καὶ μίμοις καὶ καθάρμασιν ἐξελευθερικοῖς ἐθνῶν χώρας καὶ πόλεων χαριζομένου προσόδους, ἐνίοις δὲ γάμους ἀκουσίως ζευγνυμένων γυναικῶν. 33.1. 33.2.
25. Lucan, Pharsalia, 1.185-1.203 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 237
26. Quintilian, Institutes of Oratory, 4.2.59, 4.5.11, 6.3.96, 10.1.113, 10.4.114, 11.1.18-11.1.24, 12.1.22 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, on cicero •asinius pollio, c. •c. asinius pollio Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 107, 113; Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 100; Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 93
4.5.11.  For these reasons there are someone who disapprove of the partition adopted by Cicero in the pro Cluentio, where he premises that he is going to show, first, "that no man was ever arraigned for greater crimes or on stronger evidence than Oppianicus," secondly, "that previous judgments had been passed by those very judges by whom he was condemned," and finally, "that Cluentius made no attempt to bribe the jury, but that his opponent did." They argue that if the third point can be proved, there is no need to have urged the two preceding. 12.1.22.  I say nothing of those critics who will not allow sufficient credit for eloquence to Cicero and Demosthenes, although Cicero himself does not regard Demosthenes as flawless, but asserts that he sometimes nods, while even Cicero fails to satisfy Brutus and Calvus (at any rate they criticised his style to his face), or to win the complete approval of either of the Asinii, who in various passages attack the faults of his oratory in language which is positively hostile.
27. Plutarch, Lives of The Ten Orators, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio (politician and writer), library of Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 157
28. Tacitus, Annals, 1.2, 3.72, 4.33-4.34 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. •asinius pollio, collection of •asinius pollio, his ‘republicanism’ Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 224; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 43, 44, 48
1.2. Postquam Bruto et Cassio caesis nulla iam publica arma, Pompeius apud Siciliam oppressus exutoque Lepido, interfecto Antonio ne Iulianis quidem partibus nisi Caesar dux reliquus, posito triumviri nomine consulem se ferens et ad tuendam plebem tribunicio iure contentum, ubi militem donis, populum annona, cunctos dulcedine otii pellexit, insurgere paulatim, munia senatus magistratuum legum in se trahere, nullo adversante, cum ferocissimi per acies aut proscriptione cecidissent, ceteri nobilium, quanto quis servitio promptior, opibus et honoribus extollerentur ac novis ex rebus aucti tuta et praesentia quam vetera et periculosa mallent. neque provinciae illum rerum statum abnuebant, suspecto senatus populique imperio ob certamina potentium et avaritiam magistratuum, invalido legum auxilio quae vi ambitu postremo pecunia turbabantur. 1.2. Interea manipuli ante coeptam seditionem Nauportum missi ob itinera et pontes et alios usus, postquam turbatum in castris accepere, vexilla convellunt direptisque proximis vicis ipsoque Nauporto, quod municipii instar erat, retinentis centuriones inrisu et contumeliis, postremo verberibus insectantur, praecipua in Aufidienum Rufum praefectum castrorum ira, quem dereptum vehiculo sarcinis gravant aguntque primo in agmine per ludibrium rogitantes an tam immensa onera, tam longa itinera libenter ferret. quippe Rufus diu manipularis, dein centurio, mox castris praefectus, antiquam duramque militiam revocabat, vetus operis ac laboris et eo inmitior quia toleraverat. 3.72. Isdem diebus Lepidus ab senatu petivit ut basilicam Pauli, Aemilia monimenta, propria pecunia firmaret ornaretque. erat etiam tum in more publica munificentia; nec Augustus arcuerat Taurum, Philippum, Balbum hostilis exuvias aut exundantis opes ornatum ad urbis et posterum gloriam conferre. quo tum exemplo Lepidus, quamquam pecuniae modicus, avitum decus recoluit. at Pompei theatrum igne fortuito haustum Caesar extructurum pollicitus est eo quod nemo e familia restaurando sufficeret, manente tamen nomine Pompei. simul laudibus Seianum extulit tamquam labore vigilantiaque eius tanta vis unum intra damnum stetisset; et censuere patres effigiem Seiano quae apud theatrum Pompei locaretur. neque multo post Caesar, cum Iunium Blaesum pro consule Africae triumphi insignibus attolleret, dare id se dixit honori Seiani, cuius ille avunculus erat. ac tamen res Blaesi dignae decore tali fuere. 4.33. Nam cunctas nationes et urbes populus aut primores aut singuli regunt: delecta ex iis et consociata rei publicae forma laudari facilius quam evenire, vel si evenit, haud diuturna esse potest. igitur ut olim plebe valida, vel cum patres pollerent, noscenda vulgi natura et quibus modis temperanter haberetur, senatusque et optimatium ingenia qui maxime perdidicerant, callidi temporum et sapientes credebantur, sic converso statu neque alia re Romana quam si unus imperitet, haec conquiri tradique in rem fuerit, quia pauci prudentia honesta ab deterioribus, utilia ab noxiis discernunt, plures aliorum eventis docentur. ceterum ut profutura, ita minimum oblectationis adferunt. nam situs gentium, varietates proeliorum, clari ducum exitus retinent ac redintegrant legentium animum: nos saeva iussa, continuas accusationes, fallaces amicitias, perniciem innocentium et easdem exitii causas coniungimus, obvia rerum similitudine et satietate. tum quod antiquis scriptoribus rarus obtrectator, neque refert cuiusquam Punicas Romanasne acies laetius extuleris: at multorum qui Tiberio regente poenam vel infamias subiere posteri manent. utque familiae ipsae iam extinctae sint, reperies qui ob similitudinem morum aliena malefacta sibi obiectari putent. etiam gloria ac virtus infensos habet, ut nimis ex propinquo diversa arguens. sed ad inceptum redeo. 4.34. Cornelio Cosso Asinio Agrippa consulibus Cremutius Cordus postulatur novo ac tunc primum audito crimine, quod editis annalibus laudatoque M. Bruto C. Cassium Romanorum ultimum dixisset. accusabant Satrius Secundus et Pinarius Natta, Seiani clientes. id perniciabile reo et Caesar truci vultu defensionem accipiens, quam Cremutius relinquendae vitae certus in hunc modum exorsus est: 'verba mea, patres conscripti, arguuntur: adeo factorum innocens sum. sed neque haec in principem aut principis parentem, quos lex maiestatis amplectitur: Brutum et Cassium laudavisse dicor, quorum res gestas cum plurimi composuerint, nemo sine honore memoravit. Titus Livius, eloquentiae ac fidei praeclarus in primis, Cn. Pompeium tantis laudibus tulit ut Pompeianum eum Augustus appellaret; neque id amicitiae eorum offecit. Scipionem, Afranium, hunc ipsum Cassium, hunc Brutum nusquam latrones et parricidas, quae nunc vocabula imponuntur, saepe ut insignis viros nominat. Asinii Pollionis scripta egregiam eorundem memoriam tradunt; Messala Corvinus imperatorem suum Cassium praedicabat: et uterque opibusque atque honoribus perviguere. Marci Ciceronis libro quo Catonem caelo aequavit, quid aliud dictator Caesar quam rescripta oratione velut apud iudices respondit? Antonii epistulae Bruti contiones falsa quidem in Augustum probra set multa cum acerbitate habent; carmina Bibaculi et Catulli referta contumeliis Caesarum leguntur: sed ipse divus Iulius, ipse divus Augustus et tulere ista et reliquere, haud facile dixerim, moderatione magis an sapientia. namque spreta exolescunt: si irascare, adgnita videntur. 1.2.  When the killing of Brutus and Cassius had disarmed the Republic; when Pompey had been crushed in Sicily, and, with Lepidus thrown aside and Antony slain, even the Julian party was leaderless but for the Caesar; after laying down his triumviral title and proclaiming himself a simple consul content with tribunician authority to safeguard the commons, he first conciliated the army by gratuities, the populace by cheapened corn, the world by the amenities of peace, then step by step began to make his ascent and to unite in his own person the functions of the senate, the magistracy, and the legislature. Opposition there was none: the boldest spirits had succumbed on stricken fields or by proscription-lists; while the rest of the nobility found a cheerful acceptance of slavery the smoothest road to wealth and office, and, as they had thriven on revolution, stood now for the new order and safety in preference to the old order and adventure. Nor was the state of affairs unpopular in the provinces, where administration by the Senate and People had been discredited by the feuds of the magnates and the greed of the officials, against which there was but frail protection in a legal system for ever deranged by force, by favouritism, or (in the last resort) by gold. 3.72.  Nearly at the same time, Marcus Lepidus asked permission from the senate to strengthen and decorate the Basilica of Paulus, a monument of the Aemilian house, at his own expense. Public munificence was a custom still; nor had Augustus debarred a Taurus, a Philippus, or a Balbus from devoting the trophies of his arms or the overflow of his wealth to the greater splendour of the capital and the glory of posterity: and now Lepidus, a man of but moderate fortune, followed in their steps by renovating the famous edifice of his fathers. On the other hand, the rebuilding of the Theatre of Pompey, destroyed by a casual fire, was undertaken by Caesar, on the ground that no member of the family was equal to the task of restoration: the name of Pompey was, however, to remain. At the same time, he gave high praise to Sejanus, "through whose energy and watchfulness so grave an outbreak had stopped at one catastrophe." The Fathers voted a statue to Sejanus, to be placed in the Theatre of Pompey. Again, a short time afterwards, when he was honouring Junius Blaesus, proconsul of Africa, with the triumphal insignia, he explained that he did so as a compliment to Sejanus, of whom Blaesus was uncle. — None the less the exploits of Blaesus deserved such a distinction. 4.33.  For every nation or city is governed by the people, or by the nobility, or by individuals: a constitution selected and blended from these types is easier to commend than to create; or, if created, its tenure of life is brief. Accordingly, as in the period of alternate plebeian domice and patrician ascendancy it was imperative, in one case, to study the character of the masses and the methods of controlling them; while, in the other, those who had acquired the most exact knowledge of the temper of the senate and the aristocracy were accounted shrewd in their generation and wise; so to‑day, when the situation has been transformed and the Roman world is little else than a monarchy, the collection and the chronicling of these details may yet serve an end: for few men distinguish right and wrong, the expedient and the disastrous, by native intelligence; the majority are schooled by the experience of others. But while my themes have their utility, they offer the minimum of pleasure. Descriptions of countries, the vicissitudes of battles, commanders dying on the field of honour, such are the episodes that arrest and renew the interest of the reader: for myself, I present a series of savage mandates, of perpetual accusations, of traitorous friendships, of ruined innocents, of various causes and identical results — everywhere monotony of subject, and satiety. Again, the ancient author has few detractors, and it matters to none whether you praise the Carthaginian or the Roman arms with the livelier enthusiasm. But of many, who underwent either the legal penalty or a form of degradation in the principate of Tiberius, the descendants remain; and, assuming the actual families to be now extinct, you will still find those who, from a likeness of character, read the ill deeds of others as an innuendo against themselves. Even glory and virtue create their enemies — they arraign their opposites by too close a contrast. But I return to my subject. 4.34.  The consulate of Cornelius Cossus and Asinius Agrippa opened with the prosecution of Cremutius Cordus upon the novel and till then unheard-of charge of publishing a history, eulogizing Brutus, and styling Cassius the last of the Romans. The accusers were Satrius Secundus and Pinarius Natta, clients of Sejanus. That circumstance sealed the defendant's fate — that and the lowering brows of the Caesar, as he bent his attention to the defence; which Cremutius, resolved to take his leave of life, began as follows:— "Conscript Fathers, my words are brought to judgement — so guiltless am I of deeds! Nor are they even words against the sole persons embraced by the law of treason, the sovereign or the parent of the sovereign: I am said to have praised Brutus and Cassius, whose acts so many pens have recorded, whom not one has mentioned save with honour. Livy, with a fame for eloquence and candour second to none, lavished such eulogies on Pompey that Augustus styled him 'the Pompeian': yet it was without prejudice to their friendship. Scipio, Afranius, this very Cassius, this Brutus — not once does he describe them by the now fashionable titles of brigand and parricide, but time and again in such terms as he might apply to any distinguished patriots. The works of Asinius Pollio transmit their character in noble colours; Messalla Corvinus gloried to have served under Cassius: and Pollio and Corvinus lived and died in the fulness of wealth and honour! When Cicero's book praised Cato to the skies, what did it elicit from the dictator Caesar but a written oration as though at the bar of public opinion? The letters of Antony, the speeches of Brutus, contain invectives against Augustus, false undoubtedly yet bitter in the extreme; the poems — still read — of Bibaculus and Catullus are packed with scurrilities upon the Caesars: yet even the deified Julius, the divine Augustus himself, tolerated them and left them in peace; and I hesitate whether to ascribe their action to forbearance or to wisdom. For things contemned are soon things forgotten: anger is read as recognition.
29. Suetonius, Tiberius, 61.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 43
30. Suetonius, Claudius, 41.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. •asinius pollio, on cicero Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 113; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 44
31. Seneca The Younger, Letters, 100.7 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, on cicero Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 113
32. Seneca The Younger, Dialogi, 10.5.1 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, on cicero Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 110
33. Tacitus, Dialogus De Oratoribus, 12.6, 18.4, 22.1-22.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, on cicero Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 113
34. Tacitus, Histories, 1.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 49
35. Suetonius, Iulius, 56.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 92, 93
36. Appian, Civil Wars, 1.7-1.8, 1.98.459, 5.48-5.49 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 55; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 44
37. Appian, The Spanish Wars, a b c d\n0 "38.153" "38.153" "38 153" (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •c. asinius pollio Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 137
38. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 1.6.13, 1.7.2 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 237
39. Seneca The Younger, De Clementia, 1.11 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 44
40. Suetonius, De Grammaticis, 20 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 142
41. Seneca The Younger, De Vita Patris, None (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 44
42. Suetonius, Augustus, 15.1, 29.5, 35.2, 43.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 157; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 13, 224; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 43, 44
43. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 38.18-38.29, 42.20, 42.20.3-42.20.4, 42.21.1-42.21.2, 46.1-46.28, 46.13.1, 48.14.4, 56.27.1, 57.24.2-57.24.3, 59.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, on cicero •asinius pollio, c. •asinius pollio (politician and writer) •asinius pollio (politician and writer), library of Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 108; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 133, 157; Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 43, 44
38.18. 1.  He accordingly went over to Macedonia and spent his time there in lamentations. But there met him a man named Philiscus, who had made his acquaintance in Athens and now by chance fell in with him again. "Are you not ashamed, Cicero," he said, "to be weeping and behaving like a woman? Really, I should never have expected that you, who have enjoyed such an excellent and varied education, and who have acted as advocate to many, would grow so faint-hearted.",2. "But," replied the other, "it is not at all the same thing, Philiscus, to speak for others as to advise one's self. The words spoken in others' behalf, proceeding from a mind that is firm and unshaken, are most opportune; but when some affliction overwhelms the spirit, it becomes turbid and darkened and cannot reason out anything that is opportune. For this reason, I suppose, it has been very well said that it is easier to counsel others than to be strong oneself under suffering.",3. "That is but human nature," rejoined Philiscus. "I did not think, however, that you, who are gifted with so much sound sense and have practised so much wisdom, had failed to prepare yourself for all human possibilities, so that even if some unexpected accident should befall you, it would not find you unfortified at any point.,4.  But since, now, you are in this plight, . . . for I might be of some little assistance to you by rehearsing a few appropriate arguments. And thus, just as men who put a hand to others'burdens relieve them, so I might lighten this misfortune of yours, and the more easily than they, inasmuch as I shall not take upon myself even the smallest part of it.,5.  Surely you will not deem it unbecoming, I trust, to receive some encouragement from another, since if you were sufficient for yourself, we should have no need of these words. As it is, you are in a like case to Hippocrates or Democedes or any of the other great physicians, if one of them had fallen ill of a disease hard to cure and had need of another's aid to bring about his own recovery." 38.19. 1.  "Indeed," said Cicero, "if you have any arguments that will dispel this mist from my soul and restore me to the light of old, I am most ready to listen. For words, as drugs, are of many varieties, and divers potencies, so that it will not be surprising if you should be able to steep in some mixture of philosophy even me, for all my brilliant feats in the senate, the assemblies, and the law-courts.",2. "Come then," continued Philiscus, "since you are ready to listen, let us consider first whether these conditions that surround you are actually bad, and next in what way we may cure them. First of all, now, I see you are in excellent physical health and strength, which is surely man's chief natural blessing; and, next, that you have the necessities of life in sufficiency,3.  so as not to hunger or thirst or suffer cold or endure any other hardship through lack of means — which may appropriately be set down as the second natural blessing for man. For when one's physical condition is good and one can live without anxiety, all the factors essential to happiness are enjoyed." 38.20. 1.  To this Cicero replied: "But not one of these things is of use when some grief is preying upon one's mind; for mental cares cause one far more distress than bodily comforts cause pleasure. Even so, I also at present set no value on my physical health, because I am suffering in mind, nor yet on the abundance of necessaries; for my loss is great indeed.",2. "And does this grieve you?" replied the other. "Now if you were going to be in want of things needful, there would be some reason for your being annoyed at your loss. But since you have all necessaries in full measure, why do you distress yourself because you do not possess more? For all that one has beyond one's needs is superfluous, and amounts to the same thing whether present or absent; since surely you did not make use formerly of what was not necessary.,3.  Consider, therefore, either that then what you did not need you did not have, or else that you now have what you do not need. Most of these things, indeed, were not yours by inheritance, that you should be particularly exercised about them, but were acquired by your own tongue and by your own words — the very things which caused you to lose them.,4.  You should not, therefore, be vexed if things have been lost in the same manner in which they were won. Ship-masters, for example, do not take it greatly to heart when they suffer great losses; for they understand, I suspect, how to take the sensible view of it, namely, that the sea which gives them wealth takes it away again. 38.21. 1.  "So much for the present point; for I think it should be enough for a man's happiness to have a sufficiency and to lack nothing that the body requires, and I hold that everything in excess involves anxiety, trouble, and jealousy.,2.  As for your saying, now, that there is no enjoyment of physical blessings unless those of the spirit are also present, that is indeed true, since it is impossible, if the spirit is in a poor state, that the body should fail to share in its ailment; nevertheless, I think it much easier for one to look after his mental health than his physical.,3.  For the body, being of flesh, contains in itself many dangers and requires much assistance from the divine power; whereas the spirit, of a nature more divine, can easily be trained and prompted. Let us see here also, then, what spiritual blessing has abandoned you and what evil had come upon you that we may not shake off. 38.22. 1.  "First, then, I see that you are a man of the greatest sagacity. The proof is that you so often persuaded both the senate and the people in cases where you gave them advice, and so often helped private citizens in cases where you acted as their advocate. And secondly, I see that you are a most just man.,2.  Certainly you have always been found contending for your country and for your friends against those who plotted their ruin. Indeed, this very misfortune which you have now suffered has befallen you for no other reason than that you continued to say and do everything in behalf of the laws and of the constitution.,3.  Again, that you have attained the highest degree of self-mastery is shown by your very course of life, since it is not possible for a man who is a slave to sensual pleasures to appear constantly in public and to go to and fro in the Forum, making his deeds by day witnesses of those by night.,4.  This being the case, I, for my part, supposed you were also very brave, enjoying, as you did, such force of intellect and such power of oratory.,5.  But it seems that, startled out of yourself through having failed contrary to your hopes and deserts, you have fallen a little short of true courage. But you will regain this immediately, and as you are thus equipped as I have pointed out, with a good physical endowment as well as mental, I cannot see what it is that is distressing you." 38.23. 1.  At the end of this speech of his Cicero replied: "There seems to you, then, to be no great evil in disfranchisement and exile and in not living at home or being with your friends, but, instead, living in a foreign land, and wandering about with the name of exile, causing laughter to your enemies and disgrace to your friends?",2. "Not in the least, so far as I can see," declared Philiscus. "There are two elements of which we are constituted, soul and body, and definite blessings and evils are given to each of the two by Nature herself. Now if there should be any defect in these two, it would properly be considered injurious and disgraceful; but if all should be right with them, it would be useful instead.,3.  This is your condition at the present moment. Those things which you mentioned, banishment and disfranchisement, and anything else of the sort, are disgraceful and evil only by convention and a certain popular opinion, and work no injury on either body or soul. What body could you cite that has fallen ill or perished and what spirit that has grow more unjust or even more ignorant through disfranchisement or exile or anything of that sort? I see none.,4.  And the reason is that no one of these things is by nature evil, just as neither citizenship nor residence in one's country is itself excellent, but whatever opinion each one of us holds about them, such they seem to be.,5.  For instance, men do not universally apply the penalty of disfranchisement to the same acts, but certain deeds which are reprehensible in some places are praised in others, and various actions honoured by one people are punished by another. Indeed, some do not so much as know the name, nor the thing which it implies.,6.  And naturally enough; for whatever does not touch that which belong to man's nature is thought to have no bearing upon him. Precisely in the same way, therefore, as it would be most ridiculous, surely, if some judgment or decree were to be rendered that So-and‑so is sick or So-and‑so is base, so does the case stand regarding disfranchisement. 38.24. 1.  "The same thing I find to be true in regard to exile. It is a sojourn abroad involving disfranchisement; so that if disfranchisement in and of itself contains no evil, surely no evil can be attached to exile either.,2.  In fact, many live abroad anyway for very long periods, some unwillingly, but others willingly; and some even spend their whole life travelling about, just as if they were expelled from every place in turn; and yet they do not regard themselves as being injured in doing so.,3.  Nor does it make any difference whether a man does it voluntarily or not; the man who trains his body unwillingly is no less strong than he who does it willingly, and one who goes on a voyage unwillingly obtains no less benefit than another. And as regards this unwillingness itself, I do not see how it can exist with a man of sense.,4.  Accordingly, if the difference between being well and badly off is that we do some things readily and voluntarily, while we perform others unwillingly and grudgingly, the trouble can easily be remedied. For it we willingly endure all necessary things and allow none of them to conquer us, all those matters in which one might assume unwillingness have been done away with at a single stroke.,5.  There is, indeed, an old saying and a very good one, to the effect that we ought not to demand that whatever we wish should come to pass, but to wish for whatever does come to pass as the result of any necessity. For we neither have free choice in our manner of life nor are we our own masters;,6.  but according as it may suit chance, and according to the character of the fortune granted each one of us for the fulfillment of what is ordained, we must also shape our life. 38.25. 1.  "Such is the nature of the case whether we like it or not. If, now, it is not disfranchisement in itself or exile in itself that troubles you, but the fact that you have not only done your country no injury but have actually benefited her greatly, and yet you have been disenfranchised and expelled, look at it in this way — that, when once it was destined for you to have such an experience, it has surely been the noblest and the best fortune that could befall you to be despitefully used without having committed any wrong.,2.  For you advised and carried out all that was proper for the citizens, not as an individual but as consul, not meddling officiously in a private capacity but obeying the decrees of the senate, which were not passed as party measures but for the best ends.,3.  This and that person, on the contrary, out of their superior power and insolence devised everything against you; hence they ought to have trouble and sorrow for their injustice, but for you it is noble as well as necessary to bear bravely what Heaven has determined.,4.  Surely you would not prefer to have joined with Catiline and conspired with Lentulus, to have given your country the exact opposite of useful counsel, to have performed none of the duties laid upon you by her, and thus remain at home as the reward of wickedness, instead of saving your country and being exiled.,5.  Accordingly, if you care at all about your reputation, it is far preferable, I am sure, for you to have been driven out, after doing no wrong, than to have remained at home by performing some base act; for, apart from other considerations, the shame attaches to those who have unjustly cast a man forth, rather than to the man who has been wantonly expelled. 38.26. 1.  "Moreover, the story, as I heard it, was that you did not depart unwillingly, nor after conviction, but of your own accord; that you hated to live with them, seeing that you could not make them better and would not endure to perish with them, and that you fled, not from your country, but from those who were plotting against her. Consequently it would be they who are dishonoured and banished, having cast out all that is good from their souls,,2.  and it would be you who are honoured and fortunate, as being nobody's slave in unseemly fashion but possessing all that is needful, whether you choose to live in Sicily, or in Macedonia, or anywhere else in the world. For surely it is not places that give either success or misfortune of any sort, but each man creates his own country and his own happiness always and everywhere.,3.  This was the feeling of Camillus when he was fain to dwell in Ardea; this was the way Scipio reasoned when he spent his last days in Liternum without grieving. But why mention Aristides or Themistocles, men whom exile rendered more famous, or . . . or Solon, who of his own accord left home for ten years?,4. "Therefore, do you likewise cease to consider irksome any such thing as pertains neither to our physical nor to our spiritual nature, and do not vex yourself at what has happened. For to us belongs no choice, as I told you, of living as we please, but it is absolutely necessary for us to endure what Heaven determines.,5.  If we do this voluntarily, we shall not be grieved; but if involuntarily, we shall not escape at all what is fated, and we shall at the same time acquire the greatest of ills — the distressing of our hearts to no purpose.,6.  The proof of this is that men who bear good-naturedly the most outrageous fortunes do not regard themselves as being in any very dreadful plight, while those who are disturbed at the lightest disappointments imagine that all human ills are theirs. And people in general, both those who manage favourable conditions badly and those who manage unfavourable conditions well, make their good or ill fortune appear to others to be just what they make it for themselves. 38.27. 1.  Bear this in mind, then, and be not cast down by your present state, nor grieve if you learn that the men who exiled you are flourishing. For the successes of men are vain and ephemeral at best, and the higher a man climbs as a result of them, the more easily, like a breath, does he fall, especially in partisan strife.,2.  Borne along in the midst of troubled and unstable conditions they differ little, if at all, from sailors in a storm, but are tossed up and down, now hither, now thither; and if they make the slightest mistake, they are sure to sink.,3.  Not to mention Drusus, or Scipio, or the Gracchi, or certain others, remember how Camillus, the exile, later came off better than Capitolinus, and remember how greatly Aristides afterwards surpassed Themistocles.,4. "Do you also, then, hope, first and foremost, for your restoration; for you have not been expelled on account of wrong-doing, and the very ones who drove you forth will, as I learn, seek for you, while all will miss you. But even if you continue in your present state, do not distress yourself at all about it. 38.28. 1.  For if you will take my advice, you will be quite satisfied to pick out a little estate in some retired spot on the coast and there carry on at the same time farming and some historical writing, like Xenophon and like Thucydides.,2.  This form of learning is most enduring and best adapted to every man and to every state; and exile brings with it a kind of leisure that is more fruitful. If, then, you wish to become really immortal, like those historians, emulate them.,3.  You have the necessary means in sufficiency and you lack no distinction. For if there is any virtue in such honours, you have been consul; nothing more belongs to those who have held office a second, a third, or a fourth time, except an array of idle letters which benefit no man, living or dead.,4.  Hence you would not choose to be Corvinus, or Marius, the man seven times consul, rather than Cicero. Nor, again, are you anxious for any position of command, seeing that you withdrew from the one bestowed upon you, because you scorned the gains to be had from it, scorned a brief authority that was object to the scrutiny of all who chose to practise blackmail.,5.  These matters I have mentioned, not because any one of them is requisite for happiness, but because, since it was necessary, you have occupied yourself sufficiently with public affairs to learn therefrom the difference in lives and to choose the one course and reject the other, to pursue the one and avoid the other. Our life is but short, and you ought not to live all yours for others, but by this time to grant a little to yourself.,6.  Consider how much better quiet is than turmoil, and tranquillity than tumults, freedom than slavery, and safety than dangers, that you may feel a desire to live as I am urging you to do. In this way you will be happy, and your name shall be great because of it — and that for evermore, whether you are living or dead. 38.29. 1.  "If, however, you are eager for your restoration and aim at a brilliant political career, I do not wish to say anything unpleasant, but I fear, as I cast my eyes over the situation and call to mind your frankness of speech, and behold the power and numbers of your adversaries, that you may meet defeat once more.,2.  If then you should encounter exile, you will have merely to experience a change of heart; but if you should incur some fatal punishment, you will not be able even to repent. And yet is it not a dreadful and disgraceful thing to have one's head cut off and set up in the Forum, for any man or woman, it may be, to insult?,3.  Do not hate me as one who prophesies evil to you, but pay heed to me as to one announcing a warning from Heaven. Do not let the fact that you have certain friends among the powerful deceive you. You will get no help against those who hate you from the men who seem to love you, as, indeed, you have learned by experience.,4.  For those who have a passion for power regard everything else as nothing in comparison with obtaining what they desire, and often give up their dearest friends and closest kin in exchange for their bitterest foes." 42.20. 1.  They granted him, then, permission to do whatever he wished to those who had favoured Pompey's cause, not that he had not already received this right from himself, but in order that he might seem to be acting with some show of legal authority. They appointed him arbiter of war and peace with all mankind — using the conspirators in Africa as a pretext — without the obligation even of making any communication on the subject to the people or the senate.,2.  This, of course, also lay in his power before, inasmuch as he had so large an armed force; at any rate the wars he had fought he had undertaken on his own authority in nearly every case. Nevertheless, because they wished still to appear to be free and independent citizens, they voted him these rights and everything else which it was in his power to have even against their will.,3.  Thus he received the privilege of being consul for five consecutive years and of being chosen dictator, not for six months, but for an entire year, and he assumed the tribunician authority practically for life; for he secured the right of sitting with the tribunes upon the same benches and of being reckoned with them for other purposes — a privilege which was permitted to no one.,4.  All the elections except those of the plebs now passed into his hands, and for this reason they were delayed till after his arrival and were held toward the close of the year. In the case of the governorships in subject territory the citizens pretended to allot themselves those which fell to the consuls, but voted that Caesar should give the others to the praetors without the casting of lots; for they had gone back to consuls and praetors again contrary to their decree.,5.  And they also granted another privilege, which was customary, to be sure, but in the corruption of the times might cause hatred and resentment: they decreed that Caesar should hold a triumph for the war against Juba and the Romans who fought with him, just as if had been the victor, although, as a matter of fact, he had not then so much as heard that there was to be such a war. 42.20.3.  Thus he received the privilege of being consul for five consecutive years and of being chosen dictator, not for six months, but for an entire year, and he assumed the tribunician authority practically for life; for he secured the right of sitting with the tribunes upon the same benches and of being reckoned with them for other purposes — a privilege which was permitted to no one. 42.20.4.  All the elections except those of the plebs now passed into his hands, and for this reason they were delayed till after his arrival and were held toward the close of the year. In the case of the governorships in subject territory the citizens pretended to allot themselves those which fell to the consuls, but voted that Caesar should give the others to the praetors without the casting of lots; for they had gone back to consuls and praetors again contrary to their decree. 42.21.1.  In this way these measures were voted and ratified. Caesar entered upon the dictatorship at once, although he was outside of Italy, and chose Antony, although he had not yet been praetor, as his master of horse; and the consuls proposed the latter's name also, although the augurs very strongly opposed him, declaring that no one might be master of the horses for more than six months. 42.21.2.  But for this course they brought upon themselves a great deal of ridicule, because, after having decided that the dictator himself should be chosen for a year, contrary to all precedent, they were now splitting hairs about the master of the horse. 46.1. 46.1. 1.  When Cicero had finished speaking in this vein, Quintus Fufius Calenus arose and said:— "Ordinarily I should not care either to say anything in defence of Antony or to assail Cicero; for I do not think at all necessary in such discussions as the present to do either of these things, but simply to make known one's own opinion; the former method belong to the court-room, whereas this is a matter for deliberation.,2.  Since, however, this man has undertaken to speak ill of Antony on account of the enmity that exists between them, instead of lodging information against him, as he ought, in case Antony were guilty of any wrong-doing, and since, furthermore, he has made insulting reference to me, as if he could not have exhibited his own cleverness without indulging in unrestrained abuse of people,,3.  it behooves me also both to refute his accusations and to bring counter-charges against him. For, in the first place, I would not have him profit either from his own impudence, if allowed to go unchallenged, or from my silence, which might be suspected of coming from a guilty conscience; nor, again, would I have you be deceived by what he has said and come to an unworthy decision by letting his private grudge against Antony take the place of the public interest.   46.2. 1.  For the purpose he wishes to accomplish is nothing else than that we should give up providing for the greatest safety of the commonwealth and fall into discord once more. Indeed, it is not the first time he has done this, but from the outset, ever since he entered politics, he has been continually turning things topsy-turvy.,2.  Is he not the one who embroiled Caesar with Pompey and prevented Pompey from becoming reconciled with Caesar? Or the one, again, who persuaded you to pass that vote against Antony by which he angered Caesar, and persuaded Pompey to leave Italy and transfer his quarters to Macedonia, —,3.  a course which proved the chief cause of all the evils that subsequently befell us? Is he not the one who killed Clodius by the hand of Milo and slew Caesar by the hand of Brutus? The one who made Catiline hostile to us and put Lentulus to death without a trial?   46.3. 1.  Hence I should be very much surprised at you if, after changing your mind then about his conduct and making him pay the penalty for it, you should now heed him again, when his words and actions are similar.,2.  Or do you not observe how also after Caesar's death, when order had been restored in our state chiefly by Antony, as not even Cicero himself can deny, Cicero went abroad, because he considered our life of harmony alien and dangerous to him? And how, when he perceived that turmoil had again arisen, he bade a long farewell to his son and to Athens, and returned?,3.  Or, again, how he insults and abuses Antony, whom he was wont to say he loved, and coöperates with Caesar, whose father he killed? And if chance so favour, he will ere long attack Caesar also.,4.  For the fellow is naturally faithless and turbulent, and has no ballast in his soul, but is always stirring up and overturning things, shifting his course oftener than the waters of the strait to which he fled, — whence his nickname of "turn-coat," — yet demanding of you all that you consider a man as friend or foe according to his bidding.   46.4. 1.  "For these reasons you must guard against the fellow; for he is a cheat and an impostor and grows rich and powerful from the ills of others, slandering, mauling, and rending the innocent after the manner of dogs, whereas in the midst of public harmony he is embarrassed and withers away, since love and good-will on our part towards one another cannot support this kind of orator.,2.  How else, indeed, do you imagine, has he become rich, and how else has he become great? Certainly neither family nor wealth was bequeathed him by his father, the fuller, who was always trading in grapes and olives, a fellow who was glad enough to support himself by this and by his wash-tubs, who every day and every night defiled himself with the foulest filth.,3.  The son, reared amid these surroundings, not unnaturally tramples and souses his superiors, using a species of abuse practised in the workshops and on the street corners.   46.5. 1.  "Now when you yourself are of such a sort, and have grown up naked among naked companions, collecting clothes stained with sheep dung, pig manure, and human excrement, have you dared, most vile wretch, first to slander the youth of Antony, who had the advantage of attendant and teachers, as his rank demanded, and then to reproach him because in celebrating the Lupercalia, that ancient festival, he came naked into the Forum?,2.  But I ask you, you who always wore nothing but the clothes of others on account of your father's business and were stripped by whoever met you and recognized them, what ought a man who was not only priest but also leader of his fellow-priests to have done? Not conduct the procession, not celebrate the festival, not sacrifice according to the custom of our fathers, not appear naked, not anoint himself?,3.  'But it is not for this that I censure him,' he answers, 'but because he delivered a speech, and that kind of speech, naked in the Forum.' of course this fellow has become acquainted in the fuller's shop with all the nice proprieties, so that he may detect a real mistake and may be able to rebuke it properly!   46.6. 1.  "With regard to these matters, however, I will say later all that need be said, but just now I want to ask this fellow a question or two. Is it not true, then, that you have been reared amid the ills of others and been educated in the midst of your neighbours' misfortunes,,2.  and hence are acquainted with no liberal branch of knowledge, but have established here a kind of council where you are always waiting, like the harlots, for a man who will give something, and with many agents always to attract profits to you, you pry into people's affairs to find out who has wronged, or seems to have wronged, another, who hates another, and who is plotting against another?,3.  With these men you make common cause, and through them you support yourself, selling them the hopes that depend upon the turn of fortune, trading in the decisions of the jurors, considering him alone as a friend who gives the most at any particular time, and all those as enemies who are peaceably inclined or employ some other advocate,,4.  while you even pretend not to know those who are already in your clutches, and even find them a nuisance, but fawn and smile upon those who at the moment approach you, just as the women do who keep inns?   46.7. 1.  "Yet how much better it would be for you, too, to have been born Bambalio — if this Bambalio really exists — than to have taken up such a livelihood, in which it is absolutely inevitable that you should either sell your speech on behalf of the innocent, or else save the guilty also!,2.  Yet you cannot do even this effectively, though you spent three years in Athens. When, then, did you ever do so? Or how could you? Why, you always come to the courts trembling, as if you were going to fight as a gladiator, and after uttering a few words in a meek and half-dead voice you take your departure, without having remembered a word of the speech you thought out at home before you came, and without having found anything to say on the spur of the moment.,3.  In making assertions and promises you surpass all mankind in audacity, but in the trials themselves, apart from reviling and abusing people, you are most weak and cowardly. Or do you think any one is ignorant of the fact that you never delivered one of those wonderful speeches of yours that you have published, but wrote them all out afterwards, like persons who fashion generals and cavalry leaders out of clay?,4.  If you doubt my word, remember how you accused Verres, though, to be sure, you did give him an example of your father's trade — when you wetted your clothes. "But I hesitate, for fear that in saying precisely what suits your case I may seem to be uttering words that are unbecoming to myself.   46.8. 1.  These matters I will therefore pass over; yes, by Jupiter, and the case of Gabinius also, against whom you prepared accusers and then pleaded his cause in such a way that he was condemned; also the pamphlets which you compose against your friends, in regard to which you feel yourself so guilty that you do not even dare to make them public. Yet it is a most miserable and pitiable state to be in, not to be able to deny these charges which are the most disgraceful conceivable to admit.,2.  But I will pass by all this and proceed to the rest. Well, then, though we gave the professor, as you admit, two thousand plethra of the Leontine lands, yet we learned nothing worth while in return for it. But as to you, who would not admire your system of instruction?,3.  And what is that? Why, you always envy the man who is your superior, you always malign the prominent man, you slander him who has attained distinction, you blackmail the one who has become powerful, and, though you hate impartially all good men, yet you pretend to love only those of them whom you expect to make the agents of some villainy.,4.  This is why you are always inciting the younger men against their elders and leading those who trust you, even in the slightest degree, into dangers, and then deserting them.   46.9. 1.  "A proof of all this is that you have never accomplished any achievement worthy of a distinguished man either in war or in peace. What wars, for instance, did we win when you were praetor, or what territory did we acquire when you were consul? Nay, but you are continually deceiving some of the foremost men and winning them to your side, and then you privately use them as agents to carry out your policies and to pass what measures you choose,,2.  while publicly you indulge in vain rantings, bawling out those detestable phrases, 'I am the only one who loves you,' or perchance, 'I and so-and‑so; but all the rest hate you,' or 'I alone am your friend, but all the rest are plotting against you,' and other such stuff by which you fill some with elation and conceit and then betray them, and frighten the rest and thus bring them to your side.,3.  And if any service is rendered by any one in the world, you lay claim to it and attach your own name to it, prating: 'I moved it, I proposed it, all this was done as it was through me.' But if anything turns out unfortunately, you clear your own skirts of it and lay the blame on all the rest, saying: 'Look you, was I the praetor,,4.  or the envoy, or the consul?' And you abuse everybody everywhere all the time, setting more store by the influence which comes from appearing to speak your mind boldly than by saying what duty demands; but as to the function of an orator, you exemplify it in no respect worth speaking of. 46.10. 1.  What public interest has been preserved or restored by you? Whom have you indicted that was really harming the city, and whom have you brought to light that was in truth plotting against us?,2.  Why (to pass over the other cases), these very charges which you now bring against Antony are of such a nature and so numerous that no one could ever suffer any adequate punishment for them.,3.  Why, then, if you saw that we were being wronged by him from the very outset, as you assert, did you never prosecute or even accuse him at the time, instead of relating to us now all his illegal acts as tribune, all his irregularities as master of the horse, all his crimes as consul? You might immediately at the time in each specific instance have inflicted the appropriate penalty upon him, and thus have yourself stood revealed as a patriot in very deed, while we could then have imposed the punishment in security and safety at the time of the offences themselves.,4.  Indeed, one of two conclusions is inevitable, — either that you believed these things were so at the time and yet shirked the struggle on our behalf, or else that you were unable to prove any of your charges and are now indulging in idle slanders. 46.11. 1.  "That all this is true, Conscript Fathers, I shall show you by going over each point in detail. Antony did have something to say during his tribuneship on Caesar's behalf, as indeed did Cicero and some others on behalf of Pompey. Why, now, does he blame him for having preferred Caesar's friendship, but acquit himself and the rest who supported the opposite cause? Antony prevented some measures from being passed against Caesar at that time;,2.  and this was all right, since Cicero prevented practically everything that was to be decreed in his favour. 'But Antony,' he replies, 'thwarted the united will of the senate.' Well, now, in the first place, how could one man have had so much power? And, secondly, if he had really been condemned for it, as this fellow says, how could he have escaped punishment? 'Oh, he fled, he fled to Caesar and got out of the way.',3.  Well, then, Cicero, what you also did a while ago was not 'taking a trip abroad,' but taking flight, as on the former occasion. Come now, do not be so ready to apply your own shame to us all; for flee you did, fearing the court and condemning yourself beforehand.,4.  To be sure, a measure was passed for your recall, — how and for what reasons I do not say, — but at any rate it was passed, and you did not set foot in Italy until the recall was granted to you. But Antony not only went away to Caesar to inform him what had been done, but also returned, without asking for any decree,,5.  and finally brought about peace and friendship with him for all those who were at the time found in Italy; and the rest, too, would have had a share in it, if they had not taken your advice and fled after Pompey. "Then, when this is the case, do you dare to say he led Caesar against his country and stirred up the civil war and became, far more than anyone else, responsible for the subsequent evils that befell us? No, indeed, but it was you yourself, you who gave Pompey legions that belonged to others, and the command also, and undertook to deprive Caesar even of those that had been given him; 46.12. 2.  you, who advised Pompey and the consuls not to accept the offers made by Caesar, but to abandon the city and all Italy; you, who did not see Caesar even when he entered Rome, but ran off to Pompey and Macedonia.,3.  Yet not even to him did you prove of any assistance, but you allowed matters to take their course, and then, when he met with misfortune, left him in the lurch. Thus even at the outset you did not aid him as the one whose course was the more just, but after stirring up the strife and embroiling affairs you kept watch on events from a safe distance,,4.  and then promptly deserted the man who failed, as if that somehow proved him in the wrong, and went over to the victor, as if he were more in the right. And thus, in addition to your other base deeds, you are so ungrateful that you not only are not satisfied to have been spared by Caesar, but are actually displeased because you were not made his master of horse. "Then, with this on your conscience, do you dare to say that Antony ought not to have been master of the horse for a whole year, because Caesar himself ought not to have been dictator for a whole year? But whether or not it was wise or necessary for this to be done, at any rate both measures alike were passed, and they suited both us and the people. 46.13. 2.  Therefore censure these men, Cicero, if they have transgressed in any particular, but not, by Jupiter, those whom they have chosen to honour for showing themselves worthy of rewards so great. For it we were forced by the circumstances which then surrounded us to act in this way, even contrary to what was fitting, why do you now lay this upon Antony's shoulders, instead of having opposed it at the time, if you were able? Because, by Jupiter, you were afraid.,3.  Shall you, then, who were silent at the time, obtain pardon for your cowardice, and shall he, because he was preferred over you, submit to punishment for his virtue? Where have you learned this kind of justice, or where have you read this kind of law? " 'But he made an improper use of his position as master of the house.' Why? 'Because,' he answers, 'he bought Pompey's possessions.' But how many others are there who purchased countless articles, no one of whom is blamed! Why, that was the purpose, naturally, in confiscating goods and putting them up at auction and proclaiming them by the voice of the public crier, namely, that someone should buy them. 46.14. 2.  'But Pompey's goods ought not to have been sold.' Then it was we who erred and did wrong in confiscating them; or — to clear us both of blame — it was Caesar anyhow, I suppose, who acted irregularly, since he ordered this to be done; yet you did not censure him at all.,3.  But in making this charge Cicero stands convicted of playing the utter fool. In any event he has brought against Antony two utterly contradictory charges — first, that after helping Caesar in very many ways and receiving in return vast gifts from him, he was then required under compulsion to surrender the price of them,,4.  and, second, that although he inherited naught from his father and swallowed up all that he had acquired 'like Charybdis' (the speaker is always offering us some comparison from Sicily, as if we had forgotten that he had gone into exile there), he nevertheless paid the price of all he had purchased. "So in these charges this remarkable fellow stands convicted of violently contradicting himself — yes, by Jupiter, and in the following statements also. At one time he says that Antony aided Caesar in everything he did and by this means became more than any one else responsible for all our internal evils, and then he reproaches him with cowardice, charging him with having shared in no other exploits than those performed in Thessaly. 46.15. 2.  And he brings a complaint against him to the effect that he restored some of the exiles, and finds fault with him because he did not secure the recall of his uncle as well — as if any one believes that he would not have restored him first of all, if he had been able to recall whomsoever he pleased, since there was no grievance on either side between them, as this man himself knows;,3.  at any rate, he did not dare to say anything of that sort, although he told many brazen lies about Antony. So utterly reckless is he about pouring out anything that comes to his tongue's end, as if it were mere soapsuds. 46.16. 1.  "But why should one pursue this subject further? Still, inasmuch as he goes about declaiming tragically, and has but this moment said, in the course of his remarks, that Antony rendered the sight of the master of the horse most odious, by using everywhere and always the sword and the purple, the lictors and the soldiers at one and the same time, let him tell me clearly and in what respect we have been wronged by this. But he will have nothing to say; for if he had, he would have blurted it out before anything else.,2.  In fact, the very reverse is true: those who were quarrelling at that time and causing all the trouble were Trebellius and Dolabella, whereas Antony was so far from doing any wrong and was so active in every way in your behalf that he was even entrusted by you with the guarding of the city against those very men, and that, too, without any opposition on the part of this remarkable orator (for he was present), but actually with his approval.,3.  Else let him show what word he uttered when he saw that 'the licentious and accursed fellow' (to quote from his abuse) not only performed none of the duties of his office but also secured from you all that additional authority. But he will have nothing to show. So it looks as if not a word of what he now shouts so loud was ventured at that time by this great and patriotic orator, who is everywhere and always saying and repeating:,4.  'I alone am fighting for freedom, I alone speak out boldly for the republic; I cannot be restrained by favour of friends or fear of enemies from looking out for your advantage; I, even if it should be my lot to die in speaking on your behalf, will perish very gladly.',5.  And his silence at that time was very natural, for it occurred to him to reflect that Antony possessed the lictors and the purple-bordered clothing in accordance with the custom of our ancestors in regard to the masters of the horse, and that he was using the sword and the soldiers perforce against the rebels. For what outrages would have been too terrible for them to commit, had he not been hedged about with these protections, when some showed such scorn of him as it was? "That these and all his other acts, then, were correct and most thoroughly in accord with Caesar's intention, the facts themselves show. For the rebellion went no farther, and Antony, far from suffering punishment for his course, was subsequently appointed consul. 46.17. 2.  Notice also, now, I beg of you, how he administered this office of his; for you will find, if you examine the matter carefully, that his tenure of it proved of great value to the city. His traducer, of course, knows this, but not being able to control his jealousy, has dared to slander him for those deeds which he would have longed to do himself.,3.  That is why he introduced the matter of his stripping and anointing and those ancient fables, not because any of them was called for on the present occasion, but in order to drown out by irrelevant noise Antony's consummate skill and success.,4.  Yet this same Antony, witness earth and gods! (I shall call louder than you and invoke them with greater justice), when he saw that the city was already in reality under a tyranny, inasmuch as all the legions obeyed Caesar and all the people together with the senate submitted to him,5.  to such an extent that they voted, among other measures, that he should be dictator for life and use the trapping of the kings — this Antony, I say, convinced Caesar of his error most cleverly and restrained him most prudently, until Caesar, abashed and afraid, would not accept either the name of king or the diadem, which he had in mind to bestow upon himself even against our will.,6.  Any other man, now, would have declared that he had been ordered by his superior to do all this, and putting forward the compulsion as an excuse, would have obtained pardon for it — and why not, considering that we had passed such votes at that time and that the soldiers had gained such power?,7.  Antony, however, because he was thoroughly acquainted with Caesar's intentions and perfectly aware of all he was preparing to do, by great good judgment succeeded in turning him aside from his course and dissuaded him.,8.  The proof is that Caesar afterwards no longer behaved in any way like a monarch, but mingled publicly and unprotected with us all; and for this reason more than for any other it became possible that he should meet the fate he did. "This is what was accomplished, O Cicero, — or Cicerculus, or Ciceracius, or Ciceriscus, or Graeculus, or whatever you delight in being called, — by the uneducated, the naked, the anointed man; 46.18. 2.  and none of it was done by you, so clever, so wise, you who use much more oil than wine, who let your clothing drag about your ankles — not, by Jupiter, as the dancers do, who teach you intricacies of reasoning by their poses, but in order to hide the ugliness of your legs.,3.  Oh no, it is not through modesty that you do this, you who delivered that long screed about Antony's habits. Who is there that does not see these delicate mantles of yours? Who does not scent your carefully combed gray locks? Who does not know that you put away your first wife who had borne you two children, and in your extreme old age married another, a mere girl, in order that you might pay your debts out of her property?,4.  And yet you did not keep her either, since you wished to be free to have with you Caerellia, whom you debauched though she was as much older than yourself as the maiden you married was younger, and to whom, old as she is, you write such letters as a jester and babbler might write if he were trying to get up an amour with a woman of seventy.,5.  I have been led to make this digression, Conscript Fathers, in order that he might not get off on this score, either, without receiving as good as he gave to me. And yet he had the effrontery to find fault with Antony because of a mere drinking party, himself a drinker of water, as he claims, — his purpose being to sit up at night and compose his speeches against us, — even though he brings up his son amid such debauchery that the son is sober neither night or day.,6.  Furthermore, he undertook to make derogatory remarks about Antony's mouth — this man who has shown so great licentiousness and impurity throughout his entire life that he would not spare even his closest kin, but let out his wife for hire and was his daughter's lover. 46.19. 1.  "I propose, now to leave this subject and to return to the point where I started. Well then, when Antony, against whom he has inveighed, saw that Caesar was becoming exalted above our government, caused him, by means of the very proposals which were supposed to gratify him, not to put into effect any of the projects he had in mind.,2.  For nothing so diverts persons from purposes which they cherish a wrongful desire to achieve and can put into effect, as for those who fear that they may have to submit to such things to pretend that they endure them of their own choice.,3.  For these persons in authority, being conscious of their own wrongful purposes, do not trust the sincerity of others, and believing that they have been detected, are ashamed and afraid, construing to the opposite effect, in their distrust, what is said to them, counting it mere flattery, and regarding with suspicion, in their shame, the possible outcome of what is said, as if it were a plot.,4.  It was of course because Antony knew this thoroughly that he first of all selected the Lupercalia and its procession, in order that Caesar in the relaxation of his spirit and merriment of the occasion might with safety be rebuked, and that, in the next place, he selected the Forum and the rostra, that Caesar might be made ashamed by the very places.,5.  And he fabricated the commands from the populace, in order that Caesar, hearing them, might reflect, not on all that Antony was saying at the time, but on all that the Roman people would order a man to say. For how could he have believed that this injunction had been laid upon any one, when he neither knew of the people's having voted anything of the kind nor heard them shouting their applause?,6.  But, in fact, it was necessary for him to hear this in the Roman Forum, where we have often joined in many deliberations for freedom, and beside the rostra, from which we have sent forth thousands upon thousands of measures on behalf of the republic, and at the festival of the Lupercalia, in order that he might be reminded of Romulus, and from the lips of the consul, that he might call to mind the deeds of the early consuls,,7.  and in the name of the people, that he might ponder the fact that he was undertaking to be tyrant, not over Africans or Gauls or Egyptians, but over very Romans. These words brought him to himself, they humiliated him; and whereas, if any one else had offered him the diadem, he might perhaps have taken it, as it was, through the influence of all these associations, he checked himself; he shuddered and felt afraid.,8.  "Here, then, you have the deeds of Antony; he did not break a leg in a vain attempt to make his own escape, nor burn off a hand in order to frighten Porsenna, but by his cleverness and consummate skill, which were of more avail than the spear of Decius or the sword of Brutus, he put an end to the tyranny of Caesar. 46.20. 1.  But as for you, Cicero, what did you accomplish in your consulship, I will not say that was wise and good, but that was not deserving of the greatest punishment? Did you not throw our city into confusion and party strife when it was quiet and harmonious, and fill the Forum and the Capitol with slaves, among others, whom you had summoned to help you?,2.  Did you not basely destroy Catiline, who had merely canvassed for office but had otherwise done nothing dreadful? Did you not pitilessly slay Lentulus and his followers, who were not only guilty of no wrong, but had neither been tried nor convicted, and that, too, though you are always and everywhere prating much about the laws and about the courts? Indeed, if one should take these phrases from your speeches, there is nothing left.,3.  You censured Pompey because he conducted the trial of Milo contrary to the established procedure; yet you yourself afforded Lentulus no privilege great or small that is prescribed in such cases, but without defence or trial you cast into prison a man respectable and aged, who could furnish in his ancestors abundant and weighty guarantees of his devotion to his country, and by reason of his age and his character had no power to incite a revolution.,4.  What evil was his that he could have cured by the change in the government? And what blessing did he not enjoy that he would certainly have jeopardized by beginning a rebellion? What arms had he collected, what allies had he equipped, that a man who had been consul and was then praetor should be so pitilessly and impiously cast into prison without being allowed to say one word in defence or to hear a single charge, and should there be put to death as are the basest criminals?,5.  For this is what our excellent Tullius here particularly desired, namely, that in the place that bears his name, he might put to death the grandson of that Lentulus who once had been the leader of the senate. 46.21. 1.  What would he have done now if he had laid hold of the power afforded by arms, seeing that he accomplished so much mischief by his words alone? These are your brilliant achievements, these are your great exhibitions of generalship; and not only were you condemned for them by your associates, but you also cast your own vote against yourself by fleeing even before your trial came on.,2.  Yet what greater proof could there be that you were guilty of his blood than that you came within an ace of perishing at the hands of those very persons on whose behalf you pretended you had done all this, that you were afraid of the very men whom you claimed to have benefited by these acts, and that you did not wait to hear what they had to say or to say a word to them, you clever, you extraordinary man, you who can aid others, but had to secure your own safety by flight as from a battle?,3.  And you are so shameless that you undertook to write a history of these events, disgraceful as they are, whereas you ought to have prayed that no one else should so much as record them, in order that you might derive at least this advantage, that your deeds should die with you and no memory of them be handed down to posterity.,4.  And to give you, sirs, something to make you even laugh, I beg you listen to a piece of his cleverness. He set himself the task of writing a history of all the achievements of the city (for he pretends to be a rhetorician and poet and philosopher and orator and historian), and then began, not with its founding, like the other historians of Rome, but with his own consulship, so that he might proceed backwards, making that the beginning of his account and the reign of Romulus the end. "Tell me now, you whose writings and whose deeds are such as I have described, what a good man ought to say in addressing the people and to do in action; for you are better at advising others about any matter in the world than at doing your duty yourself, and better at rebuking others than at reforming yourself. 46.22. 2.  Yet how much better it would be for you, instead of reproaching Antony with cowardice, yourself to lay aside your effeminacy both of spirit and of body; instead of bringing a charge of disloyalty against him, yourself to cease from doing anything disloyal against him and playing the deserter; and instead of accusing him of ingratitude, yourself cease from wronging your benefactors!,3.  For this, I must tell you, is one of Cicero's inherent defects, that he hates above all others those who have done him any kindness, and that while he is always fawning upon men of the other kind, yet he keeps plotting against these. At any rate (to omit other instances), after being pitied and spared by Caesar and enrolled among the patricians, he then killed him, not with his own hand, of course — how could he, cowardly and effeminate as he is? — but by persuading and bribing those who did it.,4.  That I am speaking the truth in this matter was made plain by the murderers themselves; at any rate, when they ran out into the Forum with their naked blades, they called for him by name, crying 'Cicero!' repeatedly, as you, no doubt, all heard them.,5.  Therefore, I say, he slew Caesar, his benefactor, and as for Antony, the very man from whom he had obtained not only his priesthood but also his life, when he was in danger of perishing at the hands of the soldiers in Brundisium, he repays him with this sort of thanks, accusing him of deeds with which neither he himself nor any one else ever found any fault and hounding him for conduct which he praises in others.,6.  At all events, when he sees that this young Caesar, who, although he has not attained the age yet to hold office or take any part in politics and has not been elected by you to office, has nevertheless equipped himself with an armed force and has undertaken a war which we have neither voted nor committed to his hands, he not only has no blame to bestow, but actually eulogizes him.,7.  Thus, you will perceive, he estimates neither justice by the standard of the laws nor expediency by the standard of the public weal, but manages everything simply to suit his own will, and what he extols in some he censures in others, spreading false reports against you and slandering you besides. 46.23. 1.  For you will find that all Antony's acts after Caesar's death were ordered by you. Now to speak about Antony's disposition of Caesar's funds and his examination of his papers I regard as superfluous.,2.  Why so? Because, in the first place, it would be the business of the one who inherited Caesar's property to busy himself with it, and, in the second place, if there were any truth in the charge of malfeasance, it ought to have been stopped immediately at the time. For none of these transactions was carried out in secret, Cicero, but they were all recorded on tablets, as you yourself admit.,3.  But as to Antony's other acts, if he committed these villainies as openly and shamelessly as you allege, if he seized upon all Crete on the pretext that in Caesar's papers it had been left free after the governorship of Brutus, — although it was only later that Brutus was given charge of it by us — how could you have kept silent, and how could any one else have tolerated such acts?,4.  But, as I said, I will pass over these matters for the majority of them have not been specifically mentioned, and Antony, who could inform you exactly of what he has done in each instance, is not present. But as regards Macedonia and Gaul and the remaining provinces and as regards the legions, there are your decrees, Conscript Fathers, according to which you assigned to the various governors their several charges and entrusted Gaul, together with the troops, to Antony. And this is known also to Cicero, for he was present and voted for them all just as you did.,5.  Yet how much better it would have been for him to speak against it at the time, if any of these matters were not being done properly, and to instruct you in these matters that he now brings forward, than to be silent at the time and allow you to make mistakes, and now nominally to censure Antony but really to accuse the senate! "And no sensible person could assert, either, that Antony forced you to vote these measures. For he himself had no band of soldiers, so as to compel you to do anything contrary to your judgment, and, furthermore, the business was done for the good of the city. 46.24. 2.  For since the legions had been sent ahead and united, and there was fear that when they heard of Caesar's assassination they might revolt and, putting some worthless man at their head, go to war once more, you decided, rightly and properly, to place in command of them Antony, the consul, who had brought about harmony and had banished the dictatorship entirely from our system of government.,3.  And this is the reason you gave him Gaul in place of Macedonia, namely, that remaining here in Italy, he should have no chance to do mischief and might promptly carry out your orders. "To you I have said these things, that you may know that you have decided rightly. As for Cicero, that other point of mine was sufficient, namely, that he was present during all these proceedings and voted with us for the measures, although Antony had not a soldier at the time and was quite unable to bring to bear on us any intimidation that would have made us neglect any of our interests. 46.25. 2.  But even though you were then silent, tell us now, at least, what we ought to have done in the circumstances? Leave the legions leaderless? Would they not have filled both Macedonia and Italy with countless evils?,3.  Entrust them, then, to another? And whom could we have found more closely related and suited to the business than Antony, the consul, the official who was directing all the city's affairs, who had kept so close a watch over our harmony, who had given countless examples of his loyalty to the common weal?,4.  Appoint one of the assassins, then? Why, it was not even safe for them to live in the city. Appoint, then, a man of the party opposed to them? Why, everybody suspected the members of that party. What other man was there who surpassed him in public esteem or excelled him in experience?,5.  Nay, you are vexed that we did not choose you. What office, now, were you holding? And what act would you not have committed if you had obtained arms and soldiers, seeing that you succeeded in stirring up so much serious turmoil during our consulship when armed with only those antitheses of yours, the result of your constant practice, of which alone you were master? 46.26. 1.  But I return to my point that you were present when these measures were being voted and said nothing against them, but even assented to them all, obviously because you thought them excellent and necessary. For certainly you were not deprived of full freedom of speech; at any rate, you indulged in a great deal of barking, and to no purpose. And certainly you were not afraid of anybody, either.,2.  How could you have feared Antony unarmed when you do not dread him armed? How could you have feared him alone when you do not dread him with all these soldiers? Why, you are the man who actually pride yourself that you feel, — or at least say you feel, — nothing but contempt for death!,3.  "Since all this is so, which of the two seems to be in the wrong — Antony, who is directing the forces granted to him by us, or Caesar, who has surrounded himself with so large a band of his own? Antony, who has departed to assume the office committed to him by us, or Brutus, who is trying to prevent him from setting foot in the country?,4.  Antony, who wishes to compel our allies to obey our decrees, or the allies, who have not yet received the ruler sent them by us but have attached themselves to the man who was rejected by our vote?,5.  Antony, who keeps our soldiers together, or the soldiers, who have abandoned their commander? Antony, who has not brought into the city a single one of the soldiers who were granted him by us, or Caesar, who has bribed to come here the veterans who were long ago discharged from service?,6.  For my part, I do not think there is any further need of argument to answer the imputation that he is not properly performing all the duties laid upon him by us, and to show that these other men ought to sufficient punishment for what they have ventured on their own responsibility.,7.  For it is on this very account that you also have secured the protection of the soldiers, that you might discuss in safety the present situation, not because of Antony, who has done nothing on his private responsibility and has not intimidated you in any way, but because of his rival, who has not only gathered a force against him but has often kept many soldiers in the city itself. "So much I have said for Cicero's benefit, since it was he who began by making unjust accusations against us; for I am not generally quarrelsome, as he is, nor do I care to pry into others' misdeeds, as he prides himself in doing always. But I will now state the advice I have to give you, without either favouring Antony or calumniating Caesar or Brutus, but simply consulting the general good, as is proper. 46.27. 2.  For I declare that we ought not yet to make an enemy of either of these men in arms nor to enquire too closely into what they have been doing or in what way. For the present is not a suitable occasion for such action, and as they are all alike our fellow citizens, if any one of them fails the loss will be ours, and if any one of them succeeds his advancement will be a menace to us.,3.  Wherefore I believe that we ought to treat them as citizens and friends and send messengers to all of them alike, bidding them lay down their arms and put themselves and their legions in our hands, and that we ought not yet to wage war on any one of them, but in accordance with the reports brought back to approve those who are willing to obey us and to make war upon the disobedient.,4.  This course is just and expedient for us — not to be in a hurry or to do anything rashly, but to wait, and after giving the leaders themselves and their soldiers an opportunity to change their minds, then, if in such case there be need of war, to give the consuls charge of it. "And you, Cicero, I advise not to wax bold with the boldness of a woman, nor to imitate Bambalio, nor yet to make war nor to satisfy your private grudge against Antony at the expense of the public and thus plunge the whole city into danger again. 46.28. 2.  Indeed, it would be well if you actually became reconciled with him, with whom you have often enjoyed many friendly dealings; but even if you are irreconcilably opposed to him, at least spare us, and do not, after acting in the past as the promoter of mutual friendship among us, now destroy it.,3.  Remember that day and the speech which you delivered in the precinct of Tellus, and concede also a little to this goddess of Concord in whose precinct we are now deliberating, lest you discredit what you said then and make it appear to have been uttered on that occasion from some other motive than an upright purpose;,4.  for such a course is not only to the advantage of the state but will also bring you most renown. Do not think that audacity is either glorious or safe, and do not assert that you despise death and expect to be praised for saying this.,5.  For all suspect and hate such men, as being likely to be influenced by desperation to venture some evil deed. Those, however, whom they see paying the greatest heed to their own safety they praise and laud, as men who would not willingly do anything that merited death.,6.  Do you, therefore, if you honestly wish your country to be saved, speak and act in such a way that you yourself will be saved and not, by Jupiter, in such a way as to bring destruction upon us as well as upon yourself!" Such language from Calenus Cicero could not endure; for while he himself always spoke out his mind intemperately and immoderately to all alike, he could not bring himself to accept similar frankness from others. So on this occasion, too, he dismissed the consideration of the public interests and set himself to abusing his opponent, with the result that that day was wasted, largely on this account. 48.14.4.  And the story goes that they did not merely suffer death in an ordinary form, but were led to the altar consecrated to the former Caesar and were there sacrificed — three hundred knights and many senators, among them Tiberius Cannutius, who previously during his tribuneship had assembled the populace for Caesar Octavianus. 56.27.1.  In spite of all this, however, he continued to attend to his other duties as before. He now allowed the knights to become candidates for the tribuneship. And learning that some vituperative pamphlets were being written concerning certain people, he ordered search to be made for them; those that were found in the city he ordered to be burned by the aediles, and those outside by the officials in each place, and he punished some of the writers. 57.24.2.  Cremutius Cordus was forced to take his own life because he had come into collision with Sejanus. He was on the threshold of old age and had lived most irreproachably, so much so, in fact, that no serious charge could be brought against him, and he was therefore tried for this history 57.24.3.  of the achievements of Augustus which he had written long before, and which Augustus himself had read. He was accused of having praised Cassius and Brutus, and of having assailed the people and the senate; as regarded Caesar and Augustus, while he had spoken no ill of them, he had not, on the other hand, shown any unusual respect for them. 59.5. 1.  This was the kind of emperor into whose hands the Romans were then delivered. Hence the deeds of Tiberius, though they were felt to have been very harsh, were nevertheless as far superior to those of Gaius as the deeds of Augustus were to those of his successor.,2.  For Tiberius always kept the power in his own hands and used others as agents for carrying out his wishes; whereas Gaius was ruled by the charioteers and gladiators, and was the slave of the actors and others connected with the stage. Indeed, he always kept Apelles, the most famous of the tragedians of that day, with him even in public.,3.  Thus he by himself and they by themselves did without let or hindrance all that such persons would naturally dare to do when given power. Everything that pertained to their art he arranged and settled on the slightest pretext in the most lavish manner, and he compelled the praetors and the consuls to do the same, so that almost every day some performance of the kind was sure to be given.,4.  At first he was but a spectator and listener at these and would take sides for or against various performers like one of the crowd; and one time, when he was vexed with those of opposing tastes, he did not go to the spectacle. But as time went on, he came to imitate, and to contend in many events,,5.  driving chariots, fighting as a gladiator, giving exhibitions of pantomimic dancing, and acting in tragedy. So much for his regular behaviour. And once he sent an urgent summons at night to the leading men of the senate, as if for some important deliberation, and then danced before them.  
44. Lucian, How To Write History, 2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 49
45. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.15.4 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, his ‘republicanism’ Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 13
1.15.4. ἐνταῦθα ἀσπίδες κεῖνται χαλκαῖ, καὶ ταῖς μέν ἐστιν ἐπίγραμμα ἀπὸ Σ κιωναίων καὶ τῶν ἐπικούρων εἶναι, τὰς δὲ ἐπαληλιμμένας πίσσῃ, μὴ σφᾶς ὅ τε χρόνος λυμήνηται καὶ ὁ ἰός, Λακεδαιμονίων εἶναι λέγεται τῶν ἁλόντων ἐν τῇ Σφακτηρίᾳ νήσῳ. 1.15.4. Here are dedicated brazen shields, and some have an inscription that they are taken from the Scioneans and their allies 421 B.C. , while others, smeared with pitch lest they should be worn by age and rust, are said to be those of the Lacedaemonians who were taken prisoners in the island of Sphacteria . 425 B.C.
46. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 3.20.10-3.20.12, 9.2.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, as beginning of decline of eloquence Found in books: Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 282
47. Gellius, Attic Nights, 17.1.1 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, on cicero •asinius pollio, as beginning of decline of eloquence Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 113; Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 282
48. Aelius Aristides, Orations, 49.38 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio (politician and writer) Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 133
49. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 3.20.10-3.20.12, 4.28, 7.4.3-7.4.6, 9.2.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, as beginning of decline of eloquence •asinius pollio (politician and writer), library of •asinius pollio, on cicero Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 113; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 157; Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 282
4.28. To Vibius Severus. Herennius Severus, a man of great learning, is anxious to place in his library portraits of your fellow-townsmen, Cornelius Nepos and Titus Catius, and he asks me to get them copied and painted if there are any such portraits in their native place, as there probably are. I am laying this commission upon you rather than on any one else, first, because you are always kind enough to grant any favour I ask; secondly, because I know your reverence for literary studies and your love of literary men; and, lastly, because you love and reverence your native place, and entertain the same feelings for those who have helped to make its name famous. So I beg you to find as careful a painter as you can, for while it is hard to paint a portrait from an original, it is far more difficult to make a good imitation of an imitation. Moreover, please do not let the painter you choose make any variations from his copy, even though they are for the better. Farewell.
50. Ammianus Marcellinus, History, 22.16.16 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, on cicero Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 113
22.16.16. From there came Aristarchus, The celebrated critic, born in Samothrace; he lived under Ptolemy Philometor (181-146 B.C.). eminent in thorny problems of grammatical lore, and Herodian, Also a grammarian. a most accurate investigator in science and Saccas Ammonius, the teacher of Plotinus, and numerous other writers in many famous branches of literature. Among these Didymus Chalcenterus This scholar (65 B.C.— circ. A.D. 10) was surnamed χαλκέντερος, of the brazen guts, because of his tireless industry; see also Index. was conspicuous for the abundance of his diversified knowledge, although in those six books in which he sometimes unsuccessfully criticises Cicero, imitating the scurrilous writers of Silli, Satirical poems; cf. Gell. iii. 17, 4 f. he makes the same impression on learned ears as a puppy-dog barking from a distance with quavering voice around a lion roaring awfully.
51. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.5.4-1.5.7, 1.12.16, 2.4.21 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. •asinius pollio, collection of •asinius pollio, his ‘republicanism’ Found in books: Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 11; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 13, 223, 224
52. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.12.16, 2.4.21 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, collection of •asinius pollio, his ‘republicanism’ Found in books: Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 13, 223, 224
53. Sidonius Apollinaris, Letters, 9.9.14 (5th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio (politician and writer), library of Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 157
54. Isidore of Seville, Origines (Etymologiarum), 6.5 (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio (politician and writer), library of Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 157
55. Isidore of Seville, Etymologies, 6.5.1-6.5.2 (6th cent. CE - 7th cent. CE)  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio (politician and writer), library of Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 157
56. Various, Anthologia Palatina, 9.600, 9.756  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio (politician and writer), library of •pollio, c. asinius Found in books: Bowie (2023), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels. 358; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 157
57. Appian, B. Ciu., a b c d\n0 "2.102424" "2.102424" "2 102424"\n1 "2.76319" "2.76319" "2 76319" \n2 "2.69284" "2.69284" "2 69284" \n3 "2.68281" "2.68281" "2 68281"  Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Buszard (2023), Greek Translations of Roman Gods. 137
58. Varro, Grf, 250  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 158
59. Aelius Stilo, Grf, 47  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 158
60. Pacuvius, Chryses (Schierl Fr., 79  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 158
61. Marx, Warmington, 1  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 158
64. Epigraphy, Roesch, Ithesp, 358  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio (politician and writer) •asinius pollio (politician and writer), library of Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 133, 157
65. Velleius Paterculus, Roman History, 2.57.2, 2.66-2.67, 2.86.3  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. •asinius pollio, on cicero Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 111; Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 237; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 43
66. Plutarch, Tiberius Gracchus, "8"  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio, c. Found in books: Balbo and Santangelo (2022), A Community in Transition: Rome between Hannibal and the Gracchi 55
67. Epigraphy, Cil, 14.2647-14.2651  Tagged with subjects: •asinius pollio (politician and writer), library of Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 157