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subject book bibliographic info
asinius, as aeneas, pollio, gaius Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 205
asinius, gallus Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 157
Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 66, 67, 68, 72
Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 282
Romana Berno (2023), Roman Luxuria: A Literary and Cultural History, 106, 107
Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 69, 138
Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 85, 155
asinius, gallus, c. Benefiel and Keegan (2016), Inscriptions in the Private Sphere in the Greco-Roman World, 134
Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 162
Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 42
Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 25, 27, 37, 54, 222
asinius, gallus, comparing father and cicero Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 314, 315, 316
asinius, gallus, interventions Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 162
asinius, marcellus Fletcher (2023), The Ass of the Gods: Apuleius' Golden Ass, the Onos Attributed to Lucian, and Graeco-Roman Metamorphosis Literature, 111, 118
Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 68, 70, 74, 152, 192
Pinheiro et al. (2018), Cultural Crossroads in the Ancient Novel, 259, 337
asinius, marcellus, one of pastophori Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 4, 27
asinius, one of pastophori, marcellus Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 27, 340
asinius, pastophori, sacred college, summoned by lector, one of marcellus, like figure in dream Griffiths (1975), The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI), 27
asinius, pollio Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 14, 17, 24, 44, 166, 230
Beneker et al. (2022), Plutarch’s Unexpected Silences: Suppression and Selection in the Lives and Moralia, 140
Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 295
Bremmer (2017), Magic and Martyrs in Early Christianity: Collected Essays, 321
Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 150
Kaster(2005), Emotion, Restraint, and Community in Ancient Rome, 66
Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 131, 154, 171, 199, 300
Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 336, 351
Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 2, 7, 213
Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 88, 106
Simon, Zeyl, and Shapiro, (2021), The Gods of the Greeks, 127
Woolf (2011). Tales of the Barbarians: Ethnography and Empire in the Roman West. 68
asinius, pollio, as beginning of decline of eloquence Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 282
asinius, pollio, as philosopher Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 201
asinius, pollio, c. Bowie (2023), Essays on Ancient Greek Literature and Culture, Volume 2: Comedy, Herodotus, Hellenistic and Imperial Greek Poetry, the Novels. 358
Culík-Baird (2022), Cicero and the Early Latin Poets, 100, 158
Konrad (2022), The Challenge to the Auspices: Studies on Magisterial Power in the Middle Roman Republic, 135
Pausch and Pieper (2023), The Scholia on Cicero’s Speeches: Contexts and Perspectives, 11, 142
Poulsen (2021), Usages of the Past in Roman Historiography, 92, 93
Santangelo (2013), Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond, 123, 237
Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 42, 43, 44, 48, 49
asinius, pollio, collection of Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 223, 224
asinius, pollio, gaius Giusti (2018), Disclosure and Discretion in Roman Astrology: Manilius and his Augustan Contemporaries, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 204, 248
Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 46, 52, 67, 68
asinius, pollio, his ‘republicanism’ Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 13, 224
asinius, pollio, libraries, of Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 223
asinius, pollio, on cicero Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 113
Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 135, 136, 137
asinius, pollio, politician and writer Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 133
asinius, pollio, politician and writer, library of Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 157
asinius, pollio, style of Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 201
asinius, praise for rufus, as surrogate parent Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 129, 130
asinius, praise for rufus, on wife’s miscarriage Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 62, 63
asinius, quadratus Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 3, 4
asinius, rufus Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 92, 93
asinius, rufus, praise for Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 92, 93

List of validated texts:
13 validated results for "asinius"
1. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Asinius Pollio • Asinius Pollio, on Cicero

 Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 109, 110; Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 131, 135, 136, 137

2. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Asinius Pollio, C. • Asinius Pollio, collection of • Asinius Pollio, his ‘republicanism’ • Pollio, Asinius, and Republican libertas • Pollio, Asinius, and historiography • Pollio, Asinius, and the battle of Perusia • Pollio, Asinius, as patronal dedicatee

 Found in books: Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 65, 74, 75, 76, 79, 80, 81, 83; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 13, 224; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 43

3. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Asinius Pollio • Asinius Pollio (politician and writer), library of • Asinius Pollio, collection of • libraries, of Asinius Pollio

 Found in books: Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 295; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 157; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 223

4. Tacitus, Annals, 1.76.1, 3.33-3.34 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Asinius Gallus, C • Asinius Gallus, C. • Asinius Rufus • interventions, Asinius Gallus • praise for Asinius Rufus

 Found in books: Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 162; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 93; Shannon-Henderson (2019), Power Play in Latin Love Elegy and its Multiple Forms of Continuity in Ovid’s , 25, 222; Talbert (1984), The Senate of Imperial Rome, 264

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3.33 Inter quae Severus Caecina censuit ne quem magistratum cui provincia obvenisset uxor comitaretur, multum ante repetito concordem sibi coniugem et sex partus enixam, seque quae in publicum statueret domi servavisse, cohibita intra Italiam, quamquam ipse pluris per provincias quadraginta stipendia explevisset. haud enim frustra placitum olim ne feminae in socios aut gentis externas traherentur: inesse mulierum comitatui quae pacem luxu, bellum formidine morentur et Romanum agmen ad similitudinem barbari incessus convertant. non imbecillum tantum et imparem laboribus sexum sed, si licentia adsit, saevum, ambitiosum, potestatis avidum; incedere inter milites, habere ad manum centuriones; praesedisse nuper feminam exercitio cohortium, decursu legionum. cogitarent ipsi quotiens repetundarum aliqui arguerentur plura uxoribus obiectari: his statim adhaerescere deterrimum quemque provincialium, ab his negotia suscipi, transigi; duorum egressus coli, duo esse praetoria, pervicacibus magis et impotentibus mulierum iussis quae Oppiis quondam aliisque legibus constrictae nunc vinclis exolutis domos, fora, iam et exercitus regerent. 3.34 Paucorum haec adsensu audita: plures obturbabant neque relatum de negotio neque Caecinam dignum tantae rei censorem. mox Valerius Messalinus, cui parens Mes- sala ineratque imago paternae facundiae, respondit multa duritiae veterum in melius et laetius mutata; neque enim, ut olim, obsideri urbem bellis aut provincias hostilis esse. et pauca feminarum necessitatibus concedi quae ne coniugum quidem penatis, adeo socios non onerent; cetera promisca cum marito nec ullum in eo pacis impedimentum. bella plane accinctis obeunda: sed revertentibus post laborem quod honestius quam uxorium levamentum? at quasdam in ambitionem aut avaritiam prolapsas. quid? ipsorum magistratuum nonne plerosque variis libidinibus obnoxios? non tamen ideo neminem in provinciam mitti. corruptos saepe pravitatibus uxorum maritos: num ergo omnis caelibes integros? placuisse quondam Oppias leges, sic temporibus rei publicae postulantibus: remissum aliquid postea et mitigatum, quia expedierit. frustra nostram ignaviam alia ad vocabula transferri: nam viri in eo culpam si femina modum excedat. porro ob unius aut alterius imbecillum animum male eripi maritis consortia rerum secundarum adversarumque. simul sexum natura invalidum deseri et exponi suo luxu, cupidinibus alienis. vix praesenti custodia manere inlaesa coniugia: quid fore si per pluris annos in modum discidii oblitterentur? sic obviam irent iis quae alibi peccarentur ut flagitiorum urbis meminissent. addidit pauca Drusus de matrimonio suo; nam principibus adeunda saepius longinqua imperii. quoties divum Augustum in Occidentem atque Orientem meavisse comite Livia! se quoque in Illyricum profectum et, si ita conducat, alias ad gentis iturum, haud semper aequo animo si ab uxore carissima et tot communium liberorum parente divelleretur. sic Caecinae sententia elusa.' ' None
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1.76.1 \xa0In the same year, the Tiber, rising under the incessant rains, had flooded the lower levels of the city, and its subsidence was attended by much destruction of buildings and life. Accordingly, Asinius Gallus moved for a reference to the Sibylline Books. Tiberius objected, preferring secrecy as in earth so in heaven: still, the task of coercing the stream was entrusted to Ateius Capito and Lucius Arruntius. Since Achaia and Macedonia protested against the heavy taxation, it was decided to relieve them of their proconsular government for the time being and transfer them to the emperor. A\xa0show of gladiators, given in the name of his brother Germanicus, was presided over by Drusus, who took an extravagant pleasure in the shedding of blood however vile â\x80\x94 a\xa0trait so alarming to the populace that it was said to have been censured by his father. Tiberius' own absence from the exhibition was variously explained. Some ascribed it to his impatience of a crowd; others, to his native morosity and his dread of comparisons; for Augustus had been a good-humoured spectator. I\xa0should be slow to believe that he deliberately furnished his son with an occasion for exposing his brutality and arousing the disgust of the nation; yet even this was suggested." 3.33 \xa0In the course of the debate, Caecina Severus moved that no magistrate, who had been allotted a province, should be accompanied by his wife. He explained beforehand at some length that "he had a consort after his own heart, who had borne him six children: yet he had conformed in private to the rule he was proposing for the public; and, although he had served his forty campaigns in one province or other, she had always been kept within the boundaries of Italy. There was point in the old regulation which prohibited the dragging of women to the provinces or foreign countries: in a retinue of ladies there were elements apt, by luxury or timidity, to retard the business of peace or war and to transmute a Roman march into something resembling an Eastern procession. Weakness and a lack of endurance were not the only failings of the sex: give them scope, and they turned hard, intriguing, ambitious. They paraded among the soldiers; they had the centurions at beck and call. Recently a woman had presided at the exercises of the cohorts and the manoeuvres of the legions. Let his audience reflect that, whenever a magistrate was on trial for malversation, the majority of the charges were levelled against his wife. It was to the wife that the basest of the provincials at once attached themselves; it was the wife who took in hand and transacted business. There were two potentates to salute in the streets; two government-houses; and the more headstrong and autocratic orders came from the women, who, once held in curb by the Oppian and other laws, had now cast their chains and ruled supreme in the home, the courts, and by now the army itself." < 3.34 \xa0A\xa0few members listened to the speech with approval: most interrupted with protests that neither was there a motion on the subject nor was Caecina a competent censor in a question of such importance. He was presently answered by Valerius Messalinus, a son of Messala, in whom there resided some echo of his father\'s eloquence:â\x80\x94 "Much of the old-world harshness had been improved and softened; for Rome was no longer environed with wars, nor were the provinces hostile. A\xa0few allowances were now made to the needs of women; but not such as to embarrass even the establishment of their consorts, far less our allies: everything else the wife shared with her husband, and in peace the arrangement created no difficulties. Certainly, he who set about a war must gird up his loins; but, when he returned after his labour, what consolations more legitimate than those of his helpmeet? â\x80\x94 But a\xa0few women had lapsed into intrigue or avarice. â\x80\x94 Well, were not too many of the magistrates themselves vulnerable to temptation in more shapes than one? Yet governors still went out to governorships! â\x80\x94 Husbands had often been corrupted by the depravity of their wives. â\x80\x94 And was every single man, then, incorruptible? The Oppian laws in an earlier day were sanctioned because the circumstances of the commonwealth so demanded: later remissions and mitigations were due to expediency. It was vain to label our own inertness with another title: if the woman broke bounds, the fault lay with the husband. Moreover, it was unjust that, through the weakness of one or two, married men in general should be torn from their partners in weal and woe, while at the same time a sex frail by nature was left alone, exposed to its own voluptuousness and the appetites of others. Hardly by surveillance on the spot could the marriage-tie be kept undamaged: what would be the case if, for a term of years, it were dissolved as completely as by divorce? While they were taking steps to meet abuses elsewhere, it would be well to remember the scandals of the capital! Drusus added a\xa0few sentences upon his own married life:â\x80\x94 "Princes not infrequently had to visit the remote parts of the empire. How often had the deified Augustus travelled to west and east with Livia for his companion! He had himself made an excursion to Illyricum; and, if there was a purpose to serve, he was prepared to go to other countries â\x80\x94 but not always without a pang, if he were severed from the well-beloved wife who was the mother of their many common children." Caecina\'s motion was thus evaded. <'" None
5. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Asinius Pollio • Asinius Pollio (politician and writer), library of

 Found in books: Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 295; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 157; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 2, 213

6. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Asinius Pollio, C. • Asinius Quadratus • Pollio, Asinius, and historiography

 Found in books: Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 75; Chrysanthou (2022), Reconfiguring the Imperial Past: Narrative Patterns and Historical Interpretation in Herodian’s History of the Empire. 3; Scott (2023), An Age of Iron and Rust: Cassius Dio and the History of His Time. 49

7. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Asinius Pollio

 Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 24; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 2, 213

8. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Asinius Pollio • Asinius Pollio (politician and writer), library of • Asinius Pollio, collection of • Asinius Pollio, his ‘republicanism’

 Found in books: Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 295; Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 157; Nelsestuen (2015), Varro the Agronomist: Political Philosophy, Satire, and Agriculture in the Late Republic. 2, 213; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 106, 224

9. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 38.18-38.29 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Asinius Pollio • Asinius Pollio, on Cicero

 Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 108; Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 171

sup>
38.18 1. \xa0He accordingly went over to Macedonia and spent his time there in lamentations. But there met him a man named Philiscus, who had made his acquaintance in Athens and now by chance fell in with him again. "Are you not ashamed, Cicero," he said, "to be weeping and behaving like a woman? Really, I\xa0should never have expected that you, who have enjoyed such an excellent and varied education, and who have acted as advocate to many, would grow so faint-hearted.",2. "But," replied the other, "it is not at all the same thing, Philiscus, to speak for others as to advise one\'s self. The words spoken in others\' behalf, proceeding from a mind that is firm and unshaken, are most opportune; but when some affliction overwhelms the spirit, it becomes turbid and darkened and cannot reason out anything that is opportune. For this reason, I\xa0suppose, it has been very well said that it is easier to counsel others than to be strong oneself under suffering.",3. "That is but human nature," rejoined Philiscus. "I\xa0did not think, however, that you, who are gifted with so much sound sense and have practised so much wisdom, had failed to prepare yourself for all human possibilities, so that even if some unexpected accident should befall you, it would not find you unfortified at any point.,4. \xa0But since, now, you are in this plight,\xa0.\xa0.\xa0. for I\xa0might be of some little assistance to you by rehearsing a\xa0few appropriate arguments. And thus, just as men who put a hand to others\'burdens relieve them, so I\xa0might lighten this misfortune of yours, and the more easily than they, inasmuch as I\xa0shall not take upon myself even the smallest part of it.,5. \xa0Surely you will not deem it unbecoming, I\xa0trust, to receive some encouragement from another, since if you were sufficient for yourself, we should have no need of these words. As it is, you are in a like case to Hippocrates or Democedes or any of the other great physicians, if one of them had fallen ill of a disease hard to cure and had need of another\'s aid to bring about his own recovery." 38.19 1. \xa0"Indeed," said Cicero, "if you have any arguments that will dispel this mist from my soul and restore me to the light of old, I\xa0am most ready to listen. For words, as drugs, are of many varieties, and divers potencies, so that it will not be surprising if you should be able to steep in some mixture of philosophy even me, for all my brilliant feats in the senate, the assemblies, and the law-courts.",2. "Come then," continued Philiscus, "since you are ready to listen, let us consider first whether these conditions that surround you are actually bad, and next in what way we may cure them. First of all, now, I\xa0see you are in excellent physical health and strength, which is surely man\'s chief natural blessing; and, next, that you have the necessities of life in sufficiency,3. \xa0so as not to hunger or thirst or suffer cold or endure any other hardship through lack of means â\x80\x94 which may appropriately be set down as the second natural blessing for man. For when one\'s physical condition is good and one can live without anxiety, all the factors essential to happiness are enjoyed." 38.20 1. \xa0To this Cicero replied: "But not one of these things is of use when some grief is preying upon one\'s mind; for mental cares cause one far more distress than bodily comforts cause pleasure. Even so, I\xa0also at present set no value on my physical health, because I\xa0am suffering in mind, nor yet on the abundance of necessaries; for my loss is great indeed.",2. "And does this grieve you?" replied the other. "Now if you were going to be in want of things needful, there would be some reason for your being annoyed at your loss. But since you have all necessaries in full measure, why do you distress yourself because you do not possess more? For all that one has beyond one\'s needs is superfluous, and amounts to the same thing whether present or absent; since surely you did not make use formerly of what was not necessary.,3. \xa0Consider, therefore, either that then what you did not need you did not have, or else that you now have what you do not need. Most of these things, indeed, were not yours by inheritance, that you should be particularly exercised about them, but were acquired by your own tongue and by your own words â\x80\x94 the very things which caused you to lose them.,4. \xa0You should not, therefore, be vexed if things have been lost in the same manner in which they were won. Ship-masters, for example, do not take it greatly to heart when they suffer great losses; for they understand, I\xa0suspect, how to take the sensible view of it, namely, that the sea which gives them wealth takes it away again. 38.21 1. \xa0"So much for the present point; for I\xa0think it should be enough for a man\'s happiness to have a sufficiency and to lack nothing that the body requires, and I\xa0hold that everything in excess involves anxiety, trouble, and jealousy.,2. \xa0As for your saying, now, that there is no enjoyment of physical blessings unless those of the spirit are also present, that is indeed true, since it is impossible, if the spirit is in a poor state, that the body should fail to share in its ailment; nevertheless, I\xa0think it much easier for one to look after his mental health than his physical.,3. \xa0For the body, being of flesh, contains in itself many dangers and requires much assistance from the divine power; whereas the spirit, of a nature more divine, can easily be trained and prompted. Let us see here also, then, what spiritual blessing has abandoned you and what evil had come upon you that we may not shake off. 38.22 1. \xa0"First, then, I\xa0see that you are a man of the greatest sagacity. The proof is that you so often persuaded both the senate and the people in cases where you gave them advice, and so often helped private citizens in cases where you acted as their advocate. And secondly, I\xa0see that you are a most just man.,2. \xa0Certainly you have always been found contending for your country and for your friends against those who plotted their ruin. Indeed, this very misfortune which you have now suffered has befallen you for no other reason than that you continued to say and do everything in behalf of the laws and of the constitution.,3. \xa0Again, that you have attained the highest degree of self-mastery is shown by your very course of life, since it is not possible for a man who is a slave to sensual pleasures to appear constantly in public and to go to and fro in the Forum, making his deeds by day witnesses of those by night.,4. \xa0This being the case, I,\xa0for my part, supposed you were also very brave, enjoying, as you did, such force of intellect and such power of oratory.,5. \xa0But it seems that, startled out of yourself through having failed contrary to your hopes and deserts, you have fallen a little short of true courage. But you will regain this immediately, and as you are thus equipped as I\xa0have pointed out, with a good physical endowment as well as mental, I\xa0cannot see what it is that is distressing you." 38.23 1. \xa0At the end of this speech of his Cicero replied: "There seems to you, then, to be no great evil in disfranchisement and exile and in not living at home or being with your friends, but, instead, living in a foreign land, and wandering about with the name of exile, causing laughter to your enemies and disgrace to your friends?",2. "Not in the least, so far as I\xa0can see," declared Philiscus. "There are two elements of which we are constituted, soul and body, and definite blessings and evils are given to each of the two by Nature herself. Now if there should be any defect in these two, it would properly be considered injurious and disgraceful; but if all should be right with them, it would be useful instead.,3. \xa0This is your condition at the present moment. Those things which you mentioned, banishment and disfranchisement, and anything else of the sort, are disgraceful and evil only by convention and a certain popular opinion, and work no injury on either body or soul. What body could you cite that has fallen ill or perished and what spirit that has grow more unjust or even more ignorant through disfranchisement or exile or anything of that sort? I\xa0see none.,4. \xa0And the reason is that no one of these things is by nature evil, just as neither citizenship nor residence in one\'s country is itself excellent, but whatever opinion each one of us holds about them, such they seem to be.,5. \xa0For instance, men do not universally apply the penalty of disfranchisement to the same acts, but certain deeds which are reprehensible in some places are praised in others, and various actions honoured by one people are punished by another. Indeed, some do not so much as know the name, nor the thing which it implies.,6. \xa0And naturally enough; for whatever does not touch that which belong to man\'s nature is thought to have no bearing upon him. Precisely in the same way, therefore, as it would be most ridiculous, surely, if some judgment or decree were to be rendered that So-andâ\x80\x91so is sick or So-andâ\x80\x91so is base, so does the case stand regarding disfranchisement. 38.24 1. \xa0"The same thing I\xa0find to be true in regard to exile. It is a sojourn abroad involving disfranchisement; so that if disfranchisement in and of itself contains no evil, surely no evil can be attached to exile either.,2. \xa0In fact, many live abroad anyway for very long periods, some unwillingly, but others willingly; and some even spend their whole life travelling about, just as if they were expelled from every place in turn; and yet they do not regard themselves as being injured in doing so.,3. \xa0Nor does it make any difference whether a man does it voluntarily or not; the man who trains his body unwillingly is no less strong than he who does it willingly, and one who goes on a voyage unwillingly obtains no less benefit than another. And as regards this unwillingness itself, I\xa0do not see how it can exist with a man of sense.,4. \xa0Accordingly, if the difference between being well and badly off is that we do some things readily and voluntarily, while we perform others unwillingly and grudgingly, the trouble can easily be remedied. For it we willingly endure all necessary things and allow none of them to conquer us, all those matters in which one might assume unwillingness have been done away with at a single stroke.,5. \xa0There is, indeed, an old saying and a very good one, to the effect that we ought not to demand that whatever we wish should come to pass, but to wish for whatever does come to pass as the result of any necessity. For we neither have free choice in our manner of life nor are we our own masters;,6. \xa0but according as it may suit chance, and according to the character of the fortune granted each one of us for the fulfillment of what is ordained, we must also shape our life. 38.25 1. \xa0"Such is the nature of the case whether we like it or not. If, now, it is not disfranchisement in itself or exile in itself that troubles you, but the fact that you have not only done your country no injury but have actually benefited her greatly, and yet you have been disenfranchised and expelled, look at it in this way â\x80\x94 that, when once it was destined for you to have such an experience, it has surely been the noblest and the best fortune that could befall you to be despitefully used without having committed any wrong.,2. \xa0For you advised and carried out all that was proper for the citizens, not as an individual but as consul, not meddling officiously in a private capacity but obeying the decrees of the senate, which were not passed as party measures but for the best ends.,3. \xa0This and that person, on the contrary, out of their superior power and insolence devised everything against you; hence they ought to have trouble and sorrow for their injustice, but for you it is noble as well as necessary to bear bravely what Heaven has determined.,4. \xa0Surely you would not prefer to have joined with Catiline and conspired with Lentulus, to have given your country the exact opposite of useful counsel, to have performed none of the duties laid upon you by her, and thus remain at home as the reward of wickedness, instead of saving your country and being exiled.,5. \xa0Accordingly, if you care at all about your reputation, it is far preferable, I\xa0am sure, for you to have been driven out, after doing no wrong, than to have remained at home by performing some base act; for, apart from other considerations, the shame attaches to those who have unjustly cast a man forth, rather than to the man who has been wantonly expelled. 38.26 1. \xa0"Moreover, the story, as I\xa0heard it, was that you did not depart unwillingly, nor after conviction, but of your own accord; that you hated to live with them, seeing that you could not make them better and would not endure to perish with them, and that you fled, not from your country, but from those who were plotting against her. Consequently it would be they who are dishonoured and banished, having cast out all that is good from their souls,,2. \xa0and it would be you who are honoured and fortunate, as being nobody\'s slave in unseemly fashion but possessing all that is needful, whether you choose to live in Sicily, or in Macedonia, or anywhere else in the world. For surely it is not places that give either success or misfortune of any sort, but each man creates his own country and his own happiness always and everywhere.,3. \xa0This was the feeling of Camillus when he was fain to dwell in Ardea; this was the way Scipio reasoned when he spent his last days in Liternum without grieving. But why mention Aristides or Themistocles, men whom exile rendered more famous, or .\xa0.\xa0. or Solon, who of his own accord left home for ten years?,4. "Therefore, do you likewise cease to consider irksome any such thing as pertains neither to our physical nor to our spiritual nature, and do not vex yourself at what has happened. For to us belongs no choice, as I\xa0told you, of living as we please, but it is absolutely necessary for us to endure what Heaven determines.,5. \xa0If we do this voluntarily, we shall not be grieved; but if involuntarily, we shall not escape at all what is fated, and we shall at the same time acquire the greatest of ills â\x80\x94 the distressing of our hearts to no purpose.,6. \xa0The proof of this is that men who bear good-naturedly the most outrageous fortunes do not regard themselves as being in any very dreadful plight, while those who are disturbed at the lightest disappointments imagine that all human ills are theirs. And people in general, both those who manage favourable conditions badly and those who manage unfavourable conditions well, make their good or ill fortune appear to others to be just what they make it for themselves. 38.27 1. \xa0Bear this in mind, then, and be not cast down by your present state, nor grieve if you learn that the men who exiled you are flourishing. For the successes of men are vain and ephemeral at best, and the higher a man climbs as a result of them, the more easily, like a breath, does he fall, especially in partisan strife.,2. \xa0Borne along in the midst of troubled and unstable conditions they differ little, if at all, from sailors in a storm, but are tossed up and down, now hither, now thither; and if they make the slightest mistake, they are sure to sink.,3. \xa0Not to mention Drusus, or Scipio, or the Gracchi, or certain others, remember how Camillus, the exile, later came off better than Capitolinus, and remember how greatly Aristides afterwards surpassed Themistocles.,4. "Do you also, then, hope, first and foremost, for your restoration; for you have not been expelled on account of wrong-doing, and the very ones who drove you forth will, as I\xa0learn, seek for you, while all will miss you. But even if you continue in your present state, do not distress yourself at all about it. 38.28 1. \xa0For if you will take my advice, you will be quite satisfied to pick out a little estate in some retired spot on the coast and there carry on at the same time farming and some historical writing, like Xenophon and like Thucydides.,2. \xa0This form of learning is most enduring and best adapted to every man and to every state; and exile brings with it a kind of leisure that is more fruitful. If, then, you wish to become really immortal, like those historians, emulate them.,3. \xa0You have the necessary means in sufficiency and you lack no distinction. For if there is any virtue in such honours, you have been consul; nothing more belongs to those who have held office a second, a\xa0third, or a\xa0fourth time, except an array of idle letters which benefit no man, living or dead.,4. \xa0Hence you would not choose to be Corvinus, or Marius, the man seven times consul, rather than Cicero. Nor, again, are you anxious for any position of command, seeing that you withdrew from the one bestowed upon you, because you scorned the gains to be had from it, scorned a brief authority that was object to the scrutiny of all who chose to practise blackmail.,5. \xa0These matters I\xa0have mentioned, not because any one of them is requisite for happiness, but because, since it was necessary, you have occupied yourself sufficiently with public affairs to learn therefrom the difference in lives and to choose the one course and reject the other, to pursue the one and avoid the other. Our life is but short, and you ought not to live all yours for others, but by this time to grant a little to yourself.,6. \xa0Consider how much better quiet is than turmoil, and tranquillity than tumults, freedom than slavery, and safety than dangers, that you may feel a desire to live as I\xa0am urging you to do. In this way you will be happy, and your name shall be great because of it â\x80\x94 and that for evermore, whether you are living or dead. 38.29 1. \xa0"If, however, you are eager for your restoration and aim at a brilliant political career, I\xa0do not wish to say anything unpleasant, but I\xa0fear, as I\xa0cast my eyes over the situation and call to mind your frankness of speech, and behold the power and numbers of your adversaries, that you may meet defeat once more.,2. \xa0If then you should encounter exile, you will have merely to experience a change of heart; but if you should incur some fatal punishment, you will not be able even to repent. And yet is it not a dreadful and disgraceful thing to have one\'s head cut off and set up in the Forum, for any man or woman, it may be, to insult?,3. \xa0Do not hate me as one who prophesies evil to you, but pay heed to me as to one announcing a warning from Heaven. Do not let the fact that you have certain friends among the powerful deceive you. You will get no help against those who hate you from the men who seem to love you, as, indeed, you have learned by experience.,4. \xa0For those who have a passion for power regard everything else as nothing in comparison with obtaining what they desire, and often give up their dearest friends and closest kin in exchange for their bitterest foes."'' None
10. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 2.3.8 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Asinius Gallus • Asinius Pollio

 Found in books: Baumann and Liotsakis (2022), Reading History in the Roman Empire, 44; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 69

sup>
2.3.8 To Nepos. Isaeus's reputation - and it was a great one - had preceded him to Rome, * but it was found to fall short of his merits. He has consummate oratorical power, fluency and choice of expression, and though he always speaks extempore his speeches might have been carefully written out long beforehand. He speaks in Greek, and that the purest Attic; his prefatory remarks are polished, neat and agreeable, and occasionally stately and sparkling. He asks to be supplied with a number of subjects for discussion, and allows his audience to choose which they will have and often which side they would like him to take. Then he rises to his feet, wraps his gown round him, and begins. Without losing a moment he has everything at his fingers' ends, irrespective of the subject selected. Deep thoughts come crowding into his mind and words flow to his lips. And such words - exquisitely choice! Every now and then there come flashes which show how widely he has read and how much he has written. He opens his case to the point; he states his position clearly; his arguments are incisive; his conclusions are forcible; his word-painting is magnificent. In a word, he instructs, delights, and impresses his hearers, so that you can hardly say wherein he most excels. He makes constant use of rhetorical arguments, ** his syllogisms are crisp and finished - though that is not an easy matter to attain even with a pen. He has a wonderful memory and can repeat, without missing a single word, even his extempore speeches. He has attained this facility by study and constant practice, for he does nothing else day or night Consequently, I look upon Isaeus not only as a wonderfully learned man but as one who possesses a most enviable lot, and you must be made of flint and iron if you do not burn to make his acquaintance. So if there is nothing else to draw you here, if I myself am not a sufficient attraction, do come to hear Isaeus. Have you never read of the man who lived at Gades who was so fired by the name and glory of Titus Livius that he came from the remotest corner of the world to see him, and returned the moment he had set eyes on him? It would stamp a man as an illiterate boor and a lazy idler, it would be disgraceful almost for any one not to think the journey worth the trouble when the reward is a study which is more delightful, more elegant, and has more of the humanities than any other. You will say 0 "" None
11. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Asinius Marcellus

 Found in books: Fletcher (2023), The Ass of the Gods: Apuleius' Golden Ass, the Onos Attributed to Lucian, and Graeco-Roman Metamorphosis Literature, 111, 118; Graverini (2012), Literature and Identity in The Golden Ass of Apuleius. 68, 152

11.27 But it happened that, while I reasoned with myself and while I examined the issue with the priests, there came a new and marvelous thought in my mind. I realized that I was only consecrated to the goddess Isis, but not sacred to the religion of great Osiris, the sovereign father of all the goddesses. Between them, although there was a religious unity and concord, yet there was a great difference of order and ceremony. And because it was necessary that I should likewise be a devotee of Osiris, there was no long delay. For the night after there appeared to me one of that order, covered with linen robes. He held in his hands spears wrapped in ivy and other things not appropriate to declare. Then he left these things in my chamber and, sitting in my seat, recited to me such things as were necessary for the sumptuous banquet for my initiation. And so that I might know him again, he showed me how the ankle of his left foot was somewhat maimed, which gave him a slight limp.Afterwards I manifestly knew the will of the god Osiris. When matins ended, I went from one priest to another to find the one who had the halting mark on his foot, according to my vision. At length I found it true. I perceived one of the company of the priests who had not only the token of his foot, but the stature and habit of his body, resembling in every point the man who appeared in the nigh. He was called Asinius Marcellus, a name appropriate to my transformation. By and by I went to him and he knew well enough all the matter. He had been admonished by a similar precept in the night. For the night before, as he dressed the flowers and garlands about the head of the god Osiris, he understood from the mouth of the image (which told the predestinations of all men) how the god had sent him a poor man of Madauros. To this man the priest was supposed to minister his sacraments so that he could receive a reward by divine providence, and the other glory for his virtuous studies.'' None
12. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
 Tagged with subjects: • Asinius Gallus • Asinius Pollio, as beginning of decline of eloquence • Asinius Pollio, on Cicero

 Found in books: Bua (2019), Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD, 113; Keeline (2018), The Cambridge Companion to Cicero's Philosophy, 282

13. None, None, nan
 Tagged with subjects: • Pollio, Asinius, and Eclogue • Pollio, Asinius, as patronal dedicatee • Pollio, Gaius Asinius

 Found in books: Bowditch (2001), Cicero on the Philosophy of Religion: On the Nature of the Gods and On Divination, 130, 131, 132; Xinyue (2022), Politics and Divinization in Augustan Poetry, 52




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