1. Homer, Iliad, 3.385, 3.395, 3.396, 3.397, 3.398, 3.414, 6.6, 6.7, 12.175, 13.5, 13.6, 15.414, 16.666, 21.17, 21.67, 21.68, 21.69, 21.70, ?319, a471-475, b317-320, k394-399 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Niehoff, Jewish Exegesis and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria (2011) 23, 24, 45, 50; Taylor and Hay, Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2020) 155| 3.385. χειρὶ δὲ νεκταρέου ἑανοῦ ἐτίναξε λαβοῦσα, 3.395. ὣς φάτο, τῇ δʼ ἄρα θυμὸν ἐνὶ στήθεσσιν ὄρινε· 3.396. καί ῥʼ ὡς οὖν ἐνόησε θεᾶς περικαλλέα δειρὴν 3.397. στήθεά θʼ ἱμερόεντα καὶ ὄμματα μαρμαίροντα, 3.398. θάμβησέν τʼ ἄρʼ ἔπειτα ἔπος τʼ ἔφατʼ ἔκ τʼ ὀνόμαζε· 3.414. μή μʼ ἔρεθε σχετλίη, μὴ χωσαμένη σε μεθείω, 12.175. ἄλλοι δʼ ἀμφʼ ἄλλῃσι μάχην ἐμάχοντο πύλῃσιν· 13.5. Μυσῶν τʼ ἀγχεμάχων καὶ ἀγαυῶν ἱππημολγῶν 13.6. γλακτοφάγων Ἀβίων τε δικαιοτάτων ἀνθρώπων. 21.17. αὐτὰρ ὃ διογενὴς δόρυ μὲν λίπεν αὐτοῦ ἐπʼ ὄχθῃ 21.67. ἤτοι ὃ μὲν δόρυ μακρὸν ἀνέσχετο δῖος Ἀχιλλεὺς 21.68. οὐτάμεναι μεμαώς, ὃ δʼ ὑπέδραμε καὶ λάβε γούνων 21.69. κύψας· ἐγχείη δʼ ἄρʼ ὑπὲρ νώτου ἐνὶ γαίῃ 21.70. ἔστη ἱεμένη χροὸς ἄμεναι ἀνδρομέοιο. | 3.385. Then with her hand the goddess laid hold of her fragrant robe, and plucked it, and spake to her in the likeness of an ancient dame, a wool-comber, who had been wont to card the fair wool for her when she dwelt in Lacedaemon, and who was well loved of her; in her likeness fair Aphrodite spake: 3.395. So spake she, and stirred Helen's heart in her breast; and when she marked the beauteous neck of the goddess, her lovely bosom, and her flashing eyes, then amazement seized her, and she spake, and addressed her, saying:Strange goddess, why art thou minded to beguile me thus? 3.396. So spake she, and stirred Helen's heart in her breast; and when she marked the beauteous neck of the goddess, her lovely bosom, and her flashing eyes, then amazement seized her, and she spake, and addressed her, saying:Strange goddess, why art thou minded to beguile me thus? 3.397. So spake she, and stirred Helen's heart in her breast; and when she marked the beauteous neck of the goddess, her lovely bosom, and her flashing eyes, then amazement seized her, and she spake, and addressed her, saying:Strange goddess, why art thou minded to beguile me thus? 3.398. So spake she, and stirred Helen's heart in her breast; and when she marked the beauteous neck of the goddess, her lovely bosom, and her flashing eyes, then amazement seized her, and she spake, and addressed her, saying:Strange goddess, why art thou minded to beguile me thus? 3.414. But thither will I not go—it were a shameful thing—to array that man's couch; all the women of Troy will blame me hereafter; and I have measureless griefs at heart. Then stirred to wrath fair Aphrodite spake to her:Provoke me not, rash woman, lest I wax wroth and desert thee, 12.175. But others were fighting in battle about the other gates, and hard were it for me, as though I were a god, to tell the tale of all these things, for everywhere about the wall of stone rose the wondrous-blazing fire; for the Argives, albeit in sore distress, defended their ships perforce; and the gods were grieved at heart, 13.5. Now Zeus, when he had brought the Trojans and Hector to the ships, left the combatants there to have toil and woe unceasingly, but himself turned away his bright eyes, and looked afar, upon the land of the Thracian horsemen, 13.5. and of the Mysians that fight in close combat, and of the lordly Hippemolgi that drink the milk of mares, and of the Abii, the most righteous of men. To Troy he no longer in any wise turned his bright eyes, for he deemed not in his heart that any of the immortals would draw nigh to aid either Trojans or Danaans. 13.6. and of the Mysians that fight in close combat, and of the lordly Hippemolgi that drink the milk of mares, and of the Abii, the most righteous of men. To Troy he no longer in any wise turned his bright eyes, for he deemed not in his heart that any of the immortals would draw nigh to aid either Trojans or Danaans. 21.17. even so before Achilles was the sounding stream of deep-eddying Xanthus filled confusedly with chariots and with men.But the Zeus-begotten left there his spear upon the bank, leaning against the tamarisk bushes, and himself leapt in like a god with naught but his sword; and grim was the work he purposed in his heart, and turning him this way 21.67. eager to touch his knees, and exceeding fain of heart was he to escape from evil death and black fate. Then goodly Achilles lifted on high his long spear, eager to smite him, but Lycaon stooped and ran thereunder, and clasped his knees; and the spear passed over his back and was stayed in the ground, 21.68. eager to touch his knees, and exceeding fain of heart was he to escape from evil death and black fate. Then goodly Achilles lifted on high his long spear, eager to smite him, but Lycaon stooped and ran thereunder, and clasped his knees; and the spear passed over his back and was stayed in the ground, 21.69. eager to touch his knees, and exceeding fain of heart was he to escape from evil death and black fate. Then goodly Achilles lifted on high his long spear, eager to smite him, but Lycaon stooped and ran thereunder, and clasped his knees; and the spear passed over his back and was stayed in the ground, 21.70. albeit fain to glut itself with the flesh of man. Then Lycaon besought him, with the one hand clasping his knees while with the other he held the sharp spear, and would not let it go; and he spake and addressed him with winged words:I beseech thee by thy knees, Achilles, and do thou respect me and have pity; in thine eyes, O thou |
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2. Hesiod, Theogony, 126-127 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Montanari and Rengakos, In the Company of Many Good Poets. Collected Papers of Franco Montanari: Vol. I: Ancient Scholarship (2023) 669| 127. Οὐρανὸν ἀστερόενθʼ, ἵνα μιν περὶ πάντα καλύπτοι, | 127. Therefore, Olympian Muses, tell to me, |
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3. Hesiod, Works And Days, 530 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Montanari and Rengakos, In the Company of Many Good Poets. Collected Papers of Franco Montanari: Vol. I: Ancient Scholarship (2023) 669| 530. λυγρὸν μυλιόωντες ἀνὰ δρία βησσήεντα | 530. Keeps men from work, for then a busy man |
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| 4. Isaeus, Orations, 5.37 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus of Phrearrii •Aristonicus, son of Nicophanes from Anagyrus Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 205 |
| 5. Theopompus of Chios, Fragments, 11581, 115114 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 158, 168 |
| 6. Demosthenes, On The Crown, 197, 222-223, 83 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 277 |
| 7. Callimachus, Fragments, 177.6 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Montanari and Rengakos, In the Company of Many Good Poets. Collected Papers of Franco Montanari: Vol. I: Ancient Scholarship (2023) 857 |
| 8. Callimachus, Fragments, 177.6 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Montanari and Rengakos, In the Company of Many Good Poets. Collected Papers of Franco Montanari: Vol. I: Ancient Scholarship (2023) 857 |
| 9. Callimachus, Fragments, 177.6 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Montanari and Rengakos, In the Company of Many Good Poets. Collected Papers of Franco Montanari: Vol. I: Ancient Scholarship (2023) 857 |
10. Demosthenes, Orations, 17.4, 17.7, 17.10, 17.16, 18.171, 18.312, 19.192-19.193 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus of Marathon •Aristonicus of Phrearrii •Aristonicus, son of Nicophanes from Anagyrus •Aristonicus (citharode) Found in books: Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 152; Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 168; Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 205 | 18.171. Now had it been the duty of every man who desired the salvation of Athens to come forward, all of you, aye, every Athenian citizen, would have risen in your places and made your way to the tribune, for that salvation, I am well assured, was the desire of every heart. If that duty had fallen upon the wealthy, the Three Hundred would have risen; if upon those who were alike wealthy and patriotic, the men who thereafter gave those generous donations which signalized at once their wealth and their patriotism. 18.312. But come, sir, without any of these things a man may show patriotism and zeal. Where? When? Why, you incorrigible knave, even at the time when every man who ever spoke from the tribune gave freely to the national defence, when at last even Aristonicus gave the money he had collected to redeem his citizenship, you never came forward and put your name down for a farthing. And yet you were certainly not without means, for you had inherited more than five talents from the estate of your father-in-law Philo, and you had a present of two talents, subscribed by the chairmen of the Navy Boards, as a reward for spoiling the Navy Reform Bill. 19.192. To show you, then, that these men are the basest and most depraved of all Philip’s visitors, private as well as official,—yes, of all of them,—let me tell you a trifling story that has nothing to do with the embassy. After Philip had taken Olynthus, he was holding Olympian games, Not the great Olympian Games of Elis, but a Macedonian festival held at Dium. The date is probably the spring of 347 B.C. and had invited all sorts of artists to the religious celebration and the festival. 19.193. At the entertainment at which he crowned the successful competitors, he asked Satyrus, the comedian of our city, why he was the only guest who had not asked any favor; had he observed in him any illiberality or discourtesy towards himself? Satyrus, as the story goes, replied that he did not want any such gift as the others were asking; what he would like to ask was a favor which Philip could grant quite easily, and yet he feared that his request would be unsuccessful. |
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| 11. Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon, 3, 49, 5 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 277 |
| 12. Dinarchus, Or., 1.80 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus of Phrearrii •Aristonicus, son of Nicophanes from Anagyrus Found in books: Gygax, Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism (2016) 205 |
| 13. Aristotle, Fragments, 145 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Montanari and Rengakos, In the Company of Many Good Poets. Collected Papers of Franco Montanari: Vol. I: Ancient Scholarship (2023) 758 |
| 14. Theocritus, Idylls, 7 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Ptolemy, son of Aristonicus Found in books: Kyriakou Sistakou and Rengakos, Brill's Companion to Theocritus (2014) 309 |
15. Cicero, On Divination, 1.36, 2.62 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 87| 1.36. Quid? qui inridetur, partus hic mulae nonne, quia fetus extitit in sterilitate naturae, praedictus est ab haruspicibus incredibilis partus malorum? Quid? Ti. Gracchus P. F., qui bis consul et censor fuit, idemque et summus augur et vir sapiens civisque praestans, nonne, ut C. Gracchus, filius eius, scriptum reliquit, duobus anguibus domi conprehensis haruspices convocavit? qui cum respondissent, si marem emisisset, uxori brevi tempore esse moriendum, si feminam, ipsi, aequius esse censuit se maturam oppetere mortem quam P. Africani filiam adulescentem; feminam emisit, ipse paucis post diebus est mortuus. Inrideamus haruspices, vanos, futtiles esse dicamus, quorumque disciplinam et sapientissimus vir et eventus ac res conprobavit, contemnamus, condemnemus etiam Babylonem et eos, qui e Caucaso caeli signa servantes numeris et modis stellarum cursus persequuntur, condemnemus, inquam, hos aut stultitiae aut vanitatis aut inpudentiae, qui quadringenta septuaginta milia annorum, ut ipsi dicunt, monumentis conprehensa continent, et mentiri iudicemus nec, saeculorum reliquorum iudicium quod de ipsis futurum sit, pertimescere. 2.62. ita omnino nullum esse portentum. Quod etiam coniector quidam et interpres portentorum non inscite respondisse dicitur ei, qui quondam ad eum rettulisset quasi ostentum, quod anguis domi vectem circumiectus fuisset: Tum esset, inquit, ostentum, si anguem vectis circumplicavisset. Hoc ille responso satis aperte declaravit nihil habendum esse, quod fieri posset, ostentum. C. Gracchus ad M. Pomponium scripsit duobus anguibus domi conprehensis haruspices a patre convocatos. Qui magis anguibus quam lacertis, quam muribus? Quia sunt haec cotidiana, angues non item; quasi vero referat, quod fieri potest, quam id saepe fiat. Ego tamen miror, si emissio feminae anguis mortem adferebat Ti. Graccho, emissio autem maris anguis erat mortifera Corneliae, cur alteram utram emiserit; nihil enim scribit respondisse haruspices, si neuter anguis emissus esset, quid esset futurum. At mors insecuta Gracchum est. Causa quidem, credo, aliqua morbi gravioris, non emissione serpentis; neque enim tanta est infelicitas haruspicum, ut ne casu quidem umquam fiat, quod futurum illi esse dixerint. | 1.36. Why, then, when here recently a mule (which is an animal ordinarily sterile by nature) brought forth a foal, need anyone have scoffed because the soothsayers from that occurrence prophesied a progeny of countless evils to the state?What, pray, do you say of that well-known incident of Tiberius Gracchus, the son of Publius? He was censor and consul twice; beside that he was a most competent augur, a wise man and a pre-eminent citizen. Yet he, according to the account left us by his son Gaius, having caught two snakes in his home, called in the soothsayers to consult them. They advised him that if he let the male snake go his wife must die in a short time; and if he released the female snake his own death must soon occur. Thinking it more fitting that a speedy death should overtake him rather than his young wife, who was the daughter of Publius Africanus, he released the female snake and died within a few days.[19] Let us laugh at the soothsayers, brand them as frauds and impostors and scorn their calling, even though a very wise man, Tiberius Gracchus, and the results and circumstances of his death have given proof of its trustworthiness; let us scorn the Babylonians, too, and those astrologers who, from the top of Mount Caucasus, observe the celestial signs and with the aid of mathematics follow the courses of the stars; let us, I say, convict of folly, falsehood, and shamelessness the men whose records, as they themselves assert, cover a period of four hundred and seventy thousand years; and let us pronounce them liars, utterly indifferent to the opinion of succeeding generations. 2.62. This is illustrated by the story of a clever response made by a certain diviner and interpreter of portents. A man referred to him for interpretation as a portent the fact that a snake was seen at his house, coiled about a beam. That was not a portent, said the diviner; it would have been if the beam had been wrapped around the snake. By this answer he said plainly enough: Nothing that can happen is to be considered a portent.[29] You refer to a letter, written by Gaius Gracchus to Marcus Pomponius, stating that Tiberius Gracchus, father of Gaius, caught two snakes in his house and called together the soothsayers. And why a conference about snakes rather than about lizards or mice? You answer, Because we see lizards and mice every day; snakes we do not. As if it makes any difference how often a thing happens if it can happen at all! And yet what surprises me is this: If the release of the female snake was to be fatal to Tiberius Gracchus and that of the male was to be the death of Cornelia, why in the world did he let either snake escape? For Gaius in his letter does not state that the soothsayers expressed any opinion as to the result if neither snake had been released. Be that as it may, you reply, death overtook Gracchus. That is granted, but his death was caused by some very serious illness and not by the release of the snake. Besides, soothsayers are not so unlucky that their predictions never come true — even by accident! [30] |
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| 16. Varro, Fragments, 94 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 87 |
| 17. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, On The Admirable Style of Demosthenes, 57.3 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus of Marathon Found in books: Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 152 |
| 18. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 17.117.1-17.117.3, 18.18.1, 38.7 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus of Marathon •Aristonicus Found in books: Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 152, 155; Dignas, Economy of the Sacred in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor (2002) 117 |
19. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 15.565-15.621 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 87| 15.588. “talia di pellant! Multoque ego iustius aevum 15.589. exsul agam, quam me videant Capitolia regem!” | 15.589. the cassia bark and ears of sweet spikenard, |
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20. Strabo, Geography, 1.2.14, 1.2.30-1.2.31, 7.3.9, 10.2.10-10.2.16 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Montanari and Rengakos, In the Company of Many Good Poets. Collected Papers of Franco Montanari: Vol. I: Ancient Scholarship (2023) 84, 85; Niehoff, Jewish Exegesis and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria (2011) 149; Taylor and Hay, Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (2020) 155 | 1.2.14. Eratosthenes thinks it probable that Hesiod, having heard of the wanderings of Ulysses, and of their having taken place near to Sicily and Italy, embraced this view of the case, and not only describes the places spoken of by Homer, but also Aetna, the Isle of Ortygia, near to Syracuse, and Tyrrhenia. As for Homer, he was altogether unacquainted with these places, and further, had no wish to lay the scene of the wanderings in any well-known locality. What! are then Aetna and Tyrrhenia such well-known places, and Scyllaion, Charybdis, Circaion, and the Sirenussae, so obscure? Or is Hesiod so correct as never to write nonsense, but always follow in the wake of received opinions, while Homer blurts out whatever comes uppermost? Without taking into consideration our remarks on the character and aptitude of Homer's myths, a large array of writers who bear evidence to his statements, and the additional testimony of local tradition, are sufficient proof that his are not the inventions of poets or contemporary scribblers, but the record of real actors and real scenes. 7.3.9. Ephorus, in the fourth book of his history, the book entitled Europe (for he made the circuit of Europe as far as the Scythians), says towards the end that the modes of life both of the Sauromatae and of the other Scythians are unlike, for, whereas some are so cruel that they even eat human beings, others abstain from eating any living creature whatever. Now the other writers, he says, tell only about their savagery, because they know that the terrible and the marvellous are startling, but one should tell the opposite facts too and make them patterns of conduct, and he himself, therefore, will tell only about those who follow most just habits, for there are some of the Scythian Nomads who feed only on mare's milk, and excel all men in justice; and they are mentioned by the poets: by Homer, when he says that Zeus espies the land of the Galactophagi and Abii, men most just, and by Hesiod, in what is called his Circuit of the Earth, when he says that Phineus is carried by the Storm Winds to the land of the Galactophagi, who have their dwellings in wagons. Then Ephorus reasons out the cause as follows: since they are frugal in their ways of living and not money-getters, they not only are orderly towards one another, because they have all things in common, their wives, children, the whole of their kin and everything, but also remain invincible and unconquered by outsiders, because they have nothing to be enslaved for. And he cites Choerilus also, who, in his The Crossing of the Pontoon-Bridge which was constructed by Dareius, says, the sheep-tending Sacae, of Scythian stock; but they used to live in wheat-producing Asia; however, they were colonists from the Nomads, law-abiding people. And when he calls Anacharsis wise, Ephorus says that he belongs to this race, and that he was considered also one of Seven Wise Men because of his perfect self-control and good sense. And he goes on to tell the inventions of Anacharsis — the bellows, the two-fluked anchor and the potter's wheel. These things I tell knowing full well that Ephorus himself does not tell the whole truth about everything; and particularly in his account of Anacharsis (for how could the wheel be his invention, if Homer, who lived in earlier times, knew of it? As when a potter his wheel that fits in his hands, and so on); but as for those other things, I tell them because I wish to make my point clear that there actually was a common report, which was believed by the men of both early and of later times, that a part of the Nomads, I mean those who had settled the farthest away from the rest of mankind, were galactophagi, abii, and most just, and that they were not an invention of Homer. 10.2.12. The following verse also is thought to disclose a sort of contradiction: Now Ithaca itself lies chthamale, panypertate on the sea; for chthamale means low, or on the ground, whereas panypertate means high up, as Homer indicates in several places when he calls Ithaca rugged. And so when he refers to the road that leads from the harbor as rugged path up through the wooded place, and when he says for not one of the islands which lean upon the sea is eudeielos or rich in meadows, and Ithaca surpasses them all. Now although Homer's phraseology presents incongruities of this kind, yet they are not poorly explained; for, in the first place, writers do not interpret chthamale as meaning low-lying here, but lying near the mainland, since it is very close to it, and, secondly, they do not interpret panypertate as meaning highest, but highest towards the darkness, that is, farthest removed towards the north beyond all the others; for this is what he means by towards the darkness, but the opposite by towards the south, as inbut the other islands lie aneuthe towards the dawn and the sun, for the word aneuthe is at a distance, or apart, implying that the other islands lie towards the south and farther away from the mainland, whereas Ithaca lies near the mainland and towards the north. That Homer refers in this way to the southerly region is clear also from these words,whether they go to the right, towards the dawn and the sun, or yet to the left towards the misty darkness, and still more clear from these words,my friends, lo, now we know not where is the place of darkness, nor of dawn, nor where the sun, that gives light to men, goes beneath the earth; nor where he rises. For it is indeed possible to interpret this as meaning the four climata, if we interpret the dawn as meaning the southerly region (and this has some plausibility), but it is better to conceive of the region which is along the path of the sun as set opposite to the northerly region, for the poetic words are intended to signify a considerable change in the celestial phenomena, not merely a temporary concealment of the climata, for necessarily concealment ensues every time the sky is clouded, whether by day or by night; but the celestial phenomena change to a greater extent as we travel farther and farther towards the south or in the opposite direction. Yet this travel causes a hiding, not of the western or eastern sky, but only of the southern or northern, and in fact this hiding takes place when the sky is clear; for the pole is the most northerly point of the sky, but since the pole moves and is sometimes at our zenith and sometimes below the earth, the arctic circles also change with it and in the course of such travels sometimes vanish with it, so that you cannot know where the northern clima is, or even where it begins. And if this is true, neither can you know the opposite clima. The circuit of Ithaca is about eighty stadia. So much for Ithaca. 10.2.13. As for Cephallenia, which is a tetrapolis, the poet mentions by its present name neither it nor any of its cities except one, Same or Samos, which now no longer exists, though traces of it are to be seen midway of the passage to Ithaca; and its people are called Samaeans. The other three, however, survive even to this day in the little cities Paleis, Pronesus, and Cranii. And in our time Gaius Antonius, the uncle of Marcus Antonius, founded still another city, when, after his consulship, which he held with Cicero the orator, he went into exile, sojourned in Cephallenia, and held the whole island in subjection as though it were his private estate. However, before he could complete the settlement he obtained permission to return home, and ended his days amid other affairs of greater importance. |
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| 21. Plutarch, Lives of The Ten Orators, 849c (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus of Marathon Found in books: Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 152 |
| 22. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 4.8.3-4.8.6, 4.16.6-4.16.7 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 158, 168 |
23. Plutarch, Sulla, 12.3-12.6 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Dignas, Economy of the Sacred in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor (2002) 117| 12.3. ἐπιλειπούσης δὲ τῆς ὕλης διὰ τὸ κόπτεσθαι πολλὰ τῶν ἔργων περικλώμενα τοῖς αὑτῶν βρίθεσι καὶ πυρπολεῖσθαι βαλλόμενα συνεχῶς ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, ἐπεχείρησε τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἄλσεσι, καὶ τήν τε Ἀκαδήμειαν ἔκειρε δενδροφορωτάτην προαστείων οὖσαν καὶ τὸ Λύκειον. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ χρημάτων ἔδει πολλῶν πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, ἐκίνει τὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἄσυλα, τοῦτο μὲν ἐξ Ἐπιδαύρου, τοῦτο δὲ ἐξ Ὀλυμπίας, τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ πολυτελέστατα τῶν ἀναθημάτων μεταπεμπόμενος. 12.4. ἔγραψε δὲ καὶ τοῖς Ἀμφικτύοσιν εἰς Δελφοὺς ὅτι τὰ χρήματα τοῦ θεοῦ βέλτιον εἴη κομισθῆναι πρὸς αὐτόν ἢ γὰρ φυλάξειν ἀσφαλέστερον ἢ καὶ ἀποχρησάμενος ἀποδώσειν οὐκ ἐλάττω· καὶ τῶν φίλων ἀπέστειλε Κάφιν τὸν Φωκέα κελεύσας σταθμῷ παραλαβεῖν ἕκαστον. ὁ δὲ Κάφις ἧκε μὲν εἰς Δελφούς, ὤκνει δὲ τῶν ἱερῶν θιγεῖν, καὶ πολλὰ τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων παρόντων ἀπεδάκρυσε τήν ἀνάγκην. 12.5. ἐνίων δὲ φασκόντων ἀκοῦσαι φθεγγομένης τῆς ἐν τοῖς ἀνακτόροις κιθάρας, εἴτε πιστεύσας εἴτε τὸν Σύλλαν βουλόμενος ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς δεισιδαιμονίαν, ἐπέστειλε πρὸς αὐτόν, ὁ δὲ σκώπτων ἀντέγραψε θαυμάζειν τὸν Κάφιν, εἰ μὴ συνίησιν ὅτι χαίροντος, οὐ χαλεπαίνοντος, εἴη τὸ ᾅδειν· ὥστε θαρροῦντα λαμβάνειν ἐκέλευσεν, ὡς ἡδομένου τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ διδόντος. 12.6. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἄλλα διέλαθε τούς γε πολλοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐκπεμπόμενα, τὸν δὲ ἀργυροῦν πίθον, ὃς ἦν ὑπόλοιπος ἔτι τῶν βασιλικῶν, διὰ βάρος καὶ μέγεθος οὐ δυναμένων ἀναλαβεῖν τῶν ὑποζυγίων, ἀναγκαζόμενοι κατακόπτειν οἱ Ἀμφικτύονες εἰς μνήμην ἐβάλοντο τοῦτο μὲν Τίτον Φλαμινῖνον καὶ Μάνιον Ἀκύλιον, τοῦτο δὲ Αἰμίλιον Παῦλον, ὧν ὁ μὲν Ἀντίοχον ἐξελάσας τῆς Ἑλλάδος, οἱ δὲ τούς Μακεδόνων βασιλεῖς καταπολεμήσαντες οὐ μόνον ἀπέσχοντο τῶν ἱερῶν τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δῶρα καὶ τιμὴν αὐτοῖς καὶ σεμνότητα πολλὴν προσέθεσαν. | 12.3. And when timber began to fail, owing to the destruction of many of the works, which broke down of their own weight, and to the burning of those which were continually smitten by the enemy's fire-bolts, he laid hands upon the sacred groves, and ravaged the Academy, which was the most wooded of the city's suburbs, as well as the Lyceum. And since he needed much money also for the war, he diverted to his uses the sacred treasures of Hellas, partly from Epidaurus, and partly from Olympia, sending for the most beautiful and most precious of the offerings there. 12.4. He wrote also to the Amphictyons at Delphi that it was better to have the treasures of the god sent to him; for he would either keep them more safely, or, if he spent them, would restore as much. And he sent Caphis, the Phocian, one of his friends, with the letter, bidding him receive each article by weight. Caphis came to Delphi, but was loth to touch the sacred objects, and shed many tears, in the presence of the Amphictyons, over the necessity of it. 12.5. And when some of them declared they heard the sound of the god's lyre in the inner sanctuary, Caphis, either because he believed them, or because he wished to strike Sulla with superstitious fear, sent word to him about it. But Sulla wrote back jocosely, expressing his amazement that Caphis did not understand that singing was done in joy, not anger; his orders were therefore to take boldly, assured that the god was willing and glad to give. 12.6. Accordingly, the rest of the treasures were sent away without the knowledge of the most, certainly, of the Greeks; but the silver jar, the only one of the royal gifts which still remained, was too large and heavy for any beast of burden to carry, and the Amphictyons were compelled to cut it into pieces. As they did so, they called to mind now Titus Flamininus and Manius Acilius, and now Aemilius Paulus, of whom one had driven Antiochus out of Greece, and the others had subdued in war the kings of Macedonia; these had not only spared the sanctuaries of the Greeks, but had even made additional gifts to them, and greatly increased their honour and dignity. |
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| 24. Plutarch, Moralia, 334e- (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus (citharode) Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 168 |
25. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 28.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus of Marathon Found in books: Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 152| 28.4. οὗτος οὖν ὁ Ἀρχίας Ὑπερείδην μὲν τὸν ῥήτορα καὶ Ἀριστόνικον τὸν Μαραθώνιον καὶ τὸν Δημητρίου τοῦ Φαληρέως ἀδελφὸν Ἱμεραῖον ἐν Αἰγίνῃ καταφυγόντας ἐπὶ τὸ Αἰάκειον ἀποσπάσας ἔπεμψεν εἰς Κλεωνὰς πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον· κἀκεῖ διεφθάρησαν, Ὑπερείδου δὲ καὶ τὴν γλῶτταν ἐκτμηθῆναι λέγουσι. | 28.4. This Archias, then, finding that Hypereides the orator and Aristonicus of Marathon and Himeraeus the brother of Demetrius the Phalerean had taken refuge in the sanctuary of Aeacus at Aegina, haled them away and sent them to Antipater at Cleonae. There they were put to death, and Hypereides, it is said, also had his tongue cut out. 29 |
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26. Plutarch, Demetrius, 28.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus of Marathon Found in books: Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 152| 28.4. ὑψηλὸς γὰρ εἶναι καὶ γαῦρος εἰωθὼς ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι καὶ χρώμενος φωνῇ τε μεγάλῃ καὶ λόγοις σοβαροῖς, πολλάκις δὲ καὶ τῷ παρασκῶψαί τι καὶ γελοῖον εἰπεῖν τῶν πολεμίων ἐν χερσὶν ὄντων ἐπιδειξάμενος εὐστάθειαν καὶ καταφρόνησιν, τότε σύννους ἑωρᾶτο καὶ σιωπηλὸς τὰ πολλά, καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ἀπέδειξε τῷ πλήθει καὶ συνέστησε διάδοχον. | 28.4. For he was wont to be lofty and boastful as he engaged in his conflicts, making pompous speeches in a loud voice, and many times also by the utterance of a casual jest or joke when the enemy was close at hand he would show the firmness of his own spirit and his contempt for them; but now he was observed to be thoughtful and silent for the most part, and he presented his son to the army and pronounced him his successor. |
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| 27. Frontinus, Strategemata, 4.5.14 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 87 |
| 28. Plutarch, De Musica (1131B1147A), 3, 21 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 158 |
| 29. Plutarch, Tiberius And Gaius Gracchus, 1.4-1.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 87 |
30. Plutarch, Phocion, 29.1, 29.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus of Marathon Found in books: Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 152| 29.1. ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένους ἐν Καλαυρίᾳ καὶ Ὑπερείδου πρὸς Κλεωναῖς θάνατος, περὶ ὧν ἐν ἄλλοις γέγραπται, μονονοὺκ ἔρωτα καὶ πόθον Ἀθηναίοις Ἀλεξάνδρου καὶ Φιλίππου παρίστη. καὶ τοῦτο τοῦτο retained in both places by Bekker; the first is deleted by Coraës, after Reiske; the second is corrected to τότε by Sintenis 2 . ὅπερ ὕστερον, ἀναιρεθέντος Ἀντιγόνου καὶ τῶν ἀνελόντων ἐκεῖνον ἀρξαμένων βιάζεσθαι καὶ λυπεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, ἀνὴρ ἄγροικος ἐν Φρυγίᾳ χωρίον ὀρύττων πυθομένου τινός, τί ποιεῖς; στενάξας, Ἀντίγονον, εἶπε, ζητῶ· 29.4. ἐπιμελόμενος δὲ τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν πρᾴως καὶ νομίμως τοὺς μὲν ἀστείους καὶ χαρίεντας ἐν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς ἀεὶ συνεῖχε, τοὺς δὲ πολυπράγμονας καὶ νεωτεριστάς, αὐτῷ τῷ μὴ ἄρχειν μηδὲ θορυβεῖν ἀπομαραινομένους, ἐδίδαξε φιλοχωρεῖν καὶ ἀγαπᾶν γεωργοῦντας. ὁρῶν δὲ τὸν Ξενοκράτην τελοῦντα τὸ μετοίκιον ἐβούλετο γράψαι πολίτην ὁ δὲ ἀπεῖπε, φήσας οὐκ ἂν μετασχεῖν ταύτης τῆς πολιτείας περὶ ἧς ἐπρέσβευεν ἵνα μὴ γένηται. | 29.1. Moreover, the death of Demosthenes in Calauria, and that of Hypereides at Cleonae, about which I have written elsewhere, made the Athenians yearn almost passionately for Philip and Alexander. At a later time, after Antigonus had been slain, and those who slew him began to oppress and vex the people, a peasant in Phrygia who was digging on his farm was asked by someone what he was doing, and answered: "I am looking for Antigonus." 29.1. 29.4. Furthermore, by managing the affairs of the city with mildness and according to the laws, he kept the men of education and culture always in office, while the busybodies and innovators, who withered into insignificance from the very fact that they held no office and raised no uproars, were taught by him to be fond of home and to delight in tilling the soil. When he saw that Xenocrates paid the resident alien tax, he offered to enrol him as a citizen; but the philosopher refused, saying that he could not take part in an administration for the prevention of which he had served on an embassy. 30 29.4. |
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31. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Deeds And Sayings, 4.6.1, 5.6.3-5.6.4 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 87 | 4.6.1. When Ti. Gracchus caught two snakes in his own house, a male and female, he was told by the soothsayer, that if he let go the male, it portended the death of his wife; but that if he let go the female, he himself would suddenly die. Following that part of the prediction that portended his own death, rather than the death of his wife, he caused the female snake to be released; and was so resolute as to watch his own destruction when the snake was killed in his presence. And therefore I cannot determine whether Cornelia was more happy that she had such a husband, or more miserable in his loss. O Admetus, cruel king of Thessaly, and by a great judge condemned of an unpardonable crime! You were content to exchange your own life for the death of your wife, and could endure to enjoy the comfort of this light, after she had voluntarily submitted to die, only to prolong your days. And indeed you had previously tried to exploit the indulgence of your parents. |
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| 32. Appian, The Mithridatic Wars, 64, 54 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Dignas, Economy of the Sacred in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor (2002) 117 |
| 33. Plutarch, On The Fortune Or Virtue of Alexander The Great, 2.2, 334e, 334f (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 168 |
| 34. Plutarch, Alexander The Great, 50.8, 75.4-75.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus (citharode) •Aristonicus of Marathon Found in books: Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 155; Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 128 |
| 35. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 7.122, 10.41 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 87 |
| 36. Philo of Byblos, Fragments, 132 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Montanari and Rengakos, In the Company of Many Good Poets. Collected Papers of Franco Montanari: Vol. I: Ancient Scholarship (2023) 812 |
| 37. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, 6.76 (260a), 10.46 (435b-c) (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 128 |
38. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 9.7.5-9.7.6, 9.27.3, 9.33.6, 10.19.2 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Dignas, Economy of the Sacred in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor (2002) 117| 9.27.3. Σαπφὼ δὲ ἡ Λεσβία πολλά τε καὶ οὐχ ὁμολογοῦντα ἀλλήλοις ἐς Ἔρωτα ᾖσε. Θεσπιεῦσι δὲ ὕστερον χαλκοῦν εἰργάσατο Ἔρωτα Λύσιππος, καὶ ἔτι πρότερον τούτου Πραξιτέλης λίθου τοῦ Πεντελῆσι. καὶ ὅσα μὲν εἶχεν ἐς Φρύνην καὶ τὸ ἐπὶ Πραξιτέλει τῆς γυναικὸς σόφισμα, ἑτέρωθι ἤδη μοι δεδήλωται· πρῶτον δὲ τὸ ἄγαλμα κινῆσαι τοῦ Ἔρωτος λέγουσι Γάιον δυναστεύσαντα ἐν Ῥώμῃ, Κλαυδίου δὲ ὀπίσω Θεσπιεῦσιν ἀποπέμψαντος Νέρωνα αὖθις δεύτερα ἀνάσπαστον ποιῆσαι. 9.33.6. Σύλλα δὲ ἔστι μὲν καὶ τὰ ἐς Ἀθηναίους ἀνήμερα καὶ ἤθους ἀλλότρια τοῦ Ῥωμαίων, ἐοικότα δὲ τούτοις καὶ τὰ ἐς Θηβαίους τε καὶ Ὀρχομενίους· προσεξειργάσατο δὲ καὶ ἐν ταῖς Ἀλαλκομεναῖς, τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς τὸ ἄγαλμα αὐτὸ συλήσας. τοῦτον μὲν τοιαῦτα ἔς τε Ἑλληνίδας πόλεις καὶ θεοὺς τοὺς Ἑλλήνων ἐκμανέντα ἐπέλαβεν ἀχαριστοτάτη νόσος πασῶν· φθειρῶν γὰρ ἤνθησεν, ἥ τε πρότερον εὐτυχία δοκοῦσα ἐς τοιοῦτο περιῆλθεν αὐτῷ τέλος. τὸ δὲ ἱερὸν τὸ ἐν ταῖς Ἀλαλκομεναῖς ἠμελήθη τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦδε ἅτε ἠρημωμένον τῆς θεοῦ. 10.19.2. οὗτοι περὶ τὸ ὄρος τὸ Πήλιον ἐπιπεσόντος ναυτικῷ τῷ Ξέρξου βιαίου χειμῶνος προσεξειργάσαντό σφισιν ἀπώλειαν, τάς τε ἀγκύρας καὶ εἰ δή τι ἄλλο ἔρυμα ταῖς τριήρεσιν ἦν ὑφέλκοντες. ἀντὶ τούτου μὲν οἱ Ἀμφικτύονες καὶ αὐτὸν Σκύλλιν καὶ τὴν παῖδα ἀνέθεσαν· ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἀνδριᾶσιν ὁπόσους Νέρων ἔλαβεν ἐκ Δελφῶν, ἐν τούτοις τὸν ἀριθμὸν καὶ τῆς Ὕδνης ἀπεπλήρωσεν ἡ εἰκών. καταδύονται δὲ ἐς θάλασσαν γένους τοῦ θήλεος αἱ καθαρῶς ἔτι παρθένοι. | 9.27.3. Sappho of Lesbos wrote many poems about Love, but they are not consistent. Later on Lysippus made a bronze Love for the Thespians, and previously Praxiteles one of Pentelic marble. The story of Phryne and the trick she played on Praxiteles I have related in another place. See Paus. 1.20.1 . The first to remove the image of Love, it is said, was Gaius the Roman Emperor; Claudius, they say, sent it back to Thespiae, but Nero carried it away a second time. 9.33.6. Sulla's treatment of the Athenians was savage and foreign to the Roman character, but quite consistent with his treatment of Thebes and Orchomenus . But in Alalcomenae he added yet another to his crimes by stealing the image of Athena itself. After these mad outrages against the Greek cities and the gods of the Greeks he was attacked by the most foul of diseases. He broke out into lice, and what was formerly accounted his good fortune came to such an end. The sanctuary at Alalcomenae, deprived of the goddess, was hereafter neglected. 10.19.2. When the fleet of Xerxes was attacked by a violent storm off Mount Pelion, father and daughter completed its destruction by dragging away under the sea the anchors and any other security the triremes had. In return for this deed the Amphictyons dedicated statues of Scyllis and his daughter. The statue of Hydna completed the number of the statues that Nero carried off from Delphi . Only those of the female sex who are pure virgins may dive into the sea. This sentence is probably a marginal note which has crept into the text. |
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| 39. Obsequens, De Prodigiis, 28a (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 87 |
| 40. Porphyry, The Homeric Question On The Odyssey, 11.584 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Niehoff, Jewish Exegesis and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria (2011) 23 |
| 41. Porphyry, The Homeric Questions On The Iliad, 16.666a, 21.17a, 11.11a, 21.538-9a (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Niehoff, Jewish Exegesis and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria (2011) 23 |
| 42. Anon., Scholia In Demosthenem, 17.1 Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus of Marathon Found in books: Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 152 |
| 43. Anon., Scholia To Pindar, Paeans, 2.152a Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Montanari and Rengakos, In the Company of Many Good Poets. Collected Papers of Franco Montanari: Vol. I: Ancient Scholarship (2023) 567 |
| 44. Anon., Suda, a3215 Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Acosta-Hughes Lehnus and Stephens, Brill's Companion to Callimachus (2011) 107 |
| 45. Council of Laodicea [Between Ca.343-381], Can., 59 Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus of Laodicea, Found in books: Huttner, Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley (2013) 314 |
46. Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni, 8.1.22-8.1.37 Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus (citharode) Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 128| 8.1.23. Silentium tamen habuere seniores, donec Philippi res orsus obterere nobilem apud Chaeroneam victoriam sui operis fuisse iactavit ademptamque sibi malignitate et invidia patris tantae rei gloriam. 8.1.24. Illum quidem seditione inter Macedones milites et Graecos mercennarios orla debilitatum vulnere, quod in ea consternation e acceperat, iacuisse, non alia re quam simulatione mortis tutiorem: se corpus eius protexisse clipeo suo, ruentesque in illum sua manu occisos. 8.1.27. cum Asiam uri vastarique oporteret, sed eos, qui magnitudine rerum fidem antecessissent. Haec et bis similia laeti audiere iuvenes, ingrata senioribus erant, maxime propter Philippum, sub quo diutius vixerant, 8.1.30. Et illis ad silendum obstinatis Clitus paulatim maiore voce Philippi acta bellaque in Graecia gesta commemorat omnia praesentibus praeferens. 8.1.31. Hinc inter iuniores senesque orta contentio est. Et rex, velut patienter audiret, quis Clitus obterebat laudes eius, ingentem iram conceperat. 8.1.36. Philippi milites spernis, oblitus, nisi hic Atarrhias senex iuniores pugnam detrectantes revocasset, adhuc nos circa Halicarnasum haesuros fuisse. 8.1.37. Quomodo igitur Asiam totam cum istis iunioribus subegisti? Verum est, ut opinor, quod avunculum tuum in Italia dixisse constat, ipsum in viros incidisse, | |
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| 47. Epigraphy, Ig Ii, 7.2712 Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus (citharode) Found in books: Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 128, 158, 168 |
| 48. Epigraphy, Igr Iv, 194 Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Dignas, Economy of the Sacred in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor (2002) 117 |
| 49. Etymologicum Magnum Auctum, Etymologicum Magnum, 72.12, 273.38-273.42 Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus •Ptolemy, son of Aristonicus Found in books: Kyriakou Sistakou and Rengakos, Brill's Companion to Theocritus (2014) 309; Montanari and Rengakos, In the Company of Many Good Poets. Collected Papers of Franco Montanari: Vol. I: Ancient Scholarship (2023) 812 |
| 50. Vergil, De Uir. Ill., 57.4 Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Santangelo, Roman Frugality: Modes of Moderation from the Archaic Age to the Early Empire and Beyond (2013) 87 |
| 51. Justinus, Epitome Historiarum Philippicarum, 12.6.1-12.6.3, 12.13.6-12.13.9 Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus (citharode) •Aristonicus of Marathon Found in books: Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 155; Cosgrove, Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine (2022) 128 |
| 52. Various, Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, 1.4.28-1.4.30 Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus of Laodicea, Found in books: Huttner, Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley (2013) 314, 315 |
| 53. Epigraphy, Ivpriene, 111 Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Dignas, Economy of the Sacred in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor (2002) 117 |
| 54. Ptolemaios Epithetes, Fr., f3, f1 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Montanari and Rengakos, In the Company of Many Good Poets. Collected Papers of Franco Montanari: Vol. I: Ancient Scholarship (2023) 857 |
| 55. Anon., Scholia On Hephaestion Ench., 289.4, 291.1-291.2 Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Montanari and Rengakos, In the Company of Many Good Poets. Collected Papers of Franco Montanari: Vol. I: Ancient Scholarship (2023) 506 |
| 56. Anon., Scholia On Hesiod Th., 126 Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Montanari and Rengakos, In the Company of Many Good Poets. Collected Papers of Franco Montanari: Vol. I: Ancient Scholarship (2023) 669 |
| 57. Papyri, P.Odyssey, 31 Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Montanari and Rengakos, In the Company of Many Good Poets. Collected Papers of Franco Montanari: Vol. I: Ancient Scholarship (2023) 148 |
| 58. Philoxenus of Cythera, Fragments, 823 Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Montanari and Rengakos, In the Company of Many Good Poets. Collected Papers of Franco Montanari: Vol. I: Ancient Scholarship (2023) 858 |
| 59. Anon., Scholia On Apollonius of Rhodes, 1.1309 Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Montanari and Rengakos, In the Company of Many Good Poets. Collected Papers of Franco Montanari: Vol. I: Ancient Scholarship (2023) 858 |
| 60. Anon., Scholia On Homer Odyssey, ?218, ?311, ?337, ?244-45 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Montanari and Rengakos, In the Company of Many Good Poets. Collected Papers of Franco Montanari: Vol. I: Ancient Scholarship (2023) 496 |
| 61. Anon., Scholia On Hesiod Op., 304b Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Montanari and Rengakos, In the Company of Many Good Poets. Collected Papers of Franco Montanari: Vol. I: Ancient Scholarship (2023) 669 |
| 62. Anon., Scholia On Homer Iliad, ?111b, ?125a, ?222b, ?24a, ?371b, ?397-399a, ?614-617a, ?62a, ?810a, ?856b, ?86a, a2, b318, b520, b634, b658, i219b, i222b, m301a, n172, p112a, t49a, x379, y484a, z34, z4a, m34 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Montanari and Rengakos, In the Company of Many Good Poets. Collected Papers of Franco Montanari: Vol. I: Ancient Scholarship (2023) 857, 858 |
| 63. Aeschines, 185, 242, 252, 234 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Westwood, The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens (2020) 277 |
| 64. Libanius, Arg.D., 17.2 Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus of Marathon Found in books: Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 152 |
| 65. Papyri, Psi, 113 Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Montanari and Rengakos, In the Company of Many Good Poets. Collected Papers of Franco Montanari: Vol. I: Ancient Scholarship (2023) 559 |
| 66. Anon., Etymologicum Gudianum, 239.18 ste Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Acosta-Hughes Lehnus and Stephens, Brill's Companion to Callimachus (2011) 107 |
| 67. Anon., Etymologicum Genuinum, b207, a1316 50.- 50., a1198, a551 50.- 50. Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Acosta-Hughes Lehnus and Stephens, Brill's Companion to Callimachus (2011) 107 |
| 68. Anon., Sch. Theoc. Id., 1.110a, 4.57a, 4.57b, 7.154a, 7.154d Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kyriakou Sistakou and Rengakos, Brill's Companion to Theocritus (2014) 309 |
| 69. Anon., Et. Gen., ?1288 Tagged with subjects: •Ptolemy, son of Aristonicus Found in books: Kyriakou Sistakou and Rengakos, Brill's Companion to Theocritus (2014) 309 |
| 70. Nicobule, Fgrh 127, f12 Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus of Marathon Found in books: Amendola, The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary (2022) 155 |
| 71. Epigraphy, Iilion, 71 Tagged with subjects: •Aristonicus Found in books: Dignas, Economy of the Sacred in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor (2002) 117 |
