1. Hesiod, Works And Days, 336 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Aristides • Aristides
Found in books: MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 34; Trapp et al. (2016), In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns, 60
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336 κὰδ δύναμιν δʼ ἔρδειν ἱέρʼ ἀθανάτοισι θεοῖσιν'' None | sup>
336 Should not be seized – god-sent, it’s better far.'' None |
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2. Homer, Iliad, 9.223 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Aristides, P. • Aristides • Dreams and visions, examples, Aelius Aristides
Found in books: Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 369; Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 246; Trapp et al. (2016), In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns, 10
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9.223 νεῦσʼ Αἴας Φοίνικι· νόησε δὲ δῖος Ὀδυσσεύς,'' None | sup>
9.223 and Patroclus cast burnt-offering into the fire. So they put forth their hands to the good cheer lying ready before them. But when they had put from them the desire of food and drink, Aias nodded to Phoenix; and goodly Odysseus was ware thereof, and filling a cup with wine he pledged Achilles: '' None |
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3. Herodotus, Histories, 1.46, 1.49, 2.28, 5.8, 5.82, 6.132-6.136 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristeides • Aristides • Aristides, apologist • Delphic Oracle, to Aristides • Dreams (in Greek and Latin literature), Plutarch, Life of Aristides • Herodotus, criticized by Aelius Aristides
Found in books: Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 17; Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 668; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 287; Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 210; Raaflaub Ober and Wallace (2007), Origins of Democracy in Ancient Greece, 79; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 102; Salvesen et al. (2020), Israel in Egypt: The Land of Egypt as Concept and Reality for Jews in Antiquity and the Early Medieval Period, 209
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1.46 Κροῖσος δὲ ἐπὶ δύο ἔτεα ἐν πένθεϊ μεγάλῳ κατῆστο τοῦ παιδὸς ἐστερημένος. μετὰ δὲ ἡ Ἀστυάγεος τοῦ Κυαξάρεω ἡγεμονίη καταιρεθεῖσα ὑπὸ Κύρου τοῦ Καμβύσεω καὶ τὰ τῶν Περσέων πρήγματα αὐξανόμενα πένθεος μὲν Κροῖσον ἀπέπαυσε, ἐνέβησε δὲ ἐς φροντίδα, εἴ κως δύναιτο, πρὶν μεγάλους γενέσθαι τοὺς Πέρσας, καταλαβεῖν αὐτῶν αὐξανομένην τὴν δύναμιν. μετὰ ὦν τὴν διάνοιαν ταύτην αὐτίκα ἀπεπειρᾶτο τῶν μαντείων τῶν τε ἐν Ἕλλησι καὶ τοῦ ἐν Λιβύῃ, διαπέμψας ἄλλους ἄλλῃ, τοὺς μὲν ἐς Δελφοὺς ἰέναι, τοὺς δὲ ἐς Ἄβας τὰς Φωκέων, τοὺς δὲ ἐς Δωδώνην· οἳ δὲ τινὲς ἐπέμποντο παρὰ τε Ἀμφιάρεων καὶ παρὰ Τροφώνιον, οἳ δὲ τῆς Μιλησίης ἐς Βραγχίδας. ταῦτα μέν νυν τὰ Ἑλληνικὰ μαντήια ἐς τὰ ἀπέπεμψε μαντευσόμενος Κροῖσος· Λιβύης δὲ παρὰ Ἄμμωνα ἀπέστελλε ἄλλους χρησομένους. διέπεμπε δὲ πειρώμενος τῶν μαντηίων ὅ τι φρονέοιεν, ὡς εἰ φρονέοντα τὴν ἀληθείην εὑρεθείη, ἐπείρηται σφέα δεύτερα πέμπων εἰ ἐπιχειρέοι ἐπὶ Πέρσας στρατεύεσθαι.
1.49 τὰ μὲν δὴ ἐκ Δελφῶν οὕτω τῷ, Κροίσῳ ἐχρήσθη· κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἀμφιάρεω τοῦ μαντηίου ὑπόκρισιν, οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν ὅ τι τοῖσι Λυδοῖσι ἔχρησε ποιήσασι περὶ τὸ ἱρὸν τὰ νομιζόμενα ʽοὐ γὰρ ὦν οὐδὲ τοῦτο λέγεταἰ, ἄλλο γε ἢ ὅτι καὶ τοῦτο ἐνόμισε μαντήιον ἀψευδὲς ἐκτῆσθαι.
2.28 ταῦτα μέν νυν ἔστω ὡς ἔστι τε καὶ ὡς ἀρχὴν ἐγένετο· τοῦ δὲ Νείλου τὰς πηγὰς οὔτε Αἰγυπτίων οὔτε Λιβύων οὔτε Ἑλλήνων τῶν ἐμοὶ ἀπικομένων ἐς λόγους οὐδεὶς ὑπέσχετο εἰδέναι, εἰ μὴ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἐν Σάι πόλι ὁ γραμματιστὴς τῶν ἱρῶν χρημάτων τῆς Ἀθηναίης. οὗτος δʼ ἔμοιγε παίζειν ἐδόκεε φάμενος εἰδέναι ἀτρεκέως· ἔλεγε δὲ ὧδε, εἶναι δύο ὄρεα ἐς ὀξὺ τὰς κορυφὰς ἀπηγμένα, μεταξὺ Συήνης τε πόλιος κείμενα τῆς Θηβαΐδος καὶ Ἐλεφαντίνης, οὐνόματα δὲ εἶναι τοῖσι ὄρεσι τῷ μὲν Κρῶφι τῷ δὲ Μῶφι· τὰς ὦν δὴ πηγὰς τοῦ Νείλου ἐούσας ἀβύσσους ἐκ τοῦ μέσου τῶν ὀρέων τούτων ῥέειν, καὶ τὸ μὲν ἥμισυ τοῦ ὕδατος ἐπʼ Αἰγύπτου ῥέειν καὶ πρὸς βορέην ἄνεμον, τὸ δʼ ἕτερον ἥμισυ ἐπʼ Αἰθιοπίης τε καὶ νότου. ὡς δὲ ἄβυσσοι εἰσι αἱ πηγαί, ἐς διάπειραν ἔφη τούτου Ψαμμήτιχον Αἰγύπτου βασιλέα ἀπικέσθαι· πολλέων γὰρ αὐτὸν χιλιάδων ὀργυιέων πλεξάμενον κάλον κατεῖναι ταύτῃ καὶ οὐκ ἐξικέσθαι ἐς βυσσόν. οὕτω μὲν δὴ ὁ γραμματιστής, εἰ ἄρα ταῦτα γινόμενα ἔλεγε, ἀπέφαινε, ὡς ἐμὲ κατανοέειν, δίνας τινὰς ταύτῃ ἐούσας ἰσχυρὰς καὶ παλιρροίην, οἷα δὲ ἐμβάλλοντος τοῦ ὕδατος τοῖσι ὄρεσι, μὴ δύνασθαι κατιεμένην καταπειρητηρίην ἐς βυσσὸν ἰέναι.
5.8 ταφαὶ δὲ τοῖσι εὐδαίμοσι αὐτῶν εἰσὶ αἵδε· τρεῖς μὲν ἡμέρας προτιθεῖσι τὸν νεκρόν, καὶ παντοῖα σφάξαντες ἱρήια εὐωχέονται, προκλαύσαντες πρῶτον· ἔπειτα δὲ θάπτουσι κατακαύσαντες ἢ ἄλλως γῇ κρύψαντες, χῶμα δὲ χέαντες ἀγῶνα τιθεῖσι παντοῖον, ἐν τῷ τὰ μέγιστα ἄεθλα τίθεται κατὰ λόγον μουνομαχίης. ταφαὶ μὲν δὴ Θρηίκων εἰσὶ αἵδε.
5.82 ἡ δὲ ἔχθρη ἡ προοφειλομένη ἐς Ἀθηναίους ἐκ τῶν Αἰγινητέων ἐγένετο ἐξ ἀρχῆς τοιῆσδε. Ἐπιδαυρίοισι ἡ γῆ καρπὸν οὐδένα ἀνεδίδου. περὶ ταύτης ὦν τῆς συμφορῆς οἱ Ἐπιδαύριοι ἐχρέωντο ἐν Δελφοῖσι· ἡ δὲ Πυθίη σφέας ἐκέλευε Δαμίης τε καὶ Αὐξησίης ἀγάλματα ἱδρύσασθαι καί σφι ἱδρυσαμένοισι ἄμεινον συνοίσεσθαι. ἐπειρώτεον ὦν οἱ Ἐπιδαύριοι κότερα χαλκοῦ ποιέωνται τὰ ἀγάλματα ἢ λίθου· ἡ δὲ Πυθίη οὐδέτερα τούτων ἔα, ἀλλὰ ξύλου ἡμέρης ἐλαίης. ἐδέοντο ὦν οἱ Ἐπιδαύριοι Ἀθηναίων ἐλαίην σφι δοῦναι ταμέσθαι, ἱρωτάτας δὴ κείνας νομίζοντες εἶναι. λέγεται δὲ καὶ ὡς ἐλαῖαι ἦσαν ἄλλοθι γῆς οὐδαμοῦ κατὰ χρόνον ἐκεῖνον ἢ ἐν Ἀθήνῃσι. οἳ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῖσιδε δώσειν ἔφασαν ἐπʼ ᾧ ἀπάξουσι ἔτεος ἑκάστου τῇ Ἀθηναίῃ τε τῇ Πολιάδι ἱρὰ καὶ τῷ Ἐρεχθέι. καταινέσαντες δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοισι οἱ Ἐπιδαύριοι τῶν τε ἐδέοντο ἔτυχον καὶ ἀγάλματα ἐκ τῶν ἐλαιέων τουτέων ποιησάμενοι ἱδρύσαντο· καὶ ἥ τε γῆ σφι ἔφερε καρπὸν καὶ Ἀθηναίοισι ἐπετέλεον τὰ συνέθεντο.
6.132 μετὰ δὲ τὸ ἐν Μαραθῶνι τρῶμα γενόμενον Μιλτιάδης, καὶ πρότερον εὐδοκιμέων παρὰ Ἀθηναίοισι, τότε μᾶλλον αὔξετο. αἰτήσας δὲ νέας ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ στρατιήν τε καὶ χρήματα Ἀθηναίους, οὐ φράσας σφι ἐπʼ ἣν ἐπιστρατεύσεται χώρην, ἀλλὰ φὰς αὐτοὺς καταπλουτιεῖν ἤν οἱ ἕπωνται· ἐπὶ γὰρ χώρην τοιαύτην δή τινα ἄξειν ὅθεν χρυσὸν εὐπετέως ἄφθονον οἴσονται· λέγων τοιαῦτα αἴτεε τὰς νέας. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ τούτοισι ἐπαερθέντες παρέδοσαν. 6.133 παραλαβὼν δὲ ὁ Μιλτιάδης τὴν στρατιὴν ἔπλεε ἐπὶ Πάρον, πρόφασιν ἔχων ὡς οἱ Πάριοι ὑπῆρξαν πρότεροι στρατευόμενοι τριήρεσι ἐς Μαραθῶνα ἅμα τῷ Πέρσῃ. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ πρόσχημα λόγων ἦν, ἀτάρ τινα καὶ ἔγκοτον εἶχε τοῖσι Παρίοισι διὰ Λυσαγόρεα τὸν Τισίεω, ἐόντα γένος Πάριον, διαβαλόντα μιν πρὸς Ὑδάρνεα τὸν Πέρσην. ἀπικόμενος δὲ ἐπʼ ἣν ἔπλεε ὁ Μιλτιάδης τῇ στρατιῇ ἐπολιόρκεε Παρίους κατειλημένους ἐντὸς τείχεος, καὶ ἐσπέμπων κήρυκα αἴτεε ἑκατὸν τάλαντα, φάς, ἢν μιν οὐ δῶσι, οὐκ ἀπονοστήσειν τὴν στρατιὴν πρὶν ἢ ἐξέλῃ σφέας. οἱ δὲ Πάριοι ὅκως μέν τι δώσουσι Μιλτιάδῃ ἀργύριον οὐδὲ διενοεῦντο, οἳ δὲ ὅκως διαφυλάξουσι τὴν πόλιν τοῦτο ἐμηχανῶντο, ἄλλα τε ἐπιφραζόμενοι καὶ τῇ μάλιστα ἔσκε ἑκάστοτε ἐπίμαχον τοῦ τείχεος, τοῦτο ἅμα νυκτὶ ἐξηείρετο διπλήσιον τοῦ ἀρχαίου. 6.134 ἐς μὲν δὴ τοσοῦτο τοῦ λόγου οἱ πάντες Ἕλληνες λέγουσι, τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ αὐτοὶ Πάριοι γενέσθαι ὧδε λέγουσι. Μιλτιάδῃ ἀπορέοντι ἐλθεῖν ἐς λόγους αἰχμάλωτον γυναῖκα, ἐοῦσαν μὲν Παρίην γένος, οὔνομα δέ οἱ εἶναι Τιμοῦν, εἶναι δὲ ὑποζάκορον τῶν χθονίων θεῶν· ταύτην ἐλθοῦσαν ἐς ὄψιν Μιλτιάδεω συμβουλεῦσαι, εἰ περὶ πολλοῦ ποιέεται Πάρον ἑλεῖν, τὰ ἂν αὐτὴ ὑποθῆται, ταῦτα ποιέειν. μετὰ δὲ τὴν μὲν ὑποθέσθαι, τὸν δὲ διερχόμενον ἐπὶ τὸν κολωνὸν τὸν πρὸ τῆς πόλιος ἐόντα ἕρκος θεσμοφόρου Δήμητρος ὑπερθορεῖν, οὐ δυνάμενον τὰς θύρας ἀνοῖξαι, ὑπερθορόντα δὲ ἰέναι ἐπὶ τὸ μέγαρον ὅ τι δὴ ποιήσοντα ἐντός, εἴτε κινήσοντά τι τῶν ἀκινήτων εἴτε ὅ τι δή κοτε πρήξοντα· πρὸς τῇσι θύρῃσί τε γενέσθαι καὶ πρόκατε φρίκης αὐτὸν ὑπελθούσης ὀπίσω τὴν αὐτὴν ὁδὸν ἵεσθαι, καταθρώσκοντα δὲ τὴν αἱμασιὴν τὸν μηρὸν σπασθῆναι· οἳ δὲ αὐτὸν τὸ γόνυ προσπταῖσαι λέγουσι. 6.135 Μιλτιάδης μέν νυν φλαύρως ἔχων ἀπέπλεε ὀπίσω, οὔτε χρήματα Ἀθηναίοισι ἄγων οὔτε Πάρον προσκτησάμενος, ἀλλὰ πολιορκήσας τε ἓξ καὶ εἴκοσι ἡμέρας καὶ δηιώσας τὴν νῆσον. Πάριοι δὲ πυθόμενοι ὡς ἡ ὑποζάκορος τῶν θεῶν Τιμὼ Μιλτιάδῃ κατηγήσατο, βουλόμενοί μιν ἀντὶ τούτων τιμωρήσασθαι, θεοπρόπους πέμπουσι ἐς Δελφούς ὥς σφεας ἡσυχίη τῆς πολιορκίης ἔσχε· ἔπεμπον δὲ ἐπειρησομένους εἰ καταχρήσωνται τὴν ὑποζάκορον τῶν θεῶν τὴν ἐξηγησαμένην τοῖσι ἐχθροῖσι τῆς πατρίδος ἅλωσιν καὶ τὰ ἐς ἔρσενα γόνον ἄρρητα ἱρὰ ἐκφήνασαν Μιλτιάδῃ. ἡ δὲ Πυθίη οὐκ ἔα, φᾶσα οὐ Τιμοῦν εἶναι τὴν αἰτίην τούτων, ἀλλὰ δεῖν γὰρ Μιλτιάδεα τελευτᾶν μὴ εὖ, φανῆναί οἱ τῶν κακῶν κατηγεμόνα. 6.136 παρίοισι μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἡ Πυθίη ἔχρησε· Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ ἐκ Πάρου Μιλτιάδεα ἀπονοστήσαντα ἔσχον ἐν στόμασι οἵ τε ἄλλοι καὶ μάλιστα Ξάνθιππος ὁ Ἀρίφρονος, ὃς θανάτου ὑπαγαγὼν ὑπὸ τὸν δῆμον Μιλτιάδεα ἐδίωκε τῆς Ἀθηναίων ἀπάτης εἵνεκεν. Μιλτιάδης δὲ αὐτὸς μὲν παρεὼν οὐκ ἀπελογέετο· ἦν γὰρ ἀδύνατος ὥστε σηπομένου τοῦ μηροῦ· προκειμένου δὲ αὐτοῦ ἐν κλίνῃ ὑπεραπελογέοντο οἱ φίλοι, τῆς μάχης τε τῆς ἐν Μαραθῶνι γενομένης πολλὰ ἐπιμεμνημένοι καὶ τὴν Λήμνου αἵρεσιν, ὡς ἑλὼν Λῆμνόν τε καὶ τισάμενος τοὺς Πελασγοὺς παρέδωκε Ἀθηναίοισι. προσγενομένου δὲ τοῦ δήμου αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν ἀπόλυσιν τοῦ θανάτου, ζημιώσαντος δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἀδικίην πεντήκοντα ταλάντοισι, Μιλτιάδης μὲν μετὰ ταῦτα σφακελίσαντός τε τοῦ μηροῦ καὶ σαπέντος τελευτᾷ, τὰ δὲ πεντήκοντα τάλαντα ἐξέτισε ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ Κίμων.'' None | sup>
1.46 After the loss of his son, Croesus remained in deep sorrow for two years. After this time, the destruction by Cyrus son of Cambyses of the sovereignty of Astyages son of Cyaxares, and the growth of the power of the Persians, distracted Croesus from his mourning; and he determined, if he could, to forestall the increase of the Persian power before they became great. ,Having thus determined, he at once made inquiries of the Greek and Libyan oracles, sending messengers separately to Delphi, to Abae in Phocia, and to Dodona, while others were despatched to Amphiaraus and Trophonius, and others to Branchidae in the Milesian country. ,These are the Greek oracles to which Croesus sent for divination: and he told others to go inquire of Ammon in Libya . His intent in sending was to test the knowledge of the oracles, so that, if they were found to know the truth, he might send again and ask if he should undertake an expedition against the Persians.
1.49 Such, then, was the answer from Delphi delivered to Croesus. As to the reply which the Lydians received from the oracle of Amphiaraus when they had followed the due custom of the temple, I cannot say what it was, for nothing is recorded of it, except that Croesus believed that from this oracle too he had obtained a true answer. ' "
2.28 Let this be, then, as it is and as it was in the beginning. But as to the sources of the Nile, no one that conversed with me, Egyptian, Libyan, or Greek, professed to know them, except the recorder of the sacred treasures of Athena in the Egyptian city of Saïs. ,I thought he was joking when he said that he had exact knowledge, but this was his story. Between the city of Syene in the Thebaid and Elephantine, there are two hills with sharp peaks, one called Crophi and the other Mophi. ,The springs of the Nile, which are bottomless, rise between these hills; half the water flows north towards Egypt, and the other half south towards Ethiopia . ,He said that Psammetichus king of Egypt had put to the test whether the springs are bottomless: for he had a rope of many thousand fathoms' length woven and let down into the spring, but he could not reach to the bottom. ,This recorder, then, if he spoke the truth, showed, I think, that there are strong eddies and an upward flow of water, such that with the stream rushing against the hills the sounding-line when let down cannot reach bottom. " 5.8 The wealthy have the following funeral practices. First they lay out the dead for three days, and after killing all kinds of victims and making lamentation, they feast. After that they do away with the body either by fire or else by burial in the earth, and when they have built a barrow, they initiate all kinds of contests, in which the greatest prizes are offered for the hardest type of single combat. Such are the Thracian funeral rites. ' "
5.82 This was the beginning of the Aeginetans' long-standing debt of enmity against the Athenians. The Epidaurians' land bore no produce. For this reason they inquired at Delphi concerning this calamity, and the priestess bade them set up images of Damia and Auxesia, saying that if they so did their luck would be better. The Epidaurians then asked in addition whether they should make the images of bronze or of stone, and the priestess bade them do neither, but make them of the wood of the cultivated olive. ,So the men of Epidaurus asked the Athenians to permit them to cut down some olive trees, supposing the olives there to be the holiest. Indeed it is said that at that time there were no olives anywhere save at Athens. ,The Athenians consented to give the trees, if the Epidaurians would pay yearly sacred dues to Athena, the city's goddess, and to Erechtheus. The Epidaurians agreed to this condition, and their request was granted. When they set up images made of these olive trees, their land brought forth fruit, and they fulfilled their agreement with the Athenians." 6.132 After the Persian disaster at Marathon, the reputation of Miltiades, already great at Athens, very much increased. He asked the Athenians for seventy ships, an army, and money, not revealing against what country he would lead them, but saying that he would make them rich if they followed him; he would bring them to a country from which they could easily carry away an abundance of gold; so he said when he asked for the ships. The Athenians were induced by these promises and granted his request.' "6.133 Miltiades took his army and sailed for Paros, on the pretext that the Parians had brought this on themselves by first sending triremes with the Persian fleet to Marathon. Such was the pretext of his argument, but he had a grudge against the Parians because Lysagoras son of Tisias, a man of Parian descent, had slandered him to Hydarnes the Persian. ,When he reached his voyage's destination, Miltiades with his army drove the Parians inside their walls and besieged them; he sent in a herald and demanded a hundred talents, saying that if they did not give it to him, his army would not return home before it had stormed their city. ,The Parians had no intention of giving Miltiades any money at all, and they contrived how to defend their city. They did this by building their wall at night to double its former height where it was most assailable, and also by other devices." '6.134 All the Greeks tell the same story up to this point; after this the Parians themselves say that the following happened: as Miltiades was in a quandary, a captive woman named Timo, Parian by birth and an under-priestess of the goddesses of the dead, came to talk with him. ,Coming before Miltiades, she advised him, if taking Paros was very important to him, to do whatever she suggested. Then, following her advice, he passed through to the hill in front of the city and jumped over the fence of the precinct of Demeter the Lawgiver, since he was unable to open the door. After leaping over, he went to the shrine, whether to move something that should not be moved, or with some other intention. When he was right at the doors, he was immediately seized with panic and hurried back by the same route; leaping down from the wall he twisted his thigh, but some say he hit his knee. ' "6.135 So Miltiades sailed back home in a sorry condition, neither bringing money for the Athenians nor having won Paros; he had besieged the town for twenty-six days and ravaged the island. ,The Parians learned that Timo the under-priestess of the goddesses had been Miltiades' guide and desired to punish her for this. Since they now had respite from the siege, they sent messengers to Delphi to ask if they should put the under-priestess to death for guiding their enemies to the capture of her native country, and for revealing to Miltiades the rites that no male should know. ,But the Pythian priestess forbade them, saying that Timo was not responsible: Miltiades was doomed to make a bad end, and an apparition had led him in these evils. " "6.136 Such was the priestess' reply to the Parians. The Athenians had much to say about Miltiades on his return from Paros, especially Xanthippus son of Ariphron, who prosecuted Miltiades before the people for deceiving the Athenians and called for the death penalty. ,Miltiades was present but could not speak in his own defense, since his thigh was festering; he was laid before the court on a couch, and his friends spoke for him, often mentioning the fight at Marathon and the conquest of Lemnos: how Miltiades had punished the Pelasgians and taken Lemnos, delivering it to the Athenians. ,The people took his side as far as not condemning him to death, but they fined him fifty talents for his wrongdoing. Miltiades later died of gangrene and rot in his thigh, and the fifty talents were paid by his son Cimon. "' None |
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4. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 2.37.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Aristides
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 220; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 220
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2.37.1 ‘χρώμεθα γὰρ πολιτείᾳ οὐ ζηλούσῃ τοὺς τῶν πέλας νόμους, παράδειγμα δὲ μᾶλλον αὐτοὶ ὄντες τισὶν ἢ μιμούμενοι ἑτέρους. καὶ ὄνομα μὲν διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐς ὀλίγους ἀλλ’ ἐς πλείονας οἰκεῖν δημοκρατία κέκληται: μέτεστι δὲ κατὰ μὲν τοὺς νόμους πρὸς τὰ ἴδια διάφορα πᾶσι τὸ ἴσον, κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἀξίωσιν, ὡς ἕκαστος ἔν τῳ εὐδοκιμεῖ, οὐκ ἀπὸ μέρους τὸ πλέον ἐς τὰ κοινὰ ἢ ἀπ’ ἀρετῆς προτιμᾶται, οὐδ’ αὖ κατὰ πενίαν, ἔχων γέ τι ἀγαθὸν δρᾶσαι τὴν πόλιν, ἀξιώματος ἀφανείᾳ κεκώλυται.'' None | sup>
2.37.1 Our constitution does not copy the laws of neighboring states; we are rather a pattern to others than imitators ourselves. Its administration favors the many instead of the few; this is why it is called a democracy. If we look to the laws, they afford equal justice to all in their private differences; if to social standing, advancement in public life falls to reputation for capacity, class considerations not being allowed to interfere with merit; nor again does poverty bar the way, if a man is able to serve the state, he is not hindered by the obscurity of his condition. '' None |
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5. None, None, nan (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Aristides
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 220; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 220
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6. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristides Quintilianus
Found in books: Cosgrove (2022), Music at Social Meals in Greek and Roman Antiquity: From the Archaic Period to the Age of Augustine, 46, 47; Motta and Petrucci (2022), Isagogical Crossroads from the Early Imperial Age to the End of Antiquity, 202
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7. Cicero, On Divination, 1.101 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristides of Thebes • Dreams (in Greek and Latin literature), Aelius Aristides, Sacred Tales
Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 565; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 296
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1.101 Saepe etiam et in proeliis Fauni auditi et in rebus turbidis veridicae voces ex occulto missae esse dicuntur; cuius generis duo sint ex multis exempla, sed maxuma: Nam non multo ante urbem captam exaudita vox est a luco Vestae, qui a Palatii radice in novam viam devexus est, ut muri et portae reficerentur; futurum esse, nisi provisum esset, ut Roma caperetur. Quod neglectum tum, cum caveri poterat, post acceptam illam maximam cladem expiatum est; ara enim Aio Loquenti, quam saeptam videmus, exadversus eum locum consecrata est. Atque etiam scriptum a multis est, cum terrae motus factus esset, ut sue plena procuratio fieret, vocem ab aede Iunonis ex arce extitisse; quocirca Iunonem illam appellatam Monetam. Haec igitur et a dis significata et a nostris maioribus iudicata contemnimus?'' None | sup>
1.101 Again, we are told that fauns have often been heard in battle and that during turbulent times truly prophetic messages have been sent from mysterious places. Out of many instances of this class I shall give only two, but they are very striking. Not long before the capture of the city by the Gauls, a voice, issuing from Vestas sacred grove, which slopes from the foot of the Palatine Hill to New Road, was heard to say, the walls and gates must be repaired; unless this is done the city will be taken. Neglect of this warning, while it was possible to heed it, was atoned for after the supreme disaster had occurred; for, adjoining the grove, an altar, which is now to be seen enclosed with a hedge, was dedicated to Aius the Speaker. The other illustration has been reported by many writers. At the time of the earthquake a voice came from Junos temple on the citadel commanding that an expiatory sacrifice be made of a pregt sow. From this fact the goddess was called Juno the Adviser. Are we, then, lightly to regard these warnings which the gods have sent and our forefathers adjudged to be trustworthy?'' None |
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8. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 1.25.5 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Aristides • Aristides
Found in books: Alvar Ezquerra (2008), Romanising Oriental Gods: Myth, Salvation, and Ethics in the Cults of Cybele, Isis, and Mithras, 329; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 24
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1.25.5 \xa0For standing above the sick in their sleep she gives them aid for their diseases and works remarkable cures upon such as submit themselves to her; and many who have been despaired of by their physicians because of the difficult nature of their malady are restored to health by her, while numbers who have altogether lost the use of their eyes or of some other part of their body, whenever they turn for help to this goddess, are restored to their previous condition.'' None |
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9. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Pseudo-Aelius Aristides
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 344; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 344
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10. None, None, nan (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Aristides
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 358; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 358
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11. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 18.13-18.17, 32.35-32.36 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Aristides • Ailios Aristeides • Aristides • Pseudo-Aelius Aristides
Found in books: Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 95; Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 343, 344; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 343, 344; Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 282; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 34, 60, 76, 83, 241
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18.13 \xa0when we are convinced that in the comparison we should be found to be not inferior to them, with the chance, occasionally, of being even superior. I\xa0shall now turn to the Socratics, writers who, I\xa0affirm, are quite indispensable to every man who aspires to become an orator. For just as no meat without salt will be gratifying to the taste, so no branch of literature, as it seems to me, could possibly be pleasing to the ear if it lacked the Socratic grace. It would be a long task to eulogize the others; even to read them is no light thing. < 18.14 \xa0But it is my own opinion that Xenophon, and he alone of the ancients, can satisfy all the requirements of a man in public life. Whether one is commanding an army in time of war, or is guiding the affairs of a state, or is addressing a popular assembly or a senate, or even if he were addressing a court of law and desired, not as a professional master of eloquence merely, but as a statesman or a royal prince, to utter sentiments appropriate to such a character at the bar of justice, the best exemplar of all, it seems to me, and the most profitable for all these purposes is Xenophon. For not only are his ideas clear and simple and easy for everyone to grasp, but the character of his narrative style is attractive, pleasing, and convincing, being in a high degree true to life in the representation of character, with much charm also and effectiveness, so that his power suggests not cleverness but actual wizardry. <' "18.15 \xa0If, for instance, you should be willing to read his work on the March Inland very carefully, you will find no speech, such as you will one day possess the ability to make, whose subject matter he has not dealt with and can offer as a kind of norm to any man who wishes to steer his course by him or imitate him. If it is needful for the statesman to encourage those who are in the depths of despondency, time and again our writer shows how to do this; or if the need is to incite and exhort, no one who understands the Greek language could fail to be aroused by Xenophon's hortatory speeches. <" "18.16 \xa0My own heart, at any rate, is deeply moved and at times I\xa0weep even as I\xa0read his account of all those deeds of valour. Or, if it is necessary to deal prudently with those who are proud and conceited and to avoid, on the one hand, being affected in any way by their displeasure, or, on the other, enslaving one's own spirit to them in unseemly fashion and doing their will in everything, guidance in this also is to be found in him. And also how to hold secret conferences both with generals apart from the common soldiers and with the soldiers in the same way; the proper manner of conversing with kings and princes; how to deceive enemies to their hurt and friends for their own benefit; how to tell the plain truth to those who are needlessly disturbed without giving offence, and to make them believe it; how not to trust too readily those in authority over you, and the means by which such persons deceive their inferiors, and the way in which men outwit and are outwitted â\x80\x94 <" "18.17 \xa0on all these points Xenophon's treatise gives adequate information. For I\xa0imagine that it is because he combines deeds with words, because he did not learn by hearsay nor by copying, but by doing deeds himself as well as telling of them, that he made his speeches most convincingly true to life in all his works and especially in this one which I\xa0chanced to mention. And be well assured that you will have no occasion to repent, but that both in the senate and before the people you will find this great man reaching out a hand to you if you earnestly and diligently read him. <" 32.35 \xa0But to take just that topic which I\xa0mentioned in the beginning, see how important it is. For how you dine in private, how you sleep, how you manage your household, these are matters in which as individuals you are not at all conspicuous; on the other hand, how you behave as spectators and what you are like in the theatre are matters of common knowledge among Greeks and barbarians alike. For your city is vastly superior in point of size and situation, and it is admittedly ranked second among all cities beneath the sun. < 32.36 \xa0For not only does the mighty nation, Egypt, constitute the framework of your city â\x80\x94 or more accurately its \')" onMouseOut="nd();"appendage â\x80\x94 but the peculiar nature of the river, when compared with all others, defies description with regard to both its marvellous habits and its usefulness; and furthermore, not only have you a monopoly of the shipping of the entire Mediterranean by reason of the beauty of your harbours, the magnitude of your fleet, and the abundance and the marketing of the products of every land, but also the outer waters that lie beyond are in your grasp, both the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean, whose name was rarely heard in former days. The result is that the trade, not merely of islands, ports, a\xa0few straits and isthmuses, but of practically the whole world is yours. For Alexandria is situated, as it were, at the cross-roads of the whole world, of even the most remote nations thereof, as if it were a market serving a single city, a market which brings together into one place all manner of men, displaying them to one another and, as far as possible, making them a kindred people. <' ' None |
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12. New Testament, Acts, 16.16-16.18, 17.16, 17.22-17.23 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Aristides • Aristides of Athens
Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 4, 13, 82, 86, 95, 356; Matthews (2010), Perfect Martyr: The Stoning of Stephen and the Construction of Christian Identity, 41; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 26
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16.16 Ἐγένετο δὲ πορευομένων ἡμῶν εἰς τὴν προσευχὴν παιδίσκην τινὰ ἔχουσαν πνεῦμα πύθωνα ὑπαντῆσαι ἡμῖν, ἥτις ἐργασίαν πολλὴν παρεῖχεν τοῖς κυρίοις 16.17 αὐτῆς μαντευομένη· αὕτη κατακολουθοῦσα τῷ Παύλῳ καὶ ἡμῖν ἔκραζεν λέγουσα Οὗτοι οἱ ἄνθρωποι δοῦλοι τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ὑψίστου εἰσίν, οἵτινες καταγγέλλουσιν ὑμῖν ὁδὸν σωτηρίας. 16.18 τοῦτο δὲ ἐποίει ἐπὶ πολλὰς ἡμέρας. διαπονηθεὶς δὲ Παῦλος καὶ ἐπιστρέψας τῷ πνεύματι εἶπεν Παραγγέλλω σοι ἐν ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐξελθεῖν ἀπʼ αὐτῆς· καὶ ἐξῆλθεν αὐτῇ τῇ ὥρᾳ.
17.16 Ἐν δὲ ταῖς Ἀθήναις ἐκδεχομένου αὐτοὺς τοῦ Παύλου, παρωξύνετο τὸ πνεῦμα αὐτοῦ ἐν αὐτῷ θεωροῦντος κατείδωλον οὖσαν τὴν πόλιν.
17.22 σταθεὶς δὲ Παῦλος ἐν μέσῳ τοῦ Ἀρείου Πάγου ἔφη Ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, κατὰ πάντα ὡς δεισιδαιμονεστέρους ὑμᾶς θεωρῶ· 17.23 διερχόμενος γὰρ καὶ ἀναθεωρῶν τὰ σεβάσματα ὑμῶν εὗρον καὶ βωμὸν ἐν ᾧ ἐπεγέγραπτο ΑΓΝΩΣΤΩ ΘΕΩ. ὃ οὖν ἀγνοοῦντες εὐσεβεῖτε, τοῦτο ἐγὼ καταγγέλλω ὑμῖν.'' None | sup>
16.16 It happened, as we were going to prayer, that a certain girl having a spirit of divination met us, who brought her masters much gain by fortune telling. 16.17 The same, following after Paul and us, cried out, "These men are servants of the Most High God, who proclaim to us the way of salvation!" 16.18 This she did for many days. But Paul, becoming greatly annoyed, turned and said to the spirit, "I charge you in the name of Jesus Christ to come out of her!" It came out that very hour.
17.16 Now while Paul waited for them at Athens, his spirit was provoked within him as he saw the city full of idols.
17.22 Paul stood in the midst of the Areopagus, and said, "You men of Athens, I perceive that you are very religious in all things. ' "17.23 For as I passed along, and observed the objects of your worship, I found also an altar with this inscription: 'TO AN UNKNOWN GOD.' What therefore you worship in ignorance, this I announce to you. "' None |
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13. New Testament, Luke, 7.1-7.10 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Ailios Aristeides • Aristides, Aelius,
Found in books: Luck (2006), Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts, 180; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 176
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7.1 Επειδὴ ἐπλήρωσεν πάντα τὰ ῥήματα αὐτοῦ εἰς τὰς ἀκοὰς τοῦ λαοῦ, εἰσῆλθεν εἰς Καφαρναούμ. 7.2 Ἑκατοντάρχου δέ τινος δοῦλος κακῶς ἔχων ἤμελλεν τελευτᾷν, ὃς ἦν αὐτῷ ἔντιμος. 7.3 ἀκούσας δὲ περὶ τοῦ Ἰησοῦ ἀπέστειλεν πρὸς αὐτὸν πρεσβυτέρους τῶν Ἰουδαίων, ἐρωτῶν αὐτὸν ὅπως ἐλθὼν διασώσῃ τὸν δοῦλον αυτοῦ. 7.4 οἱ δὲ παραγενόμενοι πρὸς τὸν Ἰησοῦν παρεκάλουν αὐτὸν σπουδαίως λέγοντες ὅτι ἄξιός ἐστιν ᾧ παρέξῃ τοῦτο, 7.5 ἀγαπᾷ γὰρ τὸ ἔθνος ἡμῶν καὶ τὴν συναγωγὴν αὐτὸς ᾠκοδόμησεν ἡμῖν. 7.6 ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς ἐπορεύετο σὺν αὐτοῖς. ἤδη δὲ αὐτοῦ οὐ μακρὰν ἀπέχοντος ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκίας ἔπεμψεν φίλους ὁ ἑκατοντάρχης λέγων αὐτῷ Κύριε, μὴ σκύλλου, οὐ γὰρ ἱκανός εἰμι ἵνα ὑπὸ τὴν στέγην μου εἰσέλθῃς· 7.7 διὸ οὐδὲ ἐμαυτὸν ἠξίωσα πρὸς σὲ ἐλθεῖν· ἀλλὰ εἰπὲ λόγῳ, καὶ ἰαθήτω ὁ παῖς μου· 7.8 καὶ γὰρ ἐγὼ ἄνθρωπός εἰμι ὑπὸ ἐξουσίαν τασσόμενος, ἔχων ὑπʼ ἐμαυτὸν στρατιώτας, καὶ λέγω τούτῳ Πορεύθητι, καὶ πορεύεται, καὶ ἄλλῳ Ἔρχου, καὶ ἔρχεται, καὶ τῷ δούλῳ μου Ποίησον τοῦτο, καὶ ποιεῖ. 7.9 ἀκούσας δὲ ταῦτα ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἐθαύμασεν αὐτόν, καὶ στραφεὶς τῷ ἀκολουθοῦντι αὐτῷ ὄχλῳ εἶπεν Λέγω ὑμῖν, οὐδὲ ἐν τῷ Ἰσραὴλ τοσαύτην πίστιν εὗρον.
7.10 καὶ ὑποστρέψαντες εἰς τὸν οἶκον οἱ πεμφθέντες εὗρον τὸν δοῦλον ὑγιαίνοντα.'' None | sup>
7.1 After he had finished speaking in the hearing of the people, he entered into Capernaum. ' "7.2 A certain centurion's servant, who was dear to him, was sick and at the point of death. " '7.3 When he heard about Jesus, he sent to him elders of the Jews, asking him to come and save his servant. 7.4 When they came to Jesus, they begged him earnestly, saying, "He is worthy for you to do this for him, 7.5 for he loves our nation, and he built our synagogue for us." 7.6 Jesus went with them. When he was now not far from the house, the centurion sent friends to him, saying to him, "Lord, don\'t trouble yourself, for I am not worthy for you to come under my roof. ' "7.7 Therefore I didn't even think myself worthy to come to you; but say the word, and my servant will be healed. " '7.8 For I also am a man placed under authority, having under myself soldiers. I tell this one, \'Go!\' and he goes; and to another, \'Come!\' and he comes; and to my servant, \'Do this,\' and he does it." 7.9 When Jesus heard these things, he marveled at him, and turned and said to the multitude who followed him, "I tell you, I have not found such great faith, no, not in Israel."
7.10 Those who were sent, returning to the house, found that the servant who had been sick was well. '' None |
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14. New Testament, Mark, 7.26 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristides, Aelius, • Dreams and visions, examples, Aelius Aristides
Found in books: Luck (2006), Arcana mundi: magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds: a collection of ancient texts, 180; Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 246
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7.26 ἡ δὲ γυνὴ ἦν Ἑλληνίς, Συροφοινίκισσα τῷ γένει· καὶ ἠρώτα αὐτὸν ἵνα τὸ δαιμόνιον ἐκβάλῃ ἐκ τῆς θυγατρὸς αὐτῆς.'' None | sup>
7.26 Now the woman was a Greek, a Syrophoenician by race. She begged him that he would cast the demon out of her daughter. '' None |
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15. Plutarch, Aristides, 8.1, 10.7, 11.8, 18.6, 19.5, 19.7, 20.2, 21.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristeides • Aristides • Aristides of Athens • Aristides, battle of Plataea • Delphic Oracle, to Aristides • Plutarch, Aristides • Plutarch’s Lives, Life of Aristides
Found in books: Athanassaki and Titchener (2022), Plutarch's Cities, 187; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 214; Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 95, 96; Mikalson (2003), Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars, 94, 95, 100, 101, 104, 113, 120; Nuno et al. (2021), SENSORIVM: The Senses in Roman Polytheism, 372
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11.8 ὅπως δὲ μηδὲν ἐλλιπὲς ἔχῃ πρὸς τὴν ἐλπίδα τῆς νίκης ὁ χρησμός, ἔδοξε τοῖς Πλαταιεῦσιν, Ἀριμνήστου γνώμην εἰπόντος, ἀνελεῖν τὰ πρὸς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ὅρια τῆς Πλαταιΐδος καὶ τὴν χώραν ἐπιδοῦναι τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἐν οἰκείᾳ κατὰ τὸν χρησμὸν ἐναγωνίσασθαι.
19.5 διὸ καὶ ταῖς Σφραγίτισι νύμφαις ἔθυον Αἰαντίδαι τὴν πυθόχρηστον θυσίαν ὑπὲρ τῆς νίκης, ἐκ δημοσίου τὸ ἀνάλωμα λαμβάνοντες· Λακεδαιμόνιοι δʼ ἑνὶ πλείους τῶν ἐνενήκοντα, Τεγεᾶται δʼ ἑκκαίδεκα. θαυμαστὸν οὖν τὸ Ἡροδότου, πῶς μόνους τούτους φησὶν εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν τοῖς πολεμίοις, τῶν δʼ ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων μηδένα. καὶ γὰρ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν πεσόντων μαρτυρεῖ καὶ τὰ μνήματα κοινὸν γενέσθαι τὸ κατόρθωμα·
19.7 ταύτην τὴν μάχην ἐμαχέσαντο τῇ τετράδι τοῦ Βοηδρομιῶνος ἱσταμένου κατʼ Ἀθηναίους, κατὰ δὲ Βοιωτοὺς τετράδι τοῦ Πανέμου φθίνοντος, ᾗ καὶ νῦν ἔτι τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν ἐν Πλαταιαῖς ἀθροίζεται συνέδριον καὶ θύουσι τῷ ἐλευθερίῳ Διῒ Πλαταιεῖς ὑπὲρ τῆς νίκης. τὴν δὲ τῶν ἡμερῶν ἀνωμαλίαν οὐ θαυμαστέον, ὅπου καὶ νῦν διηκριβωμένων τῶν ἐν ἀστρολογίᾳ μᾶλλον ἄλλην ἄλλοι μηνὸς ἀρχὴν καὶ τελευτὴν ἄγουσιν.
21.4 εἶτα λαβὼν ὕδωρ ἀπὸ τῆς κρήνης αὐτὸς ἀπολούει τε τὰς στήλας καὶ μύρῳ χρίει, καὶ τὸν ταῦρον εἰς τὴν πυρὰν σφάξας καὶ κατευξάμενος Διῒ καὶ Ἑρμῇ χθονίῳ παρακαλεῖ τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀποθανόντας ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον καὶ τὴν αἱμοκουρίαν. ἔπειτα κρατῆρα κεράσας οἴνου καὶ χεάμενος ἐπιλέγει· προπίνω τοῖς ἀνδράσι τοῖς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀποθανοῦσι. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἔτι καὶ νῦν διαφυλάττουσιν οἱ Πλαταεῖς.' ' None | sup>
11.8
19.7
21.4 ' ' None |
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16. Plutarch, On The Control of Anger, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Aristides
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 130; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 130
| 455e "Noble Athos, whose summit reaches Heaven, do not put in the way of my deeds great stones difficult to work. Else Ishall hew you down and cast you into the sea." For temper can do many terrible things, and likewise many that are ridiculous; therefore it is both the most hated and the most despised of the passions. It will be useful to consider it in both of these aspects. As for me â\x80\x94 whether rightly Ido not know â\x80\x94 Imade this start in the treatment of my anger: Ibegan to observe the passion in others, just as the Spartans used to observe in the Helots what a thing drunkenness is. And first, as Hippocrates says that the most severe disease'' None |
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17. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Aristides
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 130; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 130
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18. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Aristides • Aelius Aristides, P. • Aelius Aristides, Sacred Tales • Aemilius Aristides, Q. • Aristides • Aristides, Aelius • Dreams (in Greek and Latin literature), Aelius Aristides, Sacred Tales
Found in books: Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 55, 59; Elsner (2007), Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text, 30; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 15, 390, 493; Russell and Nesselrath (2014), On Prophecy, Dreams and Human Imagination: Synesius, De insomniis, 83, 84; Thonemann (2020), An Ancient Dream Manual: Artemidorus' the Interpretation of Dreams, 153, 154; Trapp et al. (2016), In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns, 130
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19. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristeides, painter • Aristides of Thebes, his Dionysus
Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 244; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 37, 42
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20. Apuleius, The Golden Ass, 11.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Aristides, Sacred Tales • Aristides
Found in books: Alvar Ezquerra (2008), Romanising Oriental Gods: Myth, Salvation, and Ethics in the Cults of Cybele, Isis, and Mithras, 297; Elsner (2007), Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text, 299
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11.5 “Behold, Lucius, I have come! Your weeping and prayers have moved me to succor you. I am she who is the natural mother of all things, mistress and governess of all the elements, the initial progeny of worlds, chief of powers divine, queen of heaven! I am the principal of the celestial gods, the light of the goddesses. At my will the planets of the heavens, the wholesome winds of the seas, and the silences of hell are disposed. My name and my divinity is adored throughout all the world in diverse manners. I am worshipped by various customs and by many names. The Phrygians call me the mother of the gods. The Athenians, Minerva. The Cyprians, Venus. The Cretans, Diana. The Sicilians, Proserpina. The Eleusians, Ceres. Some call me Juno, other Bellona, and yet others Hecate. And principally the Aethiopians who dwell in the Orient, and the Aegyptians who are excellent in all kind of ancient doctrine and by their proper ceremonies are accustomed to worship me, call me Queen Isis. Behold, I have come to take pity of your fortune and tribulation. Behold, I am present to favor and aid you. Leave off your weeping and lamentation, put away all your sorrow. For behold, the day which is ordained by my providence is at hand. Therefore be ready to attend to my command. This day which shall come after this night is dedicated to my service by an eternal religion. My priests and ministers are accustomed, after the tempests of the sea have ceased, to offer in my name a new ship as a first fruit of my navigation. I command you not to profane or despise the sacrifice in any way.'' None |
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21. Cassius Dio, Roman History, 59.5 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Aristides • Aelius Aristides (sophist)\n, On the Prohibition of Comedy • Aelius Aristides (sophist)\n, citations of tragedy by
Found in books: Csapo et al. (2022), Theatre and Autocracy in the Ancient World, 168, 170, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 275
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59.5 1. \xa0This was the kind of emperor into whose hands the Romans were then delivered. Hence the deeds of Tiberius, though they were felt to have been very harsh, were nevertheless as far superior to those of Gaius as the deeds of Augustus were to those of his successor.,2. \xa0For Tiberius always kept the power in his own hands and used others as agents for carrying out his wishes; whereas Gaius was ruled by the charioteers and gladiators, and was the slave of the actors and others connected with the stage. Indeed, he always kept Apelles, the most famous of the tragedians of that day, with him even in public.,3. \xa0Thus he by himself and they by themselves did without let or hindrance all that such persons would naturally dare to do when given power. Everything that pertained to their art he arranged and settled on the slightest pretext in the most lavish manner, and he compelled the praetors and the consuls to do the same, so that almost every day some performance of the kind was sure to be given.,4. \xa0At first he was but a spectator and listener at these and would take sides for or against various performers like one of the crowd; and one time, when he was vexed with those of opposing tastes, he did not go to the spectacle. But as time went on, he came to imitate, and to contend in many events,,5. \xa0driving chariots, fighting as a gladiator, giving exhibitions of pantomimic dancing, and acting in tragedy. So much for his regular behaviour. And once he sent an urgent summons at night to the leading men of the senate, as if for some important deliberation, and then danced before them. \xa0<'' None |
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22. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.27.2, 1.34.4-1.34.5, 2.26.8-2.26.9, 9.39.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Aristides • Aelius Aristides (orator), Sacred Tales • Aelius Aristides, Sacred Tales • Aelius Aristides, Sacred Well • Aelius Aristides, and Asclepius • Aelius Aristides, comments on bathing and hydrotherapy at Pergamon Asklepieion • Aelius Aristides, relationship with priests of Asclepius at Pergamum • Aristeides • Aristeides, painter • Aristides • Aristides of Athens • Dreams (in Greek and Latin literature), Aelius Aristides, Sacred Tales • priests adolescent, in Aristides' Sacred Tales
Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 82; Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013), Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians, 63; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 79; Elsner (2007), Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text, 18; Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 17; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 244; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 163, 245; Trapp et al. (2016), In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns, 57, 58, 60, 107
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1.27.2 περὶ δὲ τῆς ἐλαίας οὐδὲν ἔχουσιν ἄλλο εἰπεῖν ἢ τῇ θεῷ μαρτύριον γενέσθαι τοῦτο ἐς τὸν ἀγῶνα τὸν ἐπὶ τῇ χώρᾳ· λέγουσι δὲ καὶ τάδε, κατακαυθῆναι μὲν τὴν ἐλαίαν, ἡνίκα ὁ Μῆδος τὴν πόλιν ἐνέπρησεν Ἀθηναίοις, κατακαυθεῖσαν δὲ αὐθημερὸν ὅσον τε ἐπὶ δύο βλαστῆσαι πήχεις. τῷ ναῷ δὲ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς Πανδρόσου ναὸς συνεχής ἐστι· καὶ ἔστι Πάνδροσος ἐς τὴν παρακαταθήκην ἀναίτιος τῶν ἀδελφῶν μόνη.
1.34.4 ἔστι δὲ Ὠρωπίοις πηγὴ πλησίον τοῦ ναοῦ, ἣν Ἀμφιαράου καλοῦσιν, οὔτε θύοντες οὐδὲν ἐς αὐτὴν οὔτʼ ἐπὶ καθαρσίοις ἢ χέρνιβι χρῆσθαι νομίζοντες· νόσου δὲ ἀκεσθείσης ἀνδρὶ μαντεύματος γενομένου καθέστηκεν ἄργυρον ἀφεῖναι καὶ χρυσὸν ἐπίσημον ἐς τὴν πηγήν, ταύτῃ γὰρ ἀνελθεῖν τὸν Ἀμφιάραον λέγουσιν ἤδη θεόν. Ἰοφῶν δὲ Κνώσσιος τῶν ἐξηγητῶν χρησμοὺς ἐν ἑξαμέτρῳ παρείχετο, Ἀμφιάραον χρῆσαι φάμενος τοῖς ἐς Θήβας σταλεῖσιν Ἀργείων. ταῦτα τὰ ἔπη τὸ ἐς τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐπαγωγὸν ἀκρατῶς εἶχε· χωρὶς δὲ πλὴν ὅσους ἐξ Ἀπόλλωνος μανῆναι λέγουσι τὸ ἀρχαῖον, μάντεών γʼ οὐδεὶς χρησμολόγος ἦν, ἀγαθοὶ δὲ ὀνείρατα ἐξηγήσασθαι καὶ διαγνῶναι πτήσεις ὀρνίθων καὶ σπλάγχνα ἱερείων. 1.34.5 δοκῶ δὲ Ἀμφιάραον ὀνειράτων διακρίσει μάλιστα προ ς κεῖσθαι· δῆλος δέ, ἡνίκα ἐνομίσθη θεός, διʼ ὀνειράτων μαντικὴν καταστησάμενος. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν καθήρασθαι νομίζουσιν ὅστις ἦλθεν Ἀμφιαράῳ χρησόμενος· ἔστι δὲ καθάρσιον τῷ θεῷ θύειν, θύουσι δὲ καὶ αὐτῷ καὶ πᾶσιν ὅσοις ἐστὶν ἐπὶ τῷ βωμῷ τὰ ὀνόματα· προεξειργασμένων δὲ τούτων κριὸν θύσαντες καὶ τὸ δέρμα ὑποστρωσάμενοι καθεύδουσιν ἀναμένοντες δήλωσιν ὀνείρατος.
2.26.8 μαρτυρεῖ δέ μοι καὶ τόδε ἐν Ἐπιδαύρῳ τὸν θεὸν γενέσθαι· τὰ γὰρ Ἀσκληπιεῖα εὑρίσκω τὰ ἐπιφανέστατα γεγονότα ἐξ Ἐπιδαύρου. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ Ἀθηναῖοι, τῆς τελετῆς λέγοντες Ἀσκληπιῷ μεταδοῦναι, τὴν ἡμέραν ταύτην Ἐπιδαύρια ὀνομάζουσι καὶ θεὸν ἀπʼ ἐκείνου φασὶν Ἀσκληπιόν σφισι νομισθῆναι· τοῦτο δὲ Ἀρχίας ὁ Ἀρισταίχμου, τὸ συμβὰν σπάσμα θηρεύοντί οἱ περὶ τὸν Πίνδασον ἰαθεὶς ἐν τῇ Ἐπιδαυρίᾳ, τὸν θεὸν ἐπηγάγετο ἐς Πέργαμον. 2.26.9 ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Περγαμηνῶν Σμυρναίοις γέγονεν ἐφʼ ἡμῶν Ἀσκληπιεῖον τὸ ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ. τὸ δʼ ἐν Βαλάγραις ταῖς Κυρηναίων ἐστὶν Ἀσκληπιὸς καλούμενος Ἰατρὸς ἐξ Ἐπιδαύρου καὶ οὗτος. ἐκ δὲ τοῦ παρὰ Κυρηναίοις τὸ ἐν Λεβήνῃ τῇ Κρητῶν ἐστιν Ἀσκληπιεῖον. διάφορον δὲ Κυρηναίοις τοσόνδε ἐς Ἐπιδαυρίους ἐστίν, ὅτι αἶγας οἱ Κυρηναῖοι θύουσιν, Ἐπιδαυρίοις οὐ καθεστηκότος.
9.39.5 κατὰ δὲ τὸ μαντεῖον τοιάδε γίνεται. ἐπειδὰν ἀνδρὶ ἐς τοῦ Τροφωνίου κατιέναι δόξῃ, πρῶτα μὲν τεταγμένων ἡμερῶν δίαιταν ἐν οἰκήματι ἔχει, τὸ δὲ οἴκημα Δαίμονός τε ἀγαθοῦ καὶ Τύχης ἱερόν ἐστιν ἀγαθῆς· διαιτώμενος δὲ ἐνταῦθα τά τε ἄλλα καθαρεύει καὶ λουτρῶν εἴργεται θερμῶν, τὸ δὲ λουτρὸν ὁ ποταμός ἐστιν ἡ Ἕρκυνα· καί οἱ καὶ κρέα ἄφθονά ἐστιν ἀπὸ τῶν θυσιῶν, θύει γὰρ δὴ ὁ κατιὼν αὐτῷ τε τῷ Τροφωνίῳ καὶ τοῦ Τροφωνίου τοῖς παισί, πρὸς δὲ Ἀπόλλωνί τε καὶ Κρόνῳ καὶ Διὶ ἐπίκλησιν Βασιλεῖ καὶ Ἥρᾳ τε Ἡνιόχῃ καὶ Δήμητρι ἣν ἐπονομάζοντες Εὐρώπην τοῦ Τροφωνίου φασὶν εἶναι τροφόν.'' None | sup>
1.27.2 About the olive they have nothing to say except that it was testimony the goddess produced when she contended for their land. Legend also says that when the Persians fired Athens the olive was burnt down, but on the very day it was burnt it grew again to the height of two cubits. Adjoining the temple of Athena is the temple of Pandrosus, the only one of the sisters to be faithful to the trust.
1.34.4 The Oropians have near the temple a spring, which they call the Spring of Amphiaraus; they neither sacrifice into it nor are wont to use it for purifications or for lustral water. But when a man has been cured of a disease through a response the custom is to throw silver and coined gold into the spring, for by this way they say that Amphiaraus rose up after he had become a god. Iophon the Cnossian, a guide, produced responses in hexameter verse, saying that Amphiaraus gave them to the Argives who were sent against Thebes . These verses unrestrainedly appealed to popular taste. Except those whom they say Apollo inspired of old none of the seers uttered oracles, but they were good at explaining dreams and interpreting the flights of birds and the entrails of victims. 1.34.5 My opinion is that Amphiaraus devoted him self most to the exposition of dreams. It is manifest that, when his divinity was established, it was a dream oracle that he set up. One who has come to consult Amphiaraus is wont first to purify himself. The mode of purification is to sacrifice to the god, and they sacrifice not only to him but also to all those whose names are on the altar. And when all these things have been first done, they sacrifice a ram, and, spreading the skin under them, go to sleep and await enlightenment in a dream.
2.26.8 There is other evidence that the god was born in Epidaurus for I find that the most famous sanctuaries of Asclepius had their origin from Epidaurus . In the first place, the Athenians, who say that they gave a share of their mystic rites to Asclepius, call this day of the festival Epidauria, and they allege that their worship of Asclepius dates from then. Again, when Archias, son of Aristaechmus, was healed in Epidauria after spraining himself while hunting about Pindasus, he brought the cult to Pergamus . 2.26.9 From the one at Pergamus has been built in our own day the sanctuary of Asclepius by the sea at Smyrna . Further, at Balagrae of the Cyreneans there is an Asclepius called Healer, who like the others came from Epidaurus . From the one at Cyrene was founded the sanctuary of Asclepius at Lebene, in Crete . There is this difference between the Cyreneans and the Epidaurians, that whereas the former sacrifice goats, it is against the custom of the Epidaurians to do so.
9.39.5 What happens at the oracle is as follows. When a man has made up his mind to descend to the oracle of Trophonius, he first lodges in a certain building for an appointed number of days, this being sacred to the good Spirit and to good Fortune. While he lodges there, among other regulations for purity he abstains from hot baths, bathing only in the river Hercyna. Meat he has in plenty from the sacrifices, for he who descends sacrifices to Trophonius himself and to the children of Trophonius, to Apollo also and Cronus, to Zeus surnamed King, to Hera Charioteer, and to Demeter whom they surname Europa and say was the nurse of Trophonius.'' None |
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23. Philostratus The Athenian, Life of Apollonius, 4.11, 4.19, 8.7 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Aristides • Aristides of Athens • Aristides, Christian Apologist • Pergamon Asklepieion, literary sources for incubation (excluding Aristides)
Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 86; Petridou (2016), Homo Patiens: Approaches to the Patient in the Ancient World, 456; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 199; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 17; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 26; Zanker (1996), The Mask of Socrates: The Image of the Intellectual in Antiquity, 262
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4.11 καθήρας δὲ τοὺς ̓Εφεσίους τῆς νόσου καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν ̓Ιωνίαν ἱκανῶς ἔχων ἐς τὴν ̔Ελλάδα ὥρμητο. βαδίσας οὖν ἐς τὸ Πέργαμον καὶ ἡσθεὶς τῷ τοῦ ̓Ασκληπιοῦ ἱερῷ τοῖς τε ἱκετεύουσι τὸν θεὸν ὑποθέμενος, ὁπόσα δρῶντες εὐξυμβόλων ὀνειράτων τεύξονται, πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ ἰασάμενος ἦλθεν ἐς τὴν ̓Ιλιάδα καὶ πάσης τῆς περὶ αὐτῶν ἀρχαιολογίας ἐμφορηθεὶς ἐφοίτησεν ἐπὶ τοὺς τῶν ̓Αχαιῶν τάφους, καὶ πολλὰ μὲν εἰπὼν ἐπ' αὐτοῖς, πολλὰ δὲ τῶν ἀναίμων τε καὶ καθαρῶν καθαγίσας τοὺς μὲν ἑταίρους ἐκέλευσεν ἐπὶ τὴν ναῦν χωρεῖν, αὐτὸς δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ κολωνοῦ τοῦ ̓Αχιλλέως ἐννυχεύσειν ἔφη. δεδιττομένων οὖν τῶν ἑταίρων αὐτόν, καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ οἱ Διοσκορίδαι καὶ οἱ Φαίδιμοι καὶ ἡ τοιάδε ὁμιλία πᾶσα ξυνῆσαν ἤδη τῷ ̓Απολλωνίῳ, τόν τε ̓Αχιλλέα φοβερὸν ἔτι φασκόντων φαίνεσθαι, τουτὶ γὰρ καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῷ ̓Ιλίῳ περὶ αὐτοῦ πεπεῖσθαι “καὶ μὴν ἐγὼ” ἔφη “τὸν ̓Αχιλλέα σφόδρα οἶδα ταῖς ξυνουσίαις χαίροντα, τόν τε γὰρ Νέστορα τὸν ἐκ τῆς Πύλου μάλα ἠσπάζετο, ἐπειδὴ ἀεί τι αὐτῷ διῄει χρηστόν, τόν τε Φοίνικα τροφέα καὶ ὀπαδὸν καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα τιμᾶν ἐνόμιζεν, ἐπειδὴ διῆγεν αὐτὸν ὁ Φοῖνιξ λόγοις, καὶ τὸν Πρίαμον δὲ καίτοι πολεμιώτατον αὐτῷ ὄντα πρᾳότατα εἶδεν, ἐπειδὴ διαλεγομένου ἤκουσε, καὶ ̓Οδυσσεῖ δὲ ἐν διχοστασίᾳ ξυγγενόμενος οὕτω μέτριος ὤφθη, ὡς καλὸς τῷ ̓Οδυσσεῖ μᾶλλον ἢ φοβερὸς δόξαι. τὴν μὲν δὴ ἀσπίδα καὶ τὴν κόρυν τὴν δεινόν, ὥς φασι, νεύουσαν, ἐπὶ τοὺς Τρῶας οἶμαι αὐτῷ εἶναι μεμνημένῳ, ἃ ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἔπαθεν ἀπιστησάντων πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑπὲρ τοῦ γάμου, ἐγὼ δὲ οὔτε μετέχω τι τοῦ ̓Ιλίου διαλέξομαί τε αὐτῷ χαριέστερον ἢ οἱ τότε ἑταῖροι, κἂν ἀποκτείνῃ με, ὥς φατε, μετὰ Μέμνονος δήπου καὶ Κύκνου κείσομαι καὶ ἴσως με ἐν καπέτῳ κοίλῃ, καθάπερ τὸν ̔́Εκτορα, ἡ Τροία θάψει.” τοιαῦτα πρὸς τοὺς ἑταίρους ἀναμὶξ παίξας τε καὶ σπουδάσας προσέβαινε τῷ κολωνῷ μόνος, οἱ δὲ ἐβάδιζον ἐπὶ τὴν ναῦν ἑσπέρας ἤδη." "
4.19 τὰς δὲ ̓Αθήνησι διατριβὰς πλείστας μὲν ὁ Δάμις γενέσθαι φησὶ τῷ ἀνδρί, γράψαι δὲ οὐ πάσας, ἀλλὰ τὰς ἀναγκαίας τε καὶ περὶ μεγάλων σπουδασθείσας. τὴν μὲν δὴ πρώτην διάλεξιν, ἐπειδὴ φιλοθύτας τοὺς ̓Αθηναίους εἶδεν, ὑπὲρ ἱερῶν διελέξατο, καὶ ὡς ἄν τις ἐς τὸ ἑκάστῳ τῶν θεῶν οἰκεῖον καὶ πηνίκα δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας τε καὶ νυκτὸς ἢ θύοι ἢ σπένδοι ἢ εὔχοιτο, καὶ βιβλίῳ ̓Απολλωνίου προστυχεῖν ἐστιν, ἐν ᾧ ταῦτα τῇ ἑαυτοῦ φωνῇ ἐκδιδάσκει. διῆλθε δὲ ταῦτα ̓Αθήνησι πρῶτον μὲν ὑπὲρ σοφίας αὑτοῦ τε κἀκείνων, εἶτ' ἐλέγχων τὸν ἱεροφάντην δι' ἃ βλασφήμως τε καὶ ἀμαθῶς εἶπε: τίς γὰρ ἔτι ᾠήθη τὰ δαιμόνια μὴ καθαρὸν εἶναι τὸν φιλοσοφοῦντα, ὅπως οἱ θεοὶ θεραπευτέοι;" " None | sup>
4.11 Having purged the Ephesians of the plague, and having had enough of the people of Ionia, he started for Hellas. Having made his way then to Pergamum, and being pleased with the sanctuary of Asclepius, he gave hints to the supplicants of the god, what to do in order to obtain favorable dreams; and having healed many of them he came to the land of Ilium. And when his mind was glutted with all the traditions of their past, he went to visit the tombs of the Achaeans, and he delivered himself of many speeches over them, and he offered many sacrifices of a bloodless and pure kind; and then he bade his companions go on board ship, for he himself, he said, must spend a night on the mound of Achilles. Now his companions tried to deter him — for in fact the Dioscoridae and the Phaedimi, and a whole company of such already followed in the train of Apollonius — alleging that Achilles was still dreadful as a phantom; for such was the conviction about him of the inhabitants of Ilium. Nevertheless, said Apollonius, I know Achilles well and that he thoroughly delights in company; for he heartily welcomed Nestor when he came from Pylos, because he always had something useful to tell him; and he used to honor Phoenix with the title of foster-father and companion and so forth, because Phoenix entertained him with his talk; and he looked most mildly upon Priam also, although he was his bitterest enemy, so soon as he heard him talk; and when in the course of a quarrel he had an interview with Odysseus, he made himself so gracious that Odysseus thought him more handsome than terrible.For, I think that his shield and his plumes that wave so terribly, as they say, are a menace to the Trojans, because he can never forget what he suffered at their hands, when they played him false over the marriage. But I have nothing in common with Ilium, and I shall talk to him more pleasantly than his former companions; and if he slays me, as you say he will, why then I shall repose with Memnon and Cycnus, and perhaps Troy will bury me in a hollow sepulcher as they did Hector. Such were his words to his companions, half playful and half serious, as he went up alone to the barrow; but they went on board ship, for it was already evening.
4.19 Many were the discourses which according to Damis the sage delivered at Athens; though he did not write down all of them, but only the more indispensable ones in which he handled great subjects. He took for the topic of his first discourse the matter of rite and ceremonies, and this because he saw that the Athenians were much addicted to sacrifices; and in it he explained how a religious man could best adapt his sacrifice, his libations, or prayers to any particular divinity, and at what hours of day and night he ought to offer them. And it is possible to obtain a book of Apollonius, in which he gives instructions in his own words. But Athens he discussed these topics with a view to improving his own wisdom and that of others in the first place, and in the second of convincing the hierophant of blasphemy and ignorance in the remarks he had made; for who could continue to regard as one impure in his religion a man who taught philosophically how the worship of the gods is to be conducted?' ' None |
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24. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Aristeides, sophist • Aelius Aristides • Aelius Aristides (orator), Sacred Tales • Aelius Aristides, Hymn to Dionysus • Aelius Aristides, P. • Aelius Aristides, Sacred Tales • Aelius Aristides, Sacred Well • Aelius Aristides, and Asclepius • Aelius Aristides, and Asklepios Sōtēr • Aelius Aristides, and Marcus Aurelius • Aelius Aristides, and Sarapis • Aelius Aristides, and neokoroi • Aelius Aristides, and physicians • Aelius Aristides, comments on Asklepios performing operations • Aelius Aristides, comments on bathing and hydrotherapy at Pergamon Asklepieion • Aelius Aristides, comments on patients at Pergamon Asklepieion sharing experiences • Aelius Aristides, denying nomination to priesthood • Aelius Aristides, hymn attributed to Aelius Aristides • Aelius Aristides, incubation in different areas of Pergamon Asklepieion • Aelius Aristides, inspired by Asklepios to compose Sacred Tales • Aelius Aristides, purpose of literary project of • Aelius Aristides, relationship with priests of Asclepius at Pergamum • Aelius Aristides, relationship with temple wardens • Aelius Aristides, residence at the Temple of Asclepius • Aelius Aristides, unsolicited dreams • Ailios Aristeides • Aristides • Aristides, Aelius • Aristides, Aristides’s illness • Aristides, Aristides’s religious experience • Aristides, Aristides’s religious world • Aristides, Aristides’s theology • Aristides, P. Aelius, Orations • Aristides, P. Aelius, and Odyssey • Aristides, P. Aelius, and Rome • Aristides, as orator • Aristides, as sophist • Aristides, lost works • Dreams (in Greek and Latin literature), Aelius Aristides, Sacred Tales • Dreams (in Greek and Latin literature), Aelius Aristides, Speech Concerning Asklepios • Dreams and visions, examples, Aelius Aristides • Herodotus, criticized by Aelius Aristides • Hymns (inscribed), hymn to Asklepios attributed to Aelius Aristides • Pergamon Asklepieion, literary sources for incubation (excluding Aristides) • Sacred Tales (Aelius Aristides) • Sarapis, and Aelius Aristides • Smyrna, and Aelius Aristides • dreams, Aristides and • identity, of Aelius Aristides • interpretation, Aristides • portrait, Aelius Aristides • priests adolescent, in Aristides' Sacred Tales
Found in books: Alvar Ezquerra (2008), Romanising Oriental Gods: Myth, Salvation, and Ethics in the Cults of Cybele, Isis, and Mithras, 302, 325; Amendola (2022), The Demades Papyrus (P.Berol. inv. 13045): A New Text with Commentary, 95; Ando (2013), Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire, 54, 57, 58, 371; Blum and Biggs (2019), The Epic Journey in Greek and Roman Literature, 232, 233; Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 13, 14, 277, 281, 285, 286, 287, 288, 290, 329, 337, 360, 365, 366, 369, 370, 371, 372, 373; Chaniotis (2012), Unveiling Emotions: Sources and Methods for the Study of Emotions in the Greek World vol, 305; Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013), Priests and Prophets Among Pagans, Jews and Christians, 53, 54, 55, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66, 67, 69, 70, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 79; Edelmann-Singer et al. (2020), Sceptic and Believer in Ancient Mediterranean Religions, 107; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 77, 101; Eidinow and Kindt (2015), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion, 71, 79, 80; Elsner (2007), Roman Eyes: Visuality and Subjectivity in Art and Text, 18, 31, 299; Faulkner and Hodkinson (2015), Hymnic Narrative and the Narratology of Greek Hymns, 139, 140, 141, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164; Fowler (2014), Plato in the Third Sophistic, 153; Hallmannsecker (2022), Roman Ionia: Constructions of Cultural Identity in Western Asia Minor, 47, 48, 49; Harkins and Maier (2022), Experiencing the Shepherd of Hermas, 164; Hug (2023), Fertility, Ideology, and the Cultural Politics of Reproduction at Rome, 141; Jenkyns (2013), God, Space, and City in the Roman Imagination, 31, 229; König and Whitton (2018), Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian: Literary Interactions, AD 96–138 281; Leão and Lanzillotta (2019), A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic, 282; Lloyd (1989), The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science, 90; MacDougall (2022), Philosophy at the Festival: The Festal Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus and the Classical Tradition. 54, 80, 81; Manolaraki (2012), Noscendi Nilum Cupido: Imagining Egypt from Lucan to Philostratus, 287; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 352, 414, 477, 493, 494; Miller and Clay (2019), Tracking Hermes, Pursuing Mercury, 312, 317; Moxon (2017), Peter's Halakhic Nightmare: The 'Animal' Vision of Acts 10:9–16 in Jewish and Graeco-Roman Perspective. 135, 136, 245, 246, 397, 398, 399, 400, 401, 402, 403, 404, 405; Petridou (2016), Homo Patiens: Approaches to the Patient in the Ancient World, 453, 454, 456, 457, 461, 463, 465; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 9, 12, 15, 22, 117, 118, 136, 137, 144, 145, 163, 173, 199, 200, 201, 202, 217, 218, 227, 228, 230, 245, 246, 247, 248, 390, 493, 615, 616, 670, 734; Russell and Nesselrath (2014), On Prophecy, Dreams and Human Imagination: Synesius, De insomniis, 83, 84; Stanton (2021), Unity and Disunity in Greek and Christian Thought under the Roman Peace, 34, 49, 50, 60, 62, 69, 76, 78, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 105, 106, 131, 132, 140, 143, 167, 176, 241; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 5, 322, 343, 359; Taylor and Hay (2020), Philo of Alexandria: On the Contemplative Life: Introduction, Translation and Commentary, 20, 52; Trapp et al. (2016), In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns, 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 12, 14, 16, 25, 26, 61, 62, 63, 67, 70, 71, 73, 74, 75, 76, 81, 82, 84, 85, 86, 87, 105, 107, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 123, 125, 126, 127, 131, 132, 133, 135, 136, 137, 138, 140, 141; Tuori (2016), The Emperor of Law: The Emergence of Roman Imperial Adjudication<, 196, 201, 202, 205
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25. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristides • Aristides of Athens • ethnos/ethne, in Aristides • genos/gene/gens/genus, in Aristides • lineage and genealogy as identity marker, in Aristides
Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 16, 97, 98, 100, 112, 357; Gruen (2020), Ethnicity in the Ancient World - Did it matter, 208, 209; Wilson (2018), Augustine's Conversion from Traditional Free Choice to "Non-free Free Will": A Comprehensive Methodology, 44
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26. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Aristides, • Aelius Aristides, P.
Found in books: Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 284; Bowersock (1997), Fiction as History: Nero to Julian, 78
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27. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Aristides
Found in books: Konig and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 130, 220; König and Wiater (2022), Late Hellenistic Greek Literature in Dialogue, 130, 220
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28. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Aristeides, sophist • Aelius Aristides • Aelius Aristides, • Aelius Aristides, P. • Aelius Aristides, and Libanius • Aristides • Aristides, Aelius • Aristides, as orator • Aristides, lost works • Dreams (in Greek and Latin literature), Aelius Aristides, Sacred Tales • Libanius, and Aelius Aristides • Pergamon Asklepieion, literary sources for incubation (excluding Aristides) • dreams, Aristides and • interpretation, Aristides • portrait, Aelius Aristides
Found in books: Borg (2008), Paideia: the World of the Second Sophistic: The World of the Second Sophistic, 70, 71, 82, 360; Chaniotis (2012), Unveiling Emotions: Sources and Methods for the Study of Emotions in the Greek World vol, 304; Eidinow and Driediger-Murphy (2019), Esther Eidinow, Ancient Divination and Experience, 102; Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 240; Kingsley Monti and Rood (2022), The Authoritative Historian: Tradition and Innovation in Ancient Historiography, 294, 296, 298, 301; Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 352, 494; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 199, 230, 231, 707; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 5; Trapp et al. (2016), In Praise of Asclepius: Selected Prose Hymns, 3, 4, 7, 12, 63
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29. Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, 4.3, 4.3.1, 4.26.7-4.26.8 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aristides • Aristides of Athens • Aristides, Christian Apologist • Aristides, apologist
Found in books: Breytenbach and Tzavella (2022), Early Christianity in Athens, Attica, and Adjacent Areas, 13; Hellholm et al. (2010), Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity, 1765; Malherbe et al. (2014), Light from the Gentiles: Hellenistic Philosophy and Early Christianity: Collected Essays of Abraham J, 790; Rizzi (2010), Hadrian and the Christians, 17, 76, 80; Tomson (2019), Studies on Jews and Christians in the First and Second Centuries. 252
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4.3.1 After Trajan had reigned for nineteen and a half years Aelius Hadrian became his successor in the empire. To him Quadratus addressed a discourse containing an apology for our religion, because certain wicked men had attempted to trouble the Christians. The work is still in the hands of a great many of the brethren, as also in our own, and furnishes clear proofs of the man's understanding and of his apostolic orthodoxy." 4.26.7 Again he adds the following: For our philosophy formerly flourished among the Barbarians; but having sprung up among the nations under your rule, during the great reign of your ancestor Augustus, it became to your empire especially a blessing of auspicious omen. For from that time the power of the Romans has grown in greatness and splendor. To this power you have succeeded, as the desired possessor, and such shall you continue with your son, if you guard the philosophy which grew up with the empire and which came into existence with Augustus; that philosophy which your ancestors also honored along with the other religions.' "4.26.8 And a most convincing proof that our doctrine flourished for the good of an empire happily begun, is this — that there has no evil happened since Augustus' reign, but that, on the contrary, all things have been splendid and glorious, in accordance with the prayers of all." " None |
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30. Origen, Against Celsus, 3.24 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Aristides • Dreams (in Greek and Latin literature), Aelius Aristides, Sacred Tales • Pergamon Asklepieion, literary sources for incubation (excluding Aristides)
Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 117, 203; Tanaseanu-Döbler and von Alvensleben (2020), Athens II: Athens in Late Antiquity, 132
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3.24 And again, when it is said of Æsculapius that a great multitude both of Greeks and Barbarians acknowledge that they have frequently seen, and still see, no mere phantom, but Æsculapius himself, healing and doing good, and foretelling the future; Celsus requires us to believe this, and finds no fault with the believers in Jesus, when we express our belief in such stories, but when we give our assent to the disciples, and eye-witnesses of the miracles of Jesus, who clearly manifest the honesty of their convictions (because we see their guilelessness, as far as it is possible to see the conscience revealed in writing), we are called by him a set of silly individuals, although he cannot demonstrate that an incalculable number, as he asserts, of Greeks and Barbarians acknowledge the existence of Æsculapius; while we, if we deem this a matter of importance, can clearly show a countless multitude of Greeks and Barbarians who acknowledge the existence of Jesus. And some give evidence of their having received through this faith a marvellous power by the cures which they perform, revoking no other name over those who need their help than that of the God of all things, and of Jesus, along with a mention of His history. For by these means we too have seen many persons freed from grievous calamities, and from distractions of mind, and madness, and countless other ills, which could be cured neither by men nor devils. '' None |
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31. None, None, nan (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aelius Aristides • Aelius Aristides, and Libanius • Libanius, and Aelius Aristides
Found in books: Fowler (2014), Plato in the Third Sophistic, 9; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 689, 690
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32. Demosthenes, Orations, 20.115
Tagged with subjects: • Aristeides the Just • Aristides • Lysimachos (son of Aristeides) • Lysimachus, son of Aristides
Found in books: Gygax (2016), Benefaction and Rewards in the Ancient Greek City: The Origins of Euergetism, 41, 177; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 226
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20.115 What is my evidence? Lysimachus, Son of Aristides the just, pensioned for his father’s merits. only one of the worthies of that day, received a hundred roods of orchard in Euboea and a hundred of arable land, besides a hundred minas of silver and a pension of four drachmas a day. And the decree in which these gifts are recorded stands in the name of Alcibiades. For then our city was rich in lands and money, though now—she will be rich some day A euphemism for she is poor. ; for I must put it in that way to avoid anything like obloquy. Yet today who, think you, would not prefer a third of that reward to mere immunity? To prove the truth of my words, please take the decree. The decree is read '' None |
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33. Strabo, Geography, 8.6.23
Tagged with subjects: • Aristeides, painter • Aristides of Thebes, his Dionysus
Found in books: Marek (2019), In the Land of a Thousand Gods: A History of Asia Minor in the Ancient World, 244; Rutledge (2012), Ancient Rome as a Museum: Power, Identity, and the Culture of Collecting, 37, 42
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8.6.23 The Corinthians, when they were subject to Philip, not only sided with him in his quarrel with the Romans, but individually behaved so contemptuously towards the Romans that certain persons ventured to pour down filth upon the Roman ambassadors when passing by their house. For this and other offences, however, they soon paid the penalty, for a considerable army was sent thither, and the city itself was razed to the ground by Leucius Mummius; and the other countries as far as Macedonia became subject to the Romans, different commanders being sent into different countries; but the Sikyonians obtained most of the Corinthian country. Polybius, who speaks in a tone of pity of the events connected with the capture of Corinth, goes on to speak of the disregard shown by the army for the works of art and votive offerings; for he says that he was present and saw paintings that had been flung to the ground and saw the soldiers playing dice on these. Among the paintings he names that of Dionysus by Aristeides, to which, according to some writers, the saying, Nothing in comparison with the Dionysus, referred; and also the painting of Heracles in torture in the robe of Deianeira. Now I have not seen the latter, but I saw the Dionysus, a most beautiful work, on the walls of the sanctuary of Ceres in Rome; but when recently the temple was burned, the painting perished with it. And I may almost say that the most and best of the other dedicatory offerings at Rome came from there; and the cities in the neighborhood of Rome also obtained some; for Mummius, being magimous rather than fond of art, as they say, readily shared with those who asked. And when Lucullus built the sanctuary of Good Fortune and a portico, he asked Mummius for the use of the statues which he had, saying that he would adorn the sanctuary with them until the dedication and then give them back. However, he did not give them back, but dedicated them to the goddess, and then bade Mummius to take them away if he wished. But Mummius took it lightly, for he cared nothing about them, so that he gained more repute than the man who dedicated them. Now after Corinth had remained deserted for a long time, it was restored again, because of its favorable position, by the deified Caesar, who colonized it with people that belonged for the most part to the freedmen class. And when these were removing the ruins and at the same time digging open the graves, they found numbers of terra-cotta reliefs, and also many bronze vessels. And since they admired the workmanship they left no grave unransacked; so that, well supplied with such things and disposing of them at a high price, they filled Rome with Corinthian mortuaries, for thus they called the things taken from the graves, and in particular the earthenware. Now at the outset the earthenware was very highly prized, like the bronzes of Corinthian workmanship, but later they ceased to care much for them, since the supply of earthen vessels failed and most of them were not even well executed. The city of the Corinthians, then, was always great and wealthy, and it was well equipped with men skilled both in the affairs of state and in the craftsman's arts; for both here and in Sikyon the arts of painting and modelling and all such arts of the craftsman flourished most. The city had territory, however, that was not very fertile, but rifted and rough; and from this fact all have called Corinth beetling, and use the proverb, Corinth is both beetle-browed and full of hollows."" None |
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