| 1. Hesiod, Shield, 478-480, 82, 477 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 141 |
| 2. Hesiod, Fragments, None (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 33 |
3. Homer, Iliad, 2.52, 2.561-2.562, 2.653-2.670, 2.683-2.684, 4.8, 4.51-4.52, 5.655-5.656, 5.908, 8.238, 8.249, 9.363, 9.447, 9.478, 16.233-16.235, 16.595, 19.117-19.119, 21.277-21.278, 22.126-22.127, 22.358-22.360 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi), argive plain •apollo pythios (delphi), reconfiguration of myths and rituals in song •apollo pythios (delphi), and colonization •apollo pythios (delphi), argonauts •apollo pythios (delphi), competing claims to •apollo pythios (delphi), cultic landscape of •apollo pythios (delphi), eastern vs. western plain •apollo, pythios •apollo pythios (delphi), apollonios of rhodes Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 135, 138, 167, 171, 173, 186, 196, 198, 240, 304; Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 260 | 2.52. / but Agamemnon bade the clear-voiced heralds summon to the place of gathering the long-haired Achaeans. And they made summons, and the men gathered full quickly.But the king first made the council of the great-souled elders to sit down beside the ship of Nestor, the king Pylos-born. 2.561. / and Hermione and Asine, that enfold the deep gulf, Troezen and Eïonae and vine-clad Epidaurus, and the youths of the Achaeans that held Aegina and Mases,—these again had as leaders Diomedes, good at the war-cry, and Sthenelus, dear son of glorious Capaneus. 2.562. / and Hermione and Asine, that enfold the deep gulf, Troezen and Eïonae and vine-clad Epidaurus, and the youths of the Achaeans that held Aegina and Mases,—these again had as leaders Diomedes, good at the war-cry, and Sthenelus, dear son of glorious Capaneus. 2.653. / of all these was Idomeneus, famed for his spear, captain, and Meriones, the peer of Enyalius, slayer of men. And with these there followed eighty black ships. 2.654. / of all these was Idomeneus, famed for his spear, captain, and Meriones, the peer of Enyalius, slayer of men. And with these there followed eighty black ships. And Tlepolemus, son of Heracles, a valiant man and tall, led from Rhodes nine ships of the lordly Rhodians, 2.655. / that dwelt in Rhodes sundered in three divisions—in Lindos and Ialysus and Cameirus, white with chalk. These were led by Tlepolemus, famed for his spear, he that was born to mighty Heracles by Astyocheia, whom he had led forth out of Ephyre from the river Selleïs, 2.656. / that dwelt in Rhodes sundered in three divisions—in Lindos and Ialysus and Cameirus, white with chalk. These were led by Tlepolemus, famed for his spear, he that was born to mighty Heracles by Astyocheia, whom he had led forth out of Ephyre from the river Selleïs, 2.657. / that dwelt in Rhodes sundered in three divisions—in Lindos and Ialysus and Cameirus, white with chalk. These were led by Tlepolemus, famed for his spear, he that was born to mighty Heracles by Astyocheia, whom he had led forth out of Ephyre from the river Selleïs, 2.658. / that dwelt in Rhodes sundered in three divisions—in Lindos and Ialysus and Cameirus, white with chalk. These were led by Tlepolemus, famed for his spear, he that was born to mighty Heracles by Astyocheia, whom he had led forth out of Ephyre from the river Selleïs, 2.659. / that dwelt in Rhodes sundered in three divisions—in Lindos and Ialysus and Cameirus, white with chalk. These were led by Tlepolemus, famed for his spear, he that was born to mighty Heracles by Astyocheia, whom he had led forth out of Ephyre from the river Selleïs, 2.660. / when he had laid waste many cities of warriors fostered of Zeus. But when Tlepolemus had grown to manhood in the well-fenced palace, forthwith he slew his own father's dear uncle, Licymnius, scion of Ares, who was then waxing old. So he straightway built him ships, and when he had gathered together much people, 2.661. / when he had laid waste many cities of warriors fostered of Zeus. But when Tlepolemus had grown to manhood in the well-fenced palace, forthwith he slew his own father's dear uncle, Licymnius, scion of Ares, who was then waxing old. So he straightway built him ships, and when he had gathered together much people, 2.662. / when he had laid waste many cities of warriors fostered of Zeus. But when Tlepolemus had grown to manhood in the well-fenced palace, forthwith he slew his own father's dear uncle, Licymnius, scion of Ares, who was then waxing old. So he straightway built him ships, and when he had gathered together much people, 2.663. / when he had laid waste many cities of warriors fostered of Zeus. But when Tlepolemus had grown to manhood in the well-fenced palace, forthwith he slew his own father's dear uncle, Licymnius, scion of Ares, who was then waxing old. So he straightway built him ships, and when he had gathered together much people, 2.664. / when he had laid waste many cities of warriors fostered of Zeus. But when Tlepolemus had grown to manhood in the well-fenced palace, forthwith he slew his own father's dear uncle, Licymnius, scion of Ares, who was then waxing old. So he straightway built him ships, and when he had gathered together much people, 2.665. / went forth in flight over the sea, for that the other sons and grandsons of mighty Heracles threatened him. But he came to Rhodes in his wanderings, suffering woes, and there his people settled in three divisions by tribes, and were loved of Zeus that is king among gods and men; 2.666. / went forth in flight over the sea, for that the other sons and grandsons of mighty Heracles threatened him. But he came to Rhodes in his wanderings, suffering woes, and there his people settled in three divisions by tribes, and were loved of Zeus that is king among gods and men; 2.667. / went forth in flight over the sea, for that the other sons and grandsons of mighty Heracles threatened him. But he came to Rhodes in his wanderings, suffering woes, and there his people settled in three divisions by tribes, and were loved of Zeus that is king among gods and men; 2.668. / went forth in flight over the sea, for that the other sons and grandsons of mighty Heracles threatened him. But he came to Rhodes in his wanderings, suffering woes, and there his people settled in three divisions by tribes, and were loved of Zeus that is king among gods and men; 2.669. / went forth in flight over the sea, for that the other sons and grandsons of mighty Heracles threatened him. But he came to Rhodes in his wanderings, suffering woes, and there his people settled in three divisions by tribes, and were loved of Zeus that is king among gods and men; 2.670. / and upon them was wondrous wealth poured by the son of Cronos.Moreover Nireus led three shapely ships from Syme, Nireus that was son of Aglaïa and Charops the king, Nireus the comeliest man that came beneath Ilios of all the Danaans after the fearless son of Peleus. 2.683. / And with them were ranged thirty hollow ships.Now all those again that inhabited Pelasgian Argos, and dwelt in Alos and Alope and Trachis, and that held Phthia and Hellas, the land of fair women, and were called Myrmidons and Hellenes and Achaeans— 2.684. / And with them were ranged thirty hollow ships.Now all those again that inhabited Pelasgian Argos, and dwelt in Alos and Alope and Trachis, and that held Phthia and Hellas, the land of fair women, and were called Myrmidons and Hellenes and Achaeans— 4.8. / And forthwith the son of Cronos made essay to provoke Hera with mocking words, and said with malice:Twain of the goddesses hath Menelaus for helpers, even Argive Hera, and Alalcomenean Athene. Howbeit these verily sit apart and take their pleasure in beholding, 4.51. / Then in answer to him spake ox-eyed, queenly Hera:Verily have I three cities that are far dearest in my sight, Argos and Sparta and broad-wayed Mycenae; these do thou lay waste whensoe'er they shall be hateful to thy heart. Not in their defence do I stand forth, nor account them too greatly. 4.52. / Then in answer to him spake ox-eyed, queenly Hera:Verily have I three cities that are far dearest in my sight, Argos and Sparta and broad-wayed Mycenae; these do thou lay waste whensoe'er they shall be hateful to thy heart. Not in their defence do I stand forth, nor account them too greatly. 5.655. / So spake Sarpedon, and Tlepolemus lifted on high his ashen spear, and the long spears sped from the hands of both at one moment. Sarpedon smote him full upon the neck, and the grievous point passed clean through, and down upon his eyes came the darkness of night and enfolded him. 5.656. / So spake Sarpedon, and Tlepolemus lifted on high his ashen spear, and the long spears sped from the hands of both at one moment. Sarpedon smote him full upon the neck, and the grievous point passed clean through, and down upon his eyes came the darkness of night and enfolded him. 5.908. / And Hebe bathed him, and clad him in beautiful raiment, and he sate him down by the side of Zeus, son of Cronos, exulting in his glory.Then back to the palace of great Zeus fared Argive Hera and Alalcomenean Athene, when they had made Ares, the bane of mortals, to cease from his man-slaying. 8.238. / this Hector, that soon will burn our ships with blazing fire. Father Zeus, was there ever ere now one among mighty kings whose soul thou didst blind with blindness such as this, and rob him of great glory? Yet of a surety do I deem that never in my benched ship did I pass by fair altar of thine on my ill-starred way hither, 8.249. / So spake he, and the Father had pity on him as he wept, and vouchsafed him that his folk should be saved and not perish. Forthwith he sent an eagle, surest of omens among winged birds, holding in his talons a fawn, the young of a swift hind. Beside the fair altar of Zeus he let fall the fawn, 9.363. / my ships at early dawn sailing over the teeming Hellespont, and on board men right eager to ply the oar; and if so be the great Shaker of the Earth grants me fair voyaging, on the third day shall I reach deep-soiled Phthia. Possessions full many have I that I left on my ill-starred way hither, 9.447. / to be left alone without thee, nay, not though a god himself should pledge him to strip from me my old age and render me strong in youth as in the day when first I left Hellas, the home of fair women, fleeing from strife with my father Amyntor, son of Ormenus; for he waxed grievously wroth against me by reason of his fair-haired concubine, 9.478. / then verily I burst the cunningly fitted doors of my chamber and leapt the fence of the court full easily, unseen of the watchmen and the slave women. Thereafter I fled afar through spacious Hellas, and came to deep-soiled Phthia, mother of flocks, 16.233. / and himself he washed his hands, and drew flaming wine. Then he made prayer, standing in the midst of the court, and poured forth the wine, looking up to heaven; and not unmarked was he of Zeus, that hurleth the thunderbolt:Zeus, thou king, Dodonaean, Pelasgian, thou that dwellest afar, ruling over wintry Dodona,—and about thee dwell the Selli, 16.234. / and himself he washed his hands, and drew flaming wine. Then he made prayer, standing in the midst of the court, and poured forth the wine, looking up to heaven; and not unmarked was he of Zeus, that hurleth the thunderbolt:Zeus, thou king, Dodonaean, Pelasgian, thou that dwellest afar, ruling over wintry Dodona,—and about thee dwell the Selli, 16.235. / thine interpreters, men with unwashen feet that couch on the ground. Aforetime verily thou didst hear my word, when I prayed: me thou didst honour, and didst mightily smite the host of the Achaeans; even so now also fulfill thou for me this my desire. Myself verily will I abide in the gathering of the ships, 16.595. / the dear son of Chalcon, him that had his abode in Hellas, and for wealth and substance was pre-eminent among the Myrmidons. Him did Glaucus smite full upon the breast with a thrust of his spear, turning suddenly upon rum, when the other was about to overtake him in pursuit. And he fell with a thud, and sore grief gat hold of the Achaeans, 19.117. / and swiftly came to Achaean Argos, where she knew was the stately wife of Sthenelus, son of Perseus, that bare a son in her womb, and lo, the seventh month was come. This child Hera brought forth to the light even before the full tale of the months, but stayed Alcmene's bearing, and held back the Eileithyiae. 19.118. / and swiftly came to Achaean Argos, where she knew was the stately wife of Sthenelus, son of Perseus, that bare a son in her womb, and lo, the seventh month was come. This child Hera brought forth to the light even before the full tale of the months, but stayed Alcmene's bearing, and held back the Eileithyiae. 19.119. / and swiftly came to Achaean Argos, where she knew was the stately wife of Sthenelus, son of Perseus, that bare a son in her womb, and lo, the seventh month was come. This child Hera brought forth to the light even before the full tale of the months, but stayed Alcmene's bearing, and held back the Eileithyiae. 21.277. / None other of the heavenly gods do I blame so much, but only my dear mother, that beguiled me with false words, saying that beneath the wall of the mail-clad Trojans I should perish by the swift missiles of Apollo. Would that Hector had slain me, the best of the men bred here; 21.278. / None other of the heavenly gods do I blame so much, but only my dear mother, that beguiled me with false words, saying that beneath the wall of the mail-clad Trojans I should perish by the swift missiles of Apollo. Would that Hector had slain me, the best of the men bred here; 22.126. / as I were a woman, when I have put from me mine armour. In no wise may I now from oak-tree or from rock hold dalliance with him, even as youth and maiden—youth and maiden! —hold dalliance one with the other. Better were it to clash in strife with all speed; 22.127. / as I were a woman, when I have put from me mine armour. In no wise may I now from oak-tree or from rock hold dalliance with him, even as youth and maiden—youth and maiden! —hold dalliance one with the other. Better were it to clash in strife with all speed; 22.358. / Then even in dying spake unto him Hector of the flashing helm:Verily I know thee well, and forbode what shall be, neither was it to be that I should persuade thee; of a truth the heart in thy breast is of iron. Bethink thee now lest haply I bring the wrath of the gods upon thee on the day when Paris and Phoebus Apollo shall slay thee, 22.359. / Then even in dying spake unto him Hector of the flashing helm:Verily I know thee well, and forbode what shall be, neither was it to be that I should persuade thee; of a truth the heart in thy breast is of iron. Bethink thee now lest haply I bring the wrath of the gods upon thee on the day when Paris and Phoebus Apollo shall slay thee, 22.360. / valorous though thou art, at the Scaean gate. Even as he thus spake the end of death enfolded him and his soul fleeting from his limbs was gone to Hades, bewailing her fate, leaving manliness and youth. And to him even in his death spake goodly Achilles: |
|
| 4. Homer, Odyssey, 11.235-11.253, 11.495-11.496, 15.223-15.255, 19.163 (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argonauts •apollo pythios (delphi) •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi), and colonization •apollo pythios (delphi), argive plain •apollo pythios (delphi), elites in •apollo pythios (delphi), reconfiguration of myths and rituals in song •apollo pythios (delphi), apollonios of rhodes Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 137, 138, 172, 198, 318 |
5. Homeric Hymns, To Apollo And The Muses, 225-276, 281, 375-387, 535-539, 541-544, 540 (8th cent. BCE - 8th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 196 | 540. Pray to me as Delphinius; furthermore |
|
6. Hesiod, Theogony, None (8th cent. BCE - 7th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138 | 35. Into my throat that I may eulogize |
|
| 7. Acusilaus, Fragments, 24, 28 (7th cent. BCE - 6th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 137, 176, 276 |
| 8. Pindar, Olympian Odes, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 186 |
| 9. Pindar, Nemean Odes, 1.38-1.42, 5.8-5.13, 6.39-6.40, 7.34-7.35, 7.42-7.50, 7.64-7.65, 7.102-7.103, 8.9-8.12, 10.1-10.20, 10.22-10.24, 10.39-10.42, 10.49-10.50, 11.19, 11.34-11.35 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 130, 167, 172, 176, 178, 182, 193, 194, 199, 200, 240 |
| 10. Pindar, Isthmian Odes, 1.56-1.59, 4.8, 5.34-5.38, 8.64-8.65 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 130, 186 |
| 11. Pindar, Dithyrambi (Poxy. 1604.), None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 131, 162, 169 |
12. Aeschylus, Libation-Bearers, 6, 612 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 91| 612. ἄλλαν δεῖ τινʼ ἐν λόγοις στυγεῖν | 612. And there is in legend another murderous virgin to be loathed, note anchored= |
|
| 13. Aeschylus, Fragments, 168.17 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios in child-rearing sanctuary Found in books: Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 431 |
14. Aeschylus, Persians, 350 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 186| 350. ἀρχὴ δὲ ναυσὶ συμβολῆς τίς ἦν, φράσον· | 350. But the beginning of the encounter of the fleets, tell me about it. Who began the onset? Was it the Hellenes? Or my son, exulting in the multitude of his ships? Messenger |
|
| 15. Aeschylus, Fragments, 168.17 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios in child-rearing sanctuary Found in books: Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 431 |
| 16. Pindar, Paeanes, 6.1-6.73, 6.78-6.183, 7.12-7.18, 9.33-9.49, 18.1-18.4, 18.7-18.8, 21.1, 21.3-21.4, 21.11-21.12, 21.15-21.17 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 9, 171, 172, 173, 174, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 206, 365, 375, 376 |
17. Aeschylus, Suppliant Women, 291-293 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 167, 275| 293. ἦν ὡς μάλιστα, καὶ φάτις πολλὴ κρατεῖ. Χορός | 293. Certainly she was; the tradition prevails far and wide. Chorus |
|
| 18. Bacchylides, Epinicia, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 106 |
| 19. Bacchylides, Fragmenta Ex Operibus Incertis, 11.40-11.127, 17.121-17.132 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 3, 90, 91, 169, 240, 275, 276, 277, 278, 282, 304, 318 |
| 20. Bacchylides, Paeanes, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 160 |
| 21. Hecataeus of Miletus, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 339 |
| 22. Aeschylus, Fragments, 168.17 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios in child-rearing sanctuary Found in books: Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 431 |
| 23. Pindar, Pythian Odes, 4.26, 4.66, 4.69, 5.105-5.107, 6.23-6.25, 10.8, 11.1-11.11, 11.15-11.37 (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) •apollo pythios (delphi), argeia •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi), early fifth-century transformation •apollo pythios (delphi), reconfiguration of myths and rituals in song •apollo pythios (delphi), argonauts •apollo pythios (delphi), apollo tegyraios •apollo pythios (delphi), thilphousaios •apollo pythios (delphi), thourios •apollo pythios (delphi), argive plain Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 130, 178, 183, 194, 365, 375 |
| 24. Pindar, Fragments, None (6th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 375 |
| 25. Euripides, Hecuba, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 199 |
| 26. Plato, Euthyphro, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 218 |
27. Plato, Alcibiades Ii, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 28| 148e. χρὴ μηχανῇ τῶν παρόντων κακῶν ἀποτροπὴν εὑρεῖν, βουλευομένοις αὐτοῖς δοκεῖν κράτιστον εἶναι πέμψαντας πρὸς Ἄμμωνα ἐκεῖνον ἐπερωτᾶν· ἔτι δὲ πρὸς τούτοις τάδε, καὶ ἀνθʼ ὅτου ποτὲ Λακεδαιμονίοις οἱ θεοὶ μᾶλλον νίκην διδόασιν ἢ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς, οἳ πλείστας, φάναι, μὲν θυσίας καὶ καλλίστας τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἄγομεν, ἀναθήμασί τε κεκοσμήκαμεν τὰ ἱερὰ αὐτῶν ὡς οὐδένες ἄλλοι, πομπάς τε πολυτελεστάτας καὶ σεμνοτάτας ἐδωρούμεθα τοῖς θεοῖς ἀνʼ ἕκαστον ἔτος, καὶ | 148e. took counsel together and decided that the best thing they could do was to send and inquire of Ammon ; and moreover, to ask also for what reason the gods granted victory to the Spartans rather than to themselves: for we —such was the message— offer up to them more and finer sacrifices than any of the Greeks, and have adorned their temples with votive emblems as no other people have done, and presented to the gods the costliest and stateliest processions year by year, and spent more money thus than |
|
28. Aristophanes, Acharnians, 1001, 1000 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 115, 170| 1000. ἀκούετε λεῴ: κατὰ τὰ πάτρια τοὺς Χοᾶς | |
|
29. Aristophanes, Knights, 296-297 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 33| 297. νὴ τὸν ̔Ερμῆν τὸν ἀγοραῖον, | |
|
30. Xenophon, Memoirs, 3.8.10 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 260| 3.8.10. ὡς δὲ συνελόντι εἰπεῖν, ὅποι πάσας ὥρας αὐτός τε ἂν ἥδιστα καταφεύγοι καὶ τὰ ὄντα ἀσφαλέστατα τιθοῖτο, αὕτη ἂν εἰκότως ἡδίστη τε καὶ καλλίστη οἴκησις εἴη· γραφαὶ δὲ καὶ ποικιλίαι πλείονας εὐφροσύνας ἀποστεροῦσιν ἢ παρέχουσι. ναοῖς γε μὴν καὶ βωμοῖς χώραν ἔφη εἶναι πρεπωδεστάτην ἥτις ἐμφανεστάτη οὖσα ἀστιβεστάτη εἴη· ἡδὺ μὲν γὰρ ἰδόντας προσεύξασθαι, ἡδὺ δὲ ἁγνῶς ἔχοντας προσιέναι. | 3.8.10. To put it shortly, the house in which the owner can find a pleasant retreat at all seasons and can store his belongings safely is presumably at once the pleasantest and the most beautiful. As for paintings and decorations, they rob one of more delights than they give. For temples and altars the most suitable position, he said, was a conspicuous site remote from traffic; for it is pleasant to breathe a prayer at the sight of them, and pleasant to approach them filled with holy thoughts. |
|
| 31. Xenophon, Hellenica, 1.7.10, 4.3.3-4.3.6, 6.4.7, 6.4.31 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios •apollo pythios (delphi), apollo tegyraios •apollo pythios (delphi), thilphousaios •apollo pythios (delphi), thourios Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 768; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 375; Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 50 |
| 32. Xenophon, Ways And Means, 1.4 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 260 |
| 33. Plato, Gorgias, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 260 |
34. Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 554-556, 403 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 135; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 33| 403. νὴ τὸν Ποσειδῶ τὸν ἁλυκὸν δίκαιά γε. | |
|
| 35. Xenophon, On Horsemanship, 3.2 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 28 |
36. Aristophanes, Wasps, 118 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), apollodorus Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 282| 118. εἶτ' αὐτὸν ἀπέλου κἀκάθαιρ', ὁ δ' οὐ μάλα. | |
|
37. Euripides, Bacchae, 626 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios in child-rearing sanctuary Found in books: Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 431| 626. ἐννέπων, ἅπας δʼ ἐν ἔργῳ δοῦλος ἦν, μάτην πονῶν. | |
|
38. Euripides, Electra, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 174| 169. σὰν ἀγρότειραν αὐλάν. | |
|
| 39. Euripides, Epigrams, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 199 |
40. Xenophon, The Persian Expedition, 3.2.12 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 125, 195, 219| 3.2.12. καὶ εὐξάμενοι τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι ὁπόσους κατακάνοιεν τῶν πολεμίων τοσαύτας χιμαίρας καταθύσειν τῇ θεῷ, ἐπεὶ οὐκ εἶχον ἱκανὰς εὑρεῖν, ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν πεντακοσίας θύειν, καὶ ἔτι νῦν ἀποθύουσιν. | 3.2.12. And while they had vowed to Artemis that for every man they might slay of the enemy they would sacrifice a goat to the goddess, they were unable to find goats enough; According to Herodotus ( Hdt. 6.117 ) the Persian dead numbered 6,400. so they resolved to offer five hundred every year, and this sacrifice they are paying even to this day. |
|
| 41. Euripides, Ion, 1526 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 33 |
| 42. Isocrates, Orations, 8.126 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios •first-fruits (ἀπαρχή), of apollo pythios Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 27 |
| 43. Plato, Laws, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 170 |
| 44. Xenophon, On Household Management, 5.3 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 260 |
45. Thucydides, The History of The Peloponnesian War, 1.2.3, 1.4, 1.8, 1.25.4, 1.27, 1.105, 1.126.1, 2.15.3-2.15.4, 2.22.2-2.22.3, 2.56.5, 2.80.5, 2.81.4, 2.102.5-2.102.6, 3.104, 4.45.2, 4.118.4, 4.133, 5.11.1, 5.27-5.28, 5.40-5.41, 5.44, 5.53-5.54, 5.54.2, 5.56.1-5.56.2, 5.57, 5.69, 5.75.2, 5.82, 5.83.3, 6.4.3, 8.3.2, 8.33.1 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), apollonios of rhodes •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi), apollodorus •apollo pythios (delphi) •apollo pythios sanctuary of •apollo, pythios •apollo pythios (delphi), apollonia, zeus dodonaios at •apollo pythios (delphi), and colonization •apollo pythios (delphi), archidamian war •apollo pythios (delphi), argive plain •apollo pythios (delphi), competing claims to •apollo pythios (delphi), cultic landscape of •apollo pythios (delphi), eastern vs. western plain •apollo pythios (delphi), early fifth-century transformation •apollo pythios (delphi), elites in •apollo pythios (delphi), reconfiguration of myths and rituals in song •apollo pythios (delphi), thearios •apollo pythios (delphi), dorianization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 91, 111, 138, 142, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 152, 154, 157, 161, 163, 164, 167, 173, 179, 180, 193, 240, 241, 339; Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 50; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 55| 1.2.3. μάλιστα δὲ τῆς γῆς ἡ ἀρίστη αἰεὶ τὰς μεταβολὰς τῶν οἰκητόρων εἶχεν, ἥ τε νῦν Θεσσαλία καλουμένη καὶ Βοιωτία Πελοποννήσου τε τὰ πολλὰ πλὴν Ἀρκαδίας, τῆς τε ἄλλης ὅσα ἦν κράτιστα. 1.25.4. οὔτε γὰρ ἐν πανηγύρεσι ταῖς κοιναῖς διδόντες γέρα τὰ νομιζόμενα οὔτε Κορινθίῳ ἀνδρὶ προκαταρχόμενοι τῶν ἱερῶν ὥσπερ αἱ ἄλλαι ἀποικίαι, περιφρονοῦντες δὲ αὐτοὺς καὶ χρημάτων δυνάμει ὄντες κατ’ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ὁμοῖα τοῖς Ἑλλήνων πλουσιωτάτοις καὶ τῇ ἐς πόλεμον παρασκευῇ δυνατώτεροι, ναυτικῷ δὲ καὶ πολὺ προύχειν ἔστιν ὅτε ἐπαιρόμενοι καὶ κατὰ τὴν Φαιάκων προενοίκησιν τῆς Κερκύρας κλέος ἐχόντων τὰ περὶ τὰς ναῦς ʽᾗ καὶ μᾶλλον ἐξηρτύοντο τὸ ναυτικὸν καὶ ἦσαν οὐκ ἀδύνατοι: τριήρεις γὰρ εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν ὑπῆρχον αὐτοῖς ὅτε ἤρχοντο πολεμεῖν̓, 1.126.1. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ἐπρεσβεύοντο τῷ χρόνῳ πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐγκλήματα ποιούμενοι, ὅπως σφίσιν ὅτι μεγίστη πρόφασις εἴη τοῦ πολεμεῖν, ἢν μή τι ἐσακούωσιν. 2.15.3. τὸ δὲ πρὸ τοῦ ἡ ἀκρόπολις ἡ νῦν οὖσα πόλις ἦν, καὶ τὸ ὑπ’ αὐτὴν πρὸς νότον μάλιστα τετραμμένον. 2.15.4. τεκμήριον δέ: τὰ γὰρ ἱερὰ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ ἀκροπόλει † καὶ ἄλλων θεῶν ἐστὶ καὶ τὰ ἔξω πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος τῆς πόλεως μᾶλλον ἵδρυται, τό τε τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Ὀλυμπίου καὶ τὸ Πύθιον καὶ τὸ τῆς Γῆς καὶ τὸ <τοῦ> ἐν Λίμναις Διονύσου, ᾧ τὰ ἀρχαιότερα Διονύσια [τῇ δωδεκάτῃ] ποιεῖται ἐν μηνὶ Ἀνθεστηριῶνι, ὥσπερ καὶ οἱ ἀπ’ Ἀθηναίων Ἴωνες ἔτι καὶ νῦν νομίζουσιν. ἵδρυται δὲ καὶ ἄλλα ἱερὰ ταύτῃ ἀρχαῖα. 2.22.2. ἱππέας μέντοι ἐξέπεμπεν αἰεὶ τοῦ μὴ προδρόμους ἀπὸ τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐσπίπτοντας ἐς τοὺς ἀγροὺς τοὺς ἐγγὺς τῆς πόλεως κακουργεῖν: καὶ ἱππομαχία τις ἐγένετο βραχεῖα ἐν Φρυγίοις τῶν τε Ἀθηναίων τέλει ἑνὶ τῶν ἱππέων καὶ Θεσσαλοῖς μετ’ αὐτῶν πρὸς τοὺς Βοιωτῶν ἱππέας, ἐν ᾗ οὐκ ἔλασσον ἔσχον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Θεσσαλοί, μέχρι οὗ προσβοηθησάντων τοῖς Βοιωτοῖς τῶν ὁπλιτῶν τροπὴ ἐγένετο αὐτῶν καὶ ἀπέθανον τῶν Θεσσαλῶν καὶ Ἀθηναίων οὐ πολλοί: ἀνείλοντο μέντοι αὐτοὺς αὐθημερὸν ἀσπόνδους. 2.22.3. καὶ οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι τροπαῖον τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ἔστησαν. ἡ δὲ βοήθεια αὕτη τῶν Θεσσαλῶν κατὰ τὸ παλαιὸν ξυμμαχικὸν ἐγένετο τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, καὶ ἀφίκοντο παρ’ αὐτοὺς Λαρισαῖοι, Φαρσάλιοι, [Παράσιοι], Κραννώνιοι, Πυράσιοι, Γυρτώνιοι, Φεραῖοι. ἡγοῦντο δὲ αὐτῶν ἐκ μὲν Λαρίσης Πολυμήδης καὶ Ἀριστόνους, ἀπὸ τῆς στάσεως ἑκάτερος, ἐκ δὲ Φαρσάλου Μένων: ἦσαν δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων κατὰ πόλεις ἄρχοντες. 2.56.5. ἀναγαγόμενοι δὲ ἐκ τῆς Ἐπιδαύρου ἔτεμον τήν τε Τροιζηνίδα γῆν καὶ Ἁλιάδα καὶ Ἑρμιονίδα: ἔστι δὲ ταῦτα πάντα ἐπιθαλάσσια τῆς Πελοποννήσου. 2.80.5. καὶ αὐτῷ παρῆσαν Ἑλλήνων μὲν Ἀμπρακιῶται καὶ Λευκάδιοι καὶ Ἀνακτόριοι καὶ οὓς αὐτὸς ἔχων ἦλθε χίλιοι Πελοποννησίων, βάρβαροι δὲ Χάονες χίλιοι ἀβασίλευτοι, ὧν ἡγοῦντο ἐπετησίῳ προστατείᾳ ἐκ τοῦ ἀρχικοῦ γένους Φώτιος καὶ Νικάνωρ. ξυνεστρατεύοντο δὲ μετὰ Χαόνων καὶ Θεσπρωτοὶ ἀβασίλευτοι. 2.81.4. καὶ οἱ μὲν Ἕλληνες τεταγμένοι τε προσῇσαν καὶ διὰ φυλακῆς ἔχοντες, ἕως ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο ἐν ἐπιτηδείῳ: οἱ δὲ Χάονες σφίσι τε αὐτοῖς πιστεύοντες καὶ ἀξιούμενοι ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκείνῃ ἠπειρωτῶν μαχιμώτατοι εἶναι οὔτε ἐπέσχον τὸ στρατόπεδον καταλαβεῖν, χωρήσαντές τε ῥύμῃ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων βαρβάρων ἐνόμισαν αὐτοβοεὶ ἂν τὴν πόλιν ἑλεῖν καὶ αὑτῶν τὸ ἔργον γενέσθαι. 2.102.5. ἐρῆμοι δ’ εἰσὶ καὶ οὐ μεγάλαι. λέγεται δὲ καὶ Ἀλκμέωνι τῷ Ἀμφιάρεω, ὅτε δὴ ἀλᾶσθαι αὐτὸν μετὰ τὸν φόνον τῆς μητρός, τὸν Ἀπόλλω ταύτην τὴν γῆν χρῆσαι οἰκεῖν, ὑπειπόντα οὐκ εἶναι λύσιν τῶν δειμάτων πρὶν ἂν εὑρὼν ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ χώρᾳ κατοικίσηται ἥτις ὅτε ἔκτεινε τὴν μητέρα μήπω ὑπὸ ἡλίου ἑωρᾶτο μηδὲ γῆ ἦν, ὡς τῆς γε ἄλλης αὐτῷ μεμιασμένης. 2.102.6. ὁ δ’ ἀπορῶν, ὥς φασι, μόλις κατενόησε τὴν πρόσχωσιν ταύτην τοῦ Ἀχελῴου, καὶ ἐδόκει αὐτῷ ἱκανὴ ἂν κεχῶσθαι δίαιτα τῷ σώματι ἀφ’ οὗπερ κτείνας τὴν μητέρα οὐκ ὀλίγον χρόνον ἐπλανᾶτο. καὶ κατοικισθεὶς ἐς τοὺς περὶ Οἰνιάδας τόπους ἐδυνάστευσέ τε καὶ ἀπὸ Ἀκαρνᾶνος παιδὸς ἑαυτοῦ τῆς χώρας τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ἐγκατέλιπεν. τὰ μὲν περὶ Ἀλκμέωνα τοιαῦτα λεγόμενα παρελάβομεν. 4.45.2. τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ παραπλεύσαντες ἐς τὴν Ἐπιδαυρίαν πρῶτον καὶ ἀπόβασίν τινα ποιησάμενοι ἀφίκοντο ἐς Μέθανα τὴν μεταξὺ Ἐπιδαύρου καὶ Τροιζῆνος, καὶ ἀπολαβόντες τὸν τῆς χερσονήσου ἰσθμὸν ἐτείχισαν, [ἐν ᾧ ἡ Μεθώνη ἐστί,] καὶ φρούριον καταστησάμενοι ἐλῄστευον τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον τήν τε Τροιζηνίαν γῆν καὶ Ἁλιάδα καὶ Ἐπιδαυρίαν. ταῖς δὲ ναυσίν, ἐπειδὴ ἐξετείχισαν τὸ χωρίον, ἀπέπλευσαν ἐπ’ οἴκου. 4.118.4. περὶ μὲν οὖν τούτων ἔδοξε Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ξυμμάχοις κατὰ ταῦτα: τάδε δὲ ἔδοξε Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ξυμμάχοις ἐὰν σπονδὰς ποιῶνται οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῶν μένειν ἑκατέρους ἔχοντας ἅπερ νῦν ἔχομεν, τοὺς μὲν ἐν τῷ Κορυφασίῳ ἐντὸς τῆς Βουφράδος καὶ τοῦ Τομέως μένοντας, τοὺς δὲ ἐν Κυθήροις μὴ ἐπιμισγομένους ἐς τὴν ξυμμαχίαν, μήτε ἡμᾶς πρὸς αὐτοὺς μήτε αὐτοὺς πρὸς ἡμᾶς, τοὺς δ’ ἐν Νισαίᾳ καὶ Μινῴᾳ μὴ ὑπερβαίνοντας τὴν ὁδὸν τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν πυλῶν τῶν παρὰ τοῦ Νίσου ἐπὶ τὸ Ποσειδώνιον, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Ποσειδωνίου εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν γέφυραν τὴν ἐς Μινῴαν ʽμηδὲ Μεγαρέας καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ὑπερβαίνειν τὴν ὁδὸν ταύτην’ καὶ τὴν νῆσον, ἥνπερ ἔλαβον οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ἔχοντας, μηδὲ ἐπιμισγομένους μηδετέρους μηδετέρωσε, καὶ τὰ ἐν Τροιζῆνι, ὅσαπερ νῦν ἔχουσι, καθ’ ἃ ξυνέθεντο πρὸς Ἀθηναίους: 5.11.1. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τὸν Βρασίδαν οἱ ξύμμαχοι πάντες ξὺν ὅπλοις ἐπισπόμενοι δημοσίᾳ ἔθαψαν ἐν τῇ πόλει πρὸ τῆς νῦν ἀγορᾶς οὔσης: καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν οἱ Ἀμφιπολῖται, περιείρξαντες αὐτοῦ τὸ μνημεῖον, ὡς ἥρωί τε ἐντέμνουσι καὶ τιμὰς δεδώκασιν ἀγῶνας καὶ ἐτησίους θυσίας, καὶ τὴν ἀποικίαν ὡς οἰκιστῇ προσέθεσαν, καταβαλόντες τὰ Ἁγνώνεια οἰκοδομήματα καὶ ἀφανίσαντες εἴ τι μνημόσυνόν που ἔμελλεν αὐτοῦ τῆς οἰκίσεως περιέσεσθαι, νομίσαντες τὸν μὲν Βρασίδαν σωτῆρά τε σφῶν γεγενῆσθαι καὶ ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἅμα τὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ξυμμαχίαν φόβῳ τῶν Ἀθηναίων θεραπεύοντες, τὸν δὲ Ἅγνωνα κατὰ τὸ πολέμιον τῶν Ἀθηναίων οὐκ ἂν ὁμοίως σφίσι ξυμφόρως οὐδ’ ἂν ἡδέως τὰς τιμὰς ἔχειν. 5.54.2. ὡς δ’ αὐτοῖς τὰ διαβατήρια θυομένοις οὐ προυχώρει, αὐτοί τε ἀπῆλθον ἐπ’ οἴκου καὶ τοῖς ξυμμάχοις περιήγγειλαν μετὰ τὸν μέλλοντα ʽΚαρνεῖος δ’ ἦν μήν, ἱερομηνία Δωριεῦσἰ παρασκευάζεσθαι ὡς στρατευσομένους. 5.56.1. τοῦ δ’ ἐπιγιγνομένου χειμῶνος Λακεδαιμόνιοι λαθόντες Ἀθηναίους φρουρούς τε τριακοσίους καὶ Ἀγησιππίδαν ἄρχοντα κατὰ θάλασσαν ἐς Ἐπίδαυρον ἐσέπεμψαν. 5.56.2. Ἀργεῖοι δ’ ἐλθόντες παρ’ Ἀθηναίους ἐπεκάλουν ὅτι γεγραμμένον ἐν ταῖς σπονδαῖς διὰ τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἑκάστους μὴ ἐᾶν πολεμίους διιέναι ἐάσειαν κατὰ θάλασσαν παραπλεῦσαι: καὶ εἰ μὴ κἀκεῖνοι ἐς Πύλον κομιοῦσιν ἐπὶ Λακεδαιμονίους τοὺς Μεσσηνίους καὶ Εἵλωτας, ἀδικήσεσθαι αὐτοί. 5.75.2. καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ Κορίνθου καὶ ἔξω Ἰσθμοῦ ξυμμάχους ἀπέστρεψαν πέμψαντες οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀναχωρήσαντες καὶ τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἀφέντες ʽΚάρνεια γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἐτύγχανον ὄντἀ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἦγον. 5.83.3. ἐστράτευσαν δὲ μετὰ τοῦτο καὶ Ἀργεῖοι ἐς τὴν Φλειασίαν καὶ δῃώσαντες ἀπῆλθον, ὅτι σφῶν τοὺς φυγάδας ὑπεδέχοντο: οἱ γὰρ πολλοὶ αὐτῶν ἐνταῦθα κατῴκηντο. 6.4.3. Γέλαν δὲ Ἀντίφημος ἐκ Ῥόδου καὶ Ἔντιμος ἐκ Κρήτης ἐποίκους ἀγαγόντες κοινῇ ἔκτισαν, ἔτει πέμπτῳ καὶ τεσσαρακοστῷ μετὰ Συρακουσῶν οἴκισιν. καὶ τῇ μὲν πόλει ἀπὸ τοῦ Γέλα ποταμοῦ τοὔνομα ἐγένετο, τὸ δὲ χωρίον οὗ νῦν ἡ πόλις ἐστὶ καὶ ὃ πρῶτον ἐτειχίσθη Λίνδιοι καλεῖται: νόμιμα δὲ Δωρικὰ ἐτέθη αὐτοῖς. 8.3.2. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ τὴν πρόσταξιν ταῖς πόλεσιν ἑκατὸν νεῶν τῆς ναυπηγίας ἐποιοῦντο, καὶ ἑαυτοῖς μὲν καὶ Βοιωτοῖς πέντε καὶ εἴκοσιν ἑκατέροις ἔταξαν, Φωκεῦσι δὲ καὶ Λοκροῖς πέντε καὶ δέκα, καὶ Κορινθίοις πέντε καὶ δέκα, Ἀρκάσι δὲ καὶ Πελληνεῦσι καὶ Σικυωνίοις δέκα, Μεγαρεῦσι δὲ καὶ Τροιζηνίοις καὶ Ἐπιδαυρίοις καὶ Ἑρμιονεῦσι δέκα: τά τε ἄλλα παρεσκευάζοντο ὡς εὐθὺς πρὸς τὸ ἔαρ ἑξόμενοι τοῦ πολέμου. 8.33.1. κἀκεῖνος λαβὼν τάς τε τῶν Κορινθίων πέντε καὶ ἕκτην Μεγαρίδα καὶ μίαν Ἑρμιονίδα καὶ ἃς αὐτὸς Λακωνικὰς ἔχων ἦλθεν, ἔπλει ἐπὶ τῆς Μιλήτου πρὸς τὴν ναυαρχίαν, πολλὰ ἀπειλήσας τοῖς Χίοις ἦ μὴν μὴ ἐπιβοηθήσειν, ἤν τι δέωνται. | 1.2.3. The richest soils were always most subject to this change of masters; such as the district now called Thessaly , Boeotia , most of the Peloponnese , Arcadia excepted, and the most fertile parts of the rest of Hellas . 1.25.4. Instead of meeting with the usual honors accorded to the parent city by every other colony at public assemblies, such as precedence at sacrifices, Corinth found herself treated with contempt by a power, which in point of wealth could stand comparison with any even of the richest communities in Hellas , which possessed great military strength, and which sometimes could not repress a pride in the high naval position of an island whose nautical renown dated from the days of its old inhabitants, the Phaeacians. This was one reason of the care that they lavished on their fleet, which became very efficient; indeed they began the war with a force of a hundred and twenty galleys. 1.126.1. This interval was spent in sending embassies to Athens charged with complaints, in order to obtain as good a pretext for war as possible, in the event of her paying no attention to them. 2.15.3. Before this the city consisted of the present citadel and the district beneath it looking rather towards the south. 2.15.4. This is shown by the fact that the temples the other deities, besides that of Athena, are in the citadel; and even those that are outside it are mostly situated in this quarter of the city, as that of the Olympian Zeus, of the Pythian Apollo, of Earth, and of Dionysus in the Marshes, the same in whose honor the older Dionysia are to this day celebrated in the month of Anthesterion not only by the Athenians but also by their Ionian descendants. 2.22.2. though he constantly sent out cavalry to prevent raids on the lands near the city from flying parties of the enemy. There was a trifling affair at Phrygia between a squadron of the Athenian horse with the Thessalians and the Boeotian cavalry; in which the former had rather the best of it, until the heavy infantry advanced to the support of the Boeotians, when the Thessalians and Athenians were routed and lost a few men, whose bodies, however, were recovered the same day without a truce. The next day the Peloponnesians set up a trophy. 2.22.3. Ancient alliance brought the Thessalians to the aid of Athens ; those who came being the Larisaeans, Pharsalians, Cranonians, Pyrasians, Gyrtonians, and Pheraeans. The Larisaean commanders were Polymedes and Aristonus, two party leaders in Larisa ; the Pharsalian general was Menon; each of the other cities had also its own commander. 2.56.5. Putting out from Epidaurus , they laid waste the territory of Troezen , Halieis , and Hermione , all towns on the coast of Peloponnese , 2.80.5. The Hellenic troops with him consisted of the Ambraciots, Leucadians, and Anactorians, and the thousand Peloponnesians with whom he came; the barbarian of a thousand Chaonians, who, belonging to a nation that has no king, were led by Photius and Nicanor, the two members of the royal family to whom the chieftainship for that year had been confided. With the Chaonians came also some Thesprotians, like them without a king, 2.81.4. The Hellenes advanced in good order, keeping a look-out till they encamped in a good position; but the Chaonians, filled with self-confidence, and having the highest character for courage among the tribes of that part of the continent, without waiting to occupy their camp, rushed on with the rest of the barbarians, in the idea that they should take the town by assault and obtain the sole glory of the enterprise. 2.102.5. The islands in question are uninhabited and of no great size. There is also a story that Alcmaeon, son of Amphiaraus, during his wanderings after the murder of his mother was bidden by Apollo to inhabit this spot, through an oracle which intimated that he would have no release from his terrors until he should find a country to dwell in which had not been seen by the sun; or existed as land at the time he slew his mother; all else being to him polluted ground. 2.102.6. Perplexed at this, the story goes on to say, he at last observed this deposit of the Achelous, and considered that a place sufficient to support life upon, might have been thrown up during the long interval that had elapsed since the death of his mother and the beginning of his wanderings. Settling, therefore, in the district round Oeniadae, he founded a dominion, and left the country its name from his son Acar. Such is the story we have received concerning Alcmaeon. 4.45.2. The next day, after first coasting along to the territory of Epidaurus and making a descent there, they came to Methana between Epidaurus and Troezen , and drew a wall across and fortified the isthmus of the peninsula, and left a post there from which incursions were henceforth made upon the country of Troezen , Haliae, and Epidaurus . After walling off this spot the fleet sailed off home. 4.118.4. As to these points the Lacedaemonians and the other allies are agreed as has been said. 3. As to what follows, the Lacedaemonians and the other allies agree, if the Athenians conclude a treaty, to remain, each of us in our own territory, retaining our respective acquisitions; the garrison in Coryphasium keeping within Buphras and Tomeus; that in Cythera attempting no communication with the Peloponnesian confederacy, neither we with them, or they with us; that in Nisaea and Minoa not crossing the road leading from the gates of the temple of Nisus to that of Poseidon and from thence straight to the bridge at Minoa ; the Megarians and the allies being equally bound not to cross this road, and the Athenians retaining the island they have taken, without any communication on either side; as to Troezen , each side retaining what it has, and as was arranged with the Athenians. 5.11.1. After this all the allies attended in arms and buried Brasidas at the public expense in the city, in front of what is now the market-place, and the Amphipolitans having enclosed his tomb, ever afterwards sacrifice to him as a hero and have given to him the honor of games and annual offerings. They constituted him the founder of their colony, and pulled down the Hagnonic erections and obliterated everything that could be interpreted as a memorial of his having founded the place; for they considered that Brasidas had been their preserver and courting as they did the alliance of Lacedaemon for fear of Athens , in their present hostile relations with the latter they could no longer with the same advantage or satisfaction pay Hagnon his honors. 5.54.2. The sacrifices, however, for crossing the frontier not proving propitious, the Lacedaemonians returned home themselves, and sent word to the allies to be ready to march after the month ensuing, which happened to be the month of Carneus, a holy time for the Dorians. 5.56.1. The next winter the Lacedaemonians managed to elude the vigilance of the Athenians, and sent in a garrison of three hundred men to Epidaurus , under the command of Agesippidas. 5.56.2. Upon this the Argives went to the Athenians and complained of their having allowed an enemy to pass by sea, in spite of the clause in the treaty by which the allies were not to allow an enemy to pass through their country. Unless, therefore, they now put the Messenians and Helots in Pylos to annoy the Lacedaemonians, they, the Argives, should consider that faith had not been kept with them. 5.75.2. The Lacedaemonians also sent and turned back the allies from Corinth and from beyond the Isthmus, and returning themselves dismissed their allies, and kept the Carnean holidays, which happened to be at that time. 5.83.3. After this the Argives marched into Phlius and plundered it for harboring their exiles, most of whom had settled there, and so returned home. 6.4.3. Gela was founded by Antiphemus from Rhodes and Entimus from Crete, who joined in leading a colony thither, in the forty-fifth year after the foundation of Syracuse . The town took its name from the river Gelas, the place where the citadel now stands, and which was first fortified, being called Lindii. The institutions which they adopted were Dorian. 8.3.2. The Lacedaemonians now issued a requisition to the cities for building a hundred ships, fixing their own quota and that of the Boeotians at twenty-five each; that of the Phocians and Locrians together at fifteen; that of the Corinthians at fifteen; that of the Arcadians, Pellenians, and Sicyonians together at ten; and that of the Megarians, Troezenians, Epidaurians, and Hermionians together at ten also; and meanwhile made every other preparation for commencing hostilities by the spring. 8.33.1. Upon this Astyochus took five Corinthian and one Megarian vessel, with another from Hermione , and the ships which had come with him from Laconia , and set sail for Miletus to assume his command as admiral; after telling the Chians with many threats that he would certainly not come and help them if they should be in need. |
|
| 46. Sophocles, Philoctetes, 335, 334 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 186 |
| 47. Plato, Statesman, None (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 59, 218 |
| 48. Isaeus, Orations, 7.40 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 28 |
| 49. Lysias, Fragments, 26.6-26.8 (5th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 58, 170 |
| 50. Sophocles, Electra, 674 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argive plain •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi), reconfiguration of myths and rituals in song •apollo pythios (delphi), tragedies set in Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 176 |
| 51. Euripides, Trojan Women, None (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 199 |
| 52. Euripides, Phoenician Women, 202-203 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138 |
| 53. Sophocles, Women of Trachis, 1152, 1151 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 173 |
| 54. Sophocles, Antigone, 998 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), apollo tegyraios •apollo pythios (delphi), thilphousaios •apollo pythios (delphi), thourios Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 376 |
| 55. Euripides, Alcestis, 838-839 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 171 |
56. Herodotus, Histories, 1.56-1.58, 1.65-1.67, 1.82, 1.145-1.146, 1.182, 2.151-2.154, 2.159, 2.163, 2.169, 2.171, 2.182, 3.47, 3.122.2, 3.131, 4.32-4.35, 4.35.4, 4.145-4.146, 4.150-4.153, 5.41, 5.49.3, 5.59-5.61, 5.67, 5.92-5.95, 6.8, 6.53-6.55, 6.77-6.83, 6.97, 6.117, 7.2, 7.18, 7.94, 7.99, 7.132, 7.137, 7.148-7.153, 7.172-7.174, 7.202, 8.1.2, 8.46, 8.72-8.73, 8.133-8.135, 9.7.2, 9.23.3, 9.28, 9.34, 9.93.1 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi), argive plain •apollo pythios (delphi), reconfiguration of myths and rituals in song •apollo pythios (delphi), apollonios of rhodes •apollo pythios (delphi), arge (hyperborean girl) •apollo pythios (delphi), apoikiai to karia and lykia •apollo pythios (delphi), dorianization •divinities (greek and roman), apollo pythios •apollo pythios (delphi), apries •apollo pythios (delphi), eastern vs. western plain •apollo pythios (delphi), apollodorus •apollo pythios (delphi), early fifth-century transformation •apollo pythios (delphi), musical traditions of •apollo pythios (delphi), argonauts •apollo pythios (delphi), and colonization •apollo pythios (delphi), apollo tegyraios •apollo pythios (delphi), thilphousaios •apollo pythios (delphi), thourios •apollo pythios (delphi), competing claims to •apollo pythios (delphi), cultic landscape of •apollo pythios (delphi), elites in •apollo, pythios •apollo pythios (delphi) •apollo pythios (delphi), tragedies set in •apollo pythios (delphi), apollonia, zeus dodonaios at Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 90, 91, 123, 129, 132, 135, 138, 139, 142, 147, 150, 151, 152, 153, 155, 156, 157, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 169, 170, 177, 178, 196, 206, 232, 240, 241, 277, 339, 365, 375, 376; Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 50; Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 125; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 567 | 1.56. When he heard these verses, Croesus was pleased with them above all, for he thought that a mule would never be king of the Medes instead of a man, and therefore that he and his posterity would never lose his empire. Then he sought very carefully to discover who the mightiest of the Greeks were, whom he should make his friends. ,He found by inquiry that the chief peoples were the Lacedaemonians among those of Doric, and the Athenians among those of Ionic stock. These races, Ionian and Dorian, were the foremost in ancient time, the first a Pelasgian and the second a Hellenic people. The Pelasgian race has never yet left its home; the Hellenic has wandered often and far. ,For in the days of king Deucalion it inhabited the land of Phthia , then the country called Histiaean, under Ossa and Olympus , in the time of Dorus son of Hellen; driven from this Histiaean country by the Cadmeans, it settled about Pindus in the territory called Macedonian; from there again it migrated to Dryopia, and at last came from Dryopia into the Peloponnese , where it took the name of Dorian. 1.57. What language the Pelasgians spoke I cannot say definitely. But if one may judge by those that still remain of the Pelasgians who live above the Tyrrheni in the city of Creston —who were once neighbors of the people now called Dorians, and at that time inhabited the country which now is called Thessalian— ,and of the Pelasgians who inhabited Placia and Scylace on the Hellespont , who came to live among the Athenians, and by other towns too which were once Pelasgian and afterwards took a different name: if, as I said, one may judge by these, the Pelasgians spoke a language which was not Greek. ,If, then, all the Pelasgian stock spoke so, then the Attic nation, being of Pelasgian blood, must have changed its language too at the time when it became part of the Hellenes. For the people of Creston and Placia have a language of their own in common, which is not the language of their neighbors; and it is plain that they still preserve the manner of speech which they brought with them in their migration into the places where they live. 1.58. But the Hellenic stock, it seems clear to me, has always had the same language since its beginning; yet being, when separated from the Pelasgians, few in number, they have grown from a small beginning to comprise a multitude of nations, chiefly because the Pelasgians and many other foreign peoples united themselves with them. Before that, I think, the Pelasgic stock nowhere increased much in number while it was of foreign speech. 1.65. So Croesus learned that at that time such problems were oppressing the Athenians, but that the Lacedaemonians had escaped from the great evils and had mastered the Tegeans in war. In the kingship of Leon and Hegesicles at Sparta , the Lacedaemonians were successful in all their other wars but met disaster only against the Tegeans. ,Before this they had been the worst-governed of nearly all the Hellenes and had had no dealings with strangers, but they changed to good government in this way: Lycurgus, a man of reputation among the Spartans, went to the oracle at Delphi . As soon as he entered the hall, the priestess said in hexameter: , quote type="oracle" l met="dact" You have come to my rich temple, Lycurgus, /l l A man dear to Zeus and to all who have Olympian homes. /l l I am in doubt whether to pronounce you man or god, /l l But I think rather you are a god, Lycurgus. /l /quote ,Some say that the Pythia also declared to him the constitution that now exists at Sparta , but the Lacedaemonians themselves say that Lycurgus brought it from Crete when he was guardian of his nephew Leobetes, the Spartan king. ,Once he became guardian, he changed all the laws and took care that no one transgressed the new ones. Lycurgus afterwards established their affairs of war: the sworn divisions, the bands of thirty, the common meals; also the ephors and the council of elders. 1.66. Thus they changed their bad laws to good ones, and when Lycurgus died they built him a temple and now worship him greatly. Since they had good land and many men, they immediately flourished and prospered. They were not content to live in peace, but, confident that they were stronger than the Arcadians, asked the oracle at Delphi about gaining all the Arcadian land. ,She replied in hexameter: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" You ask me for Arcadia ? You ask too much; I grant it not. /l l There are many men in Arcadia , eaters of acorns, /l l Who will hinder you. But I grudge you not. /l l I will give you Tegea to beat with your feet in dancing, /l l And its fair plain to measure with a rope. /l /quote ,When the Lacedaemonians heard the oracle reported, they left the other Arcadians alone and marched on Tegea carrying chains, relying on the deceptive oracle. They were confident they would enslave the Tegeans, but they were defeated in battle. ,Those taken alive were bound in the very chains they had brought with them, and they measured the Tegean plain with a rope by working the fields. The chains in which they were bound were still preserved in my day, hanging up at the temple of Athena Alea. 1.67. In the previous war the Lacedaemonians continually fought unsuccessfully against the Tegeans, but in the time of Croesus and the kingship of Anaxandrides and Ariston in Lacedaemon the Spartans had gained the upper hand. This is how: ,when they kept being defeated by the Tegeans, they sent ambassadors to Delphi to ask which god they should propitiate to prevail against the Tegeans in war. The Pythia responded that they should bring back the bones of Orestes, son of Agamemnon. ,When they were unable to discover Orestes' tomb, they sent once more to the god to ask where he was buried. The Pythia responded in hexameter to the messengers: , quote type="oracle" l met="dact" There is a place Tegea in the smooth plain of Arcadia , /l l Where two winds blow under strong compulsion. /l l Blow lies upon blow, woe upon woe. /l l There the life-giving earth covers the son of Agamemnon. /l l Bring him back, and you shall be lord of Tegea . /l /quote ,When the Lacedaemonians heard this, they were no closer to discovery, though they looked everywhere. Finally it was found by Lichas, who was one of the Spartans who are called “doers of good deeds.”. These men are those citizens who retire from the knights, the five oldest each year. They have to spend the year in which they retire from the knights being sent here and there by the Spartan state, never resting in their efforts. 1.82. So he sent to the Lacedaemonians as well as to the rest of the allies. Now at this very time the Spartans themselves were feuding with the Argives over the country called Thyrea; ,for this was a part of the Argive territory which the Lacedaemonians had cut off and occupied. (All the land towards the west, as far as Malea, belonged then to the Argives, and not only the mainland, but the island of Cythera and the other islands.) ,The Argives came out to save their territory from being cut off, then after debate the two armies agreed that three hundred of each side should fight, and whichever party won would possess the land. The rest of each army was to go away to its own country and not be present at the battle, since, if the armies remained on the field, the men of either party might render assistance to their comrades if they saw them losing. ,Having agreed, the armies drew off, and picked men of each side remained and fought. Neither could gain advantage in the battle; at last, only three out of the six hundred were left, Alcenor and Chromios of the Argives, Othryades of the Lacedaemonians: these three were left alive at nightfall. ,Then the two Argives, believing themselves victors, ran to Argos ; but Othryades the Lacedaemonian, after stripping the Argive dead and taking the arms to his camp, waited at his position. On the second day both armies came to learn the issue. ,For a while both claimed the victory, the Argives arguing that more of their men had survived, the Lacedaemonians showing that the Argives had fled, while their man had stood his ground and stripped the enemy dead. ,At last from arguing they fell to fighting; many of both sides fell, but the Lacedaemonians gained the victory. The Argives, who before had worn their hair long by fixed custom, shaved their heads ever after and made a law, with a curse added to it, that no Argive grow his hair, and no Argive woman wear gold, until they recovered Thyreae; ,and the Lacedaemonians made a contrary law, that they wear their hair long ever after; for until now they had not worn it so. Othryades, the lone survivor of the three hundred, was ashamed, it is said, to return to Sparta after all the men of his company had been killed, and killed himself on the spot at Thyreae. 1.145. As for the Ionians, the reason why they made twelve cities and would admit no more was in my judgment this: there were twelve divisions of them when they dwelt in the Peloponnese , just as there are twelve divisions of the Achaeans who drove the Ionians out— Pellene nearest to Sicyon ; then Aegira and Aegae , where is the never-failing river Crathis, from which the river in Italy took its name; Bura and Helice , where the Ionians fled when they were worsted in battle by the Achaeans; Aegion; Rhype; Patrae ; Phareae; and Olenus , where is the great river Pirus; Dyme and Tritaeae, the only inland city of all these—these were the twelve divisions of the Ionians, as they are now of the Achaeans. 1.146. For this reason, and for no other, the Ionians too made twelve cities; for it would be foolishness to say that these are more truly Ionian or better born than the other Ionians; since not the least part of them are Abantes from Euboea , who are not Ionians even in name, and there are mingled with them Minyans of Orchomenus , Cadmeans, Dryopians, Phocian renegades from their nation, Molossians, Pelasgian Arcadians, Dorians of Epidaurus , and many other tribes; ,and as for those who came from the very town-hall of Athens and think they are the best born of the Ionians, these did not bring wives with them to their settlements, but married Carian women whose parents they had put to death. ,For this slaughter, these women made a custom and bound themselves by oath (and enjoined it on their daughters) that no one would sit at table with her husband or call him by his name, because the men had married them after slaying their fathers and husbands and sons. This happened at Miletus . 1.182. These same Chaldaeans say (though I do not believe them) that the god himself is accustomed to visit the shrine and rest on the couch, as in Thebes of Egypt , as the Egyptians say ,(for there too a woman sleeps in the temple of Theban Zeus, and neither the Egyptian nor the Babylonian woman, it is said, has intercourse with men), and as does the prophetess of the god at Patara in Lycia , whenever she is appointed; for there is not always a place of divination there; but when she is appointed she is shut up in the temple during the night. 2.151. Now the twelve kings were just, and in time came to sacrifice in Hephaestus' temple. On the last day of the feast, as they were about to pour libations, the high priest brought out the golden vessels which they commonly used for this; but he counted wrongly and had only eleven for the twelve. ,So the last in line, Psammetichus, as he had no vessel, took off his bronze helmet and held it out and poured the libation with it. All the kings were accustomed to wear helmets, and were then helmeted; ,it was not in guile, then, that Psammetichus held out his headgear; but the rest perceived what Psammetichus had done, and remembered the oracle that promised the sovereignty of all Egypt to whoever poured a libation from a vessel of bronze; therefore, though they considered Psammetichus not deserving of death (for they examined him and found that he had acted without intent), they decided to strip him of most of his power and to chase him away into the marshes, and that he was not to concern himself with the rest of Egypt . 2.152. This Psammetichus had formerly been in exile in Syria , where he had fled from Sabacos the Ethiopian, who killed his father Necos; then, when the Ethiopian departed because of what he saw in a dream, the Egyptians of the district of Saïs brought him back from Syria . ,Psammetichus was king for the second time when he found himself driven away into the marshes by the eleven kings because of the helmet. ,Believing, therefore, that he had been abused by them, he meant to be avenged on those who had expelled him. He sent to inquire in the town of Buto , where the most infallible oracle in Egypt is; the oracle answered that he would have vengeance when he saw men of bronze coming from the sea. ,Psammetichus did not in the least believe that men of bronze would come to aid him. But after a short time, Ionians and Carians, voyaging for plunder, were forced to put in on the coast of Egypt , where they disembarked in their armor of bronze; and an Egyptian came into the marsh country and brought news to Psammetichus (for he had never before seen armored men) that men of bronze had come from the sea and were foraging in the plain. ,Psammetichus saw in this the fulfillment of the oracle; he made friends with the Ionians and Carians, and promised them great rewards if they would join him and, having won them over, deposed the eleven kings with these allies and those Egyptians who volunteered. 2.153. Having made himself master of all Egypt , he made the southern outer court of Hephaestus' temple at Memphis , and built facing this a court for Apis, where Apis is kept and fed whenever he appears; this court has an inner colonnade all around it and many cut figures; the roof is held up by great statues twenty feet high for pillars. Apis in Greek is Epaphus. 2.154. To the Ionians and Carians who had helped him, Psammetichus gave places to live in called The Camps, opposite each other on either side of the Nile ; and besides this, he paid them all that he had promised. ,Moreover, he put Egyptian boys in their hands to be taught Greek, and from these, who learned the language, are descended the present-day Egyptian interpreters. ,The Ionians and Carians lived for a long time in these places, which are near the sea, on the arm of the Nile called the Pelusian, a little way below the town of Bubastis . Long afterwards, king Amasis removed them and settled them at Memphis to be his guard against the Egyptians. ,It is a result of our communication with these settlers in Egypt (the first of foreign speech to settle in that country) that we Greeks have exact knowledge of the history of Egypt from the reign of Psammetichus onwards. ,There still remained in my day, in the places out of which the Ionians and Carians were turned, the winches for their ships and the ruins of their houses. This is how Psammetichus got Egypt . 2.159. Necos, then, stopped work on the canal and engaged in preparations for war; some of his ships of war were built on the northern sea, and some in the Arabian Gulf , by the Red Sea coast: the winches for landing these can still be seen. ,He used these ships when needed, and with his land army met and defeated the Syrians at Magdolus, taking the great Syrian city of Cadytis after the battle. ,He sent to Branchidae of Miletus and dedicated there to Apollo the garments in which he won these victories. Then he died after a reign of sixteen years, and his son Psammis reigned in his place. 2.163. Learning of this, too, Apries armed his guard and marched against the Egyptians; he had a bodyguard of Carians and Ionians, thirty thousand of them, and his royal palace was in the city of Saïs, a great and marvellous palace. ,Apries' men marched against the Egyptians, and so did Amasis' men against the foreigners. So they both came to Momemphis and were going to make trial of one another. 2.169. When Apries with his guards and Amasis with the whole force of Egyptians came to the town of Momemphis, they engaged; and though the foreigners fought well, they were vastly outnumbered, and therefore were beaten. ,Apries, they say, supposed that not even a god could depose him from his throne, so firmly did he think he was established; and now, defeated in battle and taken captive, he was brought to Saïs, to the royal dwelling which belonged to him once but now belonged to Amasis. ,There, he was kept alive for a while in the palace and well treated by Amasis. But presently the Egyptians complained that there was no justice in keeping alive one who was their own and their king's bitterest enemy; whereupon Amasis gave Apries up to them, and they strangled him and then buried him in the burial-place of his fathers. ,This is in the temple of Athena, very near to the sanctuary, on the left of the entrance. The people of Saïs buried within the temple precinct all kings who were natives of their district. ,The tomb of Amasis is farther from the sanctuary than the tomb of Apries and his ancestors; yet it, too, is within the temple court; it is a great colonnade of stone, richly adorned, the pillars made in the form of palm trees. In this colonnade are two portals, and the place where the coffin lies is within their doors. 2.171. On this lake they enact by night the story of the god's sufferings, a rite which the Egyptians call the Mysteries. I could say more about this, for I know the truth, but let me preserve a discreet silence. ,Let me preserve a discreet silence, too, concerning that rite of Demeter which the Greeks call date Thesmophoria /date , except as much of it as I am not forbidden to mention. ,The daughters of Danaus were those who brought this rite out of Egypt and taught it to the Pelasgian women; afterwards, when the people of the Peloponnese were driven out by the Dorians, it was lost, except in so far as it was preserved by the Arcadians, the Peloponnesian people which was not driven out but left in its home. 2.182. Moreover, Amasis dedicated offerings in Hellas . He gave to Cyrene a gilt image of Athena and a painted picture of himself; to Athena of Lindus , two stone images and a marvellous linen breast-plate; and to Hera in Samos , two wooden statues of himself that were still standing in my time behind the doors in the great shrine. ,The offerings in Samos were dedicated because of the friendship between Amasis and Polycrates, son of Aeaces; what he gave to Lindus was not out of friendship for anyone, but because the temple of Athena in Lindus is said to have been founded by the daughters of Danaus, when they landed there in their flight from the sons of Egyptus. Such were Amasis' offerings. Moreover, he was the first conqueror of Cyprus , which he made tributary to himself. 3.47. The Lacedaemonians then equipped and sent an army to Samos , returning a favor, as the Samians say, because they first sent a fleet to help the Lacedaemonians against Messenia ; but the Lacedaemonians say that they sent this army less to aid the Samians in their need than to avenge the robbery of the bowl which they had been carrying to Croesus and the breastplate which Amasis King of Egypt had sent them as a gift. ,This breastplate had been stolen by the Samians in the year before they took the bowl; it was of linen, decked with gold and cotton embroidery, and embroidered with many figures; ,but what makes it worthy of wonder is that each thread of the breastplate, fine as each is, is made up of three hundred and sixty strands, each plainly seen. It is the exact counterpart of that one which Amasis dedicated to Athena in Lindus . 3.122.2. for Polycrates was the first of the Greeks whom we know to aim at the mastery of the sea, leaving out of account Minos of Cnossus and any others who before him may have ruled the sea; of what may be called the human race Polycrates was the first, and he had great hope of ruling Ionia and the Islands. 3.131. Now this is how Democedes had come from Croton to live with Polycrates: he was oppressed by a harsh-tempered father at Croton ; since he could not stand him, he left him and went to Aegina . Within the first year after settling there, he excelled the rest of the physicians, although he had no equipment nor any medical implements. ,In his second year the Aeginetans paid him a talent to be their public physician; in the third year the Athenians hired him for a hundred minae, and Polycrates in the fourth year for two talents. Thus he came to Samos , and not least because of this man the physicians of Croton were well-respected [ ,for at this time the best physicians in Greek countries were those of Croton , and next to them those of Cyrene . About the same time the Argives had the name of being the best musicians]. 4.32. Concerning the Hyperborean people, neither the Scythians nor any other inhabitants of these lands tell us anything, except perhaps the Issedones. And, I think, even they say nothing; for if they did, then the Scythians, too, would have told, just as they tell of the one-eyed men. But Hesiod speaks of Hyperboreans, and Homer too in his poem title The Heroes' Sons /title , if that is truly the work of Homer. 4.33. But the Delians say much more about them than any others do. They say that offerings wrapped in straw are brought from the Hyperboreans to Scythia; when these have passed Scythia, each nation in turn receives them from its neighbors until they are carried to the Adriatic sea, which is the most westerly limit of their journey; ,from there, they are brought on to the south, the people of Dodona being the first Greeks to receive them. From Dodona they come down to the Melian gulf, and are carried across to Euboea, and one city sends them on to another until they come to Carystus; after this, Andros is left out of their journey, for Carystians carry them to Tenos, and Tenians to Delos. ,Thus (they say) these offerings come to Delos. But on the first journey, the Hyperboreans sent two maidens bearing the offerings, to whom the Delians give the names Hyperoche and Laodice, and five men of their people with them as escort for safe conduct, those who are now called Perpherees and greatly honored at Delos. ,But when those whom they sent never returned, they took it amiss that they should be condemned always to be sending people and not getting them back, and so they carry the offerings, wrapped in straw, to their borders, and tell their neighbors to send them on from their own country to the next; ,and the offerings, it is said, come by this conveyance to Delos. I can say of my own knowledge that there is a custom like these offerings; namely, that when the Thracian and Paeonian women sacrifice to the Royal Artemis, they have straw with them while they sacrifice. 4.34. I know that they do this. The Delian girls and boys cut their hair in honor of these Hyperborean maidens, who died at Delos; the girls before their marriage cut off a tress and lay it on the tomb, wound around a spindle ,(this tomb is at the foot of an olive-tree, on the left hand of the entrance of the temple of Artemis); the Delian boys twine some of their hair around a green stalk, and lay it on the tomb likewise. 4.35. In this way, then, these maidens are honored by the inhabitants of Delos. These same Delians relate that two virgins, Arge and Opis, came from the Hyperboreans by way of the aforesaid peoples to Delos earlier than Hyperoche and Laodice; ,these latter came to bring to Eileithyia the tribute which they had agreed to pay for easing child-bearing; but Arge and Opis, they say, came with the gods themselves, and received honors of their own from the Delians. ,For the women collected gifts for them, calling upon their names in the hymn made for them by Olen of Lycia; it was from Delos that the islanders and Ionians learned to sing hymns to Opis and Arge, calling upon their names and collecting gifts (this Olen, after coming from Lycia, also made the other and ancient hymns that are sung at Delos). ,Furthermore, they say that when the thighbones are burnt in sacrifice on the altar, the ashes are all cast on the burial-place of Opis and Arge, behind the temple of Artemis, looking east, nearest the refectory of the people of Ceos. 4.35.4. Furthermore, they say that when the thighbones are burnt in sacrifice on the altar, the ashes are all cast on the burial-place of Opis and Arge, behind the temple of Artemis, looking east, nearest the refectory of the people of Ceos. 4.145. At the same time that he was doing this, another great force was sent against Libya, for the reason that I shall give after I finish the story that I am going to tell now. ,The descendants of the crew of the Argo were driven out by the Pelasgians who carried off the Athenian women from Brauron; after being driven out of Lemnos by them, they sailed away to Lacedaemon, and there camped on Teügetum and kindled a fire. ,Seeing it, the Lacedaemonians sent a messenger to inquire who they were and where they came from. They answered the messenger that they were Minyae, descendants of the heroes who had sailed in the Argo and put in at Lemnos and there begot their race. ,Hearing the story of the lineage of the Minyae, the Lacedaemonians sent a second time and asked why they had come into Laconia and kindled a fire. They replied that, having been expelled by the Pelasgians, they had come to the land of their fathers, as was most just; and their wish was to live with their fathers' people, sharing in their rights and receiving allotted pieces of land. ,The Lacedaemonians were happy to receive the Minyae on the terms which their guests desired; the chief cause of their consenting was that the Tyndaridae had been in the ship's company of the Argo; so they received the Minyae and gave them land and distributed them among their own tribes. The Minyae immediately married, and gave in marriage to others the women they had brought from Lemnos. 4.146. But in no time these Minyae became imperious, demanding an equal right to the kingship, and doing other impious things; ,hence the Lacedaemonians resolved to kill them, and they seized them and cast them into prison. (When the Lacedaemonians execute, they do it by night, never by day.) ,Now when they were about to kill the prisoners, the wives of the Minyae, who were natives of the country, daughters of leading Spartans, asked permission to enter the prison and each converse with her husband; the Lacedamonians granted this, not expecting that there would be any treachery from them. ,But when the wives came into the prison, they gave their husbands all their own garments, and themselves put on the men's clothing; so the Minyae passed out in the guise of women dressed in women's clothing; and thus escaping, once more camped on Teügetum. 4.150. So far in the story the Lacedaemonian and Theraean records agree; for the rest, we have only the word of the Theraeans. ,Grinnus son of Aesanius, king of Thera, a descendant of this same Theras, came to Delphi bringing a hecatomb from his city; among others of his people, Battus son of Polymnestus came with him, a descendant of Euphemus of the Minyan clan. ,When Grinnus king of Thera asked the oracle about other matters, the priestess' answer was that he should found a city in Libya. “Lord, I am too old and heavy to stir; command one of these younger men to do this,” answered Grinnus, pointing to Battus as he spoke. ,No more was said then. But when they departed, they neglected to obey the oracle, since they did not know where Libya was, and were afraid to send a colony out to an uncertain destination. 4.151. For seven years after this there was no rain in Thera; all the trees in the island except one withered. The Theraeans inquired at Delphi again, and the priestess mentioned the colony they should send to Libya. ,So, since there was no remedy for their ills, they sent messengers to Crete to find any Cretan or traveller there who had travelled to Libya. In their travels about the island, these came to the town of Itanus, where they met a murex fisherman named Corobius, who told them that he had once been driven off course by winds to Libya, to an island there called Platea. ,They hired this man to come with them to Thera; from there, just a few men were sent aboard ship to spy out the land first; guided by Corobius to the aforesaid island Platea, these left him there with provision for some months, and themselves sailed back with all speed to Thera to bring news of the island. 4.152. But after they had been away for longer than the agreed time, and Corobius had no provisions left, a Samian ship sailing for Egypt, whose captain was Colaeus, was driven off her course to Platea, where the Samians heard the whole story from Corobius and left him provisions for a year; ,they then put out to sea from the island and would have sailed to Egypt, but an easterly wind drove them from their course, and did not abate until they had passed through the Pillars of Heracles and came providentially to Tartessus. ,Now this was at that time an untapped market; hence, the Samians, of all the Greeks whom we know with certainty, brought back from it the greatest profit on their wares except Sostratus of Aegina, son of Laodamas; no one could compete with him. ,The Samians took six talents, a tenth of their profit, and made a bronze vessel with it, like an Argolic cauldron, with griffins' heads projecting from the rim all around; they set this up in their temple of Hera, supporting it with three colossal kneeling figures of bronze, each twelve feet high. ,What the Samians had done was the beginning of a close friendship between them and the men of Cyrene and Thera. 4.153. As for the Theraeans, when they came to Thera after leaving Corobius on the island, they brought word that they had established a settlement on an island off Libya. The Theraeans determined to send out men from their seven regions, taking by lot one of every pair of brothers, and making Battus leader and king of all. Then they manned two fifty-oared ships and sent them to Platea. 5.41. After no long time the second wife gave birth to Cleomenes. She, then, gave the Spartans an heir to the royal power, and as luck would have it, the first wife, who had been barren before, conceived at that very time. ,When the friends of the new wife learned that the other woman was pregt, they began to make trouble for her. They said that she was making an empty boast, so that she might substitute a child. The Ephors were angry, and when her time drew near, they sat around to watch her in childbirth because of their skepticism. ,She gave birth first to Dorieus, then straightway to Leonidas, and right after him to Cleombrotus. Some, however, say that Cleombrotus and Leonidas were twins. As for the later wife, the mother of Cleomenes and the daughter of Prinetadas son of Demarmenus, she bore no more children. 5.49.3. Now, therefore, we entreat you by the gods of Hellas to save your Ionian kinsmen from slavery. This is a thing which you can easily achieve, for the strangers are not valiant men while your valor in war is preeminent. As for their manner of fighting, they carry bows and short spears, and they go to battle with trousers on their legs and turbans on their heads. 5.59. I have myself seen Cadmean writing in the temple of Ismenian Apollo at Thebes of Boeotia engraved on certain tripods and for the most part looking like Ionian letters. On one of the tripods there is this inscription: quote type="inscription" l met="dact" Amphitryon dedicated me from the spoils of Teleboae. /l /quote This would date from about the time of Laius the son of Labdacus, grandson of Polydorus and great-grandson of Cadmus. 5.60. A second tripod says, in hexameter verse: quote type="inscription" l met="dact" Scaeus the boxer, victorious in the contest, /l l Gave me to Apollo, the archer god, a lovely offering. /l /quote Scaeus the son of Hippocoon, if he is indeed the dedicator and not another of the same name, would have lived at the time of Oedipus son of Laius. 5.61. The third tripod says, in hexameter verse again: quote type="inscription" l met="dact" Laodamas, while he reigned, dedicated this cauldron /l l To Apollo, the sure of aim, as a lovely offering. /l /quote ,During the rule of this Laodamas son of Eteocles, the Cadmeans were expelled by the Argives and went away to the Encheleis. The Gephyraeans were left behind but were later compelled by the Boeotians to withdraw to Athens. They have certain set forms of worship at Athens in which the rest of the Athenians take no part, particularly the rites and mysteries of Achaean Demeter. 5.67. In doing this, to my thinking, this Cleisthenes was imitating his own mother's father, Cleisthenes the tyrant of Sicyon, for Cleisthenes, after going to war with the Argives, made an end of minstrels' contests at Sicyon by reason of the Homeric poems, in which it is the Argives and Argos which are primarily the theme of the songs. Furthermore, he conceived the desire to cast out from the land Adrastus son of Talaus, the hero whose shrine stood then as now in the very marketplace of Sicyon because he was an Argive. ,He went then to Delphi, and asked the oracle if he should cast Adrastus out, but the priestess said in response: “Adrastus is king of Sicyon, and you but a stone thrower.” When the god would not permit him to do as he wished in this matter, he returned home and attempted to devise some plan which might rid him of Adrastus. When he thought he had found one, he sent to Boeotian Thebes saying that he would gladly bring Melanippus son of Astacus into his country, and the Thebans handed him over. ,When Cleisthenes had brought him in, he consecrated a sanctuary for him in the government house itself, where he was established in the greatest possible security. Now the reason why Cleisthenes brought in Melanippus, a thing which I must relate, was that Melanippus was Adrastus' deadliest enemy, for Adrastus had slain his brother Mecisteus and his son-in-law Tydeus. ,Having then designated the precinct for him, Cleisthenes took away all Adrastus' sacrifices and festivals and gave them to Melanippus. The Sicyonians had been accustomed to pay very great honor to Adrastus because the country had once belonged to Polybus, his maternal grandfather, who died without an heir and bequeathed the kingship to him. ,Besides other honors paid to Adrastus by the Sicyonians, they celebrated his lamentable fate with tragic choruses in honor not of Dionysus but of Adrastus. Cleisthenes, however, gave the choruses back to Dionysus and the rest of the worship to Melanippus. 5.92. These were the words of the Lacedaemonians, but their words were ill-received by the greater part of their allies. The rest then keeping silence, Socles, a Corinthian, said, ,“In truth heaven will be beneath the earth and the earth aloft above the heaven, and men will dwell in the sea and fishes where men dwelt before, now that you, Lacedaemonians, are destroying the rule of equals and making ready to bring back tyranny into the cities, tyranny, a thing more unrighteous and bloodthirsty than anything else on this earth. ,If indeed it seems to you to be a good thing that the cities be ruled by tyrants, set up a tyrant among yourselves first and then seek to set up such for the rest. As it is, however, you, who have never made trial of tyrants and take the greatest precautions that none will arise at Sparta, deal wrongfully with your allies. If you had such experience of that thing as we have, you would be more prudent advisers concerning it than you are now.” ,The Corinthian state was ordered in such manner as I will show.There was an oligarchy, and this group of men, called the Bacchiadae, held sway in the city, marrying and giving in marriage among themselves. Now Amphion, one of these men, had a crippled daughter, whose name was Labda. Since none of the Bacchiadae would marry her, she was wedded to Eetion son of Echecrates, of the township of Petra, a Lapith by lineage and of the posterity of Caeneus. ,When no sons were born to him by this wife or any other, he set out to Delphi to enquire concerning the matter of acquiring offspring. As soon as he entered, the Pythian priestess spoke these verses to him: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" Eetion,worthy of honor, no man honors you. /l l Labda is with child, and her child will be a millstone /l l Which will fall upon the rulers and will bring justice to Corinth. /l /quote ,This oracle which was given to Eetion was in some way made known to the Bacchiadae. The earlier oracle sent to Corinth had not been understood by them, despite the fact that its meaning was the same as the meaning of the oracle of Eetion, and it read as follows: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" An eagle in the rocks has conceived, and will bring forth a lion, /l l Strong and fierce. The knees of many will it loose. /l l This consider well, Corinthians, /l l You who dwell by lovely Pirene and the overhanging heights of Corinth. /l /quote ,This earlier prophecy had been unintelligible to the Bacchiadae, but as soon as they heard the one which was given to Eetion, they understood it at once, recognizing its similarity with the oracle of Eetion. Now understanding both oracles, they kept quiet but resolved to do away with the offspring of Eetion. Then, as soon as his wife had given birth, they sent ten men of their clan to the township where Eetion dwelt to kill the child. ,These men came to Petra and passing into Eetion's courtyard, asked for the child. Labda, knowing nothing of the purpose of their coming and thinking that they wished to see the baby out of affection for its father, brought it and placed it into the hands of one of them. Now they had planned on their way that the first of them who received the child should dash it to the ground. ,When, however, Labda brought and handed over the child, by divine chance it smiled at the man who took it. This he saw, and compassion prevented him from killing it. Filled with pity, he handed it to a second, and this man again to a third.In fact it passed from hand to hand to each of the ten, for none would make an end of it. ,They then gave the child back to its mother, and after going out, they stood before the door reproaching and upbraiding one another, but chiefly him who had first received it since he had not acted in accordance with their agreement. Finally they resolved to go in again and all have a hand in the killing. ,Fate, however, had decreed that Eetion's offspring should be the source of ills for Corinth, for Labda, standing close to this door, heard all this. Fearing that they would change their minds and that they would take and actually kill the child, she took it away and hid it where she thought it would be hardest to find, in a chest, for she knew that if they returned and set about searching they would seek in every place—which in fact they did. ,They came and searched, but when they did not find it, they resolved to go off and say to those who had sent them that they had carried out their orders. They then went away and said this. ,Eetion's son, however, grew up, and because of his escape from that danger, he was called Cypselus, after the chest. When he had reached manhood and was seeking a divination, an oracle of double meaning was given him at Delphi. Putting faith in this, he made an attempt on Corinth and won it. ,The oracle was as follows: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" That man is fortunate who steps into my house, /l l Cypselus, son of Eetion, the king of noble Corinth, /l l He himself and his children, but not the sons of his sons. /l /quote Such was the oracle. Cypselus, however, when he had gained the tyranny, conducted himself in this way: many of the Corinthians he drove into exile, many he deprived of their wealth, and by far the most he had killed. ,After a reign of thirty years, he died in the height of prosperity, and was succeeded by his son Periander. Now Periander was to begin with milder than his father, but after he had held converse by messenger with Thrasybulus the tyrant of Miletus, he became much more bloodthirsty than Cypselus. ,He had sent a herald to Thrasybulus and inquired in what way he would best and most safely govern his city. Thrasybulus led the man who had come from Periander outside the town, and entered into a sown field. As he walked through the corn, continually asking why the messenger had come to him from Corinth, he kept cutting off all the tallest ears of wheat which he could see, and throwing them away, until he had destroyed the best and richest part of the crop. ,Then, after passing through the place and speaking no word of counsel, he sent the herald away. When the herald returned to Corinth, Periander desired to hear what counsel he brought, but the man said that Thrasybulus had given him none. The herald added that it was a strange man to whom he had been sent, a madman and a destroyer of his own possessions, telling Periander what he had seen Thrasybulus do. ,Periander, however, understood what had been done, and perceived that Thrasybulus had counselled him to slay those of his townsmen who were outstanding in influence or ability; with that he began to deal with his citizens in an evil manner. Whatever act of slaughter or banishment Cypselus had left undone, that Periander brought to accomplishment. In a single day he stripped all the women of Corinth naked, because of his own wife Melissa. ,Periander had sent messengers to the Oracle of the Dead on the river Acheron in Thesprotia to enquire concerning a deposit that a friend had left, but Melissa, in an apparition, said that she would tell him nothing, nor reveal where the deposit lay, for she was cold and naked. The garments, she said, with which Periander had buried with her had never been burnt, and were of no use to her. Then, as evidence for her husband that she spoke the truth, she added that Periander had put his loaves into a cold oven. ,When this message was brought back to Periander (for he had had intercourse with the dead body of Melissa and knew her token for true), immediately after the message he made a proclamation that all the Corinthian women should come out into the temple of Hera. They then came out as to a festival, wearing their most beautiful garments, and Periander set his guards there and stripped them all alike, ladies and serving-women, and heaped all the clothes in a pit, where, as he prayed to Melissa, he burnt them. ,When he had done this and sent a second message, the ghost of Melissa told him where the deposit of the friend had been laid. “This, then, Lacedaimonians, is the nature of tyranny, and such are its deeds. ,We Corinthians marvelled greatly when we saw that you were sending for Hippias, and now we marvel yet more at your words to us. We entreat you earnestly in the name of the gods of Hellas not to establish tyranny in the cities, but if you do not cease from so doing and unrighteously attempt to bring Hippias back, be assured that you are proceeding without the Corinthians' consent.” 5.93. These were the words of Socles, the envoy from Corinth, and Hippias answered, calling the same gods as Socles had invoked to witness, that the Corinthians would be the first to wish the Pisistratidae back, when the time appointed should come for them to be vexed by the Athenians. ,Hippias made this answer, inasmuch as he had more exact knowledge of the oracles than any man, but the rest of the allies, who had till now kept silence, spoke out when they heard the free speech of Socles and sided with the opinion of the Corinthians, entreating the Lacedaemonians not to harm a Greek city. 5.94. His plan, then, came to nothing, and Hippias was forced to depart. Amyntas king of the Macedonians offered him Anthemus, and the Thessalians Iolcus, but he would have neither. He withdrew to Sigeum, which Pisistratus had taken at the spear's point from the Mytilenaeans and where he then established as tyrant Hegesistratus, his own bastard son by an Argive woman. Hegesistratus, however, could not keep what Pisistratus had given him without fighting, ,for there was constant war over a long period of time between the Athenians at Sigeum and the Mytilenaeans at Achilleum. The Mytilenaeans were demanding the place back, and the Athenians, bringing proof to show that the Aeolians had no more part or lot in the land of Ilium than they themselves and all the other Greeks who had aided Menelaus to avenge the rape of Helen, would not consent. 5.95. Among the various incidents of this war, one in particular is worth mention; In the course of a battle in which the Athenians had the upper hand, Alcaeus the poet took to flight and escaped, but his armor was taken by the Athenians and hung up in the temple of Athena at Sigeum. ,Alcaeus wrote a poem about this and sent it to Mytilene. In it he relates his own misfortune to his friend Melanippus. As for the Mytilenaeans and Athenians, however, peace was made between them by Periander son of Cypselus, to whose arbitration they committed the matter, and the terms of peace were that each party should keep what it had. 6.8. The Ionians then came there with their ships manned, and with them the Aeolians who dwell in Lesbos. This was their order of battle: The Milesians themselves had the eastern wing, bringing eighty ships; next to them were the Prieneans with twelve ships, and the Myesians with three; next to the Myesians were the Teians with seventeen ships; next to these the Chians with a hundred; near these in the line were the Erythraeans, bringing eight ships, and the Phocaeans with three, and next to these the Lesbians with seventy; last of all in the line were the Samians, holding the western wing with sixty ships. ,The total number of all these together was three hundred and fifty-three triremes. 6.53. The Lacedaemonians are the only Greeks who tell this story. But in what I write I follow the Greek report, and hold that the Greeks correctly recount these kings of the Dorians as far back as Perseus son of Danae—they make no mention of the god —and prove these kings to be Greek; for by that time they had come to be classified as Greeks. ,I said as far back as Perseus, and I took the matter no further than that, because no one is named as the mortal father of Perseus, as Amphitryon is named father of Heracles. So I used correct reasoning when I said that the Greek record is correct as far back as Perseus; farther back than that, if the king's ancestors in each generation, from Danae daughter of Acrisius upward, be reckoned, then the leaders of the Dorians will be shown to be true-born Egyptians. 6.54. Thus have I traced their lineage according to the Greek story; but the Persian tale is that Perseus himself was an Assyrian, and became a Greek, which his forebears had not been; the Persians say that the ancestors of Acrisius had no bond of kinship with Perseus, and they indeed were, as the Greeks say, Egyptians. 6.55. Enough of these matters. Why and for what achievements these men, being Egyptian, won the kingship of the Dorians has been told by others, so I will let it go, and will make mention of matters which others have not touched. 6.77. The Argives heard of this and came to the coast to do battle with him. When they had come near Tiryns and were at the place called Hesipeia, they encamped opposite the Lacedaemonians, leaving only a little space between the armies. There the Argives had no fear of fair fighting, but rather of being captured by a trick. ,This was the affair referred to by that oracle which the Pythian priestess gave to the Argives and Milesians in common, which ran thus: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" When the female defeats the male /l l And drives him away, winning glory in Argos, /l l She will make many Argive women tear their cheeks. /l l As someday one of men to come will say: /l l The dread thrice-coiled serpent died tamed by the spear. /l /quote ,All these things coming together spread fear among the Argives. Therefore they resolved to defend themselves by making use of the enemies' herald, and they performed their resolve in this way: whenever the Spartan herald signalled anything to the Lacedaemonians, the Argives did the same thing. 6.78. When Cleomenes saw that the Argives did whatever was signalled by his herald, he commanded that when the herald cried the signal for breakfast, they should then put on their armor and attack the Argives. ,The Lacedaemonians performed this command, and when they assaulted the Argives they caught them at breakfast in obedience to the herald's signal; they killed many of them, and far more fled for refuge into the grove of Argus, which the Lacedaemonians encamped around and guarded. 6.79. Then Cleomenes' plan was this: He had with him some deserters from whom he learned the names, then he sent a herald calling by name the Argives that were shut up in the sacred precinct and inviting them to come out, saying that he had their ransom. (Among the Peloponnesians there is a fixed ransom of two minae to be paid for every prisoner.) So Cleomenes invited about fifty Argives to come out one after another and murdered them. ,Somehow the rest of the men in the temple precinct did not know this was happening, for the grove was thick and those inside could not see how those outside were faring, until one of them climbed a tree and saw what was being done. Thereafter they would not come out at the herald's call. 6.80. Then Cleomenes bade all the helots pile wood about the grove; they obeyed, and he burnt the grove. When the fire was now burning, he asked of one of the deserters to what god the grove belonged; the man said it was of Argos. When he heard that, he groaned aloud, “Apollo, god of oracles, you have gravely deceived me by saying that I would take Argos; this, I guess, is the fulfillment of that prophecy.” 6.81. Then Cleomenes sent most of his army back to Sparta, while he himself took a thousand of the best warriors and went to the temple of Hera to sacrifice. When he wished to sacrifice at the altar the priest forbade him, saying that it was not holy for a stranger to sacrifice there. Cleomenes ordered the helots to carry the priest away from the altar and whip him, and he performed the sacrifice. After doing this, he returned to Sparta. 6.82. But after his return his enemies brought him before the ephors, saying that he had been bribed not to take Argos when he might have easily taken it. Cleomenes alleged (whether falsely or truly, I cannot rightly say; but this he alleged in his speech) that he had supposed the god's oracle to be fulfilled by his taking of the temple of Argus; therefore he had thought it best not to make any attempt on the city before he had learned from the sacrifices whether the god would deliver it to him or withstand him; ,when he was taking omens in Hera's temple a flame of fire had shone forth from the breast of the image, and so he learned the truth of the matter, that he would not take Argos. If the flame had come out of the head of the image, he would have taken the city from head to foot utterly; but its coming from the breast signified that he had done as much as the god willed to happen. This plea of his seemed to the Spartans to be credible and reasonable, and he far outdistanced the pursuit of his accusers. 6.83. But Argos was so wholly deprived of men that their slaves took possession of all affairs, ruling and governing until the sons of the slain men grew up. Then they recovered Argos for themselves and cast out the slaves; when they were driven out, the slaves took possession of Tiryns by force. ,For a while they were at peace with each other; but then there came to the slaves a prophet, Cleander, a man of Phigalea in Arcadia by birth; he persuaded the slaves to attack their masters. From that time there was a long-lasting war between them, until with difficulty the Argives got the upper hand. 6.97. While they did this, the Delians also left Delos and fled away to Tenos. As his expedition was sailing landwards, Datis went on ahead and bade his fleet anchor not off Delos, but across the water off Rhenaea. Learning where the Delians were, he sent a herald to them with this proclamation: ,“Holy men, why have you fled away, and so misjudged my intent? It is my own desire, and the king's command to me, to do no harm to the land where the two gods were born, neither to the land itself nor to its inhabitants. So return now to your homes and dwell on your island.” He made this proclamation to the Delians, and then piled up three hundred talents of frankincense on the altar and burnt it. 6.117. In the battle at Marathon about six thousand four hundred men of the foreigners were killed, and one hundred and ninety-two Athenians; that many fell on each side. ,The following marvel happened there: an Athenian, Epizelus son of Couphagoras, was fighting as a brave man in the battle when he was deprived of his sight, though struck or hit nowhere on his body, and from that time on he spent the rest of his life in blindness. ,I have heard that he tells this story about his misfortune: he saw opposing him a tall armed man, whose beard overshadowed his shield, but the phantom passed him by and killed the man next to him. I learned by inquiry that this is the story Epizelus tells. 7.2. But while Darius was making preparations against Egypt and Athens, a great quarrel arose among his sons concerning the chief power in the land. They held that before his army marched he must declare an heir to the kingship according to Persian law. ,Three sons had been born to Darius before he became king by his first wife, the daughter of Gobryas, and four more after he became king by Atossa daughter of Cyrus. Artobazanes was the oldest of the earlier sons, Xerxes of the later; ,and as sons of different mothers they were rivals. Artobazanes pleaded that he was the oldest of all Darius' offspring and that it was everywhere customary that the eldest should rule; Xerxes argued that he was the son of Cyrus' daughter Atossa and that it was Cyrus who had won the Persians their freedom. 7.18. With this threat (so it seemed to Artabanus) the vision was about to burn his eyes with hot irons. He leapt up with a loud cry, then sat by Xerxes and told him the whole story of what he had seen in his dream, and next he said: ,“O King, since I have seen, as much as a man may, how the greater has often been brought low by the lesser, I forbade you to always give rein to your youthful spirit, knowing how evil a thing it is to have many desires, and remembering the end of Cyrus' expedition against the Massagetae and of Cambyses' against the Ethiopians, and I myself marched with Darius against the Scythians. ,Knowing this, I judged that you had only to remain in peace for all men to deem you fortunate. But since there is some divine motivation, and it seems that the gods mark Hellas for destruction, I myself change and correct my judgment. Now declare the gods' message to the Persians, and bid them obey your first command for all due preparation. Do this, so that nothing on your part be lacking to the fulfillment of the gods' commission.” ,After this was said, they were incited by the vision, and when daylight came Xerxes imparted all this to the Persians. Artabanus now openly encouraged that course which he alone had before openly discouraged. 7.94. The Ionians furnished a hundred ships; their equipment was like the Greek. These Ionians, as long as they were in the Peloponnese, dwelt in what is now called Achaia, and before Danaus and Xuthus came to the Peloponnese, as the Greeks say, they were called Aegialian Pelasgians. They were named Ionians after Ion the son of Xuthus. 7.99. I see no need to mention any of the other captains except Artemisia. I find it a great marvel that a woman went on the expedition against Hellas: after her husband died, she took over his tyranny, though she had a young son, and followed the army from youthful spirits and manliness, under no compulsion. ,Artemisia was her name, and she was the daughter of Lygdamis; on her fathers' side she was of Halicarnassian lineage, and on her mothers' Cretan. She was the leader of the men of Halicarnassus and Cos and Nisyrus and Calydnos, and provided five ships. ,Her ships were reputed to be the best in the whole fleet after the ships of Sidon, and she gave the king the best advice of all his allies. The cities that I said she was the leader of are all of Dorian stock, as I can show, since the Halicarnassians are from Troezen, and the rest are from Epidaurus. 7.132. Among those who paid that tribute were the Thessalians, Dolopes, Enienes, Perrhaebians, Locrians, Magnesians, Melians, Achaeans of Phthia, Thebans, and all the Boeotians except the men of Thespiae and Plataea. ,Against all of these the Greeks who declared war with the foreigner entered into a sworn agreement, which was this: that if they should be victorious, they would dedicate to the god of Delphi the possessions of all Greeks who had of free will surrendered themselves to the Persians. Such was the agreement sworn by the Greeks. 7.137. This conduct on the part of the Spartans succeeded for a time in allaying the anger of Talthybius, in spite of the fact that Sperthias and Bulis returned to Sparta. Long after that, however, it rose up again in the war between the Peloponnesians and Athenians, as the Lacedaemonians say. That seems to me to be an indication of something divine. ,It was just that the wrath of Talthybius descended on ambassadors, nor abated until it was satisfied. The venting of it, however, on the sons of those men who went up to the king to appease it, namely on Nicolas son of Bulis and Aneristus son of Sperthias (that Aneristus who landed a merchant ships crew at the Tirynthian settlement of Halia and took it), makes it plain to me that this was the divine result of Talthybius' anger. ,These two had been sent by the Lacedaemonians as ambassadors to Asia, and betrayed by the Thracian king Sitalces son of Tereus and Nymphodorus son of Pytheas of Abdera, they were made captive at Bisanthe on the Hellespont, and carried away to Attica, where the Athenians put them, and with them Aristeas son of Adimantus, a Corinthian, to death. This happened many years after the king's expedition, and I return now to the course of my history. 7.148. So the spies were sent back after they had seen all and returned to Europe. After sending the spies, those of the Greeks who had sworn alliance against the Persian next sent messengers to Argos. ,Now this is what the Argives say of their own part in the matter. They were informed from the first that the foreigner was stirring up war against Hellas. When they learned that the Greeks would attempt to gain their aid against the Persian, they sent messengers to Delphi to inquire of the god how it would be best for them to act, for six thousand of them had been lately slain by a Lacedaemonian army and Cleomenes son of Anaxandrides its general. For this reason, they said, the messengers were sent. ,The priestess gave this answer to their question: quote type="oracle" l met="dact" Hated by your neighbors, dear to the immortals, /l l Crouch with a lance in rest, like a warrior fenced in his armor, /l l Guarding your head from the blow, and the head will shelter the body. /l /quote This answer had already been uttered by the priestess when the envoys arrived in Argos and entered the council chamber to speak as they were charged. ,Then the Argives answered to what had been said that they would do as was asked of them if they might first make a thirty years peace with Lacedaemonia and if the command of half the allied power were theirs. It was their right to have the full command, but they would nevertheless be content with half. 7.149. This, they say, was the answer of their council, although the oracle forbade them to make the alliance with the Greeks; furthermore, they, despite their fear of the oracle, were eager to secure a thirty years treaty so that their children might have time in those years to grow to be men. If there were to be no such treaty—so they reasoned—then, if after the evil that had befallen them the Persian should deal them yet another blow, it was to be feared that they would be at the Lacedaemonians' mercy. ,Then those of the envoys who were Spartans replied to the demands of the council, saying that they would refer the question of the truce to their own government at home; as for the command, however, they themselves had been commissioned to say that the Spartans had two kings, and the Argives but one. Now it was impossible to deprive either Spartan of his command, but there was nothing to prevent the Argive from having the same right of voting as their two had. ,At that, say the Argives, they decided that the Spartans' covetousness was past all bearing and that it was better to be ruled by the foreigners than give way to the Lacedaemonians. They then bade the envoys depart from the land of Argos before sunset, for they would otherwise be treated as enemies. 7.150. Such is the Argives' account of this matter, but there is another story told in Hellas, namely that before Xerxes set forth on his march against Hellas, he sent a herald to Argos, who said on his coming (so the story goes), ,“Men of Argos, this is the message to you from King Xerxes. Perses our forefather had, as we believe, Perseus son of Danae for his father, and Andromeda daughter of Cepheus for his mother; if that is so, then we are descended from your nation. In all right and reason we should therefore neither march against the land of our forefathers, nor should you become our enemies by aiding others or do anything but abide by yourselves in peace. If all goes as I desire, I will hold none in higher esteem than you.” ,The Argives were strongly moved when they heard this, and although they made no promise immediately and demanded no share, they later, when the Greeks were trying to obtain their support, did make the claim, because they knew that the Lacedaemonians would refuse to grant it, and that they would thus have an excuse for taking no part in the war. 7.151. This is borne out, some of the Greeks say, by the tale of a thing which happened many years afterwards. It happened that while Athenian envoys, Callias son of Hipponicus, and the rest who had come up with him, were at Susa, called the Memnonian, about some other business, the Argives also had at this same time sent envoys to Susa, asking of Xerxes' son Artoxerxes whether the friendship which they had forged with Xerxes still held good, as they desired, or whether he considered them as his enemies. Artoxerxes responded to this that it did indeed hold good and that he believed no city to be a better friend to him than Argos.” 7.152. Now, whether it is true that Xerxes sent a herald with such a message to Argos, and that the Argive envoys came up to Susa and questioned Artoxerxes about their friendship, I cannot say with exactness, nor do I now declare that I consider anything true except what the Argives themselves say. ,This, however, I know full well, namely if all men should carry their own private troubles to market for barter with their neighbors, there would not be a single one who, when he had looked into the troubles of other men, would not be glad to carry home again what he had brought. ,The conduct of the Argives was accordingly not utterly shameful. As for myself, although it is my business to set down that which is told me, to believe it is none at all of my business. This I ask the reader to hold true for the whole of my history, for there is another tale current, according to which it would seem that it was the Argives who invited the Persian into Hellas, because the war with the Lacedaemonians was going badly, and they would prefer anything to their present distresses. 7.153. Such is the end of the story of the Argives. As for Sicily, envoys were sent there by the allies to hold converse with Gelon, Syagrus from Lacedaemon among them. The ancestor of this Gelon, who settled at Gela, was from the island of Telos which lies off Triopium. When the founding of Gela by Antiphemus and the Lindians of Rhodes was happening, he would not be left behind. ,His descendants in time became and continue to be priests of the goddesses of the underworld; this office had been won, as I will show, by Telines, one of their forefathers. There were certain Geloans who had been worsted in party strife and had been banished to the town of Mactorium, inland of Gela. ,These men Telines brought to Gela with no force of men but only the holy instruments of the goddesses worship to aid him. From where he got these, and whether or not they were his own invention, I cannot say; however that may be, it was in reliance upon them that he restored the exiles, on the condition that his descendants should be ministering priests of the goddesses. ,Now it makes me marvel that Telines should have achieved such a feat, for I have always supposed that such feats cannot be performed by any man but only by such as have a stout heart and manly strength. Telines, however, is reported by the dwellers in Sicily to have had a soft and effeminate disposition. 7.172. The Thessalians had at first sided with the Persians, not willingly but of necessity. This their acts revealed, because they disliked the plans of the Aleuadae; as soon as they heard that the Persian was about to cross over into Europe, they sent messengers to the Isthmus, where men chosen from the cities which were best disposed towards Hellas were assembled in council for the Greek cause. ,To these the Thessalian messengers came and said, “Men of Hellas, the pass of Olympus must be guarded so that Thessaly and all Hellas may be sheltered from the war. Now we are ready to guard it with you, but you too must send a great force. If you will not send it, be assured that we will make terms with the Persian, for it is not right that we should be left to stand guard alone and so perish for your sakes. ,If you will not send help, there is nothing you can do to constrain us, for no necessity can prevail over lack of ability. As for us, we will attempt to find some means of deliverance for ourselves.” These are the words of the men of Thessaly. 7.173. Thereupon the Greeks resolved that they would send a land army to Thessaly by sea to guard the pass. When the forces had assembled, they passed through the Euripus and came to Alus in Achaea, where they disembarked and took the road for Thessaly, leaving their ships where they were. They then came to the pass of Tempe, which runs from the lower Macedonia into Thessaly along the river Peneus, between the mountains Olympus and Ossa. ,There the Greeks were encamped, about ten thousand men-at-arms altogether, and the cavalry was there as well. The general of the Lacedaemonians was Euaenetus son of Carenus, chosen from among the Polemarchs, yet not of the royal house, and Themistocles son of Neocles was the general of the Athenians. ,They remained there for only a few days, for messengers came from Alexander son of Amyntas, the Macedonian. These, pointing out the size of the army and the great number of ships, advised them to depart and not remain there to be trodden under foot by the invading host. When they had received this advice from the messengers (as they thought their advice was sound and that the Macedonian meant well by them), the Greeks followed their counsel. ,To my thinking, however, what persuaded them was fear, since they had found out that there was another pass leading into Thessaly by the hill country of Macedonia through the country of the Perrhaebi, near the town of Gonnus; this was indeed the way by which Xerxes' army descended on Thessaly. The Greeks accordingly went down to their ships and made their way back to the Isthmus. 7.174. This was the course of their expedition into Thessaly, while the king was planning to cross into Europe from Asia and was already at Abydos. The Thessalians, now bereft of their allies, sided with the Persian wholeheartedly and unequivocally. As a result of this they, in their acts, proved themselves to be most useful to the king. 7.202. The Hellenes who awaited the Persians in that place were these: three hundred Spartan armed men; one thousand from Tegea and Mantinea, half from each place; one hundred and twenty from Orchomenus in Arcadia and one thousand from the rest of Arcadia; that many Arcadians, four hundred from Corinth, two hundred from Phlius, and eighty Mycenaeans. These were the Peloponnesians present; from Boeotia there were seven hundred Thespians and four hundred Thebans. 8.1.2. the Chalcidians manned twenty, the Athenians furnishing the ships; the Aeginetans eighteen, the Sicyonians twelve, the Lacedaemonians ten, the Epidaurians eight, the Eretrians seven, the Troezenians five, the Styrians two, and the Ceans two, and two fifty-oared barks; the Opuntian Locrians brought seven fifty-oared barks to their aid. 8.46. of the islanders, the Aeginetans provided thirty ships. They had other manned ships, but they guarded their own land with these and fought at Salamis with the thirty most seaworthy. The Aeginetans are Dorians from Epidaurus, and their island was formerly called Oenone. ,After the Aeginetans came the Chalcidians with their twenty ships from Artemisium, and the Eretrians with the same seven; these are Ionians. Next were the Ceans, Ionians from Athens, with the same ships as before. ,The Naxians provided four ships. They had been sent by their fellow citizens to the Persians, like the rest of the islanders, but they disregarded their orders and came to the Hellenes at the urging of Democritus, an esteemed man among the townsmen and at that time captain of a trireme. The Naxians are Ionians descended from Athens. ,The Styrians provided the same number of ships as at Artemisium, and the Cythnians one trireme and a fifty-oared boat; these are both Dryopians. The Seriphians, Siphnians, and Melians also took part, since they were the only islanders who had not given earth and water to the barbarian. 8.72. These were the Hellenes who marched out in a body to the Isthmus: the Lacedaemonians and all the Arcadians, the Eleans and Corinthians and Sicyonians and Epidaurians and Phliasians and Troezenians and Hermioneans. These were the ones who marched out and feared for Hellas in her peril. The rest of the Peloponnesians cared nothing, though the date Olympian /date and date Carnean /date festivals were now past. 8.73. Seven nations inhabit the Peloponnese. Two of these are aboriginal and are now settled in the land where they lived in the old days, the Arcadians and Cynurians. One nation, the Achaean, has never left the Peloponnese, but it has left its own country and inhabits another nation's land. ,The four remaining nations of the seven are immigrants, the Dorians and Aetolians and Dryopians and Lemnians. The Dorians have many famous cities, the Aetolians only Elis, the Dryopians Hermione and Asine near Laconian Cardamyle, the Lemnians all the Paroreatae. ,The Cynurians are aboriginal and seem to be the only Ionians, but they have been Dorianized by time and by Argive rule. They are the Orneatae and the perioikoi. All the remaining cities of these seven nations, except those I enumerated, stayed neutral. If I may speak freely, by staying neutral they medized. 8.133. The Greeks, then, sailed to Delos, and Mardonius wintered in Thessaly. Having his headquarters there he sent a man of Europus called Mys to visit the places of divination, charging him to inquire of all the oracles which he could test. What it was that he desired to learn from the oracles when he gave this charge, I cannot say, for no one tells of it. I suppose that he sent to inquire concerning his present business, and that alone. 8.134. This man Mys is known to have gone to Lebadea and to have bribed a man of the country to go down into the cave of Trophonius and to have gone to the place of divination at Abae in Phocis. He went first to Thebes where he inquired of Ismenian Apollo (sacrifice is there the way of divination, as at Olympia), and moreover he bribed one who was no Theban but a stranger to lie down to sleep in the shrine of Amphiaraus. ,No Theban may seek a prophecy there, for Amphiaraus bade them by an oracle to choose which of the two they wanted and forgo the other, and take him either for their prophet or for their ally. They chose that he should be their ally. Therefore no Theban may lie down to sleep in that place. 8.135. But at this time there happened, as the Thebans say, a thing at which I marvel greatly. It would seem that this man Mys of Europus came in his wanderings among the places of divination to the precinct of Ptoan Apollo. This temple is called Ptoum, and belongs to the Thebans. It lies by a hill, above lake Copais, very near to the town Acraephia. ,When the man called Mys entered into this temple together with three men of the town who were chosen on the state's behalf to write down the oracles that should be given, straightway the diviner prophesied in a foreign tongue. ,The Thebans who followed him were astonished to hear a strange language instead of Greek and knew not what this present matter might be. Mys of Europus, however, snatched from them the tablet which they carried and wrote on it that which was spoken by the prophet, saying that the words of the oracle were Carian. After writing everything down, he went back to Thessaly. 9.7.2. But we, since we do not want to sin against Zeus the god of Hellas and think it shameful to betray Hellas, have not consented. This we have done despite the fact that the Greeks are dealing with us wrongfully and betraying us to our hurt; furthermore, we know that it is more to our advantage to make terms with the Persians than to wage war with him, yet we will not make terms with him of our own free will. For our part, we act honestly by the Greeks; 9.7.2. For the present, then, the Athenians are angry with you since you have acted in a manner unworthy of you. Now they ask you to send with us an army with all speed, so that we may await the foreigner's onset in Attica; since we have lost Boeotia, in our own territory the most suitable place for a battle is the Thriasian plain.” 9.28. This was the Athenians' response, and the whole army shouted aloud that the Athenians were worthier to hold the wing than the Arcadians. It was in this way that the Athenians were preferred to the men of Tegea, and gained that place. ,Presently the whole Greek army was arrayed as I will show, both the later and the earliest comers. On the right wing were ten thousand Lacedaemonians; five thousand of these, who were Spartans, had a guard of thirty-five thousand light-armed helots, seven appointed for each man. ,The Spartans chose the Tegeans for their neighbors in the battle, both to do them honor, and for their valor; there were of these fifteen hundred men-at-arms. Next to these in the line were five thousand Corinthians, at whose desire Pausanias permitted the three hundred Potidaeans from Pallene then present to stand by them. ,Next to these were six hundred Arcadians from Orchomenus, and after them three thousand men of Sicyon. By these one thousand Troezenians were posted, and after them two hundred men of Lepreum, then four hundred from Mycenae and Tiryns, and next to them one thousand from Phlius. By these stood three hundred men of Hermione. ,Next to the men of Hermione were six hundred Eretrians and Styreans; next to them, four hundred Chalcidians; next again, five hundred Ampraciots. After these stood eight hundred Leucadians and Anactorians, and next to them two hundred from Pale in Cephallenia; ,after them in the array, five hundred Aeginetans; by them stood three thousand men of Megara, and next to these six hundred Plataeans. At the end, and first in the line, were the Athenians who held the left wing. They were eight thousand in number, and their general was Aristides son of Lysimachus. 9.34. By so saying he imitated Melampus, in so far as one may compare demands for kingship with those for citizenship. For when the women of Argos had gone mad, and the Argives wanted him to come from Pylos and heal them of that madness, Melampus demanded half of their kingship for his wages. ,This the Argives would not put up with and departed. When, however, the madness spread among their women, they promised what Melampus demanded and were ready to give it to him. Thereupon, seeing their purpose changed, he demanded yet more and said that he would not do their will except if they gave a third of their kingship to his brother Bias; now driven into dire straits, the Argives consented to that also. 9.93.1. There is at Apollonia a certain flock sacred to the Sun, which in the daytime is pastured beside the river Chon, which flows from the mountain called Lacmon through the lands of Apollonia and empties into the sea by the harbor of Oricum. By night, those townsmen who are most notable for wealth or lineage are chosen to watch it, each man serving for a year, for the people of Apollonia set great store by this flock, being so taught by a certain oracle. It is kept in a cave far distant from the town. |
|
| 57. Euripides, Iphigenia Among The Taurians, 1462-1463, 131 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 275 |
58. Euripides, Andromache, 1085-1148, 1150-1165, 1239-1242, 52-53, 1149 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 195, 199| 1149. στρέψας πρὸς ἀλκήν. ἔνθ' ̓Αχιλλέως πίτνει | |
|
| 59. Euripides, Orestes, 1643-1647, 1654 (5th cent. BCE - 5th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 195 |
| 60. Aeschines, Letters, 1.6, 1.23, 3.107-3.113, 3.119-3.120 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 196, 197; Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 170; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 27; Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 33 |
| 61. Aristotle, Politics, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 161 |
| 62. Theophrastus, De Signis Tempestatum, 1.24 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 181 |
| 63. Aristotle, Meteorology, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 198 |
| 64. Aristotle, History of Animals, None (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 185 |
| 65. Aristotle, Fragments, 485, 99, 392 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 190 |
| 66. Theocritus, Idylls, 13.2, 24.1-24.2 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argive plain •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi), elites in •apollo pythios (delphi), reconfiguration of myths and rituals in song Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 172 |
| 67. Callimachus, Hecale, 705 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 135 |
| 68. Philochorus, Fragments, 23, 193 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 376 |
| 69. Hyperides, Fragments, 67 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 79 |
| 70. Aristotle, Athenian Constitution, 3.3, 21.6, 21.8-21.9, 21.13, 43.6, 47.4-47.5, 49.3, 50.1, 54.6-54.7, 56.3-56.5, 57.1-57.2, 58.1-58.4, 60.1-60.3 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios •first-fruits (ἀπαρχή), of apollo pythios Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 58, 59, 60, 170, 205, 217, 218, 219; Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 54 |
71. Lycophron, Alexandra, 722-725, 857-858, 856 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 304| 856. ἥξει δὲ Σῖριν καὶ Λακινίου μυχούς, | |
|
| 72. Lycurgus, Fragments, 6.4 (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 125 |
| 73. Theophrastus, Research On Plants, 6.24.9 (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 185 |
| 74. Callimachus, Aetia, None (4th cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 232 |
| 75. Aeschylus of Alexandria, Fragments, 168.17 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios in child-rearing sanctuary Found in books: Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 431 |
| 76. Polemon Iliensis, Fragments, 36 (3rd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 189, 190 |
77. Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautica, 1.1207-1.1219, 4.263-4.265 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), apollonios of rhodes •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138| 1.1207. τόφρα δʼ Ὕλας χαλκέῃ σὺν κάλπιδι νόσφιν ὁμίλου 1.1208. δίζητο κρήνης ἱερὸν ῥόον, ὥς κέ οἱ ὕδωρ 1.1209. φθαίη ἀφυσσάμενος ποτιδόρπιον, ἄλλα τε πάντα 1.1210. ὀτραλέως κατὰ κόσμον ἐπαρτίσσειεν ἰόντι. 1.1211. δὴ γάρ μιν τοίοισιν ἐν ἤθεσιν αὐτὸς ἔφερβεν, 1.1212. νηπίαχον τὰ πρῶτα δόμων ἐκ πατρὸς ἀπούρας, 1.1213. δίου Θειοδάμαντος, ὃν ἐν Δρυόπεσσιν ἔπεφνεν 1.1214. νηλειῶς, βοὸς ἀμφὶ γεωμόρου ἀντιόωντα. 1.1215. ἤτοι ὁ μὲν νειοῖο γύας τέμνεσκεν ἀρότρῳ 1.1216. Θειοδάμας ἀνίῃ βεβολημένος· αὐτὰρ ὁ τόνγε 1.1217. βοῦν ἀρότην ἤνωγε παρασχέμεν οὐκ ἐθέλοντα. 1.1218. ἵετο γὰρ πρόφασιν πολέμου Δρυόπεσσι βαλέσθαι 1.1219. λευγαλέην, ἐπεὶ οὔτι δίκης ἀλέγοντες ἔναιον. 4.263. πευθομένοις· οἶοι δʼ ἔσαν Ἀρκάδες Ἀπιδανῆες, 4.264. Ἀρκάδες, οἳ καὶ πρόσθε σεληναίης ὑδέονται 4.265. ζώειν, φηγὸν ἔδοντες ἐν οὔρεσιν. οὐδὲ Πελασγὶς | |
|
| 78. Phylarchus of Athens, Fragments, 63 (3rd cent. BCE - 3rd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), apollodorus Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 282 |
79. Polybius, Histories, 25.3.1-25.3.3 (2nd cent. BCE - 2nd cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 21| 25.3.1. ὅτι Περσεὺς ἀνανεωσάμενος τὴν φιλίαν τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους εὐθέως ἑλληνοκοπεῖν ἐπεβάλετο, κατακαλῶν εἰς τὴν Μακεδονίαν καὶ τοὺς τὰ χρέα φεύγοντας καὶ τοὺς πρὸς καταδίκας ἐκπεπτωκότας καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ βασιλικοῖς ἐγκλήμασι παρακεχωρηκότας. 25.3.2. καὶ τούτων ἐξετίθει προγραφὰς εἴς τε Δῆλον καὶ Δελφοὺς καὶ τὸ τῆς Ἰτωνίας Ἀθηνᾶς ἱερόν, διδοὺς οὐ μόνον τὴν ἀσφάλειαν τοῖς καταπορευομένοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων κομιδήν, ἀφʼ ὧν ἕκαστος ἔφυγε. 25.3.3. παρέλυσε δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ Μακεδονίᾳ τῶν βασιλικῶν ὀφειλημάτων, ἀφῆκε δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἐν ταῖς φυλακαῖς ἐγκεκλεισμένους ἐπὶ βασιλικαῖς αἰτίαις. | 25.3.1. Perseus, immediately after renewing his alliance with Rome, began to aim at popularity in Greece, calling back to Macedonia fugitive debtors and those who had been banished from the country either by sentence of the courts or for offences against the king. 25.3.2. He posted up lists of these men at Delos, Delphi, and the temple of Itonian Athena, not only promising safety to such as returned, but the recovery of the property they had left behind them. 25.3.3. In Macedonia itself he relieved all who were in debt to the crown, and released those who had been imprisoned for offences against the crown. |
|
| 80. Vitruvius Pollio, On Architecture, 8.3.21 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), apollodorus Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 282 |
81. Ovid, Metamorphoses, 15.322-15.328 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), apollodorus Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 282| 15.322. Clitorio quicumque sitim de fonte levavit, 15.323. vina fugit gaudetque meris abstemius undis, 15.324. seu vis est in aqua calido contraria vino, 15.325. sive, quod indigenae memorant, Amythaone natus, 15.326. Proetidas attonitas postquam per carmen et herbas 15.327. eripuit furiis, purgamina mentis in illas 15.328. misit aquas odiumque meri permansit in undis. | |
|
| 82. Hyginus, Fabulae (Genealogiae), 107, 128, 14, 70, 113 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 186 |
| 83. Livy, History, 7.2.2, 7.27.1, 8.25.5, 22.10.9 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 185 |
84. Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library, 4.22.3-4.22.4, 4.37, 4.57-4.58, 4.61, 5.58-5.59, 7.13.1, 11.62.3, 11.65, 11.78, 12.75, 12.78, 13.102.2, 14.2.11 (1st cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argonauts •apollo pythios (delphi), argive plain •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi) •apollo pythios (delphi), reconfiguration of myths and rituals in song •apollo pythios (delphi), apollodorus •apollo pythios (delphi), apries •apollo pythios (delphi), and colonization •apollo pythios (delphi), dorianization •apollo, pythios •apollo pythios (delphi), apollonios of rhodes •apollo pythios (delphi), competing claims to •apollo pythios (delphi), cultic landscape of •apollo pythios (delphi), early fifth-century transformation •apollo pythios (delphi), eastern vs. western plain •apollo pythios (delphi), elites in •apollo pythios (delphi), tragedies set in •apollo pythios (delphi), thearios Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 90, 135, 138, 139, 141, 144, 145, 152, 157, 163, 164, 167, 171, 177, 181, 232, 240, 318; Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 195 | 4.22.3. These, then, are the deeds of Heracles in the regions mentioned above. And moving on from there he came to a certain rock in the country of the people of Poseidonia, where the myths relate that a peculiar and marvellous thing once took place. There was, that is, among the natives of the region a certain hunter, the fame of whom had gone abroad because of his brave exploits in hunting. On former occasions it had been his practice to dedicate to Artemis the heads and feet of the animals he secured and to nail them to the trees, but once, when he had overpowered a huge wild boar, he said, as though in contempt of the goddess, "The head of the beast I dedicate to myself," and bearing out this words he hung the head on a tree, and then, the atmosphere being very warm, at midday he fell asleep. And while he was thus asleep the thong broke, and the head fell down of itself upon the sleeper and killed him. 4.22.4. And in truth there is no reason why anyone should marvel at this happening, for many actual occurrences are recorded which illustrate the vengeance this goddess takes upon the impious. But in the case of Heracles his piety was such that the opposite happened to him. 4.37. 1. After this, when Phylas, the king of the Dryopes, had in the eyes of men committed an act of impiety against the temple of Delphi, Heracles took the field against him in company with the inhabitants of Melis, slew the king of the Dryopes, drove the rest of them out of the land, and gave it to the people of Melis; and the daughter of Phylas he took captive and lying with her begat a son Antiochus. By Deïaneira he became the father of two sons, younger than Hyllus, Gleneus and Hodites.,2. of the Dryopes who had been driven from their land some passed over into Euboea and founded there the city Carystus, others sailed to the island of Cyprus, where they mixed with the natives of the island and made their home, while the rest of the Dryopes took refuge with Eurystheus and won his aid because of the enmity which he bore to Heracles; and with the aid of Eurystheus they founded three cities in Peloponnesus, Asinê, Hermionê, and Eïon.,3. After the removal of the Dryopes from their land a war arose between the Dorieis who inhabit the land called Hestiaeotis, whose king was Aegimius, and the Lapithae dwelling about Mount Olympus, whose king was Coronus, the son of Caeneus. And since the Lapithae greatly excelled in the number of their forces, the Dorieis turned to Heracles for aid and implored him to join with them, promising him a third part of the land of Doris and of the kingship, and when they had won him over they made common cause in the campaign against the Lapithae. Heracles had with him the Arcadians who accompanied him on his campaigns, and mastering the Lapithae with their aid he slew king Coronus himself, and massacring most of the rest he compelled them to withdraw from the land which was in dispute.,4. After accomplishing these deeds he entrusted to Aegimius the third part of the land, which was his share, with orders that he keep it in trust in favour of Heracles' descendants. He now returned to Trachis, and upon being challenged to combat by Cycnus, the son of Ares, he slew the man; and as he was leaving the territory of Itonus and was making his way through Pelasgiotis he fell in with Ormenius the king and asked of him the hand of his daughter Astydameia. When Ormenius refused him because he already had for lawful wife Deïaneira, the daughter of Oeneus, Heracles took the field against him, captured his city, and slew the king who would not obey him, and taking captive Astydameia he lay with her and begat a son Ctesippus.,5. After finishing this exploit he set out to Oechalia to take the field against the sons of Eurytus because he had been refused in his suit for the hand of Iolê. The Arcadians again fought on his side and he captured the city and slew the sons of Eurytus, who were Toxeus, Molion, and Clytius. And taking Iolê captive he departed from Euboea to the promontory which is called Cenaeum. 4.57. 1. Since we have sufficiently elaborated the history of the Argonauts and the deeds accomplished by Heracles, it may be appropriate also to record, in accordance with the promise we made, the deeds of his sons.,2. Now after the deification of Heracles his sons made their home in Trachis at the court of Ceÿx the king. But later, when Hyllus and some of the others had attained to manhood, Eurystheus, being afraid lest, after they had all come of age, he might be driven from his kingdom at Mycenae, decided to send the Heracleidae into exile from the whole of Greece.,3. Consequently he served notice upon Ceÿx, the king, to banish both the Heracleidae and the sons of Licymnius, and Iolaüs as well and the band of Arcadians who had served with Heracles on his campaigns, adding that, if he should fail to do these things, he must submit to war.,4. But the Heracleidae and their friends, perceiving that they were of themselves not sufficient in number to carry on a war against Eurystheus, decided to leave Trachis of their own free will, and going about among the most important of the other cities they asked them to receive them as fellow-townsmen. When no other city had the courage to take them in, the Athenians alone of all, such being their inborn sense of justice, extended a welcome to the sons of Heracles, and they settled them and their companions in the flight in the city of Tricorythus, which is one of the cities of what is called the Tetrapolis.,5. And after some time, when all the sons of Heracles had attained to manhood and a spirit of pride sprang up in the young men because of the glory of descent from Heracles, Eurystheus, viewing with suspicion their growing power, came up against them with a great army.,6. But the Heracleidae, who had the aid of the Athenians, chose as their leader Iolaüs, the nephew of Heracles, and after entrusting to him and Theseus and Hyllus the direction of the war, they defeated Eurystheus in a pitched battle. In the course of the battle the larger part of the army of Eurystheus was slain and Eurystheus himself, when his chariot was wrecked in the flight, was killed by Hyllus, the son of Heracles; likewise the sons of Eurystheus perished in the battle to a man. 4.58. 1. After these events all the Heracleidae, now that they had conquered Eurystheus in a battle whose fame was noised abroad and were well supplied with allies because of their success, embarked upon a campaign against Peloponnesus with Hyllus as their commander.,2. Atreus, after the death of Eurystheus, had taken over the kingship in Mycenae, and having added to his forces the Tegeatans and certain other peoples as allies, he went forth to meet the Heracleidae.,3. When the two armies were assembled at the Isthmus, Hyllus, Heracles' son, challenged to single combat any one of the enemy who would face him, on the agreement that, if Hyllus should conquer his opponent, the Heracleidae should receive the kingdom of Eurystheus, but that, if Hyllus were defeated, the Heracleidae would not return to Peloponnesus for a period of fifty years.,4. Echemus, the king of the Tegeatans, came out to meet the challenge, and in the single combat which followed Hyllus was slain and the Heracleidae gave up, as they had promised, their effort to return and made their way back to Tricorythus.,5. Some time later Licymnius and his sons and Tlepolemus, the son of Heracles, made their home in Argos, the Argives admitting them to citizenship of their own accord; but all the rest who had made their homes in Tricorythus, when the fifty-year period had expired, returned to Peloponnesus. Their deeds we shall record when we have come to those times.,6. Alcmenê returned to Thebes, and when some time later she vanished from sight she received divine honours at the hands of the Thebans. The rest of the Heracleidae, they say, came to Aegimius, the son of Dorus, and demanding back the land which their father had entrusted to him made their home among the Dorians.,7. But Tlepolemus, the son of Heracles, while he dwelt in Argos, slew Licymnius, the son of Electryon, we are told, in a quarrel over a certain matter, and being exiled from Argos because of this murder changed his residence to Rhodes. This island was inhabited at that time by Greeks who had been planted there by Triopas, the son of Phorbas.,8. Accordingly, Tlepolemus, acting with the common consent of the natives, divided Rhodes into three parts and founded there three cities, Lindus, Ielysus (Ialysus), and Cameirus; and he became king over all the Rhodians, because of the fame of his father Heracles, and in later times took part with Agamemnon in the war against Troy. 4.61. 1. Minos, when he learned of the fate which had befallen his son, came to Athens and demanded satisfaction for the murder of Androgeos. And when no one paid any attention to him, he declared war against the Athenians and uttered imprecations to Zeus, calling down drought and famine throughout the state of the Athenians. And when drought quickly prevailed about Attica and Greece and the crops were destroyed, the heads of the communities gathered together and inquired of the god what steps they could take to rid themselves of their present evils. The god made answer to them that they should go to Aeacus, the son of Zeus and Aeginê, the daughter of Asopus, and ask him to off up prayers on their behalf.,2. And when they had done as they had been commanded, among the rest of the Greeks, the drought was broken, but among the Athenians alone it continued; wherefore the Athenians were compelled to make inquiry of the god how they might be rid of their present evils. Thereupon the god made answer that they could do so if they would render to Minos such satisfaction for the murder of Androgeos as he might demand.,3. The Athenians obeyed the order of the god, and Minos commanded them that they should give seven youths and as many maidens every nine years to the Minotaur for him to devour, for as long a time as the monster should live. And when the Athenians gave them, the inhabitants of Attica were rid of their evils and Minos ceased warring on Athens. At the expiration of nine years Minos came again to Attica accompanied by a great fleet and demanded and received the fourteen young people.,4. Now Theseus was one of those who were to set forth, and Aegeus made the agreement with the captain of the vessel that, if Theseus should overcome the Minotaur, they should sail back with their sails white, but if he died, they should be black, just as they had been accustomed to do on the previous occasion. When they had landed in Crete, Ariadnê, the daughter of Minos, became enamoured of Theseus, who was unusually handsome, and Theseus, after conversing with her and securing her assistance, both slew the Minotaur and got safely away, since he had learned from her the way out of the labyrinth.,5. In making his way back to his native land he carried off Ariadnê and sailed out unobserved during the night, after which he put in at the island which at that time was called Dia, but is now called Naxos. At this same time, the myths relate, Dionysus showed himself on the island, and because of the beauty of Ariadnê he took the maiden away from Theseus and kept her as his lawful wife, loving her exceedingly. Indeed, after her death he considered her worthy of immortal honours because of the affection he had for her, and placed among the stars of heaven the "Crown of Ariadnê.",6. But Theseus, they say, being vexed exceedingly because the maiden had been taken from him, and forgetting because of his grief the command of Aegeus, came to port in Attica with the black sails.,7. And of Aegeus, we are told, witnessing the return of the ship and thinking that his son was dead, performed an act which was at the same time heroic and a calamity; for he ascended the acropolis and then, because he was disgusted with life by reason of his excessive grief, cast himself down from the height.,8. After Aegeus had died, Theseus, succeeding to the kingship, ruled over the masses in accordance with the laws and performed many deeds which contributed to the aggrandisement of his native land. The most notable thing which he accomplished was the incorporation of the demes, which were small in size but many in number, into the city of Athens;,9. since from that time on the Athenians were filled with pride by reason of the importance of their state and aspired to the leadership of the Greeks. But for our part, now that we have set forth these facts at sufficient length, we shall record what remains to be said about Theseus. 5.58. 1. About this time Danaüs together with his daughters fled from Egypt, and when he put ashore at Lindus in Rhodes and received the kindly welcome of the inhabitants, he established there a temple of Athena and dedicated in it a statue of the goddess. of the daughters of Danaüs three died during their stay in Lindus, but the rest sailed on to Argos together with their father Danaüs.,2. And a little after this time Cadmus, the son of Agenor, having been dispatched by the king to seek out Europê, put ashore at Rhodes. He had been severely buffeted by tempests during the voyage and had taken a vow to found a temple to Poseidon, and so, since he had come through with his life, he founded in the island a sacred precinct to this god and left there certain of the Phoenicians to serve as its overseers. These men mingled with the Ialysians and continued to live as fellow-citizens with them, and from them, we are told, the priests were drawn who succeeded to the priestly office by heredity.,3. Now Cadmus honoured likewise the Lindian Athena with votive offerings, one of which was a striking bronze cauldron worked after the ancient manner, and this carried an inscription in Phoenician letters, which, men say, were first brought from Phoenicia to Greece.,4. Subsequent to these happenings, when the land of Rhodes brought forth huge serpents, it came to pass that the serpents caused the death of many of the natives; consequently the survivors dispatched men to Delos to inquire of the god how they might rid themselves of the evil.,5. And Apollo commanded them to receive Phorbas and his companions and to colonize together with them the island of Rhodes â Phorbas was a son of Lapithes and was tarrying in Thessaly together with a considerable number of men, seeking a land in which he might make his home â and the Rhodians summoned him as the oracle had commanded and gave him a share in the land. And Phorbas destroyed the serpents, and after he had freed the island of its fear he made his home in Rhodes; furthermore, since in other respects he proved himself a great and good man, after his death he was accorded honours like those offered to heroes. 5.59. 1. At a later time than the events we have described Althaemenes, the son of Catreus the king of Crete, while inquiring of the oracle regarding certain other matters, received the reply that it was fated that he should slay his father by his own hand.,2. So wishing to avoid such an abominable act, he fled of his own free will from Crete together with such as desired to sail away with him, these being a considerable company. Althaemenes, then, put ashore on Rhodes at Cameirus, and on Mount Atabyrus he founded a temple of Zeus who is called Zeus Atabyrius; and for this reason the temple is held in special honour even to this day, situated as it is upon a lofty peak from which one can descry Crete.,3. So Althaemenes with his companions made his home in Cameirus, being held in honour by the natives; but his father Catreus, having no male children at home and dearly loving Althaemenes, sailed to Rhodes, being resolved upon finding his son and bringing him back to Crete. And now the fated destiny prevailed: Catreus disembarked by night upon the land of Rhodes with a few followers, and when there arose a hand-toâhand conflict between them and the natives, Althaemenes, rushing out to aid them, hurled his spear, and struck in ignorance his father and killed him.,4. And when he realized what he had done, Althaemenes, being unable to bear his great affliction, shunned all meetings and association with mankind, and betook himself to unfrequented places and wandered about alone, until the grief put an end to his life; and at a later time he received at the hands of the Rhodians, as a certain oracle had commanded, the honours which are accorded to heroes.,5. Shortly before the Trojan War Tlepolemus, the son of Heracles, who was a fugitive because of the death of Licymnius, whom he had unwittingly slain, fled of his free will from Argos; and upon receiving an oracular response regarding where he should go to found a settlement, he put ashore at Rhodes together with a few people, and being kindly received by the inhabitants he made his home there.,6. And becoming king of the whole island he portioned out the land in equal allotments and continued in other respects as well to rule equitably. And in the end, when he was on the point of taking part with Agamemnon in the war against Ilium, he put the rule of Rhodes in the hands of Butas, who had accompanied him in his flight from Argos, and he gained great fame for himself in the war and met his death in the Troad. 7.13.1. Temenus, who obtained the territory of Argos as his portion, together with his army invaded the land of his enemies. And in the course of the war, which was a long one, he did not advance his sons to positions of command, but he assigned to Deïphontes, his daughter's husband whom he especially favoured, the undertakings which carried with them the most renown. For this reason his sons, Cissus and Phalces Cerynes, became wroth with him and formed a plot against their father by the hands of certain villains; and the latter, at the instigation of the sons, lay in wait for Temenus beside a certain river. But they did not succeed in slaying him, and took to flight after only wounding him. 11.62.3. And the Athenian people, taking a tenth part of the booty, dedicated it to the god, and the inscription which they wrote upon the dedication they made ran as follows: E'en from the day when the sea divided Europe from Asia, And the impetuous god, Ares, the cities of men Took for his own, no deed such as this among earth-dwelling mortals Ever was wrought at one time both upon land and at sea. These men indeed upon Cyprus sent many a Mede to destruction, Capturing out on the sea warships a hundred in sum Filled with Phoenician men; and deeply all Asia grieved o'er them, Smitten thus with both hands, vanquished by war's mighty power. 11.65. 1. The following year Theageneides was archon in Athens, and in Rome the consuls elected were Lucius Aemilius Mamercus and Lucius Julius Iulus, and the Seventy-eight Olympiad was celebrated, that in which Parmenides of Posidonia won the "stadion." In this year a war broke out between the Argives and Mycenaeans for the following reasons.,2. The Mycenaeans, because of the ancient prestige of their country, would not be subservient to the Argives as the other cities of Argolis were, but they maintained an independent position and would take no orders from the Argives; and they kept disputing with them also over the shrine of Hera and claiming that they had the right to administer the Nemean Games by themselves. Furthermore, when the Argives voted not to join with the Lacedaemonians in the battle at Thermopylae unless they were given a share in the supreme command, the Mycenaeans were the only people of Argolis who fought at the side of the Lacedaemonians.,3. In a word, the Argives were suspicious of the Mycenaeans, fearing lest, if they got any stronger, they might, on the strength of the ancient prestige of Mycenae, dispute the right of Argos to the leadership. Such, then, were the reasons for the bad blood between them; and from of old the Argives had ever been eager to exalt their city, and now they thought they had a favourable opportunity, seeing that the Lacedaemonians had been weakened and were unable to come to the aid of the Mycenaeans. Therefore the Argives, gathering a strong army from both Argos and the cities of their allies, marched against the Mycenaeans, and after defeating them in battle and shutting them within their walls, they laid siege to the city.,4. The Mycenaeans for a time resisted the besiegers with vigour, but afterwards, since they were being worsted in the fighting and the Lacedaemonians could bring them no aid because of their own wars and the disaster that had overtaken them in the earthquakes, and since there were no other allies, they were taken by storm through lack of support from outside.,5. The Argives sold the Mycenaeans into slavery, dedicated a tenth part of them to the god, and razed Mycenae. So this city, which in ancient times had enjoyed such felicity, possessing great men and having to its credit memorable achievements, met with such an end, and has remained uninhabited down to our own times. These, then, were the events of this year. 11.78. 1. At the conclusion of this year Philocles was archon in Athens, and in Rome Aulus Postumius Regulus and Spurius Furius Mediolanus succeeded to the consulship. During this year a war arose between the Corinthians and Epidaurians on the one hand and the Athenians on the other, and the Athenians took the field against them and after a sharp battle were victorious.,2. With a large fleet they put in at a place called Halieis, landed on the Peloponnesus, and slew not a few of the enemy. But the Peloponnesians rallied and gathered a strong force, and it came to a battle with the Athenians near the place called Cecryphaleia in which the Athenians were again victorious.,3. After such successes the Athenians, seeing that the Aeginetans were not only puffed up over their former achievements but also hostile to Athens, decided to reduce them by war.,4. Therefore the Athenians dispatched a strong fleet against them. The inhabitants of Aegina, however, who had great experience in fighting at sea and enjoyed a great reputation therefor, were not dismayed at the superiority of the Athenians, but since they had a considerable number of triremes and had built some new ones, they engaged the Athenians in battle, but were defeated with the loss of seventy ships; and, their spirits crushed by so great a disaster, they were forced to join the league which paid tribute to Athenians. This was accomplished for the Athenians by their general Leocrates, who was engaged in the war with the Aeginetans nine months in all.,5. While these events were taking place, in Sicily the king of the Siceli, Ducetius, a man of famous family and influential at this time, founded the city of Menaenum and distributed the neighbouring territory among the settlers, and making a campaign against the strong city of Morgantina and reducing it, he won fame among his own people. 12.75. 1. When Aristion was archon in Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Titus Quinctius and Aulus Cornelius Cossus. During this year, although the Peloponnesian War had just come to an end, again tumults and military movements occurred throughout Greece, for the following reasons.,2. Although the Athenians and Lacedaemonians had concluded a truce and cessation of hostilities in company with their allies, they had formed an alliance without consultation with the allied cities. By this act they fell under suspicion of having formed an alliance for their private ends, with the purpose of enslaving the rest of the Greeks.,3. As a consequence the most important of the cities maintained a mutual exchange of embassies and conversations regarding a union of policy and an alliance against the Athenians and Lacedaemonians. The leading states in this undertaking were the four most powerful ones, Argos, Thebes, Corinth, and Elis.,4. There was good reason to suspect that Athens and Lacedaemon had common designs against the rest of Greece, since a clause had been added to the compact which the two had made, namely, that the Athenians and Lacedaemonians had the right, according as these states may deem it best, to add to or subtract from the agreements. Moreover, the Athenians by decree had lodged in ten men the power to take counsel regarding what would be of advantage to the city; and since much the same thing had also been done by the Lacedaemonians, the selfish ambitions of the two states were open for all to see.,5. Many cities answered to the call of their common freedom, and since the Athenians were disdained by reason of the defeat they had suffered at Delium and the Lacedaemonians had had their fame reduced because of the capture of their citizens on the island of Sphacteria, a large number of cities joined together and selected the city of the Argives to hold the position of leader.,6. For this city enjoyed a high position by reason of its achievements in the past, since until the return of the Heracleidae practically all the most important kings had come from the Argolis, and furthermore, since the city had enjoyed peace for a long time, it had received revenues of the greatest size and had a great store not only of money but also of men.,7. The Argives, believing that the entire leadership was to be conceded to them, picked out one thousand of their younger citizens who were at the same time the most vigorous in body and the most wealthy, and freeing them also from every other service to the state and supplying them with sustece at public expense, they had them undergo continuous training and exercise. These young men, therefore, by reason of the expense incurred for them and their continuous training, quickly formed a body of athletes trained to deeds of war. 12.78. 1. When Archias was archon in Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Lucius Papirius Mugilanus and Gaius Servilius Structus. In this year the Argives, charging the Lacedaemonians with not paying the sacrifices to Apollo Pythaeus, declared war on them; and it was at this very time that Alcibiades, the Athenian general, entered Argolis with an army.,2. Adding these troops to their forces, the Argives advanced against Troezen, a city which was an ally of the Lacedaemonians, and after plundering its territory and burning its farm-buildings they returned home. The Lacedaemonians, being incensed at the lawless acts committed against the Troezenians, resolved to go to war against the Argives; consequently they mustered an army and put their king Agis in command.,3. With this force Agis advanced against the Argives and ravaged their territory, and leading his army to the vicinity of the city he challenged the enemy to battle.,4. The Argives, adding to their army three thousand soldiers from the Eleians and almost as many from the Mantineians, led out their forces from the city. When a pitched battle was imminent, the generals conducted negotiations with each other and agreed upon a cessation of hostilities for four months.,5. But when the armies returned to their homes without accomplishing anything, both cities were angry with the generals who had agreed upon the truce. Consequently the Argives hurled stones at their commanders and began to menace them with death; only reluctantly and after much supplication their lives were spared, but their property was confiscated and their homes razed to the ground.,6. The Lacedaemonians took steps to punish Agis, but when he promised to atone for his error by worthy deeds, they reluctantly let him off, and for the future they chose ten of their wisest men, whom they appointed his advisers, and they ordered him to do nothing without learning their opinion. 13.102.2. And when all became still, he said: "Men of Athens, may the action which has been taken regarding us turn out well for the state; but as for the vows which we made for the victory, inasmuch as Fortune has prevented our paying them, since it is well that you give thought to them, do you pay them to Zeus the Saviour and Apollo and the Holy Goddesses; for it was to these gods that we made vows before we overcame the enemy." |
|
85. Dionysius of Halycarnassus, Roman Antiquities, 4.25.3, 7.20.1, 9.26.9 (1st cent. BCE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 185, 198 | 4.25.3. When he had arranged affairs in the city in the best manner, he conceived a desire to perpetuate his memory with posterity by some illustrious enterprise. And upon turning his attention to the monuments both of ancient kings and statesmen by which they had gained reputation and glory, he did not envy either that Assyrian woman for having built the walls of Babylon, or the kings of Egypt for having raised the pyramids at Memphis, or any other prince for whatever monument he might have erected as a display of his riches and of the multitude of workmen at his command. On the contrary, he regarded all these things as trivial and ephemeral and unworthy of serious attention, mere beguilements for the eyes, but no real aids to the conduct of life or to the administration of public affairs, since they led to nothing more than a reputation for great felicity on the part of those who built them. But the things that he regarded as worthy of praise and emulation were the works of the mind, the advantages from which are enjoyed by the greatest number of people and for the greatest length of time. And of all the achievements of this nature he admired most the plan of Amphictyon, the son of Hellen, who, seeing the Greek nation weak and easy to be destroyed by the barbarians who surrounded them, brought them together in a general council and assemblage of the whole nation, named after him the Amphictyonic council; and then, apart from the particular laws by which each city was governed, established others common to all, which they call the Amphictyonic laws, in consequence of which they lived in mutual friendship, and fulfilling the obligations of kinship by their actions rather than by their professions, continued troublesome and formidable neighbours to the barbarians. 7.20.1. The consuls appointed to succeed them, Marcus Minucius Augurinus and Aulus Sempronius Atratinus, who were both invested with this magistracy for the second time, being men not unskilled either in arms or in debate, took great care to supply the city plentifully with both corn and all other provisions, believing that the harmony of the masses depended on their well-being in this respect. Nevertheless, it was not their good fortune to obtain both these ends at the same time, but the surfeit of good things was accompanied by the insolence of those who had the benefit of them. 9.26.9. Accordingly, the people did not think it fitting either to hold festival as for a glorious victory or to mourn as for a great and irreparable calamity; and the senate, while ordering the required sacrifices to be offered to the gods, did not permit the consuls to conduct the triumphal procession in token of a victory. A few days later the city was filled with all sorts of provisions, as not only the men who had been sent out by the commonwealth but also those who were accustomed to carry on this trade had brought in much corn; consequently, everybody enjoyed the same abundance as aforetime. |
|
86. Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 1.9.12, 2.1.4, 2.2.2, 2.4.5-2.4.6, 2.5.9, 2.7.7, 2.8.1-2.8.5, 3.5.2, 3.12.6, 3.15.7-3.15.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), apollodorus •apollo pythios (delphi), early fifth-century transformation •apollo pythios (delphi), apries •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi), and colonization •apollo pythios (delphi), argive plain •apollo pythios (delphi), reconfiguration of myths and rituals in song •apollo pythios (delphi) •apollo pythios (delphi), dorianization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 90, 96, 97, 135, 136, 137, 139, 141, 152, 169, 171, 183, 232, 240, 277, 278| 1.9.12. Βίας δὲ 3 -- ἐμνηστεύετο Πηρὼ τὴν Νηλέως· ὁ δὲ πολλῶν αὐτῷ μνηστευομένων τὴν θυγατέρα δώσειν ἔφη τῷ τὰς Φυλάκου 1 -- βόας κομίσαντι αὐτῷ. αὗται δὲ ἦσαν ἐν Φυλάκῃ, καὶ κύων ἐφύλασσεν αὐτὰς οὗ οὔτε ἄνθρωπος οὔτε θηρίον πέλας ἐλθεῖν ἠδύνατο. ταύτας ἀδυνατῶν Βίας τὰς βόας κλέψαι παρεκάλει τὸν ἀδελφὸν συλλαβέσθαι. Μελάμπους δὲ ὑπέσχετο, καὶ προεῖπεν ὅτι φωραθήσεται κλέπτων καὶ δεθεὶς ἐνιαυτὸν οὕτω τὰς βόας λήψεται. μετὰ δὲ τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν εἰς Φυλάκην ἀπῄει καί, καθάπερ προεῖπε, φωραθεὶς ἐπὶ τῇ κλοπῇ δέσμιος 2 -- ἐν οἰκήματι ἐφυλάσσετο. λειπομένου δὲ τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ βραχέος χρόνου, τῶν κατὰ τὸ κρυφαῖον 3 -- τῆς στέγης σκωλήκων ἀκούει, τοῦ μὲν ἐρωτῶντος πόσον ἤδη μέρος τοῦ δοκοῦ διαβέβρωται, τῶν δὲ ἀποκρινομένων 4 -- λοιπὸν ἐλάχιστον εἶναι. καὶ ταχέως ἐκέλευσεν αὑτὸν εἰς ἕτερον οἴκημα μεταγαγεῖν, γενομένου δὲ τούτου μετʼ οὐ πολὺ συνέπεσε τὸ οἴκημα. θαυμάσας δὲ Φύλακος, καὶ μαθὼν ὅτι ἐστὶ μάντις ἄριστος, λύσας παρεκάλεσεν εἰπεῖν ὅπως αὐτοῦ τῷ παιδὶ Ἰφίκλῳ παῖδες γένωνται. ὁ δὲ ὑπέσχετο ἐφʼ ᾧ τὰς βόας λήψεται. καὶ καταθύσας ταύρους δύο καὶ μελίσας τοὺς οἰωνοὺς προσεκαλέσατο· παραγενομένου δὲ αἰγυπιοῦ, παρὰ τούτου μανθάνει δὴ ὅτι Φύλακός ποτε κριοὺς τέμνων ἐπὶ τῶν αἰδοίων 5 -- παρὰ τῷ Ἰφίκλῳ τὴν μάχαιραν ᾑμαγμένην ἔτι κατέθετο, δείσαντος δὲ τοῦ παιδὸς καὶ φυγόντος αὖθις κατὰ τῆς ἱερᾶς δρυὸς αὐτὴν ἔπηξε, καὶ ταύτην ἀμφιτροχάσας 1 -- ἐκάλυψεν ὁ φλοιός. ἔλεγεν οὖν, εὑρεθείσης τῆς μαχαίρας εἰ ξύων τὸν ἰὸν ἐπὶ ἡμέρας δέκα Ἰφίκλῳ δῷ πιεῖν, παῖδα γεννήσειν. ταῦτα μαθὼν παρʼ αἰγυπιοῦ Μελάμπους τὴν μὲν μάχαιραν εὗρε, τῷ δὲ Ἰφίκλῳ τὸν ἰὸν ξύσας ἐπὶ ἡμέρας δέκα δέδωκε πιεῖν, καὶ παῖς αὐτῷ Ποδάρκης ἐγένετο. τὰς δὲ βόας εἰς Πύλον ἤλασε, καὶ τῷ ἀδελφῷ τὴν Νηλέως θυγατέρα λαβὼν ἔδωκε. καὶ μέχρι μέν τινος ἐν Μεσσήνῃ κατῴκει, ὡς δὲ τὰς ἐν Ἄργει γυναῖκας ἐξέμηνε Διόνυσος, ἐπὶ 2 -- μέρει τῆς 3 -- βασιλείας ἰασάμενος αὐτὰς ἐκεῖ μετὰ Βίαντος κατῴκησε. 2.1.4. Ἔπαφος δὲ βασιλεύων Αἰγυπτίων γαμεῖ Μέμφιν τὴν Νείλου θυγατέρα, καὶ ἀπὸ ταύτης κτίζει Μέμφιν πόλιν, καὶ τεκνοῖ θυγατέρα Λιβύην, ἀφʼ ἧς ἡ χώρα Λιβύη ἐκλήθη. Λιβύης δὲ καὶ Ποσειδῶνος γίνονται παῖδες δίδυμοι Ἀγήνωρ καὶ Βῆλος. Ἀγήνωρ μὲν οὖν εἰς Φοινίκην ἀπαλλαγεὶς ἐβασίλευσε, κἀκεῖ τῆς μεγάλης ῥίζης ἐγένετο γενεάρχης· ὅθεν ὑπερθησόμεθα περὶ τούτου. Βῆλος δὲ ὑπομείνας ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ βασιλεύει μὲν Αἰγύπτου, γαμεῖ δὲ Ἀγχινόην 5 -- τὴν Νείλου θυγατέρα, καὶ αὐτῷ γίνονται παῖδες δίδυμοι, Αἴγυπτος καὶ Δαναός, ὡς δέ φησιν Εὐριπίδης, καὶ Κηφεὺς καὶ Φινεὺς προσέτι. Δαναὸν μὲν οὖν Βῆλος ἐν Λιβύῃ κατῴκισεν, 1 -- Αἴγυπτον δὲ ἐν Ἀραβίᾳ, ὃς καὶ καταστρεψάμενος 2 -- τὴν Μελαμπόδων 3 -- χώραν ἀφʼ ἑαυτοῦ 4 -- ὠνόμασεν Αἴγυπτον. γίνονται δὲ ἐκ πολλῶν γυναικῶν Αἰγύπτῳ μὲν παῖδες πεντήκοντα, θυγατέρες δὲ Δαναῷ πεντήκοντα. στασιασάντων δὲ αὐτῶν περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς 5 -- ὕστερον, Δαναὸς τοὺς Αἰγύπτου παῖδας δεδοικώς, ὑποθεμένης Ἀθηνᾶς αὐτῷ ναῦν κατεσκεύασε πρῶτος καὶ τὰς θυγατέρας ἐνθέμενος ἔφυγε. προσσχὼν 6 -- δὲ Ῥόδῳ τὸ τῆς Λινδίας 7 -- ἄγαλμα Ἀθηνᾶς ἱδρύσατο. ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἧκεν εἰς Ἄργος, καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτῷ παραδίδωσι Γελάνωρ 8 -- ὁ τότε βασιλεύων αὐτὸς δὲ κρατήσας τῆς χώρας ἀφʼ ἑαυτοῦ τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας Δαναοὺς ὠνόμασε . 9 -- ἀνύδρου δὲ τῆς χώρας ὑπαρχούσης, ἐπειδὴ καὶ τὰς πηγὰς ἐξήρανε Ποσειδῶν μηνίων Ἰνάχῳ διότι τὴν χώραν Ἥρας 1 -- ἐμαρτύρησεν εἶναι, τὰς θυγατέρας ὑδρευσομένας ἔπεμψε. μία δὲ αὐτῶν Ἀμυμώνη ζητοῦσα ὕδωρ ῥίπτει βέλος ἐπὶ ἔλαφον καὶ κοιμωμένου Σατύρου τυγχάνει, κἀκεῖνος περιαναστὰς ἐπεθύμει συγγενέσθαι· Ποσειδῶνος δὲ ἐπιφανέντος ὁ Σάτυρος μὲν ἔφυγεν, Ἀμυμώνη δὲ τούτῳ συνευνάζεται, καὶ αὐτῇ Ποσειδῶν τὰς ἐν Λέρνῃ πηγὰς ἐμήνυσεν. 2.2.2. καὶ γίνεται Ἀκρισίῳ μὲν ἐξ Εὐρυδίκης τῆς Λακεδαίμονος Δανάη, Προίτῳ δὲ ἐκ Σθενεβοίας Λυσίππη καὶ Ἰφινόη καὶ Ἰφιάνασσα. αὗται δὲ ὡς ἐτελειώθησαν, ἐμάνησαν, ὡς μὲν Ἡσίοδός φησιν, ὅτι τὰς Διονύσου τελετὰς οὐ κατεδέχοντο, ὡς δὲ Ἀκουσίλαος λέγει, διότι τὸ τῆς Ἥρας ξόανον ἐξηυτέλισαν. γενόμεναι δὲ ἐμμανεῖς ἐπλανῶντο ἀνὰ τὴν Ἀργείαν ἅπασαν, αὖθις δὲ τὴν Ἀρκαδίαν καὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον 1 -- διελθοῦσαι μετʼ ἀκοσμίας ἁπάσης διὰ τῆς ἐρημίας ἐτρόχαζον. Μελάμπους δὲ ὁ Ἀμυθάονος καὶ Εἰδομένης τῆς Ἄβαντος, μάντις ὢν καὶ τὴν διὰ φαρμάκων καὶ καθαρμῶν θεραπείαν πρῶτος εὑρηκώς, ὑπισχνεῖται θεραπεύειν τὰς παρθένους, εἰ λάβοι τὸ τρίτον μέρος τῆς δυναστείας. οὐκ ἐπιτρέποντος δὲ Προίτου θεραπεύειν ἐπὶ μισθοῖς τηλικούτοις, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐμαίνοντο αἱ παρθένοι καὶ προσέτι μετὰ τούτων αἱ λοιπαὶ γυναῖκες· καὶ γὰρ αὗται τὰς οἰκίας ἀπολιποῦσαι τοὺς ἰδίους ἀπώλλυον παῖδας καὶ εἰς τὴν ἐρημίαν ἐφοίτων. προβαινούσης δὲ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τῆς συμφορᾶς, τοὺς αἰτηθέντας μισθοὺς ὁ Προῖτος ἐδίδου. ὁ δὲ ὑπέσχετο θεραπεύειν ὅταν ἕτερον τοσοῦτον τῆς γῆς ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ λάβῃ Βίας. Προῖτος δὲ εὐλαβηθεὶς μὴ βραδυνούσης τῆς θεραπείας αἰτηθείη καὶ πλεῖον, θεραπεύειν συνεχώρησεν ἐπὶ τούτοις. Μελάμπους δὲ παραλαβὼν τοὺς δυνατωτάτους τῶν νεανιῶν μετʼ ἀλαλαγμοῦ καί τινος ἐνθέου χορείας ἐκ τῶν ὀρῶν αὐτὰς εἰς Σικυῶνα συνεδίωξε. κατὰ δὲ τὸν διωγμὸν ἡ πρεσβυτάτη τῶν θυγατέρων Ἰφινόη μετήλλαξεν· ταῖς δὲ λοιπαῖς τυχούσαις καθαρμῶν σωφρονῆσαι συνέβη. καὶ ταύτας μὲν ἐξέδοτο Προῖτος Μελάμποδι καὶ Βίαντι, παῖδα δʼ ὕστερον ἐγέννησε Μεγαπένθην. 2.4.5. ἐγένοντο δὲ ἐξ Ἀνδρομέδας παῖδες αὐτῷ, πρὶν μὲν ἐλθεῖν εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα Πέρσης, ὃν παρὰ Κηφεῖ κατέλιπεν (ἀπὸ τούτου δὲ τοὺς Περσῶν βασιλέας λέγεται γενέσθαι), ἐν Μυκήναις δὲ Ἀλκαῖος καὶ Σθένελος καὶ Ἕλειος 7 -- Μήστωρ τε καὶ Ἠλεκτρύων, καὶ θυγάτηρ Γοργοφόνη, ἣν Περιήρης ἔγημεν. ἐκ μὲν οὖν Ἀλκαίου καὶ Ἀστυδαμείας τῆς Πέλοπος, ὡς δὲ ἔνιοι λέγουσι Λαονόμης τῆς Γουνέως, ὡς δὲ ἄλλοι πάλιν Ἱππονόμης τῆς Μενοικέως, Ἀμφιτρύων ἐγένετο καὶ θυγάτηρ Ἀναξώ, ἐκ δὲ Μήστορος καὶ Λυσιδίκης τῆς Πέλοπος Ἱπποθόη. ταύτην ἁρπάσας Ποσειδῶν καὶ κομίσας ἐπὶ τὰς Ἐχινάδας νήσους μίγνυται, καὶ γεννᾷ Τάφιον, ὃς ᾤκισε Τάφον καὶ τοὺς λαοὺς Τηλεβόας ἐκάλεσεν, ὅτι τηλοῦ τῆς πατρίδος ἔβη. ἐκ Ταφίου δὲ παῖς Πτερέλαος ἐγένετο· τοῦτον ἀθάνατον ἐποίησε Ποσειδῶν, ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ χρυσῆν ἐνθεὶς τρίχα. Πτερελάῳ δὲ ἐγένοντο παῖδες Χρομίος Τύραννος Ἀντίοχος Χερσιδάμας Μήστωρ Εὐήρης. Ἠλεκτρύων δὲ γήμας τὴν Ἀλκαίου θυγατέρα Ἀναξώ, ἐγέννησε θυγατέρα. μὲν Ἀλκμήνην, παῖδας δὲ Στρατοβάτην 1 -- Γοργοφόνον Φυλόνομον 2 -- Κελαινέα Ἀμφίμαχον Λυσίνομον Χειρίμαχον Ἀνάκτορα Ἀρχέλαον, μετὰ δὲ τούτους καὶ νόθον ἐκ Φρυγίας γυναικὸς Μιδέας 3 -- Λικύμνιον. Σθενέλου δὲ καὶ Νικίππης τῆς Πέλοπος Ἀλκυόνη 1 -- καὶ Μέδουσα, ὕστερον δὲ καὶ Εὐρυσθεὺς ἐγένετο, ὃς καὶ Μυκηνῶν ἐβασίλευσεν. ὅτε γὰρ Ἡρακλῆς ἔμελλε γεννᾶσθαι, Ζεὺς ἐν θεοῖς ἔφη τὸν ἀπὸ Περσέως γεννηθησόμενον τότε βασιλεύσειν Μυκηνῶν, Ἥρα δὲ διὰ 2 -- ζῆλον Εἰλειθυίας 3 -- ἔπεισε τὸν μὲν Ἀλκμήνης τόκον ἐπισχεῖν, Εὐρυσθέα δὲ τὸν Σθενέλου παρεσκεύασε γεννηθῆναι ἑπταμηνιαῖον ὄντα. 2.4.6. Ἠλεκτρύονος δὲ βασιλεύοντος Μυκηνῶν, μετὰ Ταφίων 4 -- οἱ Πτερελάου παῖδες ἐλθόντες τὴν Μήστορος ἀρχὴν τοῦ μητροπάτορος 5 -- ἀπῄτουν, καὶ μὴ προσέχοντος 6 -- Ἠλεκτρύονος ἀπήλαυνον τὰς βόας· ἀμυνομένων δὲ τῶν Ἠλεκτρύονος παίδων, ἐκ προκλήσεως 1 -- ἀλλήλους ἀπέκτειναν. ἐσώθη δὲ τῶν Ἠλεκτρύονος παίδων Λικύμνιος ἔτι νέος ὑπάρχων, τῶν δὲ Πτερελάου Εὐήρης, ὃς καὶ τὰς ναῦς ἐφύλασσε. τῶν δὲ Ταφίων οἱ διαφυγόντες ἀπέπλευσαν τὰς ἐλαθείσας βόας ἑλόντες, καὶ παρέθεντο τῷ βασιλεῖ τῶν Ἠλείων Πολυξένῳ· Ἀμφιτρύων δὲ παρὰ Πολυξένου λυτρωσάμενος αὐτὰς ἤγαγεν εἰς Μυκήνας. 2 -- ὁ δὲ Ἠλεκτρύων τὸν τῶν παίδων θάνατον βουλόμενος ἐκδικῆσαι, παραδοὺς τὴν βασιλείαν Ἀμφιτρύωνι καὶ τὴν θυγατέρα Ἀλκμήνην, ἐξορκίσας ἵνα μέχρι τῆς ἐπανόδου παρθένον αὐτὴν φυλάξῃ, στρατεύειν ἐπὶ Τηλεβόας διενοεῖτο. ἀπολαμβάνοντος δὲ αὐτοῦ τὰς βόας, μιᾶς ἐκθορούσης Ἀμφιτρύων ἐπʼ αὐτὴν ἀφῆκεν ὃ μετὰ χεῖρας εἶχε ῥόπαλον, τὸ δὲ ἀποκρουσθὲν ἀπὸ τῶν κεράτων εἰς τὴν Ἠλεκτρύονος κεφαλὴν ἐλθὸν ἀπέκτεινεν αὐτόν. ὅθεν λαβὼν ταύτην τὴν πρόφασιν Σθένελος παντὸς Ἄργους ἐξέβαλεν Ἀμφιτρύωνα, καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν τῶν Μυκηνῶν καὶ τῆς Τίρυνθος αὐτὸς κατέσχε· τὴν δὲ Μίδειαν, 1 -- μεταπεμψάμενος τοὺς Πέλοπος παῖδας Ἀτρέα καὶ Θυέστην, παρέθετο τούτοις. Ἀμφιτρύων δὲ σὺν Ἀλκμήνῃ καὶ Λικυμνίῳ παραγενόμενος ἐπὶ Θήβας ὑπὸ Κρέοντος ἡγνίσθη, καὶ δίδωσι τὴν ἀδελφὴν Περιμήδην Λικυμνίῳ. λεγούσης δὲ Ἀλκμήνης γαμηθήσεσθαι αὐτῷ 2 -- τῶν ἀδελφῶν αὐτῆς ἐκδικήσαντι τὸν θάνατον, ὑποσχόμενος ἐπὶ Τηλεβόας στρατεύει Ἀμφιτρύων, καὶ παρεκάλει συλλαβέσθαι Κρέοντα. ὁ δὲ ἔφη στρατεύσειν, ἐὰν πρότερον ἐκεῖνος τὴν Καδμείαν 3 -- τῆς ἀλώπεκος ἀπαλλάξῃ· ἔφθειρε γὰρ τὴν 4 -- Καδμείαν ἀλώπηξ θηρίον. ὑποστάντος δὲ ὅμως εἱμαρμένον ἦν αὐτὴν μηδέ τινα καταλαβεῖν. 2.5.9. ἔνατον ἆθλον Ἡρακλεῖ ἐπέταξε ζωστῆρα κομίζειν τὸν Ἱππολύτης. αὕτη δὲ ἐβασίλευεν Ἀμαζόνων, αἳ κατῴκουν περὶ τὸν Θερμώδοντα ποταμόν, ἔθνος μέγα τὰ κατὰ πόλεμον· ἤσκουν γὰρ ἀνδρίαν, καὶ εἴ ποτε μιγεῖσαι γεννήσειαν, τὰ θήλεα ἔτρεφον, καὶ τοὺς μὲν δεξιοὺς μαστοὺς ἐξέθλιβον, ἵνα μὴ κωλύωνται ἀκοντίζειν, τοὺς δὲ ἀριστεροὺς εἴων, ἵνα τρέφοιεν. εἶχε δὲ Ἱππολύτη τὸν Ἄρεος ζωστῆρα, σύμβολον τοῦ πρωτεύειν ἁπασῶν. ἐπὶ τοῦτον τὸν ζωστῆρα Ἡρακλῆς ἐπέμπετο, λαβεῖν αὐτὸν ἐπιθυμούσης τῆς Εὐρυσθέως θυγατρὸς Ἀδμήτης. παραλαβὼν οὖν ἐθελοντὰς συμμάχους ἐν μιᾷ νηὶ ἔπλει, 2 -- καὶ προσίσχει νήσῳ Πάρῳ, ἣν 3 -- κατῴκουν οἱ Μίνωος υἱοὶ Εὐρυμέδων Χρύσης Νηφαλίων Φιλόλαος. ἀποβάντων 4 -- δὲ δύο τῶν ἐν τῇ 5 -- νηὶ συνέβη τελευτῆσαι ὑπὸ τῶν Μίνωος υἱῶν· ὑπὲρ ὧν ἀγανακτῶν Ἡρακλῆς τούτους μὲν παραχρῆμα ἀπέκτεινε, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς κατακλείσας ἐπολιόρκει, ἕως ἐπιπρεσβευσάμενοι παρεκάλουν ἀντὶ τῶν ἀναιρεθέντων δύο λαβεῖν, οὓς ἂν αὐτὸς θελήσειεν. ὁ δὲ λύσας τὴν πολιορκίαν, καὶ τοὺς Ἀνδρόγεω τοῦ Μίνωος υἱοὺς ἀνελόμενος Ἀλκαῖον καὶ Σθένελον, ἧκεν εἰς Μυσίαν πρὸς Λύκον τὸν Δασκύλου, καὶ ξενισθεὶς ὑπὸ 1 -- τοῦ Βεβρύκων βασιλέως συμβαλόντων, βοηθῶν Λύκῳ πολλοὺς ἀπέκτεινε, μεθʼ ὧν καὶ τὸν βασιλέα Μύγδονα, ἀδελφὸν Ἀμύκου. καὶ τῆς 2 -- Βεβρύκων πολλὴν 3 -- ἀποτεμόμενος γῆν ἔδωκε Λύκῳ· ὁ δὲ πᾶσαν ἐκείνην ἐκάλεσεν Ἡράκλειαν. καταπλεύσαντος δὲ εἰς τὸν ἐν Θεμισκύρᾳ λιμένα, παραγενομένης εἰς 4 -- αὐτὸν Ἱππολύτης καὶ τίνος ἥκοι χάριν πυθομένης, καὶ δώσειν τὸν ζωστῆρα ὑποσχομένης, 5 -- Ἥρα μιᾷ τῶν Ἀμαζόνων εἰκασθεῖσα τὸ πλῆθος ἐπεφοίτα, λέγουσα ὅτι 6 -- τὴν βασιλίδα ἀφαρπάζουσιν 7 -- οἱ προσελθόντες ξένοι. αἱ δὲ μεθʼ ὅπλων ἐπὶ τὴν ναῦν κατέθεον σὺν ἵπποις. 8 -- ὡς δὲ εἶδεν αὐτὰς καθωπλισμένας Ἡρακλῆς, νομίσας ἐκ δόλου τοῦτο γενέσθαι, τὴν μὲν Ἱππολύτην κτείνας τὸν ζωστῆρα ἀφαιρεῖται, πρὸς δὲ τὰς λοιπὰς ἀγωνισάμενος ἀποπλεῖ, καὶ προσίσχει Τροίᾳ. συνεβεβήκει δὲ τότε κατὰ μῆνιν Ἀπόλλωνος καὶ Ποσειδῶνος ἀτυχεῖν τὴν πόλιν. Ἀπόλλων γὰρ καὶ Ποσειδῶν τὴν Λαομέδοντος ὕβριν πειράσαι θέλοντες, εἰκασθέντες ἀνθρώποις ὑπέσχοντο ἐπὶ μισθῷ τειχιεῖν τὸ Πέργαμον. τοῖς δὲ τειχίσασι τὸν μισθὸν οὐκ ἀπεδίδου. διὰ τοῦτο Ἀπόλλων μὲν λοιμὸν ἔπεμψε, Ποσειδῶν δὲ κῆτος ἀναφερόμενον ὑπὸ πλημμυρίδος, ὃ τοὺς ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ συνήρπαζεν ἀνθρώπους. χρησμῶν δὲ λεγόντων ἀπαλλαγὴν ἔσεσθαι τῶν συμφορῶν, ἐὰν προθῇ 1 -- Λαομέδων Ἡσιόνην τὴν θυγατέρα αὐτοῦ τῷ κήτει βοράν, οὗτος 2 -- προύθηκε ταῖς πλησίον τῆς θαλάσσης πέτραις προσαρτήσας. ταύτην ἰδὼν ἐκκειμένην Ἡρακλῆς ὑπέσχετο σώσειν, 1 -- εἰ τὰς ἵππους παρὰ Λαομέδοντος λήψεται ἃς Ζεὺς ποινὴν τῆς Γανυμήδους ἁρπαγῆς ἔδωκε. δώσειν δὲ Λαομέδοντος εἰπόντος, κτείνας τὸ κῆτος Ἡσιόνην ἔσωσε. μὴ βουλομένου δὲ τὸν μισθὸν ἀποδοῦναι, πολεμήσειν Τροίᾳ 2 -- ἀπειλήσας ἀνήχθη. καὶ προσίσχει Αἴνῳ, ἔνθα ξενίζεται ὑπὸ Πόλτυος. ἀποπλέων δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς ἠιόνος τῆς Αἰνίας Σαρπηδόνα, Ποσειδῶνος μὲν υἱὸν ἀδελφὸν δὲ Πόλτυος, ὑβριστὴν ὄντα τοξεύσας ἀπέκτεινε. καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς Θάσον καὶ χειρωσάμενος τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας Θρᾷκας ἔδωκε τοῖς Ἀνδρόγεω παισὶ κατοικεῖν. ἐκ Θάσου δὲ ὁρμηθεὶς ἐπὶ Τορώνην Πολύγονον καὶ Τηλέγονον, τοὺς Πρωτέως τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος υἱούς, παλαίειν προκαλουμένους κατὰ τὴν πάλην ἀπέκτεινε. κομίσας δὲ τὸν ζωστῆρα εἰς Μυκήνας ἔδωκεν Εὐρυσθεῖ. 2.7.7. διεξιὼν δὲ Ἡρακλῆς τὴν Δρυόπων χώραν, ἀπορῶν τροφῆς, 6 -- ἀπαντήσαντος 7 -- Θειοδάμαντος βοηλατοῦντος τὸν ἕτερον τῶν ταύρων λύσας καὶ σφάξας 1 -- εὐωχήσατο. 2 -- ὡς δὲ ἦλθεν 3 -- εἰς Τραχῖνα πρὸς Κήυκα, ὑποδεχθεὶς ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ Δρύοπας κατεπολέμησεν. αὖθις δὲ ἐκεῖθεν ὁρμηθεὶς Αἰγιμίῳ βασιλεῖ Δωριέων συνεμάχησε· Λαπίθαι γὰρ περὶ γῆς ὅρων ἐπολέμουν αὐτῷ Κορώνου στρατηγοῦντος, ὁ δὲ πολιορκούμενος ἐπεκαλέσατο τὸν Ἡρακλέα βοηθὸν ἐπὶ μέρει τῆς γῆς. βοηθήσας δὲ Ἡρακλῆς ἀπέκτεινε Κόρωνον μετὰ καὶ ἄλλων, καὶ τὴν γῆν ἅπασαν παρέδωκεν ἐλευθέραν αὐτῷ. ἀπέκτεινε δὲ καὶ Λαογόραν 4 -- μετὰ τῶν τέκνων, βασιλέα Δρυόπων, ἐν Ἀπόλλωνος τεμένει δαινύμενον, ὑβριστὴν ὄντα καὶ Λαπιθῶν σύμμαχον. παριόντα δὲ Ἴτωνον 5 -- εἰς μονομαχίαν προεκαλέσατο αὐτὸν Κύκνος Ἄρεος καὶ Πελοπίας· συστὰς δὲ καὶ τοῦτον ἀπέκτεινεν. ὡς δὲ εἰς Ὀρμένιον 1 -- ἧκεν, Ἀμύντωρ αὐτὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς μεθʼ ὅπλων 2 -- οὐκ εἴα διέρχεσθαι· κωλυόμενος δὲ παριέναι καὶ τοῦτον ἀπέκτεινεν. ἀφικόμενος δὲ εἰς Τραχῖνα στρατιὰν ἐπʼ Οἰχαλίαν συνήθροισεν, 3 -- Εὔρυτον τιμωρήσασθαι θέλων. συμμαχούντων δὲ αὐτῷ Ἀρκάδων καὶ Μηλιέων 4 -- τῶν ἐκ Τραχῖνος καὶ Λοκρῶν τῶν Ἐπικνημιδίων, κτείνας μετὰ τῶν παίδων Εὔρυτον αἱρεῖ τὴν πόλιν. καὶ θάψας τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ στρατευσαμένων 1 -- τοὺς ἀποθανόντας, Ἵππασόν τε τὸν Κήυκος καὶ Ἀργεῖον καὶ Μέλανα τοὺς Λικυμνίου παῖδας, καὶ λαφυραγωγήσας τὴν πόλιν, ἦγεν Ἰόλην αἰχμάλωτον. καὶ προσορμισθεὶς 2 -- Κηναίῳ τῆς Εὐβοίας ἀκρωτηρίῳ 3 -- Διὸς Κηναίου βωμὸν ἱδρύσατο. μέλλων δὲ ἱερουργεῖν εἰς Τραχῖνα Λίχαν τὸν κήρυκα 4 -- ἔπεμψε λαμπρὰν ἐσθῆτα οἴσοντα. παρὰ δὲ τούτου τὰ περὶ τὴν Ἰόλην Δηιάνειρα πυθομένη, 1 -- καὶ δείσασα μὴ ἐκείνην μᾶλλον ἀγαπήσῃ, 2 -- νομίσασα ταῖς ἀληθείαις 3 -- φίλτρον εἶναι τὸ ῥυὲν αἷμα Νέσσου, τούτῳ τὸν χιτῶνα ἔχρισεν. ἐνδὺς δὲ Ἡρακλῆς ἔθυεν. ὡς δὲ θερμανθέντος τοῦ χιτῶνος ὁ τῆς ὕδρας ἰὸς τὸν χρῶτα ἔσηπε, τὸν μὲν Λίχαν τῶν ποδῶν ἀράμενος κατηκόντισεν ἀπὸ τῆς †Βοιωτίας, 4 -- τὸν δὲ χιτῶνα ἀπέσπα προσπεφυκότα τῷ σώματι· συναπεσπῶντο δὲ καὶ αἱ σάρκες αὐτοῦ. τοιαύτῃ συμφορᾷ κατασχεθεὶς εἰς Τραχῖνα ἐπὶ νεὼς κομίζεται. Δηιάνειρα δὲ αἰσθομένη τὸ γεγονὸς ἑαυτὴν ἀνήρτησεν. Ἡρακλῆς δὲ ἐντειλάμενος Ὕλλῳ, ὃς ἐκ Δηιανείρας ἦν αὐτῷ παῖς πρεσβύτερος, Ἰόλην ἀνδρωθέντα γῆμαι, παραγενόμενος εἰς Οἴτην ὄρος (ἔστι δὲ τοῦτο Τραχινίων), ἐκεῖ πυρὰν ποιήσας ἐκέλευσεν 1 -- ἐπιβὰς 2 -- ὑφάπτειν. μηδενὸς δὲ τοῦτο πράττειν ἐθέλοντος, Ποίας παριὼν κατὰ ζήτησιν ποιμνίων ὑφῆψε. τούτῳ καὶ τὰ τόξα ἐδωρήσατο Ἡρακλῆς. καιομένης δὲ τῆς πυρᾶς λέγεται νέφος ὑποστὰν μετὰ βροντῆς αὐτὸν εἰς οὐρανὸν ἀναπέμψαι. ἐκεῖθεν 3 -- δὲ τυχὼν ἀθανασίας καὶ διαλλαγεὶς Ἥρᾳ τὴν ἐκείνης θυγατέρα Ἥβην ἔγημεν, ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ παῖδες Ἀλεξιάρης καὶ Ἀνίκητος ἐγένοντο. 2.8.1. μεταστάντος δὲ Ἡρακλέους εἰς θεοὺς οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ φυγόντες Εὐρυσθέα πρὸς Κήυκα παρεγένοντο. ὡς δὲ ἐκείνους ἐκδιδόναι λέγοντος Εὐρυσθέως καὶ πόλεμον ἀπειλοῦντος ἐδεδοίκεσαν, Τραχῖνα καταλιπόντες διὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἔφυγον. διωκόμενοι δὲ ἦλθον εἰς Ἀθήνας, καὶ καθεσθέντες ἐπὶ τὸν ἐλέου βωμὸν ἠξίουν βοηθεῖσθαι. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ οὐκ ἐκδιδόντες αὐτοὺς πρὸς τὸν Εὐρυσθέα πόλεμον ὑπέστησαν, καὶ τοὺς μὲν παῖδας αὐτοῦ Ἀλέξανδρον Ἰφιμέδοντα Εὐρύβιον Μέντορα Περιμήδην ἀπέκτειναν· αὐτὸν δὲ Εὐρυσθέα φεύγοντα ἐφʼ ἅρματος καὶ πέτρας ἤδη παριππεύοντα Σκειρωνίδας 1 -- κτείνει διώξας Ὕλλος, καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποτεμὼν Ἀλκμήνῃ δίδωσιν· ἡ δὲ κερκίσι τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐξώρυξεν αὐτοῦ. 2.8.2. ἀπολομένου δὲ Εὐρυσθέως ἐπὶ Πελοπόννησον ἦλθον οἱ Ἡρακλεῖδαι, καὶ πάσας εἷλον τὰς πόλεις. ἐνιαυτοῦ δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐν τῇ καθόδῳ διαγενομένου φθορὰ 1 -- πᾶσαν Πελοπόννησον κατέσχε, καὶ ταύτην γενέσθαι χρησμὸς διὰ τοὺς Ἡρακλείδας ἐδήλου· πρὸ γὰρ τοῦ δέοντος αὐτοὺς κατελθεῖν. ὅθεν ἀπολιπόντες Πελοπόννησον ἀνεχώρησαν 2 -- εἰς Μαραθῶνα κἀκεῖ κατῴκουν. Τληπόλεμος οὖν κτείνας οὐχ ἑκὼν Λικύμνιον (τῇ βακτηρίᾳ γὰρ αὐτοῦ θεράποντα 3 -- πλήσσοντος ὑπέδραμε) πρὶν ἐξελθεῖν αὐτοὺς 4 -- ἐκ Πελοποννήσου, φεύγων μετʼ οὐκ ὀλίγων ἧκεν εἰς Ῥόδον, κἀκεῖ κατῴκει. Ὕλλος δὲ τὴν μὲν Ἰόλην κατὰ τὰς τοῦ πατρὸς ἐντολὰς 5 -- ἔγημε, τὴν δὲ κάθοδον ἐζήτει τοῖς Ἡρακλείδαις κατεργάσασθαι. διὸ παραγενόμενος εἰς Δελφοὺς ἐπυνθάνετο πῶς ἂν κατέλθοιεν. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἔφησε 6 -- περιμείναντας τὸν τρίτον καρπὸν κατέρχεσθαι. νομίσας δὲ Ὕλλος τρίτον καρπὸν λέγεσθαι τὴν τριετίαν, τοσοῦτον περιμείνας χρόνον σὺν τῷ στρατῷ κατῄει τοῦ Ἡρακλέους 7 -- ἐπὶ Πελοπόννησον, Τισαμενοῦ τοῦ Ὀρέστου βασιλεύοντος Πελοποννησίων. καὶ γενομένης πάλιν μάχης νικῶσι Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ Ἀριστόμαχος θνήσκει. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἠνδρώθησαν οἱ Κλεοδαίου 1 -- παῖδες, ἐχρῶντο περὶ καθόδου. τοῦ θεοῦ δὲ εἰπόντος ὅ τι καὶ τὸ πρότερον, Τήμενος ᾐτιᾶτο λέγων τούτῳ πεισθέντας 2 -- ἀτυχῆσαι. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἀνεῖλε τῶν ἀτυχημάτων αὐτοὺς αἰτίους εἶναι· τοὺς γὰρ χρησμοὺς οὐ συμβάλλειν. λέγειν γὰρ οὐ γῆς ἀλλὰ γενεᾶς καρπὸν τρίτον, καὶ στενυγρὰν τὴν εὐρυγάστορα, δεξιὰν κατὰ τὸν Ἰσθμὸν ἔχοντι τὴν θάλασσαν. 3 -- ταῦτα Τήμενος ἀκούσας ἡτοίμαζε τὸν στρατόν, καὶ ναῦς ἐπήξατο 1 -- τῆς Λοκρίδος ἔνθα νῦν ἀπʼ ἐκείνου ὁ τόπος Ναύπακτος λέγεται. ἐκεῖ δʼ ὄντος τοῦ στρατεύματος Ἀριστόδημος κεραυνωθεὶς ἀπέθανε, παῖδας καταλιπὼν ἐξ Ἀργείας τῆς Αὐτεσίωνος διδύμους, Εὐρυσθένη καὶ Προκλέα. 2.8.3. συνέβη δὲ καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἐν Ναυπάκτῳ συμφορᾷ περιπεσεῖν. ἐφάνη γὰρ αὐτοῖς μάντις χρησμοὺς λέγων καὶ ἐνθεάζων, ὃν ἐνόμισαν μάγον εἶναι ἐπὶ λύμῃ τοῦ στρατοῦ πρὸς Πελοποννησίων ἀπεσταλμένον. τοῦτον βαλὼν ἀκοντίῳ Ἱππότης ὁ Φύλαντος τοῦ Ἀντιόχου τοῦ Ἡρακλέους τυχὼν ἀπέκτεινεν. οὕτως δὲ γενομένου τούτου τὸ μὲν ναυτικὸν διαφθαρεισῶν τῶν νεῶν ἀπώλετο, τὸ δὲ πεζὸν ἠτύχησε λιμῷ, καὶ διελύθη τὸ στράτευμα. χρωμένου δὲ περὶ τῆς συμφορᾶς Τημένου, καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ διὰ τοῦ μάντεως γενέσθαι ταῦτα λέγοντος, καὶ κελεύοντος φυγαδεῦσαι δέκα ἔτη τὸν ἀνελόντα καὶ χρήσασθαι ἡγεμόνι τῷ τριοφθάλμῳ, τὸν μὲν Ἱππότην ἐφυγάδευσαν, τὸν δὲ τριόφθαλμον ἐζήτουν. καὶ περιτυγχάνουσιν Ὀξύλῳ τῷ Ἀνδραίμονος, ἐφʼ ἵππου καθημένῳ 1 -- μονοφθάλμου 2 -- (τὸν γὰρ ἕτερον τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἐκκέκοπτο 3 -- τόξῳ). ἐπὶ φόνῳ γὰρ οὗτος φυγὼν εἰς Ἦλιν, ἐκεῖθεν εἰς Αἰτωλίαν ἐνιαυτοῦ διελθόντος ἐπανήρχετο. συμβαλόντες οὖν τὸν χρησμόν, τοῦτον ἡγεμόνα ποιοῦνται. καὶ συμβαλόντες τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ τῷ πεζῷ καὶ τῷ ναυτικῷ προτεροῦσι στρατῷ, καὶ Τισαμενὸν κτείνουσι τὸν Ὀρέστου. θνήσκουσι δὲ συμμαχοῦντες αὐτοῖς οἱ Αἰγιμίου παῖδες, Πάμφυλος καὶ Δύμας. 2.8.4. ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἐκράτησαν Πελοποννήσου, τρεῖς ἱδρύσαντο βωμοὺς πατρῴου Διός, καὶ ἐπὶ τούτων ἔθυσαν, καὶ ἐκληροῦντο τὰς πόλεις. πρώτη μὲν οὖν λῆξις Ἄργος, δευτέρα δὲ Λακεδαίμων, τρίτη δὲ Μεσσήνη. κομισάντων δὲ ὑδρίαν ὕδατος, ἔδοξε ψῆφον βαλεῖν ἕκαστον. Τήμενος οὖν καὶ οἱ Ἀριστοδήμου παῖδες Προκλῆς καὶ Εὐρυσθένης ἔβαλον λίθους, Κρεσφόντης δὲ βουλόμενος Μεσσήνην λαχεῖν γῆς ἐνέβαλε βῶλον. ταύτης δὲ διαλυθείσης ἔδει τοὺς δύο κλήρους ἀναφανῆναι. ἑλκυσθείσης δὲ πρώτης 4 -- μὲν τῆς Τημένου, δευτέρας δὲ τῆς τῶν Ἀριστοδήμου παίδων, Μεσσήνην ἔλαβε 1 -- Κρεσφόντης. 2.8.5. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς βωμοῖς οἷς ἔθυσαν εὗρον σημεῖα κείμενα οἱ μὲν λαχόντες Ἄργος φρῦνον, οἱ δὲ Λακεδαίμονα 2 -- δράκοντα, οἱ δὲ Μεσσήνην ἀλώπεκα. περὶ δὲ τῶν σημείων ἔλεγον οἱ μάντεις, τοῖς μὲν τὸν φρῦνον καταλαβοῦσιν 3 -- ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως μένειν ἄμεινον (μὴ γὰρ ἔχειν ἀλκὴν πορευόμενον τὸ θηρίον), τοὺς δὲ δράκοντα καταλαβόντας δεινοὺς ἐπιόντας ἔλεγον ἔσεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ τὴν ἀλώπεκα δολίους. Τήμενος μὲν οὖν παραπεμπόμενος τοὺς παῖδας Ἀγέλαον καὶ Εὐρύπυλον καὶ Καλλίαν, τῇ θυγατρὶ προσανεῖχεν Ὑρνηθοῖ καὶ τῷ ταύτης ἀνδρὶ Δηιφόντῃ. ὅθεν οἱ παῖδες πείθουσί τινας 4 -- ἐπὶ μισθῷ τὸν πατέρα αὐτῶν φονεῦσαι. γενομένου δὲ τοῦ φόνου τὴν βασιλείαν ὁ στρατὸς ἔχειν ἐδικαίωσεν Ὑρνηθὼ καὶ Δηιφόντην. 5 -- Κρεσφόντης δὲ οὐ πολὺν Μεσσήνης βασιλεύσας χρόνον μετὰ δύο παίδων φονευθεὶς ἀπέθανε. Πολυφόντης δὲ ἐβασίλευσεν, αὐτῶν 6 -- τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν ὑπάρχων, καὶ τὴν τοῦ φονευθέντος γυναῖκα Μερόπην ἄκουσαν ἔλαβεν. ἀνῃρέθη δὲ καὶ οὗτος. τρίτον γὰρ ἔχουσα παῖδα Μερόπη καλούμενον Αἴπυτον 1 -- ἔδωκε τῷ ἑαυτῆς πατρὶ τρέφειν. οὗτος ἀνδρωθεὶς καὶ κρύφα κατελθὼν ἔκτεινε Πολυφόντην καὶ τὴν πατρῴαν βασιλείαν ἀπέλαβεν. 3.5.2. διελθὼν δὲ Θρᾴκην καὶ τὴν Ἰνδικὴν ἅπασαν, στήλας ἐκεῖ στήσας 1 -- ἧκεν εἰς Θήβας, καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ἠνάγκασε καταλιπούσας τὰς οἰκίας βακχεύειν ἐν τῷ Κιθαιρῶνι. Πενθεὺς δὲ γεννηθεὶς ἐξ Ἀγαυῆς Ἐχίονι, παρὰ Κάδμου εἰληφὼς τὴν βασιλείαν, διεκώλυε ταῦτα γίνεσθαι, καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς Κιθαιρῶνα τῶν Βακχῶν κατάσκοπος ὑπὸ τῆς μητρὸς Ἀγαυῆς κατὰ μανίαν ἐμελίσθη· ἐνόμισε γὰρ αὐτὸν θηρίον εἶναι. δείξας δὲ Θηβαίοις ὅτι θεός ἐστιν, ἧκεν εἰς Ἄργος, κἀκεῖ 2 -- πάλιν οὐ τιμώντων αὐτὸν ἐξέμηνε τὰς γυναῖκας. αἱ δὲ ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσι τοὺς ἐπιμαστιδίους ἔχουσαι 3 -- παῖδας τὰς σάρκας αὐτῶν ἐσιτοῦντο. 3.12.6. Ἕκτωρ μὲν οὖν Ἀνδρομάχην τὴν Ἠετίωνος γαμεῖ, Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ Οἰνώνην τὴν Κεβρῆνος τοῦ ποταμοῦ θυγατέρα. αὕτη παρὰ Ῥέας τὴν μαντικὴν μαθοῦσα προέλεγεν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ μὴ πλεῖν ἐπὶ Ἑλένην. μὴ πείθουσα δὲ εἶπεν, ἐὰν τρωθῇ, παραγενέσθαι πρὸς αὐτήν· μόνην 1 -- γὰρ θεραπεῦσαι δύνασθαι. τὸν δὲ Ἑλένην ἐκ Σπάρτης ἁρπάσαι, πολεμουμένης δὲ Τροίας τοξευθέντα ὑπὸ Φιλοκτήτου τόξοις Ἡρακλείοις πρὸς Οἰνώνην ἐπανελθεῖν εἰς Ἴδην. ἡ δὲ μνησικακοῦσα θεραπεύσειν 2 -- οὐκ ἔφη. Ἀλέξανδρος μὲν οὖν εἰς Τροίαν κομιζόμενος ἐτελεύτα, Οἰνώνη δὲ μετανοήσασα τὰ πρὸς θεραπείαν φάρμακα ἔφερε, καὶ καταλαβοῦσα αὐτὸν νεκρὸν ἑαυτὴν ἀνήρτησεν. ὁ δὲ Ἀσωπὸς ποταμὸς Ὠκεανοῦ καὶ Τηθύος, ὡς δὲ Ἀκουσίλαος λέγει, Πηροῦς καὶ Ποσειδῶνος, ὡς δέ τινες, Διὸς καὶ Εὐρυνόμης. τούτῳ Μετώπη γημαμένη 3 -- (Λάδωνος δὲ τοῦ ποταμοῦ θυγάτηρ αὕτη) δύο μὲν παῖδας ἐγέννησεν, Ἰσμηνὸν καὶ Πελάγοντα, εἴκοσι δὲ θυγατέρας, ὧν μὲν 4 -- μίαν Αἴγιναν ἥρπασε Ζεύς. ταύτην Ἀσωπὸς ζητῶν ἧκεν εἰς Κόρινθον, καὶ μανθάνει παρὰ Σισύφου τὸν ἡρπακότα εἶναι Δία. Ζεὺς δὲ Ἀσωπὸν μὲν κεραυνώσας διώκοντα πάλιν ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα ἀπέπεμψε ῥεῖθρα (διὰ τοῦτο μέχρι καὶ νῦν ἐκ τῶν τούτου ῥείθρων ἄνθρακες φέρονται), Αἴγιναν δὲ κομίσας 1 -- εἰς τὴν τότε Οἰνώνην λεγομένην νῆσον, νῦν δὲ Αἴγιναν ἀπʼ ἐκείνης κληθεῖσαν, μίγνυται, καὶ τεκνοῖ παῖδα ἐξ αὐτῆς Αἰακόν. τούτῳ Ζεὺς ὄντι μόνῳ ἐν τῇ νήσῳ τοὺς μύρμηκας ἀνθρώπους ἐποίησε. γαμεῖ δὲ Αἰακὸς Ἐνδηίδα τὴν Σκείρωνος, ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ παῖδες ἐγένοντο Πηλεύς τε καὶ Τελαμών. Φερεκύδης δέ φησι Τελαμῶνα φίλον, οὐκ ἀδελφὸν Πηλέως εἶναι, ἀλλʼ Ἀκταίου παῖδα καὶ Γλαύκης τῆς Κυχρέως. μίγνυται δὲ αὖθις Αἰακὸς Ψαμάθῃ τῇ Νηρέως εἰς φώκην 1 -- ἠλλαγμένῃ διὰ τὸ μὴ βούλεσθαι συνελθεῖν, καὶ τεκνοῖ παῖδα Φῶκον. ἦν δὲ εὐσεβέστατος πάντων 2 -- Αἰακός. διὸ καὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα κατεχούσης ἀφορίας διὰ Πέλοπα, ὅτι Στυμφάλῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ τῶν Ἀρκάδων πολεμῶν καὶ τὴν Ἀρκαδίαν ἑλεῖν μὴ δυνάμενος, προσποιησάμενος φιλίαν ἔκτεινεν αὐτὸν καὶ διέσπειρε μελίσας, χρησμοὶ 3 -- θεῶν ἔλεγον ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι τῶν ἐνεστώτων κακῶν τὴν Ἑλλάδα, ἐὰν Αἰακὸς ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς εὐχὰς ποιήσηται ποιησαμένου δὲ εὐχὰς Αἰακοῦ τῆς ἀκαρπίας ἡ Ἑλλὰς ἀπαλλάττεται. τιμᾶται δὲ καὶ παρὰ Πλούτωνι τελευτήσας Αἰακός, καὶ τὰς κλεῖς τοῦ Ἅιδου φυλάττει. διαφέροντος δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι Φώκου, τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς 1 -- Πηλέα καὶ Τελαμῶνα ἐπιβουλεῦσαι· καὶ λαχὼν κλήρῳ Τελαμὼν συγγυμναζόμενον αὐτὸν βαλὼν δίσκῳ κατὰ τῆς κεφαλῆς κτείνει, καὶ κομίσας μετὰ Πηλέως κρύπτει κατά τινος ὕλης. φωραθέντος δὲ τοῦ φόνου φυγάδες ἀπὸ Αἰγίνης ὑπὸ Αἰακοῦ ἐλαύνονται. 3.15.7. καὶ Τροιζῆνα διοδεύων ἐπιξενοῦται Πιτθεῖ τῷ Πέλοπος, ὃς τὸν χρησμὸν συνείς, μεθύσας αὐτὸν τῇ θυγατρὶ συγκατέκλινεν Αἴθρᾳ. τῇ δὲ αὐτῇ νυκτὶ καὶ Ποσειδῶν ἐπλησίασεν αὐτῇ. Αἰγεὺς δὲ ἐντειλάμενος Αἴθρᾳ, ἐὰν ἄρρενα γεννήσῃ, τρέφειν, τίνος ἐστὶ μὴ λέγουσαν, 2 -- ἀπέλιπεν ὑπό τινα πέτραν 3 -- μάχαιραν καὶ πέδιλα, εἰπών, ὅταν ὁ παῖς δύνηται τὴν πέτραν ἀποκυλίσας ἀνελέσθαι ταῦτα, τότε μετʼ αὐτῶν αὐτὸν ἀποπέμπειν. αὐτὸς δὲ ἧκεν εἰς Ἀθήνας, καὶ τὸν τῶν Παναθηναίων ἀγῶνα ἐπετέλει, ἐν ᾧ ὁ Μίνωος παῖς Ἀνδρόγεως ἐνίκησε πάντας. τοῦτον Αἰγεὺς 4 -- ἐπὶ τὸν Μαραθώνιον ἔπεμψε ταῦρον, ὑφʼ οὗ διεφθάρη. ἔνιοι δὲ αὐτὸν λέγουσι πορευόμενον εἰς Θήβας 5 -- ἐπὶ τὸν Λαΐου ἀγῶνα πρὸς τῶν ἀγωνιστῶν ἐνεδρευθέντα διὰ φθόνον ἀπολέσθαι. Μίνως δέ, ἀγγελθέντος αὐτῷ τοῦ θανάτου, 1 -- θύων ἐν Πάρῳ ταῖς χάρισι, τὸν μὲν στέφανον ἀπὸ τῆς κεφαλῆς ἔρριψε καὶ τὸν αὐλὸν κατέσχε, τὴν δὲ θυσίαν οὐδὲν ἧττον ἐπετέλεσεν· ὅθεν ἔτι καὶ δεῦρο χωρὶς αὐλῶν καὶ στεφάνων ἐν Πάρῳ θύουσι ταῖς χάρισι. 3.15.8. μετʼ οὐ πολὺ δὲ θαλασσοκρατῶν ἐπολέμησε στόλῳ τὰς Ἀθήνας, καὶ Μέγαρα εἷλε Νίσου βασιλεύοντος τοῦ Πανδίονος, καὶ Μεγαρέα τὸν Ἱππομένους ἐξ Ὀγχηστοῦ Νίσῳ βοηθὸν ἐλθόντα ἀπέκτεινεν. ἀπέθανε δὲ καὶ Νῖσος διὰ θυγατρὸς προδοσίαν. ἔχοντι γὰρ αὐτῷ πορφυρέαν ἐν μέσῃ τῇ κεφαλῇ τρίχα ταύτης ἀφαιρεθείσης ἦν χρησμὸς τελευτῆσαι· 2 -- ἡ δὲ θυγάτηρ αὐτοῦ Σκύλλα ἐρασθεῖσα Μίνωος ἐξεῖλε τὴν τρίχα. Μίνως 3 -- δὲ Μεγάρων κρατήσας καὶ τὴν κόρην τῆς πρύμνης τῶν ποδῶν ἐκδήσας ὑποβρύχιον ἐποίησε. χρονιζομένου δὲ τοῦ πολέμου, μὴ δυνάμενος ἑλεῖν Ἀθήνας εὔχεται Διὶ παρʼ Ἀθηναίων λαβεῖν δίκας. γενομένου δὲ τῇ πόλει λιμοῦ τε καὶ λοιμοῦ. τὸ μὲν πρῶτον κατὰ λόγιον Ἀθηναῖοι παλαιὸν τὰς Ὑακίνθου κόρας, Ἀνθηίδα Αἰγληίδα Λυταίαν Ὀρθαίαν, ἐπὶ τὸν Γεραίστου τοῦ Κύκλωπος τάφον κατέσφαξαν· τούτων δὲ ὁ πατὴρ Ὑάκινθος ἐλθὼν ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος Ἀθήνας κατῴκει. ὡς δὲ οὐδὲν ὄφελος ἦν τοῦτο, ἐχρῶντο περὶ ἀπαλλαγῆς. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἀνεῖλεν 1 -- αὐτοῖς Μίνωι διδόναι δίκας ἃς ἂν αὐτὸς αἱροῖτο. 2 -- πέμψαντες οὖν πρὸς Μίνωα ἐπέτρεπον αἰτεῖν δίκας. Μίνως δὲ ἐκέλευσεν αὐτοῖς κόρους 3 -- ἑπτὰ καὶ κόρας τὰς ἴσας χωρὶς ὅπλων πέμπειν τῷ Μινωταύρῳ βοράν. ἦν δὲ οὗτος ἐν λαβυρίνθῳ καθειργμένος, ἐν ᾧ τὸν εἰσελθόντα ἀδύνατον ἦν ἐξιέναι· πολυπλόκοις γὰρ καμπαῖς τὴν ἀγνοουμένην ἔξοδον ἀπέκλειε. κατεσκευάκει δὲ αὐτὸν Δαίδαλος ὁ Εὐπαλάμου παῖς τοῦ Μητίονος καὶ Ἀλκίππης. ἦν γὰρ 1 -- ἀρχιτέκτων ἄριστος καὶ πρῶτος ἀγαλμάτων εὑρετής. οὗτος ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν ἔφυγεν, ἀπὸ τῆς ἀκροπόλεως βαλὼν τὸν τῆς ἀδελφῆς Πέρδικος 2 -- υἱὸν Τάλω, 3 -- μαθητὴν ὄντα, δείσας μὴ διὰ τὴν εὐφυΐαν αὐτὸν ὑπερβάλῃ· σιαγόνα γὰρ ὄφεως εὑρὼν ξύλον λεπτὸν ἔπρισε. φωραθέντος δὲ τοῦ νεκροῦ κριθεὶς ἐν Ἀρείῳ πάγῳ καὶ καταδικασθεὶς πρὸς Μίνωα ἔφυγε. κἀκεῖ 1 -- Πασιφάῃ ἐρασθείσῃ 2 -- τοῦ Ποσειδωνείου 3 -- ταύρου συνήργησε 4 -- τεχνησάμενος ξυλίνην βοῦν, καὶ τὸν λαβύρινθον κατεσκεύασεν, εἰς ὃν κατὰ ἔτος Ἀθηναῖοι κόρους 5 -- ἑπτὰ καὶ κόρας τὰς ἴσας τῷ Μινωταύρῳ βορὰν ἔπεμπον . | |
|
| 87. Plutarch, Greek Questions, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138 |
| 88. Plutarch, Placita Philosophorum (874D-911C), 7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 196 |
89. Plutarch, Pericles, 10.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 694| 10.4. ἔνιοι δέ φασιν οὐ πρότερον γραφῆναι τῷ Κίμωνι τὴν κάθοδον ὑπὸ τοῦ Περικλέους ἢ συνθήκας αὐτοῖς ἀπορρήτους γενέσθαι διʼ Ἐλπινίκης, τῆς Κίμωνος ἀδελφῆς, ὥστε Κίμωνα μὲν ἐκπλεῦσαι λαβόντα ναῦς διακοσίας καὶ τῶν ἔξω στρατηγεῖν, καταστρεφόμενον τὴν βασιλέως χώραν, Περικλεῖ δὲ τὴν ἐν ἄστει δύναμιν ὑπάρχειν. | 10.4. Some, however, say that the decree for the restoration of Cimon was not drafted by Pericles until a secret compact had been made between them, through the agency of Elpinice, Cimon’s sister, to the effect that Cimon should sail out with a fleet of two hundred ships and have command in foreign parts, attempting to subdue the territory of the King, while Pericles should have supreme power in the city. |
|
90. Plutarch, Nicias, 3.5-3.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), archidamian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 111| 3.5. ἐκεῖνος, ὅτε τὴν θεωρίαν ἦγεν, αὐτὸς μὲν εἰς Ῥήνειαν ἀπέβη τὸν χορὸν ἔχων καὶ τὰ ἱερεῖα καὶ τὴν ἄλλην παρασκευήν, ζεῦγμα δὲ πεποιημένον Ἀθήνησι πρὸς τὰ μέτρα καὶ κεκοσμημένον ἐκπρεπῶς χρυσώσεσι καὶ βαφαῖς καὶ στεφάνοις καὶ αὐλαίαις κομίξων, διὰ νυκτὸς ἐγεφύρωσε τὸν μεταξὺ Ῥηνείας καὶ Δήλου πόρον οὐκ ὄντα μέγαν· εἶθʼ ἅμα ἡμέρᾳ τήν τε πομπὴν τῷ θεῷ καὶ τὸν χορὸν ἄγων κεκοσμημένον πολυτελῶς καὶ ᾄδοντα διὰ τῆς γεφύρας ἀπεβίβαζε. 3.6. μετὰ δὲ τὴν θυσίαν καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα καὶ τὰς ἑστιάσεις τόν τε φοίνικα τὸν χαλκοῦν ἔστησεν ἀνάθημα τῷ θεῷ, καὶ χωρίον μυρίων δραχμῶν πριάμενος καθιέρωσεν, οὗ τὰς προσόδους ἔδει Δηλίους καταθύοντας ἑστιᾶσθαι, πολλὰ καὶ ἀγαθὰ Νικίᾳ παρὰ τῶν θεῶν αἰτουμένους· καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο τῇ στήλῃ ἐνέγραψεν, ἣν ὥσπερ φύλακα τῆς δωρεᾶς ἐν Δήλῳ κατέλιπεν. ὁ δὲ φοῖνιξ ἐκεῖνος ὑπὸ τῶν πνευμάτων ἀποκλασθεὶς ἐνέπεσε τῷ Ναξίων ἀνδριάντι τῷ μεγάλῳ καὶ ἀνέτρεψε. | 3.5. 3.6. |
|
| 91. Plutarch, Virtues of Women, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argive plain •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi), competing claims to •apollo pythios (delphi), early fifth-century transformation Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 163 |
92. Plutarch, Lysander, 29.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), apollo tegyraios •apollo pythios (delphi), thilphousaios •apollo pythios (delphi), thourios Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 376| 29.1. τῷ δὲ Παυσανίᾳ τὸ πάθος ἀγγέλλεται καθʼ ὁδὸν ἐκ Πλαταιῶν εἰς Θεσπιὰς πορευομένῳ· καὶ συνταξάμενος ἧκε πρὸς τὸν Ἁλίαρτον. ἧκε δὲ καὶ Θρασύβουλος ἐκ Θηβῶν ἄγων τοὺς Ἀθηναίους. βουλευομένου δὲ τοῦ Παυσανίου τοὺς νεκροὺς ὑποσπόνδους ἀπαιτεῖν, δυσφοροῦντες οἱ πρεσβύτεροι τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν αὐτοί τε καθʼ ἑαυτοὺς ἠγανάκτουν, καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ προσιόντες ἐμαρτύραντο μὴ διὰ σπονδῶν ἀναιρεῖσθαι Λύσανδρον, ἀλλὰ διʼ ὅπλων περὶ τοῦ σώματος ἀγωνισαμένους καὶ νικήσαντας οὕτω τὸν ἄνδρα θάπτειν, ἡττωμένοις δὲ καλὸν ἐνταῦθα κεῖσθαι μετὰ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ. | 29.1. |
|
| 93. Plutarch, On The Delays of Divine Vengeance, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 190 |
94. Plutarch, On Isis And Osiris, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argive plain •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi), reconfiguration of myths and rituals in song Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 169 | 364f. and indulge in shoutings and movements exactly as do those who are under the spell of the Dionysiac ecstasies. For the same reason many of the Greeks make statues of Dionysus in the form of a bull; and the women of Elis invoke him, praying that the god may come with the hoof of a bull; and the epithet applied to Dionysus among the Argives is "Son of the Bull." They call him up out of the water by the sound of trumpets, at the same time casting into the depths a lamb as an offering to the Keeper of the Gate. The trumpets they conceal in Bacchic wands, as Socrates has stated in his treatise on The Holy Ones. Furthermore, the tales regarding the Titans and the rites celebrated by night agree with the accounts of the dismemberment of Osiris and his revivification and regenesis. Similar agreement is found too in the tales about their sepulchres. The Egyptians, as has already been stated, point out tombs of Osiris in many places, and the people of Delphi believe that the remains of Dionysus rest with them close beside the oracle; and the Holy Ones offer a secret sacrifice in the shrine of Apollo whenever the devotees of Dionysus wake the God of the Mystic Basket. To show that the Greeks regard Dionysus as the lord and master not only of wine, but of the nature of every sort of moisture, it is enough that Pindar be our witness, when he says May gladsome Dionysus swell the fruit upon the trees, The hallowed splendour of harvest time. |
|
95. Plutarch, De Fluviis, 21.4 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), apollodorus Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 282| 21.4. 4. Παράκειται δὲ αὐτῷ ὄρος Τεύθρας καλούμενον ἀπὸ Τεύθραντος, τοῦ Μυσῶν βασιλέως, ὃς κυνηγεσίας χάριν εἰς Θράσυλλον ὄρος ἀναβὰς καὶ θεασάμενος ὑπερμεγέθη κάπρον, ἐδίωκεν αὐτὸν μετὰ τῶν δορυφόρων· ὁ δὲ φθάσας κατέφυγεν ὡς ἱκέτης εἰς τὸ τῆς Ὀρθωσίας Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερόν· βιαζομένων δὲ πάντων εἰς τὸν ναὸν εἰσελθεῖν, ὁ σῦς ἀνθρωπίνῃ φωνῇ χρησάμενος ἐξάκουστον ἀνέκραγεν· Φεῖσαι, βασιλεῦ, τοῦ θρέμματος τῆς θεᾶς· μετεωρισθεὶς δὲ Τεύθρας ἀνεῖλεν τὸ ζῶον. Ἄρτεμις δὲ μισοπονήρως ἐνεγκοῦσα τὴν πρᾶξιν, τὸν μὲν κάπρον ἀνεζωπύρησεν· τῷ δὲ παραιτίῳ τοῦ συγκυρήματος ἀλφὸν μετὰ μανίας ἔπεμψε. Δυσωπούμενος δὲ τὸ πάθος ἐν ταῖς ἀκρωρείαις διέτριβεν. Λυσίππη δὲ, ἡ τοῦ προειρημένου μήτηρ, κατηχηθεῖσα περὶ τῶν συμβεβηκότων, εἰς τὴν ὕλην ἔδραμε, συνεπισπωμένη μάντιν τὸν Κοιράνου Πολύιδον· παῤ οὗ πᾶσαν πολυπραγμονήσασα τὴν ἀλήθειαν, βουθυσίαις τῆς θεᾶς ἐξιλάσατο τὴν μισοπονηρίαν· καὶ ἀπολαβοῦσα τὸν υἱὸν σωφρονοῦντα, βωμὸν ἱδρύσατο Ἀρτέμιδος Ὀρθωσίας· κατεσκεύασε δὲ καὶ κάπρον χρύσεον, εἰς προτομὴν ἀνθρώπου ἠσκημένον. Οὗτος μέχρι νῦν ὥσπερ διωκόμενος, κυνηγῶν εἰσελθόντων εἰς τὸν ναὸν, φωνὴν ἀναδίδωσι « φείδεσθε ». Τεύθρας δὲ παῤ ἐλπίδα τὴν ἀρχέτυπον μορφὴν ἀναλαβὼν, τὸ ὄρος μετωνόμασε Τεύθραντα. | |
|
96. Plutarch, On The Obsolescence of Oracles, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), apollo tegyraios •apollo pythios (delphi), thilphousaios •apollo pythios (delphi), thourios Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 375, 376 | 411e. For great was the ancient repute of the divine influence there, but at the present time it seems to be somewhat evanescent." As Cleombrotus made no reply and did not look up, Demetrius said, "There is no need to make any inquiries nor to raise any questions about the state of affairs there, when we see the evanescence of the oracles here, or rather the total disappearance of all but one or two; but we should deliberate the reason why they have become so utterly weak. What need to speak of others, when in Boeotia, |
|
97. Plutarch, Cimon, 8.5-8.7 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), apollodorus •apollo, pythios Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 91; Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 159, 220| 8.5. παραλαβὼν δʼ οὕτω τὴν νῆσον ὁ Κίμων τοὺς μὲν Δόλοπας ἐξήλασε καὶ τὸν Αἰγαῖον ἠλευθέρωσε, πυνθανόμενος δὲ τὸν παλαιὸν Θησέα τὸν Αἰγέως φυγόντα μὲν ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν εἰς Σκῦρον, αὐτοῦ δʼ ἀποθανόντα δόλῳ διὰ φόβον ὑπὸ Λυκομήδους τοῦ βασιλέως, ἐσπούδασε τὸν τάφον ἀνευρεῖν. 8.6. καὶ γὰρ ἦν χρησμὸς Ἀθηναίοις τὰ Θησέως λείψανα κελεύων ἀνακομίζειν εἰς ἄστυ καὶ τιμᾶν ὡς ἥρωα πρεπόντως, ἀλλʼ ἠγνόουν ὅπου κεῖται, Σκυρίων οὐχ ὁμολογούντων οὐδʼ ἐώντων ἀναζητεῖν. τότε δὴ πολλῇ φιλοτιμίᾳ τοῦ σηκοῦ μόγις ἐξευρεθέντος, ἐνθέμενος ὁ Κίμων εἰς τὴν αὑτοῦ τριήρη τὰ ὀστᾶ καὶ τἆλλα κοσμήσας μεγαλοπρεπῶς κατήγαγεν εἰς τὴν αὐτοῦ διʼ ἐτῶν σχεδὸν τετρακοσίων. ἐφʼ ᾧ καὶ μάλιστα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡδέως ὁ δῆμος ἔσχεν. 8.7. ἔθεντο δʼ εἰς μνήμην αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν τῶν τραγῳδῶν κρίσιν ὀνομαστὴν γενομένην. πρώτην γὰρ διδασκαλίαν τοῦ Σοφοκλέους ἔτι νέου καθέντος, Ἀψεφίων ὁ ἄρχων, φιλονεικίας οὔσης καὶ παρατάξεως τῶν θεατῶν, κριτὰς μὲν οὐκ ἐκλήρωσε τοῦ ἀγῶνος, ὡς δὲ Κίμων μετὰ τῶν συστρατήγων προελθὼν εἰς τὸ θέατρον ἐποιήσατο τῷ θεῷ τὰς νενομισμένας σπονδάς, οὐκ ἀφῆκεν αὐτοὺς ἀπελθεῖν, ἀλλʼ ὁρκώσας ἠνάγκασε καθίσαι καὶ κρῖναι δέκα ὄντας, ἀπὸ φυλῆς μιᾶς ἕκαστον. | 8.5. 8.6. 8.7. |
|
98. Plutarch, Aristides, 19.1-19.2, 25.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), apollo tegyraios •apollo pythios (delphi), thilphousaios •apollo pythios (delphi), thourios •apollo pythios (delphi), archidamian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 111, 375| 19.1. οὕτω δὲ τοῦ ἀγῶνος δίχα συνεστῶτος πρῶτοι μὲν ἐώσαντο τοὺς Πέρσας οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι· καὶ τὸν Μαρδόνιον ἀνὴρ Σπαρτιάτης ὄνομα Ἀρίμνηστος ἀποκτίννυσι, λίθῳ τὴν κεφαλὴν πατάξας, ὥσπερ αὐτῷ προεσήμανε τὸ ἐν Ἀμφιάρεω μαντεῖον. ἔπεμψε γὰρ ἄνδρα Λυδὸν ἐνταῦθα, Κᾶρα δὲ ἕτερον εἰς Τροφωνίου ὁ ὁ bracketed in Sintenis 2 ; Blass reads εἰς τὸ Πτῷον ὁ with S, after Hercher, thus agreeing with Herodotus viii. 135. Μαρδόνιος· καὶ τοῦτον μὲν ὁ προφήτης Καρικῇ γλώσσῃ προσεῖπεν, 19.2. ὁ δὲ Λυδὸς ἐν τῷ σηκῷ τοῦ Ἀμφιάρεω κατευνασθεὶς ἔδοξεν ὑπηρέτην τινὰ τοῦ θεοῦ παραστῆναι καὶ κελεύειν αὐτὸν ἀπιέναι, μὴ βουλομένου δὲ λίθον εἰς τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐμβαλεῖν μέγαν, ὥστε δόξαι πληγέντα τεθνάναι τὸν ἄνθρωπον· καὶ ταῦτα μὲν οὕτω γενέσθαι λέγεται. τοὺς δὲ φεύγοντας εἰς τὰ ξύλινα τείχη καθεῖρξαν. ὀλίγῳ δʼ ὕστερον Ἀθηναῖοι τοὺς Θηβαίους τρέπονται, τριακοσίους τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους καὶ πρώτους διαφθείραντες ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ μάχῃ. 25.2. καθʼ ὅλου δʼ ὁ Θεόφραστός φησι τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον περὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα καὶ τοὺς πολίτας ἄκρως ὄντα δίκαιον ἐν τοῖς κοινοῖς πολλὰ πρᾶξαι πρὸς τὴν ὑπόθεσιν τῆς πατρίδος, ὡς συχνῆς καὶ ἀδικίας δεομένην. καὶ ἀδικίας δεομένην Blass, favoured by F a S: ἀδικίας δεομένης . καὶ γὰρ τὰ χρήματά φησιν ἐκ Δήλου βουλευομένων Ἀθήναζε κομίσαι παρὰ τὰς συνθήκας, καὶ καὶ bracketed by Sintenis 2 . Σαμίων εἰσηγουμένων, εἰπεῖν ἐκεῖνον, ὡς οὐ δίκαιον μέν, συμφέρον δὲ τοῦτʼ ἐστί. | 19.1. 19.2. 25.2. |
|
| 99. Plutarch, Aratus, 32 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 57 |
100. Plutarch, Sayings of The Spartans, 19.1-19.2, 25.2 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), apollo tegyraios •apollo pythios (delphi), thilphousaios •apollo pythios (delphi), thourios •apollo pythios (delphi), archidamian war Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 111, 375| 19.1. Ἀρχίδαμος ὁ Ζευξιδάμου, πυθομένου τινὸς αὐτοῦ τίνες προεστήκασι τῆς· Σπάρτης, οἱ νόμοι καὶ τὰ ἀρχεῖα ἔφη κατὰ τοὺς νόμους. 19.2. πρὸς δὲ τὸν ἐπαινοῦντα κιθαρῳδὸν καὶ θαυμάζοντα τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ ὦ λῷστε ἔφη ποῖον γέρας παρὰ σοῦ τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἔσται, ὅταν κιθαρῳδὸν οὕτως ἐπαινῇς; | 19.1. Archidamus, the son of Zeuxidamus, when someone inquired of him who were at the head of Sparta, said, The laws and the magistrates in accordance with the laws. 19.2. In answer to a man who praised a harper and expressed amazement at his ability, he said, My good sir, what honours shall you be able to offer to good men when you have such praise for a harper? |
|
| 101. Plutarch, Mark Antony, 32 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 57 |
| 102. Pliny The Elder, Natural History, 19.12, 31.13 (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), apries •apollo pythios (delphi), apollodorus Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 232, 282 |
103. Plutarch, Sulla, 17.4, 17.6-17.8 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), apollo pythios •apollo pythios (delphi), apollo tegyraios •apollo pythios (delphi), thilphousaios •apollo pythios (delphi), thourios Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 376; Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 567| 17.4. αὐτὸς δὲ παρὰ τὸν Κηφισὸν ἐσφαγιάζετο, καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν γενομένων ἐχώρει πρὸς τὴν Χαιρώνειαν, ἀναληψόμενός τε τὴν αὐτόθι στρατιὰν καὶ κατοψόμενος τὸ καλούμενον Θούριον ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων προκατειλημμένον. ἔστι δὲ κορυφὴ τραχεῖα καὶ στροβιλῶδες ὄρος, ὃ καλοῦμεν Ὀρθόπαγον, ὑπὸ δὲ αὐτὸ τὸ ῥεῦμα τοῦ Μόλου καὶ Θουρίου νεὼς Ἀπόλλωνος. ὠνόμασται δὲ ὁ θεὸς ἀπὸ Θουροῦς, τῆς Χαίρωνος μητρός, ὃν οἰκιστὴν γεγονέναι τῆς Χαιρωνείας ἱστοροῦσιν. 17.6. ὡς δὲ δεξάμενος ἠσπάσατο τοὺς στρατιώτας καὶ παρώρμησε πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον, ἐντυγχάνουσιν αὐτῷ δύο τῶν Χαιρωνέων ἄνδρες, Ὁμολόϊχος καὶ Ἀναξίδαμος, ὑφιστάμενοι τοὺς τὸ Θούριον κατασχόντας ἐκκόψειν, ὀλίγους στρατιώτας παρʼ ἐκείνου λαβόντες· ἀτραπὸν γὰρ εἶναι τοῖς βαρβάροις ἄδηλον, ἀπὸ τοῦ καλουμένου Πετράχου παρὰ τὸ Μουσεῖον ἐπὶ τὸ Θούριον ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς ἄγουσαν, ᾗ πορευθέντες οὐ χαλεπῶς ἐπιπεσεῖσθαι καὶ καταλεύσειν ἄνωθεν αὐτοὺς ἢ συνώσειν εἰς τὸ πεδίον. 17.7. τοῦ δὲ Γαβινίου τοῖς ἀνδράσι μαρτυρήσαντος ἀνδρείαν καὶ πίστιν, ἐκέλευσεν ἐπιχειρεῖν ὁ Σύλλας· αὐτὸς δὲ συνέταττε τὴν φάλαγγα καὶ διένειμε τοὺς ἱππότας ἐπὶ κέρως ἑκατέρου, τὸ δεξιὸν αὐτὸς ἔχων, τὸ δʼ εὐώνυμον ἀποδοὺς Μουρήνᾳ. Γάλβας δὲ καὶ Ὁρτήσιος οἱ πρεσβευταὶ σπείρας ἐπιτάκτους ἔχοντες ἔσχατοι παρενέβαλον ἐπὶ τῶν ἄκρων φύλακες πρὸς τὰς κυκλώσεις· ἑωρῶντο γὰρ οἱ πολέμιοι κατασκευάζοντες ἱππεῦσι πολλοῖς καὶ ψιλοῖς ποδώκεσιν εἰς ἐπιστροφὴν τὸ κέρας εὐκαμπὲς καὶ κοῦφον, ὡς μακρὰν ἀνάξοντες καὶ κυκλωσόμενοι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους. | 17.4. 17.6. 17.7. |
|
104. Plutarch, Theseus, 14.2, 16.2-16.3, 17.6, 36.1-36.3 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 657; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 91, 138; Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 159| 14.2. ἡ δὲ Ἑκάλη καὶ τὸ περὶ αὐτὴν μυθολόγημα τοῦ ξενισμοῦ καὶ τῆς ὑποδοχῆς ἔοικε μὴ πάσης ἀμοιρεῖν ἀληθείας. ἔθυον γὰρ Ἑκαλήσια Εκαλήσια the correction of Coraës:Ἑκαλήσιον . οἱ πέριξ δῆμοι συνιόντες Ἑκάλῳ Διΐ, καὶ τὴν Ἑκάλην ἐτίμων, Ἑκαλίνην ὑποκοριζόμενοι διὰ τὸ κἀκείνην νέον ὄντα κομιδῇ τὸν Θησέα ξενίζουσαν ἀσπάσασθαι πρεσβυτικῶς καὶ φιλοφρονεῖσθαι τοιούτοις ὑποκορισμοῖς. 16.2. Ἀριστοτέλης δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν τῇ Βοττιαίων πολιτείᾳ δῆλός ἐστιν οὐ νομίζων ἀναιρεῖσθαι τοὺς παῖδας ὑπὸ τοῦ Μίνω, ἀλλὰ θητεύοντας ἐν τῇ Κρήτῃ καταγηράσκειν· καί ποτε Κρῆτας εὐχὴν παλαιὰν ἀποδιδόντας ἀνθρώπων ἀπαρχὴν εἰς Δελφοὺς ἀποστέλλειν, τοῖς δὲ πεμπομένοις ἀναμιχθέντας ἐκγόνους ἐκείνων συνεξελθεῖν· ὡς δὲ οὐκ ἦσαν ἱκανοὶ τρέφειν ἑαυτοὺς αὐτόθι, πρῶτον μὲν εἰς Ἰταλίαν διαπερᾶσαι κἀκεῖ κατοικεῖν περὶ τὴν Ἰαπυγίαν, ἐκεῖθεν δὲ αὖθις εἰς Θρᾴκην κομισθῆναι καὶ κληθῆναι Βοττιαίους· διὸ τὰς κόρας τῶν Βοττιαίων θυσίαν τινὰ τελούσας ἐπᾴδειν·ἴωμεν εἰς Ἀθήνας.ἔοικε γὰρ ὄντως χαλεπὸν εἶναι φωνὴν ἐχούσῃ πόλει καὶ μοῦσαν ἀπεχθάνεσθαι. 16.3. καὶ γὰρ ὁ Μίνως ἀεὶ διετέλει κακῶς ἀκούων καὶ λοιδορούμενος ἐν τοῖς Ἀττικοῖς θεάτροις, καὶ οὔτε Ἡσίοδος αὐτὸν ὤνησε βασιλεύτατον οὔτε Ὅμηρος ὀαριστὴν Διὸς προσαγορεύσας, ἀλλʼ ἐπικρατήσαντες οἱ τραγικοὶ πολλὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ λογείου καὶ τῆς σκηνῆς ἀδοξίαν αὐτοῦ κατεσκέδασαν ὡς χαλεποῦ καὶ βιαίου γενομένου. καίτοι φασὶ τὸν μὲν Μίνω βασιλέα καὶ νομοθέτην, δικαστὴν δὲ τὸν Ῥαδάμανθυν εἶναι καὶ φύλακα τῶν ὡρισμένων ὑπʼ ἐκείνου δικαίων. 17.6. φιλόχορος δὲ παρὰ Σκίρου φησὶν ἐκ Σαλαμῖνος τὸν Θησέα λαβεῖν κυβερνήτην μὲν Ναυσίθοον, πρωρέα δὲ Φαίακα, μηδέπω τότε τῶν Ἀθηναίων προσεχόντων τῇ θαλάττῃ· καὶ γὰρ εἶναι τῶν ἠϊθέων ἕνα Μενέσθην Σκίρου θυγατριδοῦν. μαρτυρεῖ δὲ τούτοις ἡρῷα Ναυσιθόου καὶ Φαίακος εἱσαμένου Θησέως Φαληροῖ πρὸς τῷ τοῦ Σκίρου ἱερῷ, ἱερῷ bracketed by Bekker ( near that of Scirus ). καὶ τὴν ἑορτὴν τὰ Κυβερνήσιά φασιν ἐκείνοις τελεῖσθαι. 36.1. μετὰ δὲ τὰ Μηδικὰ Φαίδωνος ἄρχοντος μαντευομένοις τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἀνεῖλεν ἡ Πυθία τὰ Θησέως ἀναλαβεῖν ὀστᾶ καὶ θεμένους ἐντίμως παρʼ αὑτοῖς φυλάττειν. ἦν δὲ καὶ λαβεῖν ἀπορία καὶ γνῶναι τὸν τάφον ἀμιξίᾳ καὶ χαλεπότητι τῶν ἐνοικούντων Δολόπων. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ Κίμων ἑλὼν τὴν νῆσον, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται, καὶ φιλοτιμούμενος ἐξανευρεῖν, ἀετοῦ τινα τόπον βουνοειδῆ κόπτοντος, ὥς φασι, τῷ στόματι καὶ διαστέλλοντος τοῖς ὄνυξι θείᾳ τινὶ τύχῃ συμφρονήσας ἀνέσκαψεν. 36.2. εὑρέθη δὲ θήκη τε μεγάλου σώματος αἰχμή τε παρακειμένη χαλκῆ καὶ ξίφος. κομισθέντων δὲ τούτων ὑπὸ Κίμωνος ἐπὶ τῆς τριήρους, ἡσθέντες οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι πομπαῖς τε λαμπραῖς ἐδέξαντο καὶ θυσίαις ὥσπερ αὐτὸν ἐπανερχόμενον εἰς τὸ ἄστυ. καὶ κεῖται μὲν ἐν μέσῃ τῇ πόλει παρὰ τὸ νῦν γυμνάσιον, ἔστι δὲ φύξιμον οἰκέταις καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς ταπεινοτέροις καὶ δεδιόσι κρείττονας, ὡς καὶ τοῦ Θησέως προστατικοῦ τινος καὶ βοηθητικοῦ γενομένου καὶ προσδεχομένου φιλανθρώπως τὰς τῶν ταπεινοτέρων δεήσεις. 36.3. θυσίαν δὲ ποιοῦσιν αὐτῷ τὴν μεγίστην ὀγδόῃ Πυανεψιῶνος, ἐν ᾗ μετὰ τῶν ἠϊθέων ἐκ Κρήτης ἐπανῆλθεν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ὀγδόαις τιμῶσιν αὐτόν, ἢ διὰ τὸ πρῶτον ἐκ Τροιζῆνος ἀφικέσθαι τῇ ὀγδόῃ τοῦ Ἑκατομβαιῶνος, ὡς ἱστόρηκε Διόδωρος ὁ περιηγητής, ἢ νομίζοντες ἑτέρου μᾶλλον ἐκείνῳ προσήκειν τὸν ἀριθμὸν τοῦτον ἐκ Ποσειδῶνος γεγονέναι λεγομένῳ. | |
|
105. Plutarch, Solon, 12.5 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 196; Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 159| 12.5. καὶ γὰρ εὐσταλεῖς ἐποίησε τὰς ἱερουργίας καὶ περὶ τὰ πένθη πρᾳοτέρους, θυσίας τινὰς εὐθὺς ἀναμίξας πρὸς τὰ κήδη, καὶ τὸ σκληρὸν ἀφελὼν καὶ τὸ βαρβαρικὸν ᾧ συνείχοντο πρότερον αἱ πλεῖσται γυναῖκες. τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, ἱλασμοῖς τισι καὶ καθαρμοῖς καὶ ἱδρύσεσι κατοργιάσας καὶ καθοσιώσας τὴν πόλιν ὑπήκοον τοῦ δικαίου καὶ μᾶλλον εὐπειθῆ πρὸς ὁμόνοιαν κατέστησε. λέγεται δὲ τὴν Μουνυχίαν ἰδὼν καὶ καταμαθὼν πολὺν χρόνον, εἰπεῖν πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας ὡς τυφλόν ἐστι τοῦ μέλλοντος ἄνθρωπος· | 12.5. For he made the Athenians decorous and careful in their religious services, and milder in their rites of mourning, by attaching certain sacrifices immediately to their funeral ceremonies and by taking away the harsh and barbaric practices in which their women had usually indulged up to that time. Most important of all, by sundry rites of propitiation and purification, and by sacred foundations, he hallowed and consecrated the city, and brought it to be observant of justice and more easily inclined to uimity. It is said that when he had seen Munychia The acropolis of the Peiraeus, stategically commanding not only that peninsula, but also Athens itself. garrisoned by conquerors of Athens and considered it for some time, he remarked to the bystanders that man was indeed blind to the future; |
|
106. Arrian, Anabasis of Alexander, 3.11.10 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 50| 3.11.10. τὸ δὲ εὐώνυμον τῆς φάλαγγος τῶν Μακεδόνων ἡ Κρατεροῦ τοῦ Ἀλεξάνδρου τάξις εἶχε, καὶ αὐτὸς Κρατερὸς ἐξῆρχε τοῦ εὐωνύμου τῶν πεζῶν· καὶ ἱππεῖς ἐχόμενοι αὐτοῦ οἱ ξύμμαχοι, ὧν ἡγεῖτο Ἐριγύϊος ὁ Λαρίχου· τούτων δὲ ἐχόμενοι ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ εὐώνυμον κέρας οἱ Θεσσαλοὶ ἱππεῖς, ὧν ἦρχε Φίλιππος ὁ Μενελάου. ξύμπαν δὲ τὸ εὐώνυμον ἦγε Παρμενίων ὁ Φιλώτα, καὶ ἀμφʼ αὐτὸν οἱ τῶν Φαρσαλίων ἱππεῖς οἱ κράτιστοί τε καὶ πλεῖστοι τῆς Θεσσαλικῆς ἵππου ἀνεστρέφοντο. ἡ μὲν ἐπὶ μετώπου τάξις Ἀλεξάνδρῳ ὧδε κεκόσμητο· | |
|
| 107. Plutarch, Lives of The Ten Orators, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 260 |
| 108. Plutarch, Table Talk, None (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 190, 191 |
| 109. Heliodorus, Ethiopian Story, 2.34 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 199, 200 |
| 110. Hermogenes, On Types of Style, 4.6 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 218 |
111. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 1.4.4, 1.13.2, 1.17.2-1.17.3, 1.17.6, 1.18.5, 1.30.1-1.30.2, 1.31.4, 1.40.2-1.40.3, 1.44.4, 1.44.9, 2.9.7, 2.16.6, 2.17.3, 2.17.5, 2.19.2, 2.19.8, 2.20.6, 2.20.8-2.20.10, 2.21.2, 2.21.8, 2.22.1, 2.22.4, 2.22.8-2.22.9, 2.24.1, 2.25.8-2.25.9, 2.26.2, 2.27.7, 2.28.2, 2.29.7-2.29.8, 2.31.2, 2.31.6, 2.31.10, 2.32.8, 2.33.2, 2.34-2.35, 2.36.1-2.36.5, 2.37.1-2.37.3, 2.38.5, 3.3.6-3.3.7, 3.7.4, 3.14.3, 4.4.1-4.4.3, 4.8.3, 4.14.3, 4.34.9-4.34.12, 5.5.10, 5.7.8, 5.23.1-5.23.2, 6.14.10, 8.18.7-8.18.8, 8.27.1, 9.20.4-9.20.5, 9.26.1, 9.39-9.40, 10.7.1, 10.7.4, 10.7.6, 10.10.3-10.10.5, 10.13.8, 10.24-10.25, 10.37.5 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) •apollo, pythios •apollo pythios (delphi), apollodorus •apollo pythios (delphi), arge (hyperborean girl) •apollo pythios sanctuary of •apollo pythios (delphi), argonauts •apollo pythios (delphi), argive plain •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi), reconfiguration of myths and rituals in song •apollo pythios (delphi), tragedies set in •apollo pythios (delphi), competing claims to •apollo pythios (delphi), early fifth-century transformation •apollo pythios (delphi), cultic landscape of •apollo pythios (delphi), eastern vs. western plain •apollo pythios (delphi), elites in •apollo pythios (delphi), dorianization •apollo pythios (delphi), musical traditions of •apollo pythios (delphi), thearios •apollo pythios (delphi), and colonization •apollo pythios (delphi), apoikiai to karia and lykia •apollo pythios (delphi), apollo tegyraios •apollo pythios (delphi), thilphousaios •apollo pythios (delphi), thourios Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 908; Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 57; Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 91, 123, 129, 133, 135, 137, 139, 140, 141, 144, 145, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 155, 156, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 168, 169, 170, 171, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 182, 196, 198, 199, 200, 275, 282, 304, 365, 376; Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 21; Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 56| 1.4.4. οὗτοι μὲν δὴ τοὺς Ἕλληνας τρόπον τὸν εἰρημένον ἔσωζον, οἱ δὲ Γαλάται Πυλῶν τε ἐντὸς ἦσαν καὶ τὰ πολίσματα ἑλεῖν ἐν οὐδενὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ποιησάμενοι Δελφοὺς καὶ τὰ χρήματα. τοῦ θεοῦ διαρπάσαι μάλιστα εἶχον σπουδήν. καί σφισιν αὐτοί τε Δελφοὶ καὶ Φωκέων ἀντετάχθησαν οἱ τὰς πόλεις περὶ τὸν Παρνασσὸν οἰκοῦντες, ἀφίκετο δὲ καὶ δύναμις Αἰτωλῶν· τὸ γὰρ Αἰτωλικὸν προεῖχεν ἀκμῇ νεότητος τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον. ὡς δὲ ἐς χεῖρας συνῄεσαν, ἐνταῦθα κεραυνοί τε ἐφέροντο ἐς τοὺς Γαλάτας καὶ ἀπορραγεῖσαι πέτραι τοῦ Παρνασσοῦ, δείματά τε ἄνδρες ἐφίσταντο ὁπλῖται τοῖς βαρβάροις· τούτων τοὺς μὲν ἐξ Ὑπερβορέων λέγουσιν ἐλθεῖν, Ὑπέροχον καὶ Ἀμάδοκον, τὸν δὲ τρίτον Πύρρον εἶναι τὸν Ἀχιλλέως· ἐναγίζουσι δὲ ἀπὸ ταύτης Δελφοὶ τῆς συμμαχίας Πύρρῳ, πρότερον ἔχοντες ἅτε ἀνδρὸς πολεμίου καὶ τὸ μνῆμα ἐν ἀτιμίᾳ. 1.13.2. μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ πληγὴν ἀναπαύσας τὴν δύναμιν προεῖπεν Ἀντιγόνῳ πόλεμον, ἄλλα τε ποιούμενος ἐγκλήματα καὶ μάλιστα τῆς ἐς Ἰταλίαν βοηθείας διαμαρτίαν. κρατήσας δὲ τήν τε ἰδίαν παρασκευὴν Ἀντιγόνου καὶ τὸ παρʼ αὐτῷ Γαλατῶν ξενικὸν ἐδίωξεν ἐς τὰς ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ πόλεις, αὐτὸς δὲ Μακεδονίας τε τῆς ἄνω καὶ Θεσσαλῶν ἐπεκράτησε. δηλοῖ δὲ μάλιστα τὸ μέγεθος τῆς μάχης καὶ τὴν Πύρρου νίκην, ὡς παρὰ πολὺ γένοιτο, τὰ ἀνατεθέντα ὅπλα τῶν Κελτῶν ἐς τε τὸ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἱερὸν τῆς Ἰτωνίας Φερῶν μεταξὺ καὶ Λαρίσης καὶ τὸ ἐπίγραμμα τὸ ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς· τοὺς θυρεοὺς ὁ Μολοσσὸς Ἰτωνίδι δῶρον Ἀθάνᾳ 1.17.2. ἐν δὲ τῷ γυμνασίῳ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀπέχοντι οὐ πολύ, Πτολεμαίου δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ κατασκευασαμένου καλουμένῳ, λίθοι τέ εἰσιν Ἑρμαῖ θέας ἄξιοι καὶ εἰκὼν Πτολεμαίου χαλκῆ· καὶ ὅ τε Λίβυς Ἰόβας ἐνταῦθα κεῖται καὶ ὁ Χρύσιππος ὁ Σολεύς. πρὸς δὲ τῷ γυμνασίῳ Θησέως ἐστὶν ἱερόν· γραφαὶ δέ εἰσι πρὸς Ἀμαζόνας Ἀθηναῖοι μαχόμενοι. πεποίηται δέ σφισιν ὁ πόλεμος οὗτος καὶ τῇ Ἀθηνᾷ ἐπὶ τῇ ἀσπίδι καὶ τοῦ Ὀλυμπίου Διὸς ἐπὶ τῷ βάθρῳ. γέγραπται δὲ ἐν τῷ τοῦ Θησέως ἱερῷ καὶ ἡ Κενταύρων καὶ ἡ Λαπιθῶν μάχη· Θησεὺς μὲν οὖν ἀπεκτονώς ἐστιν ἤδη Κένταυρον, τοῖς δὲ ἄλλοις ἐξ ἴσου καθέστηκεν ἔτι ἡ μάχη. 1.17.3. τοῦ δὲ τρίτου τῶν τοίχων ἡ γραφὴ μὴ πυθομένοις ἃ λέγουσιν οὐ σαφής ἐστι, τὰ μέν που διὰ τὸν χρόνον, τὰ δὲ Μίκων οὐ τὸν πάντα ἔγραψε λόγον. Μίνως ἡνίκα Θησέα καὶ τὸν ἄλλον στόλον τῶν παίδων ἦγεν ἐς Κρήτην, ἐρασθεὶς Περιβοίας, ὥς οἱ Θησεὺς μάλιστα ἠναντιοῦτο, καὶ ἄλλα ὑπὸ ὀργῆς ἀπέρριψεν ἐς αὐτὸν καὶ παῖδα οὐκ ἔφη Ποσειδῶνος εἶναι, ἐπεὶ οὐ δύνασθαι τὴν σφραγῖδα, ἣν αὐτὸς φέρων ἔτυχεν, ἀφέντι ἐς θάλασσαν ἀνασῶσαί οἱ. Μίνως μὲν λέγεται ταῦτα εἰπὼν ἀφεῖναι τὴν σφραγῖδα· Θησέα δὲ σφραγῖδά τε ἐκείνην ἔχοντα καὶ στέφανον χρυσοῦν, Ἀμφιτρίτης δῶρον, ἀνελθεῖν λέγουσιν ἐκ τῆς θαλάσσης. 1.17.6. Μενεσθεὺς δὲ τῶν μὲν παίδων τῶν Θησέως παρʼ Ἐλεφήνορα ὑπεξελθόντων ἐς Εὔβοιαν εἶχεν οὐδένα λόγον, Θησέα δέ, εἴ ποτε παρὰ Θεσπρωτῶν ἀνακομισθήσεται, δυσανταγώνιστον ἡγούμενος διὰ θεραπείας τὰ τοῦ δήμου καθίστατο, ὡς Θησέα ἀνασωθέντα ὕστερον ἀπωσθῆναι. στέλλεται δὴ Θησεὺς παρὰ Δευκαλίωνα ἐς Κρήτην, ἐξενεχθέντα δὲ αὐτὸν ὑπὸ πνευμάτων ἐς Σκῦρον τὴν νῆσον λαμπρῶς περιεῖπον οἱ Σκύριοι κατὰ γένους δόξαν καὶ ἀξίωμα ὧν ἦν αὐτὸς εἰργασμένος· καί οἱ θάνατον Λυκομήδης διὰ ταῦτα ἐβούλευσεν. ὁ μὲν δὴ Θησέως σηκὸς Ἀθηναίοις ἐγένετο ὕστερον ἢ Μῆδοι Μαραθῶνι ἔσχον, Κίμωνος τοῦ Μιλτιάδου Σκυρίους ποιήσαντος ἀναστάτους—δίκην δὴ τοῦ Θησέως θανάτου—καὶ τὰ ὀστᾶ κομίσαντος ἐς Ἀθήνας· 1.18.5. πλησίον δὲ ᾠκοδόμητο ναὸς Εἰλειθυίας, ἣν ἐλθοῦσαν ἐξ Ὑπερβορέων ἐς Δῆλον γενέσθαι βοηθὸν ταῖς Λητοῦς ὠδῖσι, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους παρʼ αὐτῶν φασι τῆς Εἰλειθυίας μαθεῖν τὸ ὄνομα· καὶ θύουσί τε Εἰλειθυίᾳ Δήλιοι καὶ ὕμνον ᾄδουσιν Ὠλῆνος. Κρῆτες δὲ χώρας τῆς Κνωσσίας ἐν Ἀμνισῷ γενέσθαι νομίζουσιν Εἰλείθυιαν καὶ παῖδα Ἥρας εἶναι· μόνοις δὲ Ἀθηναίοις τῆς Εἰλειθυίας κεκάλυπται τὰ ξόανα ἐς ἄκρους τοὺς πόδας. τὰ μὲν δὴ δύο εἶναι Κρητικὰ καὶ Φαίδρας ἀναθήματα ἔλεγον αἱ γυναῖκες, τὸ δὲ ἀρχαιότατον Ἐρυσίχθονα ἐκ Δήλου κομίσαι. 1.30.1. πρὸ δὲ τῆς ἐσόδου τῆς ἐς Ἀκαδημίαν ἐστὶ βωμὸς Ἔρωτος ἔχων ἐπίγραμμα ὡς Χάρμος Ἀθηναίων πρῶτος Ἔρωτι ἀναθείη. τὸν δὲ ἐν πόλει βωμὸν καλούμενον Ἀντέρωτος ἀνάθημα εἶναι λέγουσι μετοίκων, ὅτι Μέλης Ἀθηναῖος μέτοικον ἄνδρα Τιμαγόραν ἐρασθέντα ἀτιμάζων ἀφεῖναι κατὰ τῆς πέτρας αὑτὸν ἐκέλευσεν ἐς τὸ ὑψηλότατον αὐτῆς ἀνελθόντα· Τιμαγόρας δὲ ἄρα καὶ ψυχῆς εἶχεν ἀφειδῶς καὶ πάντα ὁμοίως κελεύοντι ἤθελε χαρίζεσθαι τῷ μειρακίῳ καὶ δὴ καὶ φέρων ἑαυτὸν ἀφῆκε· Μέλητα δέ, ὡς ἀποθανόντα εἶδε Τιμαγόραν, ἐς τοσοῦτο μετανοίας ἐλθεῖν ὡς πεσεῖν τε ἀπὸ τῆς πέτρας τῆς αὐτῆς καὶ οὕτως ἀφεὶς αὑτὸν ἐτελεύτησε. καὶ τὸ ἐντεῦθεν δαίμονα Ἀντέρωτα τὸν ἀλάστορα τὸν Τιμαγόρου κατέστη τοῖς μετοίκοις νομίζειν. 1.30.2. ἐν Ἀκαδημίᾳ δέ ἐστι Προμηθέως βωμός, καὶ θέουσιν ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ἔχοντες καιομένας λαμπάδας· τὸ δὲ ἀγώνισμα ὁμοῦ τῷ δρόμῳ φυλάξαι τὴν δᾷδα ἔτι καιομένην ἐστίν, ἀποσβεσθείσης δὲ οὐδὲν ἔτι τῆς νίκης τῷ πρώτῳ, δευτέρῳ δὲ ἀντʼ αὐτοῦ μέτεστιν· εἰ δὲ μηδὲ τούτῳ καίοιτο, ὁ τρίτος ἐστὶν ὁ κρατῶν· εἰ δὲ καὶ πᾶσιν ἀποσβεσθείη, οὐδείς ἐστιν ὅτῳ καταλείπεται ἡ νίκη. ἔστι δὲ Μουσῶν τε βωμὸς καὶ ἕτερος Ἑρμοῦ καὶ ἔνδον Ἀθηνᾶς, τὸν δὲ Ἡρακλέους ἐποίησαν· καὶ φυτόν ἐστιν ἐλαίας, δεύτερον τοῦτο λεγόμενον φανῆναι. 1.31.4. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτω λέγεται, Φλυεῦσι δέ εἰσι καὶ Μυρρινουσίοις τοῖς μὲν Ἀπόλλωνος Διονυσοδότου καὶ Ἀρτέμιδος Σελασφόρου βωμοὶ Διονύσου τε Ἀνθίου καὶ νυμφῶν Ἰσμηνίδων καὶ Γῆς, ἣν Μεγάλην θεὸν ὀνομάζουσι· ναὸς δὲ ἕτερος ἔχει βωμοὺς Δήμητρος Ἀνησιδώρας καὶ Διὸς Κτησίου καὶ Τιθρωνῆς Ἀθηνᾶς καὶ Κόρης Πρωτογόνης καὶ Σεμνῶν ὀνομαζομένων θεῶν· τὸ δὲ ἐν Μυρρινοῦντι ξόανόν ἐστι Κολαινίδος. Ἀθμονεῖς δὲ τιμῶσιν Ἀμαρυσίαν Ἄρτεμιν· 1.40.2. τῆς δὲ κρήνης οὐ πόρρω ταύτης ἀρχαῖόν ἐστιν ἱερόν, εἰκόνες δὲ ἐφʼ ἡμῶν ἑστᾶσιν ἐν αὐτῷ βασιλέων Ῥωμαίων καὶ ἄγαλμα τε κεῖται χαλκοῦν Ἀρτέμιδος ἐπίκλησιν Σωτείρας. φασὶ δὲ ἄνδρας τοῦ Μαρδονίου στρατοῦ καταδραμόντας τὴν Μεγαρίδα ἀποχωρεῖν ἐς Θήβας ὀπίσω παρὰ Μαρδόνιον ἐθέλειν, γνώμῃ δὲ Ἀρτέμιδος νύκτα τε ὁδοιποροῦσιν ἐπιγενέσθαι καὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ σφᾶς ἁμαρτόντας ἐς τὴν ὀρεινὴν τραπέσθαι τῆς χώρας· πειρωμένους δὲ εἰ στράτευμα ἐγγὺς εἴη πολέμιον ἀφιέναι τῶν βελῶν, καὶ τὴν πλησίον πέτραν στένειν βαλλομένην, τοὺς δὲ αὖθις τοξεύειν προθυμίᾳ πλέονι. 1.40.3. τέλος δὲ αὐτοῖς ἀναλωθῆναι τοὺς ὀιστοὺς ἐς ἄνδρας πολεμίους τοξεύειν προθυμίᾳ πλέονι νομίζουσιν· ἡμέρα τε ὑπεφαίνετο καὶ οἱ Μεγαρεῖς ἐπῄεσαν, μαχόμενοι δὲ ὁπλῖται πρὸς ἀνόπλους καὶ οὐδὲ βελῶν εὐποροῦντας ἔτι φονεύουσιν αὐτῶν τοὺς πολλούς· καὶ ἐπὶ τῷδε Σωτείρας ἄγαλμα ἐποιήσαντο Ἀρτέμιδος. ἐνταῦθα καὶ τῶν δώδεκα ὀνομαζομένων θεῶν ἐστιν ἀγάλματα ἔργα εἶναι λεγόμενα Πραξιτέλους · τὴν δὲ Ἄρτεμιν αὐτὴν Στρογγυλίων ἐποίησε. 1.44.4. ἡ δὲ ὀρεινὴ τῆς Μεγαρίδος τῆς Βοιωτῶν ἐστιν ὅμορος, ἐν ᾗ Μεγαρεῦσι Παγαὶ πόλις, ἑτέρα δὲ Αἰγόσθενα ᾤκισται. ἰοῦσι δὲ ἐς τὰς Παγὰς ἐκτραπομένοις ὀλίγον τῆς λεωφόρου πέτρα δείκνυται διὰ πάσης ἔχουσα ἐμπεπηγότας ὀιστούς, ἐς ἣν οἱ Μῆδοί ποτε ἐτόξευον ἐν τῇ νυκτί. ἐν δὲ ταῖς Παγαῖς θέας ὑπελείπετο ἄξιον Ἀρτέμιδος Σωτείρας ἐπίκλησιν χαλκοῦν ἄγαλμα, μεγέθει τῷ παρὰ Μεγαρεῦσιν ἴσον καὶ σχῆμα οὐδὲν διαφόρως ἔχον. καὶ Αἰγιαλέως ἐνταῦθά ἐστιν ἡρῷον τοῦ Ἀδράστου· τοῦτον γάρ, ὅτε Ἀργεῖοι τὸ δεύτερον ἐς Θήβας ἐστράτευσαν, ὑπὸ τὴν πρώτην μάχην πρὸς Γλισᾶντι ἀποθανόντα οἱ προσήκοντες ἐς Παγὰς τῆς Μεγαρίδος κομίσαντες θάπτουσι, καὶ Αἰγιάλειον ἔτι καλεῖται τὸ ἡρῷον. 1.44.9. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ ὄρους τῇ ἄκρᾳ Διός ἐστιν Ἀφεσίου καλουμένου ναός· φασὶ δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ συμβάντος ποτὲ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν αὐχμοῦ θύσαντος Αἰακοῦ κατά τι δὴ λόγιον τῷ Πανελληνίῳ Διὶ ἐν Αἰγίνῃ †κομίσαντα δὲ ἀφεῖναι καὶ διὰ τοῦτο Ἀφέσιον καλεῖσθαι τὸν Δία. ἐνταῦθα καὶ Ἀφροδίτης ἄγαλμα καὶ Ἀπόλλωνός ἐστι καὶ Πανός. 2.9.7. πλησίον δὲ Ἀπόλλωνός ἐστιν ἱερὸν Λυκίου, κατερρυηκός τε ἤδη καὶ ἥκιστα θέας ἄξιον. φοιτώντων γὰρ λύκων σφίσιν ἐπὶ τὰς ποίμνας ὡς μηδένα εἶναι καρπὸν ἔτι ἀπʼ αὐτῶν, ὁ θεὸς τόπον τινὰ εἰπὼν ἔνθα ἔκειτο αὖον ξύλον, τούτου φλοιὸν ἔχρησε τοῦ ξύλου καὶ κρέας ὁμοῦ προθεῖναι τοῖς θηρίοις· καὶ τοὺς μὲν αὐτίκα ὡς ἐγεύσαντο διέφθειρεν ὁ φλοιός, τὸ ξύλον δὲ ἐκεῖνο ἔκειτο μὲν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τοῦ Λυκίου, ὅ τι δὲ ἦν δένδρον οὐδὲ οἱ τῶν Σικυωνίων ἐξηγηταὶ συνίεσαν. 2.16.6. Μυκηνῶν δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἐρειπίοις κρήνη τέ ἐστι καλουμένη Περσεία καὶ Ἀτρέως καὶ τῶν παίδων ὑπόγαια οἰκοδομήματα, ἔνθα οἱ θησαυροί σφισι τῶν χρημάτων ἦσαν. τάφος δὲ ἔστι μὲν Ἀτρέως, εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ ὅσους σὺν Ἀγαμέμνονι ἐπανήκοντας ἐξ Ἰλίου δειπνίσας κατεφόνευσεν Αἴγισθος. τοῦ μὲν δὴ Κασσάνδρας μνήματος ἀμφισβητοῦσι Λακεδαιμονίων οἱ περὶ Ἀμύκλας οἰκοῦντες· ἕτερον δέ ἐστιν Ἀγαμέμνονος, τὸ δὲ Εὐρυμέδοντος τοῦ ἡνιόχου, καὶ Τελεδάμου τὸ αὐτὸ καὶ Πέλοπος— τούτους γὰρ τεκεῖν διδύμους Κασσάνδραν φασί, 2.17.3. ἀρχιτέκτονα μὲν δὴ γενέσθαι τοῦ ναοῦ λέγουσιν Εὐπόλεμον Ἀργεῖον· ὁπόσα δὲ ὑπὲρ τοὺς κίονάς ἐστιν εἰργασμένα, τὰ μὲν ἐς τὴν Διὸς γένεσιν καὶ θεῶν καὶ γιγάντων μάχην ἔχει, τὰ δὲ ἐς τὸν πρὸς Τροίαν πόλεμον καὶ Ἰλίου τὴν ἅλωσιν. ἀνδριάντες τε ἑστήκασι πρὸ τῆς ἐσόδου καὶ γυναικῶν, αἳ γεγόνασιν ἱέρειαι τῆς Ἥρας, καὶ ἡρώων ἄλλων τε καὶ Ὀρέστου· τὸν γὰρ ἐπίγραμμα ἔχοντα, ὡς εἴη βασιλεὺς Αὔγουστος, Ὀρέστην εἶναι λέγουσιν. ἐν δὲ τῷ προνάῳ τῇ μὲν Χάριτες ἀγάλματά ἐστιν ἀρχαῖα, ἐν δεξιᾷ δὲ κλίνη τῆς Ἥρας καὶ ἀνάθημα ἀσπὶς ἣν Μενέλαός ποτε ἀφείλετο Εὔφορβον ἐν Ἰλίῳ. 2.17.5. λέγεται δὲ παρεστηκέναι τῇ Ἥρᾳ τέχνη Ναυκύδους ἄγαλμα Ἥβης, ἐλέφαντος καὶ τοῦτο καὶ χρυσοῦ· παρὰ δὲ αὐτήν ἐστιν ἐπὶ κίονος ἄγαλμα Ἥρας ἀρχαῖον. τὸ δὲ ἀρχαιότατον πεποίηται μὲν ἐξ ἀχράδος, ἀνετέθη δὲ ἐς Τίρυνθα ὑπὸ Πειράσου τοῦ Ἄργου, Τίρυνθα δὲ ἀνελόντες Ἀργεῖοι κομίζουσιν ἐς τὸ Ἡραῖον· ὃ δὴ καὶ αὐτὸς εἶδον, καθήμενον ἄγαλμα οὐ μέγα. 2.19.2. Ἀργεῖοι δέ, ἅτε ἰσηγορίαν καὶ τὸ αὐτόνομον ἀγαπῶντες ἐκ παλαιοτάτου, τὰ τῆς ἐξουσίας τῶν βασιλέων ἐς ἐλάχιστον προήγαγον, ὡς Μήδωνι τῷ Κείσου καὶ τοῖς ἀπογόνοις τὸ ὄνομα λειφθῆναι τῆς βασιλείας μόνον. Μέλταν δὲ τὸν Λακήδου δέκατον ἀπόγονον Μήδωνος τὸ παράπαν ἔπαυσεν ἀρχῆς καταγνοὺς ὁ δῆμος. 2.19.8. τάφοι δέ εἰσιν ὁ μὲν Λίνου τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος καὶ Ψαμάθης τῆς Κροτώπου, τὸν δὲ λέγουσιν εἶναι Λίνου τοῦ ποιήσαντος τὰ ἔπη. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἐς τοῦτον οἰκειότερα ὄντα ἑτέρῳ λόγῳ παρίημι τῷδε, τὰ δὲ ἐς τὸν Ψαμάθης ἡ Μεγαρική μοι συγγραφὴ προεδήλωσεν. ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐστὶν Ἀπόλλων Ἀγυιεὺς καὶ βωμὸς Ὑετίου Διός, ἔνθα οἱ συσπεύδοντες Πολυνείκει τὴν ἐς Θήβας κάθοδον ἀποθανεῖσθαι συνώμοσαν, ἢν μὴ τὰς Θήβας γένηταί σφισιν ἑλεῖν. ἐς δὲ τοῦ Προμηθέως τὸ μνῆμα ἧσσόν μοι δοκοῦσιν Ὀπουντίων εἰκότα λέγειν, λέγουσι δὲ ὅμως. 2.20.6. τῶν δὲ ἀνδριάντων οὐ πόρρω δείκνυται Δαναοῦ μνῆμα καὶ Ἀργείων τάφος κενὸς ὁπόσους ἔν τε Ἰλίῳ καὶ ὀπίσω κομιζομένους ἐπέλαβεν ἡ τελευτή. καὶ Διός ἐστιν ἐνταῦθα ἱερὸν Σωτῆρος καὶ παριοῦσίν ἐστιν οἴκημα· ἐνταῦθα τὸν Ἄδωνιν αἱ γυναῖκες Ἀργείων ὀδύρονται. ἐν δεξιᾷ δὲ τῆς ἐσόδου τῷ Κηφισῷ πεποίηται τὸ ἱερόν· τῷ δὲ ποταμῷ τούτῳ τὸ ὕδωρ φασὶν οὐ καθάπαξ ὑπὸ τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος ἀφανισθῆναι, ἀλλὰ ἐνταῦθα δὴ μάλιστα, ἔνθα καὶ τὸ ἱερόν ἐστι, συνιᾶσιν ὑπὸ γῆν ῥέοντος. 2.20.8. ὑπὲρ δὲ τὸ θέατρον Ἀφροδίτης ἐστὶν ἱερόν, ἔμπροσθεν δὲ τοῦ ἕδους Τελέσιλλα ἡ ποιήσασα τὰ ᾄσματα ἐπείργασται στήλῃ· καὶ βιβλία μὲν ἐκεῖνα ἔρριπταί οἱ πρὸς τοῖς ποσίν, αὐτὴ δὲ ἐς κράνος ὁρᾷ κατέχουσα τῇ χειρὶ καὶ ἐπιτίθεσθαι τῇ κεφαλῇ μέλλουσα. ἦν δὲ ἡ Τελέσιλλα καὶ ἄλλως ἐν ταῖς γυναιξὶν εὐδόκιμος καὶ μᾶλλον ἐτιμᾶτο ἔτι ἐπὶ τῇ ποιήσει. συμβάντος δὲ Ἀργείοις ἀτυχῆσαι λόγου μειζόνως πρὸς Κλεομένην τὸν Ἀναξανδρίδου καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους, καὶ τῶν μὲν ἐν αὐτῇ πεπτωκότων τῇ μάχῃ, ὅσοι δὲ ἐς τὸ ἄλσος τοῦ Ἄργου κατέφευγον διαφθαρέντων καὶ τούτων, τὰ μὲν πρῶτα ἐξιόντων κατὰ ὁμολογίαν, ὡς δὲ ἔγνωσαν ἀπατώμενοι συγκατακαυθέντων τῷ ἄλσει τῶν λοιπῶν, οὕτω τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους Κλεομένης ἦγεν ἐπὶ ἔρημον ἀνδρῶν τὸ Ἄργος. 2.20.9. Τελέσιλλα δὲ οἰκέτας μὲν καὶ ὅσοι διὰ νεότητα ἢ γῆρας ὅπλα ἀδύνατοι φέρειν ἦσαν, τούτους μὲν πάντας ἀνεβίβασεν ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος, αὐτὴ δὲ ὁπόσα ἐν ταῖς οἰκίαις ὑπελείπετο καὶ τὰ ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν ὅπλα ἀθροίσασα τὰς ἀκμαζούσας ἡλικίᾳ τῶν γυναικῶν ὥπλιζεν, ὁπλίσασα δὲ ἔτασσε κατὰ τοῦτο ᾗ τοὺς πολεμίους προσιόντας ἠπίστατο. ὡς δὲ ἐγγὺς ἐγίνοντο οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ αἱ γυναῖκες οὔτε τῷ ἀλαλαγμῷ κατεπλάγησαν δεξάμεναί τε ἐμάχοντο ἐρρωμένως, ἐνταῦθα οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, φρονήσαντες ὡς καὶ διαφθείρασί σφισι τὰς γυναῖκας ἐπιφθόνως τὸ κατόρθωμα ἕξει καὶ σφαλεῖσι μετὰ ὀνειδῶν γενήσοιτο ἡ συμφορά, ὑπείκουσι ταῖς γυναιξί. 2.20.10. πρότερον δὲ ἔτι τὸν ἀγῶνα τοῦτον προεσήμηνεν ἡ Πυθία, καὶ τὸ λόγιον εἴτε ἄλλως εἴτε καὶ ὡς συνεὶς ἐδήλωσεν Ἡρόδοτος· ἀλλʼ ὅταν ἡ θήλεια τὸν ἄρρενα νικήσασα ἐξελάσῃ καὶ κῦδος ἐν Ἀργείοισιν ἄρηται, πολλὰς Ἀργείων ἀμφιδρυφέας τότε θήσει. Hdt. 6.77 τὰ μὲν ἐς τὸ ἔργον τῶν γυναικῶν ἔχοντα τοῦ χρησμοῦ ταῦτα ἦν· 2.21.2. πρὸ δὲ αὐτοῦ πεποίηται Διὸς Φυξίου βωμὸς καὶ πλησίον Ὑπερμήστρας μνῆμα Ἀμφιαράου μητρός, τὸ δὲ ἕτερον Ὑπερμήστρας τῆς Λαναοῦ· σὺν δὲ αὐτῇ καὶ Λυγκεὺς τέθαπται. τούτων δὲ ἀπαντικρὺ Ταλαοῦ τοῦ Βίαντός ἐστι τάφος· τὰ δὲ ἐς Βίαντα καὶ ἀπογόνους τοῦ Βίαντος ἤδη λέλεκταί μοι. 2.21.8. τοῦ τάφου δὲ ἔμπροσθεν τρόπαιον λίθου πεποίηται κατὰ ἀνδρὸς Ἀργείου Λαφάους· τοῦτον γὰρ—γράφω δὲ ὁπόσα λέγουσιν αὐτοὶ περὶ σφῶν Ἀργεῖοι—τυραννοῦντα ἐξέβαλεν ἐπαναστὰς ὁ δῆμος, φυγόντα δὲ ἐς Σπάρτην Λακεδαιμόνιοι κατάγειν ἐπειρῶντο ἐπὶ τυραννίδι, νικήσαντες δὲ οἱ Ἀργεῖοι τῇ μάχῃ Λαφάην τε καὶ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων τοὺς πολλοὺς ἀπέκτειναν. τὸ δὲ ἱερὸν τῆς Λητοῦς ἔστι μὲν οὐ μακρὰν τοῦ τροπαίου, τέχνη δὲ τὸ ἄγαλμα Πραξιτέλους . 2.22.1. τῆς δὲ Ἥρας ὁ ναὸς τῆς Ἀνθείας ἐστὶ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τῆς Λητοῦς ἐν δεξιᾷ καὶ πρὸ αὐτοῦ γυναικῶν τάφος. ἀπέθανον δὲ αἱ γυναῖκες ἐν μάχῃ πρὸς Ἀργείους τε καὶ Περσέα, ἀπὸ νήσων τῶν ἐν Αἰγαίῳ Διονύσῳ συνεστρατευμέναι· καὶ διὰ τοῦτο Ἁλίας αὐτὰς ἐπονομάζουσιν. ἀντικρὺ δὲ τοῦ μνήματος τῶν γυναικῶν Δήμητρός ἐστιν ἱερὸν ἐπίκλησιν Πελασγίδος ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱδρυσαμένου Πελασγοῦ τοῦ Τριόπα, καὶ οὐ πόρρω τοῦ ἱεροῦ τάφος Πελασγοῦ. 2.22.4. ἐνταῦθα Ποσειδῶνός ἐστιν ἱερὸν ἐπίκλησιν Προσκλυστίου· τῆς γὰρ χώρας τὸν Ποσειδῶνά φασιν ἐπικλύσαι τὴν πολλήν, ὅτι Ἥρας εἶναι καὶ οὐκ αὐτοῦ τὴν γῆν Ἴναχος καὶ οἱ συνδικάσαντες ἔγνωσαν. Ἥρα μὲν δὴ παρὰ Ποσειδῶνος εὕρετο ἀπελθεῖν ὀπίσω τὴν θάλασσαν· Ἀργεῖοι δέ, ὅθεν τὸ κῦμα ἀνεχώρησεν, ἱερὸν Ποσειδῶνι ἐποίησαν Προσκλυστίῳ. 2.22.8. ἐρχομένῳ δὲ ὁδὸν εὐθεῖαν ἐς γυμνάσιον Κυλάραβιν, ἀπὸ τοῦ παιδὸς ὀνομαζόμενον τοῦ Σθενέλου, τέθαπται δὴ Λικύμνιος ὁ Ἠλεκτρύωνος· ἀποθανεῖν δʼ αὐτὸν Ὅμηρος ὑπὸ Τληπτολέμου φησὶ τοῦ Ἡρακλέους, καὶ διὰ τὸν φόνον τοῦτον ἔφυγεν ἐξ Ἄργους Τληπτόλεμος. ὀλίγον δὲ τῆς ἐπὶ Κυλάραβιν καὶ τὴν ταύτῃ πύλην ἀποτραπεῖσι Σακάδα μνῆμά ἐστιν, ὃς τὸ αὔλημα τὸ Πυθικὸν πρῶτος ηὔλησεν ἐν Δελφοῖς· 2.22.9. καὶ τὸ ἔχθος τὸ Ἀπόλλωνι διαμένον ἐς τοὺς αὐλητὰς ἔτι ἀπὸ Μαρσύου καὶ τῆς ἁμίλλης τοῦ Σιληνοῦ παυθῆναι διὰ τοῦτον δοκεῖ τὸν Σακάδαν. ἐν δὲ τῷ γυμνασίῳ τῷ Κυλαράβου καὶ Πανία ἐστὶν Ἀθηνᾶ καλουμένη καὶ τάφον Σθενέλου δεικνύουσι, τὸν δὲ αὐτοῦ Κυλαράβου. πεποίηται δὲ οὐ πόρρω τοῦ γυμνασίου πολυάνδριον τοῖς μετὰ Ἀθηναίων πλεύσασιν Ἀργείοις ἐπὶ καταδουλώσει Συρακουσῶν τε καὶ Σικελίας. 2.24.1. τὴν δὲ ἀκρόπολιν Λάρισαν μὲν καλοῦσιν ἀπὸ τῆς Πελασγοῦ θυγατρός· ἀπὸ ταύτης δὲ καὶ δύο τῶν ἐν Θεσσαλίᾳ πόλεων, ἥ τε ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ καὶ ἡ παρὰ τὸν Πηνειόν, ὠνομάσθησαν. ἀνιόντων δὲ ἐς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἔστι μὲν τῆς Ἀκραίας Ἥρας τὸ ἱερόν, ἔστι δὲ καὶ ναὸς Ἀπόλλωνος, ὃν Πυθαεὺς πρῶτος παραγενόμενος ἐκ Δελφῶν λέγεται ποιῆσαι. τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα τὸ νῦν χαλκοῦν ἐστιν ὀρθόν, Δειραδιώτης Ἀπόλλων καλούμενος, ὅτι καὶ ὁ τόπος οὗτος καλεῖται Δειράς. ἡ δέ οἱ μαντικὴ—μαντεύεται γὰρ ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἡμᾶς— καθέστηκε τρόπον τοῦτον. γυνὴ μὲν προφητεύουσά ἐστιν, ἀνδρὸς εὐνῆς εἰργομένη· θυομένης δὲ ἐν νυκτὶ ἀρνὸς κατὰ μῆνα ἕκαστον, γευσαμένη δὴ τοῦ αἵματος ἡ γυνὴ κάτοχος ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ γίνεται. 2.25.8. προϊοῦσι δὲ ἐντεῦθεν καὶ ἐκτραπεῖσιν ἐς δεξιὰν Τίρυνθός ἐστιν ἐρείπια. ἀνέστησαν δὲ καὶ Τιρυνθίους Ἀργεῖοι, συνοίκους προσλαβεῖν καὶ τὸ Ἄργος ἐπαυξῆσαι θελήσαντες. Τίρυνθα δὲ ἥρωα, ἀφʼ οὗ τῇ πόλει τὸ ὄνομα ἐγένετο, παῖδα Ἄργου τοῦ Διὸς εἶναι λέγουσι. τὸ δὲ τεῖχος, ὃ δὴ μόνον τῶν ἐρειπίων λείπεται, Κυκλώπων μέν ἐστιν ἔργον, πεποίηται δὲ ἀργῶν λίθων, μέγεθος ἔχων ἕκαστος λίθος ὡς ἀπʼ αὐτῶν μηδʼ ἂν ἀρχὴν κινηθῆναι τὸν μικρότατον ὑπὸ ζεύγους ἡμιόνων· λιθία δὲ ἐνήρμοσται πάλαι, ὡς μάλιστα αὐτῶν ἕκαστον ἁρμονίαν τοῖς μεγάλοις λίθοις εἶναι. 2.25.9. καταβάντων δὲ ὡς ἐπὶ θάλασσαν, ἐνταῦθα οἱ θάλαμοι τῶν Προίτου θυγατέρων εἰσίν· ἐπανελθόντων δὲ ἐς τὴν λεωφόρον, ἐπὶ Μήδειαν ἐς ἀριστερὰν ἥξεις. βασιλεῦσαι δέ φασιν Ἠλεκτρύωνα ἐν τῇ Μηδείᾳ τὸν πατέρα Ἀλκμήνης· ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ δὲ Μηδείας πλὴν τὸ ἔδαφος ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἐλείπετο. 2.26.2. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐς Ἀθήνας ὁμοῦ τοῖς πολίταις ἀφικόμενος ἐνταῦθα ᾤκησε, Δηιφόντης δὲ καὶ Ἀργεῖοι τὴν Ἐπιδαυρίαν ἔσχον. ἀπεσχίσθησαν δὲ οὗτοι τῶν ἄλλων Ἀργείων Τημένου τελευτήσαντος, Δηιφόντης μὲν καὶ Ὑρνηθὼ κατʼ ἔχθος τῶν Τημένου παίδων, ὁ δὲ σὺν αὐτοῖς στρατὸς Δηιφόντῃ καὶ Ὑρνηθοῖ πλέον ἢ Κείσῳ καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς νέμοντες. Ἐπίδαυρος δέ, ἀφʼ οὗ τὸ ὄνομα τῇ γῇ ἐτέθη, ὡς μέν φασιν Ἠλεῖοι, Πέλοπος ἦν· κατὰ δὲ Ἀργείων δόξαν καὶ τὰ ἔπη τὰς μεγάλας Ἠοίας ἦν Ἐπιδαύρῳ πατὴρ Ἄργος ὁ Διός· Ἐπιδαύριοι δὲ Ἀπόλλωνι Ἐπίδαυρον παῖδα προσποιοῦσιν. 2.27.7. ὄρη δέ ἐστιν ὑπὲρ τὸ ἄλσος τό τε Τίτθιον καὶ ἕτερον ὀνομαζόμενον Κυνόρτιον, Μαλεάτου δὲ Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερὸν ἐν αὐτῷ. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τῶν ἀρχαίων· τὰ δὲ ἄλλα ὅσα περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Μαλεάτου καὶ ἔλυτρον κρήνης, ἐς ὃ τὸ ὕδωρ συλλέγεταί σφισι τὸ ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ, Ἀντωνῖνος καὶ ταῦτα Ἐπιδαυρίοις ἐποίησεν. 2.28.2. ἐς δὲ τὸ ὄρος ἀνιοῦσι τὸ Κόρυφον, ἔστι καθʼ ὁδὸν Στρεπτῆς καλουμένης ἐλαίας φυτόν, αἰτίου τοῦ περιαγαγόντος τῇ χειρὶ Ἡρακλέους ἐς τοῦτο τὸ σχῆμα. εἰ δὲ καὶ Ἀσιναίοις τοῖς ἐν τῇ Ἀργολίδι ἔθηκεν ὅρον τοῦτον, οὐκ ἂν ἔγωγε εἰδείην, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ ἑτέρωθι ἀναστάτου γενομένης χώρας τὸ σαφὲς ἔτι οἷόν τε τῶν ὅρων ἐξευρεῖν. ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ ἄκρᾳ τοῦ ὄρους Κορυφαίας ἐστὶν ἱερὸν Ἀρτέμιδος, οὗ καὶ Τελέσιλλα ἐποιήσατο ἐν ᾄσματι μνήμην. 2.29.7. ἐπειργασμένοι δέ εἰσι κατὰ τὴν ἔσοδον οἱ παρὰ Αἰακόν ποτε ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων σταλέντες· αἰτίαν δὲ τὴν αὐτὴν Αἰγινήταις καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ λέγουσιν. αὐχμὸς τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἐπὶ χρόνον ἐπίεζε καὶ οὔτε τὴν ἐκτὸς ἰσθμοῦ χώραν οὔτε Πελοποννησίοις ὗεν ὁ θεός, ἐς ὃ ἐς Δελφοὺς ἀπέστειλαν ἐρησομένους τὸ αἴτιον ὅ τι εἴη καὶ αἰτήσοντας ἅμα λύσιν τοῦ κακοῦ. τούτοις ἡ Πυθία εἶπε Δία ἱλάσκεσθαι, χρῆναι δέ, εἴπερ ὑπακούσει σφίσιν, Αἰακὸν τὸν ἱκετεύσαντα εἶναι. 2.29.8. οὕτως Αἰακοῦ δεησομένους ἀποστέλλουσιν ἀφʼ ἑκάστης πόλεως· καὶ ὁ μὲν τῷ Πανελληνίῳ Διὶ θύσας καὶ εὐξάμενος τὴν Ἑλλάδα γῆν ἐποίησεν ὕεσθαι, τῶν δὲ ἐλθόντων ὡς αὐτὸν εἰκόνας ταύτας ἐποιήσαντο οἱ Αἰγινῆται. τοῦ περιβόλου δὲ ἐντὸς ἐλαῖαι πεφύκασιν ἐκ παλαιοῦ καὶ βωμός ἐστιν οὐ πολὺ ἀνέχων ἐκ τῆς γῆς· ὡς δὲ καὶ μνῆμα οὗτος ὁ βωμὸς εἴη Αἰακοῦ, λεγόμενόν ἐστιν ἐν ἀπορρήτῳ. 2.31.2. ἐν τούτῳ δέ εἰσι τῷ ναῷ βωμοὶ θεῶν τῶν λεγομένων ὑπὸ γῆν ἄρχειν, καί φασιν ἐξ Ἅιδου Σεμέλην τε ὑπὸ Διονύσου κομισθῆναι ταύτῃ καὶ ὡς Ἡρακλῆς ἀναγάγοι τὸν κύνα τοῦ Ἅιδου· ἐγὼ δὲ Σεμέλην μὲν οὐδὲ ἀποθανεῖν ἀρχὴν πείθομαι Διός γε οὖσαν γυναῖκα, τὰ δὲ ἐς τὸν ὀνομαζόμενον Ἅιδου κύνα ἑτέρωθι ἔσται μοι δῆλα ὁποῖα εἶναί μοι δοκεῖ. 2.31.6. τὸ δὲ ἱερὸν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος τοῦ Θεαρίου κατασκευάσαι μὲν Πιτθέα ἔφασαν, ἔστι δὲ ὧν οἶδα παλαιότατον. ἀρχαῖος μὲν οὖν καὶ Φωκαεῦσι τοῖς ἐν Ἰωνίᾳ ναός ἐστιν Ἀθηνᾶς, ὃν Ἅρπαγός ποτε ὁ Μῆδος ἐνέπρησεν, ἀρχαῖος δὲ καὶ ὁ Σαμίοις Ἀπόλλωνος Πυθίου· πλὴν πολύ γε ὕστερον τοῦ παρὰ Τροιζηνίοις ἐποιήθησαν. ἄγαλμα δέ ἐστι τὸ ἐφʼ ἡμῶν ἀνάθημα Αὐλίσκου, τέχνη δὲ Ἕρμωνος Τροιζηνίου· τοῦ δὲ Ἕρμωνος τούτου καὶ τὰ τῶν Διοσκούρων ξόανά ἐστι. 2.31.10. καὶ Ἑρμῆς ἐνταῦθά ἐστι Πολύγιος καλούμενος. πρὸς τούτῳ τῷ ἀγάλματι τὸ ῥόπαλον θεῖναί φασιν Ἡρακλέα· καὶ—ἦν γὰρ κοτίνου—τοῦτο μὲν ὅτῳ πιστὰ ἐνέφυ τῇ γῇ καὶ ἀνεβλάστησεν αὖθις καὶ ἔστιν ὁ κότινος πεφυκὼς ἔτι, τὸν δὲ Ἡρακλέα λέγουσιν ἀνευρόντα τὸν πρὸς τῇ Σαρωνίδι κότινον ἀπὸ τούτου τεμεῖν ῥόπαλον. ἔστι δὲ καὶ Διὸς ἱερὸν ἐπίκλησιν Σωτῆρος· ποιῆσαι δὲ αὐτὸ βασιλεύοντα Ἀέτιον τὸν Ἄνθα λέγουσιν. ὕδωρ δὲ ὀνομάζουσι Χρυσορόαν· αὐχμοῦ δὲ ἐπὶ ἔτη συμβάντος σφίσιν ἐννέα, ἐν οἷς οὐχ ὗεν ὁ θεός, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ἀναξηρανθῆναί φασιν ὕδατα, τὸν δὲ Χρυσορόαν τοῦτον καὶ τότε ὁμοίως διαμεῖναι ῥέοντα. 2.32.8. ἔστι δὲ ἔξω τείχους καὶ Ποσειδῶνος ἱερὸν Φυταλμίου· μηνίσαντα γάρ σφισι τὸν Ποσειδῶνα ποιεῖν φασιν ἄκαρπον τὴν χώραν ἅλμης ἐς τὰ σπέρματα καὶ τῶν φυτῶν τὰς ῥίζας καθικνουμένης, ἐς ὃ θυσίαις τε εἴξας καὶ εὐχαῖς οὐκέτι ἅλμην ἀνῆκεν ἐς τὴν γῆν. ὑπὲρ δὲ τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος τὸν ναόν ἐστι Δημήτηρ Θεσμοφόρος, Ἀλθήπου καθὰ λέγουσιν ἱδρυσαμένου. 2.33.2. Καλαύρειαν δὲ Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερὰν τὸ ἀρχαῖον εἶναι λέγουσιν, ὅτε περ ἦσαν καὶ οἱ Δελφοὶ Ποσειδῶνος· λέγεται δὲ καὶ τοῦτο, ἀντιδοῦναι τὰ χωρία σφᾶς ἀλλήλοις. φασὶ δὲ ἔτι καὶ λόγιον μνημονεύουσιν· ἶσόν τοι Δῆλόν τε Καλαύρειάν τε νέμεσθαι Πυθώ τʼ ἠγαθέην καὶ Ταίναρον ἠνεμόεσσαν. Unknown ἔστι δʼ οὖν Ποσειδῶνος ἱερὸν ἐνταῦθα ἅγιον, ἱερᾶται δὲ αὐτῷ παρθένος, ἔστʼ ἂν ἐς ὥραν προέλθῃ γάμου. 2.36.1. κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐπὶ Μάσητα εὐθεῖαν προελθοῦσιν ἑπτά που σταδίους καὶ ἐς ἀριστερὰν ἐκτραπεῖσιν, ἐς Ἁλίκην ἐστὶν ὁδός. ἡ δὲ Ἁλίκη τὰ μὲν ἐφʼ ἡμῶν ἐστιν ἔρημος, ᾠκεῖτο δὲ καὶ αὕτη ποτέ, καὶ Ἁλικῶν λόγος ἐν στήλαις ἐστὶ ταῖς Ἐπιδαυρίων αἳ τοῦ Ἀσκληπιοῦ τὰ ἰάματα ἐγγεγραμμένα ἔχουσιν· ἄλλο δὲ σύγγραμμα οὐδὲν οἶδα ἀξιόχρεων, ἔνθα ἢ πόλεως Ἁλίκης ἢ ἀνδρῶν ἐστιν Ἁλικῶν μνήμη. ἔστι δʼ οὖν ὁδὸς καὶ ἐς ταύτην, τοῦ τε Πρωνὸς μέση καὶ ὄρους ἑτέρου Θόρνακος καλουμένου τὸ ἀρχαῖον· ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Διὸς ἐς κόκκυγα τὸν ὄρνιθα ἀλλαγῆς λεγομένης ἐνταῦθα γενέσθαι μετονομασθῆναι τὸ ὄρος φασίν. 2.36.2. ἱερὰ δὲ καὶ ἐς τόδε ἐπὶ ἄκρων τῶν ὀρῶν, ἐπὶ μὲν τῷ Κοκκυγίῳ Διός, ἐν δὲ τῷ Πρωνί ἐστιν Ἥρας· καὶ τοῦ γε Κοκκυγίου πρὸς τοῖς πέρασι ναός ἐστι, θύραι δὲ οὐκ ἐφεστήκασιν οὐδὲ ὄροφον εἶχεν οὐδέ οἵ τι ἐνῆν ἄγαλμα· εἶναι δὲ ἐλέγετο ὁ ναὸς Ἀπόλλωνος. παρὰ δὲ αὐτὸν ὁδός ἐστιν ἐπὶ Μάσητα τοῖς ἐκτραπεῖσιν ἐκ τῆς εὐθείας. Μάσητι δὲ οὔσῃ πόλει τὸ ἀρχαῖον, καθὰ καὶ Ὅμηρος ἐν Ἀργείων καταλόγῳ πεποίηκεν, ἐπινείῳ καθʼ ἡμᾶς ἐχρῶντο Ἑρμιονεῖς. 2.36.3. ἀπὸ Μάσητος δὲ ὁδὸς ἐν δεξιᾷ ἐστιν ἐπὶ ἄκραν καλουμένην Στρουθοῦντα. στάδιοι δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας ταύτης κατὰ τῶν ὀρῶν τὰς κορυφὰς πεντήκοντά εἰσι καὶ διακόσιοι ἐς Φιλανόριόν τε καλούμενον καὶ ἐπὶ Βολεούς· οἱ δὲ Βολεοὶ οὗτοι λίθων εἰσὶ σωροὶ λογάδων. χωρίον δὲ ἕτερον, ὃ Διδύμους ὀνομάζουσι, στάδια εἴκοσιν αὐτόθεν ἀφέστηκεν· ἐνταῦθα ἔστι μὲν ἱερὸν Ἀπόλλωνος, ἔστι δὲ Ποσειδῶνος, ἐπὶ δὲ αὐτοῖς Δήμητρος, ἀγάλματα δὲ ὀρθὰ λίθου λευκοῦ. 2.36.4. τὸ δὲ ἐντεῦθέν ἐστιν Ἀργείων ἥ ποτε Ἀσιναία καλουμένη, καὶ Ἀσίνης ἐστὶν ἐρείπια ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ. Λακεδαιμονίων δὲ καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως Νικάνδρου τοῦ Χαρίλλου τοῦ Πολυδέκτου τοῦ Εὐνόμου τοῦ Πρυτάνιδος τοῦ Εὐρυπῶντος ἐς τὴν Ἀργολίδα ἐσβαλόντων στρατιᾷ συνεσέβαλόν σφισιν οἱ Ἀσιναῖοι, καὶ ἐδῄωσαν σὺν ἐκείνοις τῶν Ἀργείων τὴν γῆν. ὡς δὲ ὁ στόλος τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀπῆλθεν οἴκαδε, στρατεύουσιν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀσίνην οἱ Ἀργεῖοι καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτῶν Ἔρατος. 2.36.5. καὶ χρόνον μέν τινα ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους ἠμύναντο οἱ Ἀσιναῖοι καὶ ἀποκτείνουσιν ἄλλους τε καὶ Λυσίστρατον ἐν τοῖς δοκιμωτάτοις ὄντα Ἀργείων· ἁλισκομένου δὲ τοῦ τείχους οὗτοι μὲν γυναῖκας ἐς τὰ πλοῖα ἐνθέμενοι καὶ παῖδας ἐκλείπουσι τὴν αὑτῶν, Ἀργεῖοι δὲ ἐς ἔδαφος καταβαλόντες τὴν Ἀσίνην καὶ τὴν γῆν προσορισάμενοι τῇ σφετέρᾳ Πυθαέως τε Ἀπόλλωνος ὑπελίποντο τὸ ἱερὸν—καὶ νῦν ἔτι δῆλόν ἐστι—καὶ τὸν Λυσίστρατον πρὸς αὐτῷ θάπτουσιν. 2.37.1. ἀπὸ δὴ τοῦ ὄρους τούτου τὸ ἄλσος ἀρχόμενον πλατάνων τὸ πολὺ ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν καθήκει. ὅροι δὲ αὐτοῦ τῇ μὲν ποταμὸς ὁ Ποντῖνος, τῇ δὲ ἕτερος ποταμός· Ἀμυμώνη δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς Δαναοῦ θυγατρὸς ὄνομα τῷ ποταμῷ. ἐντὸς δὲ τοῦ ἄλσους ἀγάλματα ἔστι μὲν Δήμητρος Προσύμνης, ἔστι δὲ Διονύσου, καὶ Δήμητρος καθήμενον ἄγαλμα οὐ μέγα· 2.37.2. ταῦτα μὲν λίθου πεποιημένα, ἑτέρωθι δʼ ἐν ναῷ Διόνυσος Σαώτης καθήμενον ξόανον καὶ Ἀφροδίτης ἄγαλμα ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ λίθου· ἀναθεῖναι δὲ αὐτὸ τὰς θυγατέρας λέγουσι τὰς Δαναοῦ, Δαναὸν δὲ αὐτὸν τὸ ἱερὸν ἐπὶ Ποντίνῳ ποιῆσαι τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς. καταστήσασθαι δὲ τῶν Λερναίων τὴν τελετὴν Φιλάμμωνά φασι. τὰ μὲν οὖν λεγόμενα ἐπὶ τοῖς δρωμένοις δῆλά ἐστιν οὐκ ὄντα ἀρχαῖα· 2.37.3. ἃ δὲ ἤκουσα ἐπὶ τῇ καρδίᾳ γεγράφθαι τῇ πεποιημένῃ τοῦ ὀρειχάλκου, οὐδὲ ταῦτα ὄντα Φιλάμμωνος Ἀρριφῶν εὗρε, τὸ μὲν ἀνέκαθεν Τρικωνιεὺς τῶν ἐν Αἰτωλίᾳ, τὰ δὲ ἐφʼ ἡμῶν Λυκίων τοῖς μάλιστα ὁμοίως δόκιμος, δεινὸς δὲ ἐξευρεῖν ἃ μή τις πρότερον εἶδε, καὶ δὴ καὶ ταῦτα φωράσας ἐπὶ τῷδε. τὰ ἔπη, καὶ ὅσα οὐ μετὰ μέτρου μεμιγμένα ἦν τοῖς ἔπεσι, τὰ πάντα Δωριστὶ ἐπεποίητο· πρὶν δὲ Ἡρακλείδας κατελθεῖν ἐς Πελοπόννησον, τὴν αὐτὴν ἠφίεσαν Ἀθηναίοις οἱ Ἀργεῖοι φωνήν· ἐπὶ δὲ Φιλάμμωνος οὐδὲ τὸ ὄνομα τῶν Δωριέων ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν ἐς ἅπαντας ἠκούετο Ἕλληνας. 2.38.5. δὲ ἄνω πρὸς τὴν ἤπειρον ἀπʼ αὐτῆς χωρίον ἐστίν, ἔνθα δὴ ἐμαχέσαντο ὑπὲρ τῆς γῆς ταύτης λογάδες Ἀργείων τριακόσιοι πρὸς ἄνδρας Λακεδαιμονίων ἀριθμόν τε ἴσους καὶ ἐπιλέκτους ὁμοίως. ἀποθανόντων δὲ ἁπάντων πλὴν ἑνὸς Σπαρτιάτου καὶ δυοῖν Ἀργείων, τοῖς μὲν ἀποθανοῦσιν ἐχώσθησαν ἐνταῦθα οἱ τάφοι, τὴν χώραν δὲ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι γενομένου πανδημεί σφισιν ἀγῶνος πρὸς Ἀργείους κρατήσαντες βεβαίως αὐτοί τε παραυτίκα ἐκαρποῦντο καὶ ὕστερον Αἰγινήταις ἔδοσαν ἐκπεσοῦσιν ὑπὸ Ἀθηναίων ἐκ τῆς νήσου. τὰ δὲ ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ τὴν Θυρεᾶτιν ἐνέμοντο Ἀργεῖοι· φασὶ δὲ ἀνασώσασθαι δίκῃ νικήσαντες. 3.3.6. τηνικαῦτα δὲ αἱ πόλεις ἄγουσαι σπονδὰς ἔτυχον. ἀφικομένου δὲ τοῦ Λίχα Ὀρέστου τὰ ὀστᾶ ἀνεζήτουν· ἀνεζήτουν δὲ αὐτὰ ἐκ θεοπροπίου Σπαρτιᾶται. συνῆκεν οὖν ὁ Λίχας ὡς ἔστι κατακείμενα ἐν οἰκίᾳ χαλκέως, συνῆκε δὲ οὕτως· ὁπόσα ἐν τῇ τοῦ χαλκέως ἑώρα, παρέβαλεν αὐτὰ πρὸς τὸ ἐκ Δελφῶν μάντευμα, ἀνέμοις μὲν τοῦ χαλκέως εἰκάζων τὰς φύσας, ὅτι καὶ αὐταὶ βίαιον πνεῦμα ἠφίεσαν, τύπον δὲ τὴν σφῦραν καὶ τὸν ἄκμονα ἀντίτυπον ταύτῃ, πῆμα δὲ εἰκότως ἀνθρώπῳ τὸν σίδηρον, ὅτι ἐχρῶντο ἐς τὰς μάχας ἤδη τῷ σιδήρῳ· τὰ δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ἡρώων καλουμένων ἂν εἶπεν ὁ θεὸς ἀνθρώπῳ πῆμα εἶναι τὸν χαλκόν. 3.3.7. τῷ χρησμῷ δὲ τῷ γενομένῳ Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐς τοῦ Ὀρέστου τὰ ὀστᾶ καὶ Ἀθηναίοις ὕστερον ἐοικότα ἐχρήσθη κατάγουσιν ἐς Ἀθήνας ἐκ Σκύρου Θησέα, ἄλλως δὲ οὐκ εἶναί σφισιν ἑλεῖν Σκῦρον· ἀνεῦρε δὲ δὴ τὰ ὀστᾶ τοῦ Θησέως Κίμων ὁ Μιλτιάδου, σοφίᾳ χρησάμενος καὶ οὗτος, καὶ μετʼ οὐ πολὺ εἷλε τὴν Σκῦρον. 3.7.4. μετὰ δὲ Χάριλλον τελευτήσαντα Νίκανδρος ὁ Χαρίλλου διαδέχεται τὴν ἀρχήν· καὶ τὰ Μεσσηνίων ἐς Τήλεκλον τὸν τῆς ἑτέρας βασιλέα οἰκίας ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τῆς Λιμνάδος συμβάντα ἐπὶ Νικάνδρου γίνεται βασιλεύοντος. ἐσέβαλε δὲ καὶ ἐς τὴν Ἀργολίδα ὁ Νίκανδρος στρατιᾷ καὶ τὰ πολλὰ ἐκάκωσε τῆς χώρας· μετασχόντες δὲ Ἀσιναῖοι Λακεδαιμονίοις τοῦ ἔργου δίκην μετʼ οὐ πολὺ Ἀργείοις ἀπέδοσαν σὺν μεγάλῳ πατρίδος τε ὀλέθρῳ καὶ φυγῇ τῇ σφετέρᾳ. 3.14.3. ἐγγυτάτω δὲ τῶν μνημάτων ἃ τοῖς Ἀγιάδαις πεποίηται στήλην ὄψει, γεγραμμέναι δέ εἰσιν ἃς Χίονις ἀνὴρ Λακεδαιμόνιος δρόμου νίκας ἀνείλετο ἄλλας τε καὶ Ὀλυμπίασιν· ἐνταῦθα δὲ ἑπτὰ ἐγένοντό οἱ νῖκαι, τέσσαρες μὲν σταδίου, διαύλου δὲ αἱ λοιπαί· τὸν δὲ σὺν τῇ ἀσπίδι δρόμον ἐπὶ ἀγῶνι λήγοντι οὐ συνέβαινεν εἶναί πω. Χίονιν δὲ καὶ τοῦ στόλου μετασχεῖν τῷ Θηραίῳ Βάττῳ καὶ Κυρήνην οἰκίσαι σὺν ἐκείνῳ καὶ Λιβύων καταστρέψασθαι τοὺς προσχώρους λέγουσιν. 4.4.1. ἐπὶ δὲ Φίντα τοῦ Συβότα πρῶτον Μεσσήνιοι τότε τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι ἐς Δῆλον θυσίαν καὶ ἀνδρῶν χορὸν ἀποστέλλουσι· τὸ δέ σφισιν ᾆσμα προσόδιον ἐς τὸν θεὸν ἐδίδαξεν Εὔμηλος, εἶναί τε ὡς ἀληθῶς Εὐμήλου νομίζεται μόνα τὰ ἔπη ταῦτα. ἐγένετο δὲ καὶ πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐπὶ τῆς Φίντα βασιλείας διαφορὰ πρῶτον, ἀπὸ αἰτίας ἀμφισβητουμένης μὲν καὶ ταύτης, γενέσθαι δὲ οὕτω λεγομένης. 4.4.2. ἔστιν ἐπὶ τοῖς ὅροις τῆς Μεσσηνίας ἱερὸν Ἀρτέμιδος καλουμένης Λιμνάτιδος, μετεῖχον δὲ αὐτοῦ μόνοι Δωριέων οἵ τε Μεσσήνιοι καὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι. Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν δή φασιν ὡς παρθένους αὑτῶν παραγενομένας ἐς τὴν ἑορτὴν αὐτάς τε βιάσαιντο ἄνδρες τῶν Μεσσηνίων καὶ τὸν βασιλέα σφῶν ἀποκτείναιεν πειρώμενον κωλύειν, Τήλεκλον Ἀρχελάου τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου τοῦ Δορύσσου τοῦ Λαβώτα τοῦ Ἐχεστράτου τοῦ Ἄγιδος, πρός τε δὴ τούτοις τὰς βιασθείσας τῶν παρθένων διεργάσασθαι λέγουσιν αὑτὰς ὑπὸ αἰσχύνης· 4.4.3. Μεσσήνιοι δὲ τοῖς ἐλθοῦσι σφῶν ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν πρωτεύουσιν ἐν Μεσσήνῃ κατὰ ἀξίωμα, τούτοις φασὶν ἐπιβουλεῦσαι Τήλεκλον, αἴτιον δὲ εἶναι τῆς χώρας τῆς Μεσσηνίας τὴν ἀρετήν, ἐπιβουλεύοντα δὲ ἐπιλέξαι Σπαρτιατῶν ὁπόσοι πω γένεια οὐκ εἶχον, τούτους δὲ ἐσθῆτι καὶ κόσμῳ τῷ λοιπῷ σκευάσαντα ὡς παρθένους ἀναπαυομένοις τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις ἐπεισαγαγεῖν, δόντα ἐγχειρίδια· καὶ τοὺς Μεσσηνίους ἀμυνομένους τούς τε ἀγενείους νεανίσκους καὶ αὐτὸν ἀποκτεῖναι Τήλεκλον, Λακεδαιμονίους δὲ—οὐ γὰρ ἄνευ τοῦ κοινοῦ ταῦτα βουλεῦσαι σφῶν τὸν βασιλέα—συνειδότας ὡς ἄρξαιεν ἀδικίας, τοῦ φόνου σφᾶς τοῦ Τηλέκλου δίκας οὐκ ἀπαιτῆσαι. ταῦτα μὲν ἑκάτεροι λέγουσι, πειθέσθω δὲ ὡς ἔχει τις ἐς τοὺς ἑτέρους σπουδῆς. 4.8.3. τέχνῃ μὲν οὖν ἐς τὰ πολεμικὰ ὁμοῦ καὶ μελέτῃ πολὺ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι προέσχον, πρὸς δὲ καὶ τῷ πλήθει· τούς τε γὰρ περιοίκους ὑπηκόους ἤδη καὶ συνακολουθοῦντας εἶχον Ἀσιναῖοί τε καὶ οἱ Δρύοπες γενεᾷ πρότερον ὑπὸ Ἀργείων ἐκ τῆς σφετέρας ἀνεστηκότες καὶ ἥκοντες ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα ἱκέται κατʼ ἀνάγκην συνεστρατεύοντο· πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ψιλοὺς τῶν Μεσσηνίων τοξότας Κρῆτας ἐπήγοντο μισθωτούς. 4.14.3. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ἀνέθεσαν ἐνταῦθα, τῆς δὲ γῆς τῆς Μεσσηνίας Ἀσιναίοις μὲν ἀνεστηκόσιν ὑπὸ Ἀργείων διδόασιν ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ ταύτην ἣν καὶ νῦν ἔτι οἱ Ἀσιναῖοι νέμονται· τοῖς δὲ Ἀνδροκλέους ἀπογόνοις—ἦν γὰρ δὴ καὶ θυγάτηρ Ἀνδροκλεῖ καὶ παῖδες τῆς θυγατρός, φεύγοντες δὲ ὑπὸ τὴν τελευτὴν τοῦ Ἀνδροκλέους ᾤχοντο ἐς Σπάρτην— τούτοις τὴν Ὑαμίαν καλουμένην ἀπονέμουσι. 4.34.9. Ἀσιναῖοι δὲ τὸ μὲν ἐξ ἀρχῆς Λυκωρίταις ὅμοροι περὶ τὸν Παρνασσὸν ᾤκουν· ὄνομα δὲ ἦν αὐτοῖς, ὃ δὴ καὶ ἐς Πελοπόννησον διεσώσαντο, ἀπὸ τοῦ οἰκιστοῦ Δρύοπες. γενεᾷ δὲ ὕστερον τρίτῃ βασιλεύοντος Φύλαντος μάχῃ τε οἱ Δρύοπες ὑπὸ Ἡρακλέους ἐκρατήθησαν καὶ τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι ἀνάθημα ἤχθησαν ἐς Δελφούς· ἀναχθέντες δὲ ἐς Πελοπόννησον χρήσαντος Ἡρακλεῖ τοῦ θεοῦ πρῶτα μὲν τὴν πρὸς Ἑρμιόνι Ἀσίνην ἔσχον, ἐκεῖθεν δὲ ἐκπεσόντες ὑπὸ Ἀργείων οἰκοῦσιν ἐν τῇ Μεσσηνίᾳ, Λακεδαιμονίων δόντων καὶ ὡς ἀνὰ χρόνον οἱ Μεσσήνιοι κατήχθησαν οὐ γενομένης σφίσιν ὑπʼ αὐτῶν ἀναστάτου τῆς πόλεως. 4.34.10. Ἀσιναῖοι δὲ αὐτοὶ περὶ σφῶν οὕτω λέγουσι· κρατηθῆναι μὲν ὑπὸ Ἡρακλέους μάχῃ συγχωροῦσιν ἁλῶναί τε τὴν ἐν τῷ Παρνασσῷ πόλιν, αἰχμάλωτοι δὲ γενέσθαι καὶ ἀχθῆναι παρὰ τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα οὔ φασιν· ἀλλʼ ὡς ἡλίσκετο ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἡρακλέους τὸ τεῖχος, ἐκλιπεῖν τὴν πόλιν καὶ ἀναφυγεῖν ἐς τὰ ἄκρα τοῦ Παρνασσοῦ, διαβάντες δὲ ὕστερον ναυσὶν ἐς Πελοπόννησον γενέσθαι φασὶν Εὐρυσθέως ἱκέται, καὶ σφίσιν Εὐρυσθέα ἅτε ἀπεχθανόμενον τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ δοῦναι τὴν ἐν τῇ Ἀργολίδι Ἀσίνην. 4.34.11. μόνοι δὲ τοῦ γένους τοῦ Δρυόπων οἱ Ἀσιναῖοι σεμνύνονται καὶ ἐς ἡμᾶς ἔτι τῷ ὀνόματι, οὐδὲν ὁμοίως καὶ Εὐβοέων οἱ Στύρα ἔχοντες. εἰσὶ γὰρ καὶ οἱ Στυρεῖς Δρύοπες τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς, ὅσοι τῆς πρὸς τὸν Ἡρακλέα οὐ μετέσχον μάχης, ἀπωτέρω τῆς πόλεως ἔχοντες τὰς οἰκήσεις· ἀλλὰ οἱ μὲν Στυρεῖς καλεῖσθαι Δρύοπες ὑπερφρονοῦσι, καθάπερ γε καὶ οἱ Δελφοὶ πεφεύγασιν ὀνομάζεσθαι Φωκεῖς, Ἀσιναῖοι δὲ Δρύοπές τε τὰ μάλιστα χαίρουσι καλούμενοι καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν τὰ ἁγιώτατά εἰσι δῆλοι κατὰ μνήμην πεποιημένοι τῶν ποτὲ ἐν Παρνασσῷ σφισιν ἱδρυμένων. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ Ἀπόλλωνός ἐστιν αὐτοῖς ναός, τοῦτο δὲ Δρύοπος ἱερὸν καὶ ἄγαλμα ἀρχαῖον· ἄγουσι καὶ παρὰ ἔτος αὐτῷ τελετήν, παῖδα τὸν Δρύοπα Ἀπόλλωνος εἶναι λέγοντες. 4.34.12. κεῖται δὲ ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ καὶ αὐτὴ κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ τῇ ποτὲ ἐν μοίρᾳ τῇ Ἀργολίδι Ἀσίνῃ· σταδίων δὲ τεσσαράκοντά ἐστιν ἐκ Κολωνίδων ἐς αὐτὴν ὁδός, τοσαύτη δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίνης πρὸς τὸν Ἀκρίταν καλούμενον. ἀνέχει δὲ ἐς θάλασσαν ὁ Ἀκρίτας, καὶ νῆσος Θηγανοῦσσά ἐστιν ἔρημος πρὸ αὐτοῦ· μετὰ δὲ τὸν Ἀκρίταν λιμήν τε Φοινικοῦς καὶ νῆσοι κατʼ αὐτὸν Οἰνοῦσσαι. 5.5.10. Ἑλλήνων δὲ οἱ μὲν Χίρωνα, οἱ δὲ ἄλλον Κένταυρον Πυλήνορα τοξευθέντα ὑπὸ Ἡρακλέους καὶ φυγόντα τραυματίαν φασὶν ἐν τῷ ὕδατι ἀπολοῦσαι τούτῳ τὸ ἕλκος, καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς ὕδρας τοῦ ἰοῦ γενέσθαι δυσχερῆ τῷ Ἀνίγρῳ τὴν ὀσμήν· οἱ δὲ ἐς Μελάμποδα τὸν Ἀμυθάονος καὶ ἐς τῶν Προίτου θυγατέρων τὰ καθάρσια ἐμβληθέντα ἐνταῦθα ἀνάγουσι τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ ἐπὶ τῷ ποταμῷ παθήματος. 5.7.8. πρῶτος μὲν ἐν ὕμνῳ τῷ ἐς Ἀχαιίαν ἐποίησεν Ὠλὴν Λύκιος ἀφικέσθαι τὴν Ἀχαιίαν ἐς Δῆλον ἐκ τῶν Ὑπερβορέων τούτων· ἔπειτα δὲ ᾠδὴν Μελάνωπος Κυμαῖος ἐς Ὦπιν καὶ Ἑκαέργην ᾖσεν, ὡς ἐκ τῶν Ὑπερβορέων καὶ αὗται πρότερον ἔτι τῆς Ἀχαιίας ἀφίκοντο καὶ ἐς Δῆλον· 5.23.1. παρεξιόντι δὲ παρὰ τὴν ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον ἔσοδον Ζεύς τε ἕστηκεν ἐπίγραμμα ἔχων οὐδὲν καὶ αὖθις ὡς πρὸς ἄρκτον ἐπιστρέψαντι ἄγαλμά ἐστι Διός· τοῦτο τέτραπται μὲν πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον, ἀνέθεσαν δὲ Ἑλλήνων ὅσοι Πλαταιᾶσιν ἐμαχέσαντο ἐναντία Μαρδονίου τε καὶ Μήδων. εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ ἐγγεγραμμέναι κατὰ τοῦ βάθρου τὰ δεξιὰ αἱ μετασχοῦσαι πόλεις τοῦ ἔργου, Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν πρῶτοι, μετὰ δὲ αὐτοὺς Ἀθηναῖοι, τρίτοι δὲ γεγραμμένοι καὶ τέταρτοι Κορίνθιοί τε καὶ Σικυώνιοι, 5.23.2. πέμπτοι δὲ Αἰγινῆται, μετὰ δὲ Αἰγινήτας Μεγαρεῖς καὶ Ἐπιδαύριοι, Ἀρκάδων δὲ Τεγεᾶταί τε καὶ Ὀρχομένιοι, ἐπὶ δὲ αὐτοῖς ὅσοι Φλιοῦντα καὶ Τροίζηνα καὶ Ἑρμιόνα οἰκοῦσιν, ἐκ δὲ χώρας τῆς Ἀργείας Τιρύνθιοι, Πλαταιεῖς δὲ μόνοι Βοιωτῶν, καὶ Ἀργείων οἱ Μυκήνας ἔχοντες, νησιῶται δὲ Κεῖοι καὶ Μήλιοι, Ἀμβρακιῶται δὲ ἐξ ἠπείρου τῆς Θεσπρωτίδος, Τήνιοί τε καὶ Λεπρεᾶται, Λεπρεᾶται μὲν τῶν ἐκ τῆς Τριφυλίας μόνοι, ἐκ δὲ Αἰγαίου καὶ τῶν Κυκλάδων οὐ Τήνιοι μόνοι ἀλλὰ καὶ Νάξιοι καὶ Κύθνιοι, ἀπὸ δὲ Εὐβοίας Στυρεῖς, μετὰ δὲ τούτους Ἠλεῖοι καὶ Ποτιδαιᾶται καὶ Ἀνακτόριοι, τελευταῖοι δὲ Χαλκιδεῖς οἱ ἐπὶ τῷ Εὐρίπῳ. 6.14.10. Σακάδας μὲν γὰρ τὸν ἀγῶνα τὸν τεθέντα ὑπὸ Ἀμφικτυόνων οὐκ ὄντα πω στεφανίτην καὶ ἐπʼ ἐκείνῳ στεφανίτας δύο ἐνίκησε, Πυθόκριτος δὲ ὁ Σικυώνιος τὰς ἐφεξῆς τούτων πυθιάδας ἕξ, μόνος δὴ οὗτος αὐλητής· δῆλα δὲ ὅτι καὶ ἐν τῷ ἀγῶνι τῷ Ὀλυμπίασιν ἐπηύλησεν ἑξάκις τῷ πεντάθλῳ. Πυθοκρίτῳ μὲν γέγονεν ἀντὶ τούτων ἡ ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ στήλη καὶ ἐπίγραμμα ἐπʼ αὐτῇ, Πυθοκρίτου τοῦ Καλλινίκου μνᾶμα ταὐλητᾶ τά δε· ἀνέθεσαν δὲ καὶ τὸ κοινὸν τὸ Αἰτωλῶν Κύλωνα, ὃς 8.18.7. ὑπὲρ δὲ τὴν Νώνακριν ὄρη τε καλούμενα Ἀροάνια καὶ σπήλαιόν ἐστιν ἐν αὐτοῖς. ἐς τοῦτο ἀναφυγεῖν τὸ σπήλαιον τὰς θυγατέρας τὰς Προίτου μανείσας λέγουσιν, ἃς ὁ Μελάμπους θυσίαις τε ἀπορρήτοις καὶ καθαρμοῖς κατήγαγεν ἐς χωρίον καλούμενον Λουσούς. τοῦ μὲν δὴ ὄρους τῶν Ἀροανίων Φενεᾶται τὰ πολλὰ ἐνέμοντο· οἱ δὲ ἐν ὅροις ἤδη Κλειτορίων εἰσὶν οἱ Λουσοί. 8.18.8. πόλιν μὲν δή ποτε εἶναι λέγουσι τοὺς Λουσούς, καὶ Ἀγησίλας ἀνὴρ Λουσεὺς ἀνηγορεύθη κέλητι ἵππῳ νικῶν, ὅτε πρώτην ἐπὶ ταῖς δέκα ἐτίθεσαν πυθιάδα Ἀμφικτύονες· τὰ δὲ ἐφʼ ἡμῶν οὐδὲ ἐρείπια ἔτι λειπόμενα ἦν Λουσῶν. τὰς δʼ οὖν θυγατέρας τοῦ Προίτου κατήγαγεν ὁ Μελάμπους ἐς τοὺς Λουσοὺς καὶ ἠκέσατο τῆς μανίας ἐν Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερῷ· καὶ ἀπʼ ἐκείνου τὴν Ἄρτεμιν ταύτην Ἡμερασίαν καλοῦσιν οἱ Κλειτόριοι. 8.27.1. ἡ δὲ Μεγάλη πόλις νεωτάτη πόλεών ἐστιν οὐ τῶν Ἀρκαδικῶν μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἐν Ἕλλησι, πλὴν ὅσων κατὰ συμφορὰν ἀρχῆς τῆς Ῥωμαίων μεταβεβήκασιν οἰκήτορες· συνῆλθον δὲ ὑπὲρ ἰσχύος ἐς αὐτὴν οἱ Ἀρκάδες, ἅτε καὶ Ἀργείους ἐπιστάμενοι τὰ μὲν ἔτι παλαιότερα μόνον οὐ κατὰ μίαν ἡμέραν ἑκάστην κινδυνεύοντας ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων παραστῆναι τῷ πολέμῳ, ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἀνθρώπων πλήθει τὸ Ἄργος ἐπηύξησαν καταλύσαντες Τίρυνθα καὶ Ὑσιάς τε καὶ Ὀρνεὰς καὶ Μυκήνας καὶ Μίδειαν καὶ εἰ δή τι ἄλλο πόλισμα οὐκ ἀξιόλογον ἐν τῇ Ἀργολίδι ἦν, τά τε ἀπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων ἀδεέστερα τοῖς Ἀργείοις ὑπάρξαντα καὶ ἅμα ἐς τοὺς περιοίκους ἰσχὺν γενομένην αὐτοῖς. 9.20.4. ἐν δὲ τοῦ Διονύσου τῷ ναῷ θέας μὲν καὶ τὸ ἄγαλμα ἄξιον λίθου τε ὂν Παρίου καὶ ἔργον Καλάμιδος , θαῦμα δὲ παρέχεται μεῖζον ἔτι ὁ Τρίτων. ὁ μὲν δὴ σεμνότερος ἐς αὐτὸν λόγος τὰς γυναῖκάς φησι τὰς Ταναγραίων πρὸ τῶν Διονύσου ὀργίων ἐπὶ θάλασσαν καταβῆναι καθαρσίων ἕνεκα, νηχομέναις δὲ ἐπιχειρῆσαι τὸν Τρίτωνα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας εὔξασθαι Διόνυσόν σφισιν ἀφικέσθαι βοηθόν, ὑπακοῦσαί τε δὴ τὸν θεὸν καὶ τοῦ Τρίτωνος κρατῆσαι τῇ μάχῃ· 9.20.5. ὁ δὲ ἕτερος λόγος ἀξιώματι μὲν ἀποδεῖ τοῦ προτέρου, πιθανώτερος δέ ἐστι. φησὶ γὰρ δὴ οὗτος, ὁπόσα ἐλαύνοιτο ἐπὶ θάλασσαν βοσκήματα, ὡς ἐλόχα τε ὁ Τρίτων καὶ ἥρπαζεν· ἐπιχειρεῖν δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ τῶν πλοίων τοῖς λεπτοῖς, ἐς ὃ οἱ Ταναγραῖοι κρατῆρα οἴνου προτιθέασιν αὐτῷ. καὶ τὸν αὐτίκα ἔρχεσθαι λέγουσιν ὑπὸ τῆς ὀσμῆς, πιόντα δὲ ἐρρῖφθαι κατὰ τῆς ᾐόνος ὑπνωμένον, Ταναγραῖον δὲ ἄνδρα πελέκει παίσαντα ἀποκόψαι τὸν αὐχένα αὐτοῦ· καὶ διὰ τοῦτο οὐκ ἔπεστιν αὐτῷ κεφαλή. ὅτι δὲ μεθυσθέντα εἷλον, ἐπὶ τούτῳ ὑπὸ Διονύσου νομίζουσιν ἀποθανεῖν αὐτόν. 9.26.1. οὕτω μὲν τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦτό ἐστιν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἅγιον· τοῦ Καβειρίου δὲ ἐν δεξιᾷ πεδίον ἐστὶν ἐπώνυμον Τηνέρου μάντεως, ὃν Ἀπόλλωνος παῖδα εἶναι καὶ Μελίας νομίζουσι, καὶ Ἡρακλέους ἱερὸν μέγα ἐπίκλησιν Ἱπποδέτου· τούς τε γὰρ Ὀρχομενίους φασὶν ἐς τοῦτο ἀφῖχθαι στρατιᾷ καὶ τὸν Ἡρακλέα νύκτωρ τοὺς ἵππους λαβόντα συνδῆσαί σφισι τοὺς ὑπὸ τοῖς ἅρμασι. 10.7.1. ἔοικε δὲ ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς ὑπὸ ἀνθρώπων ἐπιβεβουλεῦσθαι πλείστων ἤδη. οὗτός τε ὁ Εὐβοεὺς λῃστὴς καὶ ἔτεσιν ὕστερον τὸ ἔθνος τὸ Φλεγυῶν, ἔτι δὲ Πύρρος ὁ Ἀχιλλέως ἐπεχείρησεν αὐτῷ, καὶ δυνάμεως μοῖρα τῆς Ξέρξου, καὶ οἱ χρόνον τε ἐπὶ πλεῖστον καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ θεοῦ τοῖς χρήμασιν ἐπελθόντες οἱ ἐν Φωκεῦσι δυνάσται, καὶ ἡ Γαλατῶν στρατιά. ἔμελλε δὲ ἄρα οὐδὲ τῆς Νέρωνος ἐς πάντα ὀλιγωρίας ἀπειράτως ἕξειν, ὃς τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα πεντακοσίας θεῶν τε ἀναμὶξ ἀφείλετο καὶ ἀνθρώπων εἰκόνας χαλκᾶς. 10.7.4. τῆς δὲ τεσσαρακοστῆς Ὀλυμπιάδος καὶ ὀγδόης, ἣν Γλαυκίας ὁ Κροτωνιάτης ἐνίκησε, ταύτης ἔτει τρίτῳ ἆθλα ἔθεσαν οἱ Ἀμφικτύονες κιθαρῳδίας μὲν καθὰ καὶ ἐξ ἀρχῆς, προσέθεσαν δὲ καὶ αὐλῳδίας ἀγώνισμα καὶ αὐλῶν· ἀνηγορεύθησαν δὲ νικῶντες Κεφαλήν τε Μελάμπους κιθαρῳδίᾳ καὶ αὐλῳδὸς Ἀρκὰς Ἐχέμβροτος, Σακάδας δὲ Ἀργεῖος ἐπὶ τοῖς αὐλοῖς· ἀνείλετο δὲ ὁ Σακάδας οὗτος καὶ ἄλλας δύο τὰς ἐφεξῆς ταύτης πυθιάδας. 10.7.6. μαρτυρεῖ δέ μοι καὶ τοῦ Ἐχεμβρότου τὸ ἀνάθημα, τρίπους χαλκοῦς ἀνατεθεὶς τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ τῷ ἐν Θήβαις· ἐπίγραμμα δὲ ὁ τρίπους εἶχεν· Ἐχέμβροτος Ἀρκὰς θῆκε τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ νικήσας τόδʼ ἄγαλμʼ Ἀμφικτυόνων ἐν ἀέθλοις, Ἕλλησι δʼ ἀείδων μέλεα καὶ ἐλέγους. κατὰ τοῦτο μὲν τῆς αὐλῳδίας ἐπαύσθη τὸ ἀγώνισμα· προσέθεσαν δὲ καὶ ἵππων δρόμον, ἀνηγορεύθη δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ ἅρματι Κλεισθένης ὁ Σικυῶνος τυραννήσας. 10.10.3. πλησίον δὲ τοῦ ἵππου καὶ ἄλλα ἀναθήματά ἐστιν Ἀργείων, οἱ ἡγεμόνες τῶν ἐς Θήβας ὁμοῦ Πολυνείκει στρατευσάντων, Ἄδραστός τε ὁ Ταλαοῦ καὶ Τυδεὺς Οἰνέως καὶ οἱ ἀπόγονοι Προίτου καὶ Καπανεὺς Ἱππόνου καὶ Ἐτέοκλος ὁ Ἴφιος, Πολυνείκης τε καὶ ὁ Ἱππομέδων ἀδελφῆς Ἀδράστου παῖς· Ἀμφιαράου δὲ καὶ ἅρμα ἐγγὺς πεποίηται καὶ ἐφεστηκὼς Βάτων ἐπὶ τῷ ἅρματι ἡνίοχός τε τῶν ἵππων καὶ τῷ Ἀμφιαράῳ καὶ ἄλλως προσήκων κατὰ οἰκειότητα· τελευταῖος δὲ Ἀλιθέρσης ἐστὶν αὐτῶν. 10.10.4. οὗτοι μὲν δὴ Ὑπατοδώρου καὶ Ἀριστογείτονός εἰσιν ἔργα, καὶ ἐποίησαν σφᾶς, ὡς αὐτοὶ Ἀργεῖοι λέγουσιν, ἀπὸ τῆς νίκης ἥντινα ἐν Οἰνόῃ τῇ Ἀργείᾳ αὐτοί τε καὶ Ἀθηναίων ἐπίκουροι Λακεδαιμονίους ἐνίκησαν. ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν ἔργου καὶ τοὺς Ἐπιγόνους ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων καλουμένους ἀνέθεσαν οἱ Ἀργεῖοι· κεῖνται γὰρ δὴ εἰκόνες καὶ τούτων, Σθένελος καὶ Ἀλκμαίων, κατὰ ἡλικίαν ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν πρὸ Ἀμφιλόχου τετιμημένος, ἐπὶ δὲ αὐτοῖς Πρόμαχος καὶ Θέρσανδρος καὶ Αἰγιαλεύς τε καὶ Διομήδης· ἐν μέσῳ δὲ Διομήδους καὶ τοῦ Αἰγιαλέως ἐστὶν Εὐρύαλος. 10.10.5. ἀπαντικρὺ δὲ αὐτῶν ἀνδριάντες τε εἰσὶν ἄλλοι· τούτους δὲ ἀνέθεσαν οἱ Ἀργεῖοι τοῦ οἰκισμοῦ τοῦ Μεσσηνίων Θηβαίοις καὶ Ἐπαμινώνδᾳ μετασχόντες. ἡρώων δέ εἰσιν αἱ εἰκόνες, Δαναὸς μὲν βασιλέων ἰσχύσας τῶν ἐν Ἄργει μέγιστον, Ὑπερμήστρα δὲ ἅτε καθαρὰ χεῖρας μόνη τῶν ἀδελφῶν· παρὰ δὲ αὐτὴν καὶ ὁ Λυγκεὺς καὶ ἅπαν τὸ ἐφεξῆς αὐτῶν γένος τὸ ἐς Ἡρακλέα τε καὶ ἔτι πρότερον καθῆκον ἐς Περσέα. 10.13.8. λέγεται δὲ ὑπὸ Δελφῶν Ἡρακλεῖ τῷ Ἀμφιτρύωνος ἐλθόντι ἐπὶ τὸ χρηστήριον τὴν πρόμαντιν Ξενόκλειαν οὐκ ἐθελῆσαί οἱ χρᾶν διὰ τοῦ Ἰφίτου τὸν φόνον· τὸν δὲ ἀράμενον τὸν τρίποδα ἐκ τοῦ ναοῦ φέρειν ἔξω, εἰπεῖν τε δὴ τὴν πρόμαντιν· ἄλλος ἄρʼ Ἡρακλέης Τιρύνθιος, οὐχὶ Κανωβεύς· πρότερον γὰρ ἔτι ὁ Αἰγύπτιος Ἡρακλῆς ἀφίκετο ἐς Δελφούς. τότε δὲ ὁ Ἀμφιτρύωνος τόν τε τρίποδα ἀποδίδωσι τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι καὶ παρὰ τῆς Ξενοκλείας ὁπόσα ἐδεῖτο ἐδιδάχθη. παραδεξάμενοι δὲ οἱ ποιηταὶ τὸν λόγον μάχην Ἡρακλέους πρὸς Ἀπόλλωνα ὑπὲρ τρίποδος ᾄδουσιν. 10.37.5. τὸ δὲ πεδίον τὸ ἀπὸ τῆς Κίρρας ψιλόν ἐστιν ἅπαν, καὶ φυτεύειν δένδρα οὐκ ἐθέλουσιν ἢ ἔκ τινος ἀρᾶς ἢ ἀχρεῖον τὴν γῆν ἐς δένδρων τροφὴν εἰδότες. λέγεται δὲ ἐς τὴν Κίρραν καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς Κίρρας τὸ ὄνομα τὸ ἐφʼ ἡμῶν τεθῆναι τῷ χωρίῳ φασίν. Ὅμηρος μέντοι Κρῖσαν ἔν τε Ἰλιάδι ὁμοίως καὶ ὕμνῳ τῷ ἐς Ἀπόλλωνα ὀνόματι τῷ ἐξ ἀρχῆς καλεῖ τὴν πόλιν. χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον οἱ ἐν τῇ Κίρρᾳ ἄλλα τε ἠσέβησαν ἐς τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα καὶ ἀπέτεμνον τοῦ θεοῦ τῆς χώρας. | 1.4.4. So they tried to save Greece in the way described, but the Gauls, now south of the Gates, cared not at all to capture the other towns, but were very eager to sack Delphi and the treasures of the god. They were opposed by the Delphians themselves and the Phocians of the cities around Parnassus ; a force of Aetolians also joined the defenders, for the Aetolians at this time were pre-eminent for their vigorous activity. When the forces engaged, not only were thunderbolts and rocks broken off from Parnassus hurled against the Gauls, but terrible shapes as armed warriors haunted the foreigners. They say that two of them, Hyperochus and Amadocus, came from the Hyperboreans, and that the third was Pyrrhus son of Achilles. Because of this help in battle the Delphians sacrifice to Pyrrhus as to a hero, although formerly they held even his tomb in dishonor, as being that of an enemy. 1.13.2. After the defeat in Italy Pyrrhus gave his forces a rest and then declared war on Antigonus, his chief ground of complaint being the failure to send reinforcements to Italy. Overpowering the native troops of Antigonus an his Gallic mercenaries he pursued them to the coast cities, and himself reduced upper Macedonia and the Thessalians. The extent of the fighting and the decisive character of the victory of Pyrrhus are shown best by the Celtic armour dedicated in the sanctuary of Itonian Athena between Pherae and Larisa , with this inscription on them:— Pyrrhus the Molossian hung these shields 1.17.2. In the gymnasium not far from the market-place, called Ptolemy's from the founder, are stone Hermae well worth seeing and a likeness in bronze of Ptolemy. Here also is Juba the Libyan and Chrysippus The Stoic philosopher, 280-207 B.C. of Soli . Hard by the gymnasium is a sanctuary of Theseus, where are pictures of Athenians fighting Amazons. This war they have also represented on the shield of their Athena and upon the pedestal of the Olympian Zeus. In the sanctuary of Theseus is also a painting of the battle between the Centaurs and the Lapithae. Theseus has already killed a Centaur, but elsewhere the fighting is still undecided. 1.17.3. The painting on the third wall is not intelligible to those unfamiliar with the traditions, partly through age and partly because Micon has not represented in the picture the whole of the legend. When Minos was taking Theseus and the rest of the company of young folk to Crete he fell in love with Periboea, and on meeting with determined opposition from Theseus, hurled insults at him and denied that he was a son of Poseidon, since he could not recover for him the signet-ring, which he happened to be wearing, if he threw it into the sea. With these words Minos is said to have thrown the ring, but they say that Theseus came up from the sea with that ring and also with a gold crown that Amphitrite gave him. 1.17.6. Now Menestheus took no account of the children of Theseus, who had secretly withdrawn to Elephenor in Euboea , but he was aware that Theseus, if ever he returned from Thesprotia , would be a doughty antagonist, and so curried favour with his subjects that Theseus on re covering afterwards his liberty was expelled. So Theseus set out to Deucalion in Crete . Being carried out of his course by winds to the island of Scyros he was treated with marked honor by the inhabitants, both for the fame of his family and for the reputation of his own achievements. Accordingly Lycomedes contrived his death. His close was built at Athens after the Persians landed at Marathon, when Cimon, son of Miltiades, ravaged Scyros, thus avenging Theseus' death, and carried his bones to Athens . 1.18.5. Hard by is built a temple of Eileithyia, who they say came from the Hyperboreans to Delos and helped Leto in her labour; and from Delos the name spread to other peoples. The Delians sacrifice to Eileithyia and sing a hymn of Olen . But the Cretans suppose that Eileithyia was born at Auunisus in the Cnossian territory, and that Hera was her mother. Only among the Athenians are the wooden figures of Eileithyia draped to the feet. The women told me that two are Cretan, being offerings of Phaedra, and that the third, which is the oldest, Erysichthon brought from Delos . 1.30.1. Before the entrance to the Academy is an altar to Love, with an inscription that Charmus was the first Athenian to dedicate an altar to that god. The altar within the city called the altar of Anteros (Love Avenged) they say was dedicated by resident aliens, because the Athenian Meles, spurning the love of Timagoras, a resident alien, bade him ascend to the highest point of the rock and cast himself down. Now Timagoras took no account of his life, and was ready to gratify the youth in any of his requests, so he went and cast himself down. When Meles saw that Timagoras was dead, he suffered such pangs of remorse that he threw himself from the same rock and so died. From this time the resident aliens worshipped as Anteros the avenging spirit of Timagoras. 1.30.2. In the Academy is an altar to Prometheus, and from it they run to the city carrying burning torches. The contest is while running to keep the torch still alight; if the torch of the first runner goes out, he has no longer any claim to victory, but the second runner has. If his torch also goes out, then the third man is the victor. If all the torches go out, no one is left to be winner. There is an altar to the Muses, and another to Hermes, and one within to Athena, and they have built one to Heracles. There is also an olive tree, accounted to be the second that appeared. 1.31.4. Such is the legend. Phlya and Myrrhinus have altars of Apollo Dionysodotus, Artemis Light-bearer, Dionysus Flower-god, the Ismenian nymphs and Earth, whom they name the Great goddess; a second temple contains altars of Demeter Anesidora (Sender-up of Gifts), Zeus Ctesius (God of Gain), Tithrone Athena, the Maid First-born and the goddesses styled August. The wooden image at Myrrhinus is of Colaenis. 1.40.2. Not far from this fountain is an ancient sanctuary, and in our day likenesses stand in it of Roman emperors, and a bronze image is there of Artemis surnamed Saviour. There is a story that a detachment of the army of Mardonius, having over run Megaris 479 B.C. , wished to return to Mardonius at Thebes , but that by the will of Artemis night came on them as they marched, and missing their way they turned into the hilly region. Trying to find out whether there was a hostile force near they shot some missiles. The rock near groaned when struck, and they shot again with greater eagerness, 1.40.3. until at last they used up all their arrows thinking that they were shooting at the enemy. When the day broke, the Megarians attacked, and being men in armour fighting against men without armour who no longer had even a supply of missiles, they killed the greater number of their opponents. For this reason they had an image made of Artemis Saviour. Here are also images of the gods named the Twelve, said to be the work of Praxiteles. But the image of Artemis herself was made by Strongylion. 1.44.4. The hilly part of Megaris borders upon Boeotia , and in it the Megarians have built the city Pagae and another one called Aegosthena . As you go to Pagae, on turning a little aside from the highway, you are shown a rock with arrows stuck all over it, into which the Persians once shot in the night. In Pagae a noteworthy relic is a bronze image of Artemis surnamed Saviour, in size equal to that at Megara and exactly like it in shape. There is also a hero-shrine of Aegialeus, son of Adrastus. When the Argives made their second attack on Thebes he died at Glisas early in the first battle, and his relatives carried him to Pagae in Megaris and buried him, the shrine being still called the Aegialeum. 1.44.9. On the top of the mountain is a temple of Zeus surnamed Aphesius (Releaser). It is said that on the occasion of the drought that once afflicted the Greeks Aeacus in obedience to an oracular utterance sacrificed in Aegina to Zeus God of all the Greeks, and Zeus rained and ended the drought, gaining thus the name Aphesius. Here there are also images of Aphrodite, Apollo, and Pan. 2.9.7. Hard by is a sanctuary of Apollo Lycius (Wolf-god), now fallen into ruins and not worth any attention. For wolves once so preyed upon their flocks that there was no longer any profit therefrom, and the god, mentioning a certain place where lay a dry log, gave an oracle that the bark of this log mixed with meat was to be set out for the beasts to eat. As soon as they tasted it the bark killed them, and that log lay in my time in the sanctuary of the Wolf-god, but not even the guides of the Sicyonians knew what kind of tree it was. 2.16.6. In the ruins of Mycenae is a fountain called Persea; there are also underground chambers of Atreus and his children, in which were stored their treasures. There is the grave of Atreus, along with the graves of such as returned with Agamemnon from Troy , and were murdered by Aegisthus after he had given them a banquet. As for the tomb of Cassandra, it is claimed by the Lacedaemonians who dwell around Amyclae. Agamemnon has his tomb, and so has Eurymedon the charioteer, while another is shared by Teledamus and Pelops, twin sons, they say, of Cassandra, 2.17.3. It is said that the architect of the temple was Eupolemus, an Argive . The sculptures carved above the pillars refer either to the birth of Zeus and the battle between the gods and the giants, or to the Trojan war and the capture of Ilium . Before the entrance stand statues of women who have been priestesses to Hera and of various heroes, including Orestes. They say that Orestes is the one with the inscription, that it represents the Emperor Augustus. In the fore-temple are on the one side ancient statues of the Graces, and on the right a couch of Hera and a votive offering, the shield which Menelaus once took from Euphorbus at Troy . 2.17.5. By the side of Hera stands what is said to be an image of Hebe fashioned by Naucydes; it, too, is of ivory and gold. By its side is an old image of Hera on a pillar. The oldest image is made of wild-pear wood, and was dedicated in Tiryns by Peirasus, son of Argus, and when the Argives destroyed Tiryns they carried it away to the Heraeum. I myself saw it, a small, seated image. 2.19.2. But from the earliest times the Argives have loved freedom and self-government, and they limited to the utmost the authority of their kings, so that to Medon, the son of Ceisus, and to his descendants was left a kingdom that was such only in name. Meltas, the son of Lacedas, the tenth descendant of Medon, was condemned by the people and deposed altogether from the kingship. 2.19.8. Here are graves; one is that of Linus, the son of Apollo by Psamathe, the daughter of Crotopus; the other, they say, is that of Linus the poet. The story of the latter Linus is more appropriate to another part of my narrative, and so I omit it here, while I have already given the history of the son of Psamathe in my account of Megara . After these is an image of Apollo, God of Streets, and an altar of Zeus, God of Rain, where those who were helping Polyneices in his efforts to be restored to Thebes swore an oath together that they would either capture Thebes or die. As to the tomb of Prometheus, their account seems to me to be less probable than that of the Opuntians, i.e. both peoples claimed to have the grave. but they hold to it nevertheless. 2.20.6. Not far from the statues are shown the tomb of Danaus and a cenotaph of the Argives who met their death at Troy or on the journey home. Here there is also a sanctuary of Zeus the Saviour. Beyond it is a building where the Argive women bewail Adonis. On the right of the entrance is the sanctuary of Cephisus. It is said that the water of this river was not utterly destroyed by Poseidon, but that just in this place, where the sanctuary is, it can be heard flowing under the earth. 2.20.8. Above the theater is a sanctuary of Aphrodite, and before the image is a slab with a representation wrought on it in relief of Telesilla, the lyric poetess. Her books lie scattered at her feet, and she herself holds in her hand an helmet, which she is looking at and is about to place on her head. Telesilla was a distinguished woman who was especially renowned for her poetry. It happened that the Argives had suffered an awful defeat at the hands of Cleomenes, the son of Anaxandrides, and the Lacedaemonians. Some fell in the actual fighting; others, who had fled to the grove of Argus, also perished. At first they left sanctuary under an agreement, which was treacherously broken, and the survivors, when they realized this, were burnt to death in the grove. So when Cleomenes led his troops to Argos there were no men to defend it. 510 B.C. 2.20.9. But Telesilla mounted on the wall all the slaves and such as were incapable of bearing arms through youth or old age, and she herself, collecting the arms in the sanctuaries and those that were left in the houses, armed the women of vigorous age, and then posted them where she knew the enemy would attack. When the Lacedaemonians came on, the women were not dismayed at their battle-cry, but stood their ground and fought valiantly. Then the Lacedaemonians, realizing that to destroy the women would be an invidious success while defeat would mean a shameful disaster, gave way before the women. 2.20.10. This fight had been foretold by the Pythian priestess in the oracle quoted by Herodotus, who perhaps understood to what it referred and perhaps did not:— But when the time shall come that the female conquers in battle, Driving away the male, and wins great glory in Argos , Many an Argive woman will tear both cheeks in her sorrow. Hdt. 6.77 Such are the words of the oracle referring to the exploit of the women. 2.21.2. In front of it stands an altar of Zeus Phyxius (God of Fight), and near is the tomb of Hypermnestra, the mother of Amphiaraus, the other tomb being that of Hypermnestra, the daughter of Danaus, with whom is also buried Lynceus. Opposite these is the grave of Talaus, the son of Bias; the history of Bias and his descendants I have already given. 2.21.8. In front of the grave is a trophy of stone made to commemorate a victory over an Argive Laphaes. When this man was tyrant I write what the Argives themselves say concerning themselves—the people rose up against him and cast him out. He fled to Sparta , and the Lacedaemonians tried to restore him to power, but were defeated by the Argives, who killed the greater part of them and Laphaes as well. Not far from the trophy is the sanctuary of Leto; the image is a work of Praxiteles. 2.22.1. The temple of Hera Anthea (Flowery) is on the right of the sanctuary of Leto, and before it is a grave of women. They were killed in a battle against the Argives under Perseus, having come from the Aegean Islands to help Dionysus in war; for which reason they are surnamed Haliae (Women of the Sea). Facing the tomb of the women is a sanctuary of Demeter, surnamed Pelasgian from Pelasgus, son of Triopas, its founder, and not far from the sanctuary is the grave of Pelasgus. 2.22.4. Here is a sanctuary of Poseidon, surnamed Prosclystius (Flooder), for they say that Poseidon inundated the greater part of the country because Inachus and his assessors decided that the land belonged to Hera and not to him. Now it was Hera who induced Poseidon to send the sea back, but the Argives made a sanctuary to Poseidon Prosclystius at the spot where the tide ebbed. 2.22.8. As you go along a straight road to a gymnasium, called Cylarabis after the son of Sthenelus, you come to the grave of Licymnius, the son of Electryon, who, Homer says, was killed by Tleptolemus, the son of Heracles for which homicide Tleptolemus was banished from Argos . On turning a little aside from the road to Cylarabis and to the gate there, you come to the tomb of Sacadas, who was the first to play at Delphi the Pythian flute-tune; 2.22.9. the hostility of Apollo to flute-players, which had lasted ever since the rivalry of Marsyas the Silenus, is supposed to have stayed because of this Sacadas. In the gymnasium of Cylarabes is an Athena called Pania; they show also the graves of Sthenelus and of Cylarabes himself. Not far from the gymnasium has been built a common grave of those Argives who sailed with the Athenians to enslave Syracuse and Sicily . 2.24.1. The citadel they call Larisa , after the daughter of Pelasgus. After her were also named two of the cities in Thessaly , the one by the sea and the one on the Peneus. As you go up the citadel you come to the sanctuary of Hera of the Height, and also a temple of Apollo, which is said to have been first built by Pythaeus when he came from Delphi . The present image is a bronze standing figure called Apollo Deiradiotes, because this place, too, is called Deiras (Ridge). Oracular responses are still given here, and the oracle acts in the following way. There is a woman who prophesies, being debarred from intercourse with a man. Every month a lamb is sacrificed at night, and the woman, after tasting the blood, becomes inspired by the god. 2.25.8. Going on from here and turning to the right, you come to the ruins of Tiryns . The Tirynthians also were removed by the Argives, who wished to make Argos more powerful by adding to the population. The hero Tiryns , from whom the city derived its name, is said to have been a son of Argus, a son of Zeus. The wall, which is the only part of the ruins still remaining, is a work of the Cyclopes made of unwrought stones, each stone being so big that a pair of mules could not move the smallest from its place to the slightest degree. Long ago small stones were so inserted that each of them binds the large blocks firmly together. 2.25.9. Going down seawards, you come to the chambers of the daughters of Proetus. On returning to the highway you will reach Medea on the left hand. They say that Electryon, the father of Alcmena, was king of Medea, but in my time nothing was left of it except the foundations. 2.26.2. He went to Athens with his people and dwelt there, while Deiphontes and the Argives took possession of Epidauria. These on the death of Temenus seceded from the other Argives; Deiphontes and Hyrnetho through hatred of the sons of Temenus, and the army with them, because it respected Deiphontes and Hyrnetho more than Ceisus and his brothers. Epidaurus, who gave the land its name, was, the Eleans say, a son of Pelops but, according to Argive opinion and the poem the Great Eoeae , A poem attributed to Hesiod. the father of Epidaurus was Argus, son of Zeus, while the Epidaurians maintain that Epidaurus was the child of Apollo. 2.27.7. Above the grove are the Nipple and another mountain called Cynortium; on the latter is a sanctuary of Maleatian Apollo. The sanctuary itself is an ancient one, but among the things Antoninus made for the Epidaurians are various appurteces for the sanctuary of the Maleatian, including a reservoir into which the rain-water collects for their use. 2.28.2. As you go up to Mount Coryphum you see by the road an olive tree called Twisted. It was Heracles who gave it this shape by bending it round with his hand, but I cannot say whether he set it to be a boundary mark against the Asinaeans in Argolis , since in no land, which has been depopulated, is it easy to discover the truth about the boundaries. On the Top of the mountain there is a sanctuary of Artemis Coryphaea (of the Peak), of which Telesilla A famous lyric poetess. See p. 355. made mention in an ode. 2.29.7. Wrought in relief at the entrance are the envoys whom the Greeks once dispatched to Aeacus. The reason for the embassy given by the Aeginetans is the same as that which the other Greeks assign. A drought had for some time afflicted Greece , and no rain fell either beyond the Isthmus or in the Peloponnesus , until at last they sent envoys to Delphi to ask what was the cause and to beg for deliverance from the evil. The Pythian priestess bade them propitiate Zeus, saying that he would not listen to them unless the one to supplicate him were Aeacus. 2.29.8. And so envoys came with a request to Aeacus from each city. By sacrifice and prayer to Zeus, God of all the Greeks (Panellenios), he caused rain to fall upon the earth, and the Aeginetans made these likenesses of those who came to him. Within the enclosure are olive trees that have grown there from of old, and there is an altar which is raised but a little from the ground. That this altar is also the tomb of Aeacus is told as a holy secret. 2.31.2. In this temple are altars to the gods said to rule under the earth. It is here that they say Semele was brought out of Hell by Dionysus, and that Heracles dragged up the Hound of Hell. Cerberus, the fabulous watch-dog. But I cannot bring myself to believe even that Semele died at all, seeing that she was the wife of Zeus; while, as for the so-called Hound of Hell, I will give my views in another place. Paus. 3.25.6 . 2.31.6. The sanctuary of Thearian Apollo, they told me, was set up by Pittheus; it is the oldest I know of. Now the Phocaeans, too, in Ionia have an old temple of Athena, which was once burnt by Harpagus the Persian, and the Samians also have an old one of Pythian Apollo; these, however, were built much later than the sanctuary at Troezen . The modern image was dedicated by Auliscus, and made by Hermon of Troezen . This Hermon made also the wooden images of the Dioscuri. 2.31.10. Here there is also a Hermes called Polygius. Against this image, they say, Heracles leaned his club. Now this club, which was of wild olive, taking root in the earth (if anyone cares to believe the story), grew up again and is still alive; Heracles, they say, discovering the wild olive by the Saronic Sea, cut a club from it. There is also a sanctuary of Zeus surnamed Saviour, which, they say, was made by Aetius, the son of Anthas, when he was king. To a water they give the name River of Gold. They say that when the land was afflicted with a drought for nine years, during which no rain fell, all the other waters dried up, but this River of Gold even then continued to flow as before. 2.32.8. Outside the wall there is also a sanctuary of Poseidon Nurturer (Phytalmios). For they say that, being wroth with them, Poseidon smote the land with barrenness, brine (halme) reaching the seeds and the roots of the plants (phyta), The epithet phytalmios means nourishing, but to judge from the story he gives, Pausanias must have connected it with the Greek words for brine and plant. until, appeased by sacrifices and prayers, he ceased to send up the brine upon the earth. Above the temple of Poseidon is Demeter Lawbringer (Thesmophoros), set up, they say, by Althepus. 2.33.2. Calaurea, they say, was sacred to Apollo of old, at the time when Delphi was sacred to Poseidon. Legend adds that the two gods exchanged the two places. They still say this, and quote an oracle:— Delos and Calaurea alike thou lovest to dwell in, Pytho , too, the holy, and Taenarum swept by the high winds. Unknown . At any rate, there is a holy sanctuary of Poseidon here, and it is served by a maiden priestess until she reaches an age fit for marriage. 2.36.1. Proceeding about seven stades along the straight road to Mases , you reach, on turning to the left, a road to Halice. At the present day Halice is deserted, but once it, too, had inhabitants, and there is mention made of citizens of Halice on the Epidaurian slabs on which are inscribed the cures of Asclepius. I know, however, no other authentic document in which mention is made either of the city Halice or of its citizens. Well, to this city also there is a road, which lies midway between Pron and another mountain, called in old days Thornax; but they say that the name was changed because, according to legend, it was here that the transformation of Zeus into a cuckoo took place. 2.36.2. Even to the present day there are sanctuaries on the tops of the mountains: on Mount Cuckoo one of Zeus, on Pron one of Hera. At the foot of Mount Cuckoo is a temple, but there are no doors standing, and I found it without a roof or an image inside. The temple was said to be Apollo's. by the side of it runs a road to Mases for those who have turned aside from the straight road. Mases was in old days a city, even as Homer Hom. Il. 2.562 represents it in the catalogue of the Argives, but in my time the Hermionians were using it as a seaport. 2.36.3. From Mases there is a road on the right to a headland called Struthus (Sparrow Peak). From this headland by way of the summits of the mountains the distance to the place called Philanorium and to the Boleoi is two hundred and fifty stades. These Boleoi are heaps of unhewn stones. Another place, called Twins, is twenty stades distant from here. There is here a sanctuary of Apollo, a sanctuary of Poseidon, and in addition one of Demeter. The images are of white marble, and are upright. 2.36.4. Next comes a district, belonging to the Argives, that once was called Asinaea, and by the sea are ruins of Asine . When the Lacedaemonians and their king Nicander, son of Charillus, son of Polydectes, son of Eunomus, son of Prytanis, son of Eurypon, invaded Argolis with an army, the Asinaeans joined in the invasion, and with them ravaged the land of the Argives. When the Lacedaemonian expedition departed home, the Argives under their king Eratus attacked Asine . 2.36.5. For a time the Asinaeans defended themselves from their wall, and killed among others Lysistratus, one of the most notable men of Argos . But when the wall was lost, the citizens put their wives and children on board their vessels and abandoned their own country; the Argives, while levelling Asine to the ground and annexing its territory to their own, left the sanctuary of Apollo Pythaeus, which is still visible, and by it they buried Lysistratus. 2.37.1. At this mountain begins the grove, which consists chiefly of plane trees, and reaches down to the sea. Its boundaries are, on the one side the river Pantinus, on the other side another river, called Amymane, after the daughter of Danaus. Within the grave are images of Demeter Prosymne and of Dionysus. of Demeter there is a seated image of no great size. 2.37.2. Both are of stone, but in another temple is a seated wooden image of Dionysus Saotes (Savior), while by the sea is a stone image of Aphrodite. They say that the daughters of Danaus dedicated it, while Danaus himself made the sanctuary of Athena by the Pontinus. The mysteries of the Lernaeans were established, they say, by Philammon. Now the words which accompany the ritual are evidently of no antiquity 2.37.3. and the inscription also, which I have heard is written on the heart made of orichalcum, was shown not to be Philammon's by Arriphon, an Aetolian of Triconium by descent, who now enjoys a reputation second to none among the Lycians; excellent at original research, he found the clue to this problem in the following way: the verses, and the prose interspersed among the verses, are all written in Doric. But before the return of the Heracleidae to the Peloponnesus the Argives spoke the same dialect as the Athenians, and in Philammon's day I do not suppose that even the name Dorians was familiar to all Greek ears. 2.38.5. it is fertile in trees, especially the olive. As you go up inland from this is a place where three hundred picked Argives fought for this land with an equal number of specially chosen Lacedaemonian warriors 548 B.C. . All were killed except one Spartan and two Argives, and here were raised the graves for the dead. But the Lacedaemonians, having fought against the Argives with all their forces, won a decisive victory; at first they themselves enjoyed the fruits of the land, but afterwards they assigned it to the Aeginetans, when they were expelled from their island by the Athenians 431 B.C. . In my time Thyreatis was inhabited by the Argives, who say that they recovered it by the award of an arbitration 338 B.C. 3.3.6. When Lichas arrived the Spartans were seeking the bones of Orestes in accordance with an oracle. Now Lichas inferred that they were buried in a smithy, the reason for this inference being this. Everything that he saw in the smithy he compared with the oracle from Delphi , likening to the winds the bellows, for that they too sent forth a violent blast, the hammer to the “stroke,” the anvil to the “counterstroke” to it, while the iron is naturally a “woe to man,” because already men were using iron in warfare. In the time of those called heroes the god would have called bronze a woe to man. 3.3.7. Similar to the oracle about the bones of Orestes was the one afterwards given to the Athenians, that they were to bring back Theseus from Scyros to Athens otherwise they could not take Scyros. Now the bones of Theseus were discovered by Cimon the son of Miltiades, who displayed similar sharpness of wit, and shortly afterwards took Scyros. 3.7.4. After the death of Charillus, Nicander his son succeeded to the throne, in whose reign the Messenians murdered, in the sanctuary of the Lady of the Lake, Teleclus the king of the other house. Nicander also invaded Argolis with an army, and laid waste the greater part of the land. The Asinaeans took part in this action with the Lacedaemonians, and shortly after were punished by the Argives, who inflicted great destruction on their fatherland and drove out the inhabitants. 3.14.3. Very near to the tombs which have been built for the Agiadae you will see a slab, on which are written the victories in the foot-race won, at Olympia and elsewhere, by Chionis, a Lacedaemonian. fl. c. 664 B.C. The Olympian victories were seven, four in the single-stade race and three in the double-stade race About 200 and 400 English yards. The first was the length of the race-course, one stadion the second was the length of the course and back again. . The race with the shield, that takes place at the end of the contest, was not at that time one of the events. It is said that Chionis also took part in the expedition of Battus of Thera , helped him to found Cyrene and to reduce the neighboring Libyans. 4.4.1. In the reign of Phintas the son of Sybotas the Messenians for the first time sent an offering and chorus of men to Apollo at Delos . Their processional hymn to the god was composed by Eumelus, this poem being the only one of his that is considered genuine. It was in the reign of Phintas that a quarrel first took place with the Lacedaemonians. The very cause is disputed, but is said to have been as follows: 4.4.2. There is a sanctuary of Artemis called Limnatis (of the Lake) on the frontier of Messenian, in which the Messenians and the Lacedaemonians alone of the Dorians shared. According to the Lacedaemonians their maidens coming to the festival were violated by Messenian men and their king was killed in trying to prevent it. He was Teleclus the son of Archelaus, son of Agesilaus, son of Doryssus, son of Labotas, son of Echestratus, son of Agis. In addition to this they say that the maidens who were violated killed themselves for shame. 4.4.3. The Messenians say that a plot was formed by Teleclus against persons of the highest rank in Messene who had come to the sanctuary, his incentive being the excellence of the Messenian land; in furtherance of his design he selected some Spartan youths, all without beards, dressed them in girls' clothes and ornaments, and providing them with daggers introduced them among the Messenians when they were resting; the Messenians, in defending themselves, killed the beardless youths and Teleclus himself; but the Lacedaemonians, they say, whose king did not plan this without the general consent, being conscious that they had begun the wrong, did not demand justice for the murder of Teleclus. These are the accounts given by the two sides; one may believe them according to one's feelings towards either side. 4.8.3. The Lacedaemonians were far superior both in tactics and training, and also in numbers, for they had with them the neighboring peoples already reduced and serving in their ranks, and the Dryopes of Asine, who a generation earlier had been driven out of their own country by the Argives and had come as suppliants to Lacedaemon , were forced to serve in the army. Against the Messenian light-armed they employed Cretan archers as mercenaries. 4.14.3. Dedicating these offerings at Amyclae, they gave to the people of Asine, who had been driven out by the Argives, that part of Messenia on the coast which they still occupy; to the descendants of Androcles (he had a daughter, who with her children had fled at his death and come to Sparta ) they assigned the part called Hyamia. 4.34.9. The people of Asine originally adjoined the Lycoritae on Parnassus . Their name, which they maintained after their arrival in Peloponnese , was Dryopes, from their founder. Two generations after Dryops, in the reign of Phylas, the Dryopes were conquered in battle by Heracles and brought as an offering to Apollo at Delphi . When brought to Peloponnese according to the god's instructions to Heracles, they first occupied Asine by Hermion . They were driven thence by the Argives and lived in Messenia . This was the gift of the Lacedaemonians, and when in the course of time the Messenians were restored, they were not driven from their city by the Messenians. 4.34.10. But the people of Asine give this account of themselves. They admit that they were conquered by Heracles and their city in Parnassus captured, but they deny that they were made prisoners and brought to Apollo. But when the walls were carried by Heracles, they deserted the town and fled to the heights of Parnassus , and afterwards crossed the sea to Peloponnese and appealed to Eurystheus. Being at feud with Heracles, he gave them Asine in the Argolid . 4.34.11. The men of Asine are the only members of the race of the Dryopes to pride themselves on the name to this day. The case is very different with the Euboeans of Styra . They too are Dryopes in origin, who took no part in the battle with Heracles, as they dwelt at some distance from the city. Yet the people of Styra disdain the name of Dryopes, just as the Delphians have refused to be called Phocians. But the men of Asine take the greatest pleasure in being called Dryopes, and clearly have made the most holy of their sanctuaries in memory of those which they once had, established on Parnassus . For they have both a temple of Apollo and again a temple and ancient statue of Dryops, whose mysteries they celebrate every year, saying that he is the son of Apollo. 4.34.12. The town itself lies on the coast just as the old Asine in Argive territory. It is a journey of forty stades from Colonides to Asine , and of an equal number from Asine to the promontory called Acritas. Acritas projects into the sea and has a deserted island, Theganussa, lying off it. After Acritas is the harbor Phoenicus and the Oenussae islands lying opposite. 5.5.10. others that Pylenor, another Centaur, when shot by Heracles fled wounded to this river and washed his hurt in it, and that it was the hydra's poison which gave the Anigrus its nasty smell. Others again attribute the quality of the river to Melampus the son of Amythaon, who threw into it the means he used to purify the daughters of Proetus. 5.7.8. Olen the Lycian, in his hymn to Achaeia, was the first to say that from these Hyperboreans Achaeia came to Delos . When Melanopus of Cyme composed an ode to Opis and Hecaerge declaring that these, even before Achaeia, came to Delos from the Hyperboreans. 5.23.1. As you pass by the entrance to the Council Chamber you see an image of Zeus standing with no inscription on it, and then on turning to the north another image of Zeus. This is turned towards the rising sun, and was dedicated by those Greeks who at Plataea fought against the Persians under Mardonius. 479 B.C. On the right of the pedestal are inscribed the cities which took part in the engagement: first the Lacedaemonians, after them the Athenians, third the Corinthians, fourth the Sicyonians, 5.23.2. fifth the Aeginetans; after the Aeginetans, the Megarians and Epidaurians, of the Arcadians the people of Tegea and Orchomenus , after them the dwellers in Phlius, Troezen and Hermion , the Tirynthians from the Argolid , the Plataeans alone of the Boeotians, the Argives of Mycenae , the islanders of Ceos and Melos , Ambraciots of the Thesprotian mainland, the Tenians and the Lepreans, who were the only people from Triphylia, but from the Aegean and the Cyclades there came not only the Tenians but also the Naxians and Cythnians, Styrians too from Euboea , after them Eleans, Potidaeans, Anactorians, and lastly the Chalcidians on the Euripus. 6.14.10. For Sacadas won in the games introduced by the Amphictyons before a crown was awarded for success, and after this victory two others for which crowns were given; but at the next six Pythian Festivals Pythocritus of Sicyon was victor, being the only flute-player so to distinguish himself. It is also clear that at the Olympic Festival he fluted six times for the pentathlum. For these reasons the slab at Olympia was erected in honor of Pythocritus, with the inscription on it :— This is the monument of the flute-player Pythocritus, the son of Callinicus . 8.18.7. Above Nonacris are the Aroanian Mountains, in which is a cave. To this cave, legend says, the daughters of Proetus fled when struck with madness; Melampus by secret sacrifices and purifications brought them down to a place called Lusi . Most of the Aroanian mountain belongs to Pheneus, but Lusi is on the borders of Cleitor. 8.18.8. They say that Lusi was once a city, and Agesilas was proclaimed as a man of Lusi when victor in the horse-race at the eleventh Pythian festival held by the Amphictyons; 546 B.C but when I was there not even ruins of Lusi remained. Well, the daughters of Proetus were brought down by Melampus to Lusi , and healed of their madness in a sanctuary of Artemis. Wherefore Or, “Since that time.” this Artemis is called Hemerasia (She who soothes) by the Cleitorians. 8.27.1. Megalopolis is the youngest city, not of Arcadia only, but of Greece , with the exception of those whose inhabitants have been removed by the accident of the Roman domination. The Arcadians united into it to gain strength, realizing that the Argives also were in earlier times in almost daily danger of being subjected by war to the Lacedaemonians, but when they had increased the population of Argos by reducing Tiryns , Hysiae, Orneae, Mycenae , Mideia, along with other towns of little importance in Argolis , the Argives had less to fear from the Lacedaemonians, while they were in a stronger position to deal with their vassal neighbors. 9.20.4. In the temple of Dionysus the image too is worth seeing, being of Parian marble and a work of Calamis. But a greater marvel still is the Triton. The grander of the two versions of the Triton legend relates that the women of Tanagra before the orgies of Dionysus went down to the sea to be purified, were attacked by the Triton as they were swimming, and prayed that Dionysus would come to their aid. The god, it is said, heard their cry and overcame the Triton in the fight. 9.20.5. The other version is less grand but more credible. It says that the Triton would waylay and lift all the cattle that were driven to the sea. He used even to attack small vessels, until the people of Tanagra set out for him a bowl of wine. They say that, attracted by the smell, he came at once, drank the wine, flung himself on the shore and slept, and that a man of Tanagra struck him on the neck with an axe and chopped off his head. for this reason the image has no head. And because they caught him drunk, it is supposed that it was Dionysus who killed him. 9.26.1. So sacred this sanctuary has been from the beginning. On the right of the sanctuary is a plain named after Tenerus the seer, whom they hold to be a son of Apollo by Melia; there is also a large sanctuary of Heracles surnamed Hippodetus (Binder of Horses). For they say that the Orchomenians came to this place with an army, and that Heracles by night took their chariot-horses and bound them tight. 10.7.1. It seems that from the beginning the sanctuary at Delphi has been plotted against by a vast number of men. Attacks were made against it by this Euboean pirate, and years afterwards by the Phlegyan nation; furthermore by Pyrrhus, son of Achilles, by a portion of the army of Xerxes, by the Phocian chieftains, whose attacks on the wealth of the god were the longest and fiercest, and by the Gallic invaders. It was fated too that Delphi was to suffer from the universal irreverence of Nero, who robbed Apollo of five hundred bronze statues, some of gods, some of men. 10.7.4. In the third year of the forty-eighth Olympiad, 586 B.C at which Glaucias of Crotona was victorious, the Amphictyons held contests for harping as from the beginning, but added competitions for flute-playing and for singing to the flute. The conquerors proclaimed were Melampus, a Cephallenian, for harping, and Echembrotus, an Arcadian, for singing to the flute, with Sacadas of Argos for flute-playing. This same Sacadas won victories at the next two Pythian festivals. 10.7.6. What I say is confirmed by the votive offering of Echembrotus, a bronze tripod dedicated to the Heracles at Thebes . The tripod has as its inscription:— Echembrotus of Arcadia dedicated this pleasant gift to Heracles When he won a victory at the games of the Amphictyons, Singing for the Greeks tunes and lamentations. In this way the competition in singing to the flute was dropped. But they added a chariot-race, and Cleisthenes, the tyrant of Sicyon , was proclaimed victor in the chariot-race. 10.10.3. Near the horse are also other votive offerings of the Argives, likenesses of the captains of those who with Polyneices made war on Thebes : Adrastus, the son of Talaus, Tydeus, son of Oeneus, the descendants of Proetus, namely, Capaneus, son of Hipponous, and Eteoclus, son of Iphis, Polyneices, and Hippomedon, son of the sister of Adrastus. Near is represented the chariot of Amphiaraus, and in it stands Baton, a relative of Amphiaraus who served as his charioteer. The last of them is Alitherses. 10.10.4. These are works of Hypatodorus and Aristogeiton, who made them, as the Argives themselves say, from the spoils of the victory which they and their Athenian allies won over the Lacedaemonians at Oenoe in Argive territory. 463-458 B.C From spoils of the same action, it seems to me, the Argives set up statues of those whom the Greeks call the Epigoni. For there stand statues of these also, Sthenelus, Alcmaeon, who I think was honored before Amphilochus on account of his age, Promachus also, Thersander, Aegialeus and Diomedes. Between Diomedes and Aegialeus is Euryalus. 10.10.5. Opposite them are other statues, dedicated by the Argives who helped the Thebans under Epaminondas to found Messene . The statues are of heroes: Danaus, the most powerful king of Argos , and Hypermnestra, for she alone of her sisters kept her hands undefiled. By her side is Lynceus also, and the whole family of them to Heracles, and further back still to Perseus. 10.13.8. The Delphians say that when Heracles the son of Amphitryon came to the oracle, the prophetess Xenocleia refused to give a response on the ground that he was guilty of the death of Iphitus. Whereupon Heracles took up the tripod and carried it out of the temple. Then the prophetess said:— Then there was another Heracles, of Tiryns , not the Canopian. For before this the Egyptian Heracles had visited Delphi . On the occasion to which I refer the son of Amphitryon restored the tripod to Apollo, and was told by Xenocleia all he wished to know. The poets adopted the story, and sing about a fight between Heracles and Apollo for a tripod. 10.37.5. The plain from Cirrha is altogether bare, and the inhabitants will not plant trees, either because the land is under a curse, or because they know that the ground is useless for growing trees. It is said that to Cirrha ...and they say that from Cirrha the place received its modern name. Homer, however, in the Iliad , Hom. Il. 2.520 and similarly in the hymn to Apollo, See HH Apoll. 269 , 282, 438. calls the city by its ancient name of Crisa . Afterwards the people of Cirrha behaved wickedly towards Apollo; especially in appropriating some of the god's land. |
|
| 112. Hippolytus, De Universo (Fragmenta), 128, 130-134, 129 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 201 |
| 113. Pollux, Onomasticon, 8.99 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •first-fruits (ἀπαρχή), of apollo pythios Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 54 |
| 114. Pliny The Younger, Letters, 10.96.7 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios, Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 139 |
| 115. Philostratus The Athenian, Lives of The Sophists, 548, 547 (2nd cent. CE - missingth cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 158 |
| 116. Aelian, Varia Historia, 2.25, 3.42 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios •apollo pythios (delphi), apollodorus Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 278, 282; Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 125 |
| 117. Athenaeus, The Learned Banquet, None (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 189, 190 |
| 118. Hippolytus, De Universo, 129-134, 128 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 201 |
| 119. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies, 1.24.164, 6.3.28 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), competing claims to •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 182, 275 |
| 120. Lucian, The Lover of Lies, 38 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), apollo pythios Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 567 |
| 121. Anon., Mekhilta Derabbi Shimeon Ben Yohai, 6.45 (2nd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 205 |
| 122. Polyaenus, Stratagems, 8.68 (2nd cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argive plain •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi), competing claims to •apollo pythios (delphi), early fifth-century transformation •apollo pythios (delphi), elites in Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 164 |
123. Origen, Against Celsus, 7.35 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), apollo pythios Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 567 | 7.35. Seeking God, then, in this way, we have no need to visit the oracles of Trophonius, of Amphiaraus, and of Mopsus, to which Celsus would send us, assuring us that we would there see the gods in human form, appearing to us with all distinctness, and without illusion. For we know that these are demons, feeding on the blood, and smoke, and odour of victims, and shut up by their base desires in prisons, which the Greeks call temples of the gods, but which we know are only the dwellings of deceitful demons. To this Celsus maliciously adds, in regard to these gods which, according to him, are in human form, they do not show themselves for once, or at intervals, like him who has deceived men, but they are ever open to intercourse with those who desire it. From this remark, it would seem that Celsus supposes that the appearance of Christ to His disciples after His resurrection was like that of a spectre flitting before their eyes; whereas these gods, as he calls them, in human shape always present themselves to those who desire it. But how is it possible that a phantom which, as he describes it, flew past to deceive the beholders, could produce such effects after it had passed away, and could so turn the hearts of men as to lead them to regulate their actions according to the will of God, as in view of being hereafter judged by Him? And how could a phantom drive away demons, and show other indisputable evidences of power, and that not in any one place, like these so-called gods in human form, but making its divine power felt through the whole world, in drawing and congregating together all who are found disposed to lead a good and noble life? |
|
124. Diogenes Laertius, Lives of The Philosophers, 1.89, 1.110 (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), apries •apollo, pythios Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 232; Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 158, 159 | 1.89. 6. CLEOBULUSCleobulus, the son of Euagoras, was born at Lindus, but according to Duris he was a Carian. Some say that he traced his descent back to Heracles, that he was distinguished for strength and beauty, and was acquainted with Egyptian philosophy. He had a daughter Cleobuline, who composed riddles in hexameters; she is mentioned by Cratinus, who gives one of his plays her name, in the plural form Cleobulinae. He is also said to have rebuilt the temple of Athena which was founded by Danaus.He was the author of songs and riddles, making some 3000 lines in all.The inscription on the tomb of Midas is said by some to be his:I am a maiden of bronze and I rest upon Midas's tomb. So long as water shall flow and tall trees grow, and the sun shall rise and shine, 1.110. So he became famous throughout Greece, and was believed to be a special favourite of heaven.Hence, when the Athenians were attacked by pestilence, and the Pythian priestess bade them purify the city, they sent a ship commanded by Nicias, son of Niceratus, to Crete to ask the help of Epimenides. And he came in the 46th Olympiad, purified their city, and stopped the pestilence in the following way. He took sheep, some black and others white, and brought them to the Areopagus; and there he let them go whither they pleased, instructing those who followed them to mark the spot where each sheep lay down and offer a sacrifice to the local divinity. And thus, it is said, the plague was stayed. Hence even to this day altars may be found in different parts of Attica with no name inscribed upon them, which are memorials of this atonement. According to some writers he declared the plague to have been caused by the pollution which Cylon brought on the city and showed them how to remove it. In consequence two young men, Cratinus and Ctesibius, were put to death and the city was delivered from the scourge. |
|
| 125. Nonnus, Dionysiaca, 25.728-25.741 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argive plain •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi), reconfiguration of myths and rituals in song Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 169 |
| 126. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.17.55 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 79 |
| 127. Gregory of Nazianzus, In Theophania (Orat. 38), None (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 135, 198, 318 |
| 128. Gregory of Nyssa, In Canticum Canticorum (Homiliae 15), 252.5-252.6 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 376 |
| 129. Pausanias Damascenus, Fragments, 1.28.2, 3.3.7, 10.10-10.19 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 159, 195 |
| 130. Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.17.55 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 79 |
| 131. Rufinus of Aquileia, In Suam Et Eusebii Caesariensis Latinam Ab Eo Factam Historiam, 657 (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argonauts Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 318 |
| 132. John Chrysostom, Homilies On Acts, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 141 |
| 133. Diodore of Tarsus, Commentary On The Psalms, 3.146, 3.233-3.236 (4th cent. CE - 4th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 173, 185, 275, 278 |
| 134. Anon., Alphabetical Collection, None (4th cent. CE - 5th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 195, 200 |
| 135. Hesychius of Alexandria, Lexicon, α462, α788, δ603 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 194 |
| 136. Hesychius of Alexandria, Lexicon (A-O), α462, α788, δ603 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 194 |
| 137. Justinian, Codex Justinianus, 30 (5th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi), apoikiai to karia and lykia •apollo pythios (delphi), dorianization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 135, 151, 152 |
| 138. Olympiodorus The Younger of Alexandria, Vita Platonis, 1 (6th cent. CE - 6th cent. CE) Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios in child-rearing sanctuary Found in books: Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 431 |
| 139. Papyri, Sp, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 375 |
| 141. Epigraphy, Fouilles De Delphes, 2.102, 3.212, 3.378 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios •apollo pythios Found in books: Grzesik (2022), Honorific Culture at Delphi in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. 18, 120; Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019), Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream, 206 |
| 142. Demosthenes, Orations, a b c d\n0 4.69 4.69 4 69 \n1 4.49 4.49 4 49 \n2 43.66 43.66 43 66 \n3 19.128 19.128 19 128 \n4 29.128 29.128 29 128 \n5 [59].116 [59].116 [59] 116 \n6 [59].85 [59].85 [59] 85 \n7 19.70 19.70 19 70 \n8 [59].86 [59].86 [59] 86 \n9 4.26 4.26 4 26 \n10 [59.] [59.] [59 ] \n11 25.34 25.34 25 34 \n12 [7].40 [7].40 [7] 40 \n13 19.272 19.272 19 272 \n14 44 44 44 None\n15 43.71 43.71 43 71 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 185 |
| 143. Epigraphy, Agora Xix, 221, 365-368, 370-417, 369 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 908 |
| 144. Paulus Julius, Digesta, 77, 102 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 125 |
| 145. Anon., Lex. Rhet. Bekker, 259.9 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 768 |
| 146. Eustathius, Ad Il., 3.222 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 657 |
| 147. Various, Fgh 328, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 657 |
| 148. Epigraphy, Irh, 8, 95 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 863 |
| 149. Epigraphy, Sema, 503 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 855 |
| 150. Favorinus, Ad Il., 494 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 908 |
| 151. Papyri, P.Oxy., 426, 1800 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 191 |
| 152. Lysias, Or., 17.3 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 863 |
| 153. Ennodius, Hymnus.De Asc.Dom., 9, 5 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 77 |
| 154. Aeneas of Gaza, Dial. Pg, 25 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 191 |
| 155. Epigraphy, Fd Iii, 2.78, 2.137-2.138 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 185 |
| 156. Epigraphy, Cid, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 190 |
| 157. Epigraphy, Agora Xvi, 56 Tagged with subjects: •first-fruits (ἀπαρχή), of apollo pythios Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 54 |
| 158. Epigraphy, Agora Xv, 492 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 768 |
| 159. Epigraphy, Lscg, 156, 165, 41 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 190 |
| 160. Epigraphy, Ic, 4.10 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios Found in books: Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019), Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream, 206 |
| 161. Epigraphy, R/O, 63 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 908 |
| 162. Epigraphy, Ritti / Baysal / Miranda / Guizzi 2008, 53 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios, Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 203 |
| 163. Epigraphy, Ramsay 1895, 96 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios, Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 203 |
| 164. Anon., Laterculus Veronensis, Barnes 1982, P., 1982 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios, Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 202 |
| 165. Epigraphy, Robert 1969, 8 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios, Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 203 |
| 166. Dieuchidas Megarensis 4. Jh. V. Chr., Fragments, 35, 40, 39 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 218 |
| 167. Menaechmus, Fragments, 5 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi), early fifth-century transformation •apollo pythios (delphi), musical traditions of Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 129 |
| 168. Epigraphy, Decharme 1868, 16 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 50 |
| 169. Epigraphy, Ritti 2006, 16 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios, Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 139 |
| 170. Hildegarde of Bingen, Sciv., 9.14-9.15, 9.27, 9.57, 17.33-17.34 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) •apollo, pythios •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 147, 181, 182; Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 28, 205 |
| 171. Papyri, P.Qurra, 112, 114, 149, 113 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 185 |
| 172. Anon., Pesiqta De Rav Kahana, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 185 |
| 173. Epigraphy, Inscr. De Delos, 107, 1592-1594, 1605, 1626, 1956, 2515-2518, 27, 2919, 69, 7 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 232 |
| 174. Anon., Scholia To Eur. Phoen., 1109 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argive plain •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi), elites in •apollo pythios (delphi), reconfiguration of myths and rituals in song Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 172 |
| 175. Anon., Scholia To Eur. Andr., 52-53 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 195 |
| 176. Anon., Scholia On Callimachus Aet., None Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), apollodorus Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 97 |
| 177. Anon., Scholia To Pindar, Olympian Odes, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 189 |
| 178. Anon., Scholia To Pindar, Nemean Odes, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 194, 195, 199, 200 |
| 179. Anon., Scholia On Homer'S Iliad, 21.194 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 198 |
| 180. Anon., Scholia To Pindar, Paeans, 6.62-6.64, 6.117, 6.125 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 182, 185, 194 |
| 181. Anon., Scholia To Eur. Or., 1246, 46, 1655 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 195, 199 |
| 182. Anon., Scholia To Lykophron, Alexandra, 722-723, 725, 724 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 318 |
| 183. Anon., Scholia On Argonautika, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138, 142 |
| 184. John Malalas, History, 21 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 198 |
185. Vergil, Aeneis, 2.501-2.502 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 199 | 2.501. thus, all unchallenged, hailed us as his own : 2.502. “Haste, heroes! Are ye laggards at this hour? |
|
186. Strabo, Geography, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 195, 199, 200 | 9.3.9. of the temples, the one with wings must be placed among the myths; the second is said to be the work of Trophonius and Agamedes; and the present temple was built by the Amphictyons. In the sacred precinct is to be seen the tomb of Neoptolemus, which was made in accordance with an oracle, Machaereus, a Delphian, having slain him because, according to the myth, he was asking the god for redress for the murder of his father; but according to all probability it was because he had attacked the sanctuary. Branchus, who presided over the sanctuary at Didyma, is called a descendant of Machaereus. |
|
| 187. Stephanos Ho Byzantios, Ethnica, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 79 |
| 188. Epigraphy, Ig, 108, 130, 235, 245, 247, 52, 7, 109 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 77 |
| 189. Various, Anthologia Palatina, 7.43 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 156 |
| 190. Euripides, Polyidos Fragments, 635-646, 634 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 91 |
| 191. Epigraphy, Ig Ii3, 1002, 1153-1154, 1168, 1176, 1256, 1284, 1298, 1304, 1313, 222, 292, 355, 360, 447, 473, 632, 639, 75-76, 306 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 63, 205 |
| 192. Papyri, P. Apokrimata, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 165, 176, 277 |
| 193. Ambrosian Missal 119, Homily On Lazarus, Mary And Martha, 1.88 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 170 |
| 194. Andocides, Orations, 1.96-1.105 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 768 |
| 195. Epigraphy, Ml, 1262.23 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138 |
| 197. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q388A, 1.82 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 205 |
| 198. Pseudo-Chrysostom, Serm. Pasch., 12, 7, 20 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 79 |
| 199. Aeschines, Or., 3.108-3.109 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios •first-fruits (ἀπαρχή), of apollo pythios Found in books: Papazarkadas (2011), Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens, 27 |
| 200. Epigraphy, Fasti Maffeiani,, 43, 40 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 77 |
| 201. Dorotheus, Doxographi Graeci, 3.2.27, 3.2.48, 3.2.50 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 157 |
| 202. Ennius, Thy., #1, #16, #6, #2 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 31 |
| 203. Epigraphy, Fasti Gabini, None Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios •priests and priestesses, of apollo pythios Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 58, 82, 157 |
| 204. Epigraphy, Fasti Verulani,, #37, #41, #88, #46 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 31 |
| 205. Bacchylides, Odes, 16-17, 20 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 95 |
| 206. Epigraphy, Agora 16, 114, 181, 185, 277, 187 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 220 |
| 208. Philodamus Scarpheus, Fgrhist 328, None Tagged with subjects: •apollo, apollonian, apolline, apollo pythios Found in books: Bernabe et al. (2013), Redefining Dionysos, 95 |
| 209. Epigraphy, Ig 9.12, 137.85-137.86 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 57 |
| 210. Epigraphy, Austin (2006), 60 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 55 |
| 211. Dinarchus, In Harpoc., 645, 644 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 365 |
| 212. Epigraphy, Lsag, 199.14, 200.36, 356.4, 358.48 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi), apries Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 146, 232 |
| 213. Epigraphy, Mdai(A), a b c d\n0 66.#4 66.#4 66 #4 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios •priests and priestesses, of apollo pythios Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 82 |
| 214. Rhetorica Ad Alexandrum, Inst., None Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argive plain •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi), reconfiguration of myths and rituals in song Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 169 |
| 215. Rufinus, Preface To Origen’S Princ., None Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 156 |
| 216. Sallust, Fragmenta Dubia Vel Falsa, 228, 216 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 178 |
| 217. Targum, Targum Ps.-Jn. Deut., 383 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argive plain •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi), reconfiguration of myths and rituals in song Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 133, 174 |
| 218. Targum, Targum Zech, 8.70 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 205 |
| 219. Theogenes, Fgrh 3, 13.11 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 206 |
| 220. Theophilus of Antioch, Fr., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 193 |
| 221. Dead Sea Scrolls, 4Q383, 1.16 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argive plain •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi), competing claims to •apollo pythios (delphi), cultic landscape of •apollo pythios (delphi), eastern vs. western plain Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 167 |
| 222. Epigraphy, Prose Sur Pierre, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 185 |
| 223. Epigraphy, Seg, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 185, 189 |
| 224. Epigraphy, Smyrna, 594 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios, Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 139 |
| 225. Epigraphy, Syll. , 398 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 55 |
| 226. Etymologicum Magnum Auctum, Etymologicum Magnum, None Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 156 |
| 227. Ph., Rhet., None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 375 |
| 228. Petronius, Philemon, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 163 |
| 229. Petronius, Fragments, None Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), and colonization Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 240 |
| 230. Papyri, Würz., 16, 15 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 190 |
| 231. Epigoni, (Ed. West) Fr., 2.144 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), temenites Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 77 |
| 232. Epigraphy, Igr Iv, 353 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios, Found in books: Huttner (2013), Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley, 139 |
| 233. Epigraphy, Fasti Cuprenses,, None Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 190 |
| 234. Epigraphy, Hg, 3639 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), temenites Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 77 |
| 235. Epigraphy, Inscr. Ltd., None Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), apollodorus Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 91 |
| 236. Epigraphy, Keramopoulos (1917), 696 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argive plain •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi), reconfiguration of myths and rituals in song Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 173 |
| 237. Epigraphy, Ngct, 13-14 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 199 |
| 238. Epigraphy, Igasmg Iv, 60, 56-58 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 239. Epigraphy, Ik Rhod. Peraia, 204 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), temenites Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 77 |
| 240. Gregory of Nazianzus, Exh. Ad Mon., 164, 32, 81 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 376 |
| 241. Heniokhos, Pcg, None Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), apollonios of rhodes •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 138 |
| 242. Demetrius Phalereus Rhetor, Eloc. 76 451 N. 121, 56, 153 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 376 |
| 244. John Chrysostom, Hom. In Epist. Ii Ad Thessal., 5 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), apollo tegyraios •apollo pythios (delphi), thilphousaios •apollo pythios (delphi), thourios Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 376 |
| 245. Epigraphy, Labraunda, 13-18 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019), Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream, 206 |
| 246. Papyri, Res, 4 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argive plain •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid •apollo pythios (delphi), argonauts •apollo pythios (delphi), competing claims to •apollo pythios (delphi), cultic landscape of •apollo pythios (delphi), eastern vs. western plain Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 167, 275, 304 |
| 247. Gregory of Nazianzus, De Opif., None Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), apollodorus Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 90 |
| 248. Epigraphy, Nachtergael (1977), Appendices, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 57 |
| 249. Epigraphy, Ig Xiv, 647 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argonauts Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 304 |
| 250. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,5, 571.5-571.6 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 74, 90, 189 |
| 251. Epigraphy, Ig Ii, 4548, 4547 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 252. Anon.Midrash Ha-Gadol Ex, 22, None Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), apollo tegyraios •apollo pythios (delphi), thilphousaios •apollo pythios (delphi), thourios Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 376 |
| 253. Epigraphy, Ig I , 1015, 1186, 1259, 130, 136-138, 1468, 232, 253-254, 258, 31, 35-36, 383, 40, 501, 507-508, 64, 7, 75, 84, 1474 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 111 |
| 254. Epigraphy, Ig I , 130, 136-138, 35-36, 40, 501, 64, 7, 84, 87 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 157 |
| 255. Epigraphy, Ig I, 987, 986 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: nan nan |
| 256. Anon., Tanna Debê Eliyahu, None Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios sanctuary of Found in books: Parker (2005), Polytheism and Society at Athens, 55 |
| 257. Anon., Tanhuma, Huqat, 5.3, 5.21, 6.14 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 186, 195, 199 |
| 258. Anon., Tanhuma Emor, 35 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), arge (hyperborean girl) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 123 |
| 259. Epigraphy, Id, 104, 199, 43, 47-49, 253 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 90 |
| 260. Anastasius of Sinai, Ep. Ad Simpl., 1.299.6-1.299.7 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi) Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 79 |
| 261. Epigraphy, I.Ephesos, 5.1518 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 125; Mitchell and Pilhofer (2019), Early Christianity in Asia Minor and Cyprus: From the Margins to the Mainstream, 206 |
| 262. Epigraphy, I.Eleusis, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 138 |
| 263. Epigraphy, Hesperia, 1950, 25-6 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Humphreys (2018), Kinship in Ancient Athens: An Anthropological Analysis, 908 |
| 264. Homeric Hymsn, Homeric Hymn To Apollo, 372-374, 385-387, 490, 492-496, 491 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Gagne (2021), Cosmography and the Idea of Hyperborea in Ancient Greece, 106 |
| 265. Epigraphy, Herzog, Kff, #65, #66 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Mikalson (2016), New Aspects of Religion in Ancient Athens: Honors, Authorities, Esthetics, and Society, 28 |
| 266. Epigraphy, Ig Ii2, 1008, 1011, 1029, 1072, 1096, 1138-1139, 1163, 1178, 1182-1183, 1200, 1270, 1273, 1282, 1345, 1428, 1437, 1496, 2311, 2362, 2490, 2836-2837, 2843, 2855, 295, 310, 3173, 3459, 3464, 3479, 3493, 380, 4551, 4607, 47, 4817, 4885, 4916, 4962, 4970-4971, 4986-4989, 5153, 659, 668, 680, 7239, 772, 776, 781, 840, 956-958, 1128 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 74 |
| 267. Epigraphy, Ig Iv, 54, 557, 559, 658 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 151 |
| 268. Epigraphy, Ig Iv ,1, 106, 152, 533, 74 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 190 |
| 269. Epigraphy, Ig V,1, 928 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), argolid Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 146 |
| 270. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,4, 68 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 55 |
| 271. Pseudo-Herodotus, Life of Homer, 32 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 33 |
| 272. Libanius, Life of Homer, 32 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 33 |
| 273. Stesichorus, Stesichorus, 102.1 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios Found in books: Sommerstein and Torrance (2014), Oaths and Swearing in Ancient Greece, 33 |
| 275. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,3, 2, 92, 85 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 77 |
| 276. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,1, 1237 Tagged with subjects: •apollo pythios (delphi), temenites Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 77 |
| 277. Epigraphy, Ig Xii,7, 220-226, 388-389, 420, 50, 71, 73-74, 82-85, 72 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 74 |
| 278. Epigraphy, Ig Xii, 4.1.68, 4.1.304, 4.1.315, 4.1.318-4.1.319, 4.1.325-4.1.328, 4.1.332 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Mackil and Papazarkadas (2020), Greek Epigraphy and Religion: Papers in Memory of Sara B, 265 |
| 279. Epigraphy, Ig Xi,2, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 240 |
| 280. Epigraphy, Ig Vii, 16, 112 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Jim (2022), Saviour Gods and Soteria in Ancient Greece, 57 |
| 281. Epigraphy, Horos, 22-25(2010-13) Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), apollo pythios Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 251, 252 |
| 283. Epigraphy, I.Epidaurosasklep, 220, 336, 221 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 252 |
| 284. Epigraphy, I.Epidauros, 29, 28 Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 252 |
| 285. Epigraphy, I.Agora, None Tagged with subjects: •divinities (greek and roman), apollo pythios Found in books: Renberg (2017), Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, 251, 252 |
| 286. Epigraphy, Ig Xii Suppl., 330 Tagged with subjects: •apollo, pythios Found in books: Lalone (2019), Athena Itonia: Geography and Meaning of an Ancient Greek War Goddess, 240 |
| 287. Epigraphy, Iscr. Di Cos, None Tagged with subjects: •nan Found in books: Kowalzig (2007), Singing for the Gods: Performances of Myth and Ritual in Archaic and Classical Greece, 77 |
