1. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander of Aphrodisias • Alexander of Aphrodisias, and Aristotle • Alexander of Aphrodisias, logical and ontological starting-point of On Fate • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on assent (συγκατάθεσις) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on contingency (τὸ ἐνδεχόμενον) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on deliberation (βούλευσις) • Aristotle, Alexander of Aphrodisias and • assent (συγκατάθεσις), Alexander of Aphrodisias on • contingency, contingent (ἐνδεχόμενον), Alexander of Aphrodisias on • necessity ἀνάγκη, Alexander of Aphrodisias on
Found in books: Brouwer and Vimercati (2020) 22, 140, 141, 143; Harte (2017) 241; Maso (2022) 84
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2. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander of Aphrodisias, Aristotelian, Proairesis involved in all action that is upto us • Alexander of Aphrodisias, Plotinus and • Plotinus, and Alexander of Aphrodisias
Found in books: Brouwer and Vimercati (2020) 235; Sorabji (2000) 327
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3. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander of Aphrodisias • Alexander of Aphrodisias, Aristotelian, Proairesis involved in all action that is upto us • Alexander of Aphrodisias, Plotinus and • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on assent (συγκατάθεσις) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on choice (προαίρεσις) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on deliberation (βούλευσις) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on desire (ὄρεξις) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on possibility (τὸ δυνατόν) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on the voluntary (ἑκούσιος, ἑκών) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on virtue (ἀρετή) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on what is up to us (ἐφ’ ἡμῖν) • Aristotle, Alexander of Aphrodisias and • Plotinus, and Alexander of Aphrodisias • Possibility, possible (δυνατόν), Alexander of Aphrodisias • assent (συγκατάθεσις), Alexander of Aphrodisias on • choice (αἵρεσις), Alexander of Aphrodisias on • necessity ἀνάγκη, Alexander of Aphrodisias on • up to us/depending on us/in our power (ἐφ’ ἡμῖν), Alexander of Aphrodisias on • virtue (ἀρετή, virtus), Alexander of Aphrodisias on • voluntary (ἑκών, ἑκούσιος, voluntarius), Alexander of Aphrodisias on
Found in books: Brouwer and Vimercati (2020) 22, 146, 147, 158, 159, 170, 235; Carter (2019) 27; Sorabji (2000) 327
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4. None, None, nan (4th cent. BCE - 4th cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander of Aphrodisias • Alexander of Aphrodisias, and Aristotle • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on assent (συγκατάθεσις) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on contingency (τὸ ἐνδεχόμενον) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on deliberation (βούλευσις) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on what is up to us (ἐφ’ ἡμῖν) • Aristotle, Alexander of Aphrodisias and • assent (συγκατάθεσις), Alexander of Aphrodisias on • contingency, contingent (ἐνδεχόμενον), Alexander of Aphrodisias on • up to us/depending on us/in our power (ἐφ’ ἡμῖν), Alexander of Aphrodisias on
Found in books: Brouwer and Vimercati (2020) 141, 149; Harte (2017) 255
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5. Cicero, On The Ends of Good And Evil, 5.13 (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander of Aphrodisias
Found in books: Erler et al (2021) 99; Fowler (2014) 180
5.13. namque horum posteri meliores illi quidem mea sententia quam reliquarum philosophi disciplinarum, sed ita degenerant, ut ipsi ex se nati esse videantur. primum Theophrasti, Strato, physicum se voluit; in quo etsi est magnus, tamen nova pleraque et perpauca de moribus. huius, Lyco, lyco V lico R lisias et N 2 ( versu ultra marg. continuato; ex priore script. lic cognosci posse videtur ); om. BE spatio vacuo rel. oratione locuples, rebus ipsis ipsi rebus R ieiunior. concinnus deinde et elegans huius, Aristo, sed ea, quae desideratur a magno philosopho, gravitas, in eo non fuit; scripta sane et multa et polita, sed nescio quo pacto auctoritatem oratio non habet.''. None | 5.13. \xa0Let us then limit ourselves to these authorities. Their successors are indeed in my opinion superior to the philosophers of any other school, but are so unworthy of their ancestry that one might imagine them to have been their own teachers. To begin with, Theophrastus's pupil Strato set up to be a natural philosopher; but great as he is in this department, he is nevertheless for the most part an innovator; and on ethics he has hardly anything. His successor Lyco has a copious style, but his matter is somewhat barren. Lyco's pupil Aristo is polished and graceful, but has not the authority that we expect to find in a great thinker; he wrote much, it is true, and he wrote well, but his style is somehow lacking in weight. <"". None |
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6. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander of Aphrodisias • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on deliberation (βούλευσις) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on virtue (ἀρετή) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on what is up to us (ἐφ’ ἡμῖν) • necessity ἀνάγκη, Alexander of Aphrodisias on • up to us/depending on us/in our power (ἐφ’ ἡμῖν), Alexander of Aphrodisias on • virtue (ἀρετή, virtus), Alexander of Aphrodisias on
Found in books: Brouwer and Vimercati (2020) 145, 147; Jedan (2009) 43; Maso (2022) 84
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7. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aphrodisias
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 225; Verhagen (2022) 225
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8. None, None, nan (2nd cent. BCE - 1st cent. BCE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander of Aphrodisias • Alexander of Aphrodisias, Aristotelian, Soul is a form and capacity, not a blend, or harmony, but supervenes on a blend
Found in books: Harte (2017) 245; Sorabji (2000) 267
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9. Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 31.116 (1st cent. CE - missingth cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aphrodisias
Found in books: Augoustakis (2014) 225; Verhagen (2022) 225
| 31.116. \xa0Well, I\xa0once heard a man make an off-hand remark to the effect that there are other peoples also where one can see this practice being carried on; and again, another man, who said that even in Athens many things are done now which any one, not without justice, could censure, these being not confined to ordinary matters, but having to do even with the conferring of honours. "Why, they have conferred the title of \'Olympian,\'\xa0" he alleged, upon a certain person he named, "though he was not an Athenian by birth, but a Phoenician fellow who came, not from Tyre or Sidon, but from some obscure village or from the interior, a man, what is more, who has his arms depilated and wears stays"; and he added that another, whom he also named, that very slovenly poet, who once gave a recital here in Rhodes too, they not only have set up in bronze, but even placed his statue next to that of Meder. Those who disparage their city and the inscription on the statue of Nicanor are accustomed to say that it actually bought Salamis for them. <''. None |
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10. Epictetus, Discourses, 1.17.23-1.17.26 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander of Aphrodisias • Alexander of Aphrodisias, Aristotelian, Proairesis involved in all action that is upto us
Found in books: Harte (2017) 251; Sorabji (2000) 332
| 1.17.23. SINCE reason is the faculty which analyses and perfects the rest, and it ought itself not to be ualysed, by what should it be analysed? for it is plain that this should be done either by itself or by another thing. Either then this other thing also is reason, or something else superior to reason; which is impossible. But if it is reason, again who shall analyse that reason? For if that reason does this for itself, our reason also can do it. But if we shall require something else, the thing will go on to infinity and have no end. Reason therefore is analysed by itself. Yes: but it is more urgent to cure (our opinions) and the like. Will you then hear about those things? Hear. But if you should say, I know not whether you are arguing truly or falsely, and if I should express myself in any way ambiguously, and you should say to me, Distinguish, I will bear with you no longer, and I shall say to you, It is more urgent. This is the reason, I suppose, why they (the Stoic teachers) place the logical art first, as in the measuring of corn we place first the examination of the measure. But if we do not determine first what is a modius, and what is a balance, how shall we be able to measure or weigh anything? In this case then if we have not fully learned and accurately examined the criterion of all other things, by which the other things are learned, shall we be able to examine accurately and to learn fully any thing else? How is this possible? Yes; but the modius is only wood, and a thing which produces no fruit.—But it is a thing which can measure corn.—Logic also produces no fruit.—As to this indeed we shall see: but then even if a man should grant this, it is enough that logic has the power of distinguishing and examining other things, and, as we may say, of measuring and weighing them. Who says this? Is it only Chrysippus, and Zeno, and Cleanthes? And does not Antisthenes say so? And who is it that has written that the examination of names is the beginning of education? And does not Socrates say so? And of whom does Xenophon write, that he began with the examination of names, what each name signified? Is this then the great and wondrous thing to understand or interpret Chrysippus? Who says this?—What then is the wondrous thing?—To understand the will of nature. Well then do you apprehend it yourself by your own power? and what more have you need of? For if it is true that all men err involuntarily, and you have learned the truth, of necessity you must act right.—But in truth I do not apprehend the will of nature. Who then tells us what it is?—They say that it is Chrysippus.—I proceed, and I inquire what this interpreter of nature says. I begin not to understand what he says: I seek an interpreter of Chrysippus.—Well, consider how this is said, just as if it were said in the Roman tongue.—What then is this superciliousness of the interpreter? There is no superciliousness which can justly be charged even to Chrysippus, if he only interprets the will of nature, but does not follow it himself; and much more is this so with his interpreter. For we have no need of Chrysippus for his own sake, but in order that we may understand nature. Nor do we need a diviner (sacrificer) on his own account, but because we think that through him we shall know the future and understand the signs given by the gods; nor do we need the viscera of animals for their own sake, but because through them signs are given; nor do we look with wonder on the crow or raven, but on God, who through them gives signs? I go then to the interpreter of these things and the sacrificer, and I say, Inspect the viscera for me, and tell me what signs they give. The man takes the viscera, opens them, and interprets: Man, he says, you have a will free by nature from hindrance and compulsion; this is written here in the viscera. I will show you this first in the matter of assent. Can any man hinder you from assenting to the truth? No man can. Can any man compel you to receive what is false? No man can. You see that in this matter you have the faculty of the will free from hindrance, free from compulsion, unimpeded. Well then, in the matter of desire and pursuit of an object, is it otherwise? And what can overcome pursuit except another pursuit? And what can overcome desire and aversion ( ἔκκλισιν ) except another desire and aversion? But, you object: If you place before me the fear of death, you do compel me. No, it is not what is placed before you that compels, but your opinion that it is better to do so and so than to die. In this matter then it is your opinion that compelled you: that is, will compelled will. For if God had made that part of himself, which he took from himself and gave to us, of such a nature as to be hindered or compelled either by himself or by another, he would not then be God nor would he be taking care of us as he ought. This, says the diviner, I find in the victims: these are the things which are signified to you. If you choose, you are free; if you choose, you will blame no one: you will charge no one. All will be at the same time according to your mind and the mind of God. For the sake of this divination I go to this diviner and to the philosopher, not admiring him for this interpretation, but admiring the things which he interprets. 1.17.26. SINCE reason is the faculty which analyses and perfects the rest, and it ought itself not to be ualysed, by what should it be analysed? for it is plain that this should be done either by itself or by another thing. Either then this other thing also is reason, or something else superior to reason; which is impossible. But if it is reason, again who shall analyse that reason? For if that reason does this for itself, our reason also can do it. But if we shall require something else, the thing will go on to infinity and have no end. Reason therefore is analysed by itself. Yes: but it is more urgent to cure (our opinions) and the like. Will you then hear about those things? Hear. But if you should say, I know not whether you are arguing truly or falsely, and if I should express myself in any way ambiguously, and you should say to me, Distinguish, I will bear with you no longer, and I shall say to you, It is more urgent. This is the reason, I suppose, why they (the Stoic teachers) place the logical art first, as in the measuring of corn we place first the examination of the measure. But if we do not determine first what is a modius, and what is a balance, how shall we be able to measure or weigh anything? In this case then if we have not fully learned and accurately examined the criterion of all other things, by which the other things are learned, shall we be able to examine accurately and to learn fully any thing else? How is this possible? Yes; but the modius is only wood, and a thing which produces no fruit.—But it is a thing which can measure corn.—Logic also produces no fruit.—As to this indeed we shall see: but then even if a man should grant this, it is enough that logic has the power of distinguishing and examining other things, and, as we may say, of measuring and weighing them. Who says this? Is it only Chrysippus, and Zeno, and Cleanthes? And does not Antisthenes say so? And who is it that has written that the examination of names is the beginning of education? And does not Socrates say so? And of whom does Xenophon write, that he began with the examination of names, what each name signified? Is this then the great and wondrous thing to understand or interpret Chrysippus? Who says this?—What then is the wondrous thing?—To understand the will of nature. Well then do you apprehend it yourself by your own power? and what more have you need of? For if it is true that all men err involuntarily, and you have learned the truth, of necessity you must act right.—But in truth I do not apprehend the will of nature. Who then tells us what it is?—They say that it is Chrysippus.—I proceed, and I inquire what this interpreter of nature says. I begin not to understand what he says: I seek an interpreter of Chrysippus.—Well, consider how this is said, just as if it were said in the Roman tongue.—What then is this superciliousness of the interpreter? There is no superciliousness which can justly be charged even to Chrysippus, if he only interprets the will of nature, but does not follow it himself; and much more is this so with his interpreter. For we have no need of Chrysippus for his own sake, but in order that we may understand nature. Nor do we need a diviner (sacrificer) on his own account, but because we think that through him we shall know the future and understand the signs given by the gods; nor do we need the viscera of animals for their own sake, but because through them signs are given; nor do we look with wonder on the crow or raven, but on God, who through them gives signs? I go then to the interpreter of these things and the sacrificer, and I say, Inspect the viscera for me, and tell me what signs they give. The man takes the viscera, opens them, and interprets: Man, he says, you have a will free by nature from hindrance and compulsion; this is written here in the viscera. I will show you this first in the matter of assent. Can any man hinder you from assenting to the truth? No man can. Can any man compel you to receive what is false? No man can. You see that in this matter you have the faculty of the will free from hindrance, free from compulsion, unimpeded. Well then, in the matter of desire and pursuit of an object, is it otherwise? And what can overcome pursuit except another pursuit? And what can overcome desire and aversion ( ἔκκλισιν ) except another desire and aversion? But, you object: If you place before me the fear of death, you do compel me. No, it is not what is placed before you that compels, but your opinion that it is better to do so and so than to die. In this matter then it is your opinion that compelled you: that is, will compelled will. For if God had made that part of himself, which he took from himself and gave to us, of such a nature as to be hindered or compelled either by himself or by another, he would not then be God nor would he be taking care of us as he ought. This, says the diviner, I find in the victims: these are the things which are signified to you. If you choose, you are free; if you choose, you will blame no one: you will charge no one. All will be at the same time according to your mind and the mind of God. For the sake of this divination I go to this diviner and to the philosopher, not admiring him for this interpretation, but admiring the things which he interprets.''. None |
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11. New Testament, Acts, 13.16 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aphrodisias
Found in books: Eckhardt (2019) 173; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 177
13.16. ἀναστὰς δὲ Παῦλος καὶ κατασείσας τῇ χειρὶ εἶπεν Ἄνδρες Ἰσραηλεῖται καὶ οἱ φοβούμενοι τὸν θεόν, ἀκούσατε.''. None | 13.16. Paul stood up, and beckoning with his hand said, "Men of Israel, and you who fear God, listen. ''. None |
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12. Tacitus, Annals, 3.60-3.63 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aphrodisias • Aphrodisias (Caria) • Aphrodisias (Caria), Basilica • Aphrodisias (Caria), Sebasteion • Aphrodisias (Caria), Theatre • Aphrodite of Aphrodisias • cult, of Aphrodite of Aphrodisias
Found in books: Borg (2008) 33, 38, 39; Dignas (2002) 294; Talbert (1984) 97; Williamson (2021) 252, 393
3.61. Primi omnium Ephesii adiere, memorantes non, ut vulgus crederet, Dianam atque Apollinem Delo genitos: esse apud se Cenchreum amnem, lucum Ortygiam, ubi Latonam partu gravidam et oleae, quae tum etiam maneat, adnisam edidisse ea numina, deorumque monitu sacratum nemus, atque ipsum illic Apollinem post interfectos Cyclopas Iovis iram vitavisse. mox Liberum patrem, bello victorem, supplicibus Amazonum quae aram insiderant ignovisse. auctam hinc concessu Herculis, cum Lydia poteretur, caerimoniam templo neque Persarum dicione deminutum ius; post Macedonas, dein nos servavisse. 3.62. Proximi hos Magnetes L. Scipionis et L. Sullae constitutis nitebantur, quorum ille Antiocho, hic Mithridate pulsis fidem atque virtutem Magnetum decoravere, uti Dianae Leucophrynae perfugium inviolabile foret. Aphrodisienses posthac et Stratonicenses dictatoris Caesaris ob vetusta in partis merita et recens divi Augusti decretum adtulere, laudati quod Parthorum inruptionem nihil mutata in populum Romanum constantia pertulissent. sed Aphrodisiensium civitas Veneris, Stratonicensium Iovis et Triviae religionem tuebantur. altius Hierocaesarienses exposuere, Persicam apud se Dianam, delubrum rege Cyro dicatum; et memorabantur Perpennae, Isaurici multaque alia imperatorum nomina qui non modo templo sed duobus milibus passuum eandem sanctitatem tribuerant. exim Cy- prii tribus de delubris, quorum vetustissimum Paphiae Veneri auctor Ae+rias, post filius eius Amathus Veneri Amathusiae et Iovi Salaminio Teucer, Telamonis patris ira profugus, posuissent. 3.63. Auditae aliarum quoque civitatium legationes. quorum copia fessi patres, et quia studiis certabatur, consulibus permisere ut perspecto iure, et si qua iniquitas involveretur, rem integram rursum ad senatum referrent. consules super eas civitates quas memoravi apud Pergamum Aesculapii compertum asylum rettulerunt: ceteros obscuris ob vetustatem initiis niti. nam Zmyrnaeos oraculum Apollinis, cuius imperio Stratonicidi Veneri templum dicaverint, Tenios eiusdem carmen referre, quo sacrare Neptuni effigiem aedemque iussi sint. propiora Sardianos: Alexandri victoris id donum. neque minus Milesios Dareo rege niti; set cultus numinum utrisque Dianam aut Apollinem venerandi. petere et Cretenses simulacro divi Augusti. factaque senatus consulta quis multo cum honore modus tamen praescribebatur, iussique ipsis in templis figere aera sacrandam ad memoriam, neu specie religionis in ambitionem delaberentur.' '. None | 3.60. \xa0Tiberius, however, while tightening his grasp on the solid power of the principate, vouchsafed to the senate a shadow of the past by submitting the claims of the provinces to the discussion of its members. For throughout the Greek cities there was a growing laxity, and impunity, in the creation of rights of asylum. The temples were filled with the dregs of the slave population; the same shelter was extended to the debtor against his creditor and to the man suspected of a capital offence; nor was any authority powerful enough to quell the factions of a race which protected human felony equally with divine worship. It was resolved, therefore, that the communities in question should send their charters and deputies to Rome. A\xa0few abandoned without a struggle the claims they had asserted without a title: many relied on hoary superstitions or on their services to the Roman nation. It was an impressive spectacle which that day afforded, when the senate scrutinized the benefactions of its predecessors, the constitutions of the provinces, even the decrees of kings whose power antedated the arms of Rome, and the rites of the deities themselves, with full liberty as of old to confirm or change. < 3.61. \xa0The Ephesians were the first to appear. "Apollo and Diana," they stated, "were not, as commonly supposed, born at Delos. In Ephesus there was a river Cenchrius, with a grove Ortygia; where Latona, heavy-wombed and supporting herself by an olive-tree which remained to that day, gave birth to the heavenly twins. The grove had been hallowed by divine injunction; and there Apollo himself, after slaying the Cyclopes, had evaded the anger of Jove. Afterwards Father Liber, victor in the war, had pardoned the suppliant Amazons who had seated themselves at the altar. Then the sanctity of the temple had been enhanced, with the permission of Hercules, while he held the crown of Lydia; its privileges had not been diminished under the Persian empire; later, they had been preserved by the Macedonians â\x80\x94 last by ourselves." < 3.62. \xa0The Magnesians, who followed, rested their case on the rulings of Lucius Scipio and Lucius Sulla, who, after their defeats of Antiochus and Mithridates respectively, had honoured the loyalty and courage of Magnesia by making the shrine of Leucophryne Diana an inviolable refuge. Next, Aphrodisias and Stratonicea adduced a decree of the dictator Julius in return for their early services to his cause, together with a modern rescript of the deified Augustus, who praised the unchanging fidelity to the Roman nation with which they had sustained the Parthian inroad. Aphrodisias, however, was championing the cult of Venus; Stratonicea, that of Jove and Diana of the Crossways. The statement of Hierocaesarea went deeper into the past: the community owned a Persian Diana with a temple dedicated in the reign of Cyrus; and there were references to Perpenna, Isauricus, and many other commanders who had allowed the same sanctity not only to the temple but to the neighbourhood for two miles round. The Cypriotes followed with an appeal for three shrines â\x80\x94 the oldest erected by their founder Aërias to the Paphian Venus; the second by his son Amathus to the Amathusian Venus; and a\xa0third by Teucer, exiled by the anger of his father Telamon, to Jove of Salamis. < 3.63. \xa0Deputations from other states were heard as well; till the Fathers, weary of the details, and disliking the acrimony of the discussion, empowered the consuls to investigate the titles, in search of any latent flaw, and to refer the entire question back to the senate. Their report was that â\x80\x94 apart from the communities I\xa0have already named â\x80\x94 they were satisfied there was a genuine sanctuary of Aesculapius at Pergamum; other claimants relied on pedigrees too ancient to be clear. "For Smyrna cited an oracle of Apollo, at whose command the town had dedicated a temple to Venus Stratonicis; Tenos, a prophecy from the same source, ordering the consecration of a statue and shrine to Neptune. Sardis touched more familiar ground with a grant from the victorious Alexander; Miletus had equal confidence in King Darius. With these two, however, the divine object of adoration was Diana in the one case, Apollo in the other. The Cretans, again, were claiming for an effigy of the deified Augustus." The senate, accordingly, passed a\xa0number of resolutions, scrupulously complimentary, but still imposing a limit; and the applicants were ordered to fix the brass records actually inside the temples, both as a solemn memorial and as a warning not to lapse into secular intrigue under the cloak of religion. <''. None |
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13. Tacitus, Histories, 2.3.1 (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aphrodisias
Found in books: Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 138; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 154
| 2.3.1. \xa0The founder of the temple, according to ancient tradition, was King Aerias. Some, however, say that this was the name of the goddess herself. A\xa0more recent tradition reports that the temple was consecrated by Cinyras, and that the goddess herself after she sprang from the sea, was wafted hither; but that the science and method of divination were imported from abroad by the Cilician Tamiras, and so it was agreed that the descendants of both Tamiras and Cinyras should preside over the sacred rites. It is also said that in a later time the foreigners gave up the craft that they had introduced, that the royal family might have some prerogative over foreign stock. Only a descendant of Cinyras is now consulted as priest. Such victims are accepted as the individual vows, but male ones are preferred. The greatest confidence is put in the entrails of kids. Blood may not be shed upon the altar, but offering is made only with prayers and pure fire. The altar is never wet by any rain, although it is in the open air. The representation of the goddess is not in human form, but it is a circular mass that is broader at the base and rises like a turning-post to a small circumference at the top. The reason for this is obscure.''. None |
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14. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 2nd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aphrodisias • Asclepiodotus of Aphrodisias
Found in books: Hahn Emmel and Gotter (2008) 259; Shannon-Henderson (2019) 154
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15. None, None, nan (1st cent. CE - 1st cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Chariton (of Aphrodisias) • Chariton of Aphrodisias, writer
Found in books: Marek (2019) 482; Pinheiro et al (2012a) 58
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16. Anon., The Acts of John, 31, 56, 73 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aphrodisias
Found in books: Bremmer (2017) 112; Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 147
| 31. Now when all the multitude was come together to Lycomedes, he dismissed them on John's behalf, saying: Tomorrow come ye to the theatre, as many as desire to see the power of God. And the multitude, on the morrow, while it was yet night, came to the theatre: so that the proconsul also heard of it and hasted and took his sent with all the people. And a certain praetor, Andromeus, who was the first of the Ephesians at that time, put it about that John had promised things impossible and incredible: But if, said he, he is able to do any such thing as I hear, let him come into the public theatre, when it is open, naked, and holding nothing in his hands, neither let him name that magical name which I have heard him utter."
73. And when we were at the place, at the commandment of the master, the doors were opened, and we saw by the tomb of Drusiana a beautiful youth, smiling: and John, when he saw him, cried out and said: Art thou come before us hither too, beautiful one? and for what cause? And we heard a voice saying to him: For Drusiana's sake, whom thou art to raise up-for I was within a little of finding her -and for his sake that lieth dead beside her tomb. And when the beautiful one had said this unto John he went up into the heavens in the sight of us all. And John, turning to the other side of the sepulchre, saw a young man-even Callimachus, one of the chief of the Ephesians-and a huge serpent sleeping upon him, and the steward of Andronicus, Fortunatus by name, lying dead. And at the sight of the two he stood perplexed, saying to the brethren: What meaneth such a sight? or wherefore hath not the Lord declared unto me what was done here, he who hath never neglected me?" "". None |
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17. Anon., Acts of John, 31, 56, 73 (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Aphrodisias
Found in books: Bremmer (2017) 112; Dignas Parker and Stroumsa (2013) 147
| 31. Now when all the multitude was come together to Lycomedes, he dismissed them on John's behalf, saying: Tomorrow come ye to the theatre, as many as desire to see the power of God. And the multitude, on the morrow, while it was yet night, came to the theatre: so that the proconsul also heard of it and hasted and took his sent with all the people. And a certain praetor, Andromeus, who was the first of the Ephesians at that time, put it about that John had promised things impossible and incredible: But if, said he, he is able to do any such thing as I hear, let him come into the public theatre, when it is open, naked, and holding nothing in his hands, neither let him name that magical name which I have heard him utter."
73. And when we were at the place, at the commandment of the master, the doors were opened, and we saw by the tomb of Drusiana a beautiful youth, smiling: and John, when he saw him, cried out and said: Art thou come before us hither too, beautiful one? and for what cause? And we heard a voice saying to him: For Drusiana's sake, whom thou art to raise up-for I was within a little of finding her -and for his sake that lieth dead beside her tomb. And when the beautiful one had said this unto John he went up into the heavens in the sight of us all. And John, turning to the other side of the sepulchre, saw a young man-even Callimachus, one of the chief of the Ephesians-and a huge serpent sleeping upon him, and the steward of Andronicus, Fortunatus by name, lying dead. And at the sight of the two he stood perplexed, saying to the brethren: What meaneth such a sight? or wherefore hath not the Lord declared unto me what was done here, he who hath never neglected me?" "". None |
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18. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Chariton (of Aphrodisias) • Chariton, of Aphrodisias, novelist,
Found in books: Bowersock (1997) 88; Pinheiro Bierl and Beck (2013) 30, 69; Pinheiro et al (2012a) 24
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19. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander of Aphrodisias • Alexander of Aphrodisias, Aristotelian, Emotions follow bodily states • Alexander of Aphrodisias, Aristotelian, Proairesis involved in all action that is upto us • Alexander of Aphrodisias, Aristotelian, Soul is a form and capacity, not a blend, or harmony, but supervenes on a blend • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on (rational) wish (βούλησις) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on assent (συγκατάθεσις) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on choice (προαίρεσις) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on desire (ὄρεξις) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on impulse (ὁρμή) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on intelligence (διάνοια) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on representation (φαντασία) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on what is up to us (ἐφ’ ἡμῖν) • Aristotle, Alexander of Aphrodisias and • assent (συγκατάθεσις), Alexander of Aphrodisias on • choice (αἵρεσις), Alexander of Aphrodisias on • intelligence (διάνοια), Alexander of Aphrodisias on • up to us/depending on us/in our power (ἐφ’ ἡμῖν), Alexander of Aphrodisias on • will (βούλησις, voluntas), Alexander of Aphrodisias on
Found in books: Brouwer (2013) 75; Brouwer and Vimercati (2020) 166, 168; Sorabji (2000) 261, 328
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20. None, None, nan (2nd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander of Aphrodisias • Alexander of Aphrodisias, • Alexander of Aphrodisias, Aristotelian, Proairesis involved in all action that is upto us • Alexander of Aphrodisias, and Aristotle • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on assent (συγκατάθεσις) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on contingency (τὸ ἐνδεχόμενον) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on deliberation (βούλευσις) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on intelligence (διάνοια) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on possibility (τὸ δυνατόν) • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on what is up to us (ἐφ’ ἡμῖν) • Aristotle, Alexander of Aphrodisias and • Possibility, possible (δυνατόν), Alexander of Aphrodisias • assent (συγκατάθεσις), Alexander of Aphrodisias on • contingency, contingent (ἐνδεχόμενον), Alexander of Aphrodisias on • intelligence (διάνοια), Alexander of Aphrodisias on • necessity ἀνάγκη, Alexander of Aphrodisias on • up to us/depending on us/in our power (ἐφ’ ἡμῖν), Alexander of Aphrodisias on
Found in books: Brouwer and Vimercati (2020) 142, 143, 144, 153, 154, 156; Corrigan and Rasimus (2013) 480; Frede and Laks (2001) 36; Sorabji (2000) 328, 332; Wilson (2018) 12; Xenophontos and Marmodoro (2021) 126
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21. Porphyry, Life of Plotinus, 14.10-14.13 (3rd cent. CE - 4th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander of Aphrodisias, Plotinus and • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on order in nature • Alexander of Aphrodisias, similarity to Plotinus • Plotinus, and Alexander of Aphrodisias
Found in books: Brouwer and Vimercati (2020) 235; Marmodoro and Prince (2015) 42
| 14.10. In style Plotinus is concise, dense with thought, terse, more lavish of ideas than of words, most often expressing himself with a fervid inspiration. He followed his own path rather than that of tradition, but in his writings both the Stoic and Peripatetic doctrines are sunk; Aristotle's Metaphysics, especially, is condensed in them, all but entire. He had a thorough theoretical knowledge of Geometry, Mechanics, Optics, and Music, though it was not in his temperament to go practically into these subjects. At the Conferences he used to have treatises by various authors read aloud--among the Platonists it might be Severus of Cronius, Numenius, Gaius, or Atticus; and among the Peripatetics Aspasius, Alexander, Adrastus, or some such writer, at the call of the moment. But it was far from his way to follow any of these authors blindly; he took a personal, original view, applying Ammonius' method to the investigation of every problem. He was quick to absorb; a few words sufficed him to make clear the significance of some profound theory and so to pass on. After hearing Longinus' work On Causes and his Antiquary, he remarked: 'Longinus is a man of letters, but in no sense a philosopher.' One day Origen came to the conference-room; Plotinus blushed deeply and was on the point of bringing his lecture to an end; when Origen begged him to continue, he said: 'The zest dies down when the speaker feels that his hearers have nothing to learn from him.' " "14.13. In style Plotinus is concise, dense with thought, terse, more lavish of ideas than of words, most often expressing himself with a fervid inspiration. He followed his own path rather than that of tradition, but in his writings both the Stoic and Peripatetic doctrines are sunk; Aristotle's Metaphysics, especially, is condensed in them, all but entire. He had a thorough theoretical knowledge of Geometry, Mechanics, Optics, and Music, though it was not in his temperament to go practically into these subjects. At the Conferences he used to have treatises by various authors read aloud--among the Platonists it might be Severus of Cronius, Numenius, Gaius, or Atticus; and among the Peripatetics Aspasius, Alexander, Adrastus, or some such writer, at the call of the moment. But it was far from his way to follow any of these authors blindly; he took a personal, original view, applying Ammonius' method to the investigation of every problem. He was quick to absorb; a few words sufficed him to make clear the significance of some profound theory and so to pass on. After hearing Longinus' work On Causes and his Antiquary, he remarked: 'Longinus is a man of letters, but in no sense a philosopher.' One day Origen came to the conference-room; Plotinus blushed deeply and was on the point of bringing his lecture to an end; when Origen begged him to continue, he said: 'The zest dies down when the speaker feels that his hearers have nothing to learn from him.' "". None |
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22. None, None, nan (3rd cent. CE - 3rd cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander of Aphrodisias • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on order in nature • Alexander of Aphrodisias, similarity to Plotinus
Found in books: Corrigan and Rasimus (2013) 479; Marmodoro and Prince (2015) 42
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23. Strabo, Geography, 2.3.8, 12.3.37
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander of Aphrodisias • Aphrodisias (Caria) • Aphrodisias in Caria, architecture, construction projects
Found in books: Borg (2008) 20; Bowen and Rochberg (2020) 80; Kazantzidis and Spatharas (2012) 206; Marek (2019) 405
| 2.3.8. First, then, the Ethiopians next Egypt are actually separated into two divisions; one part being in Asia, the other in Libya, otherwise there is no distinction between them. But it was not on this account that Homer divided the Ethiopians, nor yet because he was acquainted with the physical superiority of the Indians, (for it is not probable that Homer had the slightest idea of the Indians, since, according to the assertion of Eudoxus, Euergetes was both ignorant of India, and of the voyage thither,) but his division rather resulted from the cause we formerly mentioned. We have shown that as for the alteration of Crates, it makes no difference whether it be read so or not. Posidonius, however, says that it does make a difference, and would be better altered into towards the descending sun. But in what can this be said to differ from towards the west, since the whole section of the hemisphere west of the meridian is styled the west, not only the mere semicircle of the horizon. This is manifested by the following expression of Aratus, Where the extremities of the west and east blend together. Phaenom. v. 61. However, if the reading of Posidonius be preferable to that of Crates, any one may likewise claim for it a superiority over that of Aristarchus. So much for Posidonius. There are, however, many particulars relating to Geography, which we shall bring under discussion; others relating to Physics, which must be examined elsewhere, or altogether disregarded; for he is much too fond of imitating Aristotle's propensity for diving into causes, a subject which we Stoics scrupulously avoid, simply because of the extreme darkness in which all causes are enveloped." '
12.3.37. The whole of the country around is held by Pythodoris, to whom belong, not only Phanaroea, but also Zelitis and Megalopolitis. Concerning Phanaroea I have already spoken. As for Zelitis, it has a city Zela, fortified on a mound of Semiramis, with the sanctuary of Anaitis, who is also revered by the Armenians. Now the sacred rites performed here are characterized by greater sanctity; and it is here that all the people of Pontus make their oaths concerning their matters of greatest importance. The large number of temple-servants and the honors of the priests were, in the time of the kings, of the same type as I have stated before, but at the present time everything is in the power of Pythodoris. Many persons had abused and reduced both the multitude of temple-servants and the rest of the resources of the sanctuary. The adjacent territory, also, was reduced, having been divided into several domains — I mean Zelitis, as it is called (which has the city Zela on a mound); for in, early times the kings governed Zela, not as a city, but as a sacred precinct of the Persian gods, and the priest was the master of the whole thing. It was inhabited by the multitude of temple-servants, and by the priest, who had an abundance of resources; and the sacred territory as well as that of the priest was subject to him and his numerous attendants. Pompey added many provinces to the boundaries of Zelitis, and named Zela, as he did Megalopolis, a city, and he united the latter and Culupene and Camisene into one state; the latter two border on both Lesser Armenia and Laviansene, and they contain rock-salt, and also an ancient fortress called Camisa, now in ruins. The later Roman prefects assigned a portion of these two governments to the priests of Comana, a portion to the priest of Zela, and a portion to Ateporix, a dynast of the family of tetrarchs of Galatia; but now that Ateporix has died, this portion, which is not large, is subject to the Romans, being called a province (and this little state is a political organization of itself, the people having incorporated Carana into it, from which fact its country is called Caranitis), whereas the rest is held by Pythodoris and Dyteutus.'". None |
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24. None, None, nan (missingth cent. CE - 5th cent. CE)
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander of Aphrodisias • Alexander of Aphrodisias, importance of for Simplicius
Found in books: Erler et al (2021) 173; Marmodoro and Prince (2015) 122
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25. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Aphrodisias
Found in books: Eckhardt (2019) 173; Price Finkelberg and Shahar (2021) 177; Van der Horst (2014) 149, 150, 151
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26. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Alexander of Aphrodisias • Alexander of Aphrodisias, on what is up to us (ἐφ’ ἡμῖν) • up to us/depending on us/in our power (ἐφ’ ἡμῖν), Alexander of Aphrodisias on
Found in books: Brouwer and Vimercati (2020) 153; Frede and Laks (2001) 30
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27. None, None, nan
Tagged with subjects: • Aphrodisias • Aphrodite, sacred pigeons (Aphrodisias)
Found in books: Hitch (2017) 74; Lupu(2005) 29
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